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 BEING A COMPANION VOLUME TO 
 
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 EDITED WITH NOTES 
 
 M/*h by 
 
 R. C. JEBB, Litt.D., Ca mb ., M ^ 
 
 PROFESSOR OF &REEK IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, 
 
 Hontfon: 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK. 
 
 1888 
 
 [All Rights reserved .] 
 
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 PREFACE. 
 
 In the Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeus I 
 
 _ 
 
 deavoured to trace historically the development ot 
 dc prose, and also to assist a special study of the 
 itors before Demosthenes 1 . The favourable recep- 
 on of that attempt encouraged the design of a 
 companion volume, which should give in a compact 
 form a series of the most characteristic and interesting 
 passages from these orators, with a commentary adapt¬ 
 ed to the requirements of students at the Universities 
 or in the higher forms of Public Schools. It was the 
 opinion of competent judges that such an anthology of 
 Attic prose from Thucydides to Demosthenes might 
 prove not unwelcome to readers who desired to enlarge 
 their survey of the great classical literature, and to 
 teachers who wished to vary the routine of authors 
 commonly read in the school-course. Few Greek 
 
 1 I desire to offer my thanks to the critics in this and other 
 countries to whom my book has been indebted for cordial 
 welcome or for candid criticism; among others, to my German 
 reviewer in Bursian’s Jahresbericht , Professor F. Blass (1877, 
 Yol. ix., pp. 249 f.: £ % j 
 
 — r 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 authors of the best age are more helpful than the 
 orators if we desire to see the old Greeks as they 
 lived and moved, to enter into the spirit of their daily 
 actions and thoughts : few, again, present more vivid 
 or instructive pictures of Greek society in its larger 
 political aspects. 
 
 The principles which have guided the selection 
 have been chiefly two :—1. to choose passages from 
 each author which, taken together, should interpret 
 as completely as possible his part in the general 
 evolution of Attic prose style: 2. to take care that 
 these passages should also possess intrinsic interest as 
 illustrations of Greek thought, politics, or manners. 
 
 For the first of these two objects it was essential 
 that each author should be represented by several 
 extracts rather than by a single whole work, in cases 
 where the latter must have excluded too much of the 
 former. Thus, if the speech of Lysias Against Era¬ 
 tosthenes had been given entire, it would have been 
 necessary to omit many specimens of his work in a 
 different kind, without which his compass of power 
 and his place in the development would have been 
 imperfectly understood. For my purpose, the unity 
 of the piece necessarily yielded to the unity of the 
 series. At the same time, wherever it was practic¬ 
 able, I have given a composition as a whole. Thus, 
 among the works of Lysias, the speeches For Manti- 
 theus and Against Paneleon stand entire; the Olym- 
 piacus and the Plea for the Constitution appear in 
 such integrity as they now possess. So, again, does 
 the essay of Isocrates Against the Sophists. With 
 the exception of a few lines,—devoid of interest save 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 ιχ 
 
 for those who resent expurgation,—the best oration 
 of Isaeus, the eighth, is given in full. The present 
 work is intended to be strictly what it is called, a 
 companion volume to the Attic Orators , in which all 
 the writings of each orator have been analysed and 
 discussed. Care has been taken to indicate, in an 
 introductory note, the scope of each speech as a 
 whole, as well as the bearing of the selected passage : 
 and, on reference to the Attic Orators , an analysis of 
 the whole will be found. The selection has cost some 
 time and labour. The volume contains thirty-seven 
 extracts, representing thirty-three works. Hardly 
 one of these was admitted until it had been carefully 
 compared with other passages of which the claims 
 seemed nearly equal, or in some particular respect, 
 perhaps, superior. Only those who have essayed a 
 similar task can easily understand the number and 
 variety of considerations which had to be balanced 
 before a final list could be arranged. It would 
 perhaps be too much to expect that the choice thus 
 
 <P 
 
 made should in every case obtain approval; I can 
 only plead that, in deciding these often nice points, I 
 have acted as the Athenian juror’s oath bound him to 
 act,— γνώ/Λ# τ rj apiary : that is, not necessarily with 
 good judgment, but with the best which I was able to 
 form. 
 
 It must suffice merely to touch here on a subject 
 which I have elsewhere sought to illustrate more 
 fully 1 —the reason why Attic oratory has a claim on 
 students of Greek literature different in degree from 
 that which English oratory (for example) has upon 
 
 1 Attic Orators, Yol. i. p. 79. 
 
 J. 
 
 b 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 students of English literature. The distinguishing 
 characteristic of the best Greek literature is its 
 constant and intimate relation with living speech. 
 In following the course of Attic oratory we are at the 
 same time tracing the main current of influence which 
 moulded Greek literary prose. And Greek prose, 
 whether spoken or written, has one kind of signi¬ 
 ficance for the student of all literature which does 
 not belong in the same measure to Greek poetry. 
 This has been well expressed by Professor Nettleship. 
 ‘The influence of Greek poetry is perhaps, in its 
 larger effects, more traceable in the spirit than in the 
 form of the most important modern works of the 
 same order, for the delicate musical effects of metre 
 pass away with the life of the language in which they 
 are born. But the broader and simpler harmonies of 
 prose-rhythm are not so easily lost, and these, as first 
 appreciated and elaborated by the Greeks, must live 
 in the ears of men so long as they continue to speak 
 or write prose with any sense of beauty. There is a 
 more obvious affinity between Demosthenes and Burke 
 than between Aeschylus and Goethe 1 .’ 
 
 Turning from the form of Greek oratory to the 
 subject-matter, we find Greek politics made more real 
 and Greek society more animated. Politics become 
 practical and personal; social life is seen in aspects 
 which are no longer merely domestic. It would be a 
 pity to regard these glimpses merely as peeps into a 
 mine of possible examination-questions. Those who 
 know this province of Greek literature only through 
 the medium of references in such valuable works as 
 1 Macmillan’s Magazine , November, 1876. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xi 
 
 Becker’s Charicles might be pardoned for supposing 
 that the world of the Attic orators was peopled by 
 beings who existed solely in the interest of unborn 
 archaeologists. Dinners, kottabos, marriages, funerals, 
 and striking emergencies of the wardrobe succeed 
 each other with a disregard of the probable as placid 
 and as complete as if the instructive lives of the 
 personages had been prearranged by a Board of 
 Studies. But when we read the orators themselves 
 we see that there is another and a very different sense 
 in which they illuminate the life of ancient Greece. 
 In one of the forensic orations of Isaeus the speaker 
 observes, with much warmth, that his adversary has 
 never possessed a horse worth more than twelve 
 pounds. This certainly discloses the fact that a horse 
 of such price was not in the Athens of that day 
 considered a valuable horse. But that is scarcely the 
 point. It leads one to ask how a speaker in a law- 
 court could have expected this to be a telling reproach. 
 How must the relation of the private citizen to the 
 city have been conceived, if abstinence from the 
 private display of wealth could be regarded as imply¬ 
 ing a want of public spirit 1 The facts of ancient life 
 ure dead unless the imagination is exercised in seizing 
 the social tone which is suggested by their relation to 
 
 v 
 
 each other. 
 
 The credibility of the Attic orators as sources for 
 history has sometimes been treated as if it were a 
 question concerning the solvency of a corporation. 
 It would else have been unnecessary to observe that 
 each orator must be considered separately. The his¬ 
 tory which Antiphon and Isaeus illustrate is rather 
 
 b 2 
 
Xll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 social than political. Antiphon was chiefly concerned 
 with the court of the Areiopagus, or with courts 
 which reflected something of its spirit; and the 
 Areiopagus, as Aristotle tells us, was exceptional 
 among Greek tribunals in prohibiting the introduction 
 of topics not strictly relevant. Thus historical digres¬ 
 sions were precluded. Isaeus, again, was engrossed 
 in argument on the details of private relationships. 
 But Andocides, Lysias, and Isocrates are all, directly 
 or indirectly, political historians. Andocides sheds 
 much vivid light on Athenian affairs in the panic of 
 415 b.c.,— in the revolutionary crisis of 411, — and in 
 that crisis of the Corinthian War which belongs to 
 390 B.c. His references to earlier history are usually 
 inexact ; a circumstance which need not surprise us, 
 when we remember the pains which Thucydides takes 
 to correct the erroneous beliefs, popularly current 
 at Athens in his own day, regarding one of the most 
 famous and most impressive events in Athenian 
 history,—an event which was then hardly three 
 generations old—the assassination of Hipparchus. 
 Lysias stands beside Xenophon as our chief contem¬ 
 porary authority for the period which immediately 
 followed the close of the Peloponnesian War,—the 
 reign of the Thirty Tyrants, the restoration of the 
 Athenian Democracy, and its life during the earlier 
 years of the Spartan domination. Isocrates gives us 
 striking pictures of Greece at three successive mo¬ 
 ments ;—in 380 b.c., when the Spartan supremacy 
 had now produced its worst effects ; in 355, towards 
 the end of the Social War, when the Athenian visions 
 of empire had now for the second time been shattered ; 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 and in 346, when Philip of Macedon had just won his 
 way within the circle of the Greek States, and when 
 the cause of Greek independence was entering on the 
 last stage of decline. If Isocrates is not always 
 accurate in reference to events of the preceding 
 century, his illustrations of contemporary history, 
 both political and social, are of the highest value 
 and the most varied interest. 
 
 A prefatory note on the style of each orator will 
 be found in the commentary. This note aims at 
 marking the place of each in the series of writers by 
 whom Attic prose was developed. The thread which 
 runs through the series has been traced elsewhere. 
 A few words may be repeated here:—‘Two principal 
 tendencies appear in the beginning of Attic oratory. 
 One of them sets out from the forensic rhetoric of 
 Sicily, in combination with the popular dialectic of 
 the sophists, and is but slightly affected by Gorgias. 
 It is represented by the writers of the “ austere ” 
 style, of whom Antiphon and Thucydides are the 
 chief. From Thucydides to Demosthenes this man¬ 
 ner is in abeyance, partly because it is itself unsuited 
 to forensic purposes, partly because its grave emphasis 
 has come to seem archaic. The second tendency is 
 purely Gorgian, and, after having had several obscure 
 representatives, is taken up by Isocrates, who gives 
 to it a corrected, a complete, and a permanent form. 
 From a compromise between this second tendency 
 and the idiom of daily life arises the “ plain ” style of 
 Lysias. The transition from Lysias to a strenuous 
 political oratory is marked by Isaeus. Then comes 
 the matured political oratory, giving new combina- 
 
XIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 tions to types already developed, and, in its greatest 
 representative, uniting them all 1 .’ 
 
 In reading these selections that thread should be 
 firmly held. The student should remember that he 
 is not merely reading samples from a number of 
 writers who were all in some sense ‘orators.’ He is 
 also following successive steps in the process by which 
 a language of most elastic resource was gradually 
 adapted to a certain set of purposes. Though De¬ 
 mosthenes is said to have been a devoted student 
 of Thucydides, everyone can feel that the prose of 
 Thucydides is something very unlike the prose of 
 Demosthenes. If the intervening representatives of 
 normal style are not read, a gap remains. Xenophon 
 is too little of a conscious artist to help us much; the 
 literary genius of Plato is too individual. The works 
 of the orators from Antiphon to Isaeus form the 
 bridge by which the gulf is spanned. 
 
 Each of the five has his distinctive interest. That 
 of Antiphon depends less on the intrinsic quality of 
 his work than on its character as the monument of 
 an early and singular stage in the prose literature. 
 The able historian and critic who discussed my book 
 in the Edinburgh Review —and to whom my acknow¬ 
 ledgments are due for his invariable fairness and 
 courtesy—was disposed to think that the oratorical 
 influence of Antiphon has been overrated 2 . It is 
 possible; we can seldom gauge with precision the 
 effect which a Greek orator produced on his average 
 Greek hearer; though Thucydides, at least, certainly 
 
 1 Attic Orators , Yol. n. p. 419. 
 
 2 Edinburgh Review , No. 298, April, 1877. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 χγ 
 
 regarded Antiphon as a very powerful speaker; and 
 modern writers, including Grote and Curtius, have 
 inferred that eloquence was, as Thucydides implies, 
 the main source of Antiphon’s ascendency. We can 
 at any rate see that Antiphon represents a well- 
 marked phase of language and style. In another 
 place I have endeavoured to show how far Antiphon 
 and Thucydides may be compared or contrasted as 
 disciples of a common school 1 . 
 
 Andocides, who may be considered, relatively to 
 the artists of oratory, as a brilliant amateur, is for 
 that very reason a valuable element. We, with our 
 prejudice against the confession that oratory has a 
 technical side—a prejudice, which is probably less 
 strong in America and France than it is in England 
 —are too apt to think of Greek Rhetoric as a machine 
 which affected to produce uniform results independ¬ 
 ently of natural aptitudes. Now this is just what 
 the best Greek Rhetoric strenuously repudiated 2 . 
 Again and again Isocrates repeats that natural 
 faculty is the first condition of success, and that, 
 without it, training and practice can do compara¬ 
 tively little. Undoubtedly a Greek audience not 
 only recognized but usually expected careful pre¬ 
 meditation by the speaker on every important 
 occasion. Several years ago an eminent person, 
 being President of the British Association, was 
 called upon to deliver the opening address; he rose, 
 
 1 Hellenica, edited by Evelyn Abbott, M.A., LL.D., pp. 
 307 f. 
 
 2 This point was well brought out by my reviewer in the 
 New York Nation. 
 
XVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 and offered a series of observations on the weather, 
 the crops, the embarrassment of public speaking, and 
 the diffusion of knowledge among the masses. The 
 feelings of the British Association at that moment 
 probably resembled those with which an Athenian 
 audience would have received utterances which, 
 however pleasing in themselves, indicated that art 
 had not brought the requisite assistance to nature. 
 Andocides is peculiarly interesting as reminding us, 
 on the other hand, that, even with an Athenian 
 audience, a natural gift could succeed, though aided 
 only by slender art. 
 
 Lysias, the canon of Attic grace, brings before us,— 
 more clearly, perhaps, than any of the rest,—one es¬ 
 sential difference between ancient and modern oratory 
 in regard to their available instruments. The Creek 
 orator produces his effect mainly by the collocation 
 and rhythm of words used in their proper sense. 
 When, however, he desires to employ metaphor or 
 other verbal ornament, the freshness of the language 
 makes it easy to do so. Nothing is stale as yet. 
 But our language is so full of worn-out metaphors 
 that it is difficult to find imagery which shall be 
 neither trite nor extravagant. It is no longer striking 
 to speak of a ‘concourse,’ or to say that a nation 
 ‘cries out’; yet these metaphors, and many others 
 like them, will be found in Aristotle’s Rhetoric 
 among examples of impressive ornament. It is to 
 be regretted, I think, that Lysias has lost his old 
 place in our schools; and I should rejoice if the 
 specimens given here should in any degree contribute 
 to his restoration. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XVII 
 
 Isocrates may with peculiar advantage be read in 
 selections. His frequent prolixity arises chiefly from 
 two causes—much preamble and much repetition. 
 In most of his longer works—the Panegyricus , with 
 its artistic unity, is an exception—there is what may 
 be called a nucleus, consisting sometimes of one 
 passage, sometimes of several, generally in the 
 central or the latter part of the work. The account 
 of his ‘ philosophy,’ which I have extracted from the 
 Antidosis , is a case in point. Isocrates has a direct 
 interest for modern literature as the founder of that 
 style which, especially through the prose of Cicero, 
 has exercised so large an influence on Europe. He 
 has also a peculiar interest in relation to the history 
 of Greece. Belonging, as he does, to the latter days 
 of the old Hellas, and in feeling a genuine Hellene, 
 he can yet conceive of Hellenic culture as shared by 
 men not of Hellenic blood; and he is thus, as Professor 
 Ernst Curtius has so well brought out 1 , a literary 
 forerunner of Hellenism. 
 
 Sir Henry Maine has taught so many readers to 
 feel some interest in the early history of testamentary 
 law that Isaeus will not be thought unworthy of study 
 merely because he is concerned with cases of inheri¬ 
 tance. The Attic law, which Isaeus illustrates, marks 
 the transition from the purely religious phase of 
 adoption to a phase in which it is still, indeed, 
 connected with religion, but also appears as the germ 
 of a true testamentary power. And there is scarcely 
 
 1 Curtius, History of Greece , v. 116, 204. See the striking 
 passages of Isocrates, Panegyr. § 50: Attic Orators , Vol. n. 
 
 p. 16. 
 
XV111 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 any Greek writer who so much helps us to understand 
 the meaning which the old Greeks attached to the 
 family. The light which he gives is not merely on 
 scenic detail, but also on those relations of the actors 
 which touch the springs of social life. These attributes 
 might well entitle Isaeus to attention, even if his place 
 in the series of Attic prose-writers was not rendered 
 peculiarly interesting by his immediate connection 
 with Demosthenes. 
 
 The Armais prefixed to the first volume of the 
 Attic Orators will, I trust, be found useful by those 
 who may wish to see the political and literary chro¬ 
 nology of the whole period in a comprehensive form. 
 A list of editions, commentaries, and subsidia will 
 be found in the same place. 
 
 The indexes, which I have prepared myself, are 
 on a scale which will make it easy to find any 
 noticeable word or matter which the volume con¬ 
 tains. On points of syntax the references are to 
 Professor Goodwin’s Greek Moods and Tenses. 
 
 In revising the work for the present edition, I 
 have profited by several valuable criticisms which the 
 first edition received. The commentary stands, as 
 before, at the end of the book, while the critical notes, 
 which formerly preceded the Greek text, are now 
 printed below it. 
 
 The College, Glasgow, 
 
 October, 1888. 
 
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 CONTENTS. 
 
 ANTIPHON. 
 
 I. Second Tetralogy, first speech for the 
 
 DEFENCE. 
 
 A youth, practising with the javelin at a gymna¬ 
 sium, has accidentally killed a boy. The youth’s 
 father defends him against the charge of homicide . 1 
 
 II. Third Tetralogy, first speech for the 
 prosecution, §§ 1—7. 
 
 The religious view of homicide as a public 
 pollution.6 
 
 III. On the Murder of Herodes (417 b.c.). 
 
 1. §§ 1—30. Narrative of the disappearance of 
 
 Herodes.8 
 
 2. §§ 81— 96. Peroration: the silent testimony 
 
 of the God: dangers of a hasty verdict . . .18 
 
 IV. On the Choreutes, §§ 11—15 (About 412 b.c.). 
 
 The duties of an Athenian choregus ... 25 
 
XX 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ANDOCIDES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. On His Return, §§ 10— 16 (410 b.c.). 
 
 His services to the army at Samos in 411 b.c. A 
 scene at Athens during the Revolution of the Four 
 Hundred.28 
 
 II. On the Mysteries (399 b.c.). 
 
 1. §§ 34—45. Nocturnal mutilation of the 
 
 Hermae at Athens by unknown conspirators (415 
 b.c.). Story of Diocleides. The panic ... 31 
 
 2. §§ 48—69. A scene in prison. Andocides 
 
 resolves to give evidence. His story ... 36 
 
 III. On the Peace with Lacedaemon, §§ 28—41 
 (390 b.c.). 
 
 The alliance of Sparta preferable to that of 
 Argos. Instances in which Athens has suffered by 
 choosing the wrong side. Character of the Athenian 
 Demos. The Athenian Empire—lessons of its rise 
 and fall.43 
 
 LYSIAS. 
 
 I. Olympiacus (388 b.c.). 
 
 The spirit of the festival at Olympia; it is a 
 pledge of Hellenic unity. Greeks must put aside 
 their jealousies, and unite against the two foes of 
 Greece—the King of Persia and the despot of Sicily . 49 
 
 II. A Plea for the Athenian Constitution 
 (403 b.c.). 
 
 On a proposal to limit the franchise to land- 
 owners. The hopes of Athens—now stripped of 
 empire—depend on maintaining the Democracy 
 against oligarchic dictation from Sparta ... 52 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 III. For Mantitheus (About 392 b.c.). 
 
 A young Athenian—defending himself against 
 the charge of having served as a knight under the 
 Thirty Tyrants—gives some details of his private 
 life, and of his recent campaigns .... 56 
 
 IV. For the Invalid, §§ 10—14 (After 403 b.c.). 
 
 A cripple is defending his own claim to receive 
 alms from the State ; here he answers the objection 
 that he is able to ride.62 
 
 V. Against Eratosthenes (403 b.c.). 
 
 1. §§ 1—36. Narrative. The Thirty Tyrants 
 
 resolve to plunder the resident aliens. Narrow escape 
 of Lysias. His brother Polemarchus receives the 
 order to drink the hemlock. Eratosthenes cross- 
 examined: comments.66 
 
 2. §§ 92—100. Peroration: twofold appeal to 
 
 the adherents and to the opponents of the Thirty 
 Tyrants. The character of that Tyranny . . 74 
 
 VI. Against Agoratus, §§ 5—48 (About 399 b.c.). 
 
 Narrative. Affairs at Athens just after the great 
 defeat at Aegospotami (405 b.c.). Theramenes sent 
 to arrange a peace with Sparta. The terms. The 
 oligarchs plot to remove their opponents. Agoratus, 
 their instrument, denounces certain persons, who 
 are executed. A scene in prison. The reign of 
 terror . ..78 
 
 VII. On the Sacred Olive, §§ 17—25 (Not before 
 395 b.c.). 
 
 The speaker defends himself against the charge 
 of having uprooted a sacred olive ( maria) on a farm 
 which he rented.90 
 
 — 
 
XXII 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 VIII. Against Theomnestus, §§ 6—20 (384 or 3 b.c.). 
 
 Theomnestus, accused of libel, pleaded that he 
 
 had not used the phrase forbidden by the law: the 
 speaker, replying, gives examples of old Attic words 
 or phrases, found in laws, but no longer current in 
 the same sense. 
 
 IX. Against Pancleon (Prob. about 380 b.c.). 
 
 Plataeans at Athens had the legal status of 
 citizens. Pancleon, a fuller at Athens, had claimed 
 to be a Plataean: the speech is to show that he is 
 not such, but an alien. . . 
 
 ISOCRATES. 
 
 I. Nicocles, or the Cyprians, §§ 14—22 (Prob. 
 between 372 and 365 b.c.). 
 
 Nicocles, the Greek King of Salamis in Cyprus, 
 is addressing his subjects. In this passage he argues 
 for Monarchy as preferable to Oligarchy or Demo¬ 
 cracy .......... 
 
 II. Encomium on Helen, §§ 54—58 (About 370 b.c.). 
 
 The praise of beauty .. 
 
 III. Evagoras, §§ 47—50 (About 365 b.c.). 
 
 The contrast between Phoenician and Hellenic 
 rule in Cyprus, after Evagoras, father of Nicocles, 
 became King of Salamis. 
 
 IV. Against the Sophists (391 or 390 b.c.). 
 
 Isocrates, early in his career, criticizes three 
 classes of teachers from whose methods and aims he 
 desires that his own may be distinguished 
 
 V. On the Antidosis, §§ 270—302 (353 b.c.). 
 
 His account of his own ‘philosophy,’ or theory of 
 culture, and the grounds upon which he rests its 
 claims. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 92 
 
 97 
 
 102 
 
 107 
 
 108 
 
 110 
 
 117 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XXlll 
 
 VI. Panegyricus, §§ 160—186 (380 b.c.). 
 
 Reasons which make the moment favourable for 
 an invasion of Asia by united Greece. Condition of 
 Persia and of Greece. The Peace of Antalcidas 
 criticized. Summary. 
 
 VII. Philippus, §§ 81—104 (346 b.c.). 
 
 Philip of Macedon is urged to lead a Greek expe¬ 
 dition against Persia. Policy of Agesilaus. Cyrus 
 the Younger and the Ten Thousand. Ease of raising 
 a Greek army. Artaxerxes Ochus—his embarrass¬ 
 ments. The word ‘Liberty’ is the true spell for Asia 
 
 VIII. Plataicus, §§'56—63 (373 b.c.). 
 
 A Plataean, pleading before the Athenian Ecclesia 
 for help against Thebes, thus perorates . 
 
 IX. On the Peace, §§ 121—131 (355 b.c.). 
 
 The party of war and ‘ empire ’—results to Athens 
 of their policy. Pericles contrasted with subsequent 
 leaders of the people ...... 
 
 X. Archidamus, §§ 52—57 (366 b.c.). 
 
 Archidamus III., son of Agesilaus, speaks at Sparta 
 against a proposal to recognize the independence of 
 Messene, lately restored by Epameinondas 
 
 XI. Areopagiticus, §§ 36—55 (355 b.c.). 
 
 A plea for restoring general functions of moral 
 censorship to the Council of the Areiopagus. The 
 contrast between the Old Democracy and the New . 
 
 XII. Aegineticus, §§ 18—27 (394 or 393 b.c.). 
 
 A forensic speech, for a case tried in Aegina. 
 The narrative—a story of life in the islands of the 
 Aegean . 
 
 PAGE 
 
 127 
 
 136 
 
 143 
 
 146 
 
 149 
 
 151 
 
 158 
 
XX1Y 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XIII. To Alexander (342 b.c.). 
 
 A letter from Isocrates to Alexander the Great— 
 then a boy of fourteen, just beginning his studies 
 with Aristotle.161 
 
 XIY. To Philip (338 b.c.). 
 
 A letter from Isocrates to Philip of Macedon— 
 written probably after the conclusion of that peace 
 between Philip and Athens which ensued on the 
 battle of Chaeroneia.163 
 
 ISAEUS. 
 
 I. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes (390 b.c.). 
 
 1. §§ 7—24. Conduct of Dicaeogenes to his 
 
 relatives. Action for perjury. Mortgage. Purchase 
 with a bad title. Action for ejectment . . . 166 
 
 2. §§39—47. Conclusion. The tests of ‘ public 
 spirit.’ Dicaeogenes contrasted with his ancestors. 
 
 His descent from Harmodius and Aristogeiton must 
 
 not avail him.174 
 
 II. On the Estate of Hagnias, §§ 1 — 19 (359 b.c.). 
 
 Attic law of succession. A thrice-contested in¬ 
 heritance .177 
 
 III. On the Estate of Ciron, §§ 1—42 (About 
 375 b.c.). 
 
 Attic usages regarding betrothal, marriage, and 
 dowry. Torture as a test of truth. A family festival 
 in the country. Worship of household gods. A 
 bride introduced to her husband’s clan: a compli¬ 
 ment paid to her by the women of her deme. Law 
 dealing with breaches of natural piety. Funeral 
 
 customs.185 
 
 Notes.201 
 
 Index I., Greek. 407 
 
 Index II., Matters. 425 
 
ΑΝΤΙΦΩΝ, 
 
 I. ΤΕΤΡΑΛΟΓΙΑ Β. Β. 
 
 ΑΠΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΦΟΝΟΥ ΑΚΟΥΣΙΟΥ. 
 
 ANTIPHON. 
 
 Α= the codex Crippsianus, or Burneianus 95, now in the 
 British Museum, said to be of the 13th century: iV=Oxonien- 
 sis, saec. 13 or 14. These, the two best, are closely connected. 
 Sauppe, who with Spengel and others gives the palm to A, 
 thinks that N was copied from A before the latter had been 
 corrected, and that the points in which N is superior are due 
 to the conjectures of its learned scribe. The Teubner editor 
 argues against this view, and sums up the relative merits of 
 the two mss. by saying that, if we had N and the others except 
 A, we should lack the true reading in some twelve places ; if A 
 and the others except N, in some ninety. But neither A nor N 
 wholly supersedes other mss. B = Laurentianus, saec. 15: 
 L = Marcianus, saec. 14: iT^Vratislaviensis, saec. 14: M— 
 Burneianus, saec. 15. 
 
 Turr. (Turicenses) = Baiter and Sauppe’s edition : Bl. =the 
 Teubner text edited by F. Blass: Bk. = Immanuel Bekker’s 
 Berlin edition. 
 
 I. § 1. < καταστηναί > ] supplied by Reiske, and printed 
 
 in brackets by Turr. Bl. || The mss. have τολμάν τά re άλλα 
 παρά φύσι,ν \tyeiv καί δράν : and so Bk. Bl. With this reading, 
 
 J. 
 
 1 
 
9 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ήκιστα τοιοΰτος ών και βουΧόμένος είναι, el μη ποΧΰ 
 γε εψευσμαι, ΰπ αυτής της συμφοράς ηναγκάσθην 
 παρά τον άΧΧον τρόπον υπέρ πραγμάτων άποΧο- 
 γεΐσθαι, ων εγώ χαΧεπώς μεν την ακρίβειαν εγνων, 
 ετι Be άπορωτερως Βιάκειμαι όπως χρή υμιν όρμη- 
 νευσαι ταΰτα. υπό Be σκΧηράς ανάγκης βια- 
 ζόμενος, και αυτός εις τον υμετερον εΧεον, ώ άνΒρες 
 Βικασταί , καταπεφευγώς Βεομαι υμών , εάν άκρι- 
 βεστερον η ώς σύνηθες υμιν Βόξω είπει'ν, μη Βιά τάς 
 προειρημένας τΰχας <ηττον τι> άποΒεζαμενους 
 μου την άπόΧογίαν Βόξιη και μη άΧηθεία την 
 κρίσιν ποιησασθαι' η μεν γάρ Βόζα των πραχ- 
 Θεντων προς των Χεγειν Βυναμενων εστίν, ή Be 
 αΧηθεια προς των Βίκαια καί όσια πραττόντων. 
 
 ΈΒόκουν μεν οΰν εγωγε ταΰτα παιΒεΰων τον 
 υιόν εξ ών μαΧιστα τό κοινόν ώφεΧεΐται άμφοΐν τι 
 ημΐν αγαθόν άποβησεσθαι' συμβεβηκε Be μοι 
 ποΧυ παρά γνώμην τούτων, τό γάρ μειράκιον 
 ούχ ΰβρει ουδβ άκοΧασία, αΧΧά μεΧετών μετά των 
 
 we have our choice between two versions: (1) ‘force peaceable 
 men to be audacious {τολμάν), and (re) in other respects to 
 speak and act,’ etc. Here the absolute use of τολμάν is ob¬ 
 jectionable, and the re is most awkward, tc having occurred 
 twice before in the sentence. (2) ‘make peaceable men dare 
 both (re) in other matters to speak, etc., and ( καί ) to act,’— 
 λέγβιν and δράν both depending on τολμάν. This is intolerable. 
 I feel sure, then, that Turr. are right in supplying, with Sauppe, 
 καί before παρά φύσιν : ‘ force peaceable men both (re) to venture 
 on other steps, and ( καί ) to speak and act,’ etc. For τολμάν τά 
 re άλλα instead of τά re ά'λλα τολμάν, see comment. [| διτως 
 χρη] δπως Bl., on his own conjecture: vulg. u>s χρη. § 2 . διά 
 τάς προειρημένας τύχας ] Bl. reads, on his own conject., ϊσα rats 
 προειρημέναν τύχαις. It is more probable that ηττόν τι (or an 
 equivalent) should be supplied before άποδεζα μένους: unless, 
 indeed, the latter has supplanted a word of opposite meaning, 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 3 
 
 ήλίκων άκοντίζειν εν τώ γυμνασίω εβαλε μεν, ουκ 
 άπεκτεινε 8k ού8ενα κατά γε την αλήθευαν ών 
 ειτραξεν, άλλου δ’ εις αυτόν άμαρτόντος εις ακου¬ 
 σίους αίτιας ήλθεν. εί μεν γάρ το άκόντιον εξω 
 των ορών τής αυτοί) πορείας επί τον παΐ8α εξενεχ- 
 θεν ετρωσεν αυτόν, ού8είς <άν> ήμΐν λόγος υπελεί- 
 πετο μή φονεΰσιν είναι' του 8ε ί ται8ός υπό τήν του 4 
 ακοντίου φοράν ύπο8ραμόντος καί τό σώμα προσ- 
 τήσαντος, <ό μεν £κωλύθη> του σκοποί) τυχεϊν, 
 ό 8ε υπό τό άκόντιον υπελθών εβλήθη, και τήν 
 αιτίαν ούχ ήμετεραν οΰσαν προσεβαλεν ήμΐν. 8ιά 5 
 8k τήν υπο8ρομήν βληθεντος του παι8ός τό μεν 
 μειράκιον οΰ 8ικαίως επικαλείται, ού8ενα γάρ 
 εβαλε των από του σκοπού άφεστώτων' ό 8ε παΐς 
 εϊπερ εστώς φανερός ύμΐν εστί μή βληθείς, εκου- 
 σίως υπό τήν φοράν του ακοντίου υπελθών ετι 
 σαφεστερως 8ηλουται 8ιά τήν αυτοί) αμαρτίαν 
 άποθανών' ου γάρ άν εβλήθη άτρεμίζων καί μή 
 8ιατρεχων. 
 
 Ακουσίου 8ε του φόνου εξ άμφοΐν ύμΐν όμο- G 
 λογουμενου γενεσθαι, εκ τής αμαρτίας, όποτερου 
 αυτών εστίν, ετι γε σαφεστερον άν ό φονεύς 
 ελεγχθείη. οΐ τε γάρ άμαρτάνοντες ών άν επι- 
 
 such as άττοδοκιμάσαντας. See comment. § 3 . els ακουσίους αί¬ 
 τιας ] ei’s άνοσίους αιτίας, Β1. on his own conject. || et μ£ν yap to 
 άκόντιον...μη φονεΰσιν duai. Bl. shifts this whole passage, placing 
 it after ττροσέβ a\ev ημίν at the end of § 4, and altering του δέ 
 Ίταιδός into του yap τταιδδς. To me no change seems required. 
 || ούδεις c.av> ημίν \όyoς ύπελείπετο ] civ is conjecturally added 
 by Bl., rightly, I think; but remark that the impf. without av 
 could be defended as=‘was (by a logical inference) left,’ in the 
 supposed case (d Ζτρωσεν). See on iyiyveTo in Isaeos or. v. 
 §13. § 4 . <ό μεν έκωλύθη > ] supplied by Beiske, and printed 
 
 1—2 
 
4 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 νοησωσί τι Βράσαι, οντοι πράκτορες των ακου¬ 
 σίων είσίν * οι τε εκούσιόν τι Βρώντες η 7 τάσχοντες, 
 
 7 οντοι των παθημάτων αίτιοι ηίηνονται. τό μεν 
 τοίννν μειράκιον περί ούΒενα ονΒεν ημαρτεν. ούτε 
 yap άπειρημενον αΧΧα προστεταημενον εξεμεΧέτα, 
 οΰτε εν ηνμναζομενοις αλλ’ εν τη των άκοντιζόν- 
 των τάξει ηκόντιζεν, ούτε του σκοπού άμαρτών, 
 εις τους άφεστώτας άκοντίσας, του παιΒός ετυχεν, 
 αΧΧα πάντα όρθως ως επενόει Βρων εΒρασε μεν 
 ουΒεν ακούσιον, επαθε Βε ΒιακωΧυθείς του σκοπού 
 
 8 τυχείν. ό Βε παΐς βουΧόμενος προΒραμειν, του 
 καιρού Βιαμαρτών εν ω Βιατρεχων ουκ αν επΧ^η, 
 περιεπεσεν οις ουκ ηθεΧεν, άκουσίως Βε άμαρτών 
 εις εαυτόν οίκείαις συμφοραΐς κεχρηται, της δ’ 
 αμαρτίας τετιμωρημενος εαυτόν %χει την Βίκην, ου 
 συνηΒομενων μεν ούΒε σννεθεΧόντων ημών, συναΧ- 
 yov ντων Βε καί συΧΧυπουμενών, της Βε άμαρτίας 
 εις τούτον ηκούσης τό <τε> epyov ονχ ημετερον 
 άΧΧα του εξαμαρτόντος εστί, τό τε πάθος εις τον 
 Βράσαντα εΧθόν ημάς μεν άποΧυει της αιτίας, τον 
 Βε Βράσαντα Βικαίως άμα τη άμαρτία τετιμώ- 
 ρηται. 
 
 9 ΆποΧυει Βε καί ό νόμος ημάς, ω πιστεύων, 
 εϊpyovτι μήτε άΒίκως μήτε Βικαίως άποκτείνειν, 
 ως φονεα με Βιώκει. υπό μεν yap της αυτου του 
 τεθνεώτος άμαρτίας δδβ άποΧύεται μηΒε άκουσίως 
 άποκτεΐναι αυτόν' υπό δε του Βιώκοντος ούΒ ’ επι- 
 
 ία. brackets by Turr. and Bl. § 6. o'i τε έκούσιον] re Spengel, 
 Bl.: oi δέ έκούαιον vulg. § 7. ούδέν ημαρτεν] Bl., with N : 
 ημαρτεν ούδέν vulg. § 8. τοΟ καιρού] Spengel, Bl.— του χώρου 
 mss. and Bk. — του χρόνου Reiske and Turr. || τό <re> Zpyov] 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 5 
 
 καλούμενος ως εκων άπεκτεινεν, άμφοΐν απολύεται 
 τοΐν ^κλημάτοιν, μητ άκων μήτε εκων άποκτείναι, 
 απολυόμενος δε υπό τε της αλήθειας των πραχ- 10 
 θεντων υπό τε τού νόμου καθ' ον διώκεται, ούδε 
 των επιτηδευμάτων είνεκα δίκαιοι τοιούτων κακών 
 άζιούσθαί εσμεν. ούτός τε yap ανόσια πείσεται 
 τάς ού προσήκουσας φερων αμαρτίας, ε’γω τε 
 μάλλον μεν ούδεν, ομοίως δε τούτω αναμάρτητος 
 ών εις πολλαπλασίους τούτου συμφοράς ηξω' επί 
 τε yap τη τούτου διαφθορά άβίωτον τό λειπόμενον 
 τού βίου διάξω, επί τε τη εμαυτού άπαιδία ζων 
 ετι κατορυγθήσομαι. 
 
 ’Έϊλεούντες ούν τούδε μεν τού νηπίου την 11 
 άναμάρτητον συμφοράν, εμού δε τού γηραιού και 
 αθλίου την άπροσδόκητον κακοπάθειαν, μη κατα- 
 ’φηφισάμενοι δυσμόρους ημάς καταστησητε, αλλ’ 
 άπολύοντες εύσεβεΐτε. ο τε yap άποθανων συμ- 
 φοραΐς περιπεσών ούκ ατιμώρητος εστιν, ημείς τε 
 ον δίκαιοι τάς τούτων αμαρτίας συμφερειν εσμεν. 
 την τε ού ν εύσεβειαν τούτων των πραγθεντων και 12 
 τό δίκαιον αίδούμενοι όσίως καί δικαίως απολύετε 
 ημάς, καί μη άθλιωτάτω δύο πατέρα και παϊδα 
 άώροις συμφοραΐς περιβάλητε. 
 
 Β1., Spengel having conjectured τό τ’ tpyov : vulg. τό tpyov . 
 § Ο. μήτε e'/cwv] Bl. with Ν . — μήθ ’ έκών Yulg. 
 
6 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 II. ΤΕΤΡΑΛΟΓΙΑ Γ. λ. 
 
 ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΑ ΦΟΝΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΕΓΟΝΤΟΣ 
 
 ΑΜΥΝΑΣΘΑΙ. 
 
 Ν ενόμισται μεν όρθώς τάς φονικάς Βίκας π repl 
 7 τλείστου τούς κρίνοντας ποιεΐσθαι Βιώκειν τε καί 
 μαρτυρεΐν κατα το Βίκαιον, μήτβ τους ένοχους 
 άφιεντας μήτε τους καθαρούς εις ayoova καθι- 
 
 2 στάντας. ο τε yap θεός βουλόμενος ποιησαι το 
 ανθρώπινον φύλον τούς πρώτους yεvoμέvoυς έφυσεν 
 ημών, τροφεας τε παρεΒωκε την yrjv καί την 
 θάλασσαν, ΐνα μη σπάνει των avayKa^v προ- 
 αποθνησκοιμεν της yηραιού τελευτής. όστις ούν 
 τούτων νιτο τού θεού * άξιωθ εντός τού βίου ημών 
 άνόμως τινά άποκτείνει, ασεβεί μεν περί τούς 
 
 3 θεούς, συγχει Βε τα νόμιμα των ανθρώπων, ό τε 
 yap άποθανών, στερόμενος ών ό θεός έΒωκεν αύτω, 
 εικότως θεού τιμωρίαν ύπόλείπει την των αλιτή¬ 
 ριων Βυσμενειαν, ην οι παρά το Βίκαιον κρίνοντες η 
 
 II. § 2 . πρώτους] Β1. with Ν. — πρώτον vulg. || Bk. and 
 Turr., with most mss., give— όστις οΰν τούτων υπό του θεού άξιωθε'ις 
 του βίου άνόμως τινά άποκτείνει (Reiske conject. άποστερεΐ). Β1·, 
 adopting Sauppe’s άξιωθέντων, gives — όστις οΰν των υπό του θεού 
 άξιωθέντων του βίου ημών άνόμως τινά άποκτείνει (‘whoever, then, 
 unlawfully slays any one of us who have been deemed worthy 
 of life by the god ’). I had conjectured another remedy—which, 
 indeed, was not far to seek—without knowing that it is actually 
 found in N ,— namely, for αξιωθείς to read άξιωθέντος. ‘ Who¬ 
 ever, then,—our life having been deemed worthy of these things 
 by the god,—unlawfully slays another.’ Even without the 
 testimony of N this reading would have very strong proba¬ 
 bility : with that testimony added, it seems reasonably certain. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 7 
 
 μαρτυρούντ€ς, συνασββονντες τώ ταύτα δρώντι, ον 
 προσήκον μίασμα els τους ίδιους οίκους €ΐσάγονταΐ' 
 ημβίς re οί τιμωροι των δ ΐ€φθ αρμένων, el Sc άλλην 4 
 τινά 'έχθραν τούς αναίτιους διώκοιμ€ν, τω μβν 
 άποθανόντι ον τιμωρούντ€ς δ€ΐνούς αλιτήριους 
 έξομ€ν τους των άποθανόντων προστροπαίους, 
 τούς δε καθαρούς αδίκως άποκτ€ΐνοντ€ς ένοχοι τού 
 φόνου τοΐς ei τιτιμίοις έσμέν, υμάς τε άνομα δράν 
 7 τ€ίθοντ€ς και τού ύμ€τέρου αμαρτήματος υπαίτιοι 
 γιγι>όμ€0α. 
 
 Έγώ μόν ονν δεδιώς ταύτα eh υμάς παρά- 5 
 γων τον άσββήσαντα καθαρός των Εγκλημάτων 
 et/u* νμ€Ϊς δε άξίως των 7 τρο€ΐρη μόνων rfj 
 Kpiaec προσόχοντ€ς τον νούν, αξίαν δίκην τού 
 πάθους τω €ΐργασμόνω έπιθόντ€ς, άπασαν την 
 πόλίν καθαράν τού μιάσματος καταστήσ€τ€. el 0 
 μόν γάρ άκων άπόκτ€ΐν€ τον άνδρα, άξιος αν ήν 
 συγγνώμης τυχ€Ϊν τινός' ύβρ€ΐ δε καί ακολασία 
 παροινών eh άνδρα πρ€σβύτην, τνπτων τε και 
 πνιγών έως τής ψυχής άπ€στόρησ€ν αυτόν, ως μόν 
 άποκτ€ΐνας τού φόνου τοΐς έπιτιμίοις 'ένοχός έστιν, 
 ώς δε συγχόων άπαντα των γ€ραιοτόρων τά νόμιμα 
 ονδ€νός άμαρτ€Ϊν οΐς οί τοιούτοι κολάζονται δίκαιός 
 Εστιν. ό μ£ν τοίνυν νόμος όρθώς νμΐν τιμωpeΐσθaι 7 
 παραδίδωσιν αυτόν' των δε μαρτύρων άκηκόατ€, 
 οι παρήσαν παροινονντι αύτω. υμάς δε χρή τι η 
 τε άνομία τού παθήματος άμννοντας , τήν τε ύβριν 
 κολάζοντας άξίως τού πάθους, τήν βουλ€υσασαν 
 ψυχήν άνταφέλόσθαι αυτόν. 
 
 § β. των Ύβραιοτέρων] τόν yepcuorepov Ν. See comment. 
 
8 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 III. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΗΡΩΔΟΥ ΦΟΝΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. v.—Date, about 417 b.c.] 
 
 • 1. $$ 1—30. 
 
 ’ Έιβουλόμην μεν, ώ άνΒρες, την Βύναμιν τού 
 λεγειν καί την εμπειρίαν των πραγμάτων εξ ίσου 
 μοι καθεστάναι τη τε συμφορά καί τοΐς κακοΐς 
 τοΐς γεγενημενοις’ νυν Βε του μεν πεπείραμαι 
 πέρα του προσήκοντος, του Βέ ενΒεής είμι μάλλον 
 
 2 του συμφέροντος, ου μεν γάρ με εΒει κακοπαθείν 
 τω σωματι μετά τής αιτίας τής ου προσηκούσης, 
 ενταυθοΐ ονΒεν με ωφελησεν ή εμπειρία’ ου Βε με 
 Βει σωθήναι μετά τής αλήθειας ειπόντα τά γενό- 
 μενα, εν τούτω με βλάπτει ή του λεγειν άΒυναμία. 
 
 3 πολλοί μεν γάρ ήΒη των ου Βυναμενων λεγειν 
 άπιστοι γενόμενοι τοίς άληθεσιν αΰτοΐς τούτοις 
 άπώλοντο, ου Βυνάμενοι Βηλωσαι αυτά * πολλοί Βε 
 των λεγειν Βυναμενων, πιστοί γενόμενοι τω ψεύ- 
 Βεσθαι, τούτω εσωθησαν, Βιότι εψεύσαντο. ανάγκη 
 ούν, όταν τις άπειρος ή τού άγωνίζεσθαι, επί τοΐς 
 των κατηγόρων λόγοις είναι μάλλον ή επ’ αύτοΐς 
 τοΐς εργοις καί τή αλήθεια των πραγμάτων. 
 
 4 Έγώ ούν, ώ άνΒρες, αίτήσομαι υμάς, ούχ άπερ οι 
 
 III. § 3. διότι, εψεύσαντο: condemned by Dobree, and now 
 bracketed by Bl. Dobree further proposed to read αύτφ τούτφ 
 instead of αυτοί s τούτοι, and also suspected the words ού δυνά- 
 μενοι δηλώσαι αυτά, — without good reason. Indeed I incline 
 to believe that διότι, έψεύσαντο too is genuine. It should be 
 remembered that an immature rhetorical prose is sometimes 
 forced to employ these awkward explanatory clauses. That is 
 the price which it pays for using ornament over which it has 
 not complete mastery. A phrase may be sound in Antiphon 
 which could safely be pronounced a gloss in Demosthenes. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 9 
 
 7 roWol τών αλωνιζόμενων άκροάσθαι σφών αυτών 
 αίτούνται, σφίσι μεν αύτοΐς άπιστούντες, υμών δε 
 7 τροκατελνω κότες άδικόν τι’ είκός yap εν άνδράσι 
 γε ay αθοις και άνευ τής αίτήσεως την άκρόασιν 
 ύπάρχειν τοΐς φεύλουσιν, ούπερ και οι διώκοντες 
 ετυχον άνευ αίτήσεως’ τάδε δε δέομαι υμών, τούτο 5 
 μεν εάν τι τή yXcoaay άμάρτω, avyyvco μην €χειν 
 μοι, και ήλείσθαι απειρία αυτό μάΧΧον ή αδικία 
 ήμαρτήσθαι, τούτο δε εάν τι όρθώς εϊττω, αΧηθεία 
 μάΧΧον ή δεινότητι είρήσθαι. ου yap δίκαιον ούτ 
 epy(p άμαρτόντα διά ρήματα σωθήναι, ουτ εργω 
 όρθώς πράξαντα διά ρήματα άποΧεσθαι' τό μεν 
 y άρ ρήμα τής λΧώσσης αμάρτημά εστι, τό δε 
 0pyov τής λνώμης. άνάλκη δε κινδυνεύοντα περί 6 
 αυτού καί που τι καί εζαμαρτεΐν. ου yap μόνον 
 των Χελομενων άνάλκη ενθυμεΐσθαι, αΧΧά και τών 
 εσο μενών’ άπαντα y άρ τά εν άδήΧω ετ όντα επ\ 
 τή τύχη μάΧΧον άνάκειται ή τή προνοία. ταύτ 
 οΰν εκπΧηζιν ποΧΧην παρεχειν άνάλκη εστι τώ 
 κινδυνεύοντι. όρώ y άρ εγωγε και τούς πάνυ 7 
 εμπείρους τού άγωζ άζεσθαι ποΧΧω χείρον εαυτών 
 λεγ όντας, όταν εν τινι κινδύνω ώσιν' όταν δ’ άνευ 
 κινδύνων τι διαπράσσωνται, μάΧΧον όρθουμενους. 
 ή μεν οΰν αιτησις, ώ άιώρες, καί νομίμως και όσίως 
 εχουσα, και εν τώ ύμετερω δικαίω ούχ ήσσον ή εν 
 τώ όμώ’ περί δε τών κατηλορημενών άποΧολήσο- 
 μαι καθ' έκαστον. 
 
 § 5 . τούτο μέν έάν τι τή λλώσσχι άμάρτω, συγνώμην 'έχειν μοϊ] The 
 mss. and Bk. , συγνώμην ’έχειν μοι, τούτο μέν έάν τι τή γλώσσ# 
 άμάρτω. Baiter made the transposition, which is adopted by 
 Turr. and Bl. |j είρήσθαι] Bl., with Gr. A. Hirschig, <eD> 
 
10 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 8 ΤΙρώτον μεν ούν, ώς 7 ταρανομώτατα καί βιαιό¬ 
 τατα εις τόνδε τον αγώνα καθίστηκα, τούτο υμάς 
 διδάξω, ον τώ φεύγειν αν τό ί τΧήθος τό νμετερον' 
 επεί καν άνωμότοις νμιν και μη κατά νόμον μηδενα 
 επιτρεψαιμι ί τερί του σώματος τον εμού δια-φη- 
 φίσασθαι , ενεκά γε τον ί τιστεύειν εμοί τε μηδέν 
 εξημαρτήσθαι εις τόδε τό πράγμα και υμάς γνώ- 
 σεσθαι τά δίκαια' αΚΧ ΐνα y τεκμήρια νμιν και 
 των άΧΧων πραγμάτων των εις εμε ή τούτων 
 
 9 βιαιότης και παρανομία, πρώτον μεν γάρ κα¬ 
 κούργος ενδεδειγμενος φόνου δίκην φεύγω, ό ούδείς 
 πώποτ επαθε τών εν τή γη ταντη. καί ώς μεν ον 
 κακούργος είμι ον8' ένοχος τώ τών κακούργων 
 νόμω, αυτοί ουτοι τούτου γε μάρτυρες γεγενηνται. 
 περί γάρ τών κΧεπτών καί Χωποδυτών ό νόμος 
 κεΐται, ών ονδεν εμοί προσόν απέδειξαν, όντως 
 εις γε ταύτην την απαγωγήν νομιμωτάτην καί 
 δικαιοτάτην πεποιήκασιν νμιν την άπο'φήφισίν 
 
 10 μου. φασί δε αν τό τε άποκτείνειν μεγα κακούρ¬ 
 γημα είναι, καί εγώ όμόΧογώ μεγιστόν γε, καί τό 
 ίεροσυΧεΐν καί τό προδιδόναι την πόΧιν αΧΧά 
 χωρίς περί αυτών εκάστου οι νόμοι κεΐνται. εμοί 
 δε πρώτον μεν, ον τοΐς άΧΧοις εϊργεσθαι προ- 
 
 ειρησθαι . § 8 . πραγμάτων τών eh e/xe] πραγμάτων καί των eh έμέ 
 
 mss. and Bk. — Turr. and Bl., with Sauppe, omit καί. § ΙΟ. φασί 
 δέ αΰ τό τε άποκτείνειν μέγα κακούργημα είναι,...καϊ τό ίεροσυΧεΐν ] 
 mss. Bk. Turr. For τό τε Sauppe conj. τό ye. The Aldine has 
 φασί δέ αυτό τε τό άποκτείνειν, κ.τ.Χ., and so (with γε for τε) Bl. 
 reads, inserting (ώσπερ) before καί τό ίεροσυΧεΐν. || άνταποθα- 
 
 νεΐν του νόμου κειμένου τον άποκτείναντα ] A (1st hand), Ν, Bl. — 
 του νόμου κειμένου τον άποκτείναντα άνταποθανεΐν vulg. Bk. Turr., 
 and so the corrector of A, only with άνταποθ. before τον άποκτ. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 11 
 
 αγορεΰουσι τοΐς τού φόνου φεύγουσί τάς Βίκας,,, 
 ενταυθοΐ πεποίήκασι την κρίσυν iv τη αγορά· 
 
 67 τευτα τίμησίν μοι εποίησαν, άνταποθανεΐν του 
 νόμου κείμενου τον άττοκτείναντα , ου του εμοί 
 συμφέροντος ενεκα, άΧΧά του σφίσον αύτοΐς Χυσυ- 
 τεΧούντος, καί ενταύθα εΧασσον ενειμαν τω τεθνη-γ 
 
 κοτι των εν τω νομω κείμενων' ου 8’ ενεκα, γνω- 
 σεσθε προϊόντος του Χόγου. 
 
 ’Έπειτα 8ε, ο πάντας οίμαι υμάς επίστασ- 11 
 θαι, άπαντα τα Βίκαστήρια εν υπαίθριο Βικάζει 
 τάς Βίκας του φόνου, ούΒενός αΧΧου ενεκα η 
 ϊνα τούτο μεν οί ΒίκασταΙ μη ϊωσίν εϊς το 
 αυτό τοΐς μη καθαροϊς τάς χεΐρας , τούτο 8ε 
 ό Βίωκων την Βίκην τού φόνου ϊνα μη όμωρόφως 
 γίγνηται τω αύθεντη. συ Βε τούτο μεν παρεΧθων 
 τούτον τον νόμον τουναντίον τοΐς ά,ΧΧοίς πε- 
 ποίηκας· τούτο Βε Βεον σε Βιομόσασθαι ορκον τον 
 μεγιστον καί ίσχυρότατον, εξωΧευαν αύτω καί 
 γενει καί οικία τη ση επαρωμενον, η μην μη άΧΧα 
 κατηγορησειν εμού η εις αυτόν τον φόνον, ως 
 εκτεινα, εν ω ούτ άν κακά ποΧΧα είργασμένος 
 ηΧισκόμην άΧΧω η αύτω τω πράγματι, ούτ αύ 
 πόΧΧά αγαθά είργασ μένος τούτους άν εσωζόμην 
 τοΐς άγαθοΐς' ά συ παρεΧθων, αυτός σεαυτω 12 
 νόμους εξευρων, άνωμοτος μεν αύτός εμού κατη¬ 
 γορείς , άνωμοτοί Βε οί μάρτυρες καταμαρτυρούσι, 
 Βεον αύτούς τον αύ τον ορκον σοί Βίομοσαμενους 
 καί άπτομενους των σφαγίων καταμαρτυρεΐν εμού. 
 
 / 
 
 § 11 . £ξώ\€ίαν αύτφ] αύτφ Maetzner, Β1 .—αύτφ vulg. 
 
12 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 €7 τειτα KekevGL? τούς Βικαστάς άνωμότοις πιστεύ- 
 σαντας τοΐς μαρτυρουσι φόνου Βίκην fcarayvoovcu, 
 ούς συ αυτός απίστους κατέστησας παρεΚθών τους 
 καμένους νόμους, καί * rfyei χρήναι αύτοΐς την σήν 
 παρανομίαν κρβίσσω yeveadai αυτών των νόμων. 
 
 13 Aeyew Be ώς ούκ αν παρέμβίνα el e\e\v- 
 μην, αλλ’ ωχόμην αν άπιών, ώσι repel άκοντά μ€ 
 avay κάσας elaeXOeiv eh την γην ταυτήν, καίτοι 
 έμοί el μηΒΙν Βιέφ€ρ€ στίρ€σθαι τ^σδε τής πό- 
 Χ€ως, <τοΰτο μόν> ίσον ήν μοι καϊ προσκΧηθέντι 
 μη eXOeiv, αΧΧ' Ιρήμην όφΧ€ΐν την Βίκην , τούτο 
 Β ’ άποΧοηησαμένω την προτέραν *έξήν e^eXOeZv' 
 άιτάσι yap τούτο κοινόν έστι. συ Be, ο τοΐς 
 άΧΧοις 'ΈίΧΧησι κοινόν έστιν, ΙΒία ζητ€ΐς έμό 
 μόνον άποστ€ρ€ΐν , αυτός σαυτώ νόμον θέμ€νος. 
 
 14 καίτοι τους ye νόμους οι κβΐνται ί repl των τοιουτων 
 πάντας άν οιμαι όμοΧο^ήσαι καΧΧιστα νόμων 
 απάντων κ€ΐσθαι και όσιώτατα. υπάργβΐ μέν ye 
 αύτοΐς άρχαιοτάτοις eivai ev τή yfj ταύτη, &π€ΐτα 
 τούς αυτούς ael nrepl των αυτών, οί rep μ^ιστόν 
 όστι σημαΐον νόμων καΧώς Κ€ΐμένων % ό yap χρόνος 
 και ή Ιμπ€ΐρία τα μη καΧώς £χοντα έκΒιΒάσκ€ΐ 
 τούς ανθρώπους. ώστ€ ου Bei υμάς έκ τών του 
 
 § 12 . *r/yei χρηναι] Β1., ascribing rjyei to Dryander and P. B. 
 Muller.— el ye mss. Bk. Turr.— Sauppe conj. olei ye. § 13. 
 o(p\e?v tV δίκην] Bl. reads, from A, o(p\eiv eivai. την δίκην : but see 
 comment. || *έξην] e^elvaL mss. Dobree thought that egeivcu 
 had arisen from έξι evai, a gloss on e^eXOelv. Omitting it, he 
 proposed to read (instead of τούτο δ ’ ά^Γo\oyησaμέvψ) καϊ έλθόντι 
 οϋτω δ’ ά^Γo\oyησaμέvι^). But I believe that the true remedy is 
 simpler: eijeivcu should be έξην. I also think that τούτο μέν, 
 the correlative of τούτο δέ, has dropped out before Ισον ην. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 13 
 
 κατηγόρου λόγων τους νόμους καταμανθάνβιν, el 
 καλώς νμΐν κ€ΐνται ή μη, άλλ’ έκ των νόμων τους 
 του κατηγόρου λόγους, el όρθώς καϊ νομίμως υμάς 
 διδάσκ6ΐ το 7 τράγμα η ού. όντως οι γe νόμοι 15 
 κάλλιστα κ€Ϊνται οι ί rep'i φόνου, ονς οόδεί? πώποτβ 
 έτόλμησβ κινήσαι' συ δε μόνος δή τ€τόλμηκας 
 γ€νέσθαι νομοθέτης έπι τα πονηρότατα, και ταυτα 
 παρ€λθών ζητ€Ϊς μ€ αδίκως άπολέσαι. α δε συ 
 παρανομ€Ϊς, αυτά ταυτα μοι μέγιστα μαρτύριά 
 
 > . ? \ V £ <■/ » £ \ Λ * 
 
 €στιν ev γαρ yoew οτι ονθ6ΐς αν ην σοι ος eKeivov 
 τον ορκον διομοσάμ€νος έμού κατ€μαρτύρησ€ν. 
 €π€ΐτα δε ούχ ως πιστ€υων τώ πράγματι άναμ- 16 
 φισβητητως ένα τον αγώνα π€ρι τού πράγματος 
 έποιήσω, άλλα άμφισβήτησιν και λόγον ύπ€λίπου 
 ως και τοΐς τότε δικασταΐς άπιστήσων. ώστβ 
 μηδέν μοι ένθάδ€ μηδέ πλέον elvai μηδ' άποφυ- 
 γόντι, άλλ ’ έξεΐναί σοι λέγ€ΐν ότι κακούργος 
 άπέφυγον , αλλ’ ού τού φόνου την δίκην * έλών δ’ 
 αν άξιώσ€ΐς μβ άποκτ€Ϊναι ως τού φόνου την δίκην 
 ώφληκότα. καίτοι πώς αν €ΐη τούτων δ€ΐνότ€ρα 
 μηχανήματα, el νμΐν μέν άπαξ τουτουσί π€ΐσασι 
 κατ€ΐργασται ά βούλ€σθ€, έμοι δ’ άπαξ άποφυ- 
 γόντι ό αυτός κίνδυνος ύπολ€ΐπ€ται ; έτι δε μάλ' 17 
 έδέθην, ώ άνδρ6ς, παρανομώτατα απάντων ανθρώ¬ 
 πων. έθέλοντος γάρ μου έγγυητάς τρ€ΐς καθισ- 
 τάναι κατά τον νόμον ούτως ούτοι δΐ€πράξαντο 
 ώστ€ τούτο μή iγγevέσθaι μοι ποιήσαι. τών δε 
 άλλων ξένων οστις πώποτβ ήθέλησβ καταστήσαι 
 έγγυητάς, ονδβϊς πώποτβ έδέθη. καίτοι οι έπι- 
 μβληταΧ τών κακούργων τώ αντώ χρώνται νόμω 
 
14 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τούτω. ώστε και οΰτος κοινός τοΐς αΧΧοις ητάσιν 
 ών εμοϊ μόνω επεΧιπε μη ώφεΧεΐσθαι τουδέ του 
 
 18 νόμου, τούτοις yap ήν τούτο συμφέρον , πρώτον μεν 
 <ώς> άπαρασκευότατον ηενεσθαι με, μη δυνάμενον, 
 διαπράσσεσθαι αυτόν ταμαυτου ττράηματα' επειτα 
 κακοπαθείν τω σώματι, τούς τε φίΧους προθυ¬ 
 μότερους εχειν τους εμαυτού τούτοις τα ψευδή 
 μαρτυρεΐν ή εμοϊ ταΧηθή Χ^ειν διά την του 
 σώματος κακοπάθειαν. ονειδός τε αύτω τε εμοϊ 
 περιεθεσαν και τοϊς εμοΐς προσήκουσιν εις τον 
 βίον άπαντα. 
 
 19 Ούτωσϊ μεν δή πόΧΧοΐς εΧασσωθεις των νόμων 
 των νμετερων καί του δικαίου καθίστηκα εις τον 
 άηώνα' όμως μεντοι ye και εκ τούτων πειράσομαι 
 εμαυτόν άναίτιον επιδείζαι. καίτοι χαΧεπόν ye 
 τά εκ ποΧΧου κατεψευσμενα και επιβεβουΧευμενα, 
 ταΰτα παραγ^ρήμα άπεΧ^'χειν' a yap τις μη 
 7 τροσεδόκησεν, ουδέ φυΧάξασθαι ey^pei. 
 
 20 Έγώ δε τον μεν πΧοΰν εποιησάμην εκ τής 
 Μ ιτυΧηνης, ώ άνδρες, εν τω πΧοίω πΧεων ω 
 'ΙΙρώδης ούτος, ον φασιν ύπ * εμού άποθανειν' 
 επΧεομεν δε εις την Αίνον, εγώ μεν ως τον πατέρα 
 \ 6Τυ ΊΧ α νε yap εκεί ων το τε), ο ο ηρω οης ανορα- 
 ποδα Θραξιν άνθρώποις άποΧνσων. συνεπΧει δε 
 τά τε ανδράποδα ά εδει αυτόν άποΧυσαι, καί οί 
 Θράκες οί Χυσόμενοι. τούτων δ’ ύμΐν τούς μάρ¬ 
 τυρας παρεξομαι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 §17. έμοί μόνφ έπέλπτβ] Bl., on Reiske’s conj., adds before 
 έμοΐ. For έπέλιπε Baiter proposes ένέλιπβ. He would also omit 
 ToCde του νόμου after ώφβλβΐσθαι. § 18. < ώ$> άπαρασ κβυότατονΈΥ., 
 with Hirschig : rightly. §19. έλασσωθβϊς] Dobree’s conjecture, 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 15 
 
 Ή μεν πρόφασις εκατερω τού ητ\ού αυτή’ 21 
 ετύγομεν δε χειμωνί τινι γ^ρησάμενοι, ύή> ου 
 ήνα<γκάσθημεν κατασγείν εις τής Μ,ηθυμναίας τι 
 γωρίον, ου το πΧοΐον ωρμει τούτο εις ο μετεκβάντα 
 φασιν an τοθανεΐν αυτόν [τον Ήρώδ^μ]. καί ητρωτόν 
 
 μεν αυτά ταυτα σκοπείτε, ότι *ού ττ} εμή προνοία 
 μάΧλον ε^ί^νετο ή τύγτ). ούτε yap πείσας τον 
 άνδρα ούδαμού άπεΧεγχομαι σύμπΧουν μοι ηενεσ- 
 θαι, αλλ’ αυτός καθ' αυτόν τον π\ούν πεποιημενος 
 ενεκα πραγμάτων ίδιων’ ουτ αύ εγώ άνευ προφά- 22 
 σεως ικανής φαίνομαι τον π\ούν ποιησάμενος εις 
 την Αίνον, ούτε κατασ'χοντες εις τό χωρίον τούτο 
 από παρασκευής ούδεμιάς, αλλ’ avaykrj 'χρησά- 
 μενοι’ ούτ αύ επειδή ώρμισάμεθα, ή μετεκβασις 
 εηενετο εις τό ετερον πΧοΐον ούδενι μηχανήματι 
 ούδ ’ απάτη, αλλ’ avayKjj και τούτο εyίyvετo. εν 
 ω μεν yap επΧεομεν, αστέγαστοι ήν τό πΧοΐον, 
 εις δ δε μετεβημεν, εστεηασμενον’ τού ■δϊ νετού 
 ενεκα ταύτ ήν. τούτων δ’ νμϊν *μάρτυρας παρέ¬ 
 χομαι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 now confirmed by Ν and perhaps by the 1st hand of A: Turr. 
 Bl. The other mss., &p σωθεί?, and so Bk.: see comment. § 21. 
 [top Ήρώδην]. A gloss on αυτόν, as Dobree saw, with whom 
 Maetzner and Blass agree. Beiske, keeping top ΊΑρώδψ, wished 
 to change αυτόν into οΰτοι. || δτι *ού ττ? epfj προνοίφ.] δτι μτ] προνοία 
 mss., Bk. Turr. Bl. This is an impossible solecism. Maetzner 
 proposed to substitute ού. We must certainly do so. But we can 
 also suggest the source of the error, δτι μτ? προνοίμ arose, surely, 
 from δτι (ού Trj έ)μί ) προνοίφ. § 22. μετέκβασι?. A (corrector), 
 N, Turr. Bl.— μετάβασή vulg. and Bk. || * μάρτυρα? is Reiske’s 
 conject., supported by the constant usage of Antiphon, and now 
 adopted by Bl. There is, however, one drawback to it—the 
 iambic metre, which at the end of a sentence is too striking. I 
 should prefer ύμΐν παρέξομαι μάρτυρα ?. — μαρτυρία s, vulg. Bk. Turr. 
 
16 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 23 Έ7Γ6ίδτ) δε μετεξεβημεν εις τό ετερον ί τΧοίον, 
 επίνομεν. καί 6 μεν εστι φανερός εκβάς εκ του 
 πΧοίου καί ουκ είσβάς παΧιν' εγώ δε τδ παράπαν 
 ουκ εξεβην εκ του πΧοίου της νυκτός εκείνης, τη 
 
 υστεραία, επειόη αφανής ην ο ανηρ, εζητειτο 
 ούδεν tl μαΧΧον υπό των αΧΧων η καί νπ * εμού * 
 καί εί τω των αΧΧων εδόκει δεινόν είναι, καί εμοί 
 ομοίως, καί εις τε την Μ ιτυΧήνην ε’γώ αίτιος ην 
 πεμφθήναι ά'γγεΧον, καί τη εμή ηνώμη επεμπετο' 
 
 24 καί αΧΧου ούδενός εθεΧοντος βαδίζειν, ούτε των 
 από του πΧοίου ούτε των αύτω τω 'Η ρώδη συ μ¬ 
 ιτΧεόντων, εγώ τον άκοΧουθον τον εμαυτου πεμπειν 
 έτοιμος ην' καίτοι ου δήητου γε κατ εμαυτου μη¬ 
 νυτήν επεμπον είδώς. επειδή δε ό ανηρ ούτε εν 
 τη Μ-ίτυΧηνη εφαίνετο ζητούμενος οΰτ αΧΧοθι 
 ουδαμου, πΧους τε ήμίν εγίγνετο, καί ταΧΧα 
 ανη^ετο πΧοΐα άπαντα, ωγομην καηω πΧεων, 
 τούτων δ’ ύμίν τούς μάρτυρας παρασγήσομαι. 
 [ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΣ.] 
 
 25 Τα μεν γ εν όμεν α ταύτ εστίν' εκ δε τούτων 
 ηδη σκοπείτε τά είκότα. πρώτον μόν yap πριν 
 άνάηεσθαί με εις την Αίνον, 'ότε ην αφανής ό ανηρ, 
 ούδείς ήτιάσατό με ανθρώπων, ήδη πεπυσμενων 
 τούτων την άyyεXίav' ου yap άν ποτέ ωγομην 
 πΧεων. αλλ,’ εις μεν τό παραγρήμα κρεΐσσον ήν 
 τό αΧηθες καί τό yεyεvημεvov τής τούτων αίτιά- 
 σεως, καί άμα εγώ ετι επεδήμουν' επειδή δε εγώ 
 τε ωγομην πΧεων καί οΰτοι εξ επιβουΧής συνέθε¬ 
 σαν ταύτ α καί εμηγανήσαντο κατ εμού, τότε 
 
 26 ήτιάσαντο. Xoyovai δε ως εν μεν τή yfi άπεθανεν 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 17 
 
 ο άνήρ, κά<γώ\ίθον αύτώ ενεβαΧον εις την κεφαΧήν, 
 
 8 ? ούκ εξεβην το παράπαν etc τού πΧοίου. και 
 τούτο μεν ακριβώς οντοι ϊσασιν όπως δ’ ήφανίσθη 
 6 άνήρ, ούΒενϊ λόγω είκότι Βύνανται άποφαίνειν. 
 ΒήΧον yap οτι εyyύς που του Χυμένος είκος ήν 
 τούτο η'^νεσθαι, τούτο μεν μεθνοντος τού άνΒρός, 
 τούτο Βε νύκτωρ εκβάντος εκ τού πΧοίου · ούτε 
 yap αυτού κρατεϊν ίσως αν εΒύνατο, ούτε τώ άπά- 
 yovTL νύκτωρ μακράν οΒον ή πρόφασις αν εικότως 
 ^'^νετο· ζητούμενου Βε τού άνΒρός Βνο ημέρας 27 
 και εν τω Χιμενι και άποθεν τού Χιμενος, ούτε 
 όπτήρ ούΒεις εφάνη ούτε αίμα ούτε άΧΧο σημεΐον 
 ούΒεν. κατ βγω συγχωρώ τώ τούτων λόγω, παρε¬ 
 χόμενος μεν τούς μάρτυρας ώς ούκ εξεβην εκ τού 
 πΧοίου· εΐ δε και ώς μάΧιστα εξεβην εκ τού 
 πΧοίου, ούΒενϊ τρόπω είκος ήν άφανισθεντα Χαθείν 
 τον άνθρωπον, ειπερ yε μή πάνυ πόρρω άπήΧθεν 
 άπό τής θαΧάσσης. αλλ’ ώς κατεποντώθη λεγου- 28 
 σιν. ■ εν τίνι πΧοίω ; ΒήΧον yap οτι εξ αυτού τού 
 Χιμενος ήν τό πΧοΐον. πώς αν ούν ούκ εξευρεθη; 
 και μήν είκός yε ήν και σημεϊόν τι yεvεσθaι εν τώ 
 πΧοίω άνΒρός τεθνεώτος καί εκβαΧΧομενου νύκτωρ. 
 νυν οε εν μεν ω επινε πΧοίω και εξ ου εξεβαινεν, 
 εν τούτω φασιν εύρείν σημεία, εν ω αυτοί μή 
 όμoXoyoύσιv άποθανείν τον άνΒρα· εν ω Bk κατε¬ 
 ποντώθη, ούχ εύρον ούτ αυτό τό πΧοίον ούτε 
 
 § 26. αύτψ ένέβαλον] Β1. : ένέβαλον αύτφ A, Β, Bk. Turr. 
 § 28. dvSpos τβθνβώτος καί έκβαλλομένου] avdpos redveuros 
 <έντίθ€μένου> καί έκβαΧλομένου Bl. on his own conj. He also 
 suggests that, instead of adding έντιθβμένου, we might omit 
 καί. But the text is surely sound as it stands: ‘ when a man 
 
18 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σημεΐον ούΒεν. τούτων δ’ νμΐν τούς μάρτυρας 
 *παρασχησομαι . [ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΣ.] 
 
 29 Έ7 τειΒή Be βγω μεν φροΰΒος ήν πΧεων είς την 
 Λίνον, το Be 7 τΧοΐον ηκεν είς την ΛίιτυΧηνην εν ω 
 iyco καί 6 'ΐίρωΒης επΧεομεν, πρώτον μεν είσβάντες 
 είς το πΧοΐον ηρεύνων, καί επειΒη *τι αίμα εΰρον, 
 ενταύθα εφασαν τεθνάναι τον άνΒρα· επειΒή Βε 
 αύτοΐς τούτο ούκ ενεχώρει, άΧΛ εφαίνετο των 
 *προβάτων ον αίμα, άποτραπόμενοι τούτου τού 
 λ,όγοι; συΧΧαβόντες εβασάνιζον τούς ανθρώπους, 
 
 30 καί ον μεν τότε 7 ταραχρημα εβασάνισαν, οΰτος 
 μεν ουΒεν είπε περί εμού φΧαύρον' ον δ’ ημεραις 
 ύστερον ποΧΧαΐς εβασάνισαν, εχοντες παρά σφίσιν 
 αύτοΐς τον πρόσθεν χρόνον, ούτος ην δ πεισθείς 
 νπο τούτων καί καταψευσάμένος εμού, παρέχομαι 
 δε τούτων τούς μάρτυρας. [ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΣ.] 
 
 2 . 
 
 81—96. 
 
 81 'Όσα μεν ούν εκ των ανθρωπίνων τεκμηρίων 
 καί μαρτυρίων οϊά τε ην άποΒειχθηναι, άκηκόατε· 
 χρη Βε καί τοΐς άητο των θεών σημείοις y ενομενοις 
 είς τα τοιαύτα ούχ ήκιστα τεκμηραμενους ψηφι- 
 ζεσθαι. καί yap τά της πό\εως κοινά τούτοις 
 μάΧιστα πιστεύοντες άσφαΧώς Βιαπράσσεσθε, 
 τούτο μεν τά είς τους κινΒύνους ηκοντα, τούτο 
 
 had been killed, and was being thrown overboard.’ [| * 7 rapa- 
 
 σχήσομαι] restored here by Bekker (whom Bl. follows) from 
 § 24.— παραστ-ησομαι. vulg. Turr. § 29. *n αίμα] Bk. Turr.; 
 το αίμα mss. Bl. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 19 
 
 Bk εις τα εξω των κινδύνων, χρη δε και εις τα 82 
 Ϊ8ια ταΰτα μέγιστα και πιστότατα ηηεΐσθαι. 
 οίμαι γάρ υμάς επίστασθαι ότι ποΧλοϊ η8η άνθρω¬ 
 ποί μη καθαροί χεΐρας ή άλλο τι μίασμα εχοντες 
 συνεισβάντες εις το πΧοΐον συναπώΧεσαν μετά 
 της αυτών ψυχήν τούς οσίων 8ιακειμενους τα προς 
 τούς θεούς · τούτο δε η8η ετερους άποΧομενους μεν 
 ου, κιν8υνεύσαντας δε τούς εσχάτους κιν8ύνους 8ιά 
 τούς τοιούτους ανθρώπους * τούτο δε ίεροΐς παρα- 
 στάντες ποΧΧοϊ 8ή καταφανείς εηενοντο ονχ 'όσιοι 
 όντες και 8ιακωΧύοντες τα ιερά μη ηίηνεσθαι τα 
 νομιζόμενα. εμοϊ τοίνυν εν ί τάσι τοΰτοις τά εναν- 83 
 τία ε^ενετο. τούτο μεν yap οσοις συνεπΧευσα, 
 καλΧίστοις εχρησαντο πΧοίς’ τούτο δε όπου ίεροΐς 
 παρεστην, ούκ εστιν 'όπου ούχϊ κάΧΧιστα τά ιερά 
 εηενετο. ά εγώ άξιώ μεγάλα μοι τεκμήρια είναι 
 της αιτίας , ότι ούκ άΧηθη μου ούτοι κατηηορούσι. 
 <καί μοι άνάβητε> τούτων μάρτυρες. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΞ.] 
 
 ’Έιπίσταμαι δε και τάδε, ώ άν8ρες 8ικασταί, 84 
 ότι εί μεν εμού κατεμαρτύρουν οί μάρτυρες ώς τι 
 άνόσιον ηεηενηται εμού παρόντος εν πΧοίω ή εν 
 ίεροΐς , αύτοΐς γε τούτοις ίσχυροτάτοις άν εχρώντο, 
 και πίστιν της αιτίας ταύτην σαφεστάτην άπε- 
 φαινον, τά σημεία τά από των θεών * νύν δε 
 τών τε σημείων εναντίων τοΐς τούτων λόγοί? 
 •γεγενημενών, τών τε μαρτύρων ά μεν ε’γώ λέγω 
 μαρτυρούντων άΧηθη είναι , ά δ’ ούτοι κατηηορούσι 
 
 2. § 81. els τά ££ω] els is bracketed by Maetzner, Bk. Bl. 
 
 § 83. < καί μοι άνάβητβ>] These words are supplied by 
 
 Stephanus. § 84. ^€^€ν·ημένων\ Weidner, Bl.— Ύ^νομένων. 
 
 2—2 
 
20 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ψευδή, τοΐς μεν μαρτυρουσιν άπιστεΐν υμάς κεΧευ- 
 ουσι, τοΐς δέ Χόγοις ονς αυτοί Xiyovai πιστεύειν 
 υμάς χρηναί φασι. και οι μεν άΧΧοι άνθρωποι 
 τοΐς ερηοις τούς Χόγονς εΧέγχουσιν, ουτοι δε τοΐς 
 Χόγοις τα £pya ζητουσιν άπιστα καθιστάναι. 
 
 85 f Όσα μεν ουν εκ των κατη^ορηθεντων μέμνημαι, 
 ώ άνδρες, άποΧεΧόγημαι' οΐμαι δε και <πρός> υμών 
 <ε!ναι> άποψηφίσασθαι. ταυτα yap εμέ τε σώζει, 
 και υμΐν νόμιμα καί ένορκα ηιηνεται. κατά yap 
 τους νόμους ωμόσατε δικάσειν’ ε’γώ δε καθ' ονς μεν 
 άπήχθην, ονκ ένοχός είμι τοΐς νόμοις, ων δ* έχω 
 την αιτίαν, aycvv μοι νόμιμος υποΧείπεται. εί δέ 
 δυο εξ ενός άyωvoς yεyέvησθov, ονκ εγώ αίτιος, 
 αλλ’ οι KaTrjyopoi. καίτοι ον δη που οι μεν 
 έχθιστοι οι εμοι δυο άyώvaς περί έμοΰ πεποιη- 
 κασιν, υμείς δέ οι των δικαίων ίσοι κριται προ- 
 κaτayvωσεσθέ μου εν τωδε τω aycovi τον φόνον. 
 
 86 μν υμείς yε, ω άνδρες' αΧΧά δότε τι καί τω 
 χρόνω, μεθ' ου ορθότατα εύρίσκουσιν οι την ακρί¬ 
 βειαν ζητουντες των πpayμάτωv. ηξίουν μεν yap 
 έγωγε περί των τοιοΰτων, ώ άνδρες, είναι την δίκην 
 κατά τονς νόμους, κατά μέντοι τό δίκαιον ως πΧει- 
 στάκις εΧεγχεσθαι. τοσούτω yap άμεινον άν iyiy- 
 νωσκετο * οι yap ποΧΧοί άyώvες τη μεν αΧηθεία 
 
 87 σύμμαχοί είσι, τη δέ διαβόΧη ποΧεμιωτατοι. φόνου 
 yάp δίκη και μη όρθως yvωσθεΐσa ίσχυρότερον 
 του δικαίου και του άΧηθους έστιν * avayKy yap, 
 εάν υμείς μου καταψηφίσησθε, και μη οντα φονέα 
 
 vulg. § 85. οΐμαι δέ καί pds> υμών <εΐναι> ] Kayser, whom 
 Bl. follows, thus inserts irpos and έΐναι. — Dobree for οΐμαι con- 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 21 
 
 μηδ' ένοχον τώ εργω χρήσθαι τη δίκη καί τώ 
 νόμω * καί ούδείς αν τοΧμήσειεν ούτε την δίκην 
 την δεδικασμενην παραβαίνειν πιστεύσας αύτω 
 οτί ούκ ένοχός εστιν, ούτε ξυνειδώς αύτω τοιούτον 
 εργον είργασμενω μη ού χρήσθαι τώ νόμω' ανάγκη 
 δε τής <Τ6> δίκης νικάσθαι παρά τό άΧηθες, αυτού 
 τε τον αΧηθούς , άΧΧως τε καί εάν μή η ό τιμω- 
 ρήσων. αυτών δε τούτων εϊνεκα οϊ τε νόμου καί 88 
 αί διωμοσίαι και τα τόμια και αί προρρήσεις, και 
 ταΧΧα 07 τόσα γίγνεται των δικών ενεκα τού φόνου, 
 ποΧύ διαφεροντά εστιν ή [καϊ\ επι τοΐς αΧΧοις, ότι 
 και αυτά τα πράγματα, περί ών οί κίνδυνοι, περί 
 πΧείστου εστιν όρθώς γιγνώσκεσθαι ’ όρθώς μεν 
 γάρ γνωσθεντα τιμωρία εστί τω άδικηθεντι, φονεα 
 δε τον μή αίτιον ψηφισθήναι αμαρτία καί άσεβειά 
 εστιν εις τε τούς θεούς καί εις τούς νόμους, καί 89 
 ούκ ίσον εστί τον τε διώκοντα μή όρθώς αίτιάσασ- 
 θαι καί ύμάς τούς δικαστάς μή όρθώς γνώναι. ή 
 μεν γάρ τούτων αίτίασις ούκ εχει τεΧος, άΧΧ ’ εν 
 νμιν εστι και τη οικη' ο τι ο αν υμείς εν αυτή τη 
 δίκη μή όρθώς γνώτε, τούτο ούκ εστιν οποί άν τις 
 άνενεγκών την αμαρτίαν άποΧύσαιτο. 
 
 jectured δέομαι. § 87. της <re> δίκης νικάσθαι παρά το αληθές, 
 αυτού re τον αληθούς, άλλως re καί έάν] In Antiphon or. νι. § 5, 
 where this whole passage recurs, we have της re δίκης ινικάσθαι 
 παρά τό αληθές, αυτού re του αληθούς, κάν, etc. Guided by this, 
 Bl. inserts re after της here. He also follows Spengel in 
 bracketing άλλως re: which words, however, seem necessary 
 to the sense, and ought rather to be restored in or. vi. § 5. 
 After αληθούς, άλλως could easily drop out. See comment. 
 § 88. η καί έπί τοΐς άλλοις] καί is omitted by Maetzner and 
 Turr., comparing or. vi. § 6, where in the repetition of this 
 passage we find η έπί τοΐς άλλοις: Bl. brackets it: rightly, I 
 
22 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 90 Πώς αν ονν όρθώς δικάσαιτε περϊ αυτών \ el 
 τοΰτους re εάσετε τον νομιζόμενον ορκον διομοσα- 
 μενους κατηγορήσαι, κάμε περϊ αΰτοΰ τοΰ ΤΓρώγμα·* 
 τος άποΧογησασθαι. πώς δε εάσετε ; εάν νυνϊ 
 άπο'φηφίσησθε μου. Βιαφβύ'γω yap ουδ’ ουτω τάς 
 νμετερας yi >ώμας, αλλ’ υμείς εσεσθε οι κάκει περί 
 εμού διαψηφιζόμενοι. καϊ άποφτηφισαμενοις μεν 
 νμιν εμού νυν εξεστι τότε χρησσαι ο τι αν οη βου- 
 Χησθε, *άποΧεσασι δε ουδέ βουΧεΰσασθαι ετι περί 
 
 91 εμού ey^copel. καϊ μην εΐ δεοι άμαρτειν *τι, το 
 
 αδίκως άποΧΰσαι όσιώτερον αν εϊη τοΰ μη δικαίως 
 άπόΧεσαι * το μεν yap αμάρτημα μόνον εστί, τό δε 
 ετερον καϊ άσεβημα. εν ω χρή ποΧΧην πρόνοιαν 
 e -χειν, μεΧΧοντας άνήκεστον epyov epyat^eaOai. εν 
 μεν yap άκεστώ πpάyμaτι καϊ opyfj γρησαμενους 
 και διαβοΧη πειθομενους εΧασσον εστιν εξαμαρτεΐν * 
 μετayvoΰς yap ετι αν όρθώς βουΧεΰσαιτο * εν δε 
 τοΐς άνηκεστοις πΧεον βΧάβος τό μετανοείν καϊ 
 yvώvaι εζημαρτηκότας. η δη δε τισιν υμών καϊ 
 
 μετεμεΧησεν άποΧωΧεκόσι. καίτοι οΰπω <άποΧε- 
 Χυκόσιν> ύμΐν οΰδ ’ εξαπατηθεΐσι μετεμεΧησεν, ει 
 καϊ πάνυ τοι χρή τους ye εξαπατώντας άποΧωΧεναι. 
 
 92 ’Έπειτα δε τα μεν ακούσια τών αμαρτημάτων 
 εχει συyyvώμηv, τά δε εκούσια ονκ βχει. τό μεν 
 
 think. See comment. § 90 . άττολέσασι] Dobree’s conjecture, 
 adopted by Turr. Bl. — άττο\ογήσασθαι vulg. Bk. § 91 . άμαρ- 
 τεΐν * τι, τό αδίκων] So Maetzner and Bl.: Stobaeus has, τι 
 άμαρτεΐν τό άδίκως. The mss. have άμαρτεΐν έπί τφ or έττί τφ 
 (the latter, Ν, Bk. Turr.), || < άττο\ε\νκόσιν > ύμΐν οΰδ’ έξαπα- 
 
 τηθεΐσι ] The insertion of . άπολελνκόσιν is due to Weidner, 
 whom Bl. follows, writing ύμΐν ούδ’ for ύμΐν τοΐ$. —Yulg. ύμΐν 
 
ANTIPHOK 
 
 23 
 
 yap ακούσιον αμάρτημα, ώ άν8ρες, της τύχης εστμ 
 το 8ε εκούσιον της yvώμης. εκούσιον δε πώς αν είη 
 μάΧΧον ή el' τις, ών βουΧήν ποιοιτο, ταύτα παρα- 
 χρημα εζεpyάζoιτo ; και μην την ϊσην ye 8ύναμιν 
 €χει, υστις τε αν τη χειρϊ άποκτείνη ά8ίκως και 
 οστις τη ψηφω. εΰ δ’ ιστέ οτι ούκ άν ποτ ηΧθον 93 
 εις τήν πόΧιν, εϊ τι ξυνη8ειν εμαυτω τοιουτον * νυν 
 8k πιστεύων τώ 8ικαίω , ου πΧεονος ού8εν εστιν 
 άξιον άν8ρι συvayωvίζεσθaι, μη8εν αύτώ συνει8ότι 
 άνοσιον είpyaσμεvω μη8' εις τούς θεούς ησεβηκότι’ 
 εν yap τώ τοιούτω η8η και το σώμα άπειρηκός η 
 ‘φνχη συνεξεσωσεν, εθεΧουσα ταΧαιπωρεΐν 8ιά το 
 μη ξυνει8εναι εαυτη’ τώ 8ε ξυνει8ότι τούτο αυτό 
 πρώτον ποΧεμιόν εστιν ’ ετι yap και του σώματος 
 ίσχύοντος η 'φνχη προαποΧείπει, γούμενη την 
 τιμωρίαν οι ηκειν ταύτην τών ασεβή μάτων' ε’γώ 
 δ’ εμαυτω τοιουτον ού8εν ζυνβι8ώς ηκω εις υμάς. 
 
 Τδ δε τούς κaτηyόρoυς 8ιαβάΧΧειν ού8εν εστι 94 
 θαυμαστόν, τούτων yap epyov τούτο, υμών δε τδ 
 μη πείθεσθαι τα μη 8ίκαια. τούτο μεν yap εμοι 
 πειθομενοις ύμΐν μεταμεΧησαι εστιν, και τούτου 
 φάρμακον τδ αύθις κοΧάσαι, τού 8ε τούτοις πειθο- 
 μενους itjepyaaaa0ai ά ούτοι βούΧονται ούκ εστιν 
 ιασις. ού8ε χρόνος ποΧύς ό 8ιαφερων, εν ω ταύτα 
 νομίμως πράζεθ * ά νύν υμάς παρανόμως πείθουσιν 
 οι KaTT]yopoi ψηφίσασθαι . ου τοι.τών επεπόμενων 
 
 tols έξαπατηθεΐσι. § 93 . τήν τιμωρίαν... ταύτην] τήν is 
 bracketed by Bl. (though not by Turr.), as Sauppe and Kayser 
 suggested: Maetzner would either omit it, or else, keeping it, 
 change ταύτην to τψ. But see comment. 
 
24 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 εστϊ τά πράγματα, άλλα των ευ βουλευομενων. 
 νυν μεν οΰν γνωρισταϊ γίγνεσθε τής δίκης, τότε δε 
 δικασταϊ των μαρτύρων * νυν μεν δοξασταί, τότε 
 
 95 δε κριταί των αληθών. ραστον δε τοί εστιν άνδρός 
 περί θανάτου φεύγοντος τα ψευδή καταμαρτυρήσαι. 
 εάν yap τό παραχρήμα μόνον πείσωσιν ώστε άπο- 
 κτείναι, άμα τω σωματι καί ή τιμωρία άπόλωλεν. 
 ούτε yap οι φίλοι ετι θελήσουσιν ύπερ απολωλότος 
 τιμωρεΐν' εάν δε και βουληθώσιν, τί εσται πλέον 
 
 96 Τ ω γε άποθανόντι ; νυν μεν ονν άποψηφίσασθε 
 μου’ εν δε τή του φόνου δίκη ούτοί τε τον νομι- 
 ζόμενον ορκον διομοσάμενοι εμού κατηγορήσουσι, 
 και υμείς περί εμού κατά τούς κείμενους νόμους 
 διαγνώσεσθε, και εμοι ούδεϊς λόγος εσται ετι , εάν 
 *τι πάσχω, ως % παρανόμως άπωλόμην. ταύτά τοι 
 δέομαι υμών, ούτε το ύμετερον εύσεβες πάρεις ούτε 
 εμαυτόν άποστερων το δίκαιον * εν δε τω ύμετερω 
 όρκω και ή εμή σωτηρία ενεστι. πειθόμενοι δε 
 τούτων ότω βούλεσθε , άποψηφίσασθε μου. 
 
 § 95. ρ$στον δέ τοι] Dobree’s conject., Maetzner, Turr. Bl. 
 The mss. have apais των δέ τοι, which Bk. prints. Other emen¬ 
 dations are απαίσιων δέ (Scaliger), apa ί'στ’ ώ αν δρει οΐόν έστι 
 (Reiske), άράσιμον (Stephanus), χρηστών (Valcknaer). It is 
 remarkable that N omits the words altogether, so that των 
 αληθών, is immediately followed by ’έστιν άνδρόί, κ.τ.λ. Perhaps 
 the scribe of N may have taken έστιν as = ‘it is possible’: this 
 would give at least a complete sense, and may have prevented 
 his noticing that he had left out any words. § 96. έάν * τι 
 πάσχω] τι Bk.: mss. re, vulg. before Bk. ye. || * παρανομώ s] 
 
 Reiske’s correction. The παράνομοί of the mss. still appears 
 in Bk.’s Berlin text of 1823. 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 25 
 
 IV. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΧΟΡΕΥΤΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. νι. —About 412 b. c.] 
 
 || 11—15. 
 
 Έ 7 τειδή χορη^ος κατεστάθην εις Sapy^Xia και 11 
 εΧαχον ΤΙαντακΧεα διδάσκαΧον καί Υ^εκροπ'ώα 
 φυΧήν προς τη εμαυτοΰ, \τουτεστι τή 'Έρεχθηίδι,] 
 εχορτηηουν ως άριστά εδυνάμην και δικαιότατα, 
 καί πρώτον μεν διδασκαΧείον ή ήν επιτηδειότατον 
 της εμης οικίας κατεσκευασα, εν ωπερ και Αιονυ- 
 σίοις οτε εχορ^ουν εδίδασκον * επειτα τον χορόν 
 συνεΧεξα ώς εδυνάμην άριστα, ούτε ζημιώσας 
 ούδενα οΰτε ενεχυρα βία φερων ουτ άπεχθανόμένος 
 ονδενί, αλλ’ ώσπερ αν ήδιστα και επιτηδειότατα 
 άμφοτεροις iyiy νέτο, ε’γώ μεν εκεΧευον καί *ήτου- 
 μην, οί δ' εκόντες και βουΧόμενοι επεμπον. επει δε 12 
 ηκον οί παΐδες, πρώτον μεν μοι άσχοΧία ην παρεί¬ 
 ναι και επιμεΧείσθαι’ ετvyχavε yap μοι π pay ματ a 
 οντα προς Άριστίωνα και ΦιΧίνον, ά ε’γώ περί 
 ποΧΧον εποιουμην, επειδή περ είσήyyειXa, όρθώς 
 και δικαίως άποδείξαι τη βουΧή καί τοΐς άΧΧοις 
 Άθηναίοις. 
 
 Έγώ μεν ονν τουτοις προσείχον τον νουν, 
 κατέστησα δε επιμεΧείσθαι, εϊ τι δεοι τώ χορώ, 
 
 Φ ανόστρατον, δημότην μεν τουτωνϊ τών διωκόν- 
 των, κηδεστήν δ’ ε μαντού, ω ε’γώ δεδωκα την 
 OvyaTipa, καί ήξίουν αυτόν <ώς> άριστα επι- 
 
 IV. § 11. [τοντέστι. ττ) Έρεχ^ηίδι,]] Bl. follows Beiske in 
 bracketing this as a scholium which has come in from § 13. 
 
 [| *τ)τούμψ Bekker’s conject.: τνγούμην mss. || <ws> supplied 
 
26 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 13 μελείσθαι' ετι Be προς τοντω Βΰο άνΒρας, τον μεν 
 ΈιρεχθηίΒος *Α μυνίαν, ον αυτοί οΐ φυλεται εψηφι- 
 σαντο συλλεγειν καί επιμελεισθαι της φυλής 
 εκάστοτε, Βοκούντα 'χρηστόν είναι, τον δ’ ετερον 
 τί)ς Κ,εκροπίΒος, οσπερ εκάστοτε εϊωθε ταύτην την 
 φυλήν συλλεγειν' ετι Be τέταρτον Φίλιππον, ω 
 προσετετακτο ώνείσθαι κα\ αναλίσκειν εϊ τι φράζοί 
 6 ΒιΒάσκαλος η αΧΧος τις τούτων , όπως <ώς> 
 άριστα χορηγοΐντο οι παΐΒες καί μηΒενος ενΒεεΐς 
 ειεν Βιά την εμην ασχολίαν. 
 
 14 Υ^αθειστήκει μεν η χορηγία ούτω. καί τούτων 
 εϊ τι 'φενΒομαι προφάσεως ενεκα, εζεστι τφ κατη¬ 
 γορώ *εξελεγξαντι εν τφ υστερώ λόγω ο τι αν 
 βονληται είπεΐν' επεί τοι ούτως εχει, ώ άνΒρες * 
 πολλοί των περιεστωτων τούτων τά μεν πράγματα 
 ταύτα πάντα ακριβώς επίστανται, καί τού ορκωτού 
 άκούουσι, καί εμοί προσεχουσι τον νούν άττα εγώ 
 αποκρίνομαι, οΐς εγώ *βουλοίμην αν Βοκειν αυτός 
 τε εύορκος είναι καί υμάς τάληθή λεγων πεϊσαι 
 
 15 άποφτηφίσασθαί μου. πρώτον μεν ούν άποΒείζω 
 ύμιν ότι ούτε εκελευσα πιεΐν τον παΐΒα το φάρ- 
 μακον ούτ ηνάγκασα ούτ εΒωκα καί ούΒε παρήν 
 
 by Β1.: cp. De Caed. Herod. § 18 (above, p. 14). § 13. τον δ’ 
 
 δτερον] Sauppe thinks that a proper name has either dropped 
 out after τη s Κεκροπίδος or is concealed in έτερον. || <ώ?> 
 
 supplied by Bl. § 14. K αθειστηκει μέν] After μΐν Reiske 
 would add ovv ,— needlessly. || δξεστι τΐρ κατηγόρφ *έξε\έ-/ξαντι 
 ...6 τι δν βούληται είπεΐν ] The mss. give έξελέ-γξαι (Bk. Turr.). 
 But, if we do not omit είπεΐν, as Dobree proposed, then it is 
 a dilemma. Keeping εξελέ-γξαι we must read είπών, as Sauppe 
 suggests; or, keeping είπεΐν, we must read εξελέΎξαντι, as Bl. 
 does. I prefer the latter. || * βουλοίμην iv] so Bl., with 
 
 Dobree. The objection to έβουλόμην (mss.) here is that it 
 implies a belief on the speaker’s part that he was not thought 
 
ANTIPHON. 
 
 27 
 
 η ϊ ν 
 or 67 TL€V. 
 
 kcll ου τούτον eve/ca ταύτα σφόΒρα 
 
 Xeyco, ώς Ιμαυτον βξω αίτιας καταστήσω , βτβρον 
 Be τινα €ΐς αιτίαν άyάyω' ου Βήτα eywye, πλην ye 
 της τύχης, rjTrep οίμαι καί άΧλοις 7 ΓοΧλοΐς ανθρώ¬ 
 πων αίτια ΙστΙν άποθαν€ΐν' ην οϋτ αν βγω ούτ 
 άλλο? ονθ€ΐς οιος τ αν €ΐη * αποτρ€γαι μη ου 
 yei ώσθαι ηντινα Bel ίκάστω. 
 
 εΰορκος. § 15. σφόδρα ] Β1·, on Keiske’s conj., gives <οϋτω> 
 σφόδρα. || * άποτρέφαι] Dobree’s conject., adopted by Bl.— 
 
 άποστρέφαι. mss., Bk. Turr. 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIB SAB £, 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. 
 
10 
 
 ΑΝΔΟΚΙΔΗΣ. 
 
 I. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΘΟΔΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. ιι.—410 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 10 — 16 . 
 
 Κ αϊτοί iyco τότ αυτός yvovs τας εμαυτου συμ¬ 
 φοράς, ω τινι κακών re καί αισχρών ούκ οΙΒ * εϊ τι 
 aireyevero , τά μεν παρανοία τη εμαυτου, τά δ’ 
 avayKy των παρόντων repay μάτων, ey νων ηΒιστον 
 είναι πράττειν τε τοιαυτα καί Βιαιτάσθαι εκεί, 
 οπού ήκιστα μεΧΧοιμι όφθησεσθαι vtf> υμών. 
 επειΒη Be χρόνω ύστερον είσηΧθε μοι , ώσπερ εικός , 
 επιθυμία της τε μεθ ’ υμών ποΧιτείας εκείνης και 
 Βιαίτης , εξ ης Βευρι μετεστην, εγνων ΧυσιτεΧεΐν 
 μοι η του βίου άπηΧΧάχθαι, η την πόΧιν ταύτην 
 
 ANDOCIDES. 
 
 The sources for the text of Andocides are chiefly the same 
 as for that of Antiphon. Here, however, the codex Crippsia- 
 nus A has no longer any rival in its claim to be the most 
 faithful representative of the common archetype, since the 
 Oxoniensis iV does not contain Andocides. A was collated by 
 I. Bekker, and by Dobson, who also collated afresh in Ando¬ 
 cides the whole Burneianus M , used by Bekker only in a few 
 passages. Not much, however, has been gained from M , or 
 from the codex Ambrosianus P, which Bekker consulted in 
 some places ; still less from Marcianus L or Yratislaviensis Z. 
 The mss. and editions are indicated by the same letters as in 
 the case of Antiphon. 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 29 
 
 αγαθόν τι τοσοντον ερ<γάσ°ασθαι, ώστε υμών εκόν- 
 των είναι ποτό μοι ποΧιτενσασθαι μεθ' υμών, εκ 11 
 δε τούτον ον πώποτε ούτε τον σώματος ούτε των 
 οντων εμοι εφεισάμην, οπού εδει παρακινδννεύειν' 
 αΧΧ' αντίκα μεν τότε είσή^α^ον εις στρατιάν υμών 
 ούσαν εν Χάμω κωπόας, των τετρακοσίων ήδη τά 
 πράγματα ενθάδε κατειΧηφότων, οντος μοι Ά ρχε- 
 Χάον ξένον πατρικόν και διδόντος *τόμνεσθαί τε 
 και εξάγεσθαι όπόσονς εβονΧόμην. τούτους τε 
 είσήγαγον τους κωττεας, καί παρόν μοι πόντε 
 δραχμών την τιμήν αυτών δόξασθαι ονκ ήθόΧησα 
 πράξασθαι πΧεον ή οσον εμοι κατέστησαν , εισή- 
 yayov δε σΐτόν τε καί χαΧκόν' καί οι άνδρες 12 
 εκείνοι εκ τούτων παρεσκενασμόνοι ενίκησαν μετά 
 ταντα ΤίεΧοποννησίονς νανμαχονντες, και την 
 πόΧιν ταυτην μόνοι ανθρώπων έσωσαν εν τώ τότε 
 χρόνω. ει τοίννν μεγάΧων αγαθών άξια υμάς 
 είργάσαντο εκείνοι, μέρος εγώ ονκ άν εΧάχιστον 
 δικαίως ταντης τής αιτίας εχοιμι. εί yap τοϊς 
 άνδράσιν εκείνοις τότε τά επιτήδεια μη είσήχθη , 
 ου περί τον σώσαι τάς ’Αθήνας ό κίνδννος ήν 
 αντοΐς μάΧΧον ή περί τον μηδε αυτούς σωθήναι. 
 
 Τούτων τοίννν όντως εχόντων ονκ οΧίγω μοι 13 
 παράγνώμην ηύρεθη τά ενταύθα πράγματα εχοντα. 
 κατόπΧενσα μεν γάρ ώς επαινεθησόμένος υπό των 
 ενθάδε προθνμίας τε εϊνεκα καί επιμεΧείας των 
 
 I. § 11 . *τέμνεσθαΐ\ Dobree’s conject., Turr. ΒΙ. — y ενέσθαι 
 mss. Bk. § 12 . ^eyaXuv ayad<2v αξία] So the mss. For 
 αξία Bl. conjectures aiVta: but the subsequent phrase ταύτης 
 τη% αίτια s is rather against the change than in its favour. 
 
30 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ύμετερων πραγμάτων * ητυθόμενοι δε τινες με 
 ηκοντα των τετρακοσίων εζητουν τε τ ταραχρήμα, 
 
 14 καί Χαβόντες ηγαγον είς την βουΧην. ευθύς δε 
 παραστάς μοι ΤΙείσανΒρος , “ άι'Βρες,” εφη, “ βου - 
 Χευταί, εγώ τον άνΒρα τούτον ενΒεικνύω ύμϊν 
 σίτον τε είς τούς ποΧεμίους είσαγαγόντα καί κω- 
 7 τέας.” καί το πράγμα ηΒη παν Βιηγείτο ως 
 επεπρακτο , εν δε τώ τότε τά εναντία φρονούντες 
 ΒηΧοι ησαν ηΒη οί επί στρατιάς οντες τοΐς τε- 
 
 15 τρακοσίοις. κάγώ , θόρυβος γάρ Βη τοιούτος 
 
 εγίγνετο των βουΧευτών, επειΒή εγίγνωσκον an το- 
 Χούμενος, ευθύς προσπηΒώ προς την εστίαν καί 
 Χαμβάνομαι των ιερών, όπερ μοι καί πΧείστου 
 άξιον εγίγνετο εν τω τότε * είς γάρ τούς θεούς 
 * εγοντα όνείΒη ούτοί με μάΧΧον των ανθρώπων 
 εοίκασι κατεΧεησαι, βουΧηθεντων τε αυτών άπο- 
 κτεΐναί με ουτοι ησαν οί Βιασώσαντες. Βεσμά τε 
 ύστερον καί κακά όσα τε καί οια τω σώματι ηνε- 
 σχόμην, μακρον άν εϊη μοι Χεγε^ν. ου Βη καί 
 
 16 μάΧιστ εμαυτον άπωΧοφυράμην' οστις τούτο μεν 
 εν ω εΒόκει ό Βημος κακούσθαι, εγώ αντί τούτον 
 κακά είγον, τούτο δε επειΒη έφαίνετο ευ ύπ ’ εμού 
 πεπονθώς , πάΧιν αύ καί Βιά τούτ εγώ * άπωΧΧύ- 
 μην' ώστε όΒόν τε καί πόρον μηΒαμη ετι είναι μοι 
 
 § 14. στρατιά?] A, Turr. Β1. — στρατβία s vulg. Bk. § 15. επειδή] 
 so Reiske, Turr. Bl. — καί επειδή mss. Bk. || *^χοντα όνείδη 
 οΰτοί με] Sauppe’s conject., Turr. Bl. — εΐχον τα όνείδη ουτοι, 
 οί' με mss. Bk. § 16. πάλιν αν καί διά tout εγώ *άπω\\ύμην] 
 άπωλλύμψ is a conjecture of Bekker, who, however, prints the 
 vulg. άπολοίμψ: and so Turr. Bl. As οστι? is causal, the 
 optat. is possible, though harsh in combination with εΐχον. 
 The insertion of εί before πάλιν αυ, which Bl. suggests, would 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 31 
 
 βυθαρσείν’ οποί yap τραποίμην, πάντοθεν κακόν 
 τί μοί εφαίνετο ετοίμαζόμενον. αλλ ' όμως καϊ 
 εκ τούτων τοίούτων οντων απαλλαγεί? ουκ εστιν ο 
 τι ετερον epyov περί πΧείονος εποωύμην ή την 
 πό\ιν ταυτην αγαθόν τί όρηάσασθαί. 
 
 II. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΩΝ ΜΥΣΤΗΡΙΩΝ, 
 
 [Or. ι.— 399 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 34—45. 
 
 Περί δε των αναθημάτων της περικοπής καϊ 34 
 της μηνυσεως, ώσπερ καϊ υπεσχόμην υμΐν, ουτω 
 καϊ ποιήσω' εξ αρχής yap υμάς διδάξω άπαντα 
 τα yεyεvημεva. επειδή Τ ενκρος ήΧθε ^Aεyapόθεv 
 άδειαν ευρόμενος , μηνύει περί τε των μυστηρίων ά 
 ήδει καϊ των περικοήτάντων τα αναθήματα, καϊ άπο - 
 ypάφεί δυοΐν δέοντας είκοσιν άνδρας. επειδή δε ου - 
 τοί άπεypάφησav, οί μεν αυτών φε^οντες ωχοντο, 
 οι δε συΧΧηφθεντες άπέθανον κατά τήν Τ εΰκρου 
 μήνυσίν . καί μοί άνά^·νωθι αυτών τα ονόματα. 
 
 ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ. Τ ενκρος επί rots Έρμαίς εμήνυσεν Ε νκτή- 35 
 
 μονά, ΤΧανκιππον, Ε νρνμαχον, Πολυευκτον, Πλατωνα, 
 
 Άντίδωρον, Χαρ ίππον, Θεόδωρον, ΆΧκισθόνη, Μενε- 
 
 στρατον, *Ε ρνξίμαχον, Ε νφίΧητον, Ευρυδάμ,αντα, 
 
 Φερεκλεα, Μελ^τον, Ύιμάνθη, Άρχιδαμ,ον, Τελενικον. 
 
 only remove one difficulty by introducing another. And if for 
 oans we read el, €Ϊχον followed by άπολοίμην would still be 
 awkward. I have little doubt that άπολοίμην was a mere error, 
 occasioned by the neighbouring optat. τραποίμην. || ούκ ’έστιν 
 δ τι 'έτερον Zpyov] Β, Ζ (in Λ erepov is written over ipyov), Bk. 
 Turr.: Bl. brackets fpyov : vulg. ούκέτι erepov. 
 
 II, § 35. Άλκισθένη...Ύιμάνθη] so, with C. Schiller, Bl.—■ 
 
32 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 Τούτων τοίννν των άνΒρών oi μεν ήκουσι καί 
 είσιν ενθάδε, των δό άποθανύντων είσϊ ποΧΧοί 
 προσήκοντες' ων οστις βούΧεται, εν τω εμω λόγω 
 άναβάς με ε\ε<γζάτω ή ως εφυγε τις Βι εμέ τούτων 
 των άνΒρών ή ως άπέθανεν. 
 
 36 Έ7 τειΒή Βε ταυτα iy ενετό, ΤΙείσανΒρος και 
 ΧαρικΧής, οντες μεν των ζητητών, Βοκοΰντες δ’ εν 
 έκείνω τω χρόνω εύνούστατοι είναι τω Βήμω, εΧε^ον 
 ως εϊη τα epya τα yεyεvημέva ονκ όλ/γω ν άνΒρών 
 αλλ’ επί τή του Βήμου καταΧύσει, και χρήναι ετι 
 ζητεΐν και μή παύσασθαι. και ή πόΧις ούτως 
 Βιεκειτο, ώστ επειδή τήν βουΧήν εις το βουΧευτή- 
 ριον ο κήρυξ * άνείποι ίεναι και το σημεΐον καθεΧοι, 
 τω αύτώ σημείω ή μεν βουΧη εις το βουΧεντήριον 
 ήει, οι ο εκ τής ayop ας *εφευyov, οεοιοτες εις εκασ- 
 
 37 τος μή συΧΧηφθείη. έπαρθείς ούν τοΐς τής πόΧεως 
 κακοΐς είσayyέXXει ΑιοκΧείΒης εις τήν βουΧήν, 
 φάσκων εΙΒεναι τούς περικόψαντας τούς ' Έ»ρμάς , 
 καί είναι αυτούς εις τριακοσίους' ως δ’ ΪΒοι καί 
 περιτύχοι τω πpάyμaτι, εXεyε. καί τούτοις, ώ 
 άνΒρες, Βεομαι ύμών προσέχοντας τον νουν άναμιμ- 
 νήσκεσθαι, εάν άΧηθή λόγω, καί ΒιΒάσκειν αΧΧή- 
 Χους' εν ύμΐν yap ήσαν οι Xoyoi, καί μοι υμείς 
 τούτων μάρτυρες εστε. 
 
 38 ’Έφη yap είναι μεν άνΒράποΒόν οί επί Ααυρίω, 
 Βεΐν Βε κομίσασθαι άποφοράν. άναστάς Βε πρω 
 
 Άλκισθένψ...Τιμάνθην Bk. Turr. § 36. οϋτως δίέκατο] οϋτως 
 A, Turr. Β1. —οΰτω Bk. vulg. || * άνείποι.,.καθέΧοί] aveiiri /... 
 καθέλτ] mss. (except that A, B have καθέλοι.). Corrected by 
 Dobree, and by Schomann De Comitiis p. 151. || *?<peiryov] 
 Baiter’s conjecture, adopted by Bl.— tyvyov mss. Bk. Turr. 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 33 
 
 ψευσθείς τής ώρας βαδίζειν* είναι δε πανσέληνον, 
 επεί δε παρά το προπύλαιον του Διονύσου ήν, 
 όράν ανθρώπους πολλούς από τού ωδείου καταβαί - 
 νοντας εις τήν ορχήστραν * δείσας δε αυτούς, είσελ - 
 θων υπό τήν σκιάν καθεζεσθαι μεταξύ τού κίονος 
 και τής στήλης εφ' ή 6 στρατηγός εστιν ό χαλκούς, 
 όράν δε ανθρώπους τον μεν αριθμόν μάλιστα τρία - 
 κοσίους, εστάναι δε κύκλω άνά πεντε καί δέκα 
 άνδρας, τούς δε άνά εικοσιν * όρων δε αυτών προς 
 τήν σελήνην τά πρόσωπα των πλείστων γιγνώσ- 
 κειν. καί πρώτον μεν, ώ άνδρες, τούθ ’ ύπεθετο 39 
 δεινότατον πράγμα, οίμαι, όπως εν εκείνω εϊη 
 οντινα βονλοιτο Αθηναίων φάναι των άνδρών 
 τούτων είναι, οντινα δε μή βούλοιτο, λεγειν οτι 
 ουκ ην. ιοων οε ταυτ εφη επι Ααυριον ιεναι, και 
 τή υστεραία άκονειν οτι οι 'Ειρμοί ειεν περικεκομ - 
 μενοι * γνώναι ονν ευθύς ότι τούτων εϊη των 
 άνδρών το εργον. ήκων δε εις άστυ ζητητάς τε 40 
 ήδη ήρημενους καταλαμβάνειν καί μήνυτρα κεκη- 
 ρυγμενα εκατόν μνας. ίδών δε Εύφημον τον 
 Κ αλλίου τού Ύηλεκλεους αδελφόν εν τώ χαλκείω 
 καθήμενον, άναγαγών αυτόν εις τό ( Ή.φαιστεΐον 
 λεγειν άπερ ύμϊν εγώ εϊρηκα, ως ϊδοι ημάς εν 
 εκείνη τή νυκτί' ονκουν δεοιτο παρά τής πόλεως 
 χρήματα λαβεΐν μάλλον ή παρ' ήμών, ώσθ ’ ήμάς 
 εχειν φίλους, είπεΐν ούν τον Έίυφημον οτι καλώς 
 ποιήσειεν είπών, καί νύν ήκειν κελεύσαί οί εις τήν 
 Αεωγόρου οικίαν, ϊν εκεί συγγενή μετ εμού 
 
 § 38. του Διονύσου] Turr. Β1.— τ6 Διονύσου Ζ, Μ, Bk. § 40. 
 έν τψ χαλκείω] £ν τιρ χάλκείιρ Yalckenaer conj., and so Bl. 
 
 3 
 
 J. 
 
34 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 41 'Ανδοκίδη καί ετεροις *οΐς δε£. ηκειν εφη τη υστε¬ 
 ραία, καί δή κόπτειν την θύραν, τον δε πατέρα τον 
 εμόν τυχεΐν εξιόντα, καί είπεΐν αυτόν' “ αρά ye 
 σε οϊδε περιμενουσι ; γ^ρη μεντοι μη άπωθεΐσθαι 
 τοιούτους φίλους.” είπόντα δε αυτόν ταυτα 
 οΧχεσθαι. καί τούτω μεν τω τρόπω τον πατέρα 
 μου απώλλυε, συνειδότα άποφαίνων. είπεΐν δε 
 ημάς οτι δεδοημενον ημΐν εϊη δυο μεν τάλαντα 
 apyvpiov διδόναι οί αντί των εκατόν μνών των εκ 
 του δημοσίου, εάν δε κατάσγωμεν ημείς ά βουλό- 
 μεθα , ενα * αυτόν ημών είναι, πίστιν δε τούτων 
 
 42 δούναι τε και δεξασθαι. άποκρίνασθαι δε αυτός 
 
 προς ταυτα οτι βουλεύσοιτο' ημάς δε κελεΰειν 
 αυτόν ηκειν εις Κ αλλίου του Τ ηλεκλεους, ΐνα 
 κάκεινος παρείη. τον δ’ αυ κηδεστην μου ούτως 
 άπωλλυεν. ηκειν εφη εις Κ αλλίου, και καθο - 
 
 μόλoyησaς ημΐν πίστιν δούναι εν άκροπόλ'ει, και 
 ημάς συνθεμενους οί τό apyvpiov εις τον *επιόντα 
 μήνα δωσειν διαψευδεσθαι και ου διδόναι' ηκειν 
 ονν μήνυσών τά yei >όμενα. 
 
 43 Ή μεν eίσayyελίa *αυτω, ώ άνδρες, τοιαυτη' 
 dπoypάφει δε τά ονόματα των άνδρων ων εφη 
 yvoovai, δυο και τετταράκοντα, πρώτους μεν Αίαν- 
 τίθεον και Ά'φεφίωνα, βουλευτάς όντας και καθη- 
 μενους ένδον, είτα δε και τούς άλλους, άναστάς 
 
 § 41. ένα *αύτδνημών] Reiske’s conject. (Bk. Turr. Bl.) for vulg. 
 ένα αύτών ημών. §42. καθομολόγησαν] A , Β, Bk. Turr. Bl. : vulg. 
 καθοδήγησαν. || *έιηόντα] Emperius’s conject., and so Turr. Bl. 
 βίσώντα mss. Bk. § 43. *αι5τφ] Reiske, Turr. Bl. — αυτών 
 vulg. Bk. || Άψβφίωνα] so Turr. (comparing Boeckh Corp. 
 Inscr. ii. 340) Bl., and so below, § 44, Ά φβφίων . — Bk. 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 35 
 
 δε ΐΙείσανΒρος εφη χρήναι λύειν το επί Χκαμαν- 
 Βρίου ψήφισμα καί άναβιβάζειν επί τον τροχόν 
 τους άπογραφεντας, όπως μή πρότερον νύξ εσται 
 7 τρίν 7 τυθεσθαι τους άνΒρας άπαντας. άνεκραγεν 
 ή βουλή ώς ευ λεγει. άκούσαντες δε ταύτα 44 
 Μ αντίθεος καί Άψεφίων επί την εστίαν εκαθε - 
 ζοντο, ίκετεύοντες μή στρεβλωθήναι αλλ* ε’^εγ- 
 γυιηθεντες κριθήναι. μόλις δε τούτων τυχόντες 
 επειΒή τους εγγυι]τάς κατέστησαν, επί τους ίππους 
 άναβάντες ωχοντο εις τους πολεμίους αύτομο- 
 λήσαντες, καταλιπόντες τούς εγγυητάς, ούς εΒει 
 τοΐς αύτοΐς ενεχεσθαι εν οΐσπερ ους ήγγυήσαντο. 
 ή δε βουλή εξελθοΰσα εν άπορρήτω συνελαβεν 45 
 ημάς καί εΒησεν εν τοΐς ζύλοις. άνακαλεσαντες 
 δε τούς στρατηγούς άνειπεΐν εκελευσαν 'Αθηναίων 
 τούς μεν εν άστει οικούντας ίεναι εις τήν αγοράν 
 τά όπλα λαβόντας, τούς δ’ εν μακρω τείχει εις *τδ 
 %ησειον, τούς δ’ εν ΤΙειραιεΐ εις τήν Γ ΐ7Γ7τοδαμ,ε/α^ 
 αγοράν, τούς δε *ίππεας ετι νυκτός σημήναι τη 
 σάλπιγγι ήκειν εις τό Άνάκειον, τήν δε βουλήν 
 εις άκρόπολιν ίεναι κάκεΐ καθεύΒειν, τούς δε 
 πρύτανεις εν τή θολω. Βο^ωτοΙ δε πεπυσμενοι 
 τά πράγματα επί τοΐς όρίοις ήσαν εξεστρατευ- 
 μενοι. τον δε των κακών τούτων αίτιον Αιο- 
 
 ’ Αφεψίωνα, Reiske Άφεψίον α. § 44. κατα\ίπόντβς] Sauppe 
 conjectures ^καταλιπόντβς. § 45. ets *τό θησεΐον] So Reiske 
 Bk. Turr. Bl. The mss. have el's re or εϊς ye. || Ίππο- , 
 δαμείαν ] Turr. (referring to Lobeck on Soph. Ajax 108) Bl.— 
 Ίπποδαμίαν mss. Bk. || *t7r7r^as] ιππείς mss. and edd. But 
 this form of acc. pi. is not found in Attic inscriptions before 
 circ. 318 b.c. (Meisterhans, p. 57). || νυκτός] {προ) νυκτός Bl., 
 on his own conjecture. 
 
 3—2 
 
36 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 κΧείΒην ως σωτήρα οντα τής ητόΧεως ειτί ζεύγους 
 ήγον εις το πρυτανείου στεφανώσαντες, και εΒείπ- 
 νει εκεΐ. 
 
 §§ 48—69, 
 
 48 Έττε^δ?} δε εΒεΒεμεθα πάντες εν τώ αύτώ καί νύξ 
 τε ήν καί τόΒεσμωτήριον συνεκεκΧειστο, ήκον Βε 
 τω μεν μήτηρ τω Βε άΒεΧφή τω Βε γυνή καί παιΒες, 
 ην Βε βοή καί οίκτος κΧαιόντων καί όΒυρομενων τα 
 παρόντα κακά , Χεγει πρός με Χ,αρμίΒης, ών μεν 
 ανεψιός, ήΧικιώτης δε καί συνεκτραφείς εν τι η 
 
 49 οικία τή ήμετερα εκ ί ταιΒός, οτι, “ΆνΒοκίΒη, των 
 μεν παρόντων κακών όρας τό μεγεθος, εγώ δ’ εν 
 μεν τω παρεΧθόντι γρόνω ούΒέν έΒεόμην Χεγειν 
 ούΒε σε Χυπεΐν, νυν Βε αναγκάζομαι Βιά την 
 παρούσαν ήμίν συμφοράν, οϊς γάρ όγρώ καί οΐς 
 συνήσθα, άνευ ημών των συγγενών, ούτοι επί ταΐς 
 αίτίαις Βι άς ημείς άποΧΧύμεθα οι . μεν αυτών 
 τεθνάσιν, οί Βε θίγονται φεύγοντες, σφών αυτών 
 
 50 καταγνόντες άΒικεΐν . εί ήκουσάς τι τούτου τού 
 
 πράγματος τού γενομενου, είπε, καί πρώτον μεν 
 σεαυτόν σώσον, εϊτα δέ τον πατέρα, ον είκός εστί 
 σε μάΧιστα φιΧεΐν, ειτα Βε τον κηΒεστήν, ος εγει 
 σου την άΒεΧφήν ήπερ σοι μόνη εστιν, επειτα δέ 
 
 § 49. άδικεΐν.,.βί ήκονσας] A, Β, L have a lacuna between 
 αδι,κέίν and d. In A this lacuna (acc. to Sauppe) represents 
 12 lost letters, which he proposes to supply by inserting 
 τούτων to'lwv (where τούτων would be masc., ‘from them’)· 
 Another suggestion is φέρβ δή τοίνυν (Linder and Kayser). 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 τούς άΧΧονς συγγβνΐΐς καί αναγκαίους τοσούτονς 
 όντας, ετυ οε εμε, ος ev απαντυ τω βυω ηνυασα μεν 
 σε ούΒεν πώποτε, προθυμότατος δε εις σε καί τα 
 σα πράγματά είμυ, ό τι αν Sep πουεΐν.” Χεγοντος 51 
 δε', ώ άνΒρες, 'Κ.αρμίΒου ταΰτα, άντυβοΧούντων δε 
 των άΧΧων καί ίκετεύοντος όνος έκαστου, ενεθυ- 
 μήθην προς εμαυτόν' “’Ώ πάντων εγώ Βευνοτάτρ 
 συμφορά περυπεσών, πότερα περυίΒω τούς εμαυτού 
 συγγενείς άποΧΧυμενους άΒίκως , καί αυτούς τε 
 άποθανόντας καί τά χρήματα αυτών Βημευθεντα, 
 προς δε τούτοίς άναγραφεντας εν στήΧαυς ως όντας 
 άΧυτηρίους των θεών τούς ούΒενός αίτιους των 
 γεγενημενών, ετυ δε τρυακοσίους Αθηναίων μεΧ- 
 Χοντας άΒίκως * άποΧεϊσθαι, την δε πόΧυν εν κακοίς 
 ούσαν τοΐς μεγίστους καί υποψίαν εις αΧΧήΧονς 
 έχοντας, ή εοπω Αθηναίους ά περ ήκουσα Ε ύφυ- 
 Χήτου αυτού τού πουήσαντοςετυ δε επί τούτους 52 
 καί τόΒε ενεθνμήθην, ω άνΒρες, καί εΧογυζόμην προς 
 εμαυτόν τούς εξημαρτηκότας καί τό εργον είργασ - 
 μένους, οτυ οί μεν αυτών ήΒη ετεθνήκεσαν υπό 
 Τ εύκρου μηνυθεντες, οί δε φεύγοντες ωχοντο καί 
 αυτών θάνατος κατεγνωστο, τετταρες δε ήσαν 
 ύποΧουπου ου ούκ εμηνύθησαν υπό Τ εύκρου των 
 πεπουηκότων, Τίαναίτυος ΧαυρεΒημος Αυάκρυτος 
 Αυσίστρατος * οϋς είκός ήν απάντων μάΧυστα 53 
 Βοκευν ευναυ τούτων των άνΒρών οΰς εμήνυσε 
 ΑυοκΧείΒης, φίΧους όντας των άποΧωΧότων ήΒη. 
 καί τους , μεν ούΒεπω βεβαυος ήν ή σωτηρία, τους 
 
 § 51. *από\εΐσθσ.ϊ\ The conject. of Stephanus and Reiske, 
 approved by Baiter, and adopted by Bl .— άπολέσθαι mss. Bk. 
 
38 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 δε εμοΐς οικείοις φανερός <ο> δΧεθρος, el μή τις 
 epeV Αθηναίοις τα ηςνόμβνα. εδόκει ουν μοι κρεΐτ - 
 τον elvai τετταρας άνδρας αποστέρησαν της πατρί¬ 
 δας δικαίως, οΐ νυν ζωσι καί κατεΧηΧύθασι καί 
 εγουσι τα σφετερα αυτών, η εκείνους άποθανόντας 
 
 54 αδίκως περιιδεϊν. εί ουν τινί υμών, ω ανδρες, <ή> 
 των αΧΧων ποΧιτών ηνώμη τοιαύτη παρειστηκει 
 πρδτερον περί εμού, ως αρα εγώ ε μήνυσα κατά 
 των εταίρων των εμαυτου, όπως εκείνοι μεν άπό- 
 Χοιντο, εγώ δε σωθείην—ά εΧοηοποίουν οί εχθροί 
 περί εμού, βουΧόμενοι διαβάΧΧειν με—σκοπεΐσθε 
 
 55 εξ αυτών των ^ε^ενημενών, νυν yap εμε μεν 
 Xoyov <δεΐ> διδόναι των εμοί πεπ pay μενών μετά 
 της άΧηθείας, αυτών παρόντων οΐπερ ημαρτον καί 
 tyvyov ταυτα ποιήσαντες, ϊσασι δε άριστα είτε 
 ψεύδομαι είτε αΧηση Xεyω, εξεστι δε αυτοις 
 iXey^eiv με εν τω εμω λόγω* εγώ yάp εφίημι * 
 
 56 υμάς δε δει μαθειν τά yevόμεva. εμοί yap, ω 
 ανδρες, τοΰδε του άyώvoς τουτ εστι μ^ιστον, 
 σωθεντι μη δοκεΐν κακω είναι, εΐτα <δό> καί τούς 
 άΧΧους άπαντας μαθειν ότι ούτε μετά κακίας ούτε 
 μετ άνανδρίας ούδεμιάς των yεyεvημεvωv πεπρακ- 
 ται ύπ εμού ουδέν, αΧΧά διά συμφοράν yεyεvημεvηv 
 
 Turr. § 53. <ό> tfXeflpoj] 6, wanting in the mss., is added, 
 
 with Eeiske, by Bk. Turr. Bl. § 54. των άλλων ] των 
 
 άλλων mss. : 17 is added, with Sluiter, by Bk. Turr. Bl. § 55 . 
 λόγον δίδόναι] δει is added, with Eeiske, by Turr. Bl.— 
 
 λόγον διδόναι vulg. Bk. § 56. μή δοκεΐν κακφ eZvcu] After 
 these words, <άλλά τρωτόν μέν ύμά$> is inserted, on his own 
 conject., by Bl.: see commentary. Eeiske, with the same 
 object, would insert ύμΐν after μ'η δοκεΐν : Scheibe would insert 
 νμΐν after κακιρ. || εΐτα <δ£> καί] Λ, as reported by Dobson, has 
 a small lacuna between εΐτα and καί, which Sluiter fills up by 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 39 
 
 μάλιστα μεν τή πόλει, elra δε καί ήμΐν, είπον δε ά 
 ήκουσα Έιύφιλήτου προνοία μεν των avyyevatv καί 
 των φίλων, προνοία δε τής πόλεως an τάσης, μετ 
 αρετής αλλ’ ον μετά κακίας, ως εγώ νομίζω, εί 
 ούν ούτως εχεί ταύτα, σωζεσθαί τε άξιω καί Βοκεΐν 
 ύμϊν είναι μή κακός. 
 
 Φερε Βή —χρτ) yap, ω ανΒρες, άνθρωττίνως περί 57 
 των nΓpayμάτωv εκλoyίζεσθaι, ώσπερ αν αυτόν οντα 
 εν τή συμφορά—τί αν υμών έκαστος εποίησεν ; εί 
 μεν yap ήν Βνοΐν τό ετερον ελεσθαι, ή καλώς 
 άπολεσθαι ή αίσχρώς σωθήναι, Ζχοι αν τις είπεΐν 
 κακίαν είναι τά * yεvόμεva‘ καίτοι πολλοί αν καί 
 τούτο εΐλοντο, τό ζην περί πλείονος ποιησάμενοι 
 τού καλώς άποθανεΐν’ οπού δε τούτων τό εναντιώ- 58 
 τατον ήν, σιωπήσαντι μεν αύτω τε αϊσχιστα 
 άπολεσθαι μηΒεν άσεβήσαντι, ετι δε τον πατέρα 
 περιιΒεΐν άπολόμενον καί τον κηΒεστήν καί τούς 
 συyyεvεΐς καί ανεψιούς τοσούτονς, οΰς ούΒεις 
 άπωλλυεν ή ε’γώ μή είπων ως ετεροι ήμαρτον' 
 (ΔιοκλείΒης μεν yap ψευσάμενος εΒησεν αυτούς, 
 σωτηρία δε αυτών άλλη ούΒεμία ήν ή πυθεσθαι 
 Αθηναίους πάντα τά πραγθεντα' φονεύς ούν 
 αυτών iyiy νόμην ε’γώ μή είπων ύμϊν ά ήκουσα' 
 ετι δε τριακοσίους Αθηναίων άπωλλυον, καί ή 
 πόλις εν κακοΐς τοΐς μεyίστoις iyiy νέτο' ταύτα 59 
 μεν ούν ήν εμού μή είπόντος’ είπων δε τά οντα 
 αυτός τε εσωζόμην καί τον πατέρα εσωζον καί 
 τούς άλλους συyyεvεις, καί τήν πόλιν εκ φόβου 
 
 adding δέ, and so Bl. — elra καί Bk. Turr. § 57. τά *7 βνδμενα] 
 Beiske’s conject., approved by Baiter and adopted by Bl, — τα 
 
40 
 
 SELECTIONS 
 
 καί κακών των μεγίστων άπήΧΧαττον' φυγάΒες 
 Be Βι εμέ τέτταρες άνΒρες εγίγνοντο , οΐπερ καί 
 ήμαρτον * των δ* αΧΧων, * οι πρότερον νι τδ Τ εύκρου 
 εμηνύθησαν, ούτε Βήπου οι τεθνεώτες Βι εμέ μαΧ- 
 Χον ετέθνασαν ούτε οι φεύγοντες μάΧΧον εφευγον *) 
 
 60 ταΰτα Βε πάντα σκοπών εύρισκον , ω άνΒρες, των 
 παρόντων κακών ταύτα εΧάχιστα είναι, είπεΐν τα 
 γενόμενα ως τάχιστα και εΧέγξαι ΑιοκΧείΒην 
 ψευσάμενον, και τιμωρήσασθαι εκείνον, ος ημάς 
 μεν άπώΧΧυεν άΒίκως, την Βε πόΧιν εξηπάτα, 
 ταύτα Βε ποιων μέγιστος ευεργέτης έΒόκει είναι 
 
 61 και χρήματα εΧάμβανε. Βιά ταύτα ειπον τή 
 βουΧή οτι ειΒείην τούς ποιήσαντας, και εξήΧεγξα 
 τά γενόμενα, οτι εισηγήσατο μεν πινόντων ημών 
 ταυ την την βουΧήν Ε ύφίΧητος, άντ ειπον δε εγώ, 
 και τότε μεν ου γένοιτο Βι εμέ, ύστερον δ’ εγώ μεν 
 εν Κιη >οσάργει επί πωΧίον ο μοι ήν άναβάς επεσον 
 και την κΧεΐν συνετρίβην καί την κεφαΧήν κατε- 
 άγην φερόμενός τε επί κΧίνης άπεκομίσθην οϊκαΒε. 
 
 62 αισθόμενος δ* Ε ύφίΧητος ως εχοιμι, Χέγει προς 
 αυτούς ότι πέπεισμαι ταύτα συμποιεΐν και ώμο- 
 Χόγηκα αύτω μεθέξειν τού έργου καί περικόψειν 
 τον Έ ρμήν τον παρά το Φ ορβαντεΐον. ταύτα 
 
 λεγάμενα mss. Turr. Bk. § 59. των δ” άλλων, *οΐ πρότερον 
 υπό Τεύκρου εμηνύθησαν , ούτε δήπου ] των δ' άλλων οί λοιποί 
 πρότερον υπό Τεύκρου εμηνύθησαν. οϋτε δήπου vulg. and Bk. — 
 Dobree conjectured that ot λοιποί should be οΐ (or οϊπερ, or 
 δσοιπερ), and that the full stop after εμηνύθησαν should be 
 changed to a comma. So Turr. Bl.—Dobree would have 
 preferred to omit the whole clause, οί λοιποί...έμηνύθησαν: 
 but (when corrected) it has its significance, as defining the 
 otherwise vague των άλλων. § 61. ταύτην τήν βουλήν ] After 
 βουλήν the mss. have ^ενέσθαι, which Bk. brackets, and which 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 41 
 
 δ’ eXeyev εξαπατάν εκείνους* καί διά ταυτα 6 
 'Ερμης δν ορατέ πάντες, δ παρά την πατρωαν 
 οικίαν την ημετεραν, δν η Aίyηϊς άνεθηκεν, ον 
 περιεκόπη μόνος των 'Ερμων των Άθήνησιν, 
 ώς εμού τούτο * ποιησοντος, ως εφη προς αυτούς 
 Εΰφίλητος. οι δ’ αίσθόμενοι δεινά εποίουν ότι 63 
 είδείην μεν το πράημα, πεποιηκώς δε ονκ εϊην. 
 προσεΧθόντες δε μοι τη υστεραία Μ εΧητος και 
 ΕύφίΧητος εXεyov οτι “ηεηενηται, ω Ανδοκίδη, 
 και πεπρακται ημΐν ταυτα. συ μεντοι ει μεν 
 άξιοις ησυχίαν εγειν και σιωπάν, εξεις ημάς 
 επιτηδείους ώσπερ καί πρότερον' ει δβ μη, χαΧε- 
 7 τωτεροί σοι ημείς εχθροί εσόμεθα η άΧΧοι τινες 
 δι ημάς φίΧοι.” είπον αύτοΐς ότι νομίζοιμι μεν 64 
 διά το πράημα Ε ύφιΧητον πονηρόν είναι, εκείνοις 
 οε ουκ εμε οεινον είναι , οτι οιοα, αΧΧα μαΧΧον 
 αυτό τό Zpyov ποΧΧω, οτι πεποίηται. ως οΰν ην 
 ταύτ άΧηθή, τόν τε παΐδα τον εμόν παρεδωκα 
 βασανίσαι, οτι εκαμνον καί ονδ' άνιστάμην εκ της 
 κΧίνης, καί τάς θεραπαίνας εΧαβον οι πρύτανεις, 
 όθεν όρμωμενοι ταύτ εποίουν εκείνοι. εξεΧεγ-65 
 χοντες δε τό π pay μα η τε βουΧη καί οι ζητηταί, 
 επειδή ην y iyco εXεyov καί ώμoXoyεΐτo παντα- 
 χόθεν, τότε δή καΧούσι τόν ΑιοκΧείδην' καί ού 
 7 τοΧΧων Xόyωv εδεησεν, αλλ’ ευθύς ωμoXόyει ψεν- 
 δεσθαι, καί εδεΐτο σωζεσθαι φράσας τούς πείσαντας 
 αυτόν Χ^ειν ταυτα * είναι δε ΆΧκιβιάδην τόν 
 ( t>yyovaiov καί Αμίαντον τόν εξ Α'^ίνης. καί 
 οΰτοι μεν δείσαντες ωχοντο φευyovτες’ υμείς δε 66 
 Turr. Β1. omit. § 62 . *ποΐ'ησοντοί[ Reiske’s conject., Turr, 
 
42 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 άκούσαντες ταύτα ΔιοκΧείΒην μεν τώ Βικαστηρίώ 
 παραΒόντες άπεκτείνατε, τούς Βε ΒεΒεμενους καί 
 μεΧΧοντας άπόΧεισθαι εΧύσατε, τούς εμονς συγ¬ 
 γενείς, Be εμε, καί τους φεύγοντας κατεΒεξασθε, 
 αυτοί Βε Χαβόντες τα οπΧα an τητε, ητοΧΧών κακών 
 
 67 καί κινΒννων άηταΧΧαγεντες. εν οΐς εγώ, ώ άνΒρες, 
 ■ της μεν τύχης y εχρησάμην Βικαίως άν ύητο πάντων 
 
 εΧεηθείην, των Be *γενομενων ενεκεν εΙκότως <αν> 
 άνηρ άριστος Βοκοίην είναι, όστις είσηγησαμενω 
 μεν Ε νφιΧητω πίστιν των εν άνθρώττοις άπιστο- 
 τάτην ηναντιώθην καί άντεΐττον καί εΧοιΒόρησα 
 εκείνω ών ην άξιος, άμαρτόντων δ’ εκείνων την 
 αμαρτίαν αύτοΐς συνεκρυψα, καί μηνύσαντος κατ 
 αυτών Τ εύκρου οί μεν αυτών άπεθανον οί δ’ 
 εφυγον, ητρίν ημάς υπό ΔιοκΧείΒου Βεθηναι καί 
 μεΧΧειν άητοΧεΐσθαι. τότε Be άπεγραψα τετταρας 
 άνΒρας, ΤΙαναίτιον Διάκριτον Αυσίστρατον Χαι- 
 
 68 ρεΒημον' ούτοι μεν εφυγον Βι εμε, όμοΧογώ’ εσώθη 
 Be γε ό πατήρ, ό κηΒεστής, ανεψιοί τρεις, τών 
 αΧΧων συγγενών επτά, μεΧΧοντες an τοθανείσθαι 
 αοικως οι νυν ορωσι του ηΧιου το φως οι εμε, και 
 αυτοί όμοΧογούσιν * ό Βε την ητόΧιν οΧην σνντα - 
 ράξας καί εις τούς εσχάτους κινΒύνους καταστησας 
 όξηΧεγχθη, υμείς Βε άητηΧΧάγητε μεγάΧων φόβων 
 
 69 καί τών εις αΧΧηΧους υποψιών, καί ταύτ εί άΧηθη 
 Χεγω, ώ άνΒρες, άναμιμνήσκεσθε, καί οί * είΒότες 
 
 Β1.— ποιήσαντος vulg. Bk. § 66 . άι rijre] Weidner, Bl.— ατ njeir* 
 vulg. Bk. Turr. § 67. *^ενομένων\ Baiter’s conject., Turr. 
 Bl.— "γινομένων vulg. Bk. || <άν>· άνηρ ] άν is added, with 
 
 Keiske, by Bl. § 69. oi *dd6re s] Beiske’s conject., Turr. Bl.— 
 oi Ιδόντπ vulg. Bk. 
 
ANDOCIDES.43 
 
 ΒιΒάσκετε τούς ά,ΧΧους. συ Be μοι αυτοί)? κάΧει 
 του? Χυθεντας Βι εμε' άριστά yap αν ειΒότες τα 
 ηενόμενα Xeyoiev eh τούτους, οντωσί Be έχει, ώ 
 άνΒρες' μέχρι τούτου άναβήσονται και Χεξουσιν 
 ύμΐν, €ως άν άκροάσθαι βούΧησθε, eireiTa Β' εγώ 
 περί των άΧΧων άι ToXoyr /σομαι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 III. 
 
 ΠΕΡΙ ΤΗΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙΟΥΣ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΣ. 
 
 [Or. in. — 390 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 28—41. 
 
 Τ οιούτων Β ’ εΧπίΒων μετασχόντας ημάς Bel 28 
 Βυοΐν θάτερον έΧεσθαι, η ποΧεμειν μετά Άργε/ωυ 
 ΑακεΒαιμονίοις, η μετά, Β οιωτών κοινή την ειρήνην 
 ποιεισθαι. ε’γώ μεν ούν εκείνο ΒεΒοικα μάΧιστα, 
 ώ Αθηναίοι, το είθισμένον κακόν , οτί. τούς κρείτ- 
 τους φίΧους άφιεντες αεί τους ήττους αίρούμεθα, 
 καί 7 τόΧεμον ποιούμεθα Βι ετέρους , εξόν Βι ημάς 
 αυτούς ειρήνην ayeiv' οΐτινες πρώτον μεν βασιΧεΐ 29 
 τω μεyάXω—χρή yap άναμνησθέντας τα yεyεvη- 
 μενα καΑώς βουΧεύσασθαι—σπονΒάς ποιησάμενοι 
 και συνθεμενοι φιΧίαν εις τον άπαντα χρόνον , ά 
 ήμΐν επρεσβευσεν 'ΈπίΧυκος ΎισάνΒρου, τής μη- 
 τρός τής ήμετερας άΒεΧφός, ταΰτα Άμόpyη πει- 
 θόμενοι τω ΒούΧω του βασιΧεως καί φυyάBι την 
 μεν βασιΧεως Βύναμιν άπεβαΧόμεθα ως *ούΒενός 
 
 *ov8evos οΖσαν αξίαν ] ovdevos for oubh is 
 
 111. § 29. 
 
44 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ούσαν αξίαν, την δε Αμοργού φιλίαν είλόμεθα, 
 κρείττω νομίσαντες είναι' άνθ' ών βασιλεύς 
 όργισθείς ήμϊν, σύμμαχος γενόμενος Αακεδαι- 
 μονίοις, παρεσχεν αύτοίς εις τον πόλεμον πεντα- 
 κισχίλια τάλαντα, εως κατελυσεν ημών την δύ- 
 ναμιν. εν μεν βούλευμα τοιούτον εβουλευσάμεθα * 
 
 30 Συρακούσιοι δ’ οτε ήλθον ημών δεόμενοι, φιλότητα 
 μεν άντϊ διαφοράς εθελοντες ειρήνην δ’ άντϊ 7 τολεμου 
 7 τοιείσθαι, την τε συμμαχίαν άποδεικνύντες οσω 
 κρείττων ή σφετερα είη τών Έγεσταίων καί τών 
 Καταναίων, εΐ βουλοίμεθα προς αυτούς ποιεΐ- 
 σθαι, ημείς τοίνυν είλόμεθα καί τότε πόλεμον 
 μεν αντί ειρήνης , ’Έγεσταίους δε αντί Συρακου- 
 σίων , στρατεύεσθαι δ’ εις Σικελίαν αντί του 
 *μενοντες οίκοι συμμάχους εχειν Συρακουσίους. 
 εξ ών πολλούς μεν 7 Αθηναίων άπολεσαντες άρισ- 
 τίνδην καί τών συμμάχων, πολλάς δε ναΰς καί 
 χρήματα καί δύναμιν άποβαλόντες, αίσχρώς διεκο- 
 
 31 μίσθησαν οι σωθείπες αυτών, ύστερον δ’ ύπ 
 Άργείων επείσθημεν, οΐπερ νυν ήκουσι πείθοντες 
 πολεμεΐν, πλεύσαντες επί την Αακωνικήν ειρήνης 
 ήμίν οϋσης προς Αακεδαιμονίους *εκκαλεϊν αυτών 
 τον θυμόν, αρχήν πολλών κακών' εξ ού πολεμή- 
 σαντες ήναγκάσθημεν τα τείχη κατασκάπτειν καί 
 
 Beiske’s conject. ; Bk. Turr. Bl. § 30. *μένοντε s] Bl.— μένοντας 
 vulg. Bk. Turr. See comment. § 31. *έκκα\εΙν αύτων τον 
 θυμόν ] So Bl.; the mss. have έκτεΐναι τον θυμόν, which can 
 only mean to stretch forth our anger, an impossible phrase for 
 classical Greek prose. Beiske proposed εκείνων κινεΐν τόν 
 θυμόν : Sluiter, κινεΐν αύτων τον θυμόν. Dobree’s comment on 
 εκτεΐναι τόν θυμόν is ‘ Latet, nisi fallor, nomen proprium.’ 
 Did he take έκτεΊναι to be a corruption of (απο)κτεΐναι.? 
 
ANDOCIDES. 
 
 45 
 
 τα? ναύς παραδιδόναι καί τούς φβύγοντας κατα- 
 δεχεσθαι. ταύτα δε πασχόντων ήμων οι ητεί- 
 σαντες ημάς πτολεμεϊν Ά pyeioi τίνα ωφέλειαν 
 παρεσχον ήμΐν) τίνα δε κίνδυνον ύπ rep των Αθη¬ 
 ναίων εποιήσαντο ; νυν ουν τούτο υπόλοιπόν έστιν 32 
 ήμΐν, πόλεμον μεν ελεσθαι καί νυν άντ ειρήνης, 
 τήν δε Άργείων συμμαχίαν αντί τής Β οιωτων, 
 Τάορινθίων δε τούς νυν έχοντας τήν πόλιν αντί 
 Λακεδαιμονίων, μη δήτα, ω Αθηναίοι, μηδείς 
 ημάς ταυτα πείση * τα yap παραδείγματα τα γεγε- 
 νημενα των αμαρτημάτων ικανά τοΐς σωφροσι των 
 άνθρωπων ώστε μηκετι άμαρτάνειν. 
 
 Έ*ίσι δε τινες υμών ο’ί τοσαύτην υπερβολήν τής 33 
 επιθυμίας εχουσιν ειρήνην ως τάχιστα γ ενεσθαι' 
 φασί yap καί τάς τετταράκονθ ’ ημέρας εν αϊς ήμΐν 
 εζεστι βουλεύεσθαι πεpίεpyov είναι, καί τούτο 
 άδικεΐν ήμάς. αύτοκράτορας yap πεμφθήναι εις 
 Λακεδαίμονα διά *ταΰθ\ ΐνα μή πάλιν επαναφε- 
 ρωμεν. τήν τε ασφάλειαν ημών τής επαναφοράς 
 δέος όνομάζουσι, λέοντες ως οΰδείς πωποτε τον 
 δήμον των Αθηναίων εκ τού φανερού πείσας 
 εσωσεν, αλλά δει λαθόντας ή εζαπατήσαντας 
 αυτόν ευ ποιήσαι. τον λόγοι/ ουν τούτον οήκ 
 επαινώ, φημί yap, ώ ’ Αθηναίοι, πολέμου μεν 34 
 οντος άνδρα aTpa^yov τή 7τό\εί τε εύνουν είδότα 
 τε ο τι πράττοι λανθάνοντα δεΐν τούς πολλούς 
 των ανθρώπων καί εζαπατωντα ay ειν επί τούς 
 
 § 32. Άργείω ν συμμαχίαν ] συμμαχίαν ’Αργε/ωρ mss. The trans¬ 
 position is mine. The alternative is to add a second την before 
 Άργείω?. § 33. έν ah ημΐν ε£εστι] ημΐν mss. Bl.— ύμΐν Bk. 
 Turr. || δια *ταυθ’] Keiske’s conject., Turr. Bl.·— διά ταύτην mss. 
 
46 
 
 .SELECTIONS. 
 
 κινδύνους, ειρήνης δε περί πρεσβεύοντας κοινής 
 τοΐς Γ/ Ελλτ jcriv, εφ * οΐς όρκοι τε ομοσθήσονται 
 στήΧαί τε σταθήσονται ηεηραμμεναι, ταύτα δε 
 ούτε Χαθεΐν ούτε έζαπατήσαι δεΐν, άΧΧά ποΧύ 
 μάΧΧον έπαινεϊν ή 'φ'εηειν, ει πεμφθέντες αύτοκρά- 
 τορες *ετι *άπεδώκαμεν ύμϊν περί αυτών σκέφτα - 
 σθαι' βουΧεύσασθαι μεν ούν άσφαΧώς χρή κατά 
 δύναμιν, οις δ’ αν όμόσωμεν και συνθώμεθα, 
 
 35 τούτοις εμμενειν. ου yap μόνον, ώ Αθηναίοι, 
 προς 7 ράμματα τά ηεηραμμενα δει βΧεποντας 
 πρεσβεύειν ημάς, αΧΧα καί προς τούς τρόπους 
 τους ύμετερους. υμείς yap περί μεν τών ετοίμων 
 ύμϊν ύπονοεΐν είώθατε καί δυσχεραίνειν , τά δ’ ούκ 
 όντα Xoyoπoιειv ώς εστιν ύμϊν έτοιμα' καν μεν 
 ποΧεμεΐν δέη, τής ειρήνης επιθυμείτε, εάν δε τις 
 ύμϊν την ειρήνην πράττη, Xoyίζεσθε τον ποΧεμον 
 
 36 όσα ayaOa ύμϊν κaτειpyάσaτo’ οπού και νυν ήδη 
 τινές X0yovaiv ου yiyvwa^iv τα? διaXXayάς 
 αϊτινές είσιν, τείχη και νήες ει yεvήσovτaι τή 
 πόΧει * τά yap ίδια τά σφέτερ * αυτών εκ τής 
 ύπερορίας ούκ άποΧαμβάνειν, από δε τών τειχών 
 ούκ είναι σφίσι τροφήν . άvayκaίως ούν εχει καί 
 προς ταύτ άντειπειν. 
 
 37 9 Hv yap ποτέ χρόνος, ώ Αθηναίοι, οτε τείχη 
 καί ναύς ούκ εκτήμεθα’ yεvoμέvων δε τούτων την 
 αρχήν εποιησάμεθα τών άyaθώv. α>ν εί καί νυν 
 επιθυμείτε , ταύτα κaτεpyάσaσθε. ταύτην δε Χα- 
 βόντες αφορμήν οι πατέρες ημών κατε^άσαντο 
 
 Bk. § 34. αύτοκράτορες *ετι * άπεδώκαμεν\ αύτοκράτορέΐ tl άπο· 
 δώσομεν mss. Bk. Turr. : ετι is due to Beiske, άτεδώκαμεν to Bl. 
 
AKDOCIDES. 
 
 47 
 
 τη 7 τό\€ί δύναμιν τοσαύτην όσην ούπω τν ? άΧΧη 
 πόΧις έκτήσάτο , τα μ,έζ' πείσαντες τούς "ΈΑΧηνας, 
 τα δε Χαθόντε ?, τα δε πριάμενοι, τα δε βιασάμβ- 
 νοι * πείσαντες μεν ουν Άθήνησι ποιήσασθαι των 38 
 κοινών 'χρημάτων 'ΈΧΧηνοταμίας, και τον σύΧΧο- 
 γον των νεών ιταρ ημϊν γενέσθαι, οσαι δε των 
 πόΧεων τριήρεις μη κεκτηνται, ταύταις ημάς παρέ - 
 χειν’ Χαθόντες δε ΊΙεΧοποννησίους *τειχισάμενοι 
 τα τείχη * πριάμενοι δε παρά Αακεδαιμονίων μη 
 δούναι τούτων δίκην * βιασάμενοι δε τούς εναντίους 
 την αρχήν των 'ΊύΧΧήνων κατειργασάμεθα. και 
 ταυτα τα αγαθά εν όγδοηκοντα και πειπε ήμΐν 
 ετεσιν έγένετο. κρατηθεντες δε τω ποΧεμω τά τε 39 
 άΧΧα άπωΧέσαμεν , και τά τείχη και τάς ναύ<; 
 εΧαβον ημών ενέχυρα Αακεδαιμόνιοι , *τα? μεν 
 παραΧαβόντες, τά δε καθεΧόντες, όπως μη πάΧιν 
 τ αΰτ εχοντες αφορμήν δύναμιν τη πόλει κατα- 
 σκευάσαιμεν. πεισθέντες τοίνυν ύφί ημών Αακε- 
 δαιμόνιοι πάρεισι νυνϊ πρέσβεις αύτοκράτορες * τα 
 τε ενέχυρα ημϊν άποδιδόντες, καί τα τείχη καί ναΰς 
 εώντες κεκτησθαι, τάς τε νήσους ημετέρας είναι. 
 
 Ύην αυτήν τοίνυν άρχην αγαθών Χαμβάνον- 40 
 τας ηνπερ ημών εΧάμβανον οι προγονοί , ταύτην 
 ούκ άκτέον φασϊ την είρηνην τινές είναι, πα- 
 ριόντες ούν αυτοί διδασκόντων *ύμάς—εξουσίαν δ’ 
 αύτοΐς ημείς εποιησαμεν, προσθέντες τετταράκοντα 
 
 § 38 . *τ€ΐχισάμενοι ] A conjecture of Emperius, received by Bl.— 
 έταχίσαμεν vulg. Bk. Turr. § 39 . *τά s μέν παραλαβόντες] τάς 
 Reiske, Bk. Turr. Bl.— τά mss. [| rcis re νήσους] τάς re Z , M, 
 
 Bl.— τάς δέ vulg. Bk. Turr. § 40 . διδασκόντων *ύμα$] υμάς 
 Sluiter (approved by Baiter), Bl.— ημάς vulg. Bk. Turr. || 
 
48 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ημέρας βουΧεύσασθαι—τούτο μεν των γεγ ραμμέ¬ 
 νων εϊ tl τυγχάνει μη καΧως εχον’ εξεστι γ άρ 
 άφεΧεΐν' τούτο 8' εϊ τις <τι> προσθ είναι βούΧεται , 
 πείσας υμάς προσγραφτάτω. ί τάσι τε τοΐς γε- 
 γ ραμμένοις χρωμένοις εστιν ειρήνην άγειν. ει δε 
 41 μη8έν άρέσκει τούτων, ποΧεμεΐν έτοιμον. και 
 ταυτ εφ υμιν παντ εστιν, ω Ασηναιοι, τούτων ο 
 τι άν βούΧησθε εΧέσθαι. ί τάρεισι μεν γ άρ Άρ- 
 γ εΐοι καί Υ^ορίνθιοι 8ι8άξοντες ως άμεινον έστι 
 7τοΧεμειν, ήκουσι δε Λακε8αιμόνιοι ητείσοντες υμάς 
 ειρήνην ποιήσασθαι. τούτων δ' εστι το τέΧος 
 παρ' υμιν, αλλ’ ούκ εν Αακε8αιμονίοις, 8ι ημάς. 
 7τρεσβευτάς ονν πάντας υμάς ημείς οι πρέσβεις 
 ποιουμεν' ο γ άρ την χεΐρα μέΧΧων υμών αϊρειν, 
 ουτος 6 πρεσβεύων εστιν, οπότερ ’ άν αύτω 8οκή, 
 και την ειρήνην και τον πόΧεμον ποιεΐν. μέμνησθε 
 μεν ούν, ω Αθηναίοι, τούς ήμετέρους Χόγους, φτηφί- 
 σασθε δε τοιαύτα εξ ων υμιν μη8έποτε μεταμεΧή- 
 σει. 
 
 €Ϊ tLs <τι> προσθβΐναύ] Β1. — etns προσθε ivcu mss.Bk. Turr. : the 
 latter would prefer et τί tls. Sluiter proposed et ns προσθείναί 
 tl. § 41 . eX<^0at] A, B, Μ, Z , Turr. Bl.— e\e<r0e other mss. 
 and Bk., who points thus: ’ Αθηναίοι· τούτων 6n άν βούλησθε 
 eXeaOe. 
 
ΛΥΣ I ΑΣ. 
 
 I. ΟΛΥΜΠΙΑΚΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. χχχιιι.— 388 b.c.] 
 
 "ΑΧΧων re πολλών καί καΧων ep<ycov €ve/ca, ώ 
 ανΰρβς, αξιον 'ϊίρακΧεους μβμνησθαί, καί οτι τόνδε 
 
 LYSIAS. 
 
 The codex Palatinus X (Heidelberg) is the parent of all 
 other manuscripts of Lysias yet collated (except Marciani F, G, 
 and Parisini U> V, which contain only or. n., the spurious ’Επι¬ 
 τάφιο?) ; it is also the basis of the Aldine. This was shown at 
 length by Hermann Sauppe in an epistola critica to Godfrey 
 Hermann (1841), and is now generally admitted. Carl Scheibe’s 
 first edition of Lysias, in the Teubner series, appeared in 1852. 
 Subsequently X was carefully collated for him by C. L. Kayser, 
 and this new collation is the critical basis of Scheibe’s second 
 edition (1876), in which the distinctive feature is the recog¬ 
 nition of the codex Palatinus as an authority of paramount 
 value. When Baiter and Hermann Sauppe were engaged 
 upon their Oratores Attici y the authorities of Heidelberg sent 
 Palatinus X to Zurich for their inspection, but before it arrived 
 the first twenty orations of Lysias had already been printed. 
 An examination of it, however, led Sauppe to the conclusions 
 which he embodied in the letter already mentioned. Second 
 in importance is Laurentianus C (15th century). This was 
 I. Bekker’s principal guide. So confident was he of its superior 
 merit, that he looked at X only occasionally, and without 
 much attention. It has now been shown that the points in 
 which C varies from X are nowhere due to a better archetype, 
 but simply to the conjectures of a scribe whose learning was at 
 least equalled by his temerity. In orations x—xxiv inclusive 
 Bekker used only G and X ; in orations i—ix he drew from 
 time to time on eleven inferior mss. (mostly containing only 
 these nine speeches), viz. Marciani F, G, I, K : Laurentiani 
 D, E : Yaticani Μ , N : Parisini U, V: Urbinas O. As a rule, 
 X and C are the only mss. which have much weight in regard 
 to the real difficulties of the text. 
 
 Schb. = Carl Scheibe’s second edition (Teubner, 1876). Turr., 
 as before, = Baiter and Sauppe; Bk.=Bekker’s Berlin edition. 
 
 4 
 
 j. 
 
 « 
 
50 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τον aycova πρώτος avvrjyeipe Bi εύνοιαν της 
 Έλλάδο?. iv μέν yap τώ τέως χρόνιο άλλοτρίως 
 
 2 αί 7 τόλεις προς άλληλας Βιέκειντο * επειΒή Be 
 εκείνος τούς τυράννους 'έπαυσε καί τούς υβρίζοντας 
 εκώλυσεν, aywva μεν σωμάτων εποίησε, φιλοτιμίαν 
 Be πλούτου , yvώμης Β ’ επίΒειξιν εν τώ καλλίστω 
 της 'ΈιλλάΒος, ΐνα τούτων απάντων ένεκα εις το 
 αυτί) συνελθωμεν, τα μεν όφτόμενοι, τα Be άκουσό- 
 μενοι’ ήγησατο yap τον ενθάΒε σύλλογοι/ αρχήν 
 <άν> yei >έσθαι τοΐς 'Έλλησι της προς άλληλους 
 
 3 φιλίας, εκείνος μέν ούν ταύθ ’ ύφηyησaτo, εγώ δ’ 
 ηκω ού μικpoλoyησόμένος ούΒέ περί τών ονομάτων 
 μαχούμενος. r)y ούμαι yap ταύτα epya μέν είναι 
 *σοφιστών λίαν *άχρηστων και σφόΒρα βίου Βεο- 
 μένων, άνΒρος Be ayaOoi) καί πολίτου πολλου άξιου 
 περί τών μεyίστωv συμβουλεύειν, ορών ούτως 
 αίσχρώς Βιακειμένην την Ελλάδα-, καί πολλά μεν 
 αυτής οντα υπό τώ βαρβάρω , πολλάς Be 7τόλεί9 
 
 4 ύπο τυράννων άναστάτους yεyεvημέvaς. καί ταύτα 
 εί μέν Βι ασθένειαν επάσχομεν, στέpyeιv αν ην 
 avay^ την τύχην' επειΒή Βέ Βιά στάσιν καί την 
 προς άλληλους φιλονεικίαν, πώς ούκ άξιον τών 
 μέν 7 ταύσασθαι τα Βέ κωλύσαι, είΒότας οτι φιλο- 
 νεικείν μέν έστιν ευ πραττόντων , yvώvaι Be τα 
 
 I. § 2 . πλούτου] Turr. Schb. Undoubtedly the true reading, 
 though not found in X or C : Turr. quote for it two mss., 
 ‘A B Grosii,’—the same from which they cite the true read¬ 
 ing iyyeiovs (for eyy0ovs) in Lys. or. xxxn § 15.— πλούτφ 
 vulg. Bk. || <av> τενέσθαι] I have inserted av, which 
 could easily drop out after αρχήν. Markland conjectures yevy- 
 σεσθαι, and so Turr. Schb. § 3 . *σοφιστων λίαν * αχρήστων] 
 Markland, Bk. Turr. Schb.— σοφών των λίαν χρηστών mss. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 51 
 
 βέλτιστα των * άτυχων) όρωμεν yap τούς κινΒύ- 5 
 νους και μεγάλους και ττανταχόθεν ττεριεστηκότας' 
 
 67τίστασθε Be οτι ή μεν αρχή των κρατουντών τής 
 θαλάσσης, των δε χρημάτων βασιλεύς ταμίας j τά 
 Βε των 'Ελλήνων σώματα των Βαττανάσθαι Βυνα- 
 μένων, ναύς Be Ίτολλάς μέν αυτός κέκτηται , ττολλά? 
 δ’ δ τύραννος τής Σικελίας, ώστε άξιον τον μέν 6 
 7 τρός άλλήλους ττολεμον καταθέσθαι, τή δ’ αυτή 
 γνώμη χρωμένους τής σωτηρίας άντέχεσθαι, καί 
 ττερί μεν των τταρεληλυθότων αίσχύνεσθάι, ττερϊ 
 Βε των μελλόντων εσεσθαι ΒεΒιέναι, καί τους ττρο- 
 γόνους μιμείσθαι, οι τούς μεν βαρβάρους εττοίησαν 
 τής άλλοτρίας εττιθυμούντας τής σφετέρας αυτών 
 εστερήσθαι, τούς Βε τυράννους εξελάσαντες κοινήν 
 άττασι τήν ελευθερίαν κατέστησανθαυμάζω Βε 7 
 ΑακεΒαιμονίους ττάντων μάλιστα , τίνι ί τότε γνώμη 
 χρωμενοι καιομένην τήν Ελλάδα ττεριορωσιν, 
 ηγεμόνες οντες των 'Ελλήνων ούκ άΒίκως καί Βιά 
 τήν έμφυτον άρετήν καί Βιά τήν πτρός τον ττολεμον 
 εττιστήμην, μόνοι Βε οίκουντες άιτόρθητοι καί 
 άτείχιστοι καί άστασίαστοι καί άήττητοι καί 
 τρόττοις άβί τοΐς αντοΐς χρωμενοι' ών ενεκα ελττίς 
 άθάνατον τήν ελευθερίαν αυτούς κεκτήσθαι, καί εν 
 τοΐς 7 ταρεληλυθόσι κινΒύνοις σωτήρας γενομένους 
 τής Ελλάδος· ττερί των μελλόντων ττροοράσθαι. 
 ού τοίνυν ό έττιων καιρός του ί ταρόντος βελτίων 8 
 ου γάρ άλλοτρίας Βει τάς των άπτολωλότων συμφο- 
 
 § 4 . των * άτυχων is my conjecture. The των αύτων of the 
 mss. is certainly corrupt. Sauppe conjectures των εΰ νοούντων. 
 § 7 . δίά την 7 rpos] Schb., with Eeiske, reads διά την των 
 
 4—2 
 
52 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ράς νομίζειν άΧλ! οίκβίας, ούδ' άναμεΐναι, εως αν 
 €7 τ αύτούς ημάς at δυνάμεις άμφοτερων ελθωσιν, 
 αλλ’ εως ετι εξεστι, την τούτων νβριν κωλΰσαι. 
 
 9 τις γάρ ούκ αν * ενορωη iv τω προς άλλήλους 
 τ τολεμω μεγάλους αυτούς γεγενημένους \ ών ού 
 μόνον αισχρών οντων αλλά και δεινών, τοΐς μεν 
 μεγάλα ημαρτηκόσιν εξουσία γεγενηται τών πε¬ 
 πραγμενών, τοΐς δε °Έ λλησιν ούδεμία αυτών τι¬ 
 μωρία. 
 
 II. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΜΗ ΚΑΤΑΛΥΣΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΤΡΙΟΝ 
 ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑΝ ΑΟΗΝΗΣΙ. 
 
 [Or. χχχιν.— 403 b.c.] 
 
 "Οτε ενομίζομεν, ώ Αθηναίοι, τάς γεγενημενας 
 συμφοράς ικανά μνημεία τη πόλει καταλελεΐφθαι, 
 ώστε μηδ ’ αν τούς επιγιγν ο μένους ετερας πολιτείας 
 επιθυμεΐν, τότε δή ούτοι τούς κακώς πεπονθότας 
 και άμφοτερων πεπειραμένους εξαπατησαι ζητούσι 
 τοΐς αύτοΐς ψηφίσμασιν οισπερ καί πρότερον *δ\ς 
 2 ηδη. καί τούτων μεν ού θαυμάζω, υμών δε τών 
 άκροωμενων, ότι πάντων *εστε επίλησμονεστατοι ή 
 πάσχειν ετοιμότατοι κακώς υπό τοιούτων άνδρών, 
 οΐ τη μεν τύχη τών εκ ΤΙειραιώς πραγμάτων μετε- 
 
 7 rpos. § 9 . ούκ άν *ενορ<ρη (Stephanus) is the simplest and 
 best correction of ούκ αν ενορών . — Baiter, ούκ άν ά^ανακτήσειεν 
 όρων .— Dobson, ούκ άνιάται όρων (which Schb. inadvertently 
 attributes to Dobree).—Iteiske, ούκ άν εντρεποιτο όρων. 
 
 II. § 1 . πρότερον *δϊς ηδη. xat] Dobree’s conject., Turr. 
 Schb. — πρότερον. διό δη καί mss. Bk. § 2 . *εστέ] Markland 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 53 
 
 σχον, τή δε γνώμη τών εξ άστεος. καίτού τι εδει 
 φεύγοντας κατέΧθείν, εί χειροτονούντες υμάς αυτούς 
 καταδουΧωσεσθε) εγώ μεν ονν, ώ Άθηναΐοί, <ούτε 3 
 π\ούτω> ούτε γίνει άπεΧαυνό μένος, αλλ’ άμφότερα 
 των άντιΧεγόντων ητρότερος ών, ηγούμαι ταύτην 
 μόνην σωτηρίαν είναι τη πόΧει άπασιν ’Αθηναίοις 
 τής 7 τοΧιτείας μετείναι, επεϊ οτε και τά τείχη και τάς 
 ναΰς και τα χρήματα καί συμμάχους εκτήμεθα, 
 ούχ *07 τως <άτιμον> Αθηναίων τινά ποιήσομεν 
 διενοούμεθα, αΧΧά και Ε ύβοεύσιν επιγαμίαν εποι- 
 ούμεθα * νυν δε καί τούς υπάρχοντας ποΧίτας 
 άποΧονμεν] ούκ άν εμοιγε *πείθησθε, ούδε μετά 4 
 των τειχών καί ταύτα ημών αυτών περιαιρησόμεθα, 
 όπΧίτας ποΧΧούς και ιππέας και τοξότας, ών 
 υμείς άντεχόμενοι βεβαίως δημοκρατήσεσθε, τών 
 δε εχθρών πΧεον επικρατήσετε, ώφεΧιμώτεροι δε 
 τοίς συμμάχοις εσεσθε' επίστασθε γάρ <εν> ταίς 
 εφ ’ ημών οΧιγαρχίαις γεγενημεναις ού τούς γην 
 κεκτημενονς έχοντας την πόΧιν , αΧΧά και ποΧΧούς 
 
 conject., Turr. Schb. — είσιν mss. Bk. § 3. cotfre ττ\ούτφ>. 
 Markland thus supplies the lost words; Sauppe supplies ούτε 
 ούσία, which Schb. prints between brackets ; Stephanus, ούτε 
 ηλικία., which Bk. prints. Turr. leave dots. || εκτήμεθα Aldine, 
 Turr. (quoting the codices A B Grosii). — έκτησάμεθα mss. Bk.— 
 έκεκτήμεθα Emperius, Schb. || ούχ *οττως <άτιμον> Αθηναίων 
 τινά ττοιήσομεν] The mss. have ούχ ούτως ϊνα Αθηναίων τινά 
 7 τοιήσωμεν (Bk.), or ττοιήσομεν. Stephanus conjectured όπως for 
 οϋτω^ ϊνα. I supply c ίτιμον before ’ Αθηναίων , believing that 
 a vestige of it remains in the corrupt ϊνα of the mss.—Turr., 
 whom Schb. follows, read on their own conject., ούχ όπως 
 ’ Αθηναίων τινά άττώσομεν. || άττολουμεν] Bk., on Reiske’s con¬ 
 ject., reads άττελωμεν. § 4. *ττείθησθε] Sluiter conject., Turr. 
 Schb. — ττειθώμεθα mss. Bk. || < ei> > rats] Reiske, Turr. — rats 
 
 mss. Bk. — καν rats Franz, Schb. || ού τούς Ύψ] mss. and Bk. 
 have κα\ before ού : Turr. and Schb. follow Markland in omitting 
 
u 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μεν αυτών άποθανόντας, πολλούς S' έκ της πόλεως 
 
 5 εκπεσόντας, οί)<; ο Βημος /caTayayoov ύμΐν μεν την 
 ύμετεραν άιτεΒωκεν, αυτός Be ταύτης ούκ ετόλμησε 
 μετασχεΐν. ώστβ , αν εμοι ye 7 τείθησθε, ου τούς εύερ- 
 yeτaς, καθό Βύναετθε, της πατρίΒος αποστερήσετε, 
 ούΒε τούς λόyoυς πιστότερους των epyωv ούΒε τα 
 μέλλοντα των yeyevημεvωv νομιειτε, άλλως τε καί 
 μεμνημενοι των περί της όλ^αρχίας μαχομόνων, οι 
 τω μεν λόγω τω Βημω πο\εμοΰσι, τώ Be epycp των 
 ύμετερων επτιθυμούσιν’ απερ κτησονται, όταν υμάς 
 έρημους συμμάχων λάβωσιν. 
 
 6 Ε Ιτα τοϊς των ύμΐν υπαρχόντων ερώσι τις 
 εσται σωτηρία τη πόλει, εί μη ποιησομεν ά 
 ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι κελεύουσιν) βγω Be τούτους είπεΐν 
 άξιώ, τί τω πληθει περηενήσεται, εί ποιησαιμεν 
 ά εκείνοι προστάττουσιν \ εί Be μη, πο\ύ κάλλιον 
 μαχομενους άποθνησκειν η φανερώς ημών αυτών 
 
 7 θάνατον καταφτηφίσασθαι. rjy ούμαι y άρ, εάν μεν 
 πείθω, άμφοτεροις κοινόν είναι κίνΒυνον. όρώ Be 
 Άpyeίoυς καί ΊΛαντινεας την αυτήν έχοντας 
 yvώμηv την αυτών οίκούντας, τους μεν ομόρους 
 όντας ΑακεΒαιμονίοις, τούς Be eyyύς οίκούντας , 
 καί τούς μεν οΰΒεν ημών πΧείους, τούς Be ούΒε 
 
 8 τρισχίλίους όντας$£ ϊσασι yap οτι, καν ποΧλάκις 
 εις την τούτων εμβάλλωσι, ποΧλάκις αύτοΐς 
 
 it. § 6 . el τα rois των ύμΐν υπαρχόντων έρωσΐ] mss., Bk. ; rightly, 
 I think. For έρωσι Markland conject. έρωτώσι, which Turr. 
 adopt. In doing so, they ought to have omitted rots: see 
 comment. Schb., on Baiter’s conject., gives el τα τοιούτων ύμΐν 
 υπαρχόντων έρωτωσι. § 7. κίνδυνον] Schb., on his own conject., 
 τόν κίνδυνον. || ’Apydovs] Schb. καί ’Apyeiovs. § 8 . καταδου- 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 55 
 
 άπαντήσονται όπλα λαβόντες, ώστε ού καλός 
 6 κίνδυνος αύτοΐς Βοκεΐ είναι, εάν μεν νικήσωσι, 
 τούτους καταΒουλωσεσθαί ye, eav Be ήττηθωσι, 
 σφάς αυτούς των υπαρχόντων άηαθων απο¬ 
 στέρησαν όσω Β' αν άμεινον πράττωσι, τοσούτω 
 <ηττον> επιθυμούσι κινΒυνεύεινφ εϊχομεν Be , ώ 9 
 Αθηναίοι, και ημείς ταυτήν την γνώμην, οτ€ των 
 Ελλήνων ήρχομεν, και εΒοκούμεν καλώς βουλεύ- 
 εσθαι περιορώντες μεν την χωράν τεμνομενην, ού 
 νομίζοντες Be χρήναι περί αυτής Βιαμάχεσθαι. 
 αξιον yap ήν 6λίyωv αμελούντας πολλών αηαθων 
 φείσασθαι. νυν Be, επει εκείνων μεν απάντων 
 μάχη εστερήμεθα, ή δε πατρίς ήμΐν λελειπται, 
 ϊσμεν οτι ό κίνΒυνος ούτος μόνος εχει τάς ελπίΒας 
 τής σωτηρίας. άλΧα yap χρή άναμνησθεντας οτι 10 
 ήΒη και ετεροις άΒικουμενοις βοηθήσαντες εν τή 
 άλλοτρία πολλά τρόπαια των πολεμίων έστησα μεν, 
 άνΒρας άyaθoύς περί τής πατρίΒος και ήμων αυτών 
 yiyveaOai, πιστεύοντας μεν τοίς θεοΐς και ελπίζον¬ 
 τας τό Βίκαιον μετά των άΒικουμενων εσεσθαι. 
 Βεινόν yάp άν είη, ώ ’ Αθηναίοι, ει, ότε μεν εφευγο- 11 
 μεν, εμαχόμεθα ΑακεΒαιμονίοις ΐνα κατελθωμεν, 
 κατελθόντες Be φευξόμεθα ΐνα μη μαχωμεθα. 
 
 λώσβσθαί 7 e l ού was conjecturally inserted before by Reiske, 
 whom Turr. Schb. follow. To me it seems clear that the mss. 
 (and Bk.) are right in omitting it: see comment. || τοσούτφ 
 < ηττον > ] ηττον is added by Turr. and Schb., on Reiske’s 
 conject. §9. ώ ' Αθηναίοι] Turr. (with A B Grosii), Schb.— ώ 
 iivbpe s the other mss. Bk. || ημΊν λέλειπται] ημΐν Turr. 
 (with A B as reported by Auger), Schb .— ημών the other mss. 
 Bk. § ΙΟ. έλπίξΌντας τό δίκαιον ] το δίκαιον Taylor, Turr. 
 Schb .— έπι το δίκαιον mss. Bk.—Franz suggested ’έτι for e7ri. 
 See comment. 
 
56 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ούκουν αισχρόν εί εις τούτο κακίας ηξομεν, ware 
 ol μεν πρόγονοί καί υπέρ της των άΧΧων εΧευθε- 
 ρίας 'ΕΧΧήνων διεκινδύνευον, υμείς δε οι5δε ύπερ 
 της νμετερας αυτών τοΧμάτε ποΧεμεΐν ; 
 
 III. ΥΠΕΡ ΜΑΝΤΙΘΕΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. χνι.— About 392 RiC.] 
 
 El μη συνηδειν, ώ βουΧη, τοΐς κατηγόροις 
 βουΧομενοις εκ παντός τρόπου κακώς εμε ποίεΐν, 
 ποΧΧήν αν αύτοΐς χάρον εϊχον ταΰτης της κατηγο¬ 
 ρίας * ηγούμαι γάρ τοΐς αδίκως διαβεβΧημενοις 
 τούτους είναι μεγίστων αγαθών αίτιους, οΐτινες 
 άν αυτούς άναγκάζωσιν είς εΧεγχον τών αύτοΐς 
 
 2 βεβιωμενων καταστηναι. εγώ γάρ ούτω σφοδρά 
 εμαυτω πιστεύω, ώστ εΧπίζω και εϊ τις προς με 
 τυγχάνει άηδώς η κακώς διακείμενος, επειδάν εμού 
 Χεγοντος άκούση περί τών πεπραγμενών, μετα- 
 μεΧησειν αύτω καί ποΧυ βεΧτίω με εις τον Χοιπόν 
 
 3 χρόνον ηγησεσθαι. άξιώ δε, ώ βουΧη, εάν μεν 
 τούτο μόνον ύμΐν επιδείξω, ώς εϋνους ειμι τοΐς 
 καθεστηκόσι πράγμασι και ώς ηνάγκασμαι τών 
 αυτών κινδύνων μετεχειν ύμΐν, μηδέν πώ> μοι 
 πΧεον είναι * εάν δε φαίνωμαι <και> περί τά άΧΧα 
 μετρίως βεβιωκώς και ποΧυ παρά την δόξαν και 
 παρά τούς Χόγους τούς τών εχθρών, δέομαι υμών 
 εμε μεν δοκιμάζειν, τούτους δε ηγεΐσθαι χείρους 
 
 III. § 3 . <καΙ> irepi τα άλλα] καί is supplied by Beiske 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 57 
 
 είναι. πρώτον δε αποδείξω ώς ούχ ΐππευον * ονδ' * 
 €7 τεδήμουν επί τών τριάκοντα, ούδε μετεσχον της 
 τότε ποΧιτείας. 
 
 'ϊΐμάς γάρ ό πατήρ προ της εν 'ΈίΧΧησπόντω 4 
 συμφοράς ώς X άτυρον τον εν τώ ΐΐόντω διαιτη- 
 σομενους εξεπεμψε, και ούτε τών τειγών καθαι- 
 ρουμενων ούτε μεθισταμενης της ποΧιτείας <επεδη>- 
 μούμεν>, αΧΧ' ηΧθόμεν πρϊν τούς από ΦυΧής είς τον 
 ΐίειραιά κατεΧθείν πρότερον πενθ' ημεραις. καίτοι 5 
 ούτε ημάς είκός ην είς τοιούτον καιρόν σφιγμένους 
 επιθυμείν μετεγειν τών άΧΧοτρίων κινδύνων, ούτ 
 εκείνοι φαίνονται τοιαύτην γνώμην εχοντες ώστε 
 και τοΐς άποδημούσι καί τοίς μηδέν εζαμαρτάνουσι 
 μεταδιδόναι της ποΧιτείας, αΧΧα μάΧΧον ήτίμαζον 
 και τους σνγκαταΧύσαντας τον δήμον, επειτα δε 6 
 εκ μεν τού σανιδιού τούς ιππενσαντας σκοπείν 
 ενηθες εστιν' εν τούτω γάρ ποΧΧοι'μεν τών όμοΧο- 
 γούντων ίππεύειν ούκ ενεισιν, ενιοι δε τών άπο- 
 δημούντων επιγεγραμμένοι είσίν. εκείνος δ’ εστιν 
 εΧεγχος μέγιστος' επειδή γάρ κατήΧθετε, εψηφί- 
 σασθε τους φυΧάρ-χους άπενεγκείν τούς ιππεύ- 
 ,σαντας, ϊνα τάς καταστάσεις άναπράττητε παρ' 
 
 and Schb., but not by Bki Turr. |] *ούδ' έπεδημουν ] ούδ ’ Turr. 
 rightly.— ού'τ’ mss. Bk. Schb. In the few places where the 
 solecism ού — οϋτε occurs, it is probably a mere slip of the scribe 
 for οϋτε — οϋτβ or ού.,.ούδέ. ‘ Huiusmodi errores etiam contra 
 consensum librorum tollendi sunt. 5 (Elmsley, Eur. Med. 4, 5.) 
 § 4. μεθισταμένψ της πολιτείας] After these words, a verb 
 has been lost in the mss.; έπεδημοΰμεν is a conjectural re¬ 
 storation of it. § 5. ’έχοντε s] Schb., on Sauppe’s conject., 
 reads σχόντες. But φαίνονται Ζχοντες can mean φαίνεται ότι 
 εΐχον as well as φαίνεται 6τι ’έχονσιν. § 6 . άναπράττητε] 
 Schb., from Harpocration s.v. κατάστασις, gives άναπράξητε: 
 Sauppe conj. άναπράξαιτε : but the present denotes the repeated 
 
•58 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 i αυτών. εμε tolvvv ουοεις αν αποοειξειεν ουτ 
 άπενεχθέντα υπό των φυΧάρχων οΰτ€ ί ταρα- 
 δοθέντα τοις σννδίκοις ούτε κατάστασιν παρα- 
 Χαβόντα. καίτοι πάσι ράδιον τούτο γνώναι, διότι 
 άναγκαίον ην τοις φυΧάρχοις, εί μη άποδείξειαν 
 τούς 'έχοντας τας καταστάσεις, αύτοίς ζημιοϋσθαι. 
 ώστε 7 τοΧύ άν δικαιότερον έκείνοις τοις γράμμασιν 
 η τούτοις ττιστεύοιτε * εκ μεν yap τούτων ράδιον 
 ην εξαΧειφθήναι τώ βονΧομένω, εν έκείνοις δε τούς 
 ίππεύσαντας άναγκαίον ην υπό των φυΧάρχων 
 
 8 άπενεχθηναι. ετι δέ, ω βονΧή, είπερ ιππέυσα, 
 ονκ άν ην εξαρνος ως δεινόν τι πεποιηκώς, αλλ’ 
 ηξίουν, άποδείξας ως ούδεϊς υττ εμού των ποΧιτών 
 κακώς πέπονθε, δοκιμάζεσθαι. 6ρω δε και υμάς 
 ταύτη τη γνώμη χρωμένους, και ποΧΧούς μεν των 
 τότε ίππευσάντων βουΧεύοντας, ί τοΧΧούς δ * αυτών 
 στρατηγούς και ιππάρχους κεχειροτονη μένους, 
 ώστε μηδέν δι αΧΧο με ηγεΐσθε ταύτην ποιεΐσθαι 
 την άποΧογίαν η οτι περιφανώς ετοΧμησάν μου 
 καταψεύσασθαι. άνάβηθι δέ μοι και μαρτύ - 
 ρήσον. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΙΑ.] 
 
 9 ΐίερί μεν τοίνυν ταύτης της αιτίας ούκ οϊδ ’ ο 
 τι δει πΧείω Χέγειν * δοκεΐ δέ μοι, ώ βουΧη, εν μεν 
 τοις αΧΧοις άγώσι περί αυτών μόνων των κατη - 
 γορημένων προσηκειν άποΧογεΐσθαι, εν δέ ταΐς 
 δοκιμασίαις δίκαιον είναι παντός τού βίου Χόγον 
 διδόναι. δέομαι ούν υμών μετ εύνοιας άκροά- 
 
 or continued action. § 7 . παραλαβόντα] Bake conjectured 
 καταβάλόντα. || άποδείξβίαν ] Schb. with Cobet.— άι rodei£cuev 
 mss. Bk. Turr. || γνώναι, foort] Schb. yvwcu, 6'rt with 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 59 
 
 σασθαί μου. ποιησομαι Be την άττόλο^ίαν ώς αν 
 Βύνωμαι Βιά βραχύτατων. 
 
 Έγώ yap 7 τρωτόν μεν ουσίας μοι ου 7 τολλης 10 
 καταλειφθείσης Βιά τάς συμφοράς καί τάς του 
 πατρος καί τάς της πόλεως, Βύο μεν άΒελφάς 
 εξεΒωκα, επιΒούς τριάκοντα μνας εκατερα, 7 τρος 
 τον άΒελφον δ’ ούτως ενειμάμην ώστ εκείνον 
 πλέον oμoλoyείv εχειν εμού των πατρώων, καί 
 προς τούς άλλους άπαντας ούτω βεβίωκα ώστε 
 μηΒεπώποτε μοι μηΒε προς ενα μηΒεν ey κλήμα y \ 
 yeveaQai. καί τά μεν ίΒια ούτω Βιωκησα * περί 11 
 δβ των κοινών μοι μεηιστον rjy ουμαι τεκμηριον 
 είναι της εμης επιείκειας, οτι των νεωτερων οσοι 
 περί κύβους ή πάτους η περί τάς τοιαύτας ακο¬ 
 λασίας τυγχάνουσι τάς Βιατριβάς ποιούμενοι , 
 πάντας αυτούς ο-φεσθε μοι Βιαφόρους όντας, καί 
 πλείστα τούτους περί εμού λoyoπoιoύvτaς καί 
 •φευΒομενους. καίτοι Βηλον οτι, εί των αυτών 
 επεθυμονμεν, ουκ αν τοιαύτην yvώμηv ειχον περί 
 εμού, ετι Β\ ώ βουλή, ούΒείς αν άποΒεΐξαι περί 12 
 εμού Βύναιτο ούτε Βίκην αίσχράν ούτε ypaφήv ούτε 
 elaayyeXiav yeyεvημεvηv ^ καίτοι ετερους ορατέ 
 πολλάκις εις τοιούτους άyώvaς καθεστηκότας. 
 προς τοίνυν τάς στρατείας καί τούς κινΒύνους 
 τούς προς τούς πολεμίους σκεφασθε οΐον εμαυτον 
 παρέχω τη πολει. πρώτον μεν yap, οτε την 13 
 συμμαχίαν εποιησασθε προς τούς Β οιωτούς καί 
 εις 'ΑΧίαρτον εΒει βοηθεΐν, ύιτο ’Ορθοβούλου 
 KaTeiXey μένος ίππεύειν, επειΒή πάντας εώρων τοΐς 
 Kayser. § 11 . διφκησα] Schb. διφκηκα on Sauppe’s conject. 
 
60 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μεν ίππεύουσιν ασφάλειαν είναι δεΐν νομίζοντας, 
 τοΐ ς δ' όπλίταις κίνδυνον ηγουμένους, ετέρων 
 άναβάντων επι τούς ίππους αδοκίμαστων τταρά 
 τον νόμον εγω ττροσελθών εφην τω Όρθοβούλω 
 εξαλεΐφταί με εκ του καταλόγου, ηγούμενος αισχρόν 
 είναι τον πλήθους μέλλοντος κινδυνεύειν άδειαν 
 εμαυτω παρασκευάσαντι στρατεΰεσθαι. καί μον 
 άνάβηθι, ’ Ορθόβουλε . [ΜΑΡΤΥΡΙΑ.] 
 
 14 Χυλλεγέντων τοίνυν των δημοτών 7τρό της 
 εξόδου, είδώς αυτών ένίους 7 Γολέτας μεν χρηστούς 
 όντας και προθύμους, εφοδίων δε άττορούντας, 
 είττον οτι χρη τούς έχοντας τταρέχειν τα έιτιτηδεια 
 τοΐς άπόρως διακειμένοις. και οΰ μόνον τούτο 
 συνεβούλευον τοΐς άλλοις, άλλα και αυτός εδωκα 
 δυοΐν άνδροΐν τριάκοντα δραχμάς έκατέρω, ούχ ώς 
 7τολλά κεκτημένος, άλλ ’ ΐνα παράδειγμα τούτο 
 τοΐς άλλοις γένηται. καί μοι άνάβητε, <μάρ- 
 τυρες>. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 15 Μβτα ταύτα τοίνυν, ώ βουλή, εις Κ.όρινθον 
 εξόδου γενομένης και πάντων προειδότων ότι δεήσει 
 κινδυνεύειν, ετέρων άναδυομένων εγω διεπραξά- 
 μην ώστε της πρώτης τεταγμένος μάχεσθαι τοΐς 
 πολεμίοις * και μάλιστα της ήμετέρας φυλής δυστυ- 
 χησάσης, καί πλείστων * εναποθανόντων, ύστερον 
 άνεχώρησα τού σεμνού Χτειριέως τού πάσιν 
 
 16 άνθρωποις δειλίαν ωνειδικότος. και ου πολλαΐς 
 ημέραις ύστερον μετά ταύτα εν Κ ορίνθω χωρίων 
 
 § 13. είναι δείν] Schb. suggests είναι δεινόν. § 14. άνάβητε 
 < μάρτυρες >.] μάρτυρες is conjecturally added by Stephanus, 
 Turr., Schb. § 15. * εναποθανόντων is my correction of 
 
 ένθανόντων. Markland conjectured ένθα or ενταύθα θανόντων. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 61 
 
 Ισχυρών κατείΧημμενων, ώστε τούς 7 τόΧεμίους μη 
 δύνασθαι προσιεναι, 'Αγησιλάου δ’ εις την βοιω¬ 
 τίαν εμβαΧόντος, ψηφισαμενων των αρχόντων 
 άποχωρίσαι τάξεις αΐτινες βοηθησουσι, φοβού¬ 
 μενων απάντων, ( εικότως, ώ βουΧη’ δεινόν γάρ ην 
 άγαπητώς οΧίγω ττρότερον σεσωσμενους εφί ετερον 
 κίνδυνον ίεναι,) 7 τροσεΧθών εγώ τον ταξίαρχον 
 εκεΧευον άκΧηρωτί την ημετεραν τάξιν πεμπειν. 
 ώστ εϊ τινες υμών οργίζονται τοις τά μεν της 
 7 τόΧεως άξιούσι πράττειν, εκ δε τών κινδύνων 
 άποδιδράσκουσιν, ούκ άν δικαίως περί εμού την 
 γνώμην ταΰτην εχοιεν' ου γάρ μόνον τά προστατ- 
 τόμενα εποίουν προθύμως , αλλα και κινδυνεύειν 
 ετόΧμων. και ταύτ εποίουν ούχ ώς ού δεινόν 
 ηγούμενος είναι Αακεδαιμονίοις μάχεσθαι, άΧΧ * 
 ΐνα, εϊ ποτέ αδίκως εις κίνδυνον καθισταίμην, δ*Α 
 ταύτα βεΧτίων ύφί υμών νομιζόμενος. απάντων 
 τών δικαίων τυγχάνοιμι. καί μοι άνάβητε τού¬ 
 των μάρτυρες. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 Ύών τοίνυν άΧΧων στρατειών καί φρουρών 
 ούδεμιάς άπεΧείφθην πώποτε, αΧΧά πάντα τον 
 χρόνον διατετεΧεκα μετά τών πρώτων μεν τάς 
 εξόδους ποιούμενος, μετά τών τεΧευταίων δε άνα- 
 χωρών. καίτοι χρή τούς φιΧοτίμως και κοσμίως 
 πόΧιτευομένους εκ τών τοιούτων σκοπεΐν, άΧΧ ’ 
 ούκ, εϊ τις * κομά, διά τούτο μισεϊν' τά μεν γάρ 
 τοιαύτα επιτηδεύματα ούτε τούς Ιδιώτας ούτε τό 
 κοινόν της πόΧεως βΧάπτει, εκ δε τών κινδυνεύειν 
 εθεΧόντων προς τούς ποΧεμίους άπαντες υμείς 
 §18. *κομ α] Hamaker’s conj., adopted by Kauchenstein, 
 
 CW 
 
 > J 
 
 17 
 
 A 
 
 18 
 
62 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 19 ώφελείσθε. ώστε ονκ άξιον απ' οψεως, ώ βουλή, 
 οϋτε φιλεΐν ούτε μισείν ούδένα, άλλ' εκ των εργων 
 σκοπείν' πολλοί μεν yap μικρόν διαλεγόμενοι 
 καί κοσμίως * άμπεγό μεν οι μεγάλων κακών αίτιοι 
 γεγόνασιν, ετεροι δε των τοιούτων άμελούντες 
 πολλά κάγαθά υμάς είσιν είργασμένοι. 
 
 20 ’Ήδ ?7 δε τινων ήσθόμην, ώ βουλή, καί διά ταΰτα 
 άχθομένων μοι, οτι νεώτερος ών επεχείρησα λέγειν 
 εν τώ δημω. ε’γώ δε τδ μεν πρώτον ήναγκάσθην 
 υπέρ τών εμαυτοΰ πραγμάτων δημηγορήσαι, έπειτα 
 μεντοι καί εμαυτώ δοκώ φιλοτιμότερον διατεθήναι 
 του δέοντος, άμα μεν τών προγόνων ενθυμούμενος, 
 ότι ουδέ ν πέπαυνται *τά τής πόλεως πράττοντες, 
 
 21 άμα δε υμάς ορών (τά γάρ αληθή χρή λέγειν) 
 τούτους μόνους άξιους νομίζοντας είναι, ώστε ορών 
 υμάς ταύτην την γνώμην έχοντας τις ούκ αν 
 επαρθείη πράττειν καί λέγειν υπέρ τής πόλεως; 
 ετι δε τί αν τοΐς τοιούτοις άχθοισθε ; ου γάρ ετεροι 
 περί αυτών κριταί είσιν, αλλ’ υμείς. 
 
 IV. ΠΡΟΣ ΤΗΝ ΕΙΣΑΓΓΕΛΙΑΝ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΜΗ 
 ΔΙΔΟΣΘΑΙ ΤΩΙ ΑΔΥΝΑΤΩΙ ΑΡΓΥΡΙΟΝ. 
 
 [Or. kxiv. — After 403 b.c.] 
 
 g 10—14. 
 
 10 ΐίερί δε τής έμής ιππικής, ής ουτος ετόλμησε 
 μνησθήναι προς υμάς, ούτε την τύχην δείσας ούτε 
 
 instead of το\μ$: see comment. §19. * άμπεχόμενοι] Dobree 
 
 conject., Turr., Rauchenstein.— απερχόμενοι mss. Bk. — περιερ- 
 χόμενοι Emperius, Sclib. § 20. *τά τη s 7ro'Xews] Dobree con¬ 
 ject., Turr. Rauchenstein.— των τη s πόλεων mss. Bk. Schb. 
 

 33 
 
 "3 
 
 Λ 
 
 LYSIAS. 
 
 
 ΛΌ /j 
 
 u. 
 
 63 
 
 Lf.'J C\~,CX- 
 
 CXXj 
 
 >? 
 
 ±u JL ΠΙΛΟ. 
 
 υμάς αίσχυνθείς, ού ποΧύς 6 λόγο?, βγω γά/), ω 
 βουΧη, πάντας οίμαι τούς έχοντας τι δυστύχημα 
 τοιούτον ραστώνην τινά ζητεΐν, καί τούτο φιΧο- 
 σοφεΐν, όπως ώ? αΧυπότατα μεταχειριούνται τό 
 συμβεβηκός πάθος, ών εις εγώ, καί περιπεπ- 
 τωκώς τοιαντη συμφορά ταντην εμαυτω ραστωνην 
 δξηυρον είς τάς οδούς τάς μακροτερας των αναγ¬ 
 καίων. ό δε μεγιστον, ω βουΧή, τεκμηρών οτι διά 11 
 την συμφοράν αΧΧ' ού διά την ύβριν , ώ? οΰτός 
 φησιν, επί τούς ίππους άναβαίνω, ράδιόν εστι 
 μαθείν. εί yap εκεκτημην ουσίαν, επ' άστράβης 
 αν ώχούμην, αΧΧ' ούκ επί τούς άΧΧοτρίους ίππους 
 άνεβαινον’ νυνί δ' επειδή τοιούτον ού δύναμαι 
 κτήσασθαι, τοΐς αΧΧοτρίοις ΐπποις αναγκάζομαι 
 χρησθαι ποΧΧάκις’ καίτοι πώς ούκ άτοπόν εστιν, 12 
 ώ βουΧη, τούτον αύτόν, εί μεν επ' άστράβης όχου- 
 μενον εώρα με , σιωπάν (τι γάρ αν καί εΧεγεν'ύ), οτι 
 δ' επί τούς ητημενους ίππους άναβαίνω, πειράσθαι 
 πείθειν υμάς ώς δυνατός εϊην ; καί οτι μεν δυοΐν 
 βακτηρίαιν χρώμαι, των άΧΧων μια χρωμένων, μη 
 κατηγορείν ώς καί τούτο των δυναμενών εστιν’ οτι 
 δ' επί τούς 'ίππους άναβαίνω, τεκμηρίω χρησθαι 
 προς υμάς ώς είμί των δυναμενων ; οίς εγώ διά την 
 αύτήν αιτίαν άμφοτεροις χρώμαι. 
 
 
 IV. § ΙΟ. iy& yap] mss. Bk. Turr. — ’iyvwv yap Schb. on 
 his own conject., omitting οιμαι, which is wanting in X.— βίκος 
 yap Sauppe conject., Bauchenstein (edit. 5), also omitting 
 οΓμαι. || ρ^στών-ην τιρά] These words are in C, but not in X. 
 They are retained by Bk. and Turr., but omitted by Schb., 
 who reads έχοντας τι δυστύχημα tolovtov tl ξητβΐν. § 12. αιώ¬ 
 ναν] σιωπάν αν Schb. : Kayser wished to insert av after τούτον. 
 But it is needless: see comment. || δυνατός εϊην] δυνατός 
 
64 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 13 T οσουτον δε διενηι>οχεν αναισχυντία των an τάν^ 
 των άνθρώττων, ώστε υμάς πτειράται ητείθειν, τοσού- 
 τους όντας εις ών, ως ούκ ειμι των αδυνάτων εγώ. 
 καίτοι εί τούτο ητείσει τινάς υμών, ώ βουΧη, τί με 
 κωΧύει κΧηρουσθαι των εννεα αρχόντων, καί υμάς 
 εμού μεν άφεΧεσθαι τον όβοΧον ως ύ^ιαίνοντος, 
 τούτω δό ψηφίσασθαι ττάντας ως άναητηρω ; ου 
 γ άρ δηττου τον αυτόν υμείς μβν ως δυνάμενον 
 άφαιρησεσθε τό διδόμενου, οι δε ώς αδύνατον οντα 
 
 14 κΧηρουσθαι κωΧύσουσιν. αΧΧα <γάρ ούτε υμείς 
 τούτω την αυτήν εχετε γνώμην, ον θ' ούτος *'ευΧο<γα 
 δοκεί ττοιεΐν. ό μεν <yap ώσττερ εττικΧηρου της συμ¬ 
 φοράς ούσης αμφισβήτησών ηκει και ητειράται 
 ητείθειν υμάς ως ούκ είμϊ τοιούτος οιον υμείς όράτε 
 7 τάντες' υμείς δέ (ο των εύ φρονονντων epyov εστί) 
 μάΧΧον 7 τιστεύετε τοίς ύμετεροις αυτών όφθαΧμοίς 
 η τοίς τούτου Χόγοις. 
 
 είμι Schb., on Kayser’s conject. § 14. *6Ϊ/'[λογα Som] ποιεΐν 
 is my conjecture. The mss. have Simply εΰ ποιων, which is 
 certainly corrupt, and probably arose through the loss cf 
 several letters after εύ, which then became εΰ. I am persuaded 
 that the above suggestion represents, at least, the true sense; 
 and, in such a case, it seems warrantable to admit a pro¬ 
 visional remedy to the text. Other conjectures are:—(1) Beiske, 
 οϋθ ’ oCros <ΰμιν,> εΰ ποιων, i.e. ‘nor does he (agree) with you,— 
 and quite right too ’: rather pointless irony. (2) Schb., οϋθ ’ 
 ovtos <ύμΐν ώ$> εΰ ποιων, i.e. ‘and he differs from you, as if he 
 were acting rightly.’ (3) Markland, εΰ *φρονων : i.e., ‘you do 
 not think with him, nor does he think so—when he is in his 
 right mind.’ (4) Sauppe, eu *νοων : ‘nor does he (profess this 
 belief) with any good intent (towards me).’ 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 65 
 
 Y. ΚΑΤΑ ΕΡΑΤΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ. 
 
 [Or. χιι. — 403 b.c.] 
 
 1 1-36. 
 
 Ο ύκ άρξασθαί μοι δοκεί άπορον είναι, ώ άνδρες 
 δίΑζασταί,τής κατηγορίας, αΧΧα παύσασθαι Χεγοντι' 
 τοιαύτα αύτοίς το μεγεθος καί τοσαύτα το πΧήθος 
 είργασται, ώστε μήτ άν ψευδόμενον δεινότερα 
 των υπαρχόντων κατηγορήσαι, μήτε ταΧηθή βου- 
 Χόμενον είπεΐν άπαντα δύνασθαι, αλλ’ ανάγκη ή 
 τον κατήγορον άπειπειν ή τον χρόνον επιΧιπεΐν. 
 τουναντίον δε μου δοκουμεν πείσεσθαι ή εν τω προ 2 
 του χρόνω. πρότερον μεν γάρ εδει την εχθραν 
 τούς κατηγορούντας επιδεΐξαι, ήτις εϊη προς τούς 
 φεύγοντας * νυνϊ δε παρά των φευγόντων χρή 
 πυνθάνεσθαι ήτις ήν αύτοΐς προς την πόΧιν εχθρα , 
 άνθ '* οτου τοιαυτα ετόΧμησαν εις αυτήν εξαμαρ- 
 τάνειν. ου μεντοι ως ούκ εχων οικείας εχθρας και 
 συμφοράς τούς Χόγους ποιούμαι , αλλ’ ώς άπασι 
 ποΧΧής αφθονίας ούσης υπέρ των ιδίων ή υπέρ 
 των δημοσίων όργίζεσθαι. εγώ μεν οΰν, ώ άνδρες 3 
 δικασταί, ούτ εμαυτού πώποτε ούτε αΧΧότρια 
 πράγματα πράξας νυν ήνάγκασμαι υπό των γε- 
 γενημενών τούτου κατηγορεΐν , ώστε ποΧΧάκις εις 
 ποΧΧην άθυμίαν κατέστην, μη διά την απειρίαν 
 άναξίως και άδυνάτως ύπερ τού άδεΧφού και 
 εμαυτού την κατηγορίαν ποιήσωμαι’ όμως δε 
 πειράσομαι υμάς εξ αρχής ώς άν δύνωμαι δι 
 εΧαχίστων διδάξαι. 
 
 J. 
 
 5 
 
66 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 4 θυμός πατήρ Κ έφαλος επείσθη μεν ύπο ΤΙερι- 
 κλέους εις ταύτην την γην άφικέσθαι, ετη δε 
 τριάκοντα ωκησε, καί ούΒενι πώποτε ούτε ημείς 
 ούτε εκείνος Βίκην ούτε έΒικασάμεθα ούτε έφν- 
 ηομεν, άλλ' όντως ώκούμεν Βημοκρατούμενοι ώστε 
 μήτε εις τούς άλλους εξαμαρτάνειν μήτε ύπο των 
 
 5 άλλων άΒικεΐσθαι. επειΒή δ’ οι τριάκοντα πονηροί 
 μεν και συκοφάνται οντες εις την αρχήν κατέ¬ 
 στησανφάσκοντες χρήναι των άΒίκων καθαράν 
 ποιήσαι την πόλιν και τούς λοιπούς πολίτας επ' 
 αρετήν και Βικαιοσννην τραπέσθαι, [, καί] τοιαυτα 
 λέγοντες ού τοιαυτα ποιεϊν ετόλμων, ώς ε’γώ περί 
 των εμαυτου πρώτον είπών και περί των ύμετέρων 
 
 6 άναμνήσαι πειράσομαι. θέοηνις γ άρ και ΐΐείσων 
 ελεγ ον εν τοΐς τριάκοντα περί των μετοικων ως 
 εΐέν τινες τή πολιτεία άχθόμενοι' καλλίστην ούν 
 είναι πρόφασιν τιμωρείσθαι μεν Βοκεΐν, τω δ’ εργω 
 χρηματίζεσθαι' πάντως δε τήν μεν πόλιν *7 τένεσθαι, 
 
 7 τήν *δ* αρχήν Βεΐσθαι χρημάτων, και τούς ακού¬ 
 οντας ού χαλεπώς επειθον' άποκτιννύναι μεν yap 
 ανθρώπους περί ούΒενός ηγούντο, λαμβάνειν δε 
 χρήματα περί πολλού εποιοΰντο. εΒοξεν ούν αύ- 
 τοΐς Βέκα συλλαβεΐν, τούτων δε Βύο πένητας , ΐνα 
 αύτοΐς η προς τούς άλλους απολογία, ώς ον χρημά¬ 
 των ενεκα ταύτα πέπρακται, άλλα συμφέροντα τή 
 πολιτεία ηεγένηται, ώσπερ τι των άλλων εύλόγως 
 πεποιηκότες. Βιαλαβόντες δε τα? οικίας έβαΒιζον. 
 
 Υ. § 5. φάσκοντες] φάσκοντβτ δε Schb., with Emperius.' 
 || [καί] τοιαυτα ] Schb. and Rauchenstein, with Mark- 
 land, omit καί: see comment. § 6. *7 τένεσθαι, τήν *δ’ 
 
 αρχήν] Markland, Turr. Schb.— ^ενέσθαι τήν αρχήν mss. Bk. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 67 
 
 Καί εμέ μέν ξένους έστιώντα κατέΧαβον, 8 
 ούς έξεΧάσαντες ΤΙείσων ί με παραδιδόασιν' οί 
 δε άΧΧοι εις το εργαστηρίου εΧθόντες τα ανδρά¬ 
 ποδα άπεγράφοντο. εγώ δε ΤΙείσωνα μεν ήρώτων 
 εί βούΧοιτό με σώσαι χρήματα Χαβών' 6 δ’ 
 εφασκεν , εί ποΧΧά εϊη. είττον ουν οτι τάΧαντον 9 
 αργυρίου έτοιμος είην δούναι' 6 δ’ ώμοΧόγησε 
 ταυτα ποιήσειν. ήπιστάμην μεν ουν οτι ούτε 
 θεούς ουτ ανθρώπους νομίζει, όμως δ’ εκ των 
 παρόντων έδόκει μοι αναγκαιότατου είναι πίστιν 
 παρ' αυτού Χαβεΐν. επειδή δε ώμοσεν έξωΧειαν 10 
 έαυτώ και τοΐς παισιν επαρώμενος, Χαβών τό 
 ταΧαντόν με σώσειν, είσεΧθών εις τό δωμάτων 
 την κιβωτόν άνοίγνυμι' ΤΤείσων δ’ αίσθόμενος 
 εισέρχεται, και ίδών τά ενόντα καΧεΐ των υπη¬ 
 ρετών δύο, καί τά εν τή κιβωτώ Χαβεΐν εκέ- 
 Χευσεν. επεί δε ούχ οσον ώμοΧόγησα είχεν, ώ 11 
 άνδρες δικασταί, αΧΧά τρία τάΧαντα αργυρίου και 
 τετρακοσίους κυζικηνούς και εκατόν δαρεικούς και 
 φιάΧας άργυράς τέσσαρας, έδεόμην αυτού εφόδιά 
 μοι δούναι, ό δ’ άγαπήσειν με εφασκεν, εί τό σώμα 
 σώσω. 
 
 *Έιξιούσι δ ’ εμοι και ΓΙ είσωνι επιτυγχάνει Μ?;- 12 
 Χόβιός τε και Χίνησιθείδης εκ τού εργαστηρίου 
 άπιόντες, και καταΧαμβάνουσι προς αύταΐς ταΐς 
 θύραις, και ερωτώσιν οπη βαδίζοιμεν' ό δ’ εφασ- 
 κεν εις τά τού άδεΧφού τού εμού, ΐνα και τά εν 
 εκείνη τή οικία σκέψηται. εκείνον μεν ουν έκέ- 
 Χευον βάδιζειν, εμέ δε μεθ ’ αυτών άκοΧουθεΐν εις 
 ίΧαμνίππου. ΤΙείσων δέ προσεΧθών σιγάν, μοι 13 
 
 5—2 
 
 \ 
 
68 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 παρεκεΧεύετο και θαρρεΐν, ως ήξων εκεΐσε. κατα- 
 Χαμβάνομεν δε αυτόθι ®eoyviv ετερους φυΧάτ- 
 τοντα' ω παραδόντες εμε πάΧιν ωχοντο. εν τοι- 
 ούτω δ’ όντι μοι κινδυνευειν εδόκει, ώς του yε 
 
 14 άποθανειν ύπάρχοντος ήδη. καΧεσας δε Αάμνιπ- 
 ττον λέγω προς αυτόν τάδε, “ επιτήδειος μεν μοι 
 
 / »/ f/ ■> \ \ Ϊ / » £ Λ £·’ 
 
 Toy χάνεις ων, ηκω ο εις την σην οικίαν, αοικω ο 
 ουδέν, χρημάτων δ’ ενεκα άπόΧΧυμαι. συ οΰν 
 ταυτα πάσχοντί μοι πρόθυμον παράσχου την 
 σεαυτου δύναμιν εις την εμήν σωτηρίαν .” δ δ’ 
 υητεσχετο ταυτα ποιησειν. εδόκει δ’ αΰτώ βεΧτιον 
 είναι προς ®ioyviv μνησθήναι' ήyεΐτo yap άπαν 
 
 15 ποιησειν αυτόν, εϊ τις apyvpiov διδοίη. εκείνου 
 δε διaXεyoμεvoυ Θεόγζ ηδι, (έμπειρος yap ων ε’τόγ- 
 χανον τής οικίας, καί ήδειν οτι άμφίθυρος εϊη,) 
 εδόκει μοι ταΰτη πειράσθαι σωθήναι, ενθυμου μένω 
 ότι, εάν μεν Χάθω, σωθήσομαι, εάν δε Χηφθώ, 
 ήyovμηv μεν, ει Θεογ νις εϊη πεπεισμένος υπό του 
 Ααμνίππου χρήματα Χαβεΐν, ουδέ ν ήττον άφεθή- 
 
 16 σεσθαι, εί δε μή, ομοίως άποθανείσθαι. ταυτα 
 διανοηθεις εφευyov, εκείνων επι τή αυΧείω θύρα 
 την φυΧακτ)ν ποιούμενων * τριών δε θυρών οΰσών 
 άς εδει με διεΧθεΐν, άπασαι άνε^μεναι ετυχον. 
 άφικόμενος δε εις Άρχενεω του ναυκΧήρου εκείνον 
 πέμπω εις άστυ, πευσόμενον περί του άδεΧφοΰ ' 
 ηκω ν δε εXεyεv οτι Ερατοσθένης αυτόν εν τή όδω 
 Χαβών εις τό δεσμωτήριον anrayayoi. 
 
 17 Κ αι ε’γώ τοιαυτα πεπυσμένος τής επιουσης νυκ- 
 τός διεπΧευσα Μεγαράδε. Π όΧεμάρχω δε πapήy- 
 § 13. παρεκελβύετο] napctKeXeveTcu G, Bk. § 17. ύπ\ 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 69 
 
 γειΧαν οι τριάκοντα το νττ εκείνων είθισμενον πα- 
 ράγγεΧμα, πίνειν κώνειον, πριν την αιτίαν είπεΐν Sc 
 ήντινα εμεΧΧεν άποθανεΐσθαι' ούτωποΧΧού εδεησε 
 κριθήναι και άποΧογήσασθαι. και επειδή άπεφε- 18 
 ρετο εκ του δεσμωτηρίου τεθνεώς, τριών ήμΐν οικιών 
 ονσών ουδέμιας είασαν εξενεχθήναι, άΧΧά κΧίσιον 
 μισθωσάμενοι προϋθεντο αυτόν, και ποΧΧών όντων 
 [ματιών αίτούσιν ουδεν εδοσαν εις την ταφήν, αΧλά 
 τών φίΧων ο μεν ίμάτιον 6 δε προσκεφάΧαιον ό δε 
 <'ό τι έκαστος ετυχεν εδωκεν εις την εκείνου ταφήν, 
 και εχοντες μεν επτακόσιας ασπίδας τών ήμετερων, 19 
 εχοντες δε αργύρων και χρυσίον τοσοΰτον, χαΧκόν 
 δε και κόσμον και επιπΧα και [μάτια γυναικεία 
 οσα ούδεπώποτε ωοντο κτήσασθαι, και ανδράποδα 
 είκοσι και εκατόν , ών τα μεν βεΧτιστα εΧαβον, τά 
 δε Χοιπά εις τό δημόσιον άπεδοσαν, εις τοσαύτην 
 άπΧηστίαν και αισχροκέρδειαν άφίκοντο και του 
 τρόπου του αυτών άπόδειξιν εποιήσαντο * τής γάρ 
 ΙΙοΧεμάρχου γυναικός χρυσούς εΧικτήρας, ονς 
 εχουσα ετύγχανεν, ότε τό πρώτον ήΧθεν εις την 
 οικίαν Μ ηΧόβιος, εκ τών ώτων εξείΧετο. καί ουδέ 20 
 κατά τό εΧάχιστον μέρος τής ουσίας εΧεου παρ —- 
 αυτών ετυγχάνομεν' αΧΧ ’ ούτως εις ήμάς διά τά 
 χρήματα εξημάρτανον, ώσπερ <ονδ'> άν ετεροι 
 μεγάΧων αδικημάτων οργήν εχοντες , ου τούτων 
 άξιους γε όντας τή πόΧει, αΧΧά πάσας τάς χορηγίας 
 
 εκείνων] X, C, Turr. Schb. - επ’ εκείνων Aldine, Bk. 
 
 (=‘in their time’), — a tempting variant, which may be 
 right. § 20 . ωσττ ep <ούδ’ > hv ’έτεροι] The insertion 
 of ούδ ’ is due to Westermann, whom Rauchenstein follows; 
 it seems requisite. Scheibe, with Sauppe, inserts ούκ. |) 
 
70 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 'χορηγήσαντας, ποΧΧάς δ’ εισφοράς eiaeveyfcovras, 
 κοσμίους δ’ ημάς αυτούς παρέχοντας καί παν το 
 προσταττόμενον ποιούντας, εχθρόν δ’ ούδένα κεκ- 
 τημένους, ποΧΧούς δ’ Αθηναίων εκ των ποΧεμίων 
 Χυσαμένους τοιούτων ηξίωσαν, ούχ ομοίως μετοι- 
 κονντας ώσπερ αυτοί εποΧιτεύοντο. 
 
 21 θύτου jap ποΧΧούς μεν των ποΧιτών είς τούς 
 ποΧεμίους έξηΧασαν, ποΧΧούς δ’ αδίκως άποκτεί- 
 ναντες άταφους εποίησαν, ποΧΧούς δ’ επιτίμους 
 όντας άτίμους της πόΧεως κατέστησαν, ποΧΧών δε 
 
 22 θυγατέρας μεΧΧούσας εκδίδοσθαι έκώΧυσαν. καί 
 είς τοσουτόν είσι τοΧμης αφημένου ωσθ' ηκονσιν 
 άποΧογησόμενού, καί Xiyovaiv ως ούδέν κακόν ούδ ’ 
 αισχρόν είρηασμενοι είσίν. εγώ δ' έβουΧόμην άν 
 αυτούς αΧηθη Χεγευν’ μετην yap άν καί εμοί 
 
 23 τούτου τάηαθού ούκ εΧάχιστον μέρος, νυν δε ούτε 
 προς την πόΧιν αύτοΐς τοιαύτα υπάρχει ούτε προς 
 εμέ’ τον άδεΧφον yap μου, ώσπερ καί πρότερον 
 είπον, Ερατοσθένης άπέκτεινεν, ούτε αύτος ιδία αδι¬ 
 κούμενος ούτε είς την πόΧιν ορών έξαμαρτάνοντα, 
 άΧΧά τη εαυτού παρανομία προθύμως εξυπηρετών. 
 
 24 άναβιβασάμενος δ’ αύτον βούΧομαι ερέσθαι, ώ άν- 
 δρες δικασταί. τοιαύτην yap yvώμηv εχω * επί μεν 
 τη τούτου ώφεΧεία καί προς ετερον περί τούτου 
 διaXέyεσθaι ασεβές είναι νομίζω, επί δε τη τούτον 
 βΧάβη καί προς αύτον τούτον οσιον καί εύσεβές. 
 άνάβηθι ούν μοι καί άποκριναι, *ο τι άν σε ερωτώ. 
 
 \νσάμ evovs τοιούτων ηξίωσαν ] Schb., with Bergk, points thus : 
 \υσαμένον$ ’ τοιούτων ήξίωσαν. § 24. όσιον ] Stephanus, Bk. 
 Turr. Schb.— όσον C, X. || δ' rt] Brunck’s and Bk.’s cor- 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 71 
 
 Άπήyayες ΥΙοΧέμαρχον η ού ; Τά υπό τών 25 
 αρχόντων προσταχθεντα δεδιώς εποίουν. *Ησθα 
 δ ’ εν τω βουΧευτηρίω, ore οι Xoyoi iyiyvovTO περί 
 ημών ; ? Ηζ/. Τίότερον avvyyopeve 9 τοΐ 9 κεΧεύονσιν 
 άποκτεΐναι η avreXeye 9 ; ’ AvreXeyov . r 'lva <άπο- 
 θάνωμεν η> μη άποθάνωμεν ; r/ Im μ-?} άποθάνητε. 
 'Wyov μένος ?}/χα9 άδικα πάσχειν η δίκαια ; 'Άδικα. 
 
 ΕΖτ’, ώ σχετΧιώτατε πάντων, άντ eXeyes μεν 26 
 iW σώσειας, συνεΧάμβανες δε ΐνα * άποκτείναις ; 
 /eat ore μεν το πΧηθος ην υμών κύριον τής σωτηρίας 
 της ημετερας, άντιΧ^ειν φής τοΐς βουΧομενοις 
 ημάς άπόΧεσαι, επειδή δε επϊ σοί μόνω iy ενετό 
 και σώσαι. ΙΙοΧεμαρχον και μη , εις το δεσμωτηριον 
 άπηyayες ; εΐθ ’ ότι μεν , ως φης, άντειπών ούδεν 
 ώφεΧησας , άζιοΐς 'χρηστός νομίζεσθαι, ότι δε 
 συΧΧαβών άπεκτεινας, ούκ οϊει εμοι και τοντοισϊ 
 δούναι δίκην ; 
 
 Καί μην ούδε τούτο είκός αύτώ πτιστενειν, εϊπερ 27 
 άΧηθη Χ^ει φάσκων άντειπεΐν, ώς αντώ προσ- 
 ετάχθη. ού yap δή που εν τοΐς μετοίκοις πίστιν 
 παρ' αυτόν εΧάμβανον . επειτα τώ *ήττον είκός ην 
 προσταχθηναι ή οστις άντειπών yε ετύyχavε καί 
 yvώμηv άποδεδε^μενος ; τίνα yap είκός ην ηττον 
 
 rection of the mss. εΐ τι. § 25. Ϊνα cairod άνω μεν ή> 
 μη άποθάνωμεν ; ] Eauclienstein follows Beiske, Frei, and 
 Frohberger in reading thus, as Dobree also wished to do. 
 
 The mss. have simply ϊνα μη άποθάνωμεν ; and X omits μη. 
 
 See comment. § 26. * άποκτεΐναι] Bk. conject., Turr. 
 
 Schb. — άποκτείνοΐί Bk. in text. — άποκτείνης (sic) X (acc. to 
 Kayser), C. § 27. ’έπειτα] mss. Bk. Turr. — έπεί τοι 
 Taylor conject., Schb. || * ηττον εικό s] ηττον is due to 
 
 Canter; G has ού πιστόν: the other mss., πίστιν. || έτύγχανε] 
 
 X , Schb. — έτύγχανεν Bk. Turr. || και γνώμην] Schb., 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 ταύτα ύττηρετησαι η τον άντειττόντα oh εκείνοι 
 
 28 εβούΧοντο ττραχθηναι ; ετι 8ε τοΐς μεν άΧΧοις 
 Ά,θηναίοις Ικανή μου 8οκεί ττρόφασις είναι των 
 ηε^ενημενων εις τούς τριάκοντα άναφερειν την 
 αιτίαν' αυτούς 8ε τούς τριάκοντα, αν εις σφάς 
 αυτούς άναφερωσι, ττώς υμάς είκός άιτοΒεχεσθαι ; 
 
 29 εί μεν yap τις ην εν τη ττόΧει άρχή ισχυρότερα 
 αυτής , ύφ ’ ης αύτω ττροσετάττετο τταρά το Βίκαιον 
 άνθρώττους άττοΧΧυναι, ίσως αν εικότως αύτω συγ- ■ 
 γνώμην εϊχετε' νυν 8ε τταρά του ττοτε και Χηψεσθε 
 8ίκην, είττερ εξεσται τοΐς τριάκοντα Χεηειν οτι τα 
 
 30 ύττο των τριάκοντα ττροσταχθεντα εττοίουν ; και 
 μεν οή ουκ εν τη οικία αλΧ εν τη οοω, ^ σωζειν 
 αυτόν *κατά τά τούτοις εψηφισμενα * παρόν, συΧ- 
 Χαβών άττή^α^εν. υμείς 8ε *ττάσιν όργίζεσθε, όσοι 
 εις τάς οικίας ηΧθον τάς ύμετερας ζητησιν ττοιοΰ- 
 
 31 μενοι ή υμών η των ύμετερων τινός. καίτοι εί χρή 
 *τοΐς 8ιά την εαυτών σωτηρίαν ετερους άιτοΧεσασι 
 συγγνώμην εχειν, εκείνοις αν Βικαιότερον εχοιτε' 
 κίνόυνος yap ην ττεμφθεΐσι μη εΧθεΐν καί κατα- 
 Χαβούσιν εξάρνοις yεvεσθaι. τω 8ε Έρατοσθενει 
 έξην είττεΐν ότι ουκ άττήντησεν, εττειτα οτι ουκ 
 
 on his own conject., gives καί [εναντίαν] γνώμην. § 29 . ισχυ¬ 
 ρότερα αι}ττ}$] Dobree wished to read ταύτης for αυτής, or else to 
 omit the latter, suggesting that it may have arisen from a 
 variant αύτοΐς for αύτφ just afterwards. § 30 . σφζειν... παρόν] 
 Most of the mss. give σφζοντα αυτόν καί τά tovtols έφηφισμένα 
 ον συλλαβών άπήγαγεν. G has σφζων αυτόν, omitting ον : and 
 so Bk. reads. Baiter conject. σφζοντα αυτόν , κατά τά τούτοις 
 εψηφισμένα συλλαβών άπήγαγεν. Sauppe conject. σφζειν τε αύτόν 
 και τά τούτοίς έφηφίσμένα παρόν, and so Schb. now (1876) reads. 
 Bauchenstein, combining Baiter’s κατά with Sauppe’s σφζειν 
 παρόν, gives (edit. 5) the reading adopted in the text. || *πασιν 
 is my correction of πάντες. § 31 . *τοϊ s δίά] Beiske, Turr. Schb.— 
 
s 
 
 LYSIAS. 
 
 73 
 
 εϊ8εν' ταΰτα yap ovr eXey^ov ούτε βάσανον άιχεν, 
 ώστε μη8' υπό τών εχθρών βουΧομενων οϊόν τ' 
 είναι εξεXεyχθήναι. χρήν 8ε σε, ώ 'Έ^ρατόσθενες, 
 εϊπερ ήσθα χρηστός, 7 τοΧύ μαΧΧον τοΐς μεΧΧουσιν 
 ά8ίκως άποθανεισθαι μηνυτήν yεvεσθaι ή τους 
 ά8ίκως άποΧουμενους συΧΧαμβάνειν. νυν 8ε σου 
 τα 8pya φανερά yεyεvητaι ούχ ως άνιωμένου αΧΧ' 
 ώς ήόομενου τοΐς yιyvoμεvoις, ώστε τούσόε εκ των 
 epywv χρή μαΧΧον η εκ των Xόyωv την ψήφον 
 φερειν, ά ϊσασι yεyεvημένα των τότε Xεyoμέvωv 
 τεκμήρια Χαμβάνοντας, επει8ή μάρτυρας περί 
 αυτών ούχ οιόν τε παρασχεσθαι. ον yap μόνον 
 ήμΐν παρεϊναι ούκ εξήν, αλλ* ού8ε παρ αντοΐς 
 
 32 
 
 είναι. ώστ επι τούτοις εστι πάντα τα κακά 
 
 >* \ 
 
 ειpyaσμέvoις την πόΧιν πάντα τάyaθά περί αυτών 
 Χ^ειν. τούτο μέντοι ού φεύyω, αΧΧ ’ όμoXoyώ σοι, 
 ει βούΧει, άντειπεΐν. θαυμάζω 8ε τι αν ποτέ 
 *εποίησας συνειπών, οπότε άντειπεΐν φάσκων άπε- 
 κτεινας ΤίοΧέμαρχον. φέρε 8ή, τί αν ει και άΒεΧφοι 
 όντες ετύχετε αυτού ή και υιεΐς ; άπεψηφίσασθε ; 
 8ει y άρ, ώ άνύρες 8ικασταί, 'Έιρατοσθενην 8υοΐν 
 θάτερον άπο8ειξαι, ή ως ούκ άπήyayεv αυτόν, ή 
 ως Βικαίως τούτ επραξεν. ουτος 8ε ώμoXόyηκεν 
 ά8ίκως συΧΧαβειν, ώστε ρα8ίαν νμιν την 8ιαψή- 
 φισιν περί αυτού πεποίηκε. 
 
 Κ αι μεν 8ή ποΧΧοι και τών αστών καί τών ξένων 
 ήκουσιν εΐσόμενοι τίνα yvώμηv περί τούτων εξετε. 
 
 '34 
 
 Υ» 
 
 ι 
 
 
 τούτοι διά mss. Bk. § 34 . *εττοίησα$ ] Dobree, Schb., Rauchen- 
 stein.— ποίησαν mss. Bk. Turr. See comment. || ετύχετε...άττε - 
 ψηφίσασθε] Kauchenstein, on Kayser’s conject., eTvy χάνετε... 
 άπεψιιφίζεσθε, to which Schb. inclines, though he keeps the 
 
74 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ών οϊ μεν ύμετεροι οντες ητολιται μαθόντες άιτίασιν 
 ότι ή δίκην δώσουσιν ων αν εξαμάρτωσιν, η πρά- 
 ξαντες μενών εφίενται τύραννοι τής πόλεως εσονται, 
 δυστυχήσαντες δε το ίσον ύμίν εξουσιν' οσοι δε 
 ξένοι επιδημούσιν , εϊσονται πότερον αδίκως τούς 
 τριάκοντα εκκηρύττουσιν εκ των πόλεων ή δικαίως, 
 εί γάρ δή αυτοί οι κακώς πεπονθότες λαβδντες 
 άφήσουσιν, ή που σφάς αυτούς ήγήσονται περιερ- 
 36 γ °υς ύπερ υμών *τιμωρούμενους . ούκ ούν δεινόν, εί 
 τούς μεν στρατηγούς οι ενικών ναυμαχουντες, οτε 
 διά χειμώνα ούχ ο ιοί τ εφασαν είναι τούς εκ τής 
 θαλάττης άνελεσθαι, θανάτω εζημιώσατε, ηγού¬ 
 μενοι χρήναι τή τών τεθνεώτων αρετή παρ εκείνων 
 δίκην λαβεΐν, τούτους δε, οΐ ίδιώται μεν οντες καθ' 
 όσον εδύναντο εποίησαν ήττηθήναι ναυμαχουντας , 
 επειδή δε εις την αρχήν κατέστησαν, όμολογούσιν 
 εκόντες πολλούς τών πολιτών ακρίτους άποκτιννύ- 
 ναι, ούκ άρα χρή αυτούς καί τούς παΐδας ύφί ύμών 
 ταΐς εσχάταις ζημίαις κολάζεσθαι ; 
 
 92—100. 
 
 92 Β ούλομαι δε ολίγα εκατερους άναμνήσας κατα- 
 
 βαίνειν, τούς τε εξ άστεος καί τούς εκ ΤΙειραιώς, 
 
 aorists: but see comment. § 35. *τιμωρονμ4νους] Markland 
 conject., Turr. Schb.— τοιρομένους Canter conject., Bk.— τηρον- 
 μέρους or τηρομέρον s mss. § 36. ούκ ούρ] οϋκονν Bk. |J ore] 
 Schb., with the mss. (X has 6're, acc. to Kayser: on, acc. to 
 Bk.).—on Markland, Turr. Bk. || roi>s e/c τή s θαλάττης] Reiske 
 would add pavayovuTas : Schb., τεθρβωτα s. || τούτον? δέ] X, 
 (J y Schb.— τούτους δέ δή Bk. Turr. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 75 
 
 ινα τάς ύμίν διά τούτων γεγενημενας συμφοράς 
 7 ταραδείγματα εχοντες την ψήφον φερητε. καί 
 •πρώτον μεν 'όσοι εζ άστεός εστε, σκεψασθε οτι 
 νιτο τούτων ούτω σφοδρά ήρχεσθε ώστε άδελφοΐς 
 καϊ υίεσι καί πολίταις ήναγκάζεσθε ί τολεμεΐν 
 τοιούτον πόλεμον εν ω ήττηθεντες μεν τοΐς νική- 
 σασι τό ίσον έχβτβ, νικήσαντες δ' άν τούτους 
 εδουλεύετε. και τούς Ιδιους οίκους ούτοι μεν άν 93 
 εκ, των πραγμάτων μεγάλους εκτήσαντο , υμείς δε 
 διά τον προς άλλήλους πόλεμον ελάττους εχετε . 
 συνωφελεΐσθαι μεν γάρ υμάς ούκ ήξίουν , συνδια- 
 βάλλεσθαι δ’ ήνάγκαζον, είς τοσοΰτον υπεροψίας 
 ελθόντες ώστε ού των αγαθών κοινούμενοι πιστούς 
 υμάς εκτώντο, άλλα των ονειδών μεταδιδόντες 
 *εννοι ωοντο είναι ανσ ων υμείς νυν εν τω 94 
 θαρραλεω οντες } καθ' όσον δΰνασθε, καϊ ύπερ 
 υμών αυτών καϊ ύπερ τών εκ ΓΓ ειραιώς τιμωρή- 
 σασθε, ενθυμηθεντες μεν ότι υπό τούτων πονηρό¬ 
 τατων οντων ηρχεσθε, ενθυμηθεντες δε οτι μετ 
 άνδρών νυν αρίστων πολιτεύεσθε και τοΐς πολε- 
 μίοις μάγεσθε καϊ περί της πόλεως βουλεύεσθε, 
 άναμνησθεντες δε τών επικούρων , ούς ούτοι φύ¬ 
 λακας της σφετερας άρχής και τής νμετερας 
 δουλείας είς την άκρόπολιν κατέστησαν. 
 
 Κ αϊ προς υμάς μεν ετι πολλών οντων είπειν 95 
 
 § 92. διά τούτων] C, Turr. Schb. — δίά τούτον X, Bk. § 93. 
 ούτοι μέν &ν...€κττ)σαντο\ Schb. and Rauchenstein reject tlie αν : 
 Turr. and Bk. do not. I hesitate to reject it, since it gives 
 good sense; though its omission would make the passage 
 simpler. See comment. |1 * edvoi ] evvov s mss. See comment. 
 
76 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τοσαΰτα λέγω, οσοι δ’ εκ ΤΙειραιώς εστε , 7 τρωτόν 
 μέν τών οπλών άναμνήσθητε, ότι ί τολλάς μάχας iv 
 rfj άλλοτρία μαγεσάμενοι ούχ υπό των πολεμίων 
 άλλ ’ υπό τούτων ειρήνης ούσης άφηρέθητε τα 
 07τλα, έπειθ' otl εξεκηρύγθητε μεν εκ. τής πόλεως 
 ήν ύμίν οί πατέρες ί ταρέδοσαν, φεύγοντας δε υμάς 
 
 96 εκ των πόλεων εξητοΰντο' άνθ ’ ών όργίσθητε μεν 
 ώσπερ ότ έφεύγετε, άναμνήσθητε 8έ και των άλλων 
 κακών α πεπόνθατε νπ αυτών, οι τούς μεν εκ τής 
 αγοράς τούς δ’ εκ των ιερών συναρπάζοντες βιαίως 
 άπέκτειναν, τους δε από τέκνων και γονέων καί 
 γυναικών άφέλκοντες φονέας αυτών ήνάγκασαν 
 γενέσθαι καί ουδέ ταφής τής νομιζομένης εΐασαν 
 τυχεΐν, ηγούμενοι την αυτών apyrjv βεβαιοτέραν 
 
 97 είναι τής παρά τών θεών τιμωρίας. Ισοι δε τον 
 θάνατον διέφυγον, πολλα'χου κινδυνεύσαντες καί 
 εις πολλάς πόλεις πλανηθέντες καί πανταγοθεν 
 εκκηρυττόμενοι, ενδεείς οντες τών επιτηδείων, οί 
 μεν εν πολέμια τή πατρίδι τούς παΐδας καταλι- 
 πόντες, οί δ’ εν ξένη γή, πολλών ενάντιουμένων 
 ήλθετε εις τον ΤΙειραιά. πολλών δέ καί μεγάλων 
 κινδύνων ύπαρξάντων άιώρες αγαθοί γενόμενοι 
 τούς μέν ήλευθερώσατε, τούς δ’ εις την πατρίδα 
 
 98 κατηγάγετε. εί δέ εδυστυχτ/σατε καί τούτων 
 ήμάρτετε, αύτοί μέν αν δείσαντες έφεύγετε μή 
 πάθητε τοιαύτα οια καί πρότερον, καί ούτ άν ιερά 
 ούτε βωμοί υμάς άδικουμένους διά τούς τούτων 
 τρόπους ωφέλησαν, ά καί τοΐς άδικούσι σωτήρια 
 γίγνεται ' οί δε παίδες υμών, οσοι μέν ενθάδε ήσαν, 
 υπό τούτων άν ύβρίζοντο, οί δ’ επί ξένης μικρών 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 77 
 
 αν ενεκα συμβολαίων έΒούλευον ερημιά των επί- 
 κουρησοντων. 
 
 Άλλα yap ον τα μέλλοντα εσεσθαι βούλομαι 99 
 λ^εον, τα πραχθέντα ύπο τούτων ον Βυνάμενος 
 είπεϊν * ούΒε yap ένος K.aTr\yopov ονΒέ Βυοΐν epyov 
 εστίν, αλλά πολλών. όμως Be της εμης προθυμίας 
 <ούΒέν> έλλέλβιττταί, υπέρ <τβ> των ιερών, ά οντοι 
 τα μέν άπεΒοντο τά Β ’ είσιόντες έμίαινον, υπέρ τ€ 
 της πόλβως, ην μικρ'αν εποίουν, υπέρ τβ των νεωρίων, 
 ά καθεΐλον, καί υπέρ των τεθνεώτων, οίς υμείς, 
 επειΒη ζώσιν έπάμύναι ούκ ηΒύνασθε, άποθανούσι 
 βοηθήσατε, οίμαί δ’ αυτούς ημών τε άκροάσθαί 100 
 καί υμάς έίσεσθαι την ψήφον φέροντας, ?;γ θυ¬ 
 μένους, οσοι μεν αν τούτων άποψηφίσησθε, αυτών 
 θάνατον * κατεψηφίσθαι, ο σου δ’ άν παρά τούτων 
 Βίκην λάβωσιν, υπέρ αυτών τάς τιμωρίας πεποιη- 
 μενους. 
 
 ΐϊαύσομαι κaτηyopώv' άκηκόατε, έωράκατε, 
 πεπόνθατε, εχετε, Βικάζετε. 
 
 Λ 
 
 ΐ'·· 
 
 § 99. < ονδϊν > έλλΑεί7τταί] ούδέν was added by Canter: 
 
 Turr., Schb., print it in brackets, Bk. without brackets. |j 
 υπέρ <re> των ιερών] re is added, on Sauppe’s conject., by 
 Bauchenstein, Sclib. — υπέρ των Ιερών mss. Bk. Turr. § lOO. 
 * κατεφηφίσθαι] Baiter. — καταφηφιεΐσθαι mss. Bk. Turr. Schb.— 
 κατεφηφισ μένονς ί-σεσθαι Bauchenstein, and to this, or κατεφη- 
 φισμένου s φανήσεσθαι, Schb. also inclines. |j πεποιημένονς] 
 Beiske and Kayser think that φανήσεσθαι has dropped out 
 after this. If anything were to be supplied, I should prefer 
 είναι. But see comment. 
 
78 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 VI. ΚΑΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΤΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. χιπ.— About 399 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 5—48. 
 
 5 Έπεί-δ/} γ ap ai νήες ai ύμετεραι 8ιεφθάρησαν 
 καί τά πράγματα εν rrj ποΧει ασθενέστερα εγεγό- 
 νητο, ον 7Γθλλω χρόνω ύστερον αΐ τε νήες αί 
 Αακε8αιμονίων επί τον Π ειραιά άφικνούνται, καί 
 άμα Χόγοι προς Λ ακε8αιμονίους περί της ειρήνης 
 
 6 εγίγνοντο. εν 8ε τω χρόνω τούτω οί βουΧόμενοι 
 νεώτερα πράγματα εν τη πόΧει γίγνεσθαι επεβού- 
 Χευον, νομίζοντες κάΧΧιστον καιρόν είΧηφεναι καί 
 μάΧιστ <άν> εν τω τότε χρόνω τά πράγματα, ώς 
 
 7 αυτοί ήβούΧοντο, καταστήσασθαι. ηγούντο 8ε 
 ον8εν αΧΧο σφίσιν εμπο8ών είναι η τούς τού 8ήμου 
 προεστηκότας καί τούς στρατηγούντας καί ταζι- 
 αρχούντας. τούτους ονν εβουΧοντο άμωσγεπως 
 εκπο8ών ποιήσασθαι , ΐνα ρα8ίως ά βουΧοιντο 8ια- 
 πράττοιντο. πρώτον μεν ούν Κ Χεοφώντι επεθεντο 
 εκ τρόπου τοιούτου. 
 
 8 Ότε γάρ η πρώτη εκκΧησία περί της είρηνης 
 εγίγνετο, καί οί παρά Αακε8αιμονίων ήκοντες 
 εΧεγον εφ' οις έτοιμοι ειεν την ειρήνην ποιεΐσθαι 
 Αακε8αιμόνιοι, εί κατασκαφειη τών τειχών τών 
 μακρών επί 8εκα στά8ια εκατερου, τότε υμείς τε, 
 ώ άν8ρες * Αθηναίοι , ούκ ήνεσχεσθε άκούσαντες 
 περί τών τειχών τής κατασκαφής, Κ Χεοφών τε 
 
 VI. § 6 . μάλίστ <α,ν> ...καταστησασθαι] The mss. have μά¬ 
 λιστα: but, as Dobree saw, we require either μάλιστ hv or 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 79 
 
 vn τέρ υμών πάντων άναστάς άντεϊπεν ως οΰδενι 
 τρόπω οΐόν τε εϊη ποιεΐν ταυτα. μετά δε ταΰτα 9 
 ξηραμένης, επιβουΧεύων τω πΧήθει τω ΰμετέρω , 
 άναστάς Χέ^ει ότι, εάν αυτόν εΧησθε περί της 
 ειρήνης πρεσβευτήν αύτοκράτορα, ποιήσειν ώστε 
 μήτε των τευχών διεΧεΐν μήτε άΧΧο την πόΧιν 
 εΧαττώσαι μηδέν * οϊοιτο δε και άΧΧο τι αγαθόν 
 παρά Αακεδαιμονίων τη πολεί εΰρήσεσθαι. πει- 10 
 σθέντες δε υμείς είΧεσθε εκείνον πρεσβευτήν αΰτο- 
 κράτορα, δν τω προτέρω ετει στρατηγόν χειρο- 
 τονηθέντα άπεδοκιμάσατε, ου νομίζοντες εί'νουν 
 εϊναο τω πΧήθει τω ΰμετέρω. εκείνος μεν οΰν 11 
 εΧθών είς Αακεδαίμονα εμεινεν εκεί ποΧυν χρόνον, 
 καταΧιπών υμάς ποΧιορκουμένους, είδώς τό ύμέτε- 
 ρον πΧηθος εν απορία εχόμενον, καί διά τον πόΧε- 
 μον καί τά κακά τούς ποΧΧούς των επιτηδείων 
 ενδεείς όντας, νομίζων, εί διαθείη υμάς άπόρως 
 ώσπερ διέθηκεν, ασμένως όποιαντινούν έθεΧήσαι 
 άν ειρήνην ποιήσασθαι. οί δ’ ενθάδε ύπομένοντες 12 
 και επιβουΧεΰοντες καταΧύσαι την δημοκρατίαν 
 είς αγώνα Κ Χεοφώντα καθιστάσι, πρόφασιν μέν 
 ότι ούκ ήΧθεν είς τά οπΧα άναπαυσόμένος, το δ’ 
 άΧηθές ότι άντεϊπεν υπέρ υμών μή καθαιρεΐν τά 
 τείχη. έκείνω μέν οΰν δικαστήριον παρασκευά- 
 σαντες και είσεΧθόντες οί βουΧόμενοι οΧιγαρχίαν 
 καταστήσασθαι άπέκτειναν εν τή προφάσει ταΰτ\μ 
 
 καταστήσβσθαι. The former is most probable. §9. ποιήσει?] X, 
 C, Turr. Schb.— ποιήσει Stephanus, Bk. §11. άπόρως] Schb., 
 while keeping this in the text, thinks with Kayser that it is a 
 gloss. § 12. ev rrj προφάσει] Baiter would read έπΐ instead. 
 
80 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 13 ξηραμένης δε ύστερον άφικνεΐται εκ Αακεδαί- 
 μονος. 7 τροσιόντες δ’ αύτω τών re στρατηγών 
 τινες καϊ των ταξιάρχων, ών ήν Ί,τρομβιχίδης καί 
 Αιονυσόδωρος, καϊ άλλοι τινες των πολιτών εύνο- 
 ούντες ύμΐν, ως 7* δήλωσαν ύστερον, ήγανάκτουν 
 σφοδρά, ήλθε γάρ φέρων ειρήνην τοιαύτην, ήν 
 ημείς εργω μαθόντες εγνωμεν' πολλούς γάρ τών 
 πολιτών καϊ αγαθούς άπωλεσαμεν, και αυτοί ύπο 
 
 14 τών τριάκοντα εξηλάθημεν. ήν γάρ άντι μεν τού 
 €7 τι δέκα στάδια τών μακρών τειχών διελεΐν ολα 
 τά μακρά τείχη *κατασκάήται, άντι δε τού άλλο τι 
 αγαθόν τί) πόλει εύρεσθαι τάς τε νανς παραδούναι 
 τοΐς Αακεδαιμονίοις καί το περί τον Π ειραιά τείχος 
 
 15 7 τεριελεΐν. δρώντες δε ούτοι οι άνδρες όνο μάτι μεν 
 ειρήνην *λεγομενην , τώ δ’ εργω την δημοκρατίαν 
 καταλνομενην, ούκ <άν> εφασαν επιτρεήται ταύτα 
 γενεσθαι, ούκ ελεονντες, ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι, τά 
 τείχη, εί πεσείται, ουδέ κηδόμενοι τών νεών, εί 
 Αακεδαιμονίοις παραδοθήσονται (ούδεν γάρ αντοΐς 
 
 16 τούτων πλεΐον ή υμών εκάστω προσήκεν ), άλλ’ 
 αίσθόμενοι εκ τού τρόπου τούτου τό ύμετερον πλή¬ 
 θος καταλυθησόμενον,ούδ' (ως φασί τινες) ούκ επιθυ- 
 μούντες ειρήνην γίγνεσθαι, άλλα βουλόμενοι βελτίω 
 ταντης ειρήνην τώ δήμω τών'Αθηναίων ποιήσασθαι. 
 ενόμιζον δε δυνήσεσθαι, και επραξαν άν ταύτα , εί μή 
 
 of iv: but see comment. § 14. * κατασκάφαί] Bk. conject., 
 
 Turr. Schb.— δι,ασκάψαι mss., Bk. in text. § 15. * λβγομένην] 
 
 Schb., on Hirschig’s conject., ^ενομένην. || ούκ <&v> 'έφασαν 
 έιτιτρέφαί] ούκ ’έφασαν έπιτρέφαί mss. Turr. Schb. We must add 
 av before Ζφασαν (with Dobree), or after it (with Markland); or 
 else read έπιτρέφειν with Stephanus and Bauchenstein. || 
 νέων ] vrjuiv mss. Bk. Turr, (the latter, indeed, with the remark, 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 81 
 
 νττ Ά<γοράτου τουτουι an τωΧοντο. yvovs δε ταΰτα \i, 
 ξηραμένης καί οί αΧΧοι οί επιβουΧεύοντες νμΐν, 
 ότι είσί rives οΐ κωΧύσουσι τον δήμον καταΧνθήναι 
 και εναντιώσονται n τερι τής εΧευθερίας, ειΧοντο, 
 πριν την εκκΧησίαν τήν nrepl τής ειρήνης yevkaQai, 
 τούτους ητρώτον εις διαβοΧάς και κινδύνους κατα- 
 στήσαι, ϊνα μηδεις εκεί ύπερ του ύμετερου πΧήθους 
 dvnXeyoi. 
 
 ’ΈίΤΓΐβουΧήν ούν τοιαύτην εητιβουΧεύουσι. ητεί- 18 
 θουσι yap ’ Ayoparov τουτονϊ μηνυτήν κατά, των 
 στpaτηyώv και των ταξιάρχων yei >εσθαι, ού ξυνει- 
 οοτα εκεινοις, ω ανόρες Ασηναιοι, ουοεν (ου yap 
 δήττου εκείνοι ούτως ανόητοι ήσαν κα\ άφιΧοι, 
 ώστε ητερϊ τηΧικούτων άν TΓpayμάτωv ητράττοντες 
 * Ayoparov ώς πιστόν και ευ νουν, δουΧον και εκ 
 δούΧων οντα, ηταρεκάΧεσαν), αλλ’ εδόκει αύτοις 
 ούτος επιτήδειος είναι μηνυτής. εβούΧοντο ούν 19 
 άκοντα δοκεΐν αυτόν και μη εκόντα μηνύειν, όπως 
 πιστότερα νμΐν νποφαίνοιτο. ως δε εκων εμήνυσε, 
 και υμάς οίμαι εκ των πεπpayμενών αίσθήσεσθαι. 
 
 *εισπεμπουσι yap εις τήν βουΧην [τήν προ των 
 τριάκοντα βουΧεύουσαν ] Θεόκριτον τον του Έλα- 
 φοστίκτου καΧούμενον’ ό δε Θεόκριτος ούτος εταί¬ 
 ρος ήν τω 'Ayopdrcp και επιτήδειος, ή δε βουΧή ή 20 
 προ των τριάκοντα βουΧεύουσα διεφθαρτο και 
 oXiyapxias επεθύμει, ώς ϊστε, μάΧιστα. τεκμήριου 
 δε' οί yap ποΧΧοι οί εξ εκείνης τής βουΧής τήν 
 
 * immo νέων ’). § 19. * εΙσπ4μπουσι Dobree, Sauppe, Kauchen- 
 stein: έκπέμπουσι mss.: see comment. || [την προ των τριάκοντα 
 βουλεύουσαν ]] Dobree pointed out the interpolation. The words 
 
 J. 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 υστέραν βουΧήν την έπί των τριάκοντα έβούΧβυον. 
 
 r* f/ r. / «λ f/ \ 
 
 τον ο βνβκα ταυτα Xeyw v/uv ; ιν βιοητβ οτι τα 
 ψηφίσματα τά £ξ έκβίνης τής βουΧής ούκ en τ 
 βυνοία τή ύμβτέρα αλλ’ βιτι καταΧύσβι του δήμον 
 του ύμβτέρου άπαντα * έηένβτο, καί ως τοιούτοις 
 
 21 ουσιν αύτοΐς τον νουν ττροσβχητβ. βίσβΧθών Be 
 βίς ταύτην την βουΧήν £ν άπορρήτω Θβόκριτος 
 μηνΰβι οτι σνΧΧέ^ονταί τινβς βναντιωσόμβνοι τοΐς 
 τότβ καθισταμένοις πρά^μασι. τά μβν οΰν ονόματα 
 ούκ βφη αυτών βρβϊν καθ' βκαστον' ορκους τβ yap 
 όμωμοκέναι τους αυτούς βκβίνοις, καί βίναι βτέρους 
 ο'ί βροΰσι τά ονόματα, αύτός Be ούκ άν ί τοτβ 
 
 22 7 τοιήσαι ταύτα. καίτοι el μή £κ παρασκβυής 
 βμηνύβτο, ττώς ούκ άν ήνάηκασβν ή βουΧή elirelv 
 τά ονόματα Θβόκριτον καί μή ανώνυμον την μήνυ- 
 σιν 7 τοιήσασθαι ; νυνί Be τούτο το ψήφισμα *£ψη- 
 φίσατο. [ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.] 
 
 23 Έ7Γ€ίδ?7 τοίνυν τούτο τό ψήφισμα ύψηφίσθη, 
 κατέρχονται έπί τον 'Ay όρατον βίς τον ΤΙβιραιά οι 
 αιρβθέντ€ς των βουΧβυτών, καί πβριτυχόντβς αντω 
 έν ayopa έζήτουν ciyeiv, τταραηβνόμβνος Be Νικίας 
 καί Νικομένης καί άΧΧοι τινές, όρώντβς τά πράγ¬ 
 ματα ούχ οια βέΧτιστα £ν τή πόΧβι οντα, ciyeiv 
 μβν τον Άγόρατον ούκ βφασαν προήσβσθαι, άφη- 
 ρούντο Be καί ή^ηυώντο καί ώμοΧό<γονν παρέξβιν 
 
 are bracketed by Rauchenstein and Scbb. § 20 . *eyheT0\ 
 Markland conject., Schb. (1st edit.), eXeyeTo mss. Bk. Turr. 
 Scbb. (2nd edit.). || τον νουν προσέχητβ ] X, Turr. Schb.— 
 rbv νουν μη προσέχητβ C.— τον νουν ησσον ττροσβχητβ Reiske, Bk. 
 § 22 . * έφηφίσατο] Reiske, Bk. Turr.— ψηφίζβται Schb., on 
 
 his own conject.— φτιφίσβτβ (sic) X, φηφίσατο (sic) G, ψηφί- 
 σβσθαι the other mss. § 23. παρέξβιν] mss. Bk. Turr.— 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 83 
 
 els την βουΧην . 7 ραψάμενοι Be οί βουΧευταί τα 
 
 ονόματα των εγγυωμενων καί κωΧυόντων, άιτιόντες 
 ωγοντο et? άστυ. ό Be Άγόρατος καϊ οί εγγυηταί 
 καθίζουσιν &τϊ τον βωμόν Μ ουνυγίασιν' επειΒη 
 Be *εκεί ησαν , εβουΧεύοντο τί χρή ποιεΐν. εΒόκει 
 ονν τοΐς εγγυηταϊς καϊ τοΐς άΧΧοις άπασιν eta τοΒών 
 * ποιήσασθαι τον Άγόρατον ώ? τάματα, καί πα- 
 ρορμίσαν τ€? Βύο πΧοϊα Μ ουνυχίασιν εΒεοντο αυτού 
 παντί τρόπω άπεΧθείν ' Κθήνηθεν, καί αυτοί εφασαν 
 συνεκπΧευσείσθαι, εως τα πράγματα κατασταίη , 
 Χεγοντες otl, ei κομισθείη ei? την βουΧην, βασα¬ 
 νιζόμενος ίσως άναγκασθησεται ονόματα ειπείν 
 Αθηναίων ών άν ύποβάΧωσιν οί βουΧόμενοι κακόν 
 τι εν τη 7 τόΧει εργάζεσθαι. ταύτα εκείνων Βεομε- 
 νων, καί παρασκευασάντων 7 τΧοΐα, καί αυτών 
 ετοίμων ον των συνεκπΧεΐν, ούκ ηθεΧησε πείθεσθαι 
 αύτοΐς·Άγόρατος ούτοσί. καίτοί, ω ’ Αγόρατε, el 
 μη τί σοι ην παρεσκευασμόνον καί επίστευες μηΒεν 
 κακόν 7 τείσεσθαι, πώς ούκ άν ωγου καί πΧοίων 
 παρεσ κευασ μενών καί των εγγυητών ετοίμων οντων 
 σοι συνεκπΧεΐν ; ετι γάρ οϊόν τε σοι ην, καί ούπω 
 η βουΧη σου εκράτει. αΧΧα μεν Βη ούχ ομοιά rye 
 σοι καί εκείνοις ύπηρ'χε. πρώτον μεν * γάρ Αθη¬ 
 ναίου ησαν ώστε ούκ εΒεΒίεσαν βασανισθηναι ' 
 επειτα 7 τατρίΒα σφετεραν αύτών καταΧιπόντες 
 έτοιμοι ησαν συνεκπΧεΐν μετά σου, ηγησάμενοι 
 ταύτα μάΧΧον ΧυσιτεΧειν η των ποΧιτών ποΧΧους 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 ταράξειν Cobet, Scbb. See comment. § 24. * έκβί ησαν~\ 
 
 Taylor conject., Turr. Schb.— έκάθι,σαν C , Bk.— έκίνησαν mss. 
 || * ποίήσασθαι] Foertsch conject., Turr. Schb.— ποιησαι mss. 
 
 Bk. § 27. μϊν *yap ] Cobet, Schb.— μέν ye mss. Bk. Turr. 
 
 6—2 
 
84 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 καί αγαθούς υπό σου αδίκως άποΧεσθαι. σοι Be 
 πρώτον μεν κίνδυνος ήν βασανισθήναι ύπομείναντι, 
 28 επειτα ου πατρίδα αν σαυτοΰ * κατεΧιπες' ώστ εκ 
 παντός τρόπου σοι μάΧΧον ή εκείνοις εκπΧεύσαι 
 συνεφερεν, εί μη τι ην ω επίστευες. νυν δε άκων 
 μεν προσποιή, εκών δε ποΧΧούς καϊ αγαθούς 
 Αθηναίων άπεκτεινας. ώς δε παρεσκευάσθη 
 άπαντα α εγώ Χεγω, καϊ μάρτυρες είσι καϊ αυτό 
 τό ψήφισμα σου τό τής βουΧής καταμαρτυρήσει. 
 
 [ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.] 
 
 29 ’Ε7Γ€ί,δ?) τοίνυν τούτο τό ψήφισμα εψηφίσθη 
 καί ήΧθον οί εκ τής βουΧής Μ ουνυχίαζε, εκών 
 άνεστη Άγόρατος από του βωμοί)' καίτοι νυν γε 
 
 30 βία φησϊν άφαιρεθήναι. επειδή δε εις την βουΧήν 
 
 εκομίσθησαν, άπογράφει Άγόρατος πρώτον μεν 
 των αυτού εγγυητών τα ονόματα, επειτα τών στρα¬ 
 τηγών καί τών ταξιάρχων, επειτα δε καί άΧΧων 
 τινών ποΧιτών. ή δε αρχή αύτη τού παντός 
 
 κακού εγενετο. ώς δε άπεγραψε τα ονόματα, 
 οίμαι μεν καί αυτόν όμοΧογήσειν' εί δε μή, επ' 
 αύτοφώρω εγώ αυτόν εξεΧεγξω. άπόκριναι δή 
 μοί. [ΕΡΩΤΗΣΙΣ.] 
 
 31 ’ΈβούΧοντο τοίνυν , ώ άνδρες δικασταί, ετι 
 πΧειόνων αυτόν τα ονόματα άπογράψαι' ούτω 
 σφόδρα ερρωτο ή βουΧή κακόν τι εργάζεσθαι, *καί 
 ούτος ούκ εδόκει αΰτοΐς άπαντα ταΧηθή πω κατη- 
 
 || * κατέλι 7res] G. A. Hirschig conject., Bauchenstein, Schb.— 
 
 a7re\i7re$ mss. Bk. Turr. § 28. r/ έκείνοις e/c7r\e0aat] X, 
 Schb. — έκπλευσαι ή eKelvots Bk. Turr. § 30. εκομίσθησαν ] 
 X , Bauchenstein, Schb. — έκομίσθη Bk. Turr. § 31. epya- 
 ξεσθαι, * καί outos] so Bauchenstein, and this seems the best 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 85 
 
 γορηκεναι. τούτους μεν ονν (ίπαντας εκών άπο- 
 γράφει, ούΒεμίάς αύτω ανάγκης ούσης * [μετά 
 τούτο προσαπογράφει ετερους των πολιτών’] ει ret- 32 
 hr) δε η εκκλησία Μουνυχίασιν εν τω θεάτρω 
 εγίγνετο, ούτω σφόΒρα τινες επεμελούντο όπως καί 
 εν τω Βήμω περί των στρατηγών καί των ταξιάρ¬ 
 χων μηνυσις γενοιτο (περί δε των άλλων άπεχρη 
 η εν τη βουλή μηνυσις γεγενημόνη), ώστε καί εκεί 
 παράγουσιν εις τον Βήμον. καί μοι άπόκριναι, ώ 
 Άγόρατε * ον γάρ <άν> οΐμαί σε εξαρνον γενεσθαι 
 ά εναντίον Αθηναίων απάντων εποίησας. [ΕΡΩ- 
 ΤΗΣΙΣ.] 
 
 r Ο μολογεΐ μεν καί αυτός, όμως δε καί τά 33 
 ψηφίσματα ύμΐν τού Βήμου άναγνώσεται. ^ΨΗ¬ 
 ΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ.] 
 
 f/ 0 τι μεν άπεγραψεν *Αγόρατος ούτοσϊ των 
 άνΒρών εκείνων τά ονόματα, καί τά εν τη βουλή 
 καί τά εν τω Βήμω, καί εστι φονεύς εκείνων, 
 
 reading of the passage. X has epyafcadcu avros, C epya^eadai 
 αυτόν ώστ (and so Bk. reads). Turr. give ipyafcaOai, avros δ'. 
 Schb. adopts Sauppe’s conject., ε(τγάζεσθαι, καί avros. Dobree 
 inclined to read έρ-γάζεσθαι ώστ (omitting αυτόν), but sug¬ 
 gested also έρ-γάξεσθαι, ovtos δ’. || [μετά τούτο ττροσαττο- 
 
 Ύράφει bripovs των πολιτών]] interpolated, as Dobree remarked, 
 from § 56. Bk. and Turr. omit the words ; Schb. brackets 
 them. § 32. ή εν τή βουλή μην vacs Ύε-γενημένη)] SO Schb., 
 but brackets μηνυσις, which Bremi and Cobet would omit. 
 
 X has εν τή βουλή μήvυσLS μόν ή "γε^ενημένη : C has εν τή βουλή 
 μήνυσις ή ^ε^ενημένη, and SO Bk. — Turr. give εν τή βουλή 
 μήνυσι s μόνη ^ε^ενημένη : Rauchenstein, εν τή βουλή μόνη yo- 
 ^ενημένη. || ού yap <άν> οΐμαί σε Εξαρνον yεvέσθaL\ ου yap οΐμαί 
 σε Ζξαρνον yov0a6ai G : άν was supplied by Reiske. Turr., like 
 Bk., omit av in the text, but remark in a note that we require 
 it, unless we read yεv'ησεσθaι. On the hint of X, which has 
 άλλ’ οΐμαί σε Εξαρνον yεvέσθaL, Schb. gives άλλ’ ούκ οΐμαί σε 
 Ζξαρνον άν yeviadai. § 33. [* ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ]] Reiske conject., 
 
86 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σχεδόν τυ οίμαυ υμάς εττίστασθαυ’ ώς τοίνυν απάν¬ 
 των των κακών αίτιος τή πόλει 6<γεν€το καί ούδ' 
 νή) ενός αυτόν προσήκει ελεεΐσθαι, εγώ οίμαυ ύμΐν 
 
 34 iv κεφαλαίους άττοδείξειν. επειδή yap εκείνου 
 
 σνλληφθεντες εδεθησαν, τότε καί ό Αύσανδρος εις 
 τονς λιμένας τους ύμετερους είσεπλεύσε, καί at 
 νήες αί υμετεραι Αακεδαιμονίοις παρεδόθησαν, καί 
 τά τείχη κατεσκάφη, καί ου τρυάκοντα κατέστησαν , 
 
 35 καί τυ ου των δευνών τή πόλευ iy ενετό ; επειδή 
 τοίνυν οι τρυάκοντα κατεστάθησαν, εύθεως κρίσυν 
 τους άνδράσυ τούτους εποίονν εν τή βουλή, 6 δε 
 δήμος εν τω δυκαστηρίω εν δισχιλίους εψηφίσατο. 
 καί μου avayi >ωθυ το ψήφισμα. [ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.] 
 
 36 Et μεν ουν εν τω δυκαστηρίω εκρίνοντο, ραδίως 
 αν εσώζοντο’ άπαντες yap ήδη iy νωκότες ήτε ου 
 ην κακού η πολύς, εν ω ουοεν ετυ ωφελευν εουνασσε 
 νυν δ’ εις τήν βουλήν αυτούς την επί των τριά¬ 
 κοντα εuσάyoυσuv. ή δε κρίσυς τοιαύτη εyίyvετo, 
 
 37 οΐαν καί υμείς αυτοί επίστασθε. οι μεν yap τρυά¬ 
 κοντα εκάθηντο επί των βάθρων, ον νυν οι πρυτά- 
 νευς καθίζονται * δύο δε τράπεζαι εν τω πρόσθεν 
 των τρυάκοντα εκείσθην’ τήν δε ψήφον ονκ εις 
 καδίσκους αλλά φανεράν επί τάς τράπεζας ταύτας 
 εδει τίθεσθαι, τήν μεν <άιτολύουσαν επί τήν 
 7 τρωτήν, τήν δε> καθαιρονσαν επί τήν ύστεραν’ 
 
 Turr. Schb. —ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ mss. Bk. § 37. τήν μ^ν.. .υστέραν] I 
 supply the words in brackets. Some such words have plainly 
 been lost.— X has only την μέν καθαιρονσαν έπϊ την υστέραν, and so 
 Schb. reads, leaving dots after υστέραν. — G has την μέν έπϊ την πρώ- 
 την, την δέ καθαιρονσαν έπϊ τήν υστέραν, and so Bk. Turr.—The 
 Aldine gives τήν μέν καθαιρονσαν έπϊ τήν υστέραν, τήν δέ σφξ’ουσαν 
 έπϊ τήν 7 τροτέραν, which Rauchenstein (with Reiske) prints, but 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 87 
 
 ώστε etc τίνος τρόπου εμεΧΧε τυς αυτών σωθή- 
 σεσθαι ; ενί Be λογω, 'όσοι βΐς τό βουΧευτήρων επί 38 
 των τριάκοντα είσήΧθον κριθησόμενοι, απάντων 
 θάνατος Kareycyvw σκέτο καί ούΒενος άπεψηφί- 
 σαντο, πΧήν Άγοράτου τουτονί" τούτον 8ε άφεΐσαν 
 ώς εύερ^/ετην όντα' ΐνα Βε είΒήτε ως ποΧΧοί υπό 
 τούτου τεθνάσι, βούΧομαί νμίν τά ονόματα αυτών 
 άναηνώναι. [ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ.] 
 
 Έ7Γ6ίδλ) τοίνυν, ώ άνΒρες Βικασταί, θάνατος 39 
 αυτών κατεηνώσθη καί εΒεί αυτούς άποθνήσκειν, 
 μεταπεμπονται εις το Βεσμωτήριον ό μεν άΒεΧφήν, 
 ο be μητέρα, ο όε γυναίκα, ο ο η τις ην εκαστω 
 αυτών προσήκουσα, ΐνα τά ύστατα άσπασάμενοι 
 τούς αυτών οντω τον βίον τεΧευτήσεοαν. καί 8ή 40 
 καί ΑιονυσόΒωρος μεταπεμπεται την άΒεΧφτ]ν την 
 εμήν εις το Βεσμωτήριον, ηυναίκα εαυτού ούσαν. 
 πυθομενη 8' εκείνη άφικνεϊται, μεΧαν [τε] ίμάτιον 
 ήμφιεσμενη, ώς είκος ήν επί τώ άνΒρί αυτής 
 τοιαύτη συμφορά κεγ^ρημενω. εναντίον 8ε τής 41 
 άΒεΧφής τής εμής ΑιονυσόΒωρος τά τε οικεία τά 
 αυτού Βιεθετο όπως αύτώ εΒόκει, καί περί Ά<γορά- 
 του τουτουΐ eXeyev οτι αίτιος ήν τού θάνατου, καί 
 επεσκηπτεν εμοί καί Αιονυσίω τουτωί, τώ άΒεΧφώ 
 τώ αυτού, καί τοΐς φίΧοις ί τάσι τιμωρεΐν υπέρ 
 αυτού ’ Ayoparov ' καί τή yvvaiKi τή αυτού επε- 42 
 
 follows Kayser in bracketing as a gloss. § 40. μέΧαν [re] ίμάτιον 
 ήμφιεσμένη\ mss. Bk.—Turr. say, ‘re malimus abesse’: Schb. 
 adds dots after ήμφιεσμένη, to mark a lacuna. In his 1st 
 edit. Schb. gave μέΧαν τό instead of μέΧαν re. § 41. τά 
 αΰτοΟ] Schb.— τά αυτου X.— τά έαυτοΰ vulg. Bk. Turr. || 
 υπέρ αυτου] Sauppe, Turr. Schb. — υπέρ αύτοΰ vulg. Bk. 
 
88 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σκηπτε, νομίζων αυτήν κυειν εξ αύτού, εάν ηενηται 
 αύτη 7 ται8ίον, φράζειν τω ηενομενω οτι τύν πατέρα 
 αυτοί) 'Ατγύρατος an τεκτεινε, καί κεΧεύειν τιμωρείν 
 ύπερ αυτού ώς φονεα οντα. ώς ου ν αΧηθη Χεγω, 
 μάρτυρας τούτων παρεξομαι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 43 Ο υτοι μεν τοίνυν, ώ άν8ρες Αθηναίοι, ύπ 
 Άηοράτου άπο^ραφεντες, άπεθανον * επεί 8ε τού¬ 
 τους εκπο8ών εποιησαντο οί τριάκοντα, σχεΒον 
 οίμαι ύμάς επίστασθαι ως ποΧΧά καί 8ε i νά μετά 
 ταύτα τη πόΧει εγ ενετό’ ων ούτος απάντων αϊτιός 
 εστιν , άποκτείνας εκείνους, άνιώμαι μεν ου ν ύπο- 
 μιμνήσκων τάς ηε^ενημενας συμφοράς τη πόΧει, 
 
 44 ανάγκη δ’ εστιν, ω άν8ρες 8ικασταί, εν τω παροντι 
 καιρω, ιν ε18ητε ως σφό8ρα ύμίν εΧεεΐν προσηκει 
 ’ Ατγύρατον . ϊστε μεν ηάρ τούς εκ ΧαΧαμΐνος των 
 ποΧιτών κομισθεντας, οίοι ησαν καί όσοι, καί οϊω 
 οΧεθρω ύητο των τριάκοντα άπωΧοντο' ϊστε 8ε 
 τούς εξ Έλει )σΐνος, ως ποΧΧοί ταύτη τη συμφορά 
 εχρήσαντο' μεμνησθε 8ε καί τούς ενθά8ε 8ιά τάς 
 
 45 18ίας εχθρας άπα^ομένους εις το 8εσμωτηριον ' οΐ 
 ού8εν κακόν την πόΧιν ποιησαντες ήναγκάζοντο 
 αίσγίστω καί άκΧεεστάτω οΧεθρω άπόΧΧυσθαι, 
 οί μεν γονέας σφετερους αυτών πρεσβύτας κατα- 
 Χείποντες, οι ηΧπιζον ύπο των σφετερων αυτών 
 παί8ων ηηροτροφηθεντες, επει8η τεΧευτησειαν τον 
 βίον, ταφήσεσθαι, οί 8ε ά8εΧφάς άνεκ8ότους, οί 
 8ε παΐ8ας μικρούς ποΧΧης ετι θεραπείας 8εο- 
 
 § 42. κυειν X , Bk. § 45. αφετέρου* αυτών] Dobree 
 
 and Baiter would omit these words: Schb. brackets them. || 
 τελευτήαειαν] Cobet, Sehb. Bauchenstein.— τελευτήσαιεν Bk. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 89 
 
 μένους * ούς, ώ άνΒρες Βικασταί, ποιαν τινά οίεσθε 46 
 γνώμην περί τούτου εχειν, η ποιαν τινά αν 
 ψήφον θέσθαι, εί επ' εκείνοις ηένοιτο , άποστε- 
 ρηθέντας Βιά τούτον των ηΒιστων ; ετι Be τα 
 τείχη ως κατεσκάφη, καί αί νηες τοΐς πολεμίοις 
 παρεΒόθησαν, καί τα νεώρια καθηρέθη, και Λ ακε- 
 Βαιμόνιοι την άκρόπολιν υμών ειχον, και η Βύναμις 
 άπασα της πόΧεως παρελύθη, ώστε μηΒέν Βιαφέ- 
 ρειν της ελάχιστης πόλεως την πόλιν. προς Be 47 
 τούτοις τάς ιΒίας ουσίας άπωλέσατε, και το τελευ¬ 
 ταίου συλληβΒην απαντες ύπό των τριάκοντα εκ 
 της πατρίΒος εζηλάθητε. ταύτα εκείνοι οι αγαθοί 
 άνΒρες αισθόμενοι ούκ <άν> εφασαν επιτρέψαι την 
 ειρηνην, ω άνΒρες Βικασταί, ποιησασθαι * ούς συ, 48 
 1 Αγόρατε, βουλομένους άηαθόν τι πράζαι τη πολει 
 άπεκτεινας, μηνύσας αυτούς [τη πόλε*-] έπιβου- 
 λεύειν τω πληθει τω ύμετερω , και αίτιος ει απάν¬ 
 των τη 7 τόλει των κακών των ηεηενημένων. νυν 
 ούν μνησθέντες καί των ΙΒίων έκαστος Βυστυχημά- 
 των καί των κοινών της πόλεως τιμωρεΐσθε τον 
 αίτιον τούτων. 
 
 Turr. § 47. ούκ ( <άν> Εφασαν έπιτρέφα ι] We must read 
 έΐΓίτρέφβιν, or else insert av before ’έφασαν : cp. above on § 15. 
 
 § 48. αύτούς \rfj 7τόλ«] έπφουλεύαν] Dobree proposed to read 
 cu}t0s 67 ηβουλεύων and omit rrj πό\€ί. It is plain that rrj πόλει, 
 here, came in either from the preceding or from the following 
 clause.—Bk., with Reiske, τφ βουλτ} έττφουλβύβίν. || τφ πΧήθει. 
 τφ ύμβτέριρ] bracketed by Kauchenstein and Schb. 
 
90 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 VII. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΗΚΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. νιι. —Not before 395 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 17 — 25 . 
 
 17 Έτ£ τοίνυν el των οίκετων παρεστη μοι μηδέν 
 φροντίζειν, πώς αν ετόΧμησα, τοσούτων μεμισθω- 
 μενων καί απάντων συνειδότων, άφανίσαι τον 
 σηκόν βραχέος μεν κέρδους ενεκα, προθεσμίας δε 
 ούδεμιάς ούσης τω κινδύνω, τοΐς είργασμένους 
 άπασι το χωρίον ομοίως προσηκον είναι, σωον 
 τον σηκόν, ιν εϊ τις αντονς ητιάτο, άίχον άνενεγ- 
 κεΐν οτω παρεδοσαν. νυν δε καί εμε άποΧύ- 
 σαντες φαίνονται, καί σφάς αυτούς, εϊπερ φτεύδον- 
 
 18 ται, μετόχους της αιτίας καθιστάντες. εί τοίνυν 
 καί ταύτα παρεσκευασάμην, πως άν οιός τ ην 
 πάντας πεΐσαι τούς παριόντας , η τούς γείτονας, οι 
 ου μόνον άΧΧηΧων ταύτ ισασιν ά πάσιν όράν 
 εξεστιν, άΧΧά καί περί ων άποκρυπτόμεθα μηδενα 
 ειδεναι,. καί περί εκείνων πυνθάνονται; εμοί τοίνυν 
 τούτων οί μεν φίΧοι οι δε διάφοροι περί των εμών 
 
 19 τυηχάνουσιν οντες. ούς ύχρην τούτον παρασχε- 
 
 σθαι μάρτυρας, καί μη μόνον ούτω τοΧμηράς 
 κατηγορίας ποιείσθαι * ο<? φησιν ως βγω μεν 
 
 παρειστήκειν, οί δ’ οίκεται εζετεμνον τά πρεμνα, 
 άναθεμενος δε ό βοηΧάτης ωχετο άπάηων τά ζύΧα. 
 
 20 καίτοι, ώ Ν ικόμαχε, χρην σε τότε καί παρακαΧεΐν 
 τούς παριόντας μάρτυρας, καί φανερόν ποιεΐν τό 
 
 VII. § 18. τούς παριόντας, bracketed by Sclib., with 
 Dobree and Kayser. || άποκρνπτόμ€θα ] άποκρυπτόμενοι οΐόμεθα 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 91 
 
 πράγμα' καί εμού μεν ονδεμίαν άν άποΧογίαν 
 *ύτΓ6λίΐΓ€ς, αντος δε, el μεν σου εχθρός ην, εν τούτω 
 τω τρόπω ησθα άν με τετυμωρημενος, ευ δε της 
 7τόλ€ω9 ενεκα έπραττες, όντως εξεΧεγξας ονκ άν 
 εδόκευς ευναυ συκοφάντης, ευ δε κερδαίνευν εβονΧον , 21 
 τότ άν 7 τΧευστον εΧαβες · φανερού γάρ οντος τον 
 πράγματος ονδεμίαν αΧΧην ηγούμην άν είναι μου 
 σωτηρίαν η σε πευσαυ. τούτων τοίννν ούδεν πουη- 
 σας δυά τονς σονς Χόγονς άξιους με άποΧεσθαυ, 
 καί κατηγορείς ως νπο της εμης δννάμεως καί των 
 εμων χρημάτων ονδείς εθεΧευ σου μαρτνρευν. καί- 22 
 του ευ * φήσας μ υδευν την μορίαν άφανίζοντα τονς 
 εννεα άρχοντας επηγαγες ή άΧΧονς τυνάς των εξ 
 Ά ρείον πάγον, ονκ άν ετερων εδευ σου μαρτύρων’ 
 ούτω γάρ άν σου σννηδεσαν αΧηθη Χεγοντυ, ουπερ 
 καί δυαγυγνωσκευν εμεΧΧον περί τον πράγματος, 
 δευνδτατα ονν πάσχω, δ? ευ μεν παρεσχετο μάρτν- 23 
 ρας, τούτους άν ηξίον πυστεύευν, επευδή δε ονκ 
 ευσίν αντω, εμού καί ταύτην ζημίαν οϊεταυ χρηναυ 
 γενεσθαυ. καί τούτον μεν ον θαυμάζω’ ον γάρ 
 δηπον συκοφαντών άμα τουούτων γε Χόγων άπο- 
 ρησευ καί μαρτύρων' υμάς δ’ ονκ άξυώ την αυτήν 
 τούτω γνώμην βχευν. επίστασθε γάρ εν τω πεδίω 24 
 ποΧΧας μορίας ονσας καί πνρκαϊάς εν τους αΧΧους 
 τους εμους χωρίους, άς, ευπερ επεθύμονν, ποΧν ην 
 
 
 Schb. on liis own conject. § 20 . *07rAi7res] Franz, conject., 
 Turr. Schb.— άπέλιτι res mss. Bk. § 22. * φήσα$ μ i’5ei>] 
 
 Keiske conject., Bk. Turr. Schb.— φη s (sic) μη δβΐν mss.— φήνας 
 μ ’ Ιδειν Meutzner, Bauchenstein : see comment. § 23. os ei] 
 Schb., retaining 6s el, conjectures ό'σω el, which Bauchenstein 
 adopts. |1 ταύτην ζημίαν] Turr. Bauchenstein .— ταύτην την 
 
92 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 άσφαλεστερον καί άφανίσαι καί εκκόψαι καί 
 επερηάσασθαι, οσωπερ ηττον τό αδίκημα πολλών 
 25 ούσών εμελλε δήλον εσεσθαι. νυν δ’ ούτως αύτάς 
 Trepi 7 τολλοΰ ποιούμαι ώσπερ καί την άλλην 
 ουσίαν, ηγούμενος περί άμφοτερων τούτων είναι 
 μοι τον κίνδυνον. αυτούς τοίνυν υμάς τούτων 
 μάρτυρας παρεζομαι, επιμελούμενους μεν έκαστου 
 μηνάς, γνώμονας δε πεμποντας καθ' έκαστον 
 ενιαυτόν * ών ούδείς πώποτ εζημίωσεν ώς εργαζό¬ 
 μενον τά περί τάς μορίας γωρία. 
 
 VIII. ΚΑΤΑ ΘΕΟΜΝΗΣΤ ΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. χ.— 384 or 383 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 6 — 20 . 
 
 6 'Ίσως τοίνυν, ω άνδρες δικασταί, περί τούτων 
 μεν ουδέ ν άπολογήσεται , ερεϊ δε προς υμάς άπερ 
 ετόλμα λεγειν καί προς τον διαιτητήν, ώς ούκ 
 εστι των απορρήτων, εάν τις εϊπη τον πατέρα 
 άπεκτονεναι * τον γαρ νόμον ου ταύτ άπαηορεύειν, 
 
 7 αλΛ,’ άνδροφόνον ούκ εάν λε^ειν. εγώ δ’ οίμαι 
 υμάς, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, ού περί των ονομάτων 
 διαφερεσθαι άλλα της τούτων διανοίας, καί πάντας 
 
 ζημίαν mss. Schb. —ταύτην [την] ζημίαν Bk. § 25. ώσπερ καί 
 την άλλην ουσίαν ] Schb. and Bauchenstein insert καί την 
 πατρίδα after ώσπερ. Kayser had proposed to insert την 
 πατρίδα (without και). || επιμελουμένους ] X, G, 0, Turr. Schb. 
 — έπιμελομένους Bk. 
 
 VIII. § 7. οίμαι ] οΐμαι δεΐν Schb., from the epitome, or. 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 93 
 
 είΒεναι ότι, όσοι <άπεκτόνασί τινας, και άνΒρο- 
 φόνοι των αυτών είσι, και οσοι> άνΒροφόνοι είσί, 
 και an τεκτόνασί τινας. ποΧύ yap <άν> epyov ήν 
 τω νομοθετη άπαντα τα ονόματα <γράφειν } οσα την 
 αυτήν Βύναμιν εγ^ει’ αΧΧα περί ενός είπών περί 
 πάντων εΒήΧωσεν. ου yap Βήπου, ώ %εόμνηστε, 8 
 εί μεν τις σ’ εϊποι πατραΧοίαν ή μητραΧοίαν, 
 ήξίους άν αυτόν όφΧεΐν σοι Βίκην, εί Βε τις εϊττοι 
 ώς τήν τεκοΰσαν ή τον φύσαντα ετυπτες, ωου άν 
 αυτόν άζήμιον Βεϊν είναι ώς ούΒεν των απορρήτων 
 είρηκότα. ήΒεως yap άν σου πυθοίμην (περί τούτο 9 
 yap Βεινός ει και μεμεΧετηκας καί ποιεΐν καί 
 Χ^ειν)' εϊ τις σε εϊποι ρΐψαι τήν άσπίΒα, εν Βε 
 τω νόμω εϊρητο, εάν τις φάσκη άποβεβΧηκεναι, 
 ύπόΒικον είναι, ούκ άν εΒικάζου αύτω, αΧΧ ’ εξήρκει 
 άν σοι ερριφεναι τήν άσπίΒα XiyovTi ούΒεν σοι 
 *μεΧειν ; ούΒε yap τό αυτό εστι ρΐψαι καί άποβε- 
 βΧηκεναι. αΧΧ ’ ούΒ ’ άν των ενΒεκα yεvόμένος 10 
 άποΒεξαιο, εϊ τις άπά^οι τινά φάσκων θοιμάτιον 
 άποΒεΒΰσθαι ή τον γ^ιτωνίσκον εκΒεΒύσθαι, αλλ’ 
 άφείης άν τον αυτόν τρόπον, οτι ου ΧωποΒύτης 
 ονομάζεται, ουδ’ εϊ τις παΐΒα i^ayaycov Χηφθεϊη, 
 ούκ άν φάσκοις αυτόν άνΒραποΒιστήν είναι, εϊπερ 
 
 XI. § 3. || <άπ€κτόνασί τινας καί άνδροφόνοι των αύτων elci , 
 
 καί ocroi>] Dobree suggested the insertion of these words, 
 comparing or. xi. § 3. Turr. and Schb. print them in brackets. 
 Sauppe says, ‘ των αύτων hie abesse malim.’ || yap <aV>] av 
 is added by Turr. (comparing or. xi. § 4) Schb. § 9. ούδέν 
 col * μέλβίν] μέλβιν Stephanus, Turr .— ούδέν col μέλβι 'C, Bk. (X 
 has μέλλβι). — ούδέν μoL μέλβι Schb., placing all from ούδέν to 
 άποβεβληκέναι inclusive between inverted commas. But the 
 clause ουδέ yap τδ αύτό €ctl ρΐφαι καί άπoβeβ\ηκέvaL is clearly, 
 I think, part of the speaker’s own argument, not a remark 
 
94 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μάχη τοΐς όνόμασι v, αΧΧά μη τοΐς εργοις τον νουν 
 7 τροσεξεις, ών ενεκα τα ονόματα πάντες τίθενται. 
 
 11 ετι τοίνυν σκεφασθε, ω άνΒρες Βικασταί ' ούτοσί 
 γάρ μοι Βοκεΐ υπό ραθυμίας καί μαΧακίας οΰΒ' εις 
 ’Άρειον πάγον άναβεβηκεναι. πάντες γάρ επί- 
 στασθε οτι εν εκείνω τω χωρίω, όταν τάς του 
 φόνου Βίκας Βικάζωνται, ου Βιά τούτου του ονό¬ 
 ματος τάς Βιωμοσίας ποιούνται, άΧΧα Βι ούπερ 
 εγώ κακώς άκηκοα * ό μεν γάρ Βιώκων ώς εκτεινε 
 
 12 Βιόμνυται, ό Βε φεύγων ώς ούκ - εκτεινεν. ούκούν 
 άτοπον αν είη τον φεύγοντα , *Βόζαντα κτεΐναι, 
 <άποΧογεΐσθαι> φάσ κοντά άνΒροφόνον είναι , 
 οτι ο Βιώκων, ώς εκτεινε , Βιωμόσατο. τί γάρ 
 ταυτα, ών ούτος ερεΐ, Βιαφερει ; καί αυτός μεν 
 %εωνι κακηγορίας εΒικάσω είπόντι σε ερριφεναι 
 την άσπίΒα. καίτοι περί μεν του ρΐφαι ούΒεν 
 <εν> τω νόμω εϊρηται, εάν Βε τις εϊπη άπο- 
 βεβΧηκεναι ·την άσπίΒα, πεντακοσίας Βραχμάς 
 
 13 όφείΧειν κεΧεύει. ούκ ούν Βεινόν, εί όταν μεν 
 
 supposed to be made by Theomn^stos. § 12. ούκουν... 
 διωμόσατού] The mss. have ούκουν άτοττον αν εΐη τον δείξαντα 
 κτεΐναι φάσκοντα άνδροφόνον είναι οτι ό διώκων ώϊ Εκτεινε τον 
 φεύγοντα διωμόσατο.—δόξαντα is Reiske’s certain correction of 
 δείξαντα. Some infinitive has dropped out: the notion re¬ 
 quired is either ‘to seek acquittal’ or ‘to acquit.’ Bk., with 
 Reiske, inserts άποφεύ^ειν after κτεΐναι. Schb. indicates by 
 dots a lacuna after εΐη, and thinks, with Foertsch, that we 
 should supply άφεΐναι. Turr. print the reading of the mss. as 
 given above, with the comment ‘ vel άποφειηειν vel άφεΐναι 
 deesse certum est.’ I like άποφεύΎειν better than άφεΐναι , but 
 prefer άπολο~/εΐσθαι to either. I also think that τον φεύγοντα 
 must stand immediately after εϊη, and that the τον before 
 δόξαντα must be omitted. See comment. || ούδέν <έν> τφ 
 νόμφ] εν is supplied by Markland, Turr. Schb.: omitted, with 
 the mss., by Bk. § 13. ούκ ούν ] (interrogative) X, Schb., w T ho 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 95 
 
 δεη σε κακώς άκουσαντα τούς εχθρούς τιμωρεΐσθαι, 
 ούτω τούς νόμους ώσπερ εγώ νυν *Χαμβάνεις, 
 όταν δ’ ετερον παρά τούς νόμους εϊπης κακώς , 
 ούκ άξιοϊς δούναι δίκην ; πότερον ούτως σύ δεινός 
 
 f r/ rf A ο / -?/ ί •'/Ί « 
 
 εζ. ώστε, 07τω? αζ^ ρουΧη, οιος τ ει χρησσαι τοις 
 νόμοις, ή τοσούτον δύνασαι ώστ ουδέποτε οϊει 
 τούς αδικούμενους υπό σου τιμωρίας τεύξεσθαι; 
 είτ ούκ αισχύνη ούτως άνοήτως διακείμενος, ώστ 14 
 ούκ εξ ών ευ πεποίηκας την πόΧιν, άΧλύ εξ ών 
 αδικών ού δεδωκας δίκην, οϊει δειν πΧεονεκτείν ; 
 καί *μοι άνάηνωθι τον νόμον. [ΝΟΜΟΣ.] 
 
 ’Εγώ τοίνυν , ώ άνδρες δικασταί, υμάς μεν 15 
 πάντας είδεναι ηγούμαι ότι εγώ μεν ορθώς λέγω, 
 τούτον δ'ε ούτω σκαιόν είναι ώστε ού δύνασθαι 
 μαθεϊν τά Χε Γ γόμενα, βουΧομαι ούν αύτόν και εξ 
 ετερων νόμων περί τούτων διδάξαι, άν πως άΧΧά 
 νύν επι τού βήματος παιδευθή καί τό Χοιπόν ήμϊν 
 μη παρεχη πράγματα, καί μοι άνάγνωθι τούτους 
 τούς νόμους τούς Ί,όΧωνος τούς παΧαιούς. 
 
 ΝΟΜΟ^. Αεδεσθαι δ’ εν τη ποδοκάκκη ημέρας πεντε 16 
 τον πόδα, εάν προστιμήση ή ήΧιαία. 
 
 Ή ποδοκάκκη αύτό εστιν, ώ ®εόμνηστε, ο νύν 
 
 compares or. χι. § 6, πώς ούν ού δεινόν... ; || δέη σέ] Turr. 
 
 Schb. — δέη σε Markland. — δε-ήσy mss. Bk. || * λαμβάνεις] 
 
 Taylor conject., Bk.— λαμβάνειν mss. Turr. Schb. § 14. ώστ 
 ούκ] ώστε ούκ X, Schb. || καί * μοι] Markland, Turr. Schb.— 
 καίτοι mss. Bk. § 15. αλλά νυν] αλλά νυν y Beiske, Bk. 
 § 16. 7 τοδοκάκκη] ττοδοκά Ky X, G. || ττεντε] δέκα X , C. But 
 πέντε is confirmed by the νόμος in Dem. or. xxiv. § 105, πένθ’ 
 ημέρας καϊ νύκτας ϊσας. Sauppe proposed to insert και νύκτας 
 ϊσας here after τον πόδα. || αύτό] so Harpocration s. y. 
 ποδοκάκκη, Turr.— ταύτδ Schb. on his own conject.— αϋτη mss. 
 
96 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 KaXecre ev τώ ζύ\ω BeBeaOai. el ovv 6 Bedeis 
 βξβΧθων ev ταΐς βύθύναις των evBeKa κατηγοροίη 
 οτι ούκ ev rfj ποΒοκάκκη iBeSero aXX' ev τω ζύΧω, 
 ούκ αν ηλίθιον αυτόν νομίζουν ; Xeye eTepov 
 νόμον. 
 
 17 ΝΟΜΟ^. Έττεγγυαν δ’ Ιττωρκησαντα τον Άπολλω. 
 
 oeoLora be όίκης eveKa ορασκαζαν. 
 
 Τούτων τό <μ€ν> όττιορκήσαντα όμόσαντά όστι, 
 τό Be Βρασκάζ€ΐν, ο νυν α7ΓοΒιΒράσκ€ΐν όvoμάζoμev. 
 
 Όστις be αττιλλα τη ουρά , evbov του κΛεπτου οντος. 
 
 Τδ άττίΚΚβιν τό airoKXeleiv νομίζ€ται, καί μι )Bev 
 Βιά τούτο Βιαφβρου. 
 
 18 Τδ αργυρών στάσιμον eivat ecf) δττδσω αν βουληται 6 
 
 Βανείζων. 
 
 Τδ στάσιμον τούτο Ιστιν , ω βόΧτιστ €, ού ζυγω 
 ιστάναι άΧΧά τόκον ττράττβσθαι όττόσον άν βού- 
 Χηται. όπανάγνωθι τουτί τού νόμου τό TeXev- 
 ταΐον. 
 
 19 € 'Οσαι Be π€φασμένως πολούνται, 
 
 καί 
 
 οίκηος καί * Βουλής την * βλάβην elvai οφειλήν. 
 
 Bk. § 17 . τούτων το <μεν>] Bk. Turr. — τούτο τό X, Schb. — 
 τούτων τό the other mss. || όμόσαντα ] Harpocr. s. ν. έπιορκή- 
 σαντα, Turr. Schb .— όμόσαι mss. Bk. || airLWeiv] άτ rei\\ei.v X. 
 § 18 . tovtl] mss. Bk. Turr. — τουτουί Markland, Schb. 
 § 19 . πο\οΰντοα...πο\€Ϊσθαί ] πωλοΰνται. . ,ττωλεΐσθαί X. || ό'σαι 
 δό.,.καί οίκηος.,.όφείλβιν] Bk. prints the whole as a single 
 citation: Taylor pointed out that two different laws are 
 quoted. |[ οίκηος...όφβίλβιν] The mss. have οίκηος καί βλάβης 
 την δούλην eXvcu όφείλειν: and so Bk. Turr. The obvious 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 97 
 
 ΤΙροσεχετε τον νουν. το μεν πεφασμενως 
 βστϊ φανερώς, ποΧεΐσθαι he βαΰίζειν, το he οΐκήος 
 θεράποντος. 7 τοΧΧα he τοιαυτα και άΧΧα εστίν, 20 
 ώ avhpes hίκaστaL αλλ’ el μη σώηροΰς εστιν, 
 οΐομαι αυτόν εν νουν γεγονεναι ο τι τά μεν πράγ¬ 
 ματα ταύτά εστι νυν τε καί πάΧαι, των δέ ονομά¬ 
 των ενίοις ου τοΐς αυτόΐς χρωμεθα νυν τε καί 
 7 τρότ€ρον. hηXώσeι he' οίχήσεται γάρ άπιών από 
 του βήματος σιωπή. 
 
 IX. ΚΑΤΑ ΠΑΓΚΛΕΩΝΟΣ ΟΤΙ ΟΥΚ ΗΝ 
 
 ΤΤΑΑΤΑΙΕΥΣ. 
 
 [Or. χχιιι.— Date uncertain : prob, about 380 b.c.] 
 
 Πολλά μεν Χεγειν, ώ avhpes hucaaTai, περί 
 τουτουϊ του πράγματος οΰτ άν ho ναίμην ούτε μοι 
 hoKel heiv ' ως he ορθως την 8ίκην· εΧαχον *τουτωι 
 ΤΙαγκΧεωνι οΰκ οντι ΥΪΧαταιει, τούτο ύμΐν πειρά- 
 σομαι άιτοόεΐξαι. 
 
 Ώς γάρ ahiKU) ν με ποΧυν 'χρόνον οΰκ επαύετο , 2 
 εΧθων €7 τι τό γναφεΐον εν ω ειργάζετο προσεκαΧε- 
 σάμην αυτόν προς τον ποΧεμαρχον, νομίζων μετοι- 
 κον είναι, είπόντος he τούτου οτι ΐίΧαταιεύς εϊη , 
 ή ρύμην όπόθεν hημoτeύoιτo, παραινεσαντός τίνος 
 των παρόντων προσκαΧεσασθαι καί προς την 
 φυΧήν, ής τίνος είναι σκήπτοιτο. επεώή he άπε- 3 
 
 correction δούλης... βλάβην is made by Scbb.; but είναι., if not 
 interpolated, went with something which is now lost. H. 
 Schilling conjectured καί οικηος βλάβης ttjv διπλήν είναι όφείλειν. 
 
 IX. § 1. * τοντωϊ Schb., comparing τοντονϊ in § 9 : so in 
 
 or. m. § 4 Cobet and Schb. Σιμών ούτοσί for Σιμών οΰτος. — 
 
 7 
 
 j. 
 
98 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 κρίνατο οτι ΑεκεΧειόθεν, προσκαΧεσάμενος αυτόν 
 καί προς τούς τή *'1πποθωντί8ί δικάζοντας, εΧθών 
 €7 τϊ το κουρείου το παρά τους 'ίύρμάς, ινα οι 
 Λ εκεΧεις προσφοιτώσιν, ήρώτων, ονς τε εξευρί- 
 σκοιμι ΑεκεΧεων επυνθανόμην εϊ τινα γιγνώσκοιεν 
 ΑεκεΧειόθεν δημοτευόμενον ΤΙαγκΧεωνα. επειδή 
 δε ονδείς εφασκεν γιγνώσκειν αυτόν, πυθόμενος 
 ότι και ετερας δίκας τάς μεν φεύγοι τάς δ’ ώφΧήκοι 
 παρά τώ ποΧεμάρχω, εΧαχον και εγώ. 
 
 4 ΤΙρώτον μεν ουν ύμΐν ΑεκεΧεων οΰς ηρόμην 
 μάρτυρας παρεξομαι , επειτα δε και των άΧΧων 
 των Χαροντών τε δίκας αύτω προς τον ποΧεμαρ- 
 χον και καταδικασαμενων, 'όσοι τυγγάνουσι πα- 
 ρόντες. καί μοι επίΧαβε τό ύδωρ. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 5 Έ /e μεν τούτων πεισθεις προς τον ποΧεμαργον 
 αύτω την δίκην εΧαχον. επειδή δε μοι αυτήν 
 άντεγράψατο μη είσαγώγιμον είναι, περί ποΧΧού 
 ποιούμενος μηδενι δόξαι ύβρίζειν βουΧεσθαι μάΧ- 
 Χον ή δίκ7)ν Χάβειν ών ήδικήθην, πρώτον μεν 
 Έιύθύκριτον, ον πρεσβύτατόν τε Π Χαταιέων εγί- 
 γνωσκον και μάΧιστα ωόμην είδεναι, ηρόμην εί 
 τινα' γιγνώσκοι 'Ιππαρμοδώρου υιόν ΤΙαγκΧεωνα 
 
 6 Π Χαταιεα' επειτα δε, επειδή εκείνος άπεκρίνατό 
 μοι οτι τον 'Ιππαρμόδωρον μεν γιγνώσκοι, υιόν δε 
 εκείνω ούδενα ούτε ΐΙαγκΧεωνα ούτε άΧΧον ούδενα 
 είδείη οντα, ηρώτων δή και των άΧΧων 'όσους ήδειν 
 ΤΙΧαταιεας όντας, πάντες ουν άγνοουντες τό ονομα 
 αυτού, ακριβέστατα άν εφασάν με πυθεσθαι εΧθόν- 
 
 τοΰτφ mss. § 3 . *Ίπποθωντίδι ] Sauppe Turr. Sckb. Kauchen- 
 stein. — Ίπποθοωντίδι mss. Bk. § 6 . ΎΓγνώσκοϊ] Ύΐνώσκοι X, 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 99 
 
 τα εις τον χΧωρόν τυρόν τη ενη και νεα· ταύτιη 
 
 γάρ τή ήμερα του μηνός έκαστου εκεΐσε συΧΧεγε- 
 
 σθαι τούς ΐΓΧαταιεας. εΧθών ούν εις τον τυρόν 7 
 
 ταύτη τή ήμερα επυνθανόμην αυτών, εϊ τινα γιγνώ- 
 
 σκοιεν ΙΙαγκΧεωνα ποΧίτην σφέτερον. καί οι μεν 
 
 αΧΧοι ούκ εφασαν γιγνώσκειν, εις δε τις ειττεν οτι 
 
 των μεν 7 τοΧιτών ούδενϊ ειδείη τούτο ον το ονομα, 
 
 δούΧον μεντοι εφη εαυτού άφεστώτα είναι Παγ- 
 
 κΧεωνα, τήν τε ήΧικίαν Χεγων την τούτου καί τήν 
 
 τέχνην ή ουτος χρήται. ταύτ ούν ώς αΧηθή εστι , 8 
 
 τον τε Ευθύκριτον, ον πρώτον ήρόμην, και τών 
 
 αΧΧων ΤίΧαταιεων οσοις 7 τροσήΧθον, καί τον ος 
 
 εφη δεσπότης τούτου είναι, μάρτυρας παρεξομαι. 
 
 καί μοι επίΧαβε τό ύδωρ. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 'Ιίμεραις τοίνυν μετά ταύτα ου ποΧΧαΐς ύστε- 9 
 
 ρον ίδών άγόμενον τούτονι ΤΙαγ κΧεωνα ύπό Ν ικο- 
 
 μήδους, ος εμαρτύρησεν αυτού δεσπότης είναι, 
 
 προσήΧθον βουΧόμενος είδεναι όποιον τι περί 
 
 αυτού πραχθήσοιτο. τότε μεν ούν επειδή επαύ- 
 
 σαντο μαχόμενοι, είπόν τινες τών τούτω παρόντων 
 
 οτι εϊη αύτώ άδεΧφός ός εζαιρήσοιτο αυτόν εις 
 
 εΧευθερίαν επί τούτοις εγγυησάμενοι παρεζειν 
 
 εις αγοράν ωχοντο άπιόντες. τη δ’ υστεραία τής 10 
 
 τε αντιγραφής ενεκα ταυτησϊ καί αυτής τής δίκης 
 
 εδοξε μοι χρήναι μάρτυρας Χαβόντι παραγενεσθαι, 
 
 ιν είδείην τόν τ εζαιρησόμενον αυτόν καί ό τι 
 
 Χεγων άφαιρήσοιτο. εφ * οΐς μεν ούν εξηγγυήθη, 
 
 Schb. § 9 . έμαρτύρησβν] έμαρτύρετο Rauchenstein, with Wester- 
 mann. See comment, παρέξειν] παράξβιν Schb., with Cobet 
 and Kayser. But see above on vi. § 23. § ΙΟ. άντ^ραφη{\ 
 
 Turr. Schb.— αντί ypd\J/eus C, Bk.— X, acc. to Kayser, has 
 
 7—2 
 
100 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ούτε άδεΧφός ούτε αΧΧος ούδεις ηΧθε, γυνή δε 
 φάσκουσα αυτής αυτόν είναι δουΧον, αμφισβη¬ 
 τούσα τω Νικομηδει, καί ούκ εφη εάσειν αυτόν 
 αγειν. οσα μεν ουν αυτοσι ερρήση, 7 τοΧυς αν ειη 
 μοι λόγο? διηγείσθαι' εις τούτο δε βιαιότητος 
 ηΧθον οΐ τε παρόντες τούτω καί αύτός ούτος, ώστε 
 εθεΧοντος μεν του Ν ικομηδους εθεΧονσης δε της 
 γυναικός άφιεναι , εί τις η εις εΧευθερίαν τούτον 
 άγοι ή φάσκων εαυτοί» δουΧον είναι, τούτων ουδέ ν 
 ποιησαντες άφεΧόμενοι ωχοντο. ως ουν τη τε 
 προτεραία εττι τούτοις εξηγγυηθη και τότε βία 
 ωχοντο άφεΧόμενοι αυτόν , μάρτυρας παρέχομαι 
 ύμΐν. καί μοι επίΧαβε τό ύδωρ. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 12 'Ραδίου τοίνυν είδεναι οτι ούδ ’ αυτός ΤΙαγκΧεων 
 νομίζει εαυτόν μη οτι ΤΓΧαταιεα είναι, άΧΧ! ούδ ’ 
 εΧεύθερον. όστις γάρ εβουΧηθη βία άφαιρεθεϊς 
 ενόχους καταστησαι τούς εαυτου επιτηδείους τοις 
 βιαίοις μάΧΧον ή κατά τούς νόμους εις την εΧευθε¬ 
 ρίαν εξαιρεθείς δίκην Χαβεΐν παρά των αγόντων 
 αύτόν, ούδενι χαΧεπόν γνωναι οτι ευ είδώς εαυτόν 
 οντα δουΧον εδεισεν εγγυητάς καταστησας περί 
 του σώματος άγωνίσασθαι. 
 
 13 'Ότι μεν ουν ΐίΧαταιεύς είναι ποΧΧου δει, οίμαι 
 υμάς εκ τούτων σχεδόν τι γιγνώσκειν οτι δε ούδ * 
 
 avnypa (sic). § 11 . αγοι r) φάσκων ] so mss., Turr. : rj, which 
 G omits, is printed in brackets by Bk.— <έξαιροΐτο> rj cets 
 δουλεία v> ayoi φάσκων Beiske conject.: and Schb. now gives 
 ■<έξαφοΐτο> rj ayoi φάσκων·. So Sauppe conjectures, but with 
 άφαιροίίτο. —Franz proposes ή els δουλείαν ayoi φάσκων : Stepha- 
 nus, ayoi rj φάσκοι. This last would be best, as it is simplest, 
 but for one drawback, άyειv εις δουλείαν is correct, but hardly 
 άyειv et’s ελευθερίαν. The regular phrase was άφαιρεΐσθαι or 
 
LYSIAS. 
 
 101 
 
 ουτο?, 09 άριστα olBe τά αυτού, ήγησατο Βόξαι άν 
 ύμΐν ΤίΧαταιενς elvai , εξ ων εττραξε ρα,Βίως μαθη- 
 σεσθε. εν τη άντωμοσία yap τη 9 Βίκης ην αύτω 
 εΧαχεν ΆριστόΒικος ούτοσί, άμφισβητων μη προς 
 τον ποΧεμαρχον elvai οι τάς Βίκας, Βιεμαρτυρηθη 
 μη ΏΧαταιευς elvai, επισκηφτάμένος Be τω μάρτυρι 14 
 ούκ εττεξηΧθεν, αΧΧ' είασε καταΒικάσασθαι αυτού 
 τον ΆριστόΒικον. επει Be ύιτερημερος eyeveTO, 
 εξίτεισε την Βίκην, καθότι επειθε. καί τούτων, ως 
 άΧηθη εστι, μάρτυρας eyco παρέχομαι ύμΐν. καί 
 μοι επίΧαβε τό ύΒωρ. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 Τίρϊν τοίνυν ταύτα 6μoXoyηθήvaι αύτω, ΒεΒιως 15 
 τον ΆριστόΒικον, μεταστάς εντεύθεν ®ηβησι 
 μετωκει. καίτοι οίμαι εΙΒίναι υμάς οτι, εϊττερ ην 
 ΐΙΧαταιευς, ί τανταγού μάΧΧον η %ηβησιν εΐκός 
 ην αυτόν μετοικησαι. ώς ουν ωκα <εκεΐ> ποΧυν 
 χρόνον, τούτων ύμΐν μάρτυρας παρεξομαι. καί 
 μοι 67 τίΧαβε το ύΒωρ. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 *Έξαρκεΐν μοι νομίζω τά el ρημίνα, ώ άνΒρες 1G 
 Βικασταί ’ εάν yap Βιαμνημονεύητε, οιΒ 7 οτι τά τε 
 Βίκαια και ταΧηθή ψηφιεΐσθε , και a eyco υμών 
 Βεομαι. 
 
 εζαιρεΐσθαι els έλενθερίαν, vindicare in libertatem. § 13 . δόξαί 
 άν νμΐν Πλαταιβί)? elvai] X, Turr. Schb.— So£at άν νμΐν elvai 
 Π Xaraievs vulg. Bk. § 14 . εξέτασε] the spelling attested by 
 Attic inscriptions of the 5th and 4th cent. b.c. (Meisterhans p. 
 88). — έξέπ ae mss. § 15 . <e/cet>, supplied by Markland, is 
 given by Bk. and Turr. in brackets, by Rauchenstein and 
 Schb. without them. |) τούτων νμΐν ] ύμΐν is omitted by Bk. 
 
ΙΣΟΚΡΑΤΗΣ. 
 
 I. ΝΙΚΟΚΛΗΣ Η ΚΥΠΡΙΟΙ. 
 
 [Or. in. — Probable date, between 372 and 365 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 14—24. 
 
 14 Tlepi μεν ον v των ποΧίτειών, εντεύθεν yap 
 υποτιθέμενος ηρξάμην, οίμαι πάσί ΰοκεΐν Βείνότα- 
 
 ISOCRATES. 
 
 The smooth style and lucid syntax of Isocrates favoured a 
 pure tradition of his text. But his very popularity with the 
 grammarians and rhetoricians brought in a mass of interlinear 
 or marginal glosses. The citations by Priscian and Stobaeus, 
 who usually agree with our inferior mss., show that this had 
 happened before the sixth century. Coming after Jerome 
 Wolf and Koraes, Immanuel Bekker restored the text to 
 comparative soundness. He used five mss., viz. (1) codex 
 Urbinas 111, Γ : (2) Yaticanus 936, Δ : (3) Laurentianus 87. 
 14, Θ (13th century). These three belong to the same family, 
 and have oration xv. entire. (4) Yaticanus 65, Λ : (5) Mar- 
 cianus 415, £$ : these two, again, are from the same archetype, 
 with or. xv. incomplete. Γ, the best of all the mss., was 
 Bekker’s chief guide. 
 
 Baiter and Sauppe follow Γ, in their own words, ‘even 
 more constantly than Bekker did.’ But at the same time they 
 recognize that the true reading is often preserved only by a 
 ms. which was not among his five,—codex Ambrosianus O. 
 144, E, collated in or. xv. by A. Mustoxydes, in the rest partly 
 by Melchior Ulrich, partly by Baiter. The readings of E were 
 given in full by G. E. Benseler in his 2nd edit. (1854 — 55). 
 Benseler thus sums up the difference between the Zurich 
 edition and his own. ‘Baiter and Sauppe’s first rule was— 
 ‘ follow the Urbino ms. (Γ)’: my rule is—‘follow the usage of 
 Isocrates, even when something else is supported by IY ’ By 
 ‘ the usage of Isocrates 5 Benseler meant that author’s theory 
 of composition so far as it can be inferred from his own 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 103 
 
 τον μεν elvcu το των αυτών άξιούσθαι τούς χρη¬ 
 στούς καϊ τούς πονηρούς, Βίκαωτατον Be το Βιω- 
 ρίσθαι 7 τερϊ τούτων καϊ μη τούς άνομοίους των 
 όμοιων τυηχάνειν, ά\\ά καϊ πράττειν καϊ τιμάσθαι 
 κατά την αξίαν έκαστους, αί μεν τοίνυν oXcyap- 15 
 χίαι καϊ Βημοκρατίαι τάς Ισότητας τοϊς μετεχουσι 
 των ποΧιτειών ζητούσι, καϊ τούτ εύΒοκυμεϊ παρ' αύ- 
 ταΐς, ην μηΒεν ετερος ετερου Βύνηται ί τΧεον εχειν' 
 δ τοϊς Ίτονηροϊς συμφέρον εστίν' αί Βε μοναρχιαι 
 7 τΧεϊστον μεν νεμουσι τω βεΧτίστω , Βεύτερον Be τω 
 μετ' εκείνον , τρίτον Be καϊ τέταρτον τοϊς άΧΧοις 
 
 recorded precepts or from the statements of ancient writers. 
 Thus Isocrates is said to have observed the rule that there 
 should be no ‘ collision of vowels ’ (φωνήεντα μή σνμπίπτειν ), — 
 no ‘hiatus’; i.e., that a word ending with a vowel should not 
 be immediately followed by a word beginning with a vowel. 
 Hence Benseler says:—‘When, therefore, in the writings of 
 Isocrates a hiatus remains, the passage is corrupt, or not 
 Isocratic.’ Such logic is dangerously rigid. And when, on 
 the other hand, a general conception of the writer’s style is 
 made to overbear the mss., the process becomes dangerously 
 lax. A new edition of Benseler has lately appeared (1878—79) 
 under the revision of F. Blass, who regards E as not much 
 inferior to Γ. He has amended Benseler’s readings in about 
 300 places, but has usually followed him in details of form 
 (e.g., av versus εάν, ήδυνάμην versus έδυνάμην), even where he 
 did not agree with him. 
 
 The questions on which the more recent editors of the text 
 differ are now principally of this last kind— e.g . , δεκαδαρχία or 
 δεκαρχία, κυΧινδεΐσθαι or καλινδεΐσθαι., με-γαλοφρονεΐν or μέ -ya 
 φρονεΐν — or else concern the order of words. Not many graver 
 difficulties remain. 
 
 Bens. = Benseler: Bl. = changes made in Benseler’s text by 
 F. Blass, the reviser of the new edition (Teubner, 1878—79). 
 
 As before, Bk.=Bekker’s Berlin edit., Turr. =Baiter and 
 Sauppe. 
 
 I. § 15. tout ] E, Turr. Bl.— τούτο Bk. || δεύτερον δ£ τψ 
 μετ εκείνον, τρίτον δ£ καί τέταρτον τοϊς aXXots] vulg. Bk. Turr.— 
 δευτέρρ δέ τό μετ' έκείνο τρίτιρ δέ καί τετάρτψ καϊ Toh aXXots, 
 Bens, with Γ, except that Γ has τ<ρ μετ’ εκείνον, which Bl. 
 
104 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 κατά τον αυτόν Xoyov. καί ταυτ ει μή πανταχοΰ 
 καθεστηκεν, άΧΧά τό γ6 βουΧημα τής ποΧιτείας 
 
 16 τοιουτόν εστιν. καί μεν δή διοράν καί τάς φύσεις 
 των ανθρώπων καί τάς πράξεις άπαντες άν τάς 
 τυραννίδας μάΧΧον όμοΧο^ήσειαν. καίτοι τις ούκ 
 άν δεξαιτο των εΰ φρονοΰντων τοιαύτης πόλιτείας 
 μετεγειν, εν ή μη διαΧησει χρηστός ών, μάΧΧον η 
 φερεσθαι μετά του πΧήθους μή ηιηνωσκόμενος 
 οποίος τις εστιν ; άΧΧά μην καί πραοτεραν τοσού- 
 τω δικαίως άν αυτήν είναι κρίναιμεν οσωπερ ραδν 
 εστιν ενός άνδρδς ηνώμη προσεχειν τον νουν 
 μάΧΧον ή ποΧΧαΐς καί παντοδαπαΐς διανοίαις 
 ζητεΐν άρεσκειν. 
 
 17 "Οτι μεν ουν ήδίων εστί καί πραότερα καί 
 δικαιότερα , διά πΧειόνων μεν άν τις άποδείξειεν , 
 ου μην άΧΧά καί διά τούτων συνιδεΐν ράδιόν 
 εστι’ περί δε των Χοιπών, οσον αί μοναρχίαι 
 προς τδ βουΧεύεσθαι καί πράξαί τι των δεόντων 
 διαφερουσιν, όντως άν κάΧΧιστα θεωρήσαιμεν, 
 ει τάς μεηίστας των πράξεων παρ’ άΧΧήΧας 
 τιθεντες εξετάζειν επιχειρήσαιμεν αύτάς. οί μεν 
 τοίνυν κατ' ενιαυτόν εις τάς άρχάς εισιόντες 
 πρότερον ίδιώται γίγνονται πριν αίσθεσθαι τι των 
 
 18 τής πόΧεως καί Χαβειν εμπειρίαν αυτών, οί δ' 
 άεί τοϊς αύτοις επιστατουντες, ήν καί τήν φύσιν 
 καταδεεστεραν εχωσιν, αΧΧ' ονν ταΐς <γ' εμπει- 
 ρίαις ποΧυ των άΧΧων προεχουσιν. επειθ' οί 
 μεν 7 τοΧΧών καταμεΧοΰσιν εις άΧΧηΧους άπο- 
 
 gives. § 16. κρίναιμεν] Stobaeus, Koraes, Bens. — κρίνοι- 
 μεν Γ, Bk. Turr. Bl. § 17. airras] bracketed by Bl. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 105 
 
 βλεποντες, οί 8' ού8ενός όλιγωρούσιν, εί86τες ότι 
 πάντα 8el 8ι αυτών γίγνεσθαι. προς 8ε τούτοις 
 οί μεν εν ταΐς όλιγαρχίαις και ταΐς 8ημοκρατίαις 
 8ιά τάς προς σφάς αυτούς φιλοτιμίας λυμαίνονται 
 τοΐς κοινοΐς· οί δ’ iv ταΐς μοναρχίαις οντες, ούκ 
 εχοντες οτω φθονησουσι, πάντων ώς οΐόν τ εστί 
 βέλτιστα πράττουσιν. επειθ ’ οι μεν ύστερίζουσι 
 των πραγμάτων' τον μεν γάρ πλεϊστον χρόνον επί 19 
 τοΐς 18ίοις 8ιατρίβουσιν, επειΒάν δ’ εις τά σννεΒρια 
 συνελθωσιν, πλεονάκις άν τις αυτούς εύροι 8ιαφε- 
 ρομενους η κοιντ} βουλευομένους' οί δ’ ούτε συνε- 
 8ρίων ούτε χρόνων αύτοΐς άπο8ε8ειγμενών αλλά και 
 τάς ημέρας καί τάς νύκτας επί ταΐς πράξεσιν οντες 
 ούκ απολείπονται των καιρών, άλλ * έκαστον εν 
 τώ 8εοντι πράττουσιν. ετι δ’ οί μεν 8υσμενώς 20 
 εχουσι, και βούλοιντ άν και τούς προ αυτών 
 άρχοντας και τούς εφ * αύτοΐς ώς κάκιστα 8ιοι- 
 κησαι την πόλιν, ίν ώς μεγίστην 8όζαν αύτοι 
 λάβωσιν' οί 8ε 8ιά παντός τού βίου κύριοι τών 
 πραγμάτων οντες εις άπαντα τον χρόνον και τα? 
 εύνοιας εχουσιν. τό 8ε μεγ ιστόν' τοΐς γάρ κοινοΐς 21 
 οί μεν ώς ί8ίοις, οί δ’ ω? άλλοτρίοις προσεχουσι 
 τον νουν , και συμβούλοις χρώνται περί αύτών οί 
 μεν τών αστών τοΐς τολμηροτάτοις, οί δ’ εζ απάν¬ 
 των εκλεζάμενοι τοΐς φρονιμωτάτοις, καί τιμώσιν 
 οί μεν τούς εν τοΐς οχλοις είπεΐν 8υναμενους, οί 8ε 
 τούς χρησθαι τοΐς πράγμασιν επισταμενους. 
 
 Οι) μόνον δ’ εν τοΐς εγκυκλίοις καί τοΐς κατά 22 
 
 § 18. φιλοτιμίας] φιλονικίας Β1. with Stob. 47. 14. || βέλτιστα ] 
 τά βέλτιστα Bens., with Stob. § 20. δυσμενως] Γ, Ε, Turr. 
 
106 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 την ημέραν εκάστην γιγνομένοις αι μοναρχίαι δια- 
 φέρουσιν, αλλα και τάς iv τω ί τοΧέμω ί τΧεονεξίας 
 άπάσας περιειΧηφασιν. καί γάρ παρασκευάσασ- 
 Θαι δυνάμεις καί χρησασθαι ταύταις , ώστε και 
 Χαθείν καί δφθήναι, και τούς μεν ττεΐσαι, τους δε 
 βιάσασθαι, παρά δε των έκπρίασθαι, τούς δε ταΐς 
 αΧΧαις θεραπείαις προσαγαγέσθαι μάΧΧον αι τυ¬ 
 ραννίδες των άΧΧων ποΧιτειων οΐαί τ είσίν. και 
 ταυτ εκ των έργων άν τις ούχ ηττον η των Χόγων 
 
 23 πιστεύσειεν. τούτο μεν γάρ την των ΐίερσών 
 δύναμιν απαντάς ϊσμεν τηΧικαύτην το μέγεθος 
 γεγενημένην ον διά την των άνδρων φρόνησιν, 
 αλλ,’ οτι μάΧΧον των αΧΧων την βασιΧείαν 
 τιμωσι · τούτο δε Αιονύσιον τον τύραννον, οτι 
 7 ταραΧαβων την μεν άΧΧην ΆικεΧίαν άνάστατον 
 γεγενημένην, την δ' αυτού πατρίδα ποΧιορκου- 
 μένην, οΰ μόνον αυτήν των παρόντων κινδύνων 
 άπηΧΧαζεν, αΧΧά καί μεγίστην των 'ΈϊΧΧηνίδων 
 
 24 ποΧεων εποίησεν’ ετι δε Κ αρχηδονίους καί Λακε¬ 
 δαιμονίους,τούς άριστα των 'ΈιΧΧηνων ποΧιτευομέ- 
 νους, οίκοι μεν οΧιγαρχουμένους, παρά δέ τον 
 πόΧεμον βασιΧευομένους, £χοι δ’ άν τις έπιδεΐζαι 
 καί την 7 τόΧιν των Αθηναίων, την μάΧιστα τάς 
 τυραννίδας μισούσαν, όταν μεν ποΧΧούς εκπέμψη 
 στρατηγούς, άτυχούσαν, όταν δε δι ένος ποιησηται 
 τούς κινδύνους, κατορθούσαν. 
 
 Bens. —7 rpbs άλλήλους δυσμενών vulg. Bk. § 22 . δφθηναι] 
 φθηναι Koraes conject., Bens. § 24. των Έλλ^ω?] των άλλων 
 Bens, on his own conject. |J των Αθηναίων] omitted by Γ, E, 
 Bens., with Baiter’s assent. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 107 
 
 II. ΕΛΕΝΗΣ ΕΓΚΩΜΙΟΝ. 
 
 [Or. χ. — About 370 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 54—58. 
 
 Ευλογώ? δε κάκεΐνοι ταυτ eyvcoaav, Kayco 54 
 τηΧικαυταις ύπερβοΧαΐς εχω χρήσασθαι 7 τερι 
 αυτής' κάΧΧους yap ί τΧβΐστον μέρος μετεσχεν, ο 
 σεμνότατου και τιμιωτατον και θειότατον των 
 οντων εστίν. ράΒιον Βε yvcovai την Βΰναμ,ιν αυτοί)' 
 των μεν yap άνΒρίας ή σοφίας ή Βικαιοσόνης μή 
 μετεχόντων 7τολλα φανήσεται τιμώμενα μάΧΧον ή 
 τούτων έκαστον, των δε κάΧλους άπεστερη μενών 
 ουΒεν εύρήσομεν ay απωμενον άΧΧά πάντα κατα- 
 φρονουμενα, πΧήν οσα ταυτης τής ίΒεας κεκοινω- 
 νηκε, καί την αρετήν Βιά τούτο μάΧιστ ευΒοκιμου- 
 σαν, οτι κάΧΧιστον των επιτηΒευμάτων εστίν. 
 yvoir) δ’ αν τις κάκεΐθεν, οσον Βιαφερει των οντων, 55 
 εξ ων αυτοί Βιατιθεμεθα προς έκαστον αυτών' των 
 μεν yap άΧΧων, ων άν εν χρεία yεvώμεθa, τυχεΐν 
 μόνον βουΧόμεθα, περαιτέρω Βε περί αυτών ουΒεν 
 τή ψυχή προσπεπόνθαμεν' των Βε καΧων ερως 
 ήμΐν εyyίyvετaι, τοσούτω μείζω του βοΰΧεσθαι 
 
 II. § 54. μη μετεχόντων...η τούτων έκαστον ] Cp. Lucian 
 Gliarid. 26, των μέν η δικαιοσύνης η σοφίας η ανδρείας μετεχόντων 
 πολλά τις άν εϋροι τιμώμενα μάλλον, των δέ ταύτης της ιδέας 
 κεκοινωνηκότων βέλτιον εστίν εύρεΐν ούδέν, ώσπερ δη καί των μη 
 μετεσχηκότων άτιμδτερον ούδέν. So loose a transcript from 
 Isocr. affords no ground for the changes which have been 
 proposed here on the strength of it,—viz. to omit μη before 
 μετεχόντων, or to omit ή τούτων έκαστον. Lucian’s μετεσχη¬ 
 κότων suggests, however, that he had μετέσχηκεν (the reading 
 of our inferior mss.), instead of μετέσχεν, in § 54. 
 
108 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ρώμην βχων, όσω η rep καί το πράγμα κρεΐττόν 
 
 56 εστιν. καί τοΐς μεν κατά σύνεσιν η κατ ά,ΧΧο τι 
 7 τροεγουσι φθονουμεν, ην μη τω ποιεΐν ημάς ευ 
 καθ' εκάστην την ημέραν προσαγάγωνται καί 
 στεργειν σφάς αυτούς άναγκάσωσι’ τοΐς δε καΧοΐς 
 ευθύς ΙΒόντες εύνοι γιγνόμεθα , καί μόνους αυτούς 
 ώσπερ τούς θεούς ονκ άπαγορενομεν θεραπεύοντες, 
 
 57 <χλλ’ ηύιον ΒουΧεύομεν τοΐς τοιοντοις ?) των άΧΧων 
 άργομεν, πΧείω χάριν εχοντες τοΐς ποΧΧά προσ- 
 τάττουσιν ή τοΐς μηΒεν επαγγεΧΧουσιν. καί 
 τούς μεν ύπ ’ ά,ΧΧη τινί δυνάμει γιγνομενους Χοι- 
 Βορούμεν καί κόΧακας άποκαΧούμεν, τούς δε τω 
 κάΧΧει Χατρεύοντας φιΧοκάΧους καί φιΧοπόνους 
 
 58 είναι νομίζομεν. τοσαύτη δ’ εύσεβεία καί προνοία 
 χρώμεθα περί την ΙΒεαν την τοιαύτην , ώστε καί 
 των εχόντων τό κάΧΧος τούς μεν μισθαρνησαντας 
 καί κακώς βουΧευσαμένους περί της αυτών ηΧικίας 
 μάΧΧον ατιμάζομεν ή τούς εις τά των αΧΧων 
 σώματ εζαμαρτόντας’ οσοι δ’ άν την αυτών ώραν 
 ΒιαφυΧάξωσιν, άβατον τοΐς πονηροΐς ώσπερ ιερόν 
 ποιήσαντες, τούτους είς τον επίΧοιπον χρόνον 
 ομοίως τιμώμεν ώσπερ τούς ολ ην την πόΧιν 
 αγαθόν τι ποιήσαντας. 
 
 III. ΕΥΑΓΟΡΑΣ. 
 
 [Or. ιχ.— About 365 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 47—50. 
 
 47 ΐΙαραΧαβών γάρ την πόΧιν εκβεβαρβαρω- 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 109 
 
 μενην καί ύιά τήν των Φοινίκων αρχήν ούτε τούς 
 "ΈΐΧΧηνας προσύεχομενην ούτε τεχνας επισταμενην 
 ούτ εμπορίω χρωμενην οϋτε Χιμενα κεκτημενην , 
 ταΰτά τε πάντα διώρθωσε, και προς τούτοις και 
 χωράν πόΧΧήν προσεκτήσατο και τείχη προσπε- 
 ριεβάΧετο καί τριήρεις εναυπηγήσατο και ταΐς 
 αΧΧαις κατασκευαίς ούτως ηύξησε τήνπόΧιν ώστε 
 μηύεμιάς των 'ΈϊλΧηνίΒων άποΧεΧεΐφθαι, καί ύύνα- 
 μιν τοσαυτην ενεποίησεν ώστε ποΧΧούς φοβεΐσθαι 
 των πρότερον καταφρονούν των αυτής . καίτοι 48 
 
 τηΧικαύτας επιδόσεις τας πόΧεις Χαμβάνειν ούχ 
 οϊόν τ εστίν, ήν μή τις αύτάς διοική/ τοιούτοις 
 ήθεσιν οΐοις Ευαγόρας μεν εϊχεν, εγώ δ’ οΧίγω 
 πρότερον επειράθην ύιεΧθεΐν. ώστ ου όεόοικα μή 
 φανώ μείζω Χεγων των εκείνιρ προσόντων, άΧΧά 
 μή ποΧύ Χίαν άποΧειφθώ των πεπραγμενών αύτω. 
 τις γάρ άν εφίκοιτο τοιαύτης φύσεως, ός ου μόνον 49 
 τήν εαυτού πόΧιν πΧείονος αξίαν εποίησεν άΧΧά 
 και τον τόπον οΧον τον περιεχοντα τήν νήσον επί 
 πραότητα καί μετριότητα προήγαγεν; πριν μεν γε 
 Χαβεΐν Ευαγόραν τήν αρχήν ούτως άπροσοίστως 
 καί χαΧεπώς ώιχον ώστε καί των αρχόντων τού¬ 
 τους ενόμιζον είναι βεΧτίστους οιτινες ωμότατα 
 προς τούς f/ E ΧΧηνας ύιακείμενοι τυγχάνοιεν * νυν 50 
 & τοσούτον μεταπεπτώκασιν ώσθ' άμιΧΧάσθαι 
 μεν οιτινες αύτώνύόξουσι φιΧεΧΧηνες είναι μάΧιστα, 
 παιδοποιεΐσθαι δβ τούς πΧείστους αυτών γυναίκας 
 Χαμβάνοντας παρ ημών, χαίρειν δέ καί τοις κτή- 
 μασι καί τοΐς επιτηόεύμασι τοις 'ΈϊΧΧηνικοΐς 
 III. §47. των Φοινίκων ] Φοινίκων Aldine, Bens. 
 
110 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μάΧΧον ή τους παρά, σφίσυν αυτούς, πΧείους Be 
 καί των περυ την μουσικήν καυ πβρϊ την αΧΧην 
 παίΒευσυν iv τούτους τους τόπους Βυατρίβευν ή παρ' 
 ους πρότερον ευωθότες ησαν. καυ τούτων απάντων 
 ούΒείς οστυς ούκ άν Έιύα^όραν αίτυον elvau προσο - 
 μοΧοηήσευεν. 
 
 ΙΥ. ΚΑΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΣΟΦΙΣΤΩΝ. 
 
 [Or. χιιι.—391 or 390 b.c.] 
 
 Έί πάντες ηθεΧον ου παυΒενευν επυγευρουντες 
 άΧηθή Χεηευν καί μη μείζους πουευσθαυ τάς νπο- 
 σ'χεσευς ών ημεΧΧον επυτεΧευν, ούκ άν κακώς 
 ηκονον υπό των ίΒυωτων’ νυν δ’ ου τοΧμώντες 
 Χίαν άπερισκεπτως αΧαζονενεσθαυ πεπουήκασυν 
 ώστε Βοκευν άμευνον βουΧενεσθαυ τούς ραθυμευν 
 αίρουμενους των περί την φυΧοσοφίαν Βυατρυ- 
 βόντων. 
 
 Ύίς yap ούκ άν μυσήσευεν άμα καυ κατα- 
 φρονήσευε πρώτον μεν των περί τάς ερυΒας Βυατρυ- 
 βόντων, ου προσπουουνταυ μεν την άΧηθευαν ζητευν, 
 ευθύς δ’ εν άρ-χτ) των επαηηεΧμάτων ·ψευΒη Χεηευν 
 επυγευρούσυν\ οϊμαυ yap άπασυν είναυ φανερόν ότυ 
 τά μεΧΧοντα προηυηνώσκευν ου τής ήμετερας φύ- 
 σεώς εστυν, άΧΧα τοσοΰτον άπεγομεν τ αυτής τής 
 φρονήσεως ώσθ ’ 'Όμηρος ό μεηίστην επί σοφία 
 Βόζαν είΧηφώς καί τούς θεούς πεποίηκεν εστυν 
 οτε βουΧευομενους ύπερ αυτών, ου την εκείνων 
 γνώμην εΙΒώς αΧΧ ήμυν ενΒείζασθαυ βουΧόμενος 
 
 § 50. καί περί την άλλην ] καί των περί την άλλην Δ, Bens. 
 
ISOCKATES. 
 
 Ill 
 
 otl τοΐς άνθρώποις εν τούτο των αδυνάτων εστίν. 
 ουτοι τοίνυν εις τούτο τόΧμης εΧηΧύθασιν, ώστε 3 
 7 τειρώνται πείθειν τους νεωτερους, ως, ήν αύτοΐς 
 πΧησιάζωσιν, ά τε πρακτεον εστιν είσονται καϊ 
 διά ταύτης της επιστήμης εύδαίμονες γενήσονται. 
 καλ τηΧικούτων αγαθών αυτούς διδασκάΧους καϊ 
 κυρίους καταστήσαντες ούκ αίσχύνονται τρεις ή 
 τετταρας μνας υπέρ τούτων αίτούντες. αλλ’ εί 4 
 μεν τι των άΧΧων κτημάτων ί τοΧΧοστού μέρους τής 
 αξίας επωΧουν, ούκ αν ήμφισβήτησαν ως \ούκ\ 
 ευ φρονούντες τυγχάνουσι, σύμπασαν δε την αρε¬ 
 τήν και την εύδαιμονίαν ούτως οΧίγου τιμώντες ως 
 νουν εχοντες διδάσκαΧοι των άΧΧων άξιούσι γίγ¬ 
 νεσθαι. καϊ Χεγουσι μεν ως ούδεν δέονται χρημά¬ 
 των, άργυρίδιον και χρυσίδιον τον πΧούτον άπο- 
 καΧούντες, μικρού δε κέρδους όρεγόμενοι μόνον ούκ 
 αθανάτους ύπισχνουνται τούς συνόντας ποιήσειν. 
 δ & πάντων καταγεΧαστότατον, ότι παρά μεν ών 5 
 δει Χαβεΐν αύτούς, τούτοις μεν άπιστούσιν, οΐς 
 μεΧΧουσι την δικαιοσύνην παραδώσειν, ών δ’ ούδε- 
 πώποτε διδάσκαΧοι γεγόνασι, παρά τούτοις τά 
 παρά των μαθητών μεσεγγυούνται, προς μεν την 
 άσφάΧειαν ευ βουΧευόμενοι, τώ δ ’ επαγγεΧματι 
 τάναντία πράττοντες. τούς μεν γάρ αΧΧο τι 6 
 παιδεύοντας, προσήκει διακριβούσθαι περί τών 
 διαφερόντων (ούδεν γάρ κωΧύει τούς περί ετερα 
 δεινούς γενομενους μή χρηστούς είναι περί τά 
 συμβόΧαια)' τούς δε την αρετήν καϊ τήν σωφρο- 
 
 IV. § 4. ούκ αν αμφισβήτησαν ώς [ούκ]] Δ, Ε, Ζ, Turr. 
 Bens. — ήμφισβήτησαν Γ, Bk. — Dobree saw that the second ούκ 
 
112 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σύνην eve ργαζομένους πώς ούκ άλογόν έστι μη 
 τοΐς μαθηταΐς μάλιστα πιστ€υ€ΐν \ ον γάρ Βή που 
 π€ρϊ τούς άλλους oWe? καλοί κάγαθοί και Βίκαιοι 
 7 repi τούτους έξαμαρτησονται Βι ους τοιούτοι yeyo- 
 νασιν. 
 
 7 'ΈJπeιBάv οΰν των ΙΒιωτών τιν€ς, άπαντα ταύτα 
 συλλογισάμ€νοι, κατίΒωσι τούς την σοφίαν ΒιΒά- 
 σκοντας και την €υΒαιμονίαν παραΒιΒόντας αυτούς 
 Τ6 πολλών Β€ομένους και τούς μαθητάς μικρόν 
 πραττομένους, καί τάς έναντιώσεις έπί μέν τών 
 λόγων τηρούντας, έπί Be τών έργων μη καθορών- 
 τας, €τι Be ί repl μέν τών μέλλόντων elBevai προσ- 
 
 8 7 τοιουμένους, 7 repl δέ τών παρόντων μηΒέν τών 
 Β€οντων μήτ ehreiv μητ€ συμβουλ€υσαι Βυναμέ- 
 νους, άλλα μάλλον όμονοονντας καί πλ€ΐω κατορ- 
 θούντας τούς ταΐς Βόξαις χρωμένους η τούς την 
 έπιστήμην ’έχ€ΐν έπαγγ€λλο μένους, €ΐκότως οίμαι 
 καταφρονοΰσι, καί νομίζουσιν άΒολ€σχίαν καί 
 μικρολογίαν άλλ ’ ον της ψυχής έπιμέλ€ΐαν eivai 
 τας τοιαύτας Βιατριβάς. 
 
 9 Οι3 μόνον Be τοντοις άλλα καί τοΐς τούς πολι¬ 
 τικούς λόγους ύπτ ισχνού μόνο ις αξιον έπιτιμησαι' 
 καί γάρ eKeivoi της μέν άληθeίaς ονΒέν φροντίζου- 
 σιν, ηγούνται Be τούτ eivai την τέχνην, ην ως 
 πλ€ΐστους τη μικρότητι τών μισθών καί τω μ€γέ06ΐ 
 τών 67 ταγγέλμάτων προσαγάγωνται καί λαβ€Ϊν τι 
 παρ' αντών Βυνηθώσιν * ούτω δ’ άναισθητως αυτοί 
 τ€ BiaKeiVTai καί τούς άλλους e%eiv ύπ€ΐληφασιν , 
 
 is spurious; Bl. brackets it. See comment. § 9. τών 
 μισθών] Δ, E, mg. Γ, Turr. Bens .— του μισθού vulg. Bk. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 113 
 
 ώστε 'χείρον ηράφοντες τούς λόγον? η των ιδιωτών 
 τινες αύτοσχεδιάζουσιν, όμως ιπτισχνούνται τοι- 
 ούτους ρήτορας τούς συνόντας ητοιησειν ώστε 
 μηδέν των ενόντων εν τοΐς πράημασι παραΧιπεΐν. 
 καί ταύτης της δυνάμεως ούδεν ούτε ταϊς εμητει- 10 
 ρίαις ούτε τη φύσει τη του μαθητου μεταδιδίασιν, 
 αΧΧά φασιν ομοίως την των λόγων επιστήμην 
 ώσπερ την των γραμμάτων παραδώσειν , ώς μεν 
 €χει τούτων εκάτερον, ούκ εξετάσαντες, οίομενοι 
 δε διά τάς ύπερβοΧάς των ει ταγγβλ/χατων αυτοί 
 τε θαυμασθησεσθαι καί την παίδευσιν την των 
 λόγων πΧέονος αξίαν δόξειν είναι, κακώς είδότες 
 δτι μεηάΧας ποιοΰσι τάς τεχνας ούχ οί τοΧμώντες 
 άΧαζονεύεσθαι περί αυτών, αλλ’ οίτινες άν, δσον 
 ενεστιν εν έκαστη, τοΰτ εξευρεΐν δυνηθώσιν. 
 
 Έγώ δε προ ποΧΧών μεν άν χρημάτων ετιμη- 11 
 σάμην τηΧικουτον δύνασθαι την φιΧοσοφίαν, οσον 
 ουτοι Χεηουσιν (ϊσως yap ούκ άν ημείς πΧεΐστον 
 άπεΧείφθημεν, ούδ ’ άν εΧάχιστον μέρος άπεΧαύ- 
 σαμεν αυτής)’ επειδή δ’ ούχ ούτως εχει, βουΧοίμην 
 άν πανσασθαι τούς φΧυαρουντας ’ ορώ <γάρ ού 
 μόνον περί τούς εξαμαρτάνόντας τάς βΧασφημίας 
 ηι^νομενας, άΧΧά καί τούς άΧΧους άπαντας συν- 
 διαβαΧΧομένους τούς περί την αύτην διατριβήν 
 όντας. 
 
 θαυμάζω δ' όταν ϊδω τούτους μαθητών άξιου- 12 
 μένους, οί ποιητικού πράγματος τετα^μενην τέχνην 
 παράδειγμα φεροντες ΧεΧηθασι σφάς αύτούς. τις 
 γάρ ούκ οιδε πΧην τούτων οτι τό μεν τών γραμμά¬ 
 των άκινητως εχει καί μενει κατά ταύτόν, ώστε. 
 
 8 
 
 J. 
 
114 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τοΐς αύτοΐς άει περί τών αυτών χρώμενοι διατε- 
 Χούμεν , το δε τών \όγων παν τουναντίον πεπονθεν* 
 τδ yap υή> ετερου ρηθεν τω XeyovTL μετ εκείνον 
 ούχ ομοίως χρήσιμόν εστιν , αλλ,’ ούτος είναι δοκέί 
 τεχνικώτατος, δ? τις αν άξίως μεν X0yy τών rrpay- 
 μάτων, μηδέν δε τών αυτών τοΐς αΧΧοις ευρίσκειν 
 
 13 δύνηται. μ^ιστον δε σημείον τής άνομοιότητος 
 αυτών' τούς μεν yap Xόyoυς ούχ οΐόν τε καΧώς 
 εχειν, ήν μή τών καιρών και του πρεπόντως και 
 του καινώς εχειν μετάσχωσιν, τοΐς δε yράμμaσιv 
 ουδένός τούτων προσεδεησεν. ώσθ ’ οι χρώμενοι 
 τοΐς τοιούτοις παραδε'ν^μασι ποΧυ αν δικαιότερον 
 άποτίνοιεν ή Χαμβάνοιεν apyvpiov , οτι ποΧΧής 
 €7 ΓίμεΧείας αυτοί δεόμενοι ί ταιδεύειν τούς αΧΧους 
 επιχειροΰσιν. 
 
 14 Εί δό δει μή μόνον κaτηyopεΐv τών αΧΧων 
 αλλα καί την εμαυτού δηΧώσαι διάνοιαν, ήyoύμaι 
 πάντας άν μοι τούς ευ φρονοΰντας συνειπεΐν, οτι 
 ποΧΧοϊ μεν τών φιΧοσοφησάντων ιδιώται διετεΧε- 
 σαν οντες, άΧΧοι δε τινες ούδενι πώποτε συyyεvό- 
 μενοι τών σοφιστών και Χ^ειν και ί τοΧιτεύεσθαι 
 δεινοί yεyόνασιν. αί μεν yap δυνάμεις και τών 
 Xόyωv και τών αΧΧων εpyωv άπάντων εν τοΐς 
 εύφυεσιν iyyiyvovTai και τοΐς περί τάς εμπειρίας 
 
 15 yεyυμvaσμεvoις' ή δε παίδευσις τούς μεν τοιούτους 
 τεχνικωτερους και προς τό ζητείν εύπορωτερονς 
 εποίησεν' οΐς yap νυν ivTvyxavovai πΧανώμενοι, 
 ταύτ εξ ετοιμότερου Χαμβάνειν αυτούς εδίδαξεν’ 
 
 § 13. καί του καινώ s έ'χειν] Ε, Bk. Turr. Bl. (who brackets 
 Ζχαν). — καί καινώς εχειν Γ, Δ (acc. to Bk.), Bens. (1873). 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 115 
 
 τούς Bk καταδεεστεραν την φύσιν έχοντας αγω- 
 νιστάς μεν αγαθούς η λόγ ων ποιητάς ούκ αν άπο- 
 τεΧεσειεν, αυτούς δ' αν αυτών προα<γά<γοι καί προς 
 7 roXXa φρονιμωτερως διακεΐσθαι ποιήσειεν . 
 
 Β ούΧομαι δ’ επειδή περ εις τούτο προήΧθον, 16 
 ετι σαφέστερου ειπεΐν περί αυτών, φημι <yap εγώ 
 τών μεν ιδεών, εξ ών τούς λόγοι;? άπαντας και 
 Χεγομεν και συντίθεμεν, Χάβειν την επιστήμην ούκ 
 είναι τών πάνυ χαΧεπών, ην τις αυτόν παραδώ μη 
 τοΐς ραδίως ύπισχνούμενοις αΧΧα τοΐς ειδόσι τι 
 περί αυτών το δε τούτων εφ' εκάστω τών πραγ¬ 
 μάτων ας δει προεΧεσθαι και μΐξαι προς αΧΧηΧας 
 και τάξαι κατά τρόπον, ετι δε τών καιρών μη 
 διαμαρτειν, αΧΧα και τοΐς ενθυμημασι πρεπόντως 
 οΧον τον Xoyov καταποικΐΧαι καί τοΐς όνόμασιν 
 εύρΰθμως καί μουσικώς ειπεΐν, ταυτα δε ποΧΧης 17 
 επιμεΧείας δεΐσθαι καί ψυχής ανδρικής καί δοξα¬ 
 στικής ερ'γον είναι, καί δεΐν τον μεν μαθητήν προς 
 τώ την φύσιν εχειν οΐαν χρή τά μεν είδη τα τών 
 Χό<γων μαθεΐν, περί δε τάς χρήσεις αυτών <γυμνα- 
 σθήναι, τον δε διδάσκαΧον τά μεν ούτως ακριβώς 
 οιόν τ είναι διεΧθεΐν ώστε μηδέν τών διδακτών 
 παραΧιπεΐν , περί δε τών Χοιπών τοιούτον αυτόν 
 παράδειγμα παρασχεΐν, ώστε τούς εκτνπωθεντας 18 
 καί μιμήσασθαι δυναμενους ευθύς ανθηρότερου καί 
 χαριεστερον τών άΧΧων φαίνεσθαι Χεηοντας' καί 
 τούτων μεν απάντων συμπεσόντων τελειω? εξουσιν 
 οι φιΧοσοφούντες * καθ' δ δ' αν εΧΧειφθή τι τών 
 
 § 16 . παραδφ] Ε, Turr. Bens . —παραδιδψ vulg. Bk. [] μί £αι] 
 Turr. Bl . —μίξαι Bk. — μίξα,σθ at vulg. Bens. || τάξαι] Bk. Turr. 
 
 8—2 
 
116 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 v. 
 
 τϊρη μενών, ανάγκη ταύτη χείρον 8ιακείσθαι τούς 
 πλησιάζοντας. 
 
 19 Οι μεν ούν άρτι των σοφιστών άναφυόμενοι 
 και νεωστϊ προσπεπτωκότες ταΐς άλαζονείαις, εί 
 και νυν 7 τλεονάζουσιν, εΰ οί8' ότι πάντες επί 
 ταύτην κατενεχθήσονται την ύπόθεσιν. λοιποί 8' 
 ήμιν είσϊν οι προ ημών γενόμενοι καί τάς καλου- 
 μενας τεχνας γρά'φ'αι τοΧμησαντες, ούς ούκ άφε- 
 τεον άνεπιτιμήτονς' οΐτινες ύπεσχοντο 8ικάζεσθαι 
 8ι8άξειν, εκλεξάμενοι το 8υσχερεστατον τών ονο¬ 
 μάτων, ο τών φθονούντων εργον ην Χεγειν αΧΧ' ού 
 
 20 τών προεστώτων τής τοιαύτης παι8εύσεως , καί 
 ταΰτα του πράγματος, καθ' οσον εστι 8ι8ακτόν, 
 ού8εν μάΧΧον προς τούς 8ικανικούς Χόλους ή προς 
 τούς άΧΧους άπαντας ώφεΧεΐν 8υναμενου. τοσουτω 
 8ε χείρους εγενοντο τών περί τάς ερι8ας καλιν8ου- 
 μένων, οσον ούτοι μεν τοιαύτα Χογί8ια 8ιεξιόντες·, 
 οϊς εϊ τις επι τών πράξεων εμμείνειεν, ευθύς άν εν 
 7 τάσιν εϊη κακοΐς, όμως αρετήν επηγγείλαντο και 
 σωφροσύνην περί αυτών, εκείνοι 8' επι τούς πολι¬ 
 τικούς λόγους παρακαλούντες, άμελήσαντες τών 
 άλλων τών προσόντων αύτοΐς αγαθών, πολυπραγ- 
 μοσύνης και πλεονεξίας ύπεστησαν είναι 8ι8άσκα- 
 
 21 Χοι. καίτοι τούς βουλομένους πειθαρχεΐν τοίςύπό 
 τής φιλοσοφίας ταντης προσταττομενοις πολύ άν 
 θάττον προς επιείκειαν ή προς ρητορείαν ώφε- 
 λήσειεν. και μη8εϊς οίεσθω με Χεγειν ως εστι 
 8ικαιοσύνη 8ι8ακτόν' ολως μεν γάρ ού8εμίαν ηγού¬ 
 μαι τοιαύτην είναι τέχνην, ήτις τοίς κακώς πεφυ- 
 Β1 .—τάξασθαι Γ, Δ, Ε 2 , Θ 2 , Bens. § 19. epyov ην λ^7 64ϊ Ί 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 117 
 
 κόσι προς αρετήν σωφροσύνην αν και δικαιοσύνην 
 εμποιήσειεν * ον μην αΧΧα συμπαρακεΧεύσασθαί 
 yε και συνασκησαι μάΧιστ αν οϊμαι την των 
 Xόyωv των ποΧιτικών επιμεΧειαν. 
 
 'Ίνα δε μη δοκώ τάς μεν των αΧΧων υποσχέσεις 22 
 διαΧυειν, αυτός δε μείζω Χεγειν των ένόντων , εξ 
 ωνπερ αυτός έπείσθην ουτω ταυτ βχειν, ραδίως 
 οϊμαι και τοΐς αΧΧοις φανερόν καταστήσειν. 
 
 V. ΠΕΡΙ ΑΝΤΙΔΟΣΕΩΣ. 
 
 [Or. χν.— 353 β. c.] 
 
 §§ 270—302. 
 
 ΐίερι μεν ούν τούτων άπόχρη μοι το νυν είναι 270 
 ταυτ είρηκέναι και συμβεβουΧευκέναι' περί δε 
 σοφίας καί φιΧοσοφίας τοΐς μεν περί αΧΧων τινων 
 ά<γωιηζομένοις ουκ αν άρμόσειε Χέγειν περί των 
 ονομάτων τούτων (εστι yap αΧΧότρια πάσαις ταΐς 
 πραηματείαις ), έμοί δ’ επειδή καί κρίνομαι περί 
 των τοιουτων καί την καΧουμένην υπό τινων φιΧο- 
 σοφίαν ουκ είναι φημί , προσήκει την δικαίως αν 
 νομιζομένην όρίσαι καί δηΧωσαι προς υμάς. άπΧως 271 
 δε πως τυγχάνω yiy νωσκων περί αυτών, επειδή 
 yap ουκ ενεστιν εν τη φύσει τή των ανθρώπων 
 επιστήμην Χαβειν , ην εχοντες άν είδεΐμεν ο τι 
 πρακτέον ή Χεκτέον εστίν, εκ των Χοιπών σοφούς 
 
 Dobree would omit λ^γ ειν. § 21. προ$ αρετήν σωφροσύνην αν 
 και δικαιοσύνην ] Bk. Turr. Bl. — αρετήν άν και δικαιοσύνην 
 Bens. : cp. next extract, § 274. 
 
118 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μεν νομίζω τους ταΐς Βόξαις Ιτητυηγάν^ιν ως επί 
 το πολύ τον βέλτιστου Βυναμενους, φιλοσόφους 
 Βε τούς εν τούτοις Βιατρίβοντας εξ ών τάχιστα 
 
 272 λήφτονται την τοιαύτην φρόνησίν. ά Β' εστί των 
 επιτηΒευμάτων ταύτην εχοντα την Βύναμιν εχω 
 μεν είπείν, όκνώ Be λεγειν ούτω yap εστι σφόΒρα 
 καί παράΒοξα καί πολύ της των άλλων άφεστώτα 
 Βιανοίας, ώστε φοβούμαι μη την αρχήν αυτών 
 άκούσαντες θορύβου καί βοής άπαν εμπλήσητε το 
 Βικαστήριον. όμως Be καίπερ ούτω Βιακείμενος 
 επιχειρήσω Βιαλεχθήναι περί αυτών αίσχύνομαι 
 yap, εϊ τισι Βόξω ΒεΒιώς ύπερ yr\ ρως καί μικρού 
 
 273 βίου προΒιΒόναι την αλήθειαν. Βεομαι δ’ υμών μή 
 πpoκaτayvώvaί μου τοιαύτην μανίαν, ώς άρ ’ βγω 
 κινΒυνεύων προειλόμην αν λόyoυς είπεΐν εναντίους 
 ταΐς νμετεραις yvcof, ιαις, εί μή καί τοΐς προειρη- 
 μενοις ακολούθους αυτούς ενόμιζον είναι καί τάς 
 άποΒείξεις αληθείς καί σαφείς ωμήν εχειν ύπερ 
 αυτών. 
 
 274 Ήγ ούμαι Bk τοιαύτην μεν τέχνην, ήτις τοΐς 
 κακώς πεφυκόσιν αρετήν evepyaaai τ άν καί Βι~ 
 καιοσύνην, ούτε πρότερον ούτε νύν ούΒεμίαν είναι, 
 τούς τε τάς ύποσχεσεις ποιούμενους περί αυτών 
 πρότερον άπερέΐν καί παύσεσθαι ληρούντας πριν 
 
 275 εύρεθήναί τινα παιΒείαν τοιαύτην, ου μήν άλλ' 
 
 V. § 273. τα ϊς ύμ ετέραις] Θ, Turr. Β1. —καί ταΐς νμετεραις 
 vulg. Bk. (who proposed to omit και). § 274. πεφυκόσιν 
 αρετήν ένερ^άσαιτ αν καϊ δικαιοσύνην ] So Turr. Bens., with Θ. 
 The other mss. (which Bk. follows) add προς before αρετήν : 
 hut then the και before δικαιοσύνην becomes unmeaning. Bl., 
 reading πεφυκόσι προς, meets that difficulty by inserting σωφρο - 
 
ISOCEATES. 
 
 119 
 
 αύτούς γ* αυτών βεΧτίους άν γ/γ νεσθαι και πΧείο- 
 νος άξιους, el προς re το Xeyeiv ευ φιΧοτίμως 
 διατεθεΐεν καί του πείθειν δύι>ασθαι τους ακούοντας 
 ερασθειεν, καί προς τούτοις της πΧεονεξίας επιθυ- 
 μήσειαν, μη της υπό των ανόητων νομιζομενης 
 αλλα της ώς άΧηθώς την δύναμιν ταύτην ε'χούσης. 
 καί ταΰθ ’ ώς ούτω πεφυκε, ταχέως οίμαι δηΧώσειν. 276 
 πρώτον μεν <γάρ 6 Xeyeiv ή γράφειν προαιρούμενος 
 Χόλους άξιους επαίνου καί τιμής ούκ εστιν όπως 
 ποιησεται τάς υποθέσεις αδίκους ή μικράς η περί 
 τών ιδίων συμβοΧαίων, άΧΧά μεγάλα? και καΧάς 
 καί φίΧανθρώπους και περί τών κοινών πραγμά¬ 
 των μη yap τοιαύτας ευ ρίσκων ούδεν διαπράξεται 
 τών δεόντων, επειτα τών πράξεων τών συντει- 277 
 νουσών προς την ύποθεσιν εκΧεξεται τάς πρεπω- 
 δεστάτας καί μάΧιστα συμφερούσας · 6 δε τα? 
 τοιαύτας συν εθ ιξό μένος θεωρεΐν καί δοκιμάζειν ού 
 μόνον περί τον ενεστώτα λόγου άΧΧά και περί τάς 
 άΧΧας πράξεις την αυτήν εξει ταύτην δύναμιν, 
 ώσθ ’ άμα το Xeyeiv ευ καί το φρονεΐν παραηενή- 
 σεται τοις φιΧοσόφως και φιΧοτίμως προς τούς 
 λόγου? διακειμενοις. και μην ούδ' ό πείθειν τινάς 278 
 βουΧόμενος άμεΧησει της άρετης, άΧΧά τούτω 
 μάΧιστα προσέξει τον νουν, όπως δόξαν ώς επιει- 
 κεστάτην Χήψεται παρά τοις συμποΧιτευομενοις. 
 τίς γ άρ ούκ οϊδε και τούς λόγου? άΧηθεστερους 
 δοκούντας είναι τούς υπό τών εύ διακειμενων 
 
 σύνην, with Orelli, after αρετή ν. § 275. επι θυμήσειαν~\ Θ, 
 Bens. —επιθνμήσαιεν Bk. Turr. Bl. § 277. την αύτην εξει 
 ταύτην ] ταύτην Θ, Bk. Turr. Bl. —ταύτη Γ, Δ, Bens. § 278. 
 πείθειν τιν as] Bk. Turr. —τιν a? is omitted by Γ, Bens. 
 
120 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 λεγομένους ή τούς ύπο των διαβεβλημενων, καί 
 τάς 7 τίστεις μεϊζον δυναμενας τάς εκ του βίου 
 γεγενημενας ή τάς υττο του λόγου πεπορισμενας ; 
 ωσθ ’ όσω αν τις ερρωμενεστερως επιθυμή πείθειν 
 τους ακούοντας, τοσούτω μάλλον ασκήσει καλός 
 κάλαθος είναι καί παρά τοϊς ί τολίταις εύδοκιμεϊν. 
 
 279 καί μηδείς υμών οιεσθω τούς μεν άλλους άπαντας 
 γιγνωσκειν, όσην εχει ροπήν εις το πείθειν το 
 τοϊς κρίνουσιν άρεσκειν , τούς δε περί την φιλοσο¬ 
 φίαν όντας μόνους άγνοεϊν την τής εύνοιας δύναμιν’ 
 
 280 πολύ γάρ άκριβεστερον των άλλων καί ταύτ 
 ϊσασι, καί προς τούτους ότι τα μεν εϊκότα καί τά 
 τεκμήρια και παν το των πίστεων είδος τούτο 
 μόνον ωφελεί το μέρος, εφί ω αν αύτων έκαστον 
 τύχη ρηθεν, τό δε δοκεΐν είναι καλόν κάλαθόν ού 
 μόνον τον λόγου πιστότερον εποίησεν, αλλά καί 
 τάς πράξεις τού την τοιαύτην δόξαν εχοντος εντι- 
 μοτερας κατεστησεν , ύπερ ον σπουδαστεον εστί 
 τοϊς ευ φρονούσι μάλλον ή περί των άλλων απάν¬ 
 των. 
 
 281 Τό τοίνυν περί την πλεονεξίαν, ο δυσχερεστα- 
 τον ήν των ρηθεντων * εϊ μεν τις υπολαμβάνει τούς 
 άποστερούντας ή παραλογιζόμενους ή κακόν τι 
 ποιούντας πλεονεκτεΐν, ούκ ορθώς εγνωκεν' ούδενες 
 • yap εν άπαντι τω βίω μάλλον ελαττούνται των 
 τοιούτων, ούδ ’ εν πλεοσιν άπορίαις εϊσίν, ούδ' 
 επονειδιστότερον ζωσιν, ούδ' ολως άθλιωτεροι 
 
 282 τυγχάνουσιν οντες · χρή δε καί νυν πλέον €χειν 
 
 || 8σιρ] οσιρπερ Bens. § 280. £φ $] εφ’ φπερ Bens. 
 § 281. πλέοσιν] vulg. Bk. Turr. — ir\doav E, Θ, Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 121 
 
 ήγεΐσθαι καί πΧεονεκτήσειν νόμιζε ιν παρά, μεν 
 των θεών τους ευσεβέστατους καΧ τους περί την 
 θεραπείαν την εκείνων επιμεΧεστάτους όντας , παρά 
 δε των ανθρώπων τούς άριστα προς τούτους μεθ ’ 
 ών άν οίκώσι καί ποΧιτεύωνταΙ διακειμενους καί 
 τούς βεΧτίστους αυτούς είναι δοκοΰντας. καί 283 
 ταΰτα καί ταΐς αΧηθείαις ούτως £χει, καί συμφέρει, 
 τον τρόπον τούτον Χεγεσθαι περί αυτών, επεί νυν 
 y ούτως άνεστραπται καί συγκεγυται ποΧΧά τών 
 κατά την ποΧιν, ώστ ουδέ τοΐς όνόμασιν ενιοί 
 τινες ετι χρώνται κατά φύσιν, άΧΧά μεταφερουσιν 
 άπο τών καΧΧίστων πραγμάτων επί τά φαυΧότατα 
 τών επιτηδευμάτων, τούς μεν γε βωμοΧοχευομε- 284 
 νους καί σκώπτειν καί μιμεΐσθαι δυναμενους ευφυείς 
 καΧούσι, προσηκον της προσηγορίας ταύτης τυγ- 
 γάνειν τούς άριστα προς αρετήν πεφυκότας · τούς 
 δε ταΐς κακοηθείαις καί ταΐς κακουργία/.ς ερω¬ 
 μένους, καί μικρά μεν Χαμβάνοντας πονηράν δε 
 δόξαν κτωμενους, πΧεονεκτεΐν νομίζουσιν, αλλ’ ου 
 τούς όσιωτάτους καί δικαιότατους, οί περί τών 
 αγαθών αλλ’ ου τών κακών πΧεονεκτοΰσι · τούς 285 
 δε τών μεν αναγκαίων άμεΧούντας, τάς δε τών 
 παΧαιών σοφιστών τερατοΧογίας αγαπώντας φιΧο- 
 σοφεΐν φασιν , "f άμεΧήσαντες τούς τά τοιαύτα μαν- 
 θάνοντας καί μεΧετώντας εξ ών καί τον ίδιον οίκον 
 
 § 283. τούς όνόμασιν] Γ (1st hand) Turr. Bens. —τούς όνό- 
 μασιν εν rrj διαλέκτιρ vulg. Bk. § 284. πλεονεκτεΐν] Γ, 
 Bk. Turr. — πλεονεκτικούς A, E, Θ, Bens. || ol' περί των 
 αγαθών] mss. Bk. Turr. Bens. — οϊπερ των ayadiov Dobree 
 conject., Bl. § 285. 4 άμελήσαντες τούς τά τοιαυτα μαν- 
 
 θάνοντας και μελετώντας] Γ, Δ, Ε, Bk. Turr. I leave άμελή- 
 σαντες in the text. It is certainly spurious, but no emendation 
 
122 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 καί τά κοινά τά τής πόλεως καλώς Βιοικήσουσιν, 
 ώνπερ ενεκα και πονητεον και φιλοσοφητεον καί 
 πάντα πρακτεον εστ'ιν. άφ ’ ών υμείς πολύν ήΒη 
 χρόνον απελαύνετε τούς νεωτερους, άποΒεχόμενοι 
 τούς λό<γους των Βιαβαλλόντων την τοιαύτην 
 
 286 παιΒείαν. καί yap τοι πεποιήκατε τούς μεν επι - 
 εικεστάτους αυτών εν πότοις καί συνουσίαις καί 
 ραθυμίαις καί παιΒιαΐς την ηλικίαν Βιάγειν, άμε- 
 λήσαντας τού σπουΒάζειν όπως εσονται βελτίους, 
 τούς Βε χ^ίρω την φύσιν έχοντας εν τοιαυταις 
 άκολασίαις ήμερεύειν, εν αις πρότερον ούΒ ’ άν 
 
 287 οίκετης επιεικής ούΒεϊς ετόλμησεν * οι μεν yap 
 αυτών επί τής Ί&ννεακρούνου 'φύχουσιν οίνον , οι 
 δ’ εν τοΐς καπηλείοις πίνουσιν, ετεροι Β ’ εν τοΐς 
 σκιραφείοις κυβεύουσι, πολλοί Β ’ εν τοΐς των 
 αύλητρίΒων ΒιΒασκαλείοις Βιατρίβουσι. καί τούς 
 μεν επί ταύτα προτρεποντας ούΒείς πώποτε τών 
 κήΒεσθαι φασκοντών τής ηλικίας ταύτης εις υμάς 
 είσήηαηεν · ήμΐν Βε κακά παρεχουσιν, οις άξιον 
 ήν, εί καί μηΒενος άλλου, τούτου <γε χάριν εχειν, 
 ότι τούς συνόντας τών τοιούτων επιτηΒευμάτων 
 
 is satisfactory. My own impression is that άμελήσαντες has 
 displaced a partic. similar in general sense, such as άτιμάσαντες. 
 The gen. is required after άμελησαντες : we cannot compare 
 such a passage as Eur. Ion 439, θνησκοντα s αμελεί, ‘recks not 
 that they die,’ where άμελεϊ=περιορφ. Dobree thought that 
 άμελησαντες was an interpolation arising from αμελούνται just 
 above. Benseler, with Θ, gives άμελησαντες έπαινεΐν τούς, κ.τ.λ. 
 Sauppe conjectures άττελάσαντε s τούς, κ.τ.λ. He also proposed 
 άσελγήσαντε$ is τούς . — Baiter, άμελησαντες του τα τοιαΰτα 
 μανθάνει καί μελετάν .— Bake and Havet would omit άμελησαντες 
 and in its place read simply ού: andBl. now omits it (‘quamvis 
 dubitanter’), substituting άλλ’ ού. This is surely to cut the 
 knot. § 287 . διατρίβουσι] Turr. — διατρίβουσι Bk. Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 123 
 
 άποτρέπομεν. ουτω δ’ εστί Βυσμενές άπασι το 288 
 των συκοφαντών γένος, ώστ€ τοΐς μεν Χυομέ- 
 νοις είκοσι καί τριάκοντα μνών τάς μεΧΧούσας 
 και τον άΧΧον οίκον συναναιρήσειν ούχ όπως άν 
 έπιπΧηζειαν , αλλά καί συγχαίρουσι ταίς άσω- 
 τίαις αυτών , τούς δ’ εις την αυτών παιδείαν οτιούν 
 άναΧίσκοντας Βιαφθείρεσθαί φασιν. ών τίνες άν 
 άΒικώτερον εχοιεν την αιτίαν ταύτην; οΐτινες εν 289 
 ταυταις μεν ταίς άκμαίς οντες ύπερεΐΒον τάς 
 ήΒονάς, εν αις οι 7 τΧεΐστοι των τηΧικούτων μάΧιστ 
 αυτών επιθυμούσιν, έζον δ’ αύτοίς ραθυμεΐν. μηΒέν 
 Βαπανωμένοις εΐλοντο ττονείν χρήματα τεΧέσαντες, 
 άρτι δ’ εκ παίΒων εξεΧηΧυθότες εγνωσαν ά nroXXoi 
 τών 7 τρεσβυτέρων ούκ ισασιν, οτι Βει τον ορθώς 290 
 και πρεπόντως ιτροεστώτα τής ήΧικίας καί καΧην 
 αρχήν του βίου ποιούμενον αυτού ττρότερον ή τών 
 αυτού ποιήσασθαι την ειτιμεΧειαν, καί μή σιτεύΒειν 
 *μηΒέ ζητεΐν ετέρων άρχειν πριν άν τής αυτού 
 Βιανοίας Χάβη τον επιστάτησοντα, μηΒ ’ ουτω χαί- 
 ρειν μηΒέ μέγα φρονεΐν επί τοΐς άΧΧοις άγαθοΐς ώς 
 επί τοΐς έν τή ψνχή Βιά την παιΒείαν έγγιγνομέ- 
 νοις. καί τοι τούς τοιούτω Χογισμώ κεχρημένους 
 πώς ούκ επαινεΐσθαι χρή μάΧΧον ή ψέγεσθαι, καί 
 νομίζεσθαι βεΧτίστους είναι καί σωφρονεστάτους. 
 τών ηΧικιωτών ; 
 
 θαυμάζω δ’ οσοι τούς μεν φύσει Βεινούς όντας 291 
 είπεΐν εύΒαιμονίζουσιν ως αγαθού καί καΧού πράγ- 
 
 § 289 . εν ταύταις μ£ν tolls άκμαΐς .. .των τηλίκούτων ] Dobree wished 
 to read iv μέν tolls (or εν tolls μεν) άκμαΐς, and to omit τηλίκούτων. 
 
 — iv avTcus μεν tolls άκμ clls Θ. § 290 . μη σττεύδειν *μηδέ ζητεΐν] 
 μηδέ Baiter, Turr. Bl. : μήτε mss. Bk. — μή σπεύδειν καί ζητεΐν 
 
124 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ματος αύτοΐς σνμβεβηκότος, τούς Be τοιούτονς 
 yeveadai βουΧομενους ΧοιΒοροϋσιν ως άΒίκου καί 
 κακού 7 ταιΒεύματος επιθυμούντας. καί τοι τί των 
 φύσει καΧών όντων μεΧετη κατερ^ασθεν αισχρόν 
 η κακόν εστιν ; ούΒεν y άρ εύ ρήσο μεν τοιούτον, 
 αΧΧ εν ye τοΐς άΧΧοις επαινούμεν τούς ταΐς φιΧο- 
 ττονίαις ταΐς αυτών αγαθόν τι κτησασθαι Βύνη- 
 θεντας μάΧΧον η τούς παρά των προγόνων παρα- 
 
 2ύ'2Χαβόντας, εικότως * συμφέρει yap επί τε των 
 αΧΧων απάντων , καί μάΧιστ επί των Χόγων, μη 
 τάς ευτυχίας αλλά τάς επιμεΧείας εύΒοκιμεΐν. οί 
 μεν yap φύσει και τύχη Βεινοϊ y ενόμενοι Xeyeiv ου 
 προς τό βεΧτιστον άποβΧεπουσιν, άλλ’ όπως άν 
 τύχωσιν, ούτω χρησθαι τοΐς λόγο*.? είώθασιν' οί 
 Be φιΧοσοφία καί Xoyισμω την Βύναμιν ταύτην 
 Χαβόντες, ούΒεν άσκεπτως Χ^οντες, ηττον περί 
 
 293 τάς πράξεις πΧημμεΧούσιν. ωσθ' άπασι μεν βού- 
 Χεσθαι προσηκει ποΧΧούς είναι τούς εκ παιΒείας 
 Βεινούς είπεΐν yιyvoμεvoυς, μάΧιστ a Β ’ ύμΐν' καί 
 yap αυτοί προεχετε και Βιαφερετε των αΧΧων ου 
 ταΐς περί τον πόΧεμον επιμεΧείαις, ούΒ' ότι κάΧ- 
 Χιστα ποΧιτεύεσθε και μαΧιστα φυΧάττετε τούς 
 νόμους ούς ύμΐν οί nrpoyovoi κατεΧιπον , άλλά 
 τούτοις οις περ η φύσις η τών ανθρώπων των 
 αΧΧων ζώων , καί τό yei >ος τό των 'ΈΐΧΧήνων των 
 
 294 βαρβάρων , τω καί προς την φρόνησιν καί προς 
 τούς Xόyoυς άμεινον πεπαιΒεύσθαι των αΧΧων. 
 ώστε πάντων άν συμβαίη Βεινότατον, εί τούς βου¬ 
 Χομενους τοΐς αύτοΐς τούτοις BieveyKeiv των ηΧι- 
 Bens. § 293 . ζώων] Γ (1st hand), Turr. Bens. — ζώων διήνβ'γκς 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 125 
 
 κιωτών, οϊς ητερ υμείς απάντων, διαφθείρεσθαι 
 ψηφίσαισθε, /cal τους rfj παιδεία ταύτη χρω- 
 μένους, ής υμείς ηγεμόνες γεγένησθε, συμφορά τινϊ 
 περιβάλοιτε. 
 
 X/3?) yap μηδε τούτο λανθάνειν υμάς, οτι πάν- 295 
 των των δυναμενων λεγεζμ η παιδεύειν η πόλις 
 ημών δοκεΐ yεyεvησθaι διδάσκαλος, εικότως * καί 
 yap άθλα μ^ιστα τιθεΐσαν αυτήν όρώσι τοΐς την 
 δΰναμιν ταύτην εγουσι, και y υμνάσια πλεϊστα και 
 παντοδαπώτατα παρεγουσαν τοΐς άyωιάζεσθαι προ* 
 ηρημενοις και περί τάς τοιαύτας <διατριβάς> yυμ- 
 νάζεσθαι βουλομενοις, ετι δε την εμπειρίαν, η περ 296 
 μάλιστα ποιεί δΰνασθαι λ^ειν,ενθενδε πάντας λαμ- 
 βάνοντας' προς δε τούτοις και την της φωνής κοινό¬ 
 τητα καί μετριότητα και την άλλην ευτραπελίαν 
 καί φίλoλoyίav ου μικρόν rjyodvTai συμβαλεσθαι 
 μέρος προς την των λόyωv παιδείαν' ώστ ούκ 
 αδίκως ύπολαμβάνουσιν άπαντας τούς λεγεζμ όντας 
 δεινούς της πόλεως είναι μαθητάς. σκοπεΐτ ούν 297 
 μη παντάπασιν ή καταγέλαστο μ της δόζης ταύτης 
 φλαύρόν τι κaτayιyvώσκειv, ην υμείς εχετε παρά 
 τοΐς'Έλλησι πολύ μάλλον ή ε’γώ παρ’ ύμΐν ούδβν 
 yap αλλ’ η φανερώς υμών αυτών εσεσθε κατεψη- 
 φισμενοι την τοιαντην αδικίαν, και πεποιηκότες 298 
 όμοιον ώσπερ αν εί Λακεδαιμόνιοι τούς τά περί 
 
 vulg. Bk. § 295 . <διατριβας> . The mss. have π epl τας 
 τοιαύτας 'γυμνάζεσθαι, without any substantive. Havet and Bl. 
 simply alter the fern. pi. into τά τοιαΰτα : but, since there was 
 nothing to provoke the change into τά s τοιαύτας, it seems far 
 more likely that a substantive has been lost. I have con- 
 jecturally supplied διατριβάς. § 297 . ?} εγώ] ήγώ Baiter, 
 
 Bens. || άλλ’ ?)] αλλ’ ή Bens. § 298 . τά irepi τον πόλεμο?] 
 
126 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τόν πόΧεμον ασκούνται ζημιούν επιχειροΐεν, ή 
 ΘβτταλοΙ παρά των ίππεΰειν μεΧετωντων δίκην 
 Χαμβάνειν άζιοιεν. ύπερ ων φυΧακτεον εστίν, 
 'όπως μηδέν τοιοΰτον εξαμαρτήσεσθε περί υμάς 
 αυτούς, μηδε πιστότερους * ποιήσετε τους λόγοι;»»' 
 τους των κατήγορου ντων τής πόΧεως ή τούς των 
 
 επαινουντων . 
 
 299 Οΐμαι δ' υμάς ονκ άηνοείν οτι των 'ΈιΧΧήνων 
 οι μεν δυσκόΧως προς υμάς εχουσιν, οι δ' ως 
 οΐόν τε μάΧιστα φιΧοϋσι καί τάς εΧπίδας τής 
 σωτηρίας εν ύμΐν εχουσι. καί φασιν οι μεν τοιου- 
 τοι μόνην είναι ταύτην ποΧιν , τάς δ' άΧΧας κωμας , 
 και δικαίως άν αυτήν αστυ τής Έλλάδο? προσα- 
 ηορεύεσθαι καί διά τό μεγεθος και διά τάς ευπορίας 
 τάς ενθενδε τοΐς αΧΧοις ηιηνομενας και μάΧιστα 
 
 300 διά τον τρόπον των ενοικούντων' οΰδενας yap είναι 
 πραότερους ουδέ κοινότερους ούδ ’ οις οίκειότερον 
 άν τις τον άπαντα βίον συνδιατρίψειεν. ούτω δε 
 μεγαΧαις χρώνται ταΐς ύπερβοΧαΐς, ωστ ούδε 
 τουτ οκνουσι Χεγειν, ως ηοιον αν υπ ανορος Αθη¬ 
 ναίου ζημιωθεΐεν ή διά τής ετερων ωμότητος ευ 
 πάθοιεν. οι δε ταύτα μεν διασύρουσι, διεζιόντες 
 δε τάς των συκοφαντών πικρότητας και κακοπρα¬ 
 γίας οΧης τής πόΧεως ως άμίκτου καί χαΧεπής 
 
 301 οΰσης κατη^ορουσιν. εστιν οΰν δικαστών νουν 
 εχόντων τούς μεν των τοιούτων Χόηων αιτίους 
 <γιηνομενους άποκτείνειν ως με^άΧην αισχύνην τη 
 7 τόΧει περιποιοΰντας, τούς δε των επαίνων των 
 
 Bk. omits τα, perh. by a mere oversight. || *v ot^aere] Baiter, 
 Turr. Bens.— ποιήσητβ Θ. — ποιήσεσθε mss. Bk. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 127 
 
 \€>γομ6νων n τερι αυτής μέρος τι συμβαΧΧομένους 
 τιμάν μάΧΧον η τούς άθΧητάς τούς έν τοίς στεφα- 
 νίταις άγώσί νικώντας * ποΧύ yap καΧΧίω δόξαν 302 
 εκείνων κτώμενοι τη ητοΧει τνηγάνουσι καί μάΧ¬ 
 Χον άρμόττουσαν. περί μέν yap την των σωμάτων 
 άyωvίav ποΧΧούς τούς άμφισ βητούντας εχομεν, 
 περί δέ την παιδείαν άπαντες άν ημάς πρωτεΰειν 
 προκρίνειαν. 
 
 VI. ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. ιν.—380 β. c.] 
 
 §§ 160 — 186 . 
 
 'Ώστε μοι δοκει ποΧΧά Χίαν είναι τά παρα- 160 
 κεΧευόμενα ποΧεμειν αύτοΐς, μαΧιστα 3’ ο παρών 
 καιρός, όν ούκ άφετέον * και yap αισχρόν παρόντι 
 μέν μη χρησθαι, παρεΧθόντος δ’ αυτόν μεμνησθαι. 
 τί yap άν και βονΧηθεΐμεν ημϊν πpoσyεvέσθaι, 
 μέΧΧοντες βασιΧει ποΧεμειν, έξω των νυν υπαρ¬ 
 χόντων ; ούκ Αίγυπτο? μέν αυτού και Κύπρος 161 
 άφέστηκε, Φοινίκη δέ και Συρία διά τον πόΧεμον 
 ανάστατοι yεyόvaσι, Τ ύρος δ\ εφί η μέ y εφρόνησεν, 
 υπό των εχθρών τών εκείνου κατείΧηπται ; τών δ’ 
 εν Κ ιΧικία πόΧεων τάς μέν πΧείστας οι μεθ ’ ημών 
 οντες εχουσι, τάς δ’ ου χαΧεπόν έστι κτησασθαι. 
 Αυκίας δ’ ούδεϊς πώποτε ΤΙερσών εκράτησεν. Έ /ca- 162 
 τόμνως δ’ δ Κ αρίας επίσταθμος τη μέν αΧηθεία 
 
 VI. § 160. ό παρών καιρός, ον ούκ άφετέον] Γ (1st hand), 
 
 Bk. Turr. —ό παρών καιρός, οδ σαφέστερον ούδέν. δν ούκ άφετέον 
 Ε, Γ (corrector), Bens. § 161. τών εχθρών τών e/ce^oe] 
 
128 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 7 τολύν ήΒη “χρόνον άφεστηκεν, ομολογήσει Β* 'όταν 
 ημεΐς βονληθώμεν. από δε Κ,νίΒου μόχρι 'Σινώπης 
 'Έϊλληνες την Ασίαν παροικοΰσιν, ονς ον Βεΐ πει - 
 θειν αλλά μη κωλνειν πολεμεΐν. καίτοι τοιοΰτων 
 ορμητηρίων υπαρχόντων και τοσοντου πολέμου 
 την Ασίαν περιστάντος τί Βεΐ τά σνμβησόμενα 
 λίαν ακριβώς εξετάζειν ; οπού yap μικρών μερών 
 ηττους είσίν, ονκ άΒηλον ως αν Βιατεθεΐεν, εί πάσιν 
 
 163 ημΐν πολεμεΐν άναγκασθεΐεν. βχει Β' όντως. εάν 
 μεν ό βάρβαρος ερρωμενεστερως κατάσχη τάς 
 πόλεις τάς επί θαλάττη, φρουράς μείζονς εν αν- 
 ταΐς η νυν εγκαταστήσας, τάχ άν και τών νήσων 
 αί περί την ήπειρον , οιον 'Ρόδο? καί Σάμος και 
 Χ/ο?, επι τάς εκείνου τνχας άποκλίνειαν' ήν δ’ 
 ημείς αντάς πρότεροι καταλάβωμεν, είκός τούς την 
 ΑυΒίαν καί Φρυγίαν καί την άλλην την νπερκει- 
 μενην χώραν οικονντας επι τοΐς εντεύθεν όρμωμε- 
 νοις είναι. 
 
 164 Αιό Βεΐ σπενΒειν καί μηΒεμίαν ποιεΐσθαι Βια- 
 τριβήν, ινα μή πάθωμεν οπερ οι πατερες ημών, 
 εκείνοι γάρ ύστερίσαντες τών βαρβάρων και προ - 
 εμενοί τινας τών συμμάχων ήναγκάσθησαν ολί¬ 
 γοι προς πολλούς κινΒυνενειν, εξόν αντοΐς προ- 
 τεροις Βιαβάσιν εις την ήπειρον μετά πάσης τής 
 τών Έ^λλήνων Βυνάμεως εν μερει τών εθνών εκασ- 
 
 165 τον χειρουσθαι. ΒεΒεικται γάρ, όταν τις πολεμί) 
 προς ανθρώπους εκ πολλών τόπων συλλεγομενους , 
 ότι Βεΐ μή περιμενειν εως άν επιστώσιν, αλλ’ ετι 
 Βιεσπαρμενοις αντοΐς επιχειρεΐν. εκείνοι μεν ονν 
 Bk. Turr. Bl. — των έχθρων έκείνου Γ, Bens. § 165. inelvoL 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 129 
 
 προεξαμαρτόντες άπαντα ταύτ επηνωρθώσαντο, 
 καταστάντες εις τούς μεγίστους αγώνας · ημείς δ’, 
 αν σωφρονώμεν, εξ αρχής φυΧαξόμεθα καί πειρα- 
 σόμεθα φθήναι περί την ΑυΒίαν καί την Ιωνίαν 
 στρατόπεΒον εγκαταστήσαντες, ειΒότες ότι και 166 
 βασιλεύς ούχ εκόντων άρχει των ήπειρωτών, αΧΧά 
 μείζω Βνναμιν περί αυτόν έκαστων αυτών ποιη- 
 σάμενος · ης ημείς όταν κρείττω Βιαβιβάσωμεν, δ 
 βουΧηθεντες ραΒίως αν ποιήσαιμεν, ασφαλώς απα- 
 σαν την 'Ασίαν καρπωσόμεθα. ποΧυ Βε καλλών 
 εκείνω περί της βασλείας ποΧεμείν ή προς ημάς 
 αυτούς περί της ηγεμονίας άμφισβητείν . Μ- 
 
 *Άξιον δ’ επί τής νυν ήΧικίας ποιήσασθαι την 167 
 στρατείαν, ϊν οί τών συμφορών κοινωνήσαντες , 
 ουτοι καί τών αγαθών άποΧαύσωσι καί μη πάντα 
 τον χρόνον Βυστυχοΰντες Βιαγάγωσιν · ικανός γάρ 
 ό παρεΧηΧυθώς, εν ω τί τών Βεινών ον γεγονεν ; 
 πολλών γάρ κακών τή φύσει τή τών ανθρώπων 
 υπαρχόντων αυτοί πΧείω τών αναγκαίων προσ- 
 εξευρήκαμεν , πόΧεμους και στάσεις ήμίν αύτοίς 
 εμποιήσαντες, ώστε τούς μεν εν ταΐς αυτών άνόμως 168 
 άπόΧΧυσθαι , τούς δ’ επί ξένης μετά παίΒων καί 
 γυναικών αΧάσθαι, ποΧΧούς Βε Βι ενΒειαν τών 
 καθ' ημέραν επικουρείν αναγκαζόμενους ύπερ τών 
 εχθρών τοΐς φίΧοις μαχομενους άποθνήσκειν. υπέρ 
 ών ούΒείς πώποτ ήγανάκτησεν , άΧΧ' επί μεν ταΐς 
 συμφοραΐς ταΐς υπό τών ποιητών συγκειμεναις 
 Βακρύειν άξιοΰσιν, αΧηθινά δε πάθη ποΧΧά καί 
 Βεινάγιγνόμενα Βιά τον πόΧεμον εφορώντες τοσού - 
 μλν οδν] οΰν is omitted by Γ, Ε, Bens. 
 
 J. 9 
 
130 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 του δεουσιν εΧεεΐν, ώστε καί μάΧΧον χαίρουσιν 
 € 7 Λ τοι ς άΧΧήΧων κακοΐς ή τοΐς αυτών ίδίοις 
 
 169 αγαθοΐς. ϊσως δ’ αν καί τής εμής εύηθείας ποΧΧοί 
 καταηεΧάσειαν, el δυστυχίας άνδρών όδυροίμην εν 
 τοΐς τοιούτοις καιροΐς, ev οϊς ΊταΧία μεν ανάστατος 
 7 eyove, %ικεΧία δε καταδεδούΧωται, τοσαΰται δε 7τό- 
 Χεις τοΐς βαρβάροις εκδεδονται, τά δε Χοιπά μέρη 
 τών 'ΈιΧΧήνων εν τοΐς με^ίστοις κινδύνους εστίν. 
 
 170 (θαυμάζω δε τών δυναστεύοντων εν ταΐς πό- 
 Χεσιν, εί προσήκειν αύτοΐς ηγούνται μ,εγα φρονεΐν, 
 μηδέν πώποθ ’ ύπερ τηΧικούτων πραγμάτων μήτ 
 είπεΐν μήτ ενθυμηθήναι δυνηθεντες. όχρήν yap 
 αυτούς, εϊπερ ήσαν άξιοι τής 7 ταρούσης δόξης, 
 απάντων άφεμενους τών άΧΧων περί του ποΧεμου 
 τού προς τους βαρβάρους εισηyεΐσθaι και συμβου - 
 
 171 Χεύειν. τυχόν μεν yap αν τι συνεπεραναν' εί δε 
 και προαπεΐπον, άΧΧ ούν τούς ye Xόyoυς ώσπερ 
 χρησμούς εις τον επιόντα χρόνον αν κατεΧιπον. 
 νυν δ' οι μεν εν ταΐς μeyίστaις δόξαις οντες επί 
 μικροΐς σπουδάζουσιν, ήμΐν δε τοΐς τών ποΧιτικών 
 εξεστηκόσι περί τηΧικούτων πpayμάτωv συμβου - 
 Χεύειν παραΧεΧοίπασιν. 
 
 172 Οι5 μήν άΧΧ όσω μικροφ'υχότεροι τυyχάvovσιv 
 οντες οι προεστώτες ημών, τοσούτω τούς άΧΧους 
 ερρωμενεστερως δει σκοπεΐν όπως dπaXXayησό- 
 μεθα τής παρούσης εχθρας. νυν μεν yap μάτην 
 ποιου μέθα τάς περί τής ειρήνης συνθήκας· ού yap 
 διαΧυόμεθα τούς ποΧεμους άΧΧ άναβαΧΧόμεθα, 
 
 § 168. rots αυτών t&'ois] αυτών Turr. Bens. —αύτών Bk. 
 §171. έξβστηκόσι] Bk. Turr. Bl. — έξβστώσι Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 131 
 
 καί περιμενομεν τούς καιρούς εν οϊς άνηκεστόν τι 
 κακόν άΧΧηΧους ερ<γάσασθαι δυνησόμεθα. δει δε 173 
 ταύτας τάς επιβουΧάς εκποδών ποιησαμενους εκεί¬ 
 νο ις τοΐς εργοις επιχειρείν εξ ών τάς τε πόΧεις 
 άσφαΧεστερον οίκήσομεν και πιστότερον διακει- 
 σόμεθα προς ημάς αυτούς, εστι δ’ αντλοί)*? και 
 ράδιος 6 λόγο*? 6 περί τούτων · ούτε γ άρ ειρήνην 
 οϊόν τε βεβαίαν άηαηείν, ήν μη κοινή τοις βαρβά- 
 ροις ποΧεμήσωμεν, ούθ * όμονοήσαι τούς 'ΈΧΧηνας, 
 πριν άν και τάς ώφεΧείας εκ των αυτών καί τούς 
 κινδύνους προς τούς αυτούς ποιήσω μέθα, τούτων 174 
 δε γ ενομενων και της απορίας της περί τον βίον 
 ημών άφαιρεθείσης, η καί τάς εταιρίας διαΧύει και 
 τάς συγγενείας εις εχθραν προάγει καί πάντας 
 ανθρώπους εις ποΧεμους και στάσεις καθίστησιν, 
 ούκ εστιν όπως οι)χ όμονοησομεν και τάς εύνοιας 
 αΧηθινάς προς ημάς αυτούς εξομεν, ών ενεκα 
 περί παντός ποιητεον όπως ώς τάχιστα τον 
 ενθενδε πόΧεμον εις την ήπειρον διοριοΰμεν, ώς 
 μόνον άν τούτ αγαθόν άποΧαύσαιμεν τών κινδύνων 
 τών προς ημάς αυτούς, εί ταΐς εμπειρίαις ταϊς εκ 
 τούτων γεγ ενημεναις προς τον βάρβαρον καταχρή- 
 σασθαι δόξειεν ημιν. 
 
 ’Αλλα γ άρ ίσως διά τάς συνθηκας άξιον επισ- 175 
 χβΐν, α’λλ’ ούκ επειχθηναι και θάττον ποιήσασθαι 
 την στρατείαν ; δι άς αί μεν ήΧευθερωμεναι τών 
 πόΧεων βασιΧει χάριν ίσασιν, ώς δι εκείνον τυχου- 
 σαι της αυτονομίας ταύτης, αί δ’ εκδεδομεναι τοις 
 βαρβάροις μάΧιστα μεν Αακεδαιμονίοις επικαΧοΰ- 
 § 173. ωφελεί αί] Ε, Bens. — ώφελία* Γ, Bk. Turr. — φιλία* vulg. 
 
 9—2 
 
132 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σιν, επειτα Be και τοΐς άΧΧοις τοΐς μετασχούσι τής 
 ειρήνης, ως υπό τούτων ΒουΧεύειν ήναγκασμεναι. 
 καίτοι πώς ου χρή ΒιαΧύειν ταύτας τάς όμοΧογίας, 
 εξ ών τοιαύτη Βόξα γεγονεν, ώς 6 μεν βάρβαρος 
 κήΒεται της Έλλάδο? και φύΧαξ της ειρήνης εστίν, 
 ημών Be τινες εισιν οι Χνμαινόμενοι καί κακώς 
 
 176 ποιούντες αυτήν ; δ Be πάντων καταγεΧαστότατον , 
 οτι τών ξεγραμμένων εν ταΐς όμοΧογίαις τα χεί- 
 ριστα τυγχάνομεν ΒιαφυΧάττοντες. ά μεν γάρ 
 αυτονόμους άφίησι τάς τε νήσους και τάς πόΧεις 
 τάς επί της Έιύρώπης, πάΧαι ΧεΧυται και μάτην εν 
 ταΐς στηΧαις εστίν' ά δ’ αισχύνην ήμΐν φερει και 
 ποΧΧούς τών συμμάχων εκΒεΒωκε, ταϋτα Be κατά 
 χώραν μενει και πάντες αυτά κύρια ποιούμεν, ά 
 χρην άναιρεΐν και μηΒε μίαν εάν ημέραν, νομί¬ 
 ζοντας προστάγματα καί μη συνθήκας είναι, τις 
 γάρ ούκ οίΒεν, ότι συνθηκαι μεν είσιν, αίτινες άν 
 ίσως και κοινώς άμφοτεροις εχωσι, προστάγματα 
 Be τά τούς ετερονς εΧαττούντα παρά τό Βίκαιον ; 
 
 177 Βιό και τών πρεσβευσάντων ταΰτην την ειρήνην 
 Βικαίως άν κατηγοροϊμεν, οτι πεμφθεντες υπό τών 
 'ΈιΧΧήνων ύπερ τών βαρβάρων εποιήσαντο τάς 
 συνθήκας. όχρήν γάρ αυτούς, είτ εΒόκει την 
 αυτών εχειν έκαστους, είτε και τών ΒοριαΧώτων 
 επάρχειν, είτε τούτων κρατεΐν ών ύπό την ειρήνην 
 ετυγχάνομεν εχοντες, εν τι τούτων όρισαμενους 
 καί κοινόν τό Βίκαιον ποιησαμενους ούτω συγγρά- 
 
 § 175. ώ$ ό μβν] Ε, Turr. Bens. — ώστε vulg. Bk. § 17β. 
 μηδέ μίαν ] Sauppe, Turr. Bens. — μηδεμίαν Bk. § 177. τή ν 
 •αυτών έχει?] αυτών Turr. Bens. —έαυτών Bk. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 133 
 
 φεσθαι περί αυτών, νυν δέ rfj μέν ημετέρα n τόΧει 178 
 καί rfj Αακεδαιμονίων ούδεμίαν τιμήν άπένειμαν, 
 τον δε βάρβαρον άπάσης της ’Ασίας δεσπότην 
 κατέστησαν, ώσπερ υπέρ εκείνου ποΧεμησάντων 
 ημών, η της μέν ΤΙερσών αρχής πάΧαι καθεστη - 
 κυίας, ημών δε άρτι τάς πόΧεις κατοικούντων, 
 αλλ’ ούκ εκείνων μέν νεωστϊ ταυτήν την τιμήν 
 εχόντων, ημών δέ τον άπαντα 'χρόνον εν τοΐς 
 Έ ΧΧησι δυναστευόντων. οϊμαι δ’ εκείνως είπών 179 
 μάΧΧον δηΧώσειν την τε περί ημάς ατιμίαν yεyε- 
 νημένην καί την του βασιΧεως πΧεονεξίαν. της 
 yap yfc άπάσης της υπό τω κόσμω κείμενης Βίχα 
 τετμημένης, καί της μέν Ασίας, της δ’ Έιύρώπης 
 καΧουμένης, την ημίσειαν εκ τών συνθηκών ειΧη- 
 φεν, ώσπερ προς τον Αία την χώραν νεμόμενος 
 αλλ’ ου προς ανθρώπους τάς συνθήκας ποιούμενος, 
 καί ταύτας ημάς ην ay κασέ ν εν στηΧαις Χιθίναις 180 
 άvaypά^|ravτaς εν τοΐς κοινοΐς τών ιερών καταθεΐ- 
 ναι, ποΧύ κάΧΧιον τρόπαιον τών εν ταϊς μάχαις 
 yιyvoμέvωv· τα μέν yap υπέρ μικρών έpyωv καί 
 μιάις τύχης έστίν, αύται δ’ υπέρ άπαντος τού 
 ποΧέμου καί καθ' οΧης της Έλλάδο? έστηκασιν. 
 
 'Υπέρ ών άξιον όpyίζεσθaι, καί σκοπεϊν όπως 181 
 τών τε yεyεvημέvωv δίκην Χηφτόμεθα καί τά μέΧ- 
 Χοντα διορθωσδμεθα. καί yap αισχρόν ιδία μέν 
 τοΐς βαρβάροις οίκέταις άξιούν χρήσθαι, δημοσία 
 δέ τοσούτους τών συμμάχων περιοράν αύτοΐς δου~ 
 
 § 178. ώσπ ep ύπερ ] Ε, Turr. Bens. — ώς υπέρ Bk. § 179. 
 την του βασιλεως] την [τοΟ] βασίλέως Bk. || προς ανθρώπους] 
 
 Bk. Turr. Bl. — πρύς τούς ανθρώπους Bens. § 180. καταθεΐναι] 
 
 Τ, Ε, Turr. Bens. —άναθεΐναι Bk. 
 
134 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 λεύοντας, καί τούς μεν περί τά Τ ρωϊκά γενομενους 
 μιας y υναικός άρπασθείσης ούτως άπαντας συνορ- 
 ηισθηναι τοΐς άδικηθεΐσιν ώστε μη πρότερον πταν- 
 σασθαι πόλεμούντας πριν την πόλιν ανάστατου 
 
 182 εποίησαν του τολμήσαντος εξαμαρτεΐν, ημάς δ’ 
 όλης της Έλλάδο? ύβριξομενης μη δε μίαν ποιη- 
 σασθαι κοινήν τιμωρίαν, εξόν ήμΐν ευχής άξια δια- 
 πράξασθαι, μόνος yap οΰτος ό πόΧεμος ειρήνης 
 κρείττων εστί, θεωρία μεν μάΧΧον ή *στρατεία 
 προσεοικώς, άμφοτεροις δε συμφέρων, και τοΐς 
 ησυχίαν άηειν και ποΧεμεΐν επιθυμουσιν' εϊη yap 
 άν τοΐς μεν άδεώς τά σφετερ' αυτών καρπούσθαι, 
 τοΐς δ’ εκ των άλλοτρίων μεyάXoυς 7Γλουτούς 
 κατακτήσασθαι. 
 
 183 ΐίολλαχή δ’ άν τις Xoy ιξό μένος ευροι ταύτας 
 τάς πράξεις μάλιστα λυσιτελούσας ήμΐν. φερε 
 yάp, προς τίνας χρή πολεμεΐν τούς μηδεμιάς ί τλεο- 
 νεξίας επιθυμούντας άλλ' αυτό το δίκαιον σκο - 
 πούντας ; ου προς τούς και πρότερον κακώς την 
 Ελλάδα ποιήσαντας και νυν επιβουλεύ όντας και 
 πάντα τον χρόνον ούτω προς ημάς διακειμίνους ; 
 
 184 τίσι δε φθονεΐν είκός εστι τούς μή παντάπασιν 
 άνάνδρως διακειμενους αλλά μετρίως τούτω τώ 
 πpάyμaτι χρωμενους ; ου τοΐς μείζους μεν τάς 
 δυναστείας ή κατ' ανθρώπους περιβεβλημενοις, 
 ελάττονος δ’ άξίοις τώ ν παρ' ήμΐν δυστυχού ντων; 
 επι τίνας δε στρατεΰειν προσήκει τούς άμα μεν 
 
 § 182. *στρατ6ί$] Koraes, Bk. Turr. Bens.— arpartq. mss. || 
 ayeiv ] Γ, E, Turr. Bens.—a yeiv βου\ομένοι s Bk. § 183. 7 τολ- 
 λαχ^] E, Koraes, Turr. Bens .— πολλαχοΰ vulg. Bk. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 135 
 
 ενσεβεΐν βουλομένους, υμα Βέ τού συμφέροντος 
 ενθυμούμενους ; ούκ επί τούς και φύσει πολεμίους 
 και πατρικούς εχθρούς, καί πλειστα μεν άηαθα 
 κεκτημένους, ήκιστα δ’ υπέρ αυτών άμύνεσθαι 
 Βυναμένους ; ούκούν εκείνοι πασι τούτοις ένοχοι 
 τυηχάνουσιν οντες. 
 
 Καί μην ούΒέ τάς πόλεις λυπησομεν στρα- 185 
 τ ιώτας εξ αυτών καταλέ'γοντες, ο νυν εν τώ 
 πολεμώ τώ προς άλλήλους οχληρότατου εστιν 
 αύταΐς · πολύ yap οιμαι σπανιωτέρους εσεσθαι 
 τούς μένειν έθελήσοντας τών συνακολουθεΐν επι- 
 θυμησόντων. τίς yap ούτως η νέος η παλαιός 
 ράθυμος εστιν, οστις ου μετασχεΐν βουλήσεται 
 ταύτης της στρατιάς της ύπ ’ ’Αθηναίων μεν και 
 ΑακεΒαιμονίων στpaτηyoυμέvης, υπέρ Βέ της τών 
 συμμάχων ελευθερίας άθροιζομένης, υπό Βέ της 
 ΈλΛάδος* άπάσης έκπεμπομένης, επι Βέ την τών 
 βαρβάρων τιμωρίαν πορευομένης; φήμην Βέ Aral 186 
 μνήμην και Βόξαν πόσην τινά χρή νομίζειν ή 
 ζώντας εξειν ή τελευτήσαντας καταλείφτειν τούς 
 εν τοΐς τοιούτοις εpyoις άριστεύσαντας ; οπού yap 
 οι προς 'ΑΧέξανΒρον πολεμήσαντες και μίαν πόλιν 
 έλόντες τοιούτων επαίνων ήξιώθησαν, ποιων τινών 
 χρή προσΒοκάν iy κωμίων τεύξεσθαι τούς όλης τής 
 Ασίας κρατήσαντας ; τίς yap ή τών ποιεΐν Βυνα- 
 μένων ή τών λέyειv επισταμένων ου πονήσει και 
 
 § 185. ris yhp οϋτω s rj v£os ·}) παλαιό? ρό,θνμ&ς ecrnt'] mss. 
 
 Bk. Turr. Bens. — ris yap οϋτως ή\ίθω$ παλαιό?] τ) ράθυμός 
 έστιν conject. Ε. Mehler (ed. Panegyr. Areopag. 1861), follow¬ 
 ing Hirscliig. Bl. thinks that, if anything should be expunged, 
 it is ράθυμος. ... 
 
136 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 φίΧοσοφήσει βουΧόμενος άμα τής θ' αυτού διανοίας 
 καί τής i κείνων αρετής μνημεϊον εις άπαντα τον 
 χρόνον καταΧιπεΐν ; 
 
 VII. ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. ν.—346 β. ο.] 
 
 §§ 81—104. 
 
 81 Κ αί μή θαυμάσης, άπερ επεστεϊΧα καί προς 
 Αιονύσιον την τυραννίδα κτησάμενον, εί μήτε 
 στρατηγός ών μήτε ρήτωρ μήτ άΧλως δυνάστης 
 θρασύτερόν σοι διείΧεημαι των άΧΧων. ε’γώ γαρ 
 προς μεν το ητοΧιτεΰεσθαι πάντων αφυέστατος 
 εηενόμην των ποΧιτών, ούτε yap φωνήν εσχον 
 ικανήν ούτε τόΧμαν δυναμενην οχΧω χρήσθαι καί 
 μοΧΰνεσθαι καί Χοιδορεισθαι τοϊς επί τού βήματος 
 
 82 καΧινδουμενοις, τού δε φρονεϊν ευ καί πεπαιδεύ- 
 σθαι καΧώς, εί καί τις άγροικότερον είναι φήσει 
 το ρηθεν, αμφισβητώ, καί θείην αν εμαυτόν ούκ εν 
 τοΐς άποΧεΧειμμενοις άΧΧ' εν τοΐς προεχουσι των 
 αΧΧων. διόπερ επιχειρώ συμβουΧεύειν τον τρόπον 
 τούτον, ον εγώ πεφυκα καί δύναμαι, καί τή πόΧει 
 καί τοΐς άΧΧοις f/ E ΧΧησι καί τών άνδρών τοΐς 
 ενδοξοτάτοις. 
 
 83 Περί μεν ούν τών εμών καί ών σοί πρακτεον 
 
 VII. § 81. την τυραννίδα κτησάμενον ] Γ, Bk. Turr. — 
 τδν την τυραννίδα κτησάμενον Ε, Bens. But see comment. 
 § 82. κάλινδουμένοις ] Ε, Ζ, Bens. —κυλινδουμένοις Γ, Bk. 
 Turr. || καί τοΐς άλλοι? Έλλ^σι] Ε, Bens. —τσΐς "Ε λλησι. Bk. 
 Turr. Bl. § 83. καί ών] Γ, Ε, Bk. Turr. —καί περί ών Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 137 
 
 εστί προς τούς'ΈΧΧηνας, σχεΒόν άκηκοας, περί Be 
 της στρατβίας της βίς τήνΆσίαν ταΐς μεν ποΧεσιν, 
 ας εφην χρηναί σε ΒιαΧΧαττειν, τότε συμβουΧεύ- 
 σομεν, ως χρη ποΧεμεΐν προς τούς βαρβάρους, 
 όταν ϊΒωμεν αύτάς όμονοούσας, προς σε Be νυν 
 ποιήσομαι τούς λόγου?, ού την αυτήν εχων Βιά- 
 νοιαν καί κατ εκείνην την ηΧικίαν οτ εγραφον 
 περί την αύτην ύπόθεσιν ταύτην. τότε μεν yap 84 
 παρεκεΧευόμην τοϊς άκουσομενοις καταγελάν μου 
 καί καταφρονεΐν, ήν μη καί των πραγμάτων 
 καί της Βόζης της εμαυτου καί του χρόνου του 
 περί τον λόγου Βιατριφθεντος άζίως φαίνωμαι 
 Βιεξιων, νυν Be φοβούμαι μη πάντων των προειρη¬ 
 μενών 7 τοΧύ καταΒεεστερον τύχω ΒιαΧεχθείς. καί 
 yap προς τοΐς άΧΧοις ο λόγο? ό πανηγυρικός, 6 
 τούς άΧΧους τούς περί την φιΧοσοφίαν Βιατρί- 
 βοντας εύπορωτερους ποιησας, εμοί ποΧΧην απο¬ 
 ρίαν παρεσχηκεν' ούτε yap ταντά βονΧομαι Xeyeiv 
 τοΐς εν εκείνω yεypaμμεvoις, ούτ ετι καινά Βΰναμαι 
 ζητεΐν. ού μην άποστατεον εστίν αΧΧά Χεκτεον 85 
 περί ων ύπεθεμην, ό τι άν ύποπεση καί συμφερη 
 προς τό πεΐσαί σε ταύτα πράττειν. καί yap ι)ν 
 εΧΧίπω τι καί μη Βυνηθω τον αύτόν τρόπον ypatyai 
 τοΐς πρότερον εκΒεΒομενοις, αλλ’ ούν vπoypά'φειv 
 y οίμαι χαριεντως τοΐς e^epya^eadai καί Βιαπονεΐν 
 Βυναμενοις. 
 
 Ύήν μεν ούν αρχήν τού λόγου του συμπαντος 86 
 οίμαι πεποιησθαι ταύτην, ηνπερ προσηκει τούς 
 επί την Άσιαν πείθοντας στρατενειν. Βει yap 
 || τότε συμβουλεύσουν] Bk. Turr. Bens. —τότε μοι δοκώ συμ - 
 
138 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μηδέν πρότερον 7 τράττειν, πριν άν λάβη τις τούς 
 Γ/ Ε λληνας δυοΐν θάτερον, η συναγωνιζομένους η 
 πολλήν εύνοιαν έχοντας τοϊς πραττομενοις. ών 
 'Αγησίλαος 6 δόξας είναι Αακεδαιμονιών φρονιμώ- 
 τατος ώλιγώρησεν, ου δια κακίαν άλλα διά φίλο- 
 
 87 τιμίαν. εσχε γάρ διττάς επιθυμίας, καλάς μεν 
 άμφοτερας, ου συμφωνούσας δ' άλληλαις ούδ' άμα 
 7 τράττεσθαι δυναμενας. προηρεΐτο γάρ βασιλει 
 τε 7 τολεμεΐν και τούς εταίρους εις τάς πόλεις τάς 
 αυτών καταγαγεΐν και κυρίους ποιησαι των πραγ¬ 
 μάτων. συνεβαινεν ούν εκ μεν της πραγματείας 
 της ύπερ των εταίρων εν κακοΐς καί κινδύνοις 
 είναι τούς "Έ,λληνας, διά δε την ταραχήν την 
 ενθάδε γιγνομενην μη σχολήν άγειν μηδε δύνασθαι 
 
 88 πολεμεΐν τοΐς βαρβάροις. ώστ εκ των άγνοη- 
 θεντων κατ' εκείνον τον χρόνον ράδιον καταμαθειν 
 οτι δει τούς όρθώς βουλευομενους μη πρότερον 
 εκφερειν προς βασιλέα πόλεμον, πριν άν διαλ- 
 λάξη τις τούς'Έλληνας και παύση της μανίας της 
 νυν αύτοΐς ενεστώσης· άπερ καί σοί συμβεβουλευ- 
 κότες τυγχάνομεν. 
 
 89 ΤΙερί μεν ούν τούτων ούδείς άν άντειπειν των 
 ευ φρονούντων τολμησειεν · οϊμαι δε των μεν 
 
 βουλεύειν (Koraes συμβουλεύσει) vulg. before Bk. § 88 . τού s 
 όρθώς βουλευομενους ] Γ, Ε, Turr. (comparing Epist. ix. § 14) 
 Bens. — τον όρθώς βουλευόμενον vulg. Bk. || προς βασιλέα 
 πόλεμον ] so Turr. Bens., with E in Epist. ix. § 14, where 
 this passage, from έσχε yap διττά? επιθυμίας down to ενεστώσης, 
 recurs nearly verbatim, προς τον βασιλέα πόλεμον Ε (here), 
 Γ (here), Bl. —τοΡ προς βασιλέα πόλεμον Ζ, Bk. — πρός βασιλέα 
 τον πόλεμον Γ in Epist. ix. § 14. || διαλλάξη τις τούς ’Έλληνας] 
 
 τις is added from Epist. ix. § 14 by Turr. Bens. || ένεστώ - 
 σης] Bk. Turr. — ένεστηκυίας Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 139 
 
 άλλων εϊ τισι δόξειε περί τής στρατβίας τής εις 
 την ’Ασίαν συμβουλεύειν, επί ταυτήν αν επιπε- 
 σεΐν την παράκλησιν, λέγοντας, ώς οσοιπερ επε- 
 χείρησαν προς τον βασιλέα πολεμεΐν, άπασι 
 συνέπεσεν εξ άδοξων μεν γενέσθαι λαμπροΐς, etc 
 πει/ήτων δε πλουσίοις, εκ ταπεινών δε πολλής 
 χώρας και πόλεων δεσπόταις. εγώ δ’ ούκ εκ των 90 
 τοιούτων μέλλω σε παρακαλεΐν, αλλ’ εκ των ήτυ- 
 χηκέναι δοξάντων, λέγω δ’ £κ των μετά Κ υρου και 
 Κλεάρχου συστρατευσαμένων. εκείνους γάρ όμο- 
 λογειται νικήσαι μεν μαχομένους άπασαν την 
 βασιλέως δΰναμιν τοσοΰτον, όσονπερ άν ει ταΐς 
 γυναιξιν αυτών συνέβαλον, ήδη δ’ εγκρατείς δο- 
 κουντας είναι τών πραγμάτων διά την Κ υρου 
 προπέτειαν άτυχήσαι · περιχαρή γάρ αυτόν οντα 
 και διώκοντα πολύ προ τών άλλων, εν μέσοις 
 γενόμενον τοίς πολεμίοις άποθανεΐν. άλΧ όμως 91 
 τηλικαύτης συμφοράς συμπεσούσης ούτω σφόδρα 
 κατεφρόνησεν 6 βασιλεύς τής περί αυτόν δυνά- 
 μεως, ώστε προκαλεσάμενος Κλέαρχον και τούς 
 άλλους ηγεμόνας εις λόγον έλθεΐν, καί τούτοις μεν 
 ύπισχνούμενος μεγάλας δωρεάς δώσειν, τοΐς δ' 
 άλλοις στρατιώταις εντελή τον μισθόν άποδούς 
 άποπέμήτειν, τοιαύταις έλπίσιν ύπαγαγόμενος, καί 
 7 τίστεις δούς τών εκεί νομιζομένων τάς μεγίστας, 
 συλλαβών αυτούς άπέκτεινε, καί μάλλον εΐλετο 
 περί τούς θεούς εξαμαρτεΐν ή τοΐς στρατιώταις 
 ούτως ερήμοις ούσι συμβαλεΐν. ώστε τις άν 92 
 γένοιτο παράκλησις ταύτης καλλιών καί πιστο- 
 τέρα ; φαίνονται γάρ κάκεΐνοι κρατήσαντες άν τών 
 
140 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 βασίΧέως πραγμάτων, el μη διά Κυρον. σοϊ Be 
 την τ’ ατυχίαν την τότε γ€γενημένην ού χ aXeirov 
 φυΧάζασθαι, του τε στρατοπέδου του κρατήσαντος 
 την eKeivov δύναμιν ράδιον ποΧυ κρ6Ϊττον κατα- 
 σκ€υάσασθαι. καίτοι τούτων άμφοτέρων ύπαρ- 
 ξάντων πώς ού χρή Oappelv πoLoύμevov την στρα - 
 τ€ΐαν ταύτην ; 
 
 93 Καί μηδeις ύποΧάβη με βούΧ€σθαι XaOeiv οτι 
 τούτων evia πέφρακα τον αυτόν τρόπον ονι rep 
 7 τρότ€ρον. έπιστάς γάρ έπϊ τα? αύτάς διανοίας 
 €ΐΧόμην μη πον€ΐν γΧιχόμ€νος τά δ€δηΧωμένα 
 καΧώς έτέρως ehreiv · και γάρ el μέν έπίδ€ΐξιν 
 ε7 τοιούμην, έπ€ΐρώμην άν άπαντα τά τοιαύτα δια- 
 
 94 φεύγει, σοϊ δε συμβουΧ€ύων μωρός άν ην, el 7 repl 
 την Χέξιν 7τλε/ω χρόνον διέτριβον η ί repl τάς 
 πράξ€ΐς, ετί δ’ el τούς αΧΧους ορών τοΐς έμοΐς 
 χρωμένους αυτός μόνος άπ€ΐχόμην των ύπ ’ έμού 
 πpότepov €ΐρημένων. τοΐς μέν ουν οΙκ€ΐοις τυχόν 
 άν χρησαίμην, ην που σφόδρα κaτeπeίγη και 
 πρέπη, των δ’ άΧλοτρίων ουδέ ν άν προσδ€ξαίμην, 
 ώσι rep ούδ' ev τώ παρέΧθόντι χρόνω. 
 
 95 Τ αύτα μέν ούν όντως · Bo/cei δε μοι μετά ταύτα 
 7 repl τί}ς παρασκ€υης BiaXeweov eivai της τε σοϊ 
 γ€νησομένης και της έκ€ΐνοις ύπαρξάσης· τό μέν 
 τοίνυν μέγιστον, συ μέν τους ''ΈόΧΧηνας em >ους 
 €ξεις, ην 7τερ έθεΧησης Ιμμεΐναι τοΐς ί repl τούτων 
 είρημενοις, εκείνοι δε διά τάς δεκαρχίας τα? έπϊ 
 
 § 92. κατασκευάσασθαι ] Γ, Ε (corrector), Turr. — παρα- 
 σκευάσασθαι Ε (1st hand), Bk. Bens. § 94. ην που σφόδρα ] 
 Ε, Bk. Turr. — τ)ν σφόδρα Γ, Bens. § 95. δεκαρχία s] Ε, Λ, 
 
ISOCKATES. 
 
 141 
 
 Λακεδαιμονίων ώς οϊόν re δυσμενέστατους, ηγούν¬ 
 το yap Κ όρου μεν κα\ Κλεάρχου κατορθωσάντων 
 μάΧλον ετι δουΧεύσειν, βασιΧεως δε κρατήσαντος 
 άιτάΧΚαηήσεσθαι των κακών των παρόντων οπερ 
 και συνεπεσεν αύτοΐς. και μην καί στρατιώτας 96 
 συ μεν εξ ετοίμου Χηψβι τοσούτους όσους αν βου- 
 Χηθης· ούτω yap εχει τα της Έλλάδο?, ώστε ραον 
 είναι συστησαι στρατοπέδου μεΐζον και κρεϊττον 
 εκ των πΧανωμενών η των ποΧιτευομενων’ εν 
 έκείνοις δε τοΐς χρόνοις ούκ ην ξενικόν ούδεν, ώστ 
 άvayκaζόμεvoι ξεvoXoyεΐv εκ των πόΧεων πΧεον 
 άνηΧισκον εις τάς διδομενας τοΐς σϋΧΧ^ουσι 
 δωρεάς η την εις τούς στρατιώτας μισθοφοράν. 
 και μην εί βουΧηθεΐμεν εξετάσαι και παραβαΧεΐν 97 
 σε τε τον νυν rjy ησόμενον της στρατείας και βου- 
 Χευσόμενον περί απάντων ·και Κλέαρχον τον 
 επιστατησαντα των τότε πρayμάτωv, εύρησομεν 
 εκείνον μεν ούδεμιάς πώποτε δυνάμεως πρότερον 
 ούτε ναυτικής ούτε πεζής καταστάντα κύριον αΧΧ ’ 
 εκ της ατυχίας της σύμβασης αύτω περί την 
 ήπειρον όνομαστόν yei ώμενον, σε δε τοσαύτα και 98 
 τηΧικαύτα τό μ^εθος διaπεπpayμεvov, περί ών εί 
 μεν προς ετερους τον Xoyov εποιούμην, καΧώς άν 
 είχε διεΧθεΐν, προς σε δε διaXεyόμεvoς, εί τάς σάς 
 πράξεις σοι διεξιοίην, δικαίως άν ανόητος άμα και 
 πεpίεpyoς είναι δοκοίην. 
 
 * Αξιόν δε μνησθηναι καϊ των βασιλέων άμφο - 99 
 τερών, εφί όν σοί τε συμβουΧεύω στρατεύειν και 
 
 Bens. — δβκαδαρχί as Γ, Bk. Turr. See comment. || δυσμ€νεσ- 
 τάτοι /s] after this word Koraes added εΐχον, which Bens, adopted, 
 
142 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ττρος δν Κλέαρχο? επολέμησεν, ΐν έκατέρου την 
 γνώμην καϊ την δύναμιν είδή 9 . 6 μεν τοίνυν τού¬ 
 
 του πατήρ την n τόλιν την ήμετέραν καϊ πάλιν την 
 Αακεδαιμονίων κατεπολέμησεν , ούτος δ’ ούδενός 
 πώποτε των στρατευμάτων των την χωράν αυτοί) 
 
 100 λυμαινομενών επεκράτησεν. επειθ' 6 μεν την 
 Ασίαν άπασαν παρά των 'Ελλήνων εν ταΐς 
 συνθήκαις εξέλαβεν, ούτος δε τοσούτου δει των 
 άλλων άρχειν, ωστ ουδέ των εκδοθεισων αΰτω 
 πόλεων εγκρατής έστιν. ωστ οδδεί? οστις ούκ 
 άν άπορήσειε, πότερα χρή νόμιζε lv τούτον αυτών 
 άφεστάναι δι ανανδρίαν ή εκείνας ύπερεωρακέναι 
 καϊ καταπεφρονηκέναι τής βαρβαρικής δυναστείας. 
 
 101 Τα τοίνυν περί την 'χωράν ως διάκειται, τις 
 ούκ άν άκου σας παροξυνθείη πολεμεΐν προς αυτόν ; 
 Αίγυπτος γάρ άφειστήκει μεν καϊ κατ εκείνον τον 
 χρόνον, ου μην άλλ' έφοβούντο μή ποτέ βασιλεύς 
 αυτός ποιησάμενος στρατείαν κρατήσειε καϊ τής 
 διά τον ποταμόν δυσχωρίας καϊ τής άλλης παρα¬ 
 σκευής άπάσης · νυν δ’ ούτος άπήλλαξεν αυτούς 
 τού δέους τούτου, συμιταρασκευασά μένος γάρ 
 δύναμιν όσην οΐός τ’ ήν πλείστην, καϊ στρατεύσας 
 επ' αυτούς, άπήλθεν εκείθεν ου μόνον ήττηθείς, 
 άΚλά καϊ καταγελασθεϊς καϊ δόξας ούτε βασιλεύ- 
 
 102 ειν ούτε στρατηγεΐν άξιος είναι, τά τοίνυν περί 
 Κύπρον καϊ Φοινίκην καϊ Κιλικίαν καϊ τον τόπον 
 εκείνον, οθεν εχρωντο ναυτικω, τότε μεν ήν βασι- 
 
 but in the new edit, of Bens. Bl. omits it. § IOO. αύτφ] 
 bracketed by Bl., with Dobree. § IOI. yap άφειστήκει μ£ν\ 
 μεν yap άφειστήκει μϊν Bl. on his own conject. § 102. rai/xi/cy] 
 rip ναυτικφ Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 143 
 
 Χεως, νυν Be τα μεν άφεστηκε, τα δ’ iv 7 τοΧεμω καϊ 
 κακοΐς τοσοντοις εστϊν ώστ εκείνω μεν μηΒεν 
 είναι τούτων των εθνών χρήσιμον, σοι δ’, ήν ί τοΧε- 
 μείν προς αυτόν βουΧηθής, συμφόρως εξειν. και 103 
 μεν ΊΒριεα ye τον εύπορώτατον των νυν περί την 
 ήπειρον προσήκει Βυσμενεστερον είναι τοΐς βασι- 
 Χεως πράημασι των ποΧεμοΰντων * η πάντων y 
 άν ειη σχετΧιώτατος , εί μη βούΧοιτο καταΧεΧυσθαι 
 ταύτην την αρχήν, την αίκισαμενην μεν τον άΒεΧ- 
 φόν, ποΧεμήσασαν Be προς αυτόν, άπαντα Be τον 
 χρόνον επιβουΧεύουσαν και βουΧομενην του τε 
 σώματος αυτού και των χρημάτων απάντων yeve- 
 σθαι κυρίαν, υπέρ ών ΒεΒιώς νυν μεν avayKa^Tai 104 
 Θεραπεΰειν αυτόν και χρήματα ποΧΧα καθ' έκαστον 
 τον ενιαυτόν άναπεμπειν' εί δε συ Βιαβαίης εις την 
 ήπειρον, εκείνος τ άν άσμενος ϊΒοι βοηθόν ήκειν 
 αύτω σε νομίζων, των τ' άΧΧων σατραπών ποΧ- 
 Χους άποστήσεις, ήν υπόσχη την εΧευθερίαν αύτοίς, 
 και τούνομα τούτο Βιασπείρης εις την 'Ασίαν, οπερ 
 εις τούς'ΈΧΧηνας είσπεσόν και ττ)ν ήμετεραν καϊ 
 την ΑακεΒαιμονίων αρχήν κατεΧυσεν. 
 
 VIII. ΤΤΛΑΤΑΙΚΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. χιν.— 373 b.c.] 
 
 % 56—63. 
 
 *Ύπερ ών άπαντας υμάς ίκετεύομεν άποΒούναι 56 
 την χώραν ήμΐν και την πόΧιν, τούς μεν πρεσβυτε- 
 ρους ύπομιμνήσκοντές ώς οίκτρόν τούς τηΧικούτους 
 
144 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 όράσθαι Βυστυχούντας και των καθ' ημέραν άπο- 
 ροΰντας, τους Be νεωτέρους άντιβοΧούντες καί Βεό- 
 μενοι βοηθήσαι τοΐς ήΧικιώταις καί μη ί τεριιΒεΐν 
 
 57 ere ί τΧείω κακά των είρημένων παθόντας. όφεί- 
 Χετε Be μόνοι των 'ΈΧΧήνων τούτον τον έρανον, 
 άναστάτοις ήμΐν γενομένοις έπαμύναι. και yap 
 τους ήμετέρους προγόνους φασίν, έκΧιπόντων των 
 ύμετέρων πατέρων εν τω Π ερσικω ποΧέμω ταντην 
 την γ^ωραν, μόνους των έξω Π εΧοποννήσου κοινω- 
 νούς εκείνοις των κινΒύνων γει>ομένους συνανασώσ- 
 αι την πόΧιν αντοΐς· ώστε Βικαίως αν την αυτήν 
 ευεργεσίαν άποΧάβοιμεν ήνη rep αυτοί τυγχάνομεν 
 εις υμάς ύπάρξαντες. 
 
 58 Έί Β' ουν καί μηΒεν ύμΐν των σωμάτων των 
 ήμετέρων ΒέΒοκται φροντίζειν, αΧΧά την ye χώραν 
 ου προς υμών έστϊν άνέχεσθαι πειτορθημένην, ev y 
 μέγιστα σημεία τής αρετής τής ύμετέρας καί των 
 
 59 άΧΧων των συναγωνισαμένων καταΧείπεται * τά 
 μεν γάρ άΧλα τρόπαια πόΧει προς πόΧιν γέγονεν, 
 εκείνα ο υι rep απασης της ΕΛλαδο? προς οΧην 
 την εκ τής Ασίας Βύναμιν εστηκεν. ά Θηβαίοι 
 μεν εικότως άφανίζουσι (τα γάρ μνημεία των τότε 
 γενομένων αισχύνη τούτοις εστίν), ύμΐν Be προσ- 
 ήκει Βιασώζειν εξ εκείνων γάρ των έργων ήγε- 
 
 60 μόνες κατέστητε των 'ΚΧΧηνων. άξιον Be και των 
 θεών και τών ηρώων μνησθήναι των εκείνον τον 
 τόπον κατεχόντων, και μή περιοράν τάς τιμάς 
 αυτών καταΧυομένας, οΐς υμείς καΧΧιερησάμενοι 
 
 VIII. § 57. yevovtvois] Γ, Bk. Turr. Bl. — y ^ενημένοί* 
 vulg. Bens. (1st edit.). § 59. τά μ£ν yap άλλα] Γ omits άλλα, 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 145 
 
 τοιουτον ύπεστητε κίνδυνον, ός καί τούτου? καί 
 τούς άλλου? άπαντας "Ελληνας ηλευθερωσεν. 
 
 Χρή 8ε και των προγόνων ποιησασθαί τινα 
 πρόνοιαν, και μη παραμελησαι μη8ε της περί 
 εκείνους ενσεβείας, ο'ί πώς αν 8ιατεθεΐεν, εϊ τις 61 
 άρα τοΐς εκεί φρόνησίς εστι περί των ενθά8ε γυγ- 
 νομενων, εί κυρίων υμών οντων αϊσθοιντο τούς 
 μεν 8ουλεύειν τοΐς βαρβάροις άξιώσαντας 8εσπότας 
 των άλλων καθιστάμενους, ημάς δε τούς υπέρ της 
 ελευθερίας συν αηωνισ αμένους μόνους των 'Ελλή- 
 νων άναστάτους <γε<γενημένους, καί τούς μέν των 
 συ<γκιν8υνευσάντων τάφους μη τυγχάνοντας των 
 νομιξομενων σπάνει των εποισόντων, Θηβαίους 8ε 
 τούς τάναντία παραταξαμενους κρατούντας της 
 χώρας εκείνης ; ενθυμεΐσθε δ’ ότι Αακε8αιμονίων 62 
 μεηίστην εποιεΐσθε κατηγορίαν, οτι Θηβαίοις 
 χαρισάμενοι τοΐς των Ελλήνων προ8όταις ημάς 
 τούς εύερ^ετας 8ιεφθειραν. μη τοίνυν εάσητε 
 ταύτας τάς βλασφημίας περί την ύμετεραν ηενε- 
 σθαι 7 τόλιν, μη8ε την νβριν την τούτων αντί της 
 παρούσης ελησθε 8όξης. 
 
 Πολλώυ δ’ ενόντων είπεΐν εξ ών άν τις υμάς 63 
 67 rayayoiTo μάλλον φροντίσαι της ημετερας σωτη¬ 
 ρίας, ου 8ύναμαι πάντα περιλαβεΐν, αλλ’ αυτούς 
 χρη καί τά παραλελειμμενα συνι8όντας και μνη- 
 σθεντας μάλιστα μεν των όρκων και των συνθη- 
 
 and so Bens. (2nd edit.): Bl. replaces it. § 63. δ’ ένόντων] 
 Bk. Turr. Bl. — δ’ δντων Γ, Bens.— δ£ δντων Ε. || iirayd- 
 7 οιτο] Γ (corrector), Ε, Bk. Turr. — oiraydyoi Γ (1st hand), 
 Bens. II αύτού$] Γ, Ε, Turr. Bens. — αυτούς υμάς vulg. Bk. 
 
 J. 
 
 10 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 W 
 
 κών, έπειτα Βε και της ημετέρας εύνοιας καί της 
 τούτων έχθρας, ψηφίσασθαι τα Βίκαια περί ημών. 
 
 IX. ΠΕΡΙ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΣ. 
 
 [Or. νιπ.—855 β. c.] 
 
 §§ 121—131. 
 
 121 *Ω.ν ενθυμούμενους χρή μη προσεχειν τον νουν 
 τοΐς εν τώ παρόντι μεν χαριζομενοις , τού Βε μέλ¬ 
 λοντος χρόνου μηΒεμίαν επιμέλειαν ποιουμενοις , 
 μηΒε τοΐς φιλεΐν μεν τον Βημον φάσκουσιν, ολην 
 Βε την 7 τόλιν λυμαινομενοις ’ ω? και πρότερον, 
 επειΒή παρελαβον οι τοιούτοι την επι τού βήμα¬ 
 τος Βυναστείαν, εις τοσαύτην άνοιαν προηγαγον 
 την 7 τόλιν, ώστε παθεϊν αυτήν οΐάπερ όλίγω πρό- 
 
 122 τερον ύμΐν Βιηγησάμην. α και πάντων μάλιστ 
 αν τις Θαυμάσειεν, ότι προχειρίζεσθε Βημαγωγούς 
 ού τούς την αύτήν γνώμην έχοντας τοΐς μεγάλην 
 την 7 τόλιν ποιησασιν, αλλά τούς όμοια καϊ λέ¬ 
 γοντας και πράττοντας τοΐς άπολεσασιν αυτήν , 
 καί ταύτ ειΒότες ού μόνον εν τω ποιησαι την 
 7 τόλιν εύΒαίμονα τούς χρηστούς των πονηρών 
 
 123 Βιαφεροντας, άλλα καϊ την Βημοκρατίαν επι μεν 
 εκείνων εν πολλοΐς ετεσιν ούτε κινηθεΐσαν ούτε 
 μεταστάσαν , επι Βε τούτων εν όλίγω χρόνω Βϊς 
 ηΒη καταλυθεΐσαν, καϊ τάς φυγάς τάς επί τών 
 
 || τα δίκαια περί ημών] Θ, Bk. Turr. — rc περί ημών δίκαιον 
 Γ, Ε, Bens. 
 
 IX. § 121. όίάττερ] Bk. Turr. Bl. — δττερ , Γ, Ε, Bens. 
 § 122. α /cat] Γ, Ε, Turr. —θ καϊ vulg. Bk. Bens. § 123. ras 
 ipvyas ras έπί τών τυράννων] Bk. Turr.—ras (pvyas καϊ τά s 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 147 
 
 τυράννων και τάς επί των τριάκοντα γενομενας 
 ου διά τούς συκοφάντας κατελθούσας, άλλά διά 
 τούς μισοΰντας τούς τοιούτους και μεγίστην ειτ 
 αρετή δόξαν έχοντας. 
 
 Άλλ,’ όμως τηλικούτων ήμΐν υπομνημάτων 124 
 καταλελειμμενων ως εφί εκατερων αυτών η πόλις 
 επραττεν, οντω χαίρομεν ταΐς των ρητόρων πονη- 
 ρίαις, ωσθ' όρωντες διά τον ί τόλεμον και τάς 
 ταραμάς, άς ούτοι πεποιήκασι, Των μεν άλλων 
 πολιτών πολλούς εκ των πατρώων εκπεπτω κότας, 
 τούτους δ’ εκ πενήτων πλουσίους γεγενημένους, 
 ούκ άγανακτούμεν ουδέ φθονούμεν ταΐς εύπραγίαις 
 αυτών , αλλ’ ύπομενομεν την μεν πόλιν διαβολάς 125 
 εχουσαν ως λυμαίνεται και δασμολογεί τούς 'Έλ- 
 ληνας, τούτους δε τάς επικαρπίας λαμβάνοντας, 
 και τον μεν δήμον , ον φασιν ούτοι δεΐν των άλλων 
 άρχειν, χείρον πράττοντα τών ταΐς όλιγαρχίαις 
 δουλευόντων, οις δ’ ούδεν ύπήρχεν αγαθόν^ τούτους 
 δε διά την άνοιαν την ήμετεραν εκ ταπεινών εύδαί- 
 μονας γεγενη μένους. καίτοι Τίερικλής ό προ τών 126 
 τοιούτων δημαγωγός καταστάς, παραλαβών την 
 πόλιν χείρον μεν φρονούσαν η πρϊν κατασχεΐν την 
 αρχήν^ ετι δ' άνεκτώς πολιτευομενην, ούκ επί τον 
 ίδιον χρηματισμόν ώρμησεν, αλλά τον μεν οίκον 
 ελάττω τον αυτού κατελιπεν ή παρά τού πατρος 
 7 ταρελαβεν, εις δε την άκρόπολιν άνήγαγεν όκτα- 
 κισχίλια τάλαντα χωρίς τών ιερών. ούτοι δε 127 
 
 ύι rd τών τυράννων Γ, Bens. § 125 . βύδαίμονας] Bk. Turf. 
 
 Bl. — εύδαιμον€στέρου$ Γ, Ε, Bens. — εύδαίμονβστάτονς Sauppe 
 conject* § 126 . dvriyayev] Γ, Ε, Turr. — άνψβγκβν Bk. 
 
 10—2 
 
148 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τοσούτον εκείνου διενηνόχασιν, ώστε Χεγειν μεν 
 τοΧμώσιν ώς διά την των κοινών επιμεΧειαν ού 
 δύνανται τοΐς αυτών ίδίοις προσεχειν τον νουν , 
 φαίνεται δ'ε τα μεν άμεΧούμενα τοσαύτην είΧη - 
 φότα την επίδοσιν όσην ουδ’ αν εύξασθαι τοΐς 
 θεοΐς πρότερον ηξίωσαν, τδ δε πΧηθος ημών , ου 
 κηδεσθαί φασιν , ούτω διακείμενον ώστε μηδενα 
 τών ποΧιτών ήδέως ζην μηδε ράθυμων, άΧΧ! όδυρ- 
 
 128 μών μεστήν είναι την ί τόΧιν. οι μεν yap τάς 
 πενίας και τάς ενδείας αναγκάζονται διεξιεναι και 
 θρηνεί ν προς σφάς αυτούς, οί δε τδ πΧηθος τών 
 προσταγμάτων καί τών Χειτουργιών και τά κακά 
 τά περί τάς συμμορίας καί τάς άντιδόσεις * ά 
 τοιαύτας εμποιεί Χύπας, ώστ άλγιον ζήν τούς 
 τάς ουσίας κεκτημενους ή τούς συνεχώς πενο- 
 μένους. 
 
 129 θαυμάζω δ’ εί μη δύνασθε συνιδείν δτι γένος 
 ούδεν εστι κακονούστερον τώ πΧήθει πονηρών 
 ρητόρων καί δημαγωγών · προς γάρ τοΐς άΧΧοις 
 κακοίς καί τών κατά την ημέραν εκάστην αναγ¬ 
 καίων οΰτοι μάΧιστα βούΧονται σπανίζειν υμάς, 
 όρώντες τούς μεν εκ τών Ιδίων δυναμενους τά 
 σφετερ * αυτών διοικείν της πόΧεως όντας καί τών 
 
 130 τά βεΧτιστα Χεγόντων, τούς δ’ άπό τών δικαστη¬ 
 ρίων ζώντας καί τών εκκΧησιών καί τών εντεύθεν 
 Χημμάτων ύφί αύτοΐς διά την ενδειαν ηναγκασμε- 
 νους είναι, καί ποΧΧην χάριν έχοντας ταΐς είσαγ- 
 γεΧίαις καί ταΐς γραφαίς καί ταΐς αΧΧαις συκο- 
 
 131 φαντίαις ταΐς δι αυτών γιγνομεναις. εν ούν ταΐς 
 Bens. § 128 . προστα-Ύμάτων ] π pay μίτων Γ, Bens. (2nd edit.). 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 149 
 
 άπορίαις εν αις αυτοί Βυναστεύουσιν , εν ταύταις 
 ηΒιστ αν ϊΒοιεν άπαντας όντας τούς ποΧίτας. 
 τεκμηριον δε μεηιστον' ον yap τούτο σκοπούσιν , 
 εξ ον τρόπου τοΐς Beo μένους βίον εκητοριούσιν, 
 αλλ’ όπως τούς εχειν τι Βοκοϋντας τους αϊτό ρους 
 εξισωσουσιν. 
 
 X. ΑΡΧΙΔΑΜΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. νι.—366 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 52—57. 
 
 *ίϊν ενθυμούμενους χρή μη ητροπετως υμάς 52 
 αυτοί)? εμβαΧεϊν εις αίσχράς ομο\ο<γίας μηΒε ρα- 
 θνμότερον ύπερ της ί τατρίΒος η των άΧΧων φανη- 
 ναι βουΧευομενους. άναμνησθητε δε προς νμας 
 αυτούς ότι τον παρεΧθόντα 'χρόνον , el ποΧιορκου - 
 μόνη τινί των πόΧεων Των συμμαχίΒων εις μόνος 
 Λ ακεΒαιμονίων βοηθησειεν, υπό πάντων αν ώμο- 
 XoyeiTO παρά τούτον ηενεσθαι την σωτηρίαν αν- 
 τοϊς. και τούς μεν πΧείστονς των τοιοντων άνΒρών 
 παρά των πρεσβυτερών αν τις άκούσειεν } τούς 
 δ’ όνομαστοτάτονς εχω κά<γώ άιεΧθειν. Πεδά^ίτο? 53 
 μεν γ άρ εις Χ/ου είσπΧεύσας την πόΧιν αυτών 
 Βιεσωσε* Β ρασίΒας δ’ εις ΆμφίποΧιν είσεΧθων, 
 δλ/γου? περί αυτόν των ποΧιορκουμενών συνταξά- 
 μενος, ποΧΧούς όντας τούς ποΧιορκούντας ενίκησε 
 
 § 131 . αυτοί δυναστβύουσιν ] αυτοί is omitted by Γ, Ε, Bens.; 
 but we should certainly retain it. It points the contrast 
 between the power which these men win for themselves and 
 the misery which they inflict on others. 
 
150 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μαχό μένος * ΓυΧίππος Be Συρακοσίοις βοηθήσας 
 ού μόνον εκείνους Βιεσωσεν αλλά καί την Βύναμιν 
 την κρατούσαν αυτών καί κατά γην καί κατά 
 
 54 θάλατταν άπασαν αιχμάλωτον ελαβεν. καίτοι 
 •πως οΰκ αισχρόν τότε μεν έκαστον ημών ικανόν 
 είναι, τάς άλλοτρίας πόλεις Βιαφυλάττειν, νυνί Be 
 πάντας μηΒε πειράσθαι την ημετεραν αυτών Βια- 
 σωζειν ; καί την μεν Ευρώπην καί την Ασίαν 
 μεστήν πεποιηκεναι τροπαίων υπέρ των άλλων 
 πολεμοΰντας, υπέρ Be της πατρίΒος ούτω φανερώς 
 ύβριζομενης μηΒε μίαν μάχην αξίαν λόγου φαί- 
 
 55 νεσθαι μεμαχημενους ; άλλ' ετερας μεν πόλεις 
 ύπερ της ημετερας αρχής τάς εσχάτας ύπομεΐναι 
 πολιορκίας, αυτούς δ’ ημάς ύπερ τού μηΒεν άναγ- 
 κασθηναι παρά τό Βίκαιον ποιεΐν μηΒε μικράν 
 οϊεσθαι Βεΐν ύπενεγκείν κακοπάθειαν, άλλα ζεύγη 
 μεν 'ίππων άΒηφαγούντων ετι καί νυν όράσθαι 
 τρέφοντας, ώσπερ Be τούς εις τάς Βεινοτάτας 
 άνάγκας σφιγμένους καί των καθ' ημέραν ενΒεεΐς 
 όντας, ούτω ποιεΐσθαι την ειρήνην. 
 
 56 λ Ο Βε πάντων σχετλιώτατον, εί φιλοπονώτατοι 
 Βοκούντες είναι των Ελλήνων ραθυμότερον των 
 άλλων βουλευσόμεθα περί τούτων, τίνας γάρ 
 ίσμεν, ών καί ποιήσασθαι μνείαν άξιόν εστιν, 
 οϊτινες άπαξ ήττηθεντες καί μιας εισβολής γενο - 
 
 X. § 54. μηδέ 7 τειρασθαι] μήτε δύνασθαι μήτε ιτειρασθαι 
 Γ, Ε, Bens. This reading, though it has I”s support, is 
 immeasurably inferior to the other, and possibly arose from a 
 corruption of μηδέ to μήτε, when μήτε δύνασθαι may have been 
 inserted to balance it. || μηδέ μίαν ] Sauppe, Turr. Bens.— 
 μηδεμίαν Bk. § 56. εστιν ] έστι Bk. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 151 
 
 μόνης ούτως άνάνδρως ώμοΧόγησαν πάντα τά 
 προσταττόμενα ποιησειν ; πώς δ’ άν ol τοιούτοι 
 ποΧυν 'χρόνον δυστυχουντες άνταρκεσειαν ; τις δ’ 57 
 oua; άν επιτιμήσεων ημΐν, εΐ Μ.εσσηνίων νπερ 
 ταντης της χώρας είκοσιν ετη πόΧιορκηθεντων 
 ημείς ούτω ταχέως κατά συνθήκας αυτής άπο- 
 σταίημεν καί μηδε των προγόνων μνησθειημεν , 
 αλλ’ ην εκείνοι μετά ποΧΧών πόνων και κινδύνων 
 εκτησαντο, ταυτήν ημείς υπό Χόγων πεισθεντες 
 άποβάΧοιμεν ; 
 
 XI. ΑΡΕΟΠΑΓΙΤΙΚΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. νπ.—355 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 36—55. 
 
 ν Ισω? άν ουν τις επιτιμησειε τοΐς είρημενοις 36 
 οτι τάς μεν πράξεις επαινώ τάς εν εκείνοις τοΐς 
 χρόνοις γεγενημενας , τάς δ’ αιτίας ου φράζω, δι 
 άς ούτω Λαλώ? και τά προς σφάς αυτούς €ΐχον και 
 την πόΧιν διώκουν, εγώ δ’ οιμαι μεν είρηκεναι τι 
 και τοιουτον, ου μην αΧΧ' ετι πΧείω και σαφεστε- 
 ρον πειράσομαι διαΧεχθηναι περί αυτών. 
 
 ’Έικεϊνοι γάρ ούκ εν μεν ταΐς παιδείαις ποΧΧούς 37 
 τούς επιστατούντας ώιχον, επειδή δ’ εις άνδρας 
 δοκιμασθεΐεν, έξην αύτοΐς ποιεΐν ό τι βουΧηθεΐεν, 
 αΧΧ ’ εν αύταΐς ταΐς άκμαΐς πΧεονος επιμεΧείας 
 ετύγχανον η παΐδες οντες. ούτω γάρ ημών οί 
 
 XI. §36. έπιτιμήσειε] ίπιτιμήσβιενΒ^ί. §37. έν aurats] Bk. 
 
152 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 irpoyovoi, σφοδρά n τερί τήν σωφροσύνην εσπούδα· 
 ζον , ώστε την εξ Άρείου irayov βουΧήν επεστησαν 
 €7 πμεΧεΐσθαι τής εύκοσμίας, ής ούχ οίόν τ ήν 
 μετασγείν πτΧήν τοίς καΧώς yeyovwi καί 7 τοΧΧήν 
 αρετήν εν τω βίω καί σωφροσύνην ενδεδε^μενοις, 
 ώστ εικότως αυτήν δυενεηκεϊν των εν τοΐς' / Έ*ΧΧησι 
 
 38 συνεδρίων, σημείοις δ' αν τις γ^ρήσαιτο 7 τερϊ των 
 τότε καθεστώτων και τοίς εν τω παρόντι ηιηνομε·' 
 νοις* ετι yap και νυν απάντων των περί την 
 αΐρεσιν και τήν δοκιμασίαν κατημεΧημενων ϊδοιμεν 
 αν τούς εν τοίς αΧΧοις ιτρ^μασιν ούκ ανεκτούς 
 όντας, επειδάν εις 'Άρειον 7 ray ον άναβώσιν, όκνούν- 
 τας τή φύσει χρήσθαι καί μαΧΧον τοίς εκεί νομί- 
 μοις ή ταίς αυτών κακίαις εμμενοντας. τοσουτον 
 φόβον εκείνοι τοίς τ τονηροΐς εvειpyάσavτo καί 
 τοιούτον μνημείον εν τω τόπω τής αυτών αρετής 
 καί σωφροσύνης iy κατεΧιπον. 
 
 39 'Τήν δή τοιαύτην, ώσπερ είττον, κυρίαν εποίησαν 
 τής ευταξίας επιμεΧείσθαι, ή τούς μεν οίομενους 
 ενταύθα βεΧτίστους άνδρας yίyvεσθaι, παρ' οις οί 
 νόμοι μετά πΧείστης ακρίβειας κείμενοι Tvyya- 
 νουσιν , ay νοείν ενόμιζεν ούδεν yap αν κωΧύειν 
 όμοιους απαντας είναι τούς'ΊίύΧΧηνας ενεκά yε τού 
 ράδιον είναι τα ypάμμaτa Χαβεΐν παρ' αΧΧηΧων. 
 
 40 άΧΧα yap ούκ εκ τούτων τήν επίδοσιν είναι τής 
 αρετής αΧΧ' εκ τών καθ' εκάστην τήν ημέραν 
 επιτηδευμάτων · τούς yap ποΧΧούς όμοιους τοίς 
 ηθεσιν άποβαίνειν, εν οις άν έκαστοι παιδευθώσιν. 
 επεί τα yε πΧήθη καί τάς ακρίβειας τών νόμων 
 Turr . — iv ταύταις Γ, Bens. § 38. τοιούτον μνημαον] Bens. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 153 
 
 σημεΐον είναι τού κακώς οίκεΐσθαι την n τόλιν 
 ταύτην · εμφράγματα yap αυτούς ποιούμενους 
 των αμαρτημάτων 7 τόλλούς τίθεσθαι τούς νόμους 
 άναηκάζεσθαι. Βεΐν Βε τούς όρθως πολιτευόμενους 41 
 ου τάς στοάς εμπιπλάναι y ραμμάτων, αλλ’ εν 
 ταΐς ψυχαΐς Ζχειν τό Βίκαιον' ου yap τοΐς ψη- 
 φίσμασιν αΧλά τοΐς ηθεσι καλώς οίκεΐσθαι τάς 
 πόλεις, και τούς μεν κακώς τεθραμμενους και τούς 
 ακριβώς των νόμων άvayεyραμμένους τολμησειν 
 παραβαίνειν, τούς δε καλώς πεπαιΒευμένους και 
 Τοΐς απλώς κείμενοις εθελησειν εμμενειν. ταύτα 42 
 Βιανοηθεντες ού τούτο πρώτον εσ κόπουν, Βι ών 
 κολάσουσι τούς άκοσμούντας, αλλ.* εξ ών παρα- 
 σκευάσουσι μηΒεν αυτούς άξιον ζημίας εξαμαρτά - 
 νειν rjyodvTo y άρ τούτο μεν αυτών %pyov είναι, το 
 Βε περί τάς τιμωρίας σπουΒάζειν τοΐς εχθροΐς 
 προσηκειν. 
 
 'Απάντων μεν ουν εφρόντιζον τών πολιτών, 43 
 μάλιστα Βε τών νεωτερων. εώρων yάp τούς τηλι- 
 Κοντους ταραχωΒεστατα Βιακειμενους καΧ πλεί- 
 στων yεμovτaς επιθυμιών, και τάς ψυχάς αυ¬ 
 τών μάλιστα *yυμvaσθήvaι Βεομενας * επιμελείαις 
 
 —τοιοΰτο Γ, Bk. Turr. — τοσουτον mss. § 41. τούς δύ καλώ?] 
 Bens, (on his own conject.?) gave τούς δ' ασφαλώς : Bl. replaces 
 the vulg. || πεταιδευμ^/οι;?] Bk. Turr. Bl.— πα ιδενομένονς Γ, Bens. 
 
 § 42. ζημίας έξαμαρτάνειν] After ζημίας the mss. (except Γ) 
 insert βουλήσεσθαι, which is bracketed by Bk., and omitted by 
 Turr. Bens. § 43. * -γυμνασθηναι is my conjecture. The first 
 hand in Γ wrote δαμασθηναι (which Turr. keep),—a word other¬ 
 wise strange to classical Attic prose. The corrector of Γ gave 
 παιδευθήναι (so Bk. Bens.), which suits the sense, but does 
 not explain the corruption. || * έπιμελείαις] Bk. conject., Turr. 
 
 — 4πιθνμίαις Γ, Bk. in text: εν έπιθυμίο us other mss.— -γυμνά· 
 
154 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 καλών 67 τιτηδευμάτων καί πόνοις ηδονάς εχουσιν* 
 iv μόνοις jap αν τούτοις εμμείναι τούς ελευθερως 
 
 44 τεθραμμενους καί μβγαλοφρονβΐν είθ ισμένους. α- 
 Ίταντας μεν ούν επί τάς αύτάς αηειν διατριβάς 
 ούχ οΐόν τ ην, άνωμάλως τα περί τον βίον 
 έχοντας' ώς δε προς την ουσίαν ηρμοττεν, όντως 
 εκάστοις προσεταττον. τούς μεν jap υποδεέστε¬ 
 ρον πράττοντας επί τάς JεωpJLaς καί τάς εμπορίας 
 ετρεπον, είδότες τάς απορίας μεν διά τάς άpJίaς 
 JLJVoμεvaς, τάς δε κακού pjias διά τάς απορίας * 
 
 45 άναιρούντες ούν την αρχήν των κακών άπαλλάζειν 
 ωοντο καί των άλλων αμαρτημάτων των μετ 
 εκείνην j φυόμενων, τούς δε βίον ικανόν κεκτημέ¬ 
 νους περί *τήν ιππικήν καί τά Jυμvάσιa καί τά 
 κυvηJεσιa καί την φιλοσοφίαν rjvajKaaav διατρί- 
 βειν, ορώντες εκ τούτων τούς μεν διαφεροντας 
 JlJVoμεvoυς ) τούς δε των πλείστων κακών άπεχο- 
 μενους. 
 
 '46 Κ αί ταντα νομοβετησαντες ουδέ τον λοιπόν 
 χρόνον (oXijcopovv, άλλα διελόμενοι την μεν πολιν 
 κατά κώμας, την δε χώραν κατά δήμους, εθεώρουν 
 τον βίον τον έκαστου , καί τούς άκοσμούντας άνη- 
 jov εις την βουλήν, η δε τούς μεν ενουθετει τοΐς 
 δ’ ηπείλει, τούς δ’ ώς προσηκεν, εκόλαζεν. ηπί- 
 σταντο j άρ ότι δύο τρόποι Tvjxavovaiv οντες οί 
 καί προτρεποντες επί τάς αδικίας καί παύοντες 
 
 σίαι* Β1. on his own conject. || έλευθέρω*] Bk. Turr. — ίλενθερίω s 
 E. Mehler, Bl. || με'/άλοφρονε ΐν] Bk. Turr. — μ iya φρονείν 
 Cobet, Bl. See comment. § 44. τα* απορία* μέν] Γ, E, 
 Turr. Bens. — τα* μϊν απορία * vulg. Bk. § 45. περί *τήν 
 ιππικήν] Γ, Bk. Turr. — περί τε Ιππικήν mss. — περί τε την 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 155 
 
 των πονηριών' παρ' οις μεν yap μήτε φυΧακη 47 
 *μηδεμία των τοιούτων καθίστηκε μήθ* αΐ κρίσεις 
 ακριβείς είσι , παρά τοΰτοις μεν διαφθείρεσθαι και 
 τάς επιεικείς των φύσεων, οπού δε μήτε Χαθεΐν 
 τοΐς άδικούσι ραδιόν εστι μήτε φανεροΐς ηενομενοις 
 συγνώμης τυχεΐν, ενταύθα δ ’ εξιτηΧους ηί^νεσθαι 
 τάς κακοηθείας. άπερ εκείνοι y ιηνώσκοντές αμφο- 
 τεροις κατεΐχον τούς πόΧίτας, καί ταΐς τιμωρίαις 
 και ταΐς επιμεΧείαις' τοσούτου yάp εδεον αυτούς 
 Χανθάνειν οι κακόν τι δεδρακότες, ώστε και τούς 
 επιδόξους άμαρτήσεσθαί τι προησθάνοντο. τοι- 48 
 γαρονν ούκ εν τοΐς σκιραφείοις οί νεώτεροί διετρι - 
 βον, ουδ’ εν ταΐς αυΧητρίσιν, ούδ * εν τοΐς τοιούτοις 
 συΧΧόγοις εν οις νυν διημερεύουσιν, άΧΧ ’ εν τοΐς 
 επιτηδεύμασιν εμενον εν οις ετάχθησαν, θαυμά- 
 ζοντες και ζηΧουντες τούς εν τούτοις πρωτεύοντας, 
 ούτω δ’ εφευ<γον την ayopav, ώστ εί καί ποτέ 
 διεΧθεΐν άναγκασθεΐεν, μετά ποΧΧης αίδους και 
 σωφροσύνης εφαίνοντο τούτο ποιούντες. άντει- 49 
 πεΐν δε τοΐς πρεσβυτεροις ή Χοιδορησασθαι δεινό- 
 τερον ενόμιζον η νυν περί τούς γονέας εξαμαρτεΐν. 
 εν καπηΧείω δε φαγεΐν η πιεΐν ούδεϊς ούδ * άν 
 οίκετης επιεικής ετόΧμησεν' σεμνύνεσθαι yap εμε- 
 Χετων άΧΧ ’ οΰ βωμοΧοχεύεσθαι. καί τους εΰτρα- 
 πεΧους δε και τούς σκώπτειν δυναμενους , οϋς νυν 
 ευφυείς πpoσayopεύoυσιv ) εκείνοι δυστυχείς ενό¬ 
 μιζον. 
 
 Κ αι μηδεις οίεσθω με δυσκόΧως διακεΐσθαι 50 
 
 Ιππικήν Β1. § 47. * μηδεμία] Bk. conject. (Γ, 1st hand, 
 
 μήτε μία), Turr. Bens. — μήτε ζημία vulg., Bk. in text* 
 
156 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 προς τούς ταύτην έχοντας την ήΧικίαν. ούτε γάρ 
 ηγούμαι τούτους αίτιους είναι των γιγνομενων, 
 σύνοι8ά Τ6 τοΐς 7 τΧείστοις αυτών ήκιστα χαίρουσι 
 ταύτη τη καταστάσεις 8ι ήν εξεστιν αύτοΐς εν ταΐς 
 άκοΧασίαις ταύταις 8ιατρίβειν' ώστ ούκ αν εικό¬ 
 τως τούτοις επιτιμωην άΧΧα ποΧύ 8ικαιότερον τοΐς 
 
 51 όΧίγω προ ημών την πόΧιν 8ιοικήσασιν. εκείνοι 
 γάρ η σαν οί προτρε'ήταντες επί ταντας τάς οΧι- 
 γωρίας καί καταΧύσαντες την της βουΧής 8ύναμιν. 
 ης επιστατούσης ού 8ικών ού8' εγκΧημάτων ού8 ’ 
 εισφορών ού8ε πενίας ού8ε ποΧεμων η πόΧις εγεμεν, 
 άΧΧα καί προς αΧΧήΧους ησυχίαν ειχον και προς 
 τους άΧΧους άπαντας ειρήνην ήγον. παρεΐχον γάρ 
 σφάς αυτούς τοΐς μεν f/ E ΧΧησι πιστούς, τοΐς 8ε 
 
 52 βαρβάροις φοβερούς * τούς μεν γάρ σεσωκότες 
 ήσαν, παρά 8k τών 8ίκην τηΧικαύτην είΧηφότες, 
 ώστ αγαπάν εκείνους εί μη8εν ετί κακόν πάσχοιεν. 
 τοιγάρτοι 8ιά ταύτα μετά τοσαύτης άσφαΧείας 
 8ιήγον, ώστε καΧΧίους είναι και ποΧυτεΧεστερας 
 τάς οικήσεις καί τάς κατασκευάς τάς επί τών 
 αγρών ή τάς εντός τείχους, καί ποΧΧούς τών ποΧι- 
 τών μη8' εις τάς εορτάς εις άστυ καταβαίνειν αλλ* 
 αίρεΐσθαι μενειν επί τοΐς ί8ίοις άγαθοΐς μάΧΧον ή 
 
 53 τών κοινών άποΧαύειν. ού8ε γάρ τά περί τάς 
 θεωρίας, ών ενεκ άν τις ήΧθεν, άσεΧγώς οι)δ’ 
 ύπερηφάνως άΧΧα νουνεχοντως εποίουν. ού γάρ 
 εκ τών πομπών ού8 * εκ τών περί τάς χορηγίας 
 φιΧονεικιών ού8 * εκ τών τοιούτων άΧαζονειών την 
 
 §53. νουνεχ6ντω$\ Bk. —νουν έχδντως Turr. (with Baiter and 
 Panegyr. p. 25) Bens. || φιλονικιών] φιλονικιών Bens., with 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 157 
 
 ευδαιμονίαν εδοκίμαζον, άλλ' etc του σωφρόνως 
 οίκεΐν και του βίου του καθ' ημέραν και του 
 μηδένα των ί τολιτών άπορεΐν των επιτηδείων. εξ 
 ώνπερ χρη κρίνειν τούς ώς αληθώς εν πράττοντας 
 και μή φορτικώς πολιτευόμενους * επεί νυν γε τις 54 
 ούκ αν επί τοΐς γιγνομενοις των ευ φρονούντων 
 άλγήσειεν, δταν Ίδη πολλούς των πολιτών αύτούς 
 μεν περί τών αναγκαίων, εϊθ' εξουσιν είτε μη, προ 
 των δικαστηρίων κληρουμενους, τών δ' *Έιλληνων 
 τούς ελαύνειν τάς ναύς βουλομενους τρεφειν άξι- 
 οϋντας, καί 'χορεύοντας μεν εν χρυσοΐς ίματίοις, 
 χειμάζοντας δ ’ εν τοιούτοις εν οις ού βούλομαι 
 λεγειν, καί τοιαύτας άλλας εναντιώσεις περί την 
 διοίκησιν γιγνομενας, αΐ μεγάλην αισχύνην τη 
 πόλει ποιούσιν ; ών ονδεν ην επ' εκείνης της 55 
 βουλής' άπήλλαξε γ άρ τούς μεν πενητας τών 
 αποριών ταΐς εργασίαις καί ταΐς παρά τών εχόν- 
 των ώφελείαις, τούς δε νεωτερους τών ακολασιών 
 τοΐς επιτηδεύμασι καί ταΐς αυτών επιμελείαις, 
 τούς δε πολιτευόμενους τών πλεονεξιών ταΐς τιμω~ 
 ρίαις καί τώ μη λανθάνειν τούς άδικούντας, τούς 
 δε πρεσβυτερους τών άθυμιών ταΐς τιμαΐς ταΐς 
 πόλιτικαΐς καί ταΐς παρά τών νεωτερων θερα - 
 πείαις. καίτοι πώς αν γ ενοιτο ταύτης πλείονος 
 αξία πολιτεία, της ούτω καλώς απάντων τών 
 πραγμάτων επιμεληθείσης ; 
 
 Baiter. § 54. rrj π όλα ποιούσα] Bk. Turr. Bl. — πβρι,ποιοΰσί 
 rrj ττόλα vulg . — rrj ττόλα περίποιουσιν Bens. 
 
158 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 XII. ΑΙΓΙΝΗΤΙΚΟΣ. 
 
 [Or. χιχ. — 394 or 393 b. c.] 
 
 §§ 18—27. 
 
 18 K al 7 repl μεν των παλαιών πολύ αν epyov εϊη 
 λέηειν' ore δε ΐΐασΐνος ΐίάρον κατέλαβεν, ετυχεν 
 αυτοίς ύπεκκείμενα τα πΧεΐστα τής ουσίας παρά 
 τοΐς ξένοις τοΐς εμοΐς' ωόμεθα yap μάλιστα ταύτην 
 την νήσον ασφαλώς εχειν. άπορουντων δ* εκεί¬ 
 νων καί νομιζόντων αυτ άπολωλέναι > πλεύσας 
 εγώ τής νυκτος έξεκόμισ αύτοΐς τα χρήματα, 
 
 19 κινδυνεύσας περί του σώματος' εφρουρεΐτο μεν 
 yap ή χώρα> σvyκaτειληφότες δ’ ήσάν τινες των 
 ήμετέρων φυyάδωv την πολιν, οΐ μιας ημέρας 
 άπέκτειναν αύτόχειρες yειώμενοι τον τε πατέρα 
 τον έμον και τον θειον και τον κηδεστην, και 
 προς τούτοις ανεψιούς τρεις, ώλλ’ δμως ουδέν 
 με τούτων άπέτρεψεν, άλλ ’ ωχομην πλέων, 7/γού- 
 μενός ομοίως με δεΐν ύπερ εκείνων κινδυνεύειν 
 
 20 ώσπερ ύπερ έμαυτού . μετά δε ταύτα φυyής ήμϊν 
 yεvoμέvης εκ τής πόλεως μετά τοσούτου θορύβου 
 και δέους, ώστ ένίους και των σφετέρων αυτών 
 άμελεΐν, ούδ ’ εν τούτοις τοΐς κακοΐς ήyά^τησα εί 
 τούς οικείους τούς εμαυτου διασώσαι δυνηθείην^ 
 αλλ’ είδώς 'Ζώπολιν μεν άποδημούντα , αυτόν δ’ 
 εκείνον άρρώστως διακείμενον, συνεζεκόμισ* αύτω 
 και την μητέρα καί την αδελφήν καί την ουσίαν 
 
 XII. § 18. IlcuriVos Π άρον] Γ, Ε, edd. : τασιν οΰ s ταρών 
 (ταρον) the other mss. § 20. τοσούτου] Bk. Turr. — τοιούτου 
 Γ, Ε, Bens. || οικείους] οΐκέτας Γ, Bens.; Bl. replaces the 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 159 
 
 ιίπασαν. καίτοι τίνα δικαιότερον αυτήν εχειν η 
 τον τότε μεν συνδιασώσαντα, νυν δε παρά των 
 κυρίων είΧηφότα ; 
 
 Ύά μεν τοίνυν είρημενα εστίν εν oh εκινδύνευσα 21 
 μεν, φΧαύρον δ’ ουδέ ν an τεΧαυσα' εχω δε καί τοι- 
 αύτ είπεϊν, εξ ών εκείνω χαριζόμενος αυτός rah 
 μεγίσταις συμφοραΐς περιεπεσον. εητειδη yap ηΧ- 
 θομεν εις Μ ηΧον, αίσθόμενος ότι μεΧΧοιμεν αυτοί) 
 καταμενειν εδεΐτό μου συμπΧειν εις Ύροιζήνα καί 
 μηδαμώς αυτόν άποΧιπεΐν, Χεηων την αρρώστιαν 
 του σώματος καί το πΧηθος των εχθρών, καί οτι 
 χωρίς εμού y ενόμενος οΰδεν εξοι χρησθαι τοΐς 
 αυτού πpάyμaσLV. φοβούμενης δε της μητρός, otl 22 
 το χωρίον επυνθάνετο νοσώδες είναι, καί τών ξένων 
 συμβουΧευόντων αυτού μενειν, όμως εδοξεν ημΐν 
 εκείνω χαριστεον είναι, καί μετά ταύτ ούκ εφθη- 
 μεν εις Ύροιζηνα εΧθόντες, καί Τοιαύταις νόσοις 
 εΧήφθημεν εξ ών αυτός μεν παρά μικρόν ηΧθον 
 an ΐοθανεϊν, αδεΧφην δε κόρην τετρακαιδεκετιν 
 yεyovυΐav εντός τριάκονθ' ημερών κατεθαψα, την 
 δε μητέρα ουδέ πενθ ’ ημεραις εκείνης ύστερον. 
 Κάίτοι τίν οίεσθε με yvώμηv ύχειν τοσαύτης μοι 
 μεταβοΧης τού βίου yεyεvημεvης) δς τον μεν 23 
 άΧΧον χρόνον απαθής ην κακών, νεωστί δ’ επει- 
 ρώμην φυγής καί τού παρ' ετεροις μεν μετοικεΐν, 
 στερεσθαι δε τών εμαυτού, προς δε τούτοις *εώρων 
 
 vulg. οικείους. § 21. είρημόνα έστΙν\ είρημέν έστίνΈΙ.—είρημένα 
 ταΰτ εστίν Q, Bens. § 23. * έώρων] Koraes conject., Turr. — 
 
 όρων mss. Bk. Bl. I cannot think that όρων derives any 
 confirmation from the fact that Priscian (xviii. § 174) has it, 
 since he, like Stobaeus, sometimes agrees with the manifestly 
 
160 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 την μητέρα, την εμαντού και την αδεΧφήν εκ μεν 
 τής πατρίδος εκπεπτωκυίας, επί ξένης δε και παρ' 
 άΧΧοτρίοις τον βίον τεΧευτώσας. ώστ ουδείς αν 
 μοι δικαίως φθονήσειεν , εϊ τι των ΘρασυΧόχου 
 πραγμάτων αγαθόν άπόΧέΧαυκα· καί yap ΐνα 
 χαρισαίμην εκείνω, κατοικισάμενος £ν Ύροιζήνι 
 τοιαυταις έχρησάμην συμφοραΐς ών ούδέποτ άν 
 €7τιΧαθέσθαι δυνηθείην. 
 
 24 Κ αϊ μην ουδέ τουθ * εξουσιν είπεΐν, ώς ευ μεν 
 7 τράττοντος ΦρασυΧόχου πάντα ταυθ ’ υπέμενον, 
 δυστυχή σαντα δ’ αυτόν άπέΧιπον' £ν αυτοις yap 
 τοντοις ετι σαφέστ€ρον καί μάΧΧον έπεδειξάμην 
 την εύνοιαν ήν ειχον εις εκείνον. επειδή yap εις 
 Aiy ιναν κατοικίαάμενος ήσθένησε ταΰτην την νόσον 
 εξ ήσπερ άπέθανεν > ούτως αυτόν έθεράπευσα ως 
 ουκ οϊδ' όστις πώποθ ’ ετερος ετερον, τον μεν πΧεΐ- 
 στον του χρόνου πονήρως μεν εχοντα περιιεναι δ ’ 
 ετι δυνάμενον, εξ μήνας δε συνεχώς εν τή κΧίνη 
 
 25 κείμενον, καί τούτων των ταΧαιπωριών ούδείς 
 των συyyεvώv μετασχεΐν ήξίωσεν, αΧΧ ’ οηδ’ επι- 
 σκε’φόμενος άφίκετο, πΧήν τής μητρός καί τής 
 άδεΧφής, αΐ πΧέον θάτερον έποίησαν' άσθενουσαι 
 yap ηλσον εκ Ιροιζηνος, ωστ αυται θεραπείας 
 εδέοντο. αλλ’ όμως iyco , τοιουτων των αΧΧων 
 περί αυτόν yεyεvημέvωv, ουκ άπείπον ουδ * άπέ- 
 στην , αΧΧ ’ ένοσηΧευον αυτόν μετά παιδός ενός' 
 
 corrupt readings of the inferior mss. Here όρων is surely a 
 mere blunder. || έμαυτοΰ ] αύτοΰ Bens. || ξένης δ£] Turr. 
 (E, ξένοις δέ) — δέ ξένης Bk. Bens. § 24. έττεδειξάμην ] 
 mss. Bk. Turr. — ένεπεδειξάμην Priscian xvm. § 174, Bens. 
 — ένεδειξάμην Koraes conject. [| μήνας δέ] Γ, E, Turr. 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 161 
 
 ούδε yap των οίκετων ουδεις ύπεμενεν. καί yap 26 
 φύσει χαΧεπός ων ετι δυσκοΧωτερον δία την νόσον 
 διεκειτο, ωστ ούκ εκείνων άξιον θαυμάζειν, εί μη 
 παρεμενον, άΧΧά ποΧυ μάΧΧον όπως iyco τοιαύτην 
 νόσον θεραπεύων άνταρκεϊν ήδυνάμην' ος εμπυος 
 μεν ήν ποΧύν χρόνον , εκ δε της κΧίνης ονκ ήδύνατο 27 
 κινείσθαι, τοιαύτα δ ’ επασχεν ωσθ' ημάς μηδεμίαν 
 ημέραν αδάκρυτους διayayεΐv ) άΧΧα θρηνοΰντες 
 διετεΧοΰμεν καί τους πόνους τούς άΧΧηΧων καί 
 την φυyήv και την ερημιάν την ήμετεραν αυτών, 
 και ταύτ ούδενα χρόνον διεΧιπεν * ούδε yap άπεΧ- 
 υειν οιον τ ην η οοκειν αμεΧειν, ο εμοι ποΧυ 
 δεινότερον ην των κακών των παρόντων. 
 
 XIII. ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΩΙ. 
 
 [Epist. ν. —342 b.c.] 
 
 Τίρός τον πατέρα σου ypάφωv επιστοΧήν άτο- 
 7 τον ωμήν ποιησειν, εί περί τον αυτόν οντα σε 
 τόπον εκείνω μήτε προσερώ μήτ άσπάσομαι , 
 μήτε ypά^|rω τι τοιοΰτον ο ποιήσει τούς avayvov- 
 τας μη νομίζειν ήδη με παραφρονεΐν διά τό yήpaς 
 μηδε παντάπασι Χηρεϊν , άΧΧ ετι τό καταΧεΧειμ- 
 μενον μου μέρος και Χοιπόν όν ούκ ανάξιον είναι 
 τής δυνάμεως ήν εσχον νεωτερος ων. 
 
 Ακούω δε σε πάντων Xεyόvτωv ) ώς φιΧάνθρω- 2 
 
 Bens. — δέ μήνας Bk. § 25. ύπέμβνβν] Γ, Bk. Turr. Bens. — 
 ύπέμ€ΐν€ ύπέμβινβν Bl. § 27. άδακρύτους] Bk. Turr. Bens. 
 
 — άδακρυτί as in or. xiv. § 47 all the mss. have ούδεμία v 
 ημέραν άδακρυτί δι,ά-γομβν (άδακρυτβΐ Ε). [| 5te\67ret'] δίέλβίπεν 
 
 Bens. 
 
 J. 
 
 11 
 
162 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 7Γ09 ει καί φιλαθηναιος και φιλόσοφος, ούκ αφρόνων 
 αλλά νουνεχόντως. τών τε yap πολιτών άιτοδε- 
 γεσθαί σε των ημετερων ού τούς ημεληκότας 
 αυτών και πονηρών πραημάτων επιθυμούνται, 
 άλλ' οις συνδιατρίβων τε ούκ αν λνπηθείης συμ- 
 βάλλων τε καί κοινωνών πραημΐιτων ούδεν αν 
 βλαβείης ούδ' άδικηθείης, οΐοισπερ -χρή πλησιά- 
 
 3 ζειν τούς ευ φρονοϋντας’ τών τε φιλοσοφιών ούκ 
 άποδοκιμάζειν μεν ούδε την περί τάς έριδας, άλλα 
 νομίζειν είναι πλεονεκτικήν εν ταΐς ίδίαις διατρι- 
 βαϊς, ού μην άρμόττειν ούτε τοΐς τού πλήθους 
 προεστώσιν ούτε τοΐς τάς μοναρχίας ε'χουσιν' ούδε 
 yap συμφερειν ούδε πρεπειν τοΐς μεΐζον τών άλλων 
 φρονούσιν ούτ αύτοΐς ερίζειν προς τούς συμπολι- 
 τευομενους ούτε τοΐς άλλοις επιτρεπειν προς αύ- 
 
 4 τούς άντιλ^ειν, ταύτην μεν οΰν ούκ άyaπάv σε 
 την διατριβήν , 7 τροαιρεΐσθαι δε την παιδείαν την 
 περί τούς λόyoυς οις γρώμεθα περί τάς πράξεις 
 τάς προσπιπτούσας καθ' εκάστην την ημέραν, καί 
 μεθ' ών βουλευόμβθα περί τών κοινών ' δι ην νύν 
 τε δοξάζεις περί τών μελλόντων επιεικώς, τοΐς τ 
 άρχομενοις προστάττειν ούκ άνοητως ά δει πράτ¬ 
 τε ιν έκαστους επιστησει, περί δε τών καλών καί 
 δικαίων και τών τούτοις εναντίων όρθώς κρίνειν, 
 προς δε τούτοις τιμάν τε και κολάζειν, ως προσή - 
 
 XIII. § 2. νουνεχόντως] Bk. — νουν εχόντως Turr. Bens. 
 § 3. ουδέ yap ] Γ, Ε, Turr. Bens. — ού yap Bk. || συμφέρειν 
 ουδέ πρέπειν ] Bk. Turr. — συμφέρον ουδέ πρέπον έστί Γ, Bens. 
 Acc. to Bl., three letters seem to have been effaced in Γ 
 after συμφέρειν ουδέ. § 4. 5o£<xfas] Γ, Bk. Turr. Bens. — 
 δόξαζαν Bl. on his own conject. || τιμάν re] The re is added 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 163 
 
 κόν έστιν έκατέρους. σωφρονεΐς ουν νυν ταύτα 5 
 μελετών’ ελπίδας <γάρ τω τε πατρί καί τοΐς άλ- 
 λοις παρέχεις ώς, εάν πρεσβύτερος ηενόμενος 
 έμμείνης τοΰτοις, τοσούτον προέξεις τη φρονήσει 
 των άλλων δσονπερ 6 πατήρ σου Βιενηνοχεν απάν¬ 
 των. 
 
 ΧΙΥ. ΦΙΛΙΤΠΤΩΙ. 
 
 [Epist. in. — 338 β. c.] 
 
 Έγώ Βιελέχθην μεν καί προς Αντίπατρον περί 
 τε των τη πόλει καί των σοί συμφερόντων έξαρ- 
 κούντως, ως εμαυτόν επειθον, ηβουλήθην Βέ καί 
 προς σε ηρά'φαι περί ών μοι Βοκεΐ πρακτέον είναι 
 μετά την είρηνην, παραπλήσια τοΐς εν τω λόγω 
 ηε'γραμμένοις, πολύ δ’ εκείνων συντομώτερα. 
 
 Κατ’ εκείνον μεν yap τον χρόνον συνεβούλευον 2 
 ώς χρη Βιαλλάξαντά σε την πόλιν την ημετέραν 
 καί την ΑακεΒαιμονίων καί την Θηβαίων καί την 
 i Apyείωv εις ομόνοιαν καταστησαι τούς'Έλληνας, 
 γούμενος, εάν τάς προεστώσας πόλεις πείσης 
 ούτω φρονεΐν, ταχέως καί τάς άλλας επακολουθή- 
 σειν. τότε μεν ουν άλλος ην καιρός, νυν Βέ συμβέ- 
 βηκε μηκέτι Βεΐν πείθειν Βιά yάp τον άηώνα τον 
 yεyεvημένον ηvayκaσμέvoι πάντες είσίν εΰ φρονεΐν, 
 καί τούτων επιθυμεΐν ών ύπονοουσί σε βούλεσθαι 
 
 by Ε, Turr. Bens. § 5. ώ?, έάν] Bk. Turr. — ωσάν Γ.—ώ?, αν 
 
 Bens. 
 
 XIV. § 2. προεστωσα{\ Γ, Bk. Turr. ΒΙ.— προεχούσας vulg. 
 Bens. || ΐπτονοουσί] Γ (corrector), Ε, Koraes, Bk. Turr. Bl. — - 
 έττενοούμψ mss. (codex Matthaei έπινοοΟσι). — ύπενοούμην Bens. 
 
 11—2 
 
164 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 πράττειν, καί \eyeiv ώς Βει παυσαμένους τής 
 μανίας καϊ τής πΧεονεξίας, ήν επτοιούντο προς 
 άΧΧηΧους, εις τήν Ασίαν τον πόΧεμον e^eveyKelv. 
 
 3 καί 7 roXXoi πυνθάνονται παρ' εμού πότερον iyco 
 σοι παρήνεσα ποιεΐσθαι τήν στρατείαν τήν επί 
 τους βαρβάρους, ή σου Βιανοηθεντός συνεΐπον 
 εγώ δ’ ούκ είΒεναι μεν φημι το σαφές (ου yap 
 συyyεyενήσθαί σοι πρότερον), ού μην αΧΧ' οΐεσθαι 
 σε μίν ^νωκεναι περί τούτων, εμε δε συνειρηκεναι 
 ταΐς σαΐς επιθυμίαις. ταΰτα δ’ άκούοντες εΒεοντό 
 μου πάντες παρακεΧεύεσθαί σοι καί προτρεπειν 
 επί των αυτών τούτων μενειν, ως ούΒεποτ άν 
 yεvoμεvωv ούτε καΧΧιόνων εpyωv ούτε ώφεΧιμοτε- 
 ρων τοΐς''Έ0ΧΧησιν ούτ εν καιρω μάΧΧον πραγθη- 
 σομενων. 
 
 4 . Et μεν ούν είγον τήν αυτήν Βύναμιν ήνπερ 
 πρότερον, και μή παντάπασιν ήν άπειρηκώς, ούκ 
 άν Βι επιστοΧής BιεXεyόμηv, αΧΧα παρών αυτός 
 παρώξυνον άν σε καί παρεκάΧουν επί τας πράξεις 
 ταύτας. νυν δ’ ώς δύναμαι παρακεΧεύομαί σοι 
 μή καταμεΧήσαι τούτων, πριν άν τεΧος επιθής 
 αντοϊς. *εστι δε προς μεν άΧΧο τι των οντων 
 άπΧηστως εχειν ού καΧόν (αί yap μετριότητες 
 παρά τοΐς ποΧΧοΐς εύΒοκιμούσι), Βόξης δε μεyάXης 
 καί καΧής επιθυμεΐν καί μηΒεποτ εμπίπΧασθαι 
 προσήκει τοίς ποΧύ των άΧΧων Bιεvεyκoύσιν 
 
 § 3. οϋτ h καιρφ] ούδ' ev καιρφ Sauppe conject., comparing 
 Epist. ι. § 8, καί μην ούδ ’ άκαίρως, κ.τ.\. § 4. *’έστύ] The conject. 
 of Η. Wolf, received by Bk. Turr. Bl.—&rrcu Γ, E, Bens.—- 
 the other mss. || ’όντων ] mss. (except Γ, E) Turr. (com- 
 . paring or. v. § 135, to ύς δέ προς άλλο τι των δντων άπληστως 
 
ISOCRATES. 
 
 165 
 
 όπερ σοϊ συμβεβηκεν. ηγοΰ Be τόθ ’ εξειν άνυπερ- 5 
 βλητον αυτήν καΧ των σοϊ πεπραγμενών αξίαν, 
 όταν τους μεν βαρβάρους άναγκάσης είλωτεΰειν 
 τοΐς Γ/ Ελλ? ]σι, πλήν των σοϊ συναγωνισαμενων, 
 τον Be βασιλέα τον νυν μεγαν προσαγορευόμενον 
 ποίησης τούτο πράττειν ο τι άν συ προστάττης. 
 *οΰΒεν γάρ εσται λοιπόν ετι πλήν θεόν γενεσθαι. 
 ταΰτα Be κατεργάσασθαι πολύ ραόν εστιν εκ των 
 νυν παρόντων, ή προελθεΐν επι την Βΰναμιν καί 
 την Βόξαν, ήν νυν Βγεις, εκ της βασιλείας της εξ 
 αρχής υμϊν υπαρξάσης. γάριν Β’ εγω τω γήρα 6 
 ταύτην μόνην, οτι προήγαγεν εις τοΰτό μου τον 
 βίον, ωσθ ’ ά νέος ων Βιενοοΰμην καί γράφειν επε- 
 γείρουν εν τε τω πανηγυρικά* λόγω και τω προς 
 σε 7 τεμφθεντι, ταΰτα νυν τά μεν ηΒη γιγνόμενα 
 Βιά των σών εφορώ πράξεων, τά δ’ ελπίζω γενή- 
 σεσθαι. 
 
 δίακειμ^νονς) Β1. —ζεόντων Γ, Ε, Bk. Bens. § 5. * ούδέν yap 
 
 Ζσταί \olttov ’έτι π\ήν θεόν yεvέσθaι.] These words are wrongly 
 placed in the mss. after ύπαρξάσης (four lines lower down). 
 Dobree saw this, and Turr. assent, though they leave the vulg. 
 in their text. Bl. makes the transposition in the new edit, of 
 Bens. 
 
ΙΣΑΙΟΣ. 
 
 I. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΓΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. ν. — Probably 390 b.c.] 
 
 1. §§ 7—24. 
 
 7 Έ 7 τειδη δε eve ίμαντο τον κΧήρον, ομδσαντες 
 
 μη ιταραβησεσθαι τα ώμοΧο^ημενα, έκέκτητο έκα¬ 
 στος δώδεκα, ετη α ελαχε’ και εν τοσοΰτω yjpovcp 
 ουσών δικών ούδεϊς αυτών ήζίωσε τα πεπ pay μένα 
 
 ISAEUS. 
 
 The British Museum ms., codex Crippsianus A, already cited 
 for Antiphon and Andocides, is the best for Isaeus, as it is also 
 for Lycurgus and Deinarchus. Besides A, Bekker had five other 
 mss. Three of these five have already been mentioned in rela¬ 
 tion to Antiphon and Andocides—Laurentianus B (the second- 
 best for Isaeus), Marcianus L, Vratislaviensis Z . The other 
 two were very inferior,—Ambrosianus A. 99, P, and Ambrosi- 
 anus D. 42, Q. Bekker dismissed P after or. 1; he used L, 
 which closely resembles Z , only in 1. and hi . : Q contains only 
 1. and 11. Thus for or. iv. and the eight following orations he 
 consulted only three mss.,— A, B, Z. G. F. Schomann had no 
 further apparatus for his edition (1831), except a Paris ms., B , 
 which had been collated for him in part of or. 1 . He had, 
 however, examined the Aldine much more carefully than Bek¬ 
 ker, and not without some gain. Schomann followed Bekker’s 
 text as a general rule, but altered his readings in some sixty 
 places, for reasons which he gives either briefly in his critical 
 notes or more fully in his excellent commentary, where his 
 knowledge of Attic law is so fruitfully brought to the illustra¬ 
 tion of his author. Baiter and Sauppe profited by a new 
 
ISAETJS. 
 
 167 
 
 είπεΐν αδίκως πεπράχθαι, πριν δυστυχησάσης 
 της 7 τολβως καί στάσεως γενομενης κάγώνος ού- 
 τοσί πεισθείς υπό Μ εΧανος του Αιγυπτίου, ωπερ 
 καί ταΧλα επείθετο, ημφισβητει ημίν άπαντος 
 του κΧηρου, φάσκων εφί οΧη ποιηθήναι υιός υπό 
 του θείου του ημετερου. ημείς μεν ουν μαίνεσθαι 8 
 αυτόν ηγοΰμεθα τη Χηξει, ούκ αν ποτέ οίόμενοι 
 τον αυτόν άνδρα τότε μεν φάσκοντα επί τω τρίτω 
 μερει ποιηθηναι τότε δ' εφ ’ άπαντι τω κΧηρω 
 δόξαι ταΧηθες Χεγειν υμϊν εις δε τδ δικαστηρίου 
 είσεΧθόντες καί ποΧΧω πΧείω καί δικαιότερα Χε- 
 γοντες ηδικήθημεν, ούχ υπό των δικαστών αλλ’ 
 υπό ΧΙεΧανος του Αιγυπτίου καί των εκείνου 
 φίΧων, ο'ί διά τάς της πόΧεως συμφοράς εξουσίαν 
 
 collation of A, and of Burneianus 96, M, which Dobson had 
 given in vol. 4 of his edition (1828). C. Scheibe, in the 
 Teubner Isaeus (1860), made it his special aim to complete the 
 work of predecessors by restoring the distinctively Attic forms 
 of words. The mss. of Isaeus have some forms which can be at 
 once rejected, such as ούθείς, έφόρεσαν, etc., but they have also 
 some others on which critics are divided. Scheibe performed a 
 delicate task with much tact and judgment. Thus lie corrected 
 the mss. by writing such forms as 777717 a for eveyi 5α, avyuara- 
 yqpaaav for cvyKarayppaaaaav , yiyveadaL for yiveaOcu, δέδίμεν 
 for δεδίαμεν, etc. On the other hand he followed the consent 
 of the Isaean mss. in retaining such forms as Αικαω-γένην 
 (instead of -η), φανήσομαί (not φανουμαή\ and he also deferred 
 to the mss. in cases where the question might be considered 
 open, as when he refrained from altering Έίληθυίας into E ίλει- 
 θνίας, φράτερες into φράτορες. On two, at least, of these points 
 the mss. are supported by epigraphic evidence coeval with 
 Isaeus. In Attic inscriptions of the 4th century b.c., proper 
 names in - 77 s form the acc. regularly in -ψ, rarely in -77 : and 
 from φράτηρ we have regularly φράτερα, φράτερες, φρατέρων, 
 φράτερσι, φράτερας (cp. Meisterhans, Gramm, der Attischen 
 Inschriften, pp. 58, 63, 1885). 
 
 Schom. = Schomann, Schb. = Scheibe. As before, Bk. = 
 Bekker’s Berlin text, Turr. = Baiter and Sauppe. 
 
1G8 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 σφίσιν αύτοίς ηγούντο είναι κεκτήσθαί τε ταΧΧο- 
 τρια καί τα φτευδή άΧΧηΧοις μαρτυρεΐν ' ύιτο δε 
 των τα τοιαύτα ί τοιούντων εξηπατήθησαν οι δικα- 
 σταί. 
 
 9 Κ αϊ ημείς μεν καταφτευδο μαρτυ ρηθ εντες άπω- 
 Χεσαμεν τα οντα' καί yap 6 πατήρ ον ποΧΧω 
 χρόνω ύστερον μετά τήν δίκην ετεΧεύτησε, πρϊν 
 επεζεΧθείν οίς €7 τεσκήφτατο των μαρτύρων * Δί- 
 καιογενης δε προς ημάς ως εβούΧετο άγωνισάμενος 
 rfj αυτή ήμερα εξήΧασε μεν τήν Κ,ηφισοφώντος 
 του Τίαιανιεως θυγατέρα εκ τον μέρους, άδεΧφιδήν 
 ου σαν Αικαιογενονς του καταΧιπδντος τα χρήματα, 
 άφείΧετο δε τήν ΑημοκΧεους γενομενην γυναίκα, 
 *ά Αικαιογενης άδεΧφδς ών εδωκεν, άφείΧετο 
 <δε> καί τήν Κηφίσοδότου μητέρα καί αύτδν 
 
 10 τούτον άπαντα. καί γάρ τούτων *γε άμα καί 
 επίτροπος καί κύριος καί άντίδικος ήν, καί ούδε 
 κατά τδ εΧάχιστον μέρος τής οίκειότητος εΧεου 
 παρ' αυτοί) ετυχον , αΧΧ' ορφανοί καί έρημοι 
 καί πενητες γενομενοι πάντων καί των καθ' 
 ημέραν επιτηδείων ήσαν ενδεείς. ούτως αυτούς 
 Αικαιογενης ούτοσί εγγυτάτω ών γένους επετρό- 
 πευεν' ος γε, ά μεν δ πατήρ αύτοίς Θεόπομπος 
 κατεΧιπε, τοΐς τούτων εχθροΐς παρέδωκεν, ά δε 6 
 προς μητρος θείος καί δ πάππος αύτοίς εδωκεν, 
 
 11 αυτός άφείΧετο προ δίκης, καί δ πάντων δει- 
 
 § 9. *α AiKouoyivrjs] ά Reiske conject., editors: $ mss. 
 II άφείλ€Τ0 <δε> /cat] άφβίλετο καί mss.: δέ was supplied 
 by Reiske. § lO. τούτων *γε] γε Dobree conject. — τούτων 
 re mss. Bk. Schom. Turr. — τούτων τοι Schb. on liis own 
 conject. He had formerly proposed τούτων τότε. —Cp. comment. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 169 
 
 νότατον, την οικίαν αυτών την πατρώαν, παίδων 
 οντων τούτων, πριάμενος καί κατασκάψας τον 
 κήπον εποιησατο <τόν> προς τη αυτού οικία τη εν 
 άστει. καί λαμβάνων μίσθωσιν όηδοηκοντα μνας 
 εκ των Αικαιοηενους τού ήμετερου θείου χρημάτων, 
 τον εκείνου άδελφιδούν Κ ηφισόδοτον τώ εαυτού 
 άδελφώ 'Αρμοδίω συνεπεμψεν εις Κόρινθον άντ 
 ακολούθου' εις τούτο ύβρεως καί μιαρίας άφίκετο. 
 καί 7 τρός^ τοΐς άλλοις κακοΐς ονειδίζει καί ε^καλεΐ 
 αύτώ οτι εμβάδας καί τριβώνια φορεΐ, ώσπερ 
 αδικούμενος τι εί εμβάδας Κηφισόδοτος φορεΐ, 
 αλλ’ ούκ αδικών οτι άφελόμενος αυτόν τά οντα 
 πενητα πεποίηκεν. 
 
 Άλλα μην περί τούτων τοσαύτά μοι ειρησθω * 1 
 πάλιν δ’ επάνειμι οθεν άπελιπον. Μ,ενεξενος <γάρ 
 ό Κ ηφισοφώντος υιός, ανεψιός ών Κηφισοδότω 
 τουτωί καί εμοί, καί προσηκον αύτώ τού κλήρου 
 μέρος οσονπερ εμοί, επεξηει τοΐς καταμαρτυρησα- 
 σιν ημών καί εκείνου τά ψευδή, καί Αύκωνα, ονπερ 
 είση^α^ε πρώτον εις τό δικαστήριον, τούτον είλεν' 
 ος εμαρτύρησε Αικαιο^ενην ποιηθηναι τον νύν 
 θείου τού ήμετερου υιόν επί παντί 
 
 οντα ύπό τού 
 
 §11. τόν κήπον έποιήσατο <τόν> προς τϊ] αύτου οικία ι] I have 
 supplied the second τόν. The other possible courses are: 
 (1) as Dobree suggested, to omit the first τόν, reading κήπον 
 έποιήσατο προς ry αύτου οικία}, : (2) as Schb. suggested, to 
 transpose it, reading κήπον έπ. τόν προς τή αύτ. οίκίφ. But 
 from a palaeographical point of view it is more probable that 
 a second τον should have dropped out than that the first 
 should here have been interpolated or misplaced. || τριβώναα \ 
 τρίβωνα Sclib., with Cobet: but see comment. § 12. At/cato- 
 -γόνην] so Aldine, Schom. Schb. (and in § 33). — Αακαίο-γένη A 
 (and in § 33, contrary to the otherwise uniform preference of 
 the Isaean mss. for the accus. in -ψ), Bk. Turr., though Sauppe 
 
170 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 τώ κλήρω. μαρτυρήσας δε ταΰτα εάλω ψευδο- 
 
 13 μαρτυρίων. επειδή δε Αικαιογενης, ώ άνδρες, 
 ούκετι υμάς δύναται εξαπατάν, πείθει Μ,ενεξενον 
 τον υπέρ ημών τε και υπέρ αυτοί) πράττοντα, ά 
 εγώ αίσχυνόμένος αναγκάζομαι διά την εκείνου 
 πονηριάν λεγειν,—τί ποιήσαι ; κομισάμενον αυτόν 
 μέρος εκ του κλήρου ο τι εγίγνετο, ημάς μεν ύπερ 
 ών επραττε προδοΰναι, τους δε μήπω εαλωκότας 
 των μαρτύρων άφεΐναι. καί ημείς μεν ταΰτα ύπδ 
 των φίλων και των εχθρών παθόντες είχομεν 
 ησυχίαν. τούτων δ’ υμίν μάρτυρας παρεξομαι. 
 [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 14 Ό μεν τοίνυν Μ ενεξενος παθών άξια τών 
 εαυτού τρόπων ήπατήθη υπυ του Αικαιογενους * 
 άφεϊς γάρ τούς μάρτυρας και ημάς προδούς, ών 
 ενεκα ταυτ επραξεν οΰκ εκομίσατο. αδικηθείς δε 
 υπό Αικαιογενους μεθ * ημών πάλιν επραττεν. 
 ημείς δε καθηγούμενοι ούκετι προσήκειν Αικαιογε- 
 νει εχειν τών εκ του κλήρου μέρος ονδεν, επειδή οι 
 μάρτυρες εάλωσαν, άμφισβητονμεν αύτώ άπαντος 
 του οίκου κατ αγχιστείαν, καί ότι ημείς τε όρθώς 
 εγνώκαμεν καί ονδεν ετι προσήκει Αικαιογενει του 
 
 15 κλήρου, ραδίως διδάξω, δύο γάρ διαθήκαι εφάνη- 
 σαν, ή μεν πάλαι πολλώ, ή δ* ύστερον , καί κατά 
 μεν τήν παλαιάν, ήν άπεφηνε ΤΙρόξενος 6 Αικαιο¬ 
 γενους τούτου πατήρ, επί τώ τρίτω μερει του 
 
 approves the form in -ην. § 14. δέ καθηγούμενοί] δϊ αθ ’ 
 ηγούμενοι Baiter conject. —δ’ ω άνδρες ηγούμενοι Sauppe conject. 
 But see comment. § 15. έφάνησα v] άπεφάνησαν Schb., with 
 Dobree. || πάλαι πολλφ, η δ’ ύστερον] Turr. and Schb. wish 
 to place πολλίρ either immediately before or immediately after 
 ύστερον: but see comment. || Αικαιογενους τούτου] for τούτου 
 
ISAETJS. 
 
 171 
 
 κΧηρου εγίγνετο τώ θείω τώ ημετερω υίος ητοιητος, 
 καθ' ην δ’ αυτός άητεφηνε Αικαιογενης, εττί ηταντϊ 
 τω οϊκω. ταύταιν δε ταΐν Βιαθηκαιν ην μεν Π ρό- 
 ξενος an τεφηνε, Αικαιογενης εττεισε τούς Βικαστάς 
 ώς ούκ άΧηθης εϊη’ ην Be Αικαιογενης άττεφηνεν, 
 οι μαρτυρησαντες αυτήν τον θειον τον ημετερον 
 Βιαθεσθαι εάΧωσαν -φευΒο μαρτυριών. άμφοΐν Be 1G 
 ταΐν Βιαθήκαιν άκύροιν γιγνομεναιν, καί ετερας 
 μηΒεμιας ομοΧογουμενης είναι, κατα Βόσιν μεν 
 ούΒενϊ ητροσηκε του κΧηρου, κατ αγχιστείαν Be 
 ταΐς Αικαιογενους του άττοθανόντος άΒεΧφαΐς, ών 
 εισιν αι ημετεραι μητερες. Βιά δε ταυτα εΒοξε τε 
 ημΐν Χαχεϊν του κΧηρου κατ αγχιστείαν και εΧά- 
 χομεν το μέρος έκαστος. μεΧΧόντων δ’ ημών 
 άντόμνυσθαι Βιεμαρτύρησε Αεωχάρης ούτοσι μή 
 εττίΒικον είναι τον κλήρον ημΐν. in τισκηφαμενων 17 
 δ’ ημών η μεν Χήζις του κΧηρου Βιεγράφη, η Be 
 τών 'φευΒο μαρτυριών Βίκη είσηει. εν δε τώ Βικα- 
 στηρίω πτάντα μεν ημών είπτόντων άιτερ νυνί, 
 
 7τοΧΧά Be Αεωχάρους άνταττοΧογησαμενου, εγνω- 
 σαν τά ψευΒή μαρτυρησαι Αεωχάρην οι Βικασταί. 
 εττειΒη Be τούτο φανερόν εγενετο εξαιρεθεισών τών 
 * φηφων, ά μεν τών Βικαστών και ημών εΒεήθη 
 Αεωχάρης η οσα ημΐν εξεγενετο Βιαπράξασθαι 
 τότε, ουκ οιο ο τι οει Χεγειν, α οε ωμοΧογηση ημιν, 
 ταυτα ακούσατε, συγχωρούντων γάρ ημών τώ 18 
 άρχοντι μη συναριθμεΐν άΧΧά συγχεαι τάς 'φη- 
 φους, άφίστατο μεν Αικαιογενης τοΐν Βυοΐν μεροιν 
 του κΧηρου ταΐς Αικαιογενους άΒεΧφαΐς, και ώμο - 
 Scbb. gives τουτουΐ. § 16. άμφοΐν δέ] άμφοΐν δη Reiske conject. 
 
172 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 Χόηει αναμφισβήτητα παραδώσειν ημΐν ταύτα τα 
 μέρη’ καί ταντα ησηυάτο αυτόν Λ εω'χάρης οΰτος 
 <ώς> ώμοΧόγει * και ποιησειν, ού μόνος αΧΧα και 
 ΧίνησιπτόΧεμος ό ΤΙΧωθειεύς. και τούτων υμΐν 
 τούς μάρτυρας παρεξομαι . [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 19 'ϊίμεΐς τοίνυν ταύτα παθόντες ύττό Αεωχάρους, 
 και εησενόμενον ύ)μΐν αυτόν επειδή εϊΧομεν των 
 ψευδομαρτυριών άτιμώσαι, οΰκ εβουΧηθημεν, αΧλύ 
 εξήρκεσε τα ημετερα ημΐν κομισαμενοις άπηΧ- 
 Χάχθαι . τοιοΰτοι δε γενόμενοι περί Αεωγάρην 
 και Δικαιοσύνην εξηπατηθημεν νπ αυτών, ώ 
 άνδρες * ούτε yap Δικαιοσύνης τά δύο μέρη ημΐν 
 του κΧηρου παρύδωκεν, όμοΧοηησας επί του δικα¬ 
 στηρίου, ούτε Αεωχάρης όμοΧο Γ /εΐ εηηυήσασθαι 
 
 20 αυτόν τότε, καίτοι εί μη εναντίον μεν τών δικα¬ 
 στών, ττεντακοσίων οντων, εναντίον δε τών περιε- 
 στηκότων ήγγυάτο, ούκ οίδ’ ο τι αν εποίησεν. ώς 
 μεν τοίνυν περιφανώς ψεύδονται, μάρτυρας υμΐν 
 παρειό με θα τούς παρόντας , οτε Δικαιοσύνης μεν 
 άφίστατο τοΐν δυοΐν μεροΐν του κΧηρου καί ώμο- 
 Χόγει αναμφισβήτητα παραδώσειν ταΐς Αικαιοηε- 
 νους άδεΧφαΐς , Αεω^άρης δε ήγγυάτο αυτόν ά 
 ώμοΧόσησε καί 7 τοιησειν. δεόμεθα δε καί υμών, 
 ώ άνδρες, εί τις ετύσχανε παρών τότε, άναμνησθη- 
 
 21 ναι εί Χεηομεν αΧηθή καί βοηθησαι ημΐν * επεί, ώ 
 
 § 18 . <ώ$> ώμολόγβί * καί ποίήσειν. I thus correct 
 
 the reading of the mss., καί ώμολό·γει ποιήσειν. I believe 
 that cbs dropped out after outos, and that καί was then 
 transposed. Cp. § 20 ήγγυατο αύτον a ώμολόγ^σε καί ττοίή- 
 σειν. Scheibe deletes ώμολόγει,— a drastic remedy; Sauppe 
 would either (a) delete καί ώμολόγβι, or ( b) change καϊ to 
 cbs. [| n\a>0eie0s] Schom. Turr. Schb.—IlXomeus vulg. Bk. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 173 
 
 άνδρες, el AtKaioyev ης αΧηθη Xeyei, τί ημείς ώφε- 
 Χούμεθα νικησαντες, η τί οΰτος εζημιώθη ηττηθείς; 
 el yap άπιστη μόνον , ώς φησι, τοΐν δυοιν μεροΐν 
 τού κΧηρου , αναμφισβήτητα δό μη ώμόX6yeι πα- 
 ραδώσειν, τί εζημιούτο άφιστάμενος ών τιμήν €ΐχεν; 
 ουδό yap πρίν ηττηθηναι την δίκην ειχεν ών ημείς 
 δικαζόμεθα, άΧΧ' οι παρά τούτου πριάμενοι και 
 θεμενοι, οίς εδει αυτόν άποδόντα την τιμήν ημϊν 
 τα μepη αποοουναι. οια ταυτα yap και τους ey- ΔΔ 
 yυητάς παρ' αυτού εΧάβομεν, ου πιστεύοντες αύτω 
 ά ώμoXόyησe ιτοιησειν. πΧην yap δυοϊν οίκιδίοιν 
 εζω τεί'χους και εν Πεδ/ω εξήκοντα πΧεθρων ουδόν 
 Ke κομίσμεθα, αλλ’ οι παρά τούτου θεμενοι και 
 πριάμενοι’ ημείς δ’ ούκ e<~ayope ν' δεδιμεν yap μη 
 οφΧωμεν δίκας. και yap Μικίωνα, κεΧεύοντος 
 AiKaioyevov? και φάσκοντος μη βεβαιώσειν, εξά- 
 yovTe ς εκ τού βαΧανείου ώφΧομεν τετταράκοντα 
 μνας διά Αικα^ενην, ω άνδρες. γούμενοι yάρ 23 
 ούκ αν αυτόν βεβαιώσειν ουδόν ών ημϊν άπεστη ev 
 τω δικαστηρίω, διισγυριξόμεθα προς Μ,ικίωνα 
 εναντίον των δικαστών, εθεΧοντες ότιούν πάσγειν, 
 el βεβαιώσειεν αύτω Αικα^ενης το βaXaveΐov } 
 ούκ αν πoτe olόμevoι αύτόν εναντία οΐς ώμoXόyησe 
 πραξαι, ου οι αΧΧ ουοεν η οια τους eyyυητaς, οτι 
 καθειστήκεσαν ημϊν. άποστάς δό Aικaιoyevης 24 
 
 § 21 . αναμφισβήτητα] Schom. Tnrr. Schb ,—άναμφισβήτητον 
 mss. Bk. § 22 . a ωμολδ^ησε ποιήσειν] Beiske would add 
 και before ποιήσειν: but in tbis negative sentence it is less 
 missed tban it would be in an affirmative statement, such 
 as that in § 18. || δέδιμεν] Cobet, Schb. — δεδίαμεν 
 
 mss. Bk. Schom. Turr. || Μ ικίωνα] Beiske, Schom. Turr. 
 Schb. — Μ ηκίωνα A, B (and in § 24), Bk. — μήΧΚωνα Z. 
 
174 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 \ταύτα τα μέρη], ων και νυν όμοΧογει άφεστάναι 
 ημΐν, έβεβαίωσε ΑΙικίωνι το βαΧανεΐον. και εγώ 
 μεν 6 άθΧιος ούχ όπως τι εκ τού κΧηρου ειΧηφως , 
 αΧΧα προσαποΧωΧεκώς τετταράκοντα μνας, άπηειν 
 υβρισμένος υπό του Αικαιογένους. και τούτων 
 νμιν μάρτυρας παρέξομαι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 2 . 
 
 39—47. 
 
 39 Έις μεν την πόΧιν ουτω και τοσαΰτα ΧεΧει- 
 τούργηκε Αικαιογένης an το τοσούτων 'χρημάτων’ 
 περί δε τους προσηκοντας τοιοΰτός εστιν οΐον 
 ορατέ, ώστε τους μεν ημών άφείΧετο την ουσίαν, 
 ότι μεΖζον εδυνηθη, τούς δε περιεωρα εις τούς 
 μισθωτούς Ιόντας δι ενδειαν των επιτηδείων, την 
 δε μητέρα την * αυτού καθημένην εν τω της Ε ίΧει- 
 θυίας ίερω πάντες έώρων, καί τούτω εγκαΧούσαν 
 ά εγώ αίσχύνομαι Χέγειν, ούτος δε ποιων ουκ 
 
 40 ησχύνετο. των δ’ επιτηδείων ΑΙέΧανα μεν τον 
 Αιγύπτιον , ω εκ μειράκιου φίΧος ην, δπερ εΧαβε 
 παρ' αυτού αργύρων άποστερήσας, εχθ ιστός εστι' 
 των δε άΧΧων αυτού φίΧων οι μεν ουκ άπέΧαβον 
 ά εδάνεισαν, οι δ’ έζηπατήθησαν, καί ουκ εΧαβον 
 ά ύπέσχετο αύτοΐς, εί έπιδικάσαιτο τού κΧηρυυ, 
 
 41 δωσειν. καίτοι, ώ άνδρες, οί ημέτεροι πρόγονοι οί 
 
 § 24. [ταΟτα τα μέρη] Dobree rightly condemned these words 
 as interpolated, and Turr. assent, though they keep them in 
 the text. Schb. omits them. 
 
 2. § 39. μητέρα την *αύτοΟ] for αύτοΰ I read αύτοΰ. Schb., 
 
 on his own conject., gives μητέρα την τούτον . — Turr. propose to 
 omit την: if this were done, αύτου would be the adverb, ‘there.’ 
 || Έίλειθυίας] Έίληθυίας mss.,—a form which occurs as a 
 variant in Theocr. 17. 60, but which seems very questionable. 
 Turr. and Schb. retain it here, though with hesitation. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 175 
 
 ταΰτα κτησάμενοι καί καταΧιπόντες πάσας μέν 
 'χορηγίας Ιχορη'γησαν, είσήνεηκαν δε εις τον πόΧε- 
 μον χρήματα 7 τοΧΧά ύμΐν, καί τριηραρχούντες 
 ούδένα χρόνον διέΧιπον. καί τούτων μαρτυρία εν 
 τοΐς ίεροϊς αναθήματα εκείνοι εκ των περιόντων, 
 μνημεία τής αυτών αρετής, ανέθεσαν, τούτο μέν εν 
 Αιονΰσου τρίποδας, οΰς χορηγοΰντες καί νικώντες 
 εΧαβον, τούτο δ’ εν ΐΐυθίου ’ ετι δ’ εν άκροπόΧει 42 
 άπαρχάς των όντων άναθεντες ποΧΧοΐς, ως από 
 ιδίας κτήσεως, άηάΧμασι χαΧκοΐς καί Χίθίνοις 
 κεκοσμήκασι τό ιερόν, αυτοί δ’ υπέρ τής πατρί- 
 δος ποΧεμουντές άπεθανον, Αικαιογένης μέν 6 
 Μ ενεξένου του εμού παππού πατήρ στρατηγών 
 οτε ή εν *'ΑΧιευσι μάχη iy ενετό, Μενέξενος δ’ δ 
 εκείνου υιός φυΧαρχών τής *Ό Χυνθίας εν Σπαρ- 
 τωΧω, Αικαιοηένης δε δ Μεζ νεξένου τριήραρχων 
 τής ΤΙαράΧου εν Κ,νίδω. 
 
 Ύόν μέν τούτον οίκον συ, ώ Αικα^ενες, 7 τα- 43 
 ραΧαβών κακώς καί αίσχρώς διοΧώΧεκας, καί 
 έζαρηυρίσάμενος πενίαν οδύρη, ποϊ άναΧωσας ; 
 ούτε yap εις την πόΧιν ούτε εις τούς φίΧους 
 φανερός ει δαπανηθείς ούδέν. αΧΧα μην ουδέ 
 καθιπποτρόφηκας * ου yap πώποτε εκτήσω ίππον 
 πΧειονος άξιον ή τριών μνών ’ ούτε κατεζευ- 
 yoτpόφηκaς, επεί ουδέ £ευγο? εκτήσω όρικόν 
 ούδεπώποτε επί τοσούτοις άypoΐς καί κτήμα - 
 σιν. αΧΧ, ούδ ' εκ των ποΧεμίων εΧυσω οΰδένα. 44 
 αλλ’ ουδέ τα αναθήματα, ά Μ,ενέξενος τριών τα- 
 
 § 42. *'Α \ίευσι is Dobree’s certain correction of ’EXewro't. 
 
 See comment. || *ΌλυνΘίατ] Palmer conject., Schb .— Όλυσίας 
 
176 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 λάντων ποιησάμενος άπεθανε πριν άναθεΐναι, εις 
 την πόλιν κεκόμικας, αλλ’ εν τοΐς λιθουργείοις ετι 
 κυλινδεΐται, καί αυτός μεν ήξίους κεκτήσθαι a 
 σοι ούδεν προσήκε χρήματα, τοΐς δε θεοΐς οΰκ 
 
 45 άπεδωκας α εκείνων εγίγνετο αγάλματα. διά τί 
 ούν αξιώσεις σου τούς δικαστάς άποήτηφίσασθαι, 
 ω Αικαιόγενες ; πότερον ότι πολλάς λειτουργίας 
 λελειτούργηκας τή ητόλει, και πολλά χρήματα 
 δαπανήσας σεμνοτεραν την πόλιν τούτοις εποίη- 
 σας ; ή ως τριήραρχων πολλά κακά τούς πολεμίους 
 είργάσω, και εισφοράς δεόμενη τη πατρίδι εις τον 
 πόλεμον είσενεγκων μεγάλα ώφεληκας ; αλλ’ ούδεν 
 σοι τούτων πεπρακται. αλλ’ ως στρατιώτης άγα- 
 
 46 θός ; αλλ’ ούκ εστράτευσαι τοσούτου και τοιούτον 
 γενομενου πολέμου, εις ον Όλύνθιοι μεν καί νη- 
 σιώται ύπερ τήσδε τής γης άποθνήσκουσι μαχό- 
 μενοι τοΐς πολεμίοις, σύ δε, ώ Αικαιόγενες, πολίτης 
 ών ου δ’ εστράτευσαι. αλλ’ ίσως διά τους προγό¬ 
 νους αξιώσεις μου πλέον £χειν, οτι τον τύραννον 
 άπεκτειναν. εγώ δ’ εκείνους μεν επαινώ , σοι δε 
 
 47 ούδεν ηγούμαι τής εκείνων αρετής μετείναι. πρώ¬ 
 τον μεν γαρ εΐλου αντί τής εκείνων δόξης την 
 ήμετεραν ουσίαν κτήσασθαι, καί εβουλήθης μάλλον 
 Αικαιογενους καλείσθαι υιός ή 'Αρμοδίου, ύπεριδών 
 μεν την εν ΤΙρυτανείω σίτησιν, καταφρονήσας δε 
 προεδριών καί άτελειών, ά τοΐς εξ εκείνων γεγονόσι 
 δέδοται. ετι δε ό Αριστογείτων εκείνος καί 
 
 vulg. Bk. Sch5m. Turr. § 44. els την 7r0Xi^] els πόλιν A, 
 Schb. § 46. ’OXJi'flioi] Scbom. would read K ορίνθιοι. I have 
 defended the vulg. ’Ολύνθιοι in the Attic Orators, 11 . 351. Cp. 
 comment. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 177 
 
 'Αρμόδιος ού Βία τό 'γόνος ετιμήθησαν αΧΧά Βίά 
 την ανδραγαθίαν, ης σοι ουδόν μετεστιν, ώ Αικαιό- 
 γενες. 
 
 II. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΑΓΝΙΟΥ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. 
 
 [Or. χι.—359 b.c.] 
 
 §§ 1 — 19 . 
 
 ΝΟΜΟΙ. 
 
 Αιά ταύθ ’ ύμΐν άνεγνων τους νόμους , οτι κατά 
 τον 7 τρωτόν αυτών ισχυρίζεται τώ 7 ταίδϊ του ημι- 
 κΧηρίου προσηκειν, ούκ αΧηθη Χεγων. ού γάρ ην 
 ημϊν ' Αγνίας άδεΧφός , 6 δε νόμος περί άδεΧφού 
 χρημάτων πρώτον άδεΧφοΐς τε καί άδεΧφίδοΐς 
 πεποίηκε την κΧηρονομίαν, άν ώσιν όμοπάτορες' 
 τούτο γάρ εγγυτάτω τού τεΧευτήσαντος γένους 
 εστιν. εαν ο ουτοί μη ωσι, δεύτερον αδεΧφας Ζ 
 ομοπάτριας καΧεϊ και παίδας τούς εκ τούτων, 
 εάν δε μη ώσι, τρίτω γενει δίδωσι την αγχιστείαν, 
 άνεψιοΐς προς πατρός μέχρι ανεψιών παίδων. 
 εάν δε και τούτ εκΧείπη, εις τό γένος παΧιν επαν- 
 εργεται, καί ποιεί τούς προς μητρός τού τεΧευτη- 
 σαντος κυρίους αύτών, κατά ταύτά καθάπερ τοΐς 
 προς πατρός εξ άρχης εδίδου την κΧηρονομίαν. 
 ταΰτας ποιεί τάς αγχιστείας 6 νομοθετης μόνας, 3 
 συντομωτερως τοΐς ρημασιν η εγώ φράζω · την 
 
 II. § 1. ΝΟΜΟΙ] added by Turr. Schb. § 2. μέχρι 
 ανεψιών] μέχρι Turr. Schb. (and below, §§ 11, 12). In § 11 if 
 (1st band) has μέχρι (Dobson).— μέχρι s vulg. Bk. Schom. [| 
 έκλείπτμ els τό "γένος πάλ^] Schom., bracketing els, reads έκλείττυ 
 
 j. 12 
 
178 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 μεντοι διάνοιαν ών βούΧεται ταύτη Βείκνυσιν 6 
 Βό παΐς ούτος ούΒε καθ' εν τούτων των ονομάτων 
 'Αγνία προσηκει τη αγχιστεία, αΧΧ' εξω της συγ¬ 
 γένειας εστίν. ϊνα δ’ ακριβώς μάθητε περί ων 
 ψηφιεΐσθε, τούς ποΧΧούς Χόγους εάσας ούτος 
 είπάτω ο τι ο 7 ταΐς προσηκει τουτωνϊ των είρημε- 
 νων τω τον κΧηρον καταΧιπόντι * καν φανη κατά 
 tl προσήκων, εκων εγώ συγχωρώ τό ημικΧήριον 
 
 4 είναι του παιΒός. εί δε' τοι μηΒεν τούτων εξει 
 είπεΐν, πώς ουκ εΧεγχθησεται φανερώς εμε μεν 
 συκοφαντών, υμάς δ’ εξαπατησαι παρά τούς νό¬ 
 μους ζητών ; άναβιβασάμενος ούν αυτόν εναντίον 
 υμών ερωτησω τά εν τοΐς νόμοις ύπαναγινώσκων * 
 οντω γάρ είσεσθε εί προσηκει τω παιΒι των 
 'Αγνίου χρημάτων η μη. Ααβε ούν αύτοίς τούς 
 νόμους * σύ δ’ άνάβηθι Βεύρο, επειΒη Βεινος ει 
 ΒιαβάΧΧειν και τούς νόμους Βιαστρέφειν. σύ δ’ 
 αναγίγνωσκε. [ΝΟΜΟΙ.] 
 
 5 Έτπσχε9. ερωτησω σε. άΒεΧφός εσθ ’ δ 7rat9 
 Γ Αγνίου, <ή> άΒεΧφιΒοΰς εξ άΒεΧφοΰ ή εξ άΒεΧφης 
 γεγονώς, η ανεψιός, ή εξ ανεψιού προς μητρός ή 
 προς πατρός ; τί τούτων τών ονομάτων, οΐς ό 
 νόμος την αγχιστείαν ΒίΒωσι ; καί όπως μη εκείνο 
 ερεΐς, οτι εμός άΒεΧφιΒοΰς. ου γάρ περί του εμού 
 κΧηρου νυν ό λόγο9 εστί' ζώ γάρ. εί δ’ ην άπαις 
 εγώ τετεΧευτηκώς καί ημφισβητει τών εμών, τούτο 
 άν προσηκοι άποκρίνασθαι ερωτωμενω. νυν δε 
 
 το yivos, 7 τάλιν, § 5. * Ayvlov , ·<η> άδβλ0ίδοδ$] η is added by 
 Taylor, Turr. Schb.— 'Ayvlov, άδελφιδοΰς Bk. Schom. || hv 
 προσηκοι] Bk. Turr .—civ προσήκεν Schom. Schb .—civ προσήκΎ) 
 
• ISAEUS. 
 
 179 
 
 φης των ' Αγνίου χρημάτων το ημικληριον elvcu 
 του τταιΒός’ Βει Βή σε της αγχιστείας, ο τι ο τταΐς 
 Άγνία ττροσηκει , το γένος είττεΐν. φράσον ουν 
 τουτοισί. 
 
 Αίσθάνεσθε ότι ούκ εχει την συγγένειαν είττεΐν, 6 
 άλλ’ αποκρίνεται πάντα μάλλον ή ο Βει μαθεΐν 
 υμάς, κ αϊτοί τον γε πράττοντά τι Βίκαιον οΰ 
 7 τροσηκεν άττορεϊν άλλ’ ευθύς λεγειν, και μη μόνον 
 τούτο ττοιεΐν, άλλα και Βιόμννσθαι και του γένους 
 τ ταρεχεσθαι μαρτυρίας, ΐνα μάΧλον άν επιστεύετο 
 υφ υμών, νυν ο εφ οις αττοκρισιν ον οεοωκεν, 
 ού μάρτυρας τταρεσχετο, οΰχ όρκον ωμοσεν, ού 
 νόμον άνεγνωκεν, οίεται Βεΐν υμάς, όμωμοκότας 
 'φηφιεΐσθαι κατά τούς νόμους, αύτω πειθομενους 
 εμού κάταγνώναι ταντην την εισαγγελίαν τταρά 
 τούς νόμους · ουτω σχετλιος και άναιΒης άνθρω¬ 
 πός εστιν. άΧΧ ούκ εγώ ποιήσω τούτων ούΒεν, 7 
 αλλά και το γένος ερώ τούμόν και όθεν μοι προση- 
 κει της κληρονομιάς, και τον παΐΒα επιΒείξω και 
 τούς ττρότερον άμφισβητησαντας εμοι τον κλήρου 
 7 τάντας εξω της αγχιστείας όντας, ώσθ' υμάς 
 όμολογεϊν. ανάγκη δ’ εστιν εξ άρχης τά συμβε- 
 βηκότα είττεΐν’ εκ τούτων γάρ γνώσεσθε την τε 
 εμην αγχιστείαν καί ότι τούτοις ούΒεν προσηκει 
 της κληρονομιάς. 
 
 Έγώ γάρ καί ( Αγνιας, ώ άνΒρες, καί Ε ύβουλί- 8 
 Βης και Στρατοκλής καί Χτρατίος 6 της Αγνίου 
 
 A : άν προσήκα Β, Ζ. See comment. § 6. τταρέχεσθαί 
 μαρτυρίας ] παρέχβσθαι. μάρτυρας Schb., with Cobet. || μάλλον 
 άν έπιστϊύ€το] Schb. omits άν, with Dobree and Cobet; Baiter, 
 
 12—2 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 180 
 
 μητρός αδελφό? εξ ανεψιών εσμεν γεγονότες· και 
 γ άρ οι 7 τατερες ημών η σαν ανεψιοί εκ· ί τατραδεΧ- 
 φων. 'Αγνίας ούν, οτε εκπΧεΐν παρεσκευάζετο 
 πρεσβεύσων επ\ ταύτας τα? πράξεις αΐ τη πόΧει 
 συμφερόντων ειχον, ούκ εφ ’ ήμϊν τοΐς εγγύτατα 
 'γένους, εϊ τι πάθοι, τά όντα κατεΧιπεν, αλλ’ 
 εποιήσατο θυγατέρα αύτοΰ άδεΧφιδήν * ει δε τι 
 και αύτή πάθοι, ΥΧαυκωνι τά οντα εδίδου, άδεΧφω 
 oWi όμομητρίω’ καί ταύτ εν διαθήκαις ενεγραψε. 
 
 9 χρόνων δε διαγενομένων μετά ταύτα τεΧευτα μεν 
 Εό/3ουλ/δ?7?, τεΧευτα δ’ η θυγάτηρ ήν εποιήσατο 
 ' Aryviav y Χαμβάνει δε τον κΧηρον ΤΧαύκων κατά 
 την διαθήκην, ημείς δ’ ού πωποτ ήξιώσαμεν 
 άμφισβητησαι προς τα? εκείνου διαθήκας , αΧΧ' 
 ωόμεθα δείν περί των αύτοΰ την εκείνου γνώμην 
 είναι κυρίαν, καί τοΰτοις ενεμενομεν. η δ’ Ε ύβου- 
 Χίδου θυγάτηρ μετά των αύτη συμπραττόντων 
 Χαγχάνει του κΧήρου καί Χαμβάνει νικήσασα τούς 
 κατά την διαθήκην άμφισβητήσαντας, εξω μεν 
 ούσα τής αγχιστείας, εΧπίσασα δ\ ως εοικεν, ημάς 
 προς αύτήν ούκ άντιδικήσειν, ότι ούδε προς τάς 
 10 διαθήκας ήμφισβητήσαμεν. ημείς 8ε, εγώ καί 
 Στρατίος και ΧτρατοκΧής, επειδή τοΐς εγγύτατα 
 γένους εγεγενητο επίδικος 6 κΧήρος , παρεσκευά- 
 ζοντο άπαντες Χαγχάνειν' πρ\ν δε γενεσθαι τάς 
 Χήξεις των δικών ήμίν τεΧευτα μεν 6 Χτρατίος, 
 τεΧευτα δ’ ό ΧτρατοκΧής, Χείπομαι δ’ εγώ μόνος 
 *τών προς πατρός ών ανεψιού παΐς, ω μόνω κατά 
 
 too, approves: but see comment. § 9. περί των αύτοΰ ] περί 
 των αύτοΰ Schb., on Baiter’s conject. § ΙΟ. *των πρό$ 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 181 
 
 τούς νόμους iyiyvero η κληρονομιά, πάντων η δη 
 των άλλων εκλελοιπότων, οΐ ταύτόν έμοί τη avy- 
 yeveia προσήκοντες iwy χάνον. τώ δε yvώσεσθε 11 
 τουθ\ οτι εμοί μεν άγχ^οστενείν, τοϊς δ’ εξ εκείνων 
 yεyovόσιv ονκ ην, εν οϊς ουτος ό παΐς ήν ; αυτός 6 
 νόμος δηλώσει, τό μεν yap είναι την αγχιστείαν 
 άνεψιοϊς προς πατρός μέχρι ανεψιών παίδων όμο- 
 λoyεΐτaι , παρά πάντων * εί δε με θ' ημάς δίδωσι 
 τοϊς ημετεροις παισί, τούτ ηδη σκεπτέον έστί. 
 Ααβέ ον ν αύτοϊς τον νόμον και άvayίvωσκε. 
 
 Ν0Μ02. ’Εάν δε μηδάς η προς πατρός μέχρι ανεψιών 
 
 παίδων , τούς προς μητρός κυρίους είναι κατά τα αυτά. 
 
 Ακούετε , ώ άνδρες, ότι ό νομοθέτης ονκ είπεν, 12 
 εάν μηδείς η προς πατρός μέχρι ανεψιών παίδων, 
 τούς τών άνεψιαδών είναι κυρίους, άλλα άπέδωκε 
 τοϊς προς μητρός τού τελευτήσαντος, άν ημείς μη 
 ώμεν, την κληρονομιάν ηδη, άδελφοΐς καί άδελφαΐς 
 καί παισί τοϊς τούτων καί τοϊς άλλοις, κατά ταντά 
 καθάπερ καί εξ αρχής ην ύπειρημένον' τούς δε 
 ημετέρους παϊδας εξω της άyχιστείaς έποίησεν. 
 οις οε μη ο ει * και τετελευτηκως ην εyω οιοωσιν 
 ό νόμος την ' Ayviov κληρονομιάν, πώς εμού τε 
 ζώντος καί κατά τούς νόμους εχοντος οίονται αύ- 
 
 πατρό s] των Dobree conject., Schom. Turr. Schb.— του πρόί 
 7 rarpos mss. Bk. § 12. μηδ' el * καί τετελευτηκώϊ ην βγω] 
 μηδ' el τ€τ€λ€υτηκότ€ϊ <Ζσιν, ώς εγώ mss. Bk. Turr.—Schom., 
 printing this, approves Reiske’s emendation, el καί τετελειτ^κώϊ 
 ώ εγώ: but, to make this tolerable, we must with Dobree 
 change ώ into ην. — μηδ’ eav τετελει/τ^κώϊ ώ εγώ, Schb. The 
 emendation el — ψ is decidedly better: see comment. Sauppe 
 suggests, not happily, μηδέ, κδ,ν τετελειττ/κότεϊ ωσιν, otos εγώ. 
 
182 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 13 τοΐς είναι την αηγιστειαν ; ούδαμως δήιτουθεν. 
 άΧΧά μην εί τούτους μη μέτεστιν, ων οί πατέρες 
 ταύτόν εμοϊ προσήκον, ουδέ τοντω τω παιδί γίγνε- 
 ται * και jap 6 τούτου πατήρ ομοίως ήν έκείνοις 
 συ^ενης. ούκ ουν δεινόν εμοϊ μεν διαρρήδην 
 ον τω των νόμων δεδωκότων την κΧηρονομίαν, τού¬ 
 τους δ’ έξω τής ά^γιστείας πεποιηκότων , τοΧμάν 
 τουτονϊ συκοφαντεΐν, και διαηωνίσασθαι μεν, ήνίκ 
 εγώ τού κΧηρου την δίκην ελάγχανον, μή οϊεσθαι 
 δεΐν μηδέ παρακαταβάΧΧειν, οΰ περί των τοιούτων 
 εί τι δίκαιον εϊχεν είπεΐν διαηνωσθήναι προσήκεν, 
 επι δε τού παιδός όνο μάτι πρα^ματ εμοϊ παρέχειν 
 καί περί των μεγίστων εις κίνδυνον καθιστάναι ; 
 
 14 και περί μέν των όμοΧογουμενών είναι τού παιδός 
 χρημάτων μηδ * αίτιάσθαί με, μηδ' ως τι είΧηφα 
 εγειν είπεΐν (εφί οΐς, εί τι αυτών κακώς διώκουν 
 ώσπερ ούτος, κρίνεσθαί μοι προσήκεν), α δ’ υμείς 
 εμά είναι εψηφίσασθε, τω βουΧομένω δόντες εξου¬ 
 σίαν αμφισβητεΐν αυτών, επι τούτοις εμοϊ τοιού- 
 τους αγώνας παρασκευάζειν και εις τούτο αναι¬ 
 σχυντίας ήκειν; 
 
 15 Οϊομαι μεν ουν καϊ εκ των ήδη είρημένων 
 ηιηνώσκεσθαι ύμΐν ότι ούτ άδικω τον παΐδα ούδέν 
 ούτ ένοχός είμι ταύταις ταΐς αίτίαις ουδέ κατά 
 μικρόν’ έτι δε άκριβέστερον ηγούμαι καϊ εκ των 
 αΧΧων υμάς μαθήσεσθαι καϊ την εμήν επιδικασίαν, 
 ώς γεγοι^ε ν, άκοΰσαντας περϊ αυτών, εμοϊ jap, ώ άν- 
 δρες, Χαχόντι τού κΧήρου την δίκην ούτε ούτος ό νύν 
 εμέ είσaJJέXXωv ωήθη δεΐν παρακαταβάΧΧειν υπέρ 
 τού παιδός, ούτε οί Στρατιού παΐδες οί αυτό τω 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 183 
 
 παιδί προσήκοντες, * ούδεν δι aXXo <ή δτι> ούδεν 
 αύτοϊς ενόμιζον προσήκειν τούτων των χρημάτων 
 € 7 ret οι)δ’ άν ούτος νυν εμοί πράγματα παρεΐχεν, el 16 
 τα του παιδος βίων άρπάζειν και μή ήναντιοΰμην 
 αύτω. ούτοι μεν ουν, ώσπερ είπον, ειδότες ότι 
 εξω ή σαν τής αγχιστείας, ούκ ήμφισβήτουν άΧΧ' 
 ησυχίαν είχον οι δ’ ύπερ τής Ει5 βουΧίδου θυγα- 
 τρδς πράττοντες, τής το αύτδ δικαίως τω Στρατιού 
 παιδί 7 τροσηκούσης, καί οί κύριοι τής 'Αγνίου 
 μητρδς ήσαν οιοί τε προς εμε άντιδικεΐν. εις 17 
 τοσαύτας δ’ απορίας κατέστησαν δ τι άντιγρά- 
 -ήτωνται περί τής αγχιστείας, ώστε ή μεν τον 
 κΧήρον εχουσα και οι Χεγοντες το περί αυτής 
 γένος, επειδή κατεψεύσαντο, ραδίως ύπ ’ εμού τότε 
 εζηΧεγχθησαν ούκ άΧηθες τι γρά-φαι τοΧμήσαντες, 
 οί δ’ ύπερ τής 'Αγνίου μητρός, γενει μεν εμοί 
 ταυτό προσηκούσης (άδεΧφή γάρ ήν τού Στρατιού ) 
 νόμω δε άποκΧειομενης, ο? κεΧεύει κρατείν τούς 
 άρρενας, τούτο μεν είασαν, οιόμενοι δ’ εμού πΧεο- 
 νεκτήσειν μητέρα είναι τού τεΧευτήσαντος εγρα- 
 
 § 15. *ούδεν δι άλλο <η δτι> ούδεν αύτοϊς ενόμιζον προση- 
 
 κειν] This is Schomann’s correction of the corrupt reading 
 in the mss., ούτε δι’ άλλο ούδεν αύτοϊς ενόμιζον προσήκειν. See 
 comment. § 16. δίκαιω?] Dobree and Schb. would omit 
 this word. Baiter conject. ησυχίαν el χον δικαίως * οί δ’ κ.τ.λ. 
 But the vulgate is sound. The word δικαίως concedes that 
 there is a legitimate distinction between the daughter of 
 Eubulides and those persons who were έξω της ά'γχιστάας. I| 
 τφ Στρατιού χαιδΐ] τφ Στρατοκλέους παιδί Schb., on Schom.’s 
 conject., who himself gives τφ [ Στρατιού ] παιδί. — τοΐς Στρατιού 
 παισί Baiter conject. See comment. || ησαν οΐοί re] Schb. errs 
 in giving ησαν οΧοι on his own conject. See comment. § 17. 
 ol λέχοντ€ς το π epi αυτής y ένος , επειδή κατεψεύσαντο ] So Bk. 
 Schom. Schb.— λέyovτ€ς, τδ περί αυτής yέvoς επειδή κατεψεΰσαντο 
 Turr. —λέyovτeς υπέρ αυτής, έπειδή τδ y^vos κατεψεύσαντο Keiskc 
 
184 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 ψαν ο σιιγγβνίστατον μεν rjv τή φύσει πάντων, 
 εν δε ταΐς άηχιστείαις ομολοηουμενως ούκ εστιν. 
 
 18 είτα *γραψάσης ανεψιού *παιδός είναι, κάκείνας 
 εζήΧεηξα ούκ οϋσας εν ταΐς ά'-γχιστειαις. ούτως 
 επεδικασάμην παρ' ύμΐν, καί αυτών ονκ Χσχυσε τι 
 ούτε τή τον κΧήρον εχούση το προνενικηκεναι τούς 
 κατά διαθήκην άμφισβητησαντας, ούτε τή ετερα 
 το μητέρα είναι τού τον κ\ήρον καταΧιπόντος, 
 ά\\' ούτως οι τότε δικάζοντες καί το δίκαιον και 
 τούς ορκους περί ποΧλού εποιήσαντο, ώστ εμοί 
 τω κατά τούς νόμους άμφισβητούντι την ψήφον 
 
 19 ήνεηκαν. καίτοι ει τάς μεν νενίκηκα τούτον τον 
 τρόπον, επιδείξας μηδέν 'Ayvia κατ άηγιστείαν 
 προσήκουσας, ούτος δε μή ετό\μησεν άντιδικήσαι 
 τω παιδί τού ήμικΧηρίου προς *ήμάς, οι δε Στρα¬ 
 τιού παΐδες οί ταύτόν τούτω προσήκοντες μηδε νύν 
 άξιούσιν άντιδικήσαι προς εμε περί αυτών, εχω 
 δ * ε’γώ τον κΧήρον επιδίκασαμένος παρ' ύμΐν, εξε- 
 λ,εγχω δε τούτον μηδεπω και τήμερον εχοντ είπεΐν 
 ο τι ό 7 ταΐς 'Ayvia προσήκει κατ αγχιστείαν, τί 
 ετι δει μαθεΐν υμάς ή τί ποθείτε άκούσαι περί 
 τούτων ; εγώ μεν y0p ώς εύ φρονούσιν ύμΐν ικανά 
 τά είρημενα νομίζω. 
 
 conject. § 18. el τα *~γραφάσφ ανεψιού *παιδός είναι , κάκείνας 
 έξήλε-γξα ούκ οϋσας εν ταΐς άχχιστείαις. ούτως επεδικασάμην ] 
 I venture to think that the remedy for the corruption here 
 is the simple change of ypd\{/as...7ra~rfas into ypa -ψάσψ .. .παιδδς. 
 See comment. — εϊτα ypdipas ανεψιού παΐς είναι κάκείνας εξελέ'/ξας 
 ούκ οϋσας εν rals ayxiareiais, οϋτως επεδικασάμην Schb., παΐς for 
 παΐδας being his own conject., and εξελέγξας for i£r]\ey%a (with 
 a comma instead of a full stop at ayxiarelais) Reiske’s. Sauppe 
 proposes the same, only with παΐδά με instead of παΐς. § 19. 
 ημικληρίου πρδς * ημάς] ημάς Reiske, Turr. Schb. — υμάς mss. Bk. 
 Scliom. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 185 
 
 III. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΚΙΡΩΝΟΣ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. 
 
 c 
 
 [Or. viii.—A bout 375 b. c.] 
 
 r · 
 
 §§ 1—42. 
 
 Έ 7 τι τοίς τοιούτοις, ώ άν8ρες, ανάγκη εστϊ 
 χαΧεπώς φερειν, όταν τινες μη μόνον των άΧΧο- 
 τρίων άμφισβητεΐν τοΧμώσιν, αλλά και τα εκ των 
 νόμων δίκαια τοΐς σφετεροις αυτών Χόγοις αφάνι¬ 
 ζε ιν εΧπίζωσιν όπερ και νυν οΰτοι ποιεΐν ύγχει- 
 ρούσι. του yap ήμετερου παππού Κίρωνος ουκ 
 άπαι8ος τεΧευτήσαντος, αΧΧ ’ ημάς εκ θυγατρός 
 αύτοΰ γνήσιας παΐ8ας αυτω καταΧεΧοιπότος , οΰτοί 
 τε του κΧήρου Χαηγανουσιν ώς εη^υτάτω ηενους 
 όντες , ημάς τε ύβρίζουσιν ώς ουκ εξ εκείνου θυ<γα- 
 τρός όντας , *ού8ε ηενομενης αυτω πώποτε το πα- 
 ράπαν. αίτιον 8ε του ταυτα ποιεΐν αυτούς εστιν η 2 
 τούτων πΧεονεξία, τό <τε> πΧήθος των χρημάτων 
 ών Κίρων μεν καταΧεΧοιπεν, οΰτοι 8 ’ εχουσι βιασά- 
 μενοι και κρατούσι· και τοΧμώσιν άμα μεν Χεγειν 
 ώς ού8έν καταΧεΧοιπεν εκείνος , άμα 8ε ποιεΐσθαι 
 τού κΧηρου την άμφισβήτησιν. την μεν οΰν 3 
 κρίσιν ου 8εΐ μοι νομίζειν είναι ταύτην προς τον 
 ειΧηχότα τού κΧηρου την 8ίκην , αΧΧά προς Αιο- 
 κΧεα τον ΦΧυεα, τον Ό ρέστη ν επικαΧούμενον 
 οΰτος yap εστιν ό τούτον παρασκευάσας πράγμαθ' 
 ημΐν παρεχειν, άποστερών τα χρήματα ά Κ ίρων ό 
 
 III. § 1. * ουδέ Ύ€ΐΌμένη$] ουδέ Keiske, Turr. Schb. — οϋτε 
 
 (a solecism) mss. Bk. Scbom. § 2. τό <re> πλήθος] re is 
 supplied by Turr.— τό πλήθος mss. Bk.— καί τό πλήθος Schom. 
 
186 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 πατητός άποθνήσκων κατεΧιπεν, ήμιν δε τούτους 
 τούς κινΒύνους βπάηων, ΐνα μηΒεν άποΒιΒώ τούτων, 
 εάν υμείς βξαπατηθήτβ πεισθεντες υπό των τούτου 
 
 4 Xόyωv. Bel Βή τούτων τοιαύτα μηχανωμενων 
 πάνθ' ύμας τα 7τε7 τραημένα μαθ€Ϊν, Ϊνα μηΒεν 
 άγνοήσαντ€ς των γ6γ€νημ€νων αΧΧά σαφώς είΒό- 
 τες 7 repl αυτών ούτως εν^κητε την ψήφον. εϊ 
 TLVi οΰν καί αΧΧη πώτ τότε Βίκη προσεσχετε ακρι¬ 
 βώς τον νουν, Βέομαι υμών καί ταύτη προσεχειν 
 ομοίως, ώσπ€ρ και το Βίκαιόν εστι. ποΧΧών Be 
 Βικών εν τη 7τόλβί yεvoμεvωv ούΒενες άναιΒεστερον 
 τούτων ούΒε καταφανέστερου άντιποιησάμ€νοι φα- 
 
 5 νησονται τών άΧΧοτρίων. εστι μεν ονν χαΧεπόν, 
 ώ άνΒρες, προς παρασκευάς Χό^ων καί μάρτυρας 
 ού τάΧηθή μαρτυρούντας εις ά^ώνα καθίστασθαι 
 7 repl τηΧικούτων, παντάπασιν άπείρως εχοντα Βι- 
 καστηρίων · ού μην αΧΧά 7Γθλλα9 ύΧπίΒας βγω 
 καί παρ' υμών τεύξεσθαι τών Βικαίων και μέχρι 
 ye τού τα Βίκαια είπειν καί αυτός αρκούντως ερεΐν, 
 άν μή τι συμβή τοιοντον ο νυν ύπ εμού Tvyyavei 
 προσΒοκώμ€νον. Βέομαι οΰν υμών, ώ άνΒρες, μετ’ 
 εύνοιας τέ μου άκούσαι, καν ήΒικήσθαι Βοκώ, βοη- 
 Θήσαί μοι τά Βίκαια. 
 
 6 ΐΐρώτον μεν οΰν, ώς ήν ή μητηρ ή 'μή Κ.ίρωνος 
 OvyaTyp y νησιά, επιΒείξω τούτο ύμίν, τά μεν 
 πάΧαι yεyεvημέva Xόyωv ακοή και μαρτύρων, τά 
 δ’ ώστε καί μνημονεύεσθαι, τοΐς είΒόσι χρώμενος 
 μάρτυσιν, ετι Be τεκμηρίοις ά κρείττω τών μαρτυ¬ 
 ριών εστιν έπειΒάν Be ταύτα φανερά καταστήσω, 
 Schb. § 6. η 'μη] A, Β, Turr. Scbb . —η έμη Ζ, Bk. Schom. H 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 187 
 
 τόθ * ως καί κΧηρονομειν μάΧΧον ήμΐν ή *τούτοις 
 προσήκει των Κίρωνος χρημάτων, όθεν ουν ήρ- 
 ξαντο περί αυτών, εντεύθεν υμάς Kayoo πειράσομαι 
 8ι8άσ κειν. 
 
 Ό yap πάππος 6 εμάς, ώ άνΰρες, ΤΧίρων ey η με 7 
 την εμην τήθην ούσαν ανεψιάν, εξ αδελφέ? της 
 αύτοΰ μητρός αυτήν yεyεvημεvηv. εκείνη μεν οΰν 
 συνοικήσασα ου ποΧυν χρόνον, τεκουσα αυτω την 
 εμην μητέρα, μετά ενιαυτούς *τετταρας τον βίον 
 ετεΧεύτησεν ό δε πάππος μιας μόνης ουσης αυτω 
 Θυyaτpός Χαμβάνει πάΧιν την ΑιοκΧεους άδεΧφήν, 
 εξ ης αυτω iyiy νεσθην υιεις 8υο. καί εκείνην τε 
 ετρεφε παρά τη yvvaiKi και μετά των εξ εκείνης 
 7 ταί8ων, εκείνων τε ετι ζώντων, επεί συνοικείν 8 
 €Ϊχεν ήΧικίαν, εκ8ί8ωσιν αυτήν Ν αυσιμενει Χο- 
 Xapyεΐ, συν Ιματίοις καί χρυσίοις πεντε καί είκοσι 
 μνας επι8ούς. κάκείνος μεν τρισίν ή τετταρσιν 
 ετεσι μετά ταύτα κάμνων αποθνήσκει, πριν αυτω 
 yεvεσθaι παϊ8ας εκ τής ήμετερας μητρός · δ δε 
 πάππος κομισάμενος αυτήν, καί την προίκα οΰκ 
 άποΧαβών όσην ε8ωκε 8ιά την Ν αυσιμενους απο¬ 
 ρίαν των πpayμάτωv, παΧιν εκ8ί8ωσι τω εμω 
 πατρί καί χιΧίας 8ραχμάς προϊκ επι8ί8ωσι. ταυτί 9 
 8ή πάντα προς τα? αίτιας άς νυν ουτοι Xiyovai 
 
 ήμΐν ή * τούτοις] As Schb, saw, the τούτον of the mss. should he 
 τούτοι : cp. § 45, ττροσήκει νμΐν μάλλον ή τούτοι? κληρονομεΐν. 
 § 7. ττ }ς αύτοΰ μητρός] αύτοΰ Baiter, Turr. Schb. —αύτοΰ Bk. 
 Schom. |j * τέτταρα s] τριάκοντα mss. Bk. Schom. Turr.— 
 Dobree conjectured τέτταρα s, suggesting that λ' had been 
 Written by mistake for δ', and so Schb. reads. Beiske and 
 Sir W. Jones had already proposed to substitute τρεις for τριά¬ 
 κοντα. || €Ύΐ"γνέσθην] B, Z, Turr. Schb.— ^ι^νέσθην A, whence 
 
188 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 πώς αν τις δείξειε γεγει>ημενα φανερώς\ εγώ ζητών 
 εξηνρον. ανάγκη την εμήν μητέρα, είτε θνγάτηρ 
 ήν Κίρωνος είτε μή, καί εί παρ' εκείνω διητάτο 
 η ον, καϊ γάμονς εί διττούς υπέρ ταντης είστίασεν 
 η μη, καί προίκα ήντινα εκάτερος επ' αυτή τών 
 γη μαντών εΧαβε, πάντα ταντα είδεναι Τούς οίκετας 
 
 10 καί τάς θεραπαίνας άς εκείνος εκεκτητο. βονΧό- 
 μενος ονν προς τοΐς ύπάργονσι μάρτνσιν εΧεγγΟν 
 εκ βασάνων ποιήσασθαι περί αντών, ίνα μάΧΧον 
 αντοΐς πιστεύητε μη μεΧΧονσι δώσειν εΧεγχον 
 άΧΧ ’ ήδη δεδωκόσι περί ών μαρΤνρονσι, τοντονς 
 ήξίονν εκδονναί τάς θεραπαίνας καϊ τούς οίκετας 
 περί τε τούτων καϊ περί τών άΧΧων απάντων οσα 
 
 11 τυγχάνονσι σννειδότες. οντος δ ’ 6 ννν νμάς αξίω¬ 
 σών τοΐς αντον μάρτνσι πιστενειν εφνγε την βά- 
 σανον. καίτοι εί φανήσεται ταντα ποιήσαϊ μή 
 θεΧήσας, τί ύποΧείπεται τοΐς εκείνον μάρτνσιν ή 
 δοκεΐν νννϊ τα ήτενδή μαρτνρεΐν, τούτον τηΧικοντον 
 εΧεγχον πεφενγότος ; εγώ μεν οίμαι ονδεν. Άλλα 
 μην ώς άΧηθη Χεγω, Χάβε μοι πρώτον ταύτην την 
 μαρτνρίαν και άνάγνωθι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΙΑ.] 
 
 12 'Υμείς μεν τοίννν καϊ ίδια καϊ δημοσία βάσα- 
 νον άκριβεσταΤον εΧεγγον νομίζετε * καϊ όπόταν 
 δονΧοι καϊ εΧεύθεροι παραγενωνται καϊ δεη εύρε- 
 θήναί τι τών ζητονμενών, ον χρήσθε ταΐς τών 
 εΧενθερων μαρτνρίαις, άΧΧά τούς δούΧονς βασανί- 
 ζοντες ούτω ζητείτε εύρεΐν την αΧήθεΐΑν τών γεγε- 
 
 Bk. and Schema. yiyveadov. § 9. η οΰ] ‘malim abesse,’ 
 Baiter: Schb. brackets them. || el chrroi>s] el, which A (1st 
 hand) omits, is bracketed by Schb. § 11. μη θβλήσας] μτ) 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 189 
 
 νημενων. εικότως, ώ άνύρες· σύνιστε γάρ οτι των 
 μεν μαρτυρησάντων ή8η τινες εύοξαν ον τάληθή 
 μαρτυρήσαι, των δε βασανισθεντων ούύενες πώ- 
 7 τότε εξηλεγγθησαν ώς ούκ αληθή εκ των βασάνων 
 ειπόντες. οντος δ* δ πάντων άναισ'χυντότατος 13 
 ανθρώπων λόγους πτπλασμενοις καί μάρτυσιν ου 
 τάληθή μαφτυρούσιν αξιώσει πιστεύειν υμάς, φεύ- 
 γων ούτως ακριβείς ελεγ'χους ; άλλ' οδχ ημείς, 
 αλλά πρότερον υπέρ των μαρτυρηθήσεσθαι μελ¬ 
 λόντων άξιώσαντες εις βασάνους ελθεΐν, ^τούτου δε 
 φεΰγοντος, ούτως οιησόμεθα δεΐν υμάς τοΐς ήμετε- 
 ροις μάρτυσι πιστενειν. Ααβε ούν αΰτοΐς ταυ- 
 τασί τάς μαρτυρίας καί άνάγνωθι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΙΑΙ.] 
 
 Τ ίνας είκός είόεναι τα παλαιά ; Βήλον ότι τούς 14 
 ερωμένους τω πάππω. μεμαρτυρήκασι τοίνυν 
 ακοήν ουτοι. τίνας είΒεναι τα περί την εκύοσιν 
 τής μητρός ανάγκη ; τούς εγγυησαμενους καί τούς 
 εκείνοις παρόντας ότε ήγγυώντο. μεμαρτυρήκασι 
 τοίνυν οΐ τε Ν αυσιμενους προσήκοντες καί οί τού 
 εμού πατρός. τίνες δε οι τρεφομενην ενύον καί 
 θυγατέρα οΰσαν είύότες γνησίαν Κ ίρωνος ; οί νύν 
 άμφισβητούντες εργω φανερώς μαρτυρούσιν οτι 
 ταύτ εστίν αληθή, φεύγοντες τήν βάσανον. ώστε 
 ου ύήπου τοΐς ήμετεροις άν άπιστήσαιτε εικότως, 
 αλλά πολύ μάλλον τοΐς τούτων μάρτυσιν. 
 
 ’θελήσας Baiter conjeet. § 13. *τούτου δύ φεύγοντος~\ Turr., 
 on fclie conject. of A. Voigtlaender.— τούτους δέ φεύγοντας mss. 
 Bk. Schorn. Schb. The two latter indicate a lacuna, which 
 Beiske proposed to fill up by inserting έτηδείξαντες after φεύγον¬ 
 τας. Stephanus conject. άξιώσαντες εις βασάνους έλθεϊν τούτους 
 δη τούς φεύγοντας, which, as Schom. says (p. 386), ‘placere 
 
190 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 15 Ήμ -et? τοίνυν και άλλα τεκμήρια προς τούτοις 
 'έχομεν είπεΐν, *ά <μαθόντες> γνώσεσθε ότι εκ 
 θυγατρός ημείς Κ,ίρωνος έσμεν. ola γάρ είκός 
 παίΒων *οντων εξ εαυτού θυγατρός, ούΒεπώποτε 
 θυσίαν ανευ ημών ούΒεμίαν εποίησεν, άλλ’ εϊ τε 
 μικρά εϊ τε μεγάλα θύοι, πανταχού τταρήμεν 
 ημείς και συνεθύομεν. καί ου μόνον εις τά τοιαύτα 
 παρεκαλούμεθα , αλλά καί εις Διονύσια εις αγρόν 
 
 16 ηγεν αεί ή μας, και μετ' εκείνου τε εθεωρούμε ν 
 καθήμενοι πταρ αυτόν , καί τάς εορτάς η γομεν παρ' 
 εκείνον πάσας · τώ Αιί τε θνων τω Κ.τησίω, περί 
 ήν μάλιστ εκείνος θυσίαν εσπούΒαζε και ούτε 
 Βούλους προσήγεν ούτε ελεύθερους όθνείους, άλλ' 
 αυτός Βι εαυτού πάντ έποίει, ταύτης ημείς εκοινω - 
 νούμεν και τά ιερά συνεχειρουργούμεν και * συν- 
 επετίθεμεν καί τάλλα συνεητοιούμεν, και ηύχετο 
 ήμίν ύγίειαν ΒιΒόναι και κτήσιν αγαθήν, ώσπερ 
 
 17 είκός οντα πάππον. καίτοι εί μή θυγατριΒούς 
 ημάς ενόμιζεν είναι και μόνους έκγόνους εώρα 
 λοιπούς καταλελειμμενους αύτω, ούκ άν ποτέ 
 εποίει τούτων ούΒεν, αλλά τόνΒ' άν αύτω παρί- 
 στατο, ός άΒελφιΒούς αυτού νύν είναι φησί. και 
 
 nemini potest.’ § 15. *ά <μαθόντετ> yvcbaeade] ϊνα yvdaeade 
 mss., — a solecism. I adopt Dobree’s suggestion, that a partic. 
 lias fallen out before yvibaeade, and that ϊνα then arose through 
 a being connected with the last two letters of eliretv (ΕΙΠΕΙΝΑ). 
 Bekker conjectures ols, which would not account for Ϊνα. || 
 παίδων * δντων] The corrupt τταίδων υίέων is given by B, Z, A 
 (corrector), Turr. — υίέων (without τταίδων) A 1st hand.— 
 πάππου υίέων E, Aldine. — πατητοί* υίέων Reiske conject., 
 Bk. Schom. Schb. I accept Sauppe’s conjecture δντων as 
 at least restoring the sense, but suspect that the fault 
 really lies deeper. See comment. § 16. * συνβττβτίθβμεν] 
 
 Schb* on his own conject., rightly* — συνιτίθβμεν mss. Bk. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 191 
 
 ταύθ ' ότι αΧηθή πάντ εστίν, ακριβέστατα μεν οί 
 του πάππου θεράποντες ισασιν, ούς *οΰτος παρα- 
 8ούναι εις βάσανον ούκ ήθεΧησεν, ϊσασι 8ε περι¬ 
 φανέστατα καί των εκείνω ερωμένων τινες , ούς 
 παρέχομαι μάρτυρας. Κ αί μοι Χάβε τάς μαρτυρίας 
 καί άνάγνωθι. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΙΑΙ.] 
 
 Ου τοίνυν εκ τούτων 8ήΧόν εστι μόνον otl ήν 18 
 ημών η μητηρ θυγατηρ γνήσια Κίρωνος, αΧΧα καί 
 εξ ων 6 πατήρ ημών επραξε καί εξ ων αί γυναίκες 
 αί των 8ημοτών περί αυτής εγίγνωσκον. οτε γάρ 
 6 πατήρ αυτήν εΧάμβανε, γάμους είστίασε καί 
 εκάΧεσε τρεΐς αυτού φίΧους μετά των αυτού προσ¬ 
 ηκόντων , τοϊς τε φράτορσι γαμηΧίαν είσήνεγκε 
 κατά τούς εκείνων νόμους * αί τε γυναίκες αί των 19 
 8ημοτων μετά ταύτα προύκριναν αυτήν μετά τής 
 ΑιοκΧεους γυναικός τού ΐΐΐτθεως άρχειν εις τά 
 Θεσμοφόρια καί ποιείν τά νομιζόμενα μετ εκείνης. 
 ο τε πατήρ ημών, επει8ή εγενόμεθα, είς τούς φρά- 
 τορας ημάς είσήγαγεν, όμόσας κατά τούς νόμους 
 τούς κείμενους ή μην εξ άστής καί εγγυητής γυ- 
 ναικός είσάγειν · των 8ε φρατόρων ού8εϊς άντεΐπεν 
 οι)δ’ ήμφισβήτησε μή ούκ άΧηθή ταύτ είναι, ποΧ- 
 Χών όντων καί ακριβώς τά τοιαύτα σκοπουμενων. 
 καίτοι μή οϊεσθ' αν , εί τοιαύτη τις ήν ή μητηρ 20 
 ημών οίαν οΰτοί φασι, μήτ αν τον πατέρα ημών 
 γάμους εστίαν και γαμηΧίαν είσενεγκεΐν, άΧΧά 
 άποκρύήτασθαι ταύτα πάντα, μήτε τάς των άΧΧων 
 
 Schom. Turr. § 17. efrros] Bobree conject., Schb. — αυτός 
 mss. Bk. Schom. Turr. See comment. § 1β. μόνον] μόνων 
 Z, Bk. Schom. § 19. Ή,ιτθέως] Beiske, Bk. Sch5m. Turr. 
 Schb. — πιτέως (or 7rtrews) mss. —Sauppe would prefer Ili0<:ws. 
 
192 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 δημοτών γυναίκας αίρεΐσθαι αν αυτήν συνιερο- 
 7TOL6LV rf) ΑιοκΧεους γυναικί και κυρίαν ττοιειν 
 ιερών, άλλ’ ετερα αν τινι περί τούτων ειτιτρεττειν , 
 μήτε τούς φράτορας είσ8εγεσθαι ημάς , αλλά κατη- 
 γορεΐν καί εξεΧεγγειν, εί μή ί τάντοθεν ήν ομοΧο - 
 γούμενον την μητέρα ημών είναι θυγατέρα γνησίαν 
 Κ ίρωνος· νυν 8ε τή ττεριφανεία του ττράγματος 
 καί τώ συνειΒεναι ταύτα ί τοΧΧούς ού8αμόθεν ήμ- 
 φισβητήθη τοιούτον ούΒεν. Κ αϊ ταΰθ ’ ώς άΧηθή 
 Χεγω, κάΧει τούτων τούς μάρτυρας. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 21 ’Έ™ τοίνυν, ώ άν8ρες, καί εξ ών ο ΑιοκΧής 
 €Ίτραξεν οτε ημών 6 πάπιτος ετεΧεΰτησε γνώναι 
 ρά8ιον οτι ώμοΧογούμεθα είναι θυγατρι8οι Κφω- 
 νος. ήκον γάρ εγώ κομιούμενος αυτόν ώς θάψων 
 εκ τής οικίας τής εμαυτού, τών εμαυτού οικείων 
 τινά εγων, ανεψιόν του 7 τατρός· καί ΑιοκΧεα μεν 
 ου κατεΧαβον εν8ον, είσεΧθών 8ε είσω κομίξειν 
 
 22 οΐος ήν, ^γων τούς οίσόντας. 8εομενης 8ε τής του 
 •πάιτττου γυναικος εκ τής οικίας αυτόν εκείνης θάπ- 
 τειν, καί Χεγούσης οτι βούΧοιτ άν αυτή το σώμα 
 το εκείνου συμμεταγειρίζεσθαι μεθ ’ ημών καί κοσ- 
 μήσαι, καί ταύτα ίκετευούσης καί κΧαιούσης, εττεί- 
 σθην, ώ άν8ρες } καί τούτω ί τροσεΧθών μαρτύρων 
 εναντίον είττον οτι εντεύθεν ττοιήσομαι την ταφήν · 
 8ε8εημενη γάρ είη ταύτα ττοιείν ή τούτου ά8εΧφή. 
 
 23 καί ταύτα ΑιοκΧής άκούσας ού8εν άντεϊττεν, άΧΧά 
 καί εωνήσθαί τι τών εις την ταφήν, τών 8ε αρρα¬ 
 βώνα 8ε8ωκεναι ούτος φάσκων ταύτα ήξίου τταρ 
 εμού Χαβεΐν, καί 8ιωμοΧογήσατο τών μεν ήγορα- 
 σμενών τιμήν άττοΧαβειν, ών 8ε αρραβώνα εφασκε 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 193 
 
 8ε8ωκεναι, συστησαι τούς Χαβόντας. ευθύς ονν 
 τούτο τταρεφθε'γγετο, ως ουδ’ ότιούν εϊη Κ ίρων 
 καταΧεΧοιπως, ού8ενα Xoyov εμού ττω ποιούμενου 
 περί των εκείνου χρημάτων, καίτοι εΐ μη ην 24 
 θυγατρικούς Κ ίρωνος, ούκ άν ταύτα ύιωμοΧο^ειτο^ 
 αλλ’ εκείνους άν τούς Χόλους ελεγε, σύ 8ε τις εΐ ; 
 σοι 8ε τί προσηκει θάπτειν\ ον ηιηνωσκω σε · ον μή 
 *εϊσει <είς> την οικίαν, ταύτ είπεΐν προσηκεν, 
 άπερ νυν ετερους πεπεικε Χε^ειν. νυν 8ε τοιούτον 
 μεν ού8εν ειπεν, εις εω 8ε τάρηΰριον εκεΧευεν 
 είσενεγκεΐν. Κ αΐ ταύτα ως αΧηθη λέγω, καΧει 
 μοι τούτων τούς μάρτυρας. [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 Ου τοίνυν εκείνος μόνος , αΧΧ ’ ουδέ ό νύν άμ- 25 
 φισβητών τού κΧηρου τοιούτον ειπεν ού8έν } αλλ’ 
 υπό τούτου παρασκευασθεις αμφισβητεί, κάκεί- 
 νου τό μεν παρ' εμού κομισθεν apyvpiov ούκ εθε- 
 Χησαντος άποΧαβεΐν, παρά τούτου δ’ άπειΧηφεναι 
 τη υστεραία φάσκοντος, ούκ εκωΧνόμην συνθάπ- 
 τειν άΧΧά πάντα συνεποίουν ούχ όπως τού8ε 
 άναΧίσκοντος ουδέ ΑιοκΧεους, αλλ’ εξ ων εκείνος 
 κατεΧιπε ηι^νομενων των εις αύτόν άναΧωμάτων. 
 καίτοι καί τούτω προσηκεν , εί μη πάππος ην μοι 26 
 Καιρών, ώθεΐν < καί > εκβάΧΧειν και κωΧύειν συν- 
 θάπτειν. ού8εν yap όμοιον ην μοι προς τούτον * εγώ 
 μεν yap εϊων αύτόν ά8εΧφι8ούν οντα τού πάππου 
 ταύτα πάντα συμποιεΐν , τούτω δ’ εμ ού προσηκεν 
 εάν, εϊπερ αΧηθη ταύτα ην άπερ νύν λεγε^υ τοΧμω- 
 
 § 24. ού μη * three <els> την οικίαν ] Bk. conject., Turr. 
 Schb.— ού μη είσίης την οικίαν mss., Bk. in Berlin text, 
 Schom. § 2β. <καί> έκβά\\€ΐ.ν] καί, rightly supplied 
 by Schb., is absent from the mss., and from the texts of 
 
 j. 13 
 
194 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 27 σιν. αλλ’ ούτω rfj τού π ράμματος αλήθεια κατε- 
 7Γ67 τληκτο, ώστ ουδ’ eVl του * μνήματος εμού 
 7 τοιουμενου λόγου?, και κατηγορούντος Δ ιοκλεους 
 οτι τα 'χρήματα άποστερών τούτον μοι πεπεικεν 
 άμφισβητεΐν, ούκ ετόλμησε *γρύξαι τό παράπαν 
 ουοεν ουο ειπειν α νυν τολμά λεγειν. Και ταυσ 
 οτι άληθη λέγω, κάλει μοι τούτων του? μάρτυρας. 
 [ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ.] 
 
 28 Πό#ευ χρί) 7 τιστεΰεσθαι τα ειρημενα ; ou/e ε’ /e 
 τώυ μαρτυριών ; οίμαί γε. πόθεν δέ του? μάρτυ¬ 
 ρας ; ou/c έ /e τώυ βασάνων ; ε^ό? γε, 7 τόθεν δ’ 
 άπιστειν τοΐς τούτων λόγοις ; ou/e ε /c του φεύγειν 
 τους ελέγχους ; ανάγκη μεγάλη, πώς ούν αν τις 
 σαφεστερον επιΒείξειε γνησίαν ούσαν θυγατέρα 
 Κ ίρωνος την μητέρα την εμην η τούτον τον τρόπον 
 
 29 επιΒεικνύς, των μεν πταλαιών ακοήν μαρτυρούντων 
 παρεχόμενος, των δέ ετι ζώντων τούς ειΒότας εκα- 
 στα τούτων, οι συνηΒεσαν παρ εκεινω τρεφομενην, 
 θυγατέρα νομιζομενην, Βις εκΒοθεΐσαν, Βις εγγυη- 
 θεΐσαν , ετι δέ περί πάντων τούτους βάσανον εξ 
 οικετών πεφευγότας, οι ταΰτα πάντα ηΒεσαν ; 
 *εγωγε μά τούς θεούς τούς ^Ολύμπιους ούκ αν 
 
 Bk. Turr. Schom. § 27. κατεπέπληκτο ] Ζ, Schb. — κατα- 
 πέπ\ηκται vulg. || * μνήματος] Schom. on his own conject., 
 Turr. Schb .— βήματος mss. Bk. See comment. || *ypv£cu] 
 Due to Stephanus, who wrote Ύρύξαι, as do also Bk. Turr. 
 Schom.— Ύρΰξαι. Cobet, Schb .— έρΰξαι mss. § 28. τά είρημένα] 
 Beiske adds προς θεών after ειρημενα, quoting Dionys. De Isaeo 
 c. 12, Bk.—Schom. (p. 391) points out that it is uncertain 
 whether Dionys. is there citing our passage, or some other of 
 Isaeus, and that therefore there is no sufficient ground for the 
 addition. § 29. ήδεσαν; * £yωyε] gyωyε Dobree conject.— 
 ήδεσαν, ’έyωyε Schb.— ήδεσαν. eyu δε mss. Bk. Turr. Schom. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 195 
 
 εχοιμι 7 τίστεις μείζους τούτων είπεΐν, αλλ,’ ίκανάς 
 είναι νομίζω τάς είρη μίνας. 
 
 Φ όρε δη, καί ώς 7 τροσήκει ίμοϊ μάΧΧον ή τοντω 30 
 των Κ ίρωνος 'χρημάτων, νυν ήδη τούτο επιδείξω. 
 καί νομίζω μεν άπΧώς καί ύμΐν ήδη είναι φανερόν 
 οτι οΰκ εγγυτερω τής αγχιστείας είσίν οί μετ 
 εκείνου φύντες ή οί εξ εκείνου γεγονότες· πώς 
 γάρ ; οί μεν yap ονομάζονται συγγενείς, οί δ’ 
 εκγονοι του τεΧευτήσαντος · ου μην αλλ’ επειδή 
 καί ούτως εχόντων τοΧμώσιν άμφισβητεϊν, καί εξ 
 αυτών τών νόμων άκριβεστερον διδάξομεν. εί 31 
 γάρ εζη μεν ή εμή μήτηρ, θυγάτηρ δε "Κίρωνος, 
 μηδέν δε εκείνος διαθεμενος ετεΧεύτησεν, ήν δε 
 άδεΧφός ούτος αύτώ, μή άδεΧφιδους, συνοικήσαι 
 μεν άν τή γυναικί κύριος ήν, τών δε χρημάτων 
 ούκ άν, αλλ’ οί γενόμενοι παΐδες εκ τούτου καί εξ 
 εκείνης, οπότε επί δίετες ήβησαν · ούτω γάρ οί 
 νόμοι κεΧεύουσιν. εί τοίνυν καί ζώσης κύριος 
 αυτός μή εγενετο τών τής γυναικός, αΧΧ ’ οί παΐ¬ 
 δες, δήΧον ότι καί τετεΧευτηκυίας, επεί παΐδας 
 ημάς καταΧεΧοιπεν, ου τούτοις αλλ’ ήμϊν προσήκει 
 κΧηρονομεΐν τών χρημάτων. 
 
 Ού τοίνυν εκ τούτου μόνον, αΧΧά καί εκ του 32 
 περί τής κακώσεως νόμου δήΧον εστιν. εί γάρ 
 εζη μεν ό πάππος, ενδεής δε ήν τών επιτηδείων, 
 ούκ άν ούτος υπόδικος ήν τής κακώσεως αλλ’ 
 ημείς. κεΧεύει γάρ τρεφειν τούς γονέας · γονείς δ’ 
 είσί μητηρ καί πατήρ καί πάππος καί τήθη καί 
 τούτων μητηρ καί πατήρ, εάν ετι ζώσιν εκείνοι 
 § 31. ήβησαν ] A, Schom. Turr. Sclib. — ήβήσζιαν Scaliger 
 
 13—2 
 
196 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 y άρ άρχη τον y ενους είσί, και τα εκείνων παρα- 
 ΒίΒοται τοΐς * iKyovow Βιόπερ άνάηκη τρεφειν 
 αυτούς εστι , καν μηΒεν καταΧίπωσι. πώς ούν 
 Βίκαιόν εστιν, εάν μεν μηΒεν καταΧίπωσιν, ημάς 
 υποδίκους είναι της κακώσεως, ην μη τρεφωμεν, εί 
 Be τι καταΧεΧοίπασι, τόνΒ ’ είναι κΧηρονόμον άΧΧά 
 μη ημάς ; οΰΒαμώς Βηπουθεν. 
 
 33 ΤΙρος ενα Βε τον πρώτον τών συyyεvώv προσ- 
 άξω, και του ηενους καθ' έκαστον υμάς ερωτήσω' 
 ραστα yap ούτω μάθοιτ αν. Ίίίρωνος πότερον 
 6vya^p η άΒεΧφος iyyvTipw του y ενους εστί ; 
 ΒηΧον yap on Ovya^p· η μεν yap εζ εκείνου 
 yεyovεv, 6 Βε μετ εκείνου. OvyaTpw δε παΐΒες η 
 άΒεΧφος ; παΐΒες Βήπονθεν yei >ος yap άΧΧ ’ ούχΐ 
 συyyεvειa τούτ εστίν. εί Βη προεγομεν άΒεΧφοΰ 
 τοσούτον, ή που τούΒε γ’ οντος αΒεΧφιΒοϋ πάμποΧυ 
 
 34 7 τρότεροί εσμεν. ΒεΒοικα Βε μη Χίαν 6μoXoyoύμeva 
 Xiycov ενογΧεΐν ύμΐν Βόξατ πάντες yap υμείς τών 
 πατρώων, τών παππώων, τών ετι περαιτέρω κΧη- 
 ρονομειτε εκ yεvoυς παρειΧηφότες την άχγιστείαν 
 άνεπίΒικον, και ούκ οιΒ ’ εί τινι προ του πώποτε - 
 τοιοΰτος άγων συμβεβηκεν. άvayvoύς οΰν τον 
 
 ' της κακώσεως νόμον, ών ενεκα *τ αυτα yiy νεται^ 
 καί ταύτ ηΒη πειράσομαι ΒιΒάσκειν. [ΝΟΜΟΣ.] 
 
 35 Κ ίρων ydp εκεκτητο ουσίαν, ώ ίίνΒρες, aypov 
 μεν ΦΧυησι, και ταΧαντου ραΒίως άξιον, οικίας Β ’ 
 εν αστει Βύο, την μεν μίαν μισθοφορουσαν , παρά 
 
 conject., Bk. — Ζβησαν Β , Ζ. § 32. * £icy6voi s] Turr. 
 Schb. —iyydvois mss. Bk. Schom. § 34. *ταυτα 
 
 yiyveTdL] ταΰτα Dobree and Schom. (p. 395) conject., Turr. 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 197 
 
 το εν Αίμναις Αιονύσιον, δισχιΧίας εύρίσκουσαν, 
 την δ’ ετεραν, iv fj αυτός ωκει, τριών καί δέκα 
 μνών ετι δε ανδράποδα μισθοφορούντα καί δύο 
 θεραπαίνας καί παιδίσκην, καί επιπΧα δι ών ωκει 
 την οικίαν, σχεδόν συν τοίς ανδραπόδου άξια 
 τρισκαίδεκα μνών σνμπαντα δε οσα φανερά ην, 
 πΧεον η ενενήκοντά μνών χωρίς δε τούτων δανεί- 
 σματα ούκ όΧιγα, άφ ’ ών εκείνος τόκους εΧάμβανε. 
 τούτοις ΑιοκΧης μετά της άδεΧφης παΧαι επεβού- 3G 
 Χευεν, επειδή τάχιστα οί παΐδες οι Κίρωνος ετε- 
 Χεΰτησαν. εκείνην μεν γάρ ούκ εξεδίδου δυναμε- 
 νην ετι τεκεϊν παίδας εξ ετερου άνδρός , ίνα μη 
 χωρισθείσης περί τών αυτού βουΧεύσαιτο καθάπερ 
 προσηκεν, επειθε δε μενειν φάσκουσαν εξ αυτού 
 κυεϊν οϊεσθαι, προσποιουμενην δε διαφθείρειν ακόυ¬ 
 σαν, ιν εΧπίζων άει γενήσεσθαι παίδας αύτώ μη- 
 δετερον ημών είσποιησαιτο υιόν · καί τον πατέρα 
 διεβαΧΧεν άεί, φάσκων αυτόν επιβουΧεύειν τοΐς 
 εκείνου, τά τε ούν χρεα πάντα οσα ώφείΧετο 37 
 αύτώ καί τόκους επειθε τά *τε φανερά δι αυτού 
 ποιεΐσθαι, παράγων άνδρα πρεσβύτερον θεραπεί- 
 αις καί κοΧακείαις , εως άπαντα τά εκείνου περιε- 
 Χαβεν. είδώς δε οτι πάντων εγώ τούτων κατά τό 
 προσηκον είναι κύριος ζητησω, όπότε ό πάππος 
 ετεΧεύτησεν, είσιεναι μεν με καί θεραπεύειν εκείνον 
 καί συνδιατρίβειν ούκ εκώΧυε, δεδιώς μη τραχυν- 
 θείς εις οργήν κατασταίην προς αυτόν, παρ- 
 
 Schb. —ταλλα mss. Bk. Schom. (in text). § 36 . κυεϊν] 
 Turr. Schb.— κυειν mss. Bk. Schom. § 37 . τά * τε φανερά ] 
 τε Sauppe, Turr. Schb. — τά ye φανερά mss. Bk. Schom. 
 
198 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 εσκεύαζε δε μοι τον άμφισβητήσοντα τής ουσίας, 
 μέρος ποΧΧοστόν τοντω μεταδιδούς el κατορθω- 
 σειεν, αύτω δ'ε ταΰτα πάντα περιποιών, καί ουδέ 
 προς τούτον όμοΧογών τον πάππον χρήματα κατα- 
 
 38 Χιπεΐν, άΧΧ' είναι φάσκων ούδεν. καί επειδή τά¬ 
 χιστα ετεΧεύτησεν, εντάφια προπαρασκεύασα μέ¬ 
 νος τδ μεν αργύρων εμε εκεΧευεν ενεγκεΐν, ως των 
 μαρτύρων ήκούσατε μαρτνρησάντων, άπειΧηφεναι 
 δε παρά τουδε προσεποιεΐτο, παρ' εμού δε ούκετι 
 ήθεΧεν άποΧαβεΐν, νποπαρωθών, δπως εκείνος 
 δοκοίη Θάπτειν αΧΧά μή εγώ τον πάππον . άμφισ- 
 βητοΰντος δε τούτου και τής οικίας ταύτης και 
 των αΧΧων ών εκείνος κατεΧιπε, καί ούδεν φά- 
 σκοντος καταΧεΧοιπεναι, βιάσασθαι μεν καί τον 
 πάππον μεταφερειν εν ταΐς τοιαύταις άκαιρίαις 
 ούκ ωμήν δεΐν, των φίΧων μοι ταντα συγγιγνω- 
 σκόντων, συνεποίουν δ'ε καί συνεθαπτον, εξ ων 6 
 πάππος κατεΧιπε των άναΧωμάτων γιγνομενων. 
 
 39 καί ταύτα μεν ούτως άναγκασθείς επραξα τούτον 
 τον τρόπον όπως δε μηδέν μου ταύτη πΧεονε- 
 κτοΐεν, παρ' ύμΐν φάσκοντες ούδεν με εις τήν τα¬ 
 φήν άνηΧωκεναι, τον εξηγητήν ερόμενος εκείνου 
 κεΧεύσαντος άνήΧωσα παρ' εμαυτού καί τά ένατα 
 επήνεγκα, ως οΐόν τε κάΧΧιστα παρασκευάσας , ϊνα 
 αύτων εκκόψαιμι ταύτην τήν ίεροσυΧίαν, καί ϊνα 
 μή δοκείεν οΰτοι μεν άνηΧωκεναι πάντα, εγώ δε 
 ονοεν, αΧΧ ομοίως καγω. 
 
 40 Κ αί τά μεν γεγενημενα, καί δι ά τά πράγματα 
 ταύτ εχομεν, σχεδόν τι ταύτ εστίν, ώ άνδρες· εί 
 δε είδείητε τήν ΔιοκΧεους αναισχυντίαν, καί περί 
 
ISAEUS. 
 
 199 
 
 τα άΧΧα οϊός εστιν, ούκ αν αιτιστήσαι τις των 
 είρη μενών ούδενί. ούτος μεν γάρ *€χει την ουσίαν, 
 άφ ’ ής νυν εστι Χαμπρός, αΧΧοτρίαν, άδεΧφών 
 τριών ομομήτριων επικΧηρων καταΧειφθεισών αυ¬ 
 τόν τώ 7 τατρϊ αυτών είσποιήσας, ούδεμίαν εκείνου 
 περί τούτων ποιησαμενου διαθήκην. *τοΐν δ’ άδεΧ- 41 
 φαΐν τοΐν δυοΐν επειδή τα χρήματα είσεπράττετο 
 ύπδ τών εκείναις συνοικούντων, τον μεν τήν πρεσ¬ 
 βυτέραν εχοντα κατοικοδομήσας και επιβουΧεύ- 
 σας ή τίμωσε, καί γραφήν ύβρεως γραφείς ουδέ πω 
 τούτων δίκην *δεδωκε, τής δε μετ εκείνην γενομέ- 
 νης τον ανδρα άποκτεΐναι κεΧεύσας οίκέτην εκείνον 
 μεν εξεπεμγε, την ο αιτίαν εις την αοεΧφην 
 ετρεψε, καταπΧήξας δΐ ταΐς αυτού βδεΧυρίαις 42 
 προσαφήρηται τον υίδν αυτού τήν ουσίαν επιτρο- 
 πεύσας, και κατεχει τον αγρόν, *φεΧΧία δε [χωρία] 
 άττα εκείνω δεδωκε. και ταύτα ότι άΧηθή Χεγω, 
 δεδίασι μεν αυτόν, ίσως δ’ αν μοι και μαρτυρήσαι 
 εθεΧήσειαν εί δε μή, τούς είδότας παρεξομαι 
 μάρτυρας. 
 
 § 40. ούκ clv άτηστήσαι. ns] άπιστήσαιτ ΐ trios Schb. on 
 his own conject. || *£%ei] Baiter, Turr. Schb.— είχε mss. 
 
 Bk.— ’έσχε Bk. conject., Schom. § 41. *τοΐν] ταΐν mss. and 
 edd. But Attic inscriptions of the 5th and 4th centuries b.c. 
 always have τοΐν as the fern., never ταΐν. (Meisterhans, p. 
 
 50.) || *δέδωκε] Sauppe, Turr. Schb.— έδωκε mss. Bk. Schom. 
 
 § 42 . φελλία δέ [χωρία] άττα ] φελλεάδε χωρία αττα Λ, φελλεάδε 
 χωρία α τα Β, φολεά δέ άτα Ζ. Bekker seems right in keeping 
 άττα and rejecting χωρία as a gloss. But then we should 
 write φελλία (Xen. Cyn. 5. 18): there is no adj. φελλεό s. 
 Schomann rejected άττα as well as χωρία, taking φελλέ a as acc. 
 sing, of φελλεύ* : so, too, Turr. and Schb. See comment. 
 
fy l pvi&Q* u 
 7 ' / » 
 
 
 
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3 vir* 
 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 ANTIPHON. 
 
 Antiphon: 480 — 411 b.c. Approximate period of extant 
 work, 421—411 b.c. Life in Attic Orators, i. 1—17. 
 
 Style. Antiphon, the earliest forensic speech-writer (\oyo- 
 7 ράφος), represents that early style of Attic prose composition 
 which Dionysius (de comp. verb. 22—24) calls the ‘austere’ or 
 ‘rugged’ (αυστηρά, αρμονία ), as distinguished from the ‘ smooth ’ 
 (-γλαφυρά) of Isokrates, and the ‘ middle ’ (μέση) of Demos¬ 
 thenes. Its leading characteristics are (1) dignity: ‘the move¬ 
 ment of the whole is to be slow and majestic, impressing by its 
 weight and grandeur, not charming by its life and flow’: (2) 
 reliance on contrasts of single words: e.g. -γνωρισταί — δικασταί — 
 δοξασταί — κριταί, Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 94: (3) bold, but 
 not florid, imagery: e.g. έπΐ τη έμαυτοΰ άπαιδίςι ξων 'έτι κατορυ- 
 χθησομαι, Tetr. π. β § 10: (4) sparing use of the ‘figures of 
 thought’, σχήματα διάνοιας, —as irony, rhetorical question, etc.: 
 see Attic Orators, i. 29 : (5) predominance of direct appeals to 
 feeling (pathos) over subtle expression of character (ethos): 
 (6) in the structure of sentences, the transition from a ‘con¬ 
 tinuous ’ style, λέξις είρομένη, in which clauses are simply 
 strung together, to a periodic style, λέξις κατεστραμμένη. 
 
 Thucydides belongs to the same stage of Attic prose as 
 Antiphon, differing from him principally in (1) a more pregnant 
 brevity: (2) a tendency to peculiar arrangements of words, 
 caused by desire of emphasis on the key-note of the thought: 
 e.g. Thuc. V. 91, έπι σωτηρίψ νυν τούς λό-γους έροΰμεν τής ύμετέρας 
 πόλεως, instead of έττϊ σωτ. τής ύμετ. 7τόλ.: (3) a tendency to 
 bring a greater number of clauses within the compass of a 
 single sentence, in order that the whole of a complex thought 
 may be seen at one view.—See Attic Orators, i. 18—44. On 
 Antiphon’s Works in general, ib. 45—70. 
 
202 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Antiphon 
 
 I. ΤΕΤΡΑΛΟΓΊΑ B. β. The Tetralogies have this special 
 interest, that they represent rhetoric in its transition from the 
 technical to the practical stage, from the schools to the law- 
 courts and the ecclesia. Antiphon stood between the sophists 
 who preceded and the orators who followed him as the first 
 Athenian who was at once a theorist of rhetoric and a master 
 of practical eloquence. The Tetralogies hold a corresponding 
 place between merely ornamental exercises and real orations. 
 Each of them forms a set of four speeches, supposed to be 
 spoken in a trial for homicide. The accuser states his charge, 
 and the defendant replies; the accuser then speaks again, and 
 the defendant follows with a second reply. The imaginary 
 case is in each instance sketched as lightly as possible; details 
 are dispensed with; only the essential frame-work for dis¬ 
 cussion is supplied. Hence, in these skeleton-speeches, the 
 structure and anatomy of the argument stand forth in naked 
 clearness, stripped of everything accidental, and showing in 
 bold relief the organic lines of a rhetorical pleader’s thought.— 
 Attic Orators , i. 45f. The Tetralogies are distinguished by 
 their practical character from the ‘ displays ’ of the sophists as 
 well as from the ‘ declamations ’ of the Augustan age. 
 
 The subject of the Second Tetralogy is the death of a boy 
 accidentally struck by a javelin while watching a youth 
 practising at the gymnasium. The boy’s father accuses the 
 youth—whose father defends him—of accidental homicide ; 
 and the case comes before the court of the Palladion. In 
 order to understand the issues raised, it is necessary to keep in 
 mind the Greek view of accidental homicide. This view was 
 mainly a religious one. The death was a pollution. Some 
 person, or thing, must be answerable for that pollution, and 
 must be banished from the State, which would else remain 
 defiled. In a case like the supposed one, three hypotheses 
 were possible:—that the cause of the impurity had been the 
 thrower, the person struck, or the missile. There was a 
 special court—that held at the Prutaneion—for the trial of 
 inanimate things which had caused death. Here, however, 
 the question is only of living agents. The judges have nothing 
 whatever to do with the question as to how far either was 
 morally to blame. The question is simply which of them 
 is to be considered as, in fact, the author or cause of the 
 death. 
 
 The accuser’s first speech consists only of a few sentences, 
 in which he says that the facts admit of no doubt. A homicide 
 has been committed, though an involuntary one. The penalty 
 demanded is the banishment of the accused, in order that 
 Athens may not be polluted by his presence (μτ) xepiopav 
 άπασαν την πόλιν υπό τούτου μιαινομύνην § 2). It is expressed by 
 the phrase dpyav ών ό νόμος e’ipya ib. and y. § 11. The 
 
NOTES. 
 
 203 
 
 pp. 1, 2] 
 
 condemned person remained in exile until the relatives of the 
 deceased gave their consent to his return (εως άν αίδέσηταί τις 
 των έν yivei του πεπονθότος : cp. Dem. or. xxxvn. Adv. Pantaen. 
 
 § 59, or. xliii. Adv. Macart. § 57) : the usual statement that 
 the term was limited to a year (airev (.αυτισμός) needs con¬ 
 firmation, at least for Athens. See K. F. Hermann, Antiq. 
 i. § 104. 11. 
 
 § 1. άιτράγμονας] άτι-ρά-γμων, the man * of quiet life’, who 1 
 keeps out of law-suits and politics : ήσύχιο s, the man ‘ of 
 peaceful disposition ’. In regard to law-suits, the Athenian 
 άπρά*γμων stood in favourable contrast with the συκοφάντης , 
 but in politics he was despised: Thuc. ii. 40, τον μηδέν τωνδε 
 (των πολίτικων) μετέχοντα ούκ άπ pay μονά αλλά άχρεϊον νομί- 
 ζομεν. 
 
 τολμάν τά τε άλλα] = τά τε αλλα τολμάν. For τε misplaced, 
 Cp. Thuc. IV. 10, ήν εθέλωμέν τε μεΐναι καί μή καταπροδοΰναι. 
 
 τήν ακρίβειαν] ‘the exact truth’. Thuc. ι. 22, χαλεπόν ήν % 
 διαμνημονεΰσαι την ακρίβειαν αυτήν των λεχθέντων, ‘the exact 
 form ’. 
 
 § 2 . καί αύτοβ] ‘myself also’:—alluding to the accuser's 
 previous appeal (a. § 2), υμάς δε άξιω έλεοΰντας, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 άκριβ&ττερον] ‘with more subtlety’ — referring especially to 
 the distinction which he proceeds to draw between πράκτορες 
 των ακουσίων and των παθημάτων αίτιοι (§ 6). The accuser, 
 in his second speech (y. § 3), says, μη Zpya φανερά υπό πονηράς 
 λ6yωv άκριβείας (‘a quibbling subtlety’) πεισθέντες φευδη τήν 
 αλήθειαν των πραχθέντων Ύρ^ήσησθε. 
 
 μή...τήν κρίσ-ιν ττοιήσ-ασ-θαι] With the vulg., μή διά τάς 
 προειρημένας τύχας άποδεζα μένους, κ.τ.λ., we can only render: 
 
 ‘I ask you to entertain my defence, and not to give your 
 judgment—under the influence of those mischances to which 
 I have referred—on grounds of opinion rather than of fact ’. 
 But the position of άπoδεξaμέvoυς...άπόλoyίav, inserted between 
 μή and ποιήσασθαι, is then intolerable. Blass conjectures ίσα 
 ταΐς προειρημέναις τύχαις : i.e. ‘ I beg you not to receive my 
 defence in the spirit—not to view them in the light—of the 
 mischances’, etc. The objections are (1) the phrase ίσα ταΐς... 
 τύχαις, which surely will not yield such a sense: (2) the 
 necessarily favourable sense of άποδεξαμένους. I propose, 
 retaining διά...τάς τύχας, to insert ήττάν τι before άποδεξα- 
 μένους : ‘ I beg you not to entertain my defence the less 
 favourably on account of the mischances to which I have 
 referred ’. See p. 55, § 8, for another instance in which ήττον 
 seems to have dropped out.—An alternative remedy would be 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 204 
 
 [Antiphon 
 
 to change αποδεγμένους for some partic. of opposite meaning 
 (‘having rejected’); hut neither άποδοκιμάσαντας nor άπωσα- 
 μένους is palaeographically probable. 
 
 προς των Χ4γίΐν δυν. ] ‘is on the side of’, ‘favours’, those 
 who can speak. Eur. Ale. 57, προς των έχόντων, Φοίβε, τον 
 νόμον τίθης, ‘ for the rich ’—in their interest. 
 
 § 3 . παρά γνώμην τούτων] ‘ The result has completely 
 disappointed these expectations’: = παρά ταΰτα a ήλπιξ’ον , the 
 genitive τούτων depending on the idea of contrariety implied 
 in παρά γνώμην, as if he had written συμβέβηκέ μοι έναντία 
 τούτων. 
 
 μαράκιον] usu. denotes the age from about 14 to 18: παΐς 
 is younger. Xen. Symp. iv. 17, ώσπερ γε παΐς γίγνεται καλός, 
 οϋτω καί μειράκιον και άνήρ καί πρεσβύτης. 
 
 ούχ ύβρ€ΐ ούδ4 ακολασία] * insolence or wantonness ’. The 
 essence of ϋβρις is that it indulges the sense of power by humili¬ 
 ating another: ακολασία does what it likes at the moment, 
 without thinking of others. Aristotle distinguishes three είδη 
 of ολιγωρία (slight esteem), — viz. καταφρόνησις (contempt), 
 έπηρεασμός (active spite), ϋβρις, outrage (Rhet. n. 2 ), — the point 
 of έπηρεασμός being that it vexes the other, and of ϋβρις that it 
 dishonours him. Arist. makes ακολασία the υπερβολή περί 
 ήδονάς και λύπας ,— the μεσότης being σωφροσύνη. The accuser, 
 in his reply, attributes άκολασία to the youth ( 7 . § 6 ). 
 
 4v τω γυμνασίω] The παλαίστρα, the school of wrestling 
 and boxing, is often mentioned in connection with the διδασ- 
 καλεΐον as a place of training for boys : cp. Theophr. Char. vii. 
 The γύμνασών was a more general resort, including grounds for 
 running and archery, baths, and (as here) a range for javelin 
 practice. Plato recommends that a boy should begin at six 
 years of age to learn riding, and the use of the bow, javelin 
 and sling : ‘ letters ’ he postpones to the age of ten ( Legg . vn. 
 794 c). 
 
 ακουσίους αιτίας] ‘ charges arising from an involuntary act ’. 
 A harsh phrase : but the conj. άνοσίους seems weak. 
 
 μή φονίΰσιν €Ϊναι] Notice the simple μή, where μή ού 
 would be regular. Cp. Soph. Phil. 349, ού πολύν | χρόνον μ 
 επέσχον μη με ναυστολεΐν ταχύ. So Trach. 226. This is more 
 frequent with τό μή, e.g. Ο. T. 1387: Xen. Cyr. v. 1. 25, τις 
 σου άπελείφθη τό μή σοι ακόλουθεΐν; Her. I. 209, οΰκ ών έστι 
 μηχανή...ούδεμία τό μή κείνον έπιβουλεύειν έμοί. 
 
 § 4 . <δ μ4ν 4κωλύθη>] Cp. § 7, έπαθε.,.διακωλυθείς του 
 σκοπού τυχεΐν. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 205 
 
 ΡΡ· 2 — 4 ] 
 
 § 5 . €ΪΐΓ6ρ...άττοθανών] ‘As to the boy, if it has been 
 proved to you that he was not struck while he stood still 
 (β<ττώ$), it is still more manifest that, since he came of his own 
 accord into the course of the javelin, he was killed through his 
 own error’, μή and not ού before βληθείς because it depends 
 on εϊττερ: but ού would have been admissible here, owing to 
 the emphasis on the negative fact. Cp. on Be Caed. Her. § 14. 
 
 — ύ'π·€λθών...δηλούται...άποθανών. Since, or because, he came,... 
 it is clear that he died: = τό ύπελθεΊν αυτόν δηλοΐ οτι...άττέθανε. 
 
 So we might have, αμέλησα s δήλός έστιν άμαρτών, ‘it is clear 
 that he erred by carelessness’. The argument is: ‘If he 
 voluntarily left a safe place, he alone is answerable for the 
 consequences ’. In ’έτι σαφεστέρως the comparative is merely 
 rhetorical:—It must be, if possible, more obvious still, etc. 
 Note the alternative forms σαφεστέρως, σαφέστερον (§ 6): cp. 
 Isocr. Panegyr. § 193. 
 
 § β. ών άν 4ττινοήσ·ωσί τι δράσαι] The proper construc¬ 
 tion would have been simply άμαρτάνοντε s ών ( — τούτων a) αν 
 έττινοήσωσι, failing in the designs which they may have formed. 
 But to this τι δρασα i is added, as if, instead of άμαρτάνοντε s, 
 such a word as κωλυθέντες had preceded: failing to execute some 
 part of their designs. The redundancy was suggested by the 
 antithesis between planning and doing: cp. Thuc. v. 13, ούκ 
 αξιόχρεων αυτών 6ντων δράν τι ών κάκεΐνος έττενόει. 
 
 § 7 . άΐΓ€ΐρημ€νον... , π·ροσ·τ£ταγρ.€νον] Accus. absol. : ττροστε- 4 
 τα’γμόνον also in Plat. Legg. x. 902 d. So δέον — έξόν—παρέχον 
 — τ ταρασχόν — ττροσηκον—είρημένον — δεδο^γμένον — ραμμένον — 
 ιτροσταχθεν, κ.τ.λ. Goodwin § 110. 2. 
 
 4|ep.€XcTa] ‘ was carefully practising ’. Plat. Hipp. mai. 286 d, 
 άκούσας καί μαθών καί εκμελετήσα s (having perfected my skill) 
 ττάλιν Ιέναι έπι τό ν έρωτήσαντα. 
 
 εν γυμναξομ,4νοι$] ί. e. not among those who were practising 
 athletic exercises (where the risk of an accident would have 
 been greater), but ‘in the rank ’ (τάξις) of the javelin-throwers, 
 who had a special part of the gymnasium reserved for them. 
 
 § 8. τίτιμωρημενοδ Ιαυτόν] Cp. Be Caed. Her. § 21, τον 
 ττλοΰν ττεποιημένοϊ. So Thuc. III. 67, τετιμωρημένοι , ‘ having 
 taken vengeance’: but in Thuc. vn. 77 it is passive, άπο- 
 χpώvτωs ηδη τετιμωρ-ήμεθα, ‘we have been punished’: and so 
 VI. 60, ετετιμώρηντο. So e.g. μεμιμημένο$, έντεθυμημένος, έσκεμ- 
 μένοϊ, ήτιαμένος, κεκτημένος, can be either midd. or pass. 
 
 ού <τυνηδομ4νων ούδ4 (n>V€0.] The use of συν- in the first 
 pair of compounds is incorrect: the meaning is, ούκ έττι- 
 χαιρόντων ούδ ’ εθελοντών : but the form of the first clause 
 is assimilated to that of the second. Cp. Thuc. i. 142 § 2, 
 
206 SELECTIONS. [Antiphon 
 
 77 έπιτείχισις .. .ημών άντεπιτετειχισ μένων , ‘when our city (Athens) 
 is a counter-fortress to theirs ’·; as Shilleto takes it: the επί in 
 άντεπιτ. losing its proper force (‘on hostile soil’), and being 
 merely in rhetorical symmetry with h ητείχισις. — ημών] = τουδε 
 μεν του νηπίου, έμοΰ δέ του γηραιού, § 11. More boldly below, 
 § 9, ως φονέα μ€ διώκει. 
 
 § 9. μηδέ άκουσ-ίως] ‘not even involuntarily’: i.e. the boy 
 himself was αίτιος του παθήματος, § 6. 
 
 5 § ΙΟ. απολυόμενος δ£...εσ-μ4ν] The anacolouthon is caused 
 by the speaker’s thought passing, as the sentence goes on, 
 from the charge of which the son is really innocent to the 
 consequences for both father and son, if he is condemned. 
 
 των επιτηδευμάτων] ‘our aims in life’. Cp. § 3, ταΰτα 
 παιδεύων τόν υιόν έξ ών μάλιστα τό κοινόν ωφελείται. — επιτήδευμα, 
 a practice founded on a principle, Thuc. 1 . 32, 37. 
 
 ουτός τε γάρ] [I say ioe,~\ for both he, etc. 
 
 επί τε γάρ] επί before διαφθορμ might mean 4 after ’: but it 
 is better to take it, both with διαφθορμ and with άπαιδίμ, 
 
 as denoting the condition. ‘If he is to perish ’_‘ if I am to be 
 
 left childless ’. 
 
 £ών...κατορυχθήοΓομαι] The accuser, in his second speech, 
 appropriates the metaphor ( 7 . § 12 ), ζώντες κατορωρύγμεθα ΰπ' 
 αύτοΰ. This is characteristic of the Tetralogies (cp. β. § 2 and 
 7 . § 3, ets τόν ύμέτερον ’έλεον καταπεφευγώς), which are re¬ 
 pertories of points and topics, not examples of finished form. 
 
 § 11. γηραιού] A poetical word, used by Herod.; also 
 once by Thuc. Vi. 54, ΙΙεισιστράτου...γηραίου τελευτήσαντος’. 
 but not in later Attic prose. 
 
 (τυμφε'ρειν] Xen. Cyr. IV. 3 § 13, εκείνο δέ ούχΐ εύπετές, 
 τό δ τι αν δέη δπλον φέρειν, τόν ίππον τούτο συμφέρειν ; (help 
 to carry it.) 
 
 6 II. ’ ΤΕΤΡΑΛΟΓΙΑ Γ. α.— An elderly man having died of 
 blows received in a quarrel, the youth who had dealt them is 
 accused of murder before the Areiopagus. The accuser’s first 
 address expresses in a striking form the religious view of 
 homicide as a defilement. See Attic Orators, 1 . 55. 
 
 § 2. τούς πρώτους γενομ^νους] Cp. Hes. Op. 109, χρύσεον 
 μεν πρώτιστα γένος μερόπων ανθρώπων | αθάνατοι ποίησαν... 
 καρπόν δ’ έφερε ζείδωρος άρουρα j αύτομάτη πολλόν τε καί 
 άφθονον. 
 
 § 3. των άλιτηρίων] ‘avenging spirits’. The gods under 
 whose protection the murdered person stood, and to whom his 
 spirit turns for vengeance — ol των άποθανύντων προστρόπαιοι 
 
NOTES. 
 
 207 
 
 ΡΡ· 4 ~ 8 1 
 
 (§ 4)—become αλιτήριοι, punishers of sin, in relation to the 
 murderer. The commoner sense of αλιτήριος is ‘sinful’, with 
 a genit. of the god offended or the place polluted ( e.g . θεών, 
 Έλλάδο$) : for the double meaning, cp. άλάστωρ, μιάστωρ, 
 προστρόπαιος, άφίκτωρ, προσίκτωρ. 
 
 ού ιτροσηκον] ‘gratuitous’: strictly ‘alien ’, — not arising 7 
 from their own sin. From another point of view, ‘self- 
 inflicted ’ woes are οικεία πάθη, Soph. Ai. 260. 
 
 § 4. ού τιμωρουντεδ] (1) τιμωρεΐν τινά τινι, to punish A for 
 B’s satisfaction: (2) τιμωρεΐσθαί τινά τινι, to revenge oneself on 
 A for wronging B. The accus. is more often omitted with 
 τιμωρεΐν, the dat. with τιμωρεΐσθαί. 
 
 •rots tiriTijiiois] A word of poetical cast, like many which 
 the older prose writers used: see Attic Orators, i. 20. Soph. 
 El. 1382, τάπιτίμια τής δυσσεβείας. Lycurg. In Leocr. § 4, 
 τά εκ των νόμων επιτίμια. 
 
 καί τού ύμετερου άμαρτ. υπαίτιοι] ‘responsible for your 
 offence also ’. υπαίτιος is not ‘ accessory ’, like μεταίτιος or 
 παραίτιος opposed to παναίτιος, but ‘under’, ‘liable to, αίτια'. 
 
 § 6 . ΰβρει καί ακολασία] Cp. note on Tetr. B. β. § 3. 
 
 των γεραιοτε'ρων] As τά των y. νόμιμα could not mean ‘ the 
 privileges of elders ’, we can only render ‘ the institutions of 
 our ancestors’. But it may be suspected that the text is 
 corrupt, and that the τον yepai0Tepov of N points to this. 
 The contention is that he would in any case have been guilty 
 of homicide; but that the offence has been aggravated by 
 violence to a man so much older than himself. After τόν 
 yepaioTepov, τύψας or a similar participle may have fallen out. 
 
 άμαρτεΐν] ‘ to miss ’: Andoc. De Myst. § 20, δνοΐν τοΐν 
 μεyίστoιv κακοΐν ούκ ήν αύτφ άμαρτεΐν. Cp. δικαιουσθαι, ‘to 
 get one’s due’, to be punished, Thuc. hi. 40. 
 
 § 7. τιμωρεΐσθαί] Middle, ‘to punish’. Cp. Tetr. Γ. δ. 
 
 § 11, τόν δό μιαρόν τιρ χρόνιρ άποδόντες φήναι τοΐς έγγιστα 
 τιμωρεΐσθαι απολείπετε. 
 
 την βουλεύσασαν ψυχήν] Cp. Andoc. De Reditu § 24, 
 where he argues that not his σώμα but his yvώμη was answer- 
 able for his deeds: ή δέ yvώμη άντι τής προτέρας ετέρα νυνί 
 παρίστηκεν. Here, as there, the sinning mind is personified. 
 
 In Thuc. ψυχή is' nearly always ‘the breath of life’ in a 
 physical sense: once, in ii. 40 § 3, κράτιστοι τήν ψυχήν = 
 ευψυχότατοι , of moral courage. 
 
 III. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΗΡΩΔΟΥ ΦΟΝΟΥ] Herodes, an Athe-8 
 nian citizen, had settled at Mytilene in 424 b.c., after the 
 
208 ' SELEu DIONS. [Antiphon 
 
 revolt and reduction of that town. He was one of the cleruchs 
 among whom its territory was apportioned, but not otherwise 
 wealthy. Having occasion to make a voyage to Aenos on 
 the coast of Thrace, to receive the ransom of some Thracian 
 captives who were in his hands, he sailed from Mytilene with 
 the accused,—a young man whose father, a citizen of Mytilene, 
 lived chiefly at Aenos. Herodes and his companion were 
 driven by a storm to put in at Methymna on the north-west 
 coast of Lesbos; and there, as the weather was wet, exchanged 
 their open vessel for another which was decked. After they 
 had been drinking on board together, Herodes went ashore 
 at night, and was never seen again. 
 
 The accused, after making every inquiry for him, went on 
 to Aenos in the open vessel; while the decked vessel, into 
 which they had moved at Methymna, returned to Mytilene. 
 On reaching the latter place again, the defendant was charged 
 by the relatives of Herodes with having murdered him at the 
 instigation of Lycinus, an Athenian living at Mytilene, who 
 had been on bad terms with the deceased. They rested their 
 charge principally on three grounds. First, that the sole 
 companion of the missing man must naturally be considered 
 accountable for his disappearance. Secondly, that a slave had 
 confessed under torture to having assisted the defendant in 
 the murder. Thirdly, that on board the vessel which re¬ 
 turned from Methymna had been found a letter in which 
 the defendant announced to Lycinus the accomplishment of 
 the murder. 
 
 It was necessary that the trial should take place at Athens, 
 whither all subject-allies were compelled to bring their 
 criminal causes. The ordinary course would have been to 
 have laid an indictment for murder (-γραφή φόνου ) before 
 the Areiopagus. Instead, however, of doing this the relatives 
 of Herodes laid an information against the accused as a 
 ‘malefactor’ (κακουρ-γοτ). He was accordingly to be tried by 
 an ordinary dikastery under the presidency of the Eleven. 
 ‘Malefactor’, at Athens, ordinarily meant a thief, a house¬ 
 breaker, a kidnapper, or criminal of the like class; but the 
 term was, of course, applicable to murder, especially if ac¬ 
 companied by robbery. Date about 417 b.c. See Attic 
 Orators, i. 55 £f. 
 
 1. Narrative: §§ 1—30. 
 
 § 1. ΙβουΧάμην] Without av ,—of that which one wishes 
 were now true, but which is not so: Ar. Ran. 866, έβονλόμην 
 ah ουκ ipi^ecv ένθάδε, ‘I could have wished that I was not’... 
 Cp. the use of Ζδει, ωφελον, etc., with infin.: Goodwin § 49. 3. c. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 209 
 
 pp. 8, 9] 
 
 του μ6ν...τοΰ 84] του μέν = τής re συμφοράς καί των κακών , 
 adversity: του δέ = τής δυνάμεως του Χέγειν καί της εμπειρίας των 
 πραγμάτων ,— the power of self-defence. 
 
 4 
 
 § 2 . οΰ μέν γάρ] ‘In circumstances where I was forced to 
 suffer personal ill-usage on the charge falsely brought, legal 
 experience did not come to my rescue; and here, when I must 
 save myself by help of the truth, and by a narrative of the 
 facts, I am embarrassed by my incapacity for speaking κακο¬ 
 παθ εΐν, because he had been imprisoned, bail being refused: 
 see § 17. 
 
 Ινταυθοΐ] So § 10, ένταυθοΐ πεποιήκασι την κρίσιν, ‘they 
 have brought the trial hither’. Here, too, the idea of motion 
 can be elicited from ώφέλησεν &$ = έβοήθησεν. In Soph. Phil. 
 481, έμβαλοϋ μ’.,.δποι | ήκιστα μέλλω... aXyvveiv, 6ποι = έκεΐσε 
 οπού. In Ar. Lys. 526, ποΐ χρήν άναμεΐναι=μέχρι τίνος χρόνου ; 
 Cp. Pors. on Eur. Hec. 1062. 
 
 § 3. άπιστοι γ. Tots άλ.] ‘have been disbelieved because 
 they told the truth ’: τοΐς άληθέσιν, a somewhat harsh instru¬ 
 mental dative, ‘by the truth’, = τφ τά αληθή λέ^ειν— δηλώσαι 
 αυτά, to prove, establish their story, which, though really true, 
 seemed improbable. 
 
 4irl tois των κατηγ. Χόγ.] ‘dependent upon’, αυτά τά £pya, 
 ‘the actual facts ’: ή αλήθεια των πpayμάτωv, ‘the true version’ 
 of the story. Cp, Tetr. B. β. § 2, ή δόξα των πραχθέντων, 
 opposed to ή αλήθεια. 
 
 § 4. ούχ άτΓ€ρ...άκροά<Γθαι] Our idiom requires, ούχ άπερ 
 ol πολλοί αΐτοΰνται, άκροάσθαι αυτών. Cp. Plat. Gory. 522 A, 
 πεινήν καί διφήν άναχκάζων , ούχ ώσπερ έχω πολλά καί ήδέα 
 καί παντοδαπά εύώχουν υμάς: i.e. ούχ ώσπερ eyo> έποίονν, εύωχών. 
 
 § 5. τάδ€ 8e] Note δέ, where (after ούχ άπερ, κ.τ.λ.) later 9 
 prose would usu. have αλλά : cp. Thuc. iv. 86, ούκ επί κακφ, 
 επ’ ελευθερώσει δέ. Soph. Ant. 84, προμηνύσης ye μηδενί...\... 
 κρυφή δέ κεΰθε. So ούδέ=άλΧ ού } II. χχιν. 25. 
 
 άληθ€ία...€ίρήσθαι] ‘that it has the force of truth, not of 
 rhetorical art’. The proposed insertion of εΰ before είρήσθαι 
 seems to weaken the sense, αληθείς,, δεινότητι, instrumental 
 dat., like τοΐς άληθέσιν in § 3: by means of, in the strength of. 
 
 § 6 . καί ιτού τι καί Ιξαμ.] The first καί= ( also’’ : i.e. as 
 he is in peril, so will he be nervous: the second καί = ‘e’en’, 
 ‘actually’, belonging to έξαμαρτεΐν : που = 'Ι suppose’, rather 
 than ‘at some point’. The very fact that a man’s life is at 
 stake makes it almost certain that he will commit some 
 indiscretion. 
 
 § 7. διαίΓράσσωνται.,.όρθουμίνουδ] ‘But when they are 
 
 U 
 
 J. 
 
210 SELECTIONS. [Antiphon 
 
 seeking (pres.) to effect some object without risks, they are 
 more successful (as speakers)’. Cp. Soph. Ant. 675, των 
 δ ’ όρθουμένων, ‘of the prosperous’. 
 
 εν τω ύμ,ετ. δικ.] ‘ A part of your duty no less than of my 
 right ’: i.e. compatible with the ήλιαστικός όρκος taken by the 
 dikasts. 
 
 10 § 8. ού τφ φεύγειν άν] ‘Not on the chance of eluding the 
 judgment of the Athenian people’, τφ φεΰyε^v is a dat. ex¬ 
 pressing the motive as a circumstance of the action, like εύνοια, 
 έπραξα, I acted with (or from) good will: as we might say, 
 ‘I do not urge this by way of possibly escaping’, (pevyetv 
 av, the oblique of (pevyoif.u av, not of %<pevyov civ. — τό ττΧήθοδ τό 
 νμ,ετερον, the judges as representing τον δήμον τον Άθηναΐον : 
 a regular mode of respectful address: so Andoc. Myst. § 135, τό 
 πλήθος των ’ Αθηναίων. 
 
 καν άνωμότοΐδ κ.τ.λ.] ‘I would commit my life to your 
 decision even if you were bound by no oath, and were to 
 decide on no basis of law’: καί μή κατά, νόμον μηδένα with 
 διαφηφίσασθαι.— eveKaye του πιστεύειν, ‘so far as concerns’, etc. 
 
 παρανομία] ‘illegal conduct’, often also in a general sense 
 of anti-republican licence; ού δημοτική παρανομία (of Alcibiades) 
 Thuc. vi. 28. 
 
 § 9. κακονργοδ] On the strength of the information 
 (όνδειξ is KaKovpyla s) laid against him, he was arrested by the 
 Eleven (άπayωyήv, § 9: άπήχθην, § 85). The same summary 
 procedure (instead of the ordinary ypaφή φόνου ) was taken 
 against the murderers of Phrynichus in 411 b.c. (Lycurg. 
 In Leocr. § 12) and against Agoratus (Lys. In Agorat. § 85). The 
 speaker here seems to have been treated harshly, but not, 
 as he alleges, illegally. 
 
 § ΙΟ. φασ -l δε αύ] They argue that the general term 
 KaKoupyia includes τό άποκτείνειν as well as τό iepoaoXeiv, etc.: 
 he admits this, but argues that these greater κaκoυpyήμaτa 
 should be tried under the laws special to each. The emenda¬ 
 tion φασϊ δέ αύτό ye τό άποκτείναν, with ώσπερ inserted before 
 και τό Ιεροσυλεΐν, is needless, and suggests a contrast, which 
 has no point here, between accidental homicide and deliberate 
 murder. 
 
 11 εν τη άγορα] The prosecutor in a case of φόνος gave the 
 accused formal notice (πρόρρησις) to keep away from all public 
 places: see below § 88. Several law-courts were situated in 
 the market-place : Lys. or. 19, § 55, iyybs οίκων τής ayopas 
 (though I live near) ούτε προς δικαστηρίιρ οϋτε πρός βουλευτηρίιρ 
 ώφθην ούδεπώποτε. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 211 
 
 pp. 9—13] 
 
 § 11. ατταντα τά δικαστήρια] viz. (1) the Areiopagns, (2) 
 τό επί Π άΧλαδίψ, for accidental homicide, (3) τό iv Φ ρεαττοΐ, 
 when a man already banished for an accidental homicide 
 is tried anew for murder, (4) to επί Αελφινίιρ, for homicide 
 where justification is pleaded, (5) to επί ΐίρυτανείιρ, when an 
 inanimate object had caused death. In the last four courts 
 the έφέται judged. Cp. Hermann Antiq. i. § 104. 
 
 τούτο δέον σδ] The apodosis would probably have been 
 άνώμοτος μέν...κατηγορείς, at the beginning of § 12: but owing 
 to the length of the sentence the construction is interrupted, 
 and § 12 begins with d (instead of ταΰτα) σύ παρελθών. 
 
 § 12 . άνώμοτοδ μεν] The usual προωμοσία can scarcely 
 have been dispensed with in cases of απαγωγή. The expression 
 is rhetorical: ‘you have not taken the solemn oath of the 
 Areiopagus 
 
 ciirropevovs των σφαγίων] ‘ with hand laid upon the sacri¬ 
 fice’. Dem. In Aristocr . § 67, πρώτον μεν διομεΐται κατ έξω- 
 λείας αύτοΰ καί ytvovs καί οικίας...στας έπϊ των τομίων κάπρου καί 
 κριοί) καί ταύρου, και τούτων έσφα^μένων ύφ' ών δει και ev ah 
 ημέραις καθήκει. * 
 
 § 13. <τοΰτο μεν>...τούτο δ’] ‘in the first place’...‘in 12 
 the next place’. The accuser says that the accused would 
 have fled, if he had not been arrested. The accused replies 
 that he would have had no motive for secret flight. He could 
 have left Attica openly, either (1) before the proceedings began, 
 in which case-judgment would have gone by default : or (2) 
 after the proceedings had begun, and when he had made 
 his first speech in court,—in which case he would have ac¬ 
 cepted the penalty of exile. 
 
 ϊσον ήν μοι] ‘It was as good for me’ not to come: 
 
 ‘I might as well not have come’. Blass inserts είναι after 
 όφλεΐν, rendering acquum erat licere milni: but the sense is, 
 
 ‘I might as well have incurred judgment by default ’. 
 
 την ττροτδ'ραν] sc. απολογίαν : his first speech, in reply to 
 the first speech of the accuser. In a trial which ran its full 
 course, the accuser and the accused would each speak a second 
 time. Dem. In Aristocr. § 69, τον πρδτερον δ ’ ’έ'ξεστιν είπόντα 
 λόγον μεταστψαι. This voluntary withdrawal is expressed in 
 Tetr. Γ. δ. § 1 by ύπαπέστη. 
 
 § 14. άρχαιοτάτοιβ] Isocr. Panegyr. § 40, oi yap εν άρχρ 
 περί των φονικών iy καΧέσαντες.,.έν tois νόμοις τοΐς ήμετέροις τάς 
 κρίσεις έποιησαντο περί αυτών. 
 
 ή ου] ου, and not μ-ή, in the second clause, because there is 13 
 an emphasis on the fact that he does not state the case 
 
 14—2 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 212 
 
 [Antiphon 
 
 correctly. He seeks to lead you into an abstract speculation 
 (el καλώς κεΊνται ή μή): you must draw a practical conclusion. 
 Cp. Soph. Al. 7, όπως ϊδης j είτ’ ’ένδον εϊτ ούκ ένδον. 
 
 § 15. ούδεις πώποτε] Grote (v. 498) is with those who 
 deny that Ephialtes took away the jurisdiction of the Areio- 
 pagus in homicide. In Lys. or. i. De Caed. Erat. § 30, φ 
 καί πάτριόν έστι καί έφ υμών άποδέδοται του φόνου τάς δίκας 
 δικάξειν, άποδέδοται is not ‘it has been given back’, but ‘it 
 is assigned’. 
 
 και ταΰτα παρελθών] Cp. § 12 ά σύ παρελθών, § 11 σύ δέ 
 τούτο μέν παρελθών, κ.τ.λ. Better here, then, ‘and having 
 disregarded these ordinances ’: rather than: ‘ and, what is 
 more, you have come forward’, etc. 
 
 § 16. ώς καί τοΐς τότε δικασταίς, κ.τ.λ.] ‘as if, in fact, you 
 meant to dispute the previous verdict ’. oi τότε δικασταί are the 
 judges who are vow trying the case, but who, at the time 
 denoted by άπιστήσων , will be ‘the former judges’, whose 
 verdict he will then seek to upset. It seems unnecessary to 
 Conjecture τοισδε τοΐς or τοΐς ενθάδε. 
 
 μηδέ πλέον...μηδ’] ‘ even if I am acquitted (so far from 
 being finally saved) I am not even benefited ’. 
 
 § 17. £ri δέ μάλ’ έδε'θην] ‘ Moreover, I was actually im¬ 
 prisoned’. μάλα is not = ‘rigorously’, but merely gives a 
 certain colloquial emphasis, ‘I can assure you’. 
 
 Ιγγυητάδ τρεις] Dem. In Timocr. § 144 (from the oath of 
 the βουλευταί), ούδε δήσω Αθηναίων ούδένα 6s αν έγγυητάς τρεις 
 καθιστη το αυτό τέλος τελοΰντας ( i.e . three ιππείς if he were a 
 Ιππεύς, etc.). The only exception was when the accused was 
 charged with προδοσία της πόλεως or κατάλυσις του δήμου : and 
 the object, Demosth. says, was to prevent malicious collusion 
 among the ρήτορες in the βουλή. 
 
 οί επιμεληται των κ.] = οί ένδεκα, by whom the arrest on the 
 ένδειξις κακουρ'^ίας was made. Herm. Antiq. i. § 139. 13. 
 
 14 εμοί μόνω επελιπε] ‘failed in my case only’. The simple 
 dat. gives this sense without the addition of έπ ’ proposed by 
 Beiske. Baiter, needlessly, ένέλιπε. 
 
 § 18. τους τε φίλους] Cp. Dem. In Timocr. § 145, ϊνα μή διά 
 τό δεδέσθαι χείρον άναχκάζοιντο άχωνίζεσθαι ή κεί παντάπασιν απα¬ 
 ράσκευοι εϊεν : where χείρον , ‘ at greater disadvantage ’, means 
 that the disgrace of their imprisonment would estrange their 
 supporters. 
 
 § 19. πολλοις ελασσωθείς, κ.τ.λ.] ‘placed at a disad¬ 
 vantage in respect to many points of your law and of justice ’: 
 because he had been accused as a κακούργος, and bail had been 
 
NOTES. 
 
 213 
 
 pp. 13 — 16] 
 
 refused. Cp. έλασσούμενοι, ‘ suffering a disadvantage * exacting 
 less than our due ’, Thuc. i. 77: Dem. De Cor. § 3, πολλά, μέν 
 ουν £ywy έλαττονμαι κατά τουτονί rbv αγώνα ΑΙσχίνου. — έλασσω- 
 θείς is Dobree’s correction (supported by N) of the vulgate 
 σωθείς &v, which could only mean, ‘when I might (justly) be 
 acquitted’, ‘though entitled to acquittal \ = ore σωθείην av (el 
 των δικαίων τύχοιμι). Cp. Xen. Mem. iv. 4. 4, ρςιδίως αν άφεθε is 
 [=:#re άφείθη άν]...προείλετο άποθανεΐν. But, though gramma¬ 
 tically possible, σωθείς av ill suits the context. 
 
 § 20 . Αίνον] a town on the coast of Thrace, on the pro¬ 
 montory s.e. of the lake Stentoris at the mouth of the Hebrus: 
 about 100 miles n. of Lesbos. It is named by Thuc. vn. 57 as 
 one of three Aeolic places (Methymna and Tenedos being the 
 others) which helped Athens against Sicily. 
 
 €>ραξίν] Her. v. 6 says of the Thracians, πωλευσι τά τέκνα 
 έπ' eξayωy^] (as slaves), θρ$ττα, a Thracian δούλη, Theoph. 
 Char, xxviii. 
 
 § 21. ή...ΐΓρόφασ -is] the (real) occasion : cp. Thuc. i. 23, 15 
 την άληθεστάτην πρόφασιν. But below § 26 ή πρόφασις is the 
 (false) pretext, πρόφασις is a cause alleged — truly or un¬ 
 truly. 
 
 τη? Μηθυμνα£αδ] Μηθύμνη (Molivo) on n.w. coast of 
 Lesbos. Thuc. in. 2, A έσβος πλην λίηθύμνης άπεστη. The land 
 of Methymna was not confiscated by Athens after the revolt 
 (hi. 50) : and in vn. 57 its people are φόριρ ούχ υπήκοοι —an 
 exemption shared in 415 b.c. only by Chios (vi. 85). 
 
 [τον Ήρώδην] A manifest gloss, which a comma after 
 αυτόν fails to make tolerable. 
 
 ττίΐϊΌίημίνοδ] Cp. Tetr. B. β. § 8, τετιμωρημένος. 
 
 § 22 . 4γ£γν€το] * This, too, followed (imperf.) of necessity’: 
 but ey ένετο, ‘took place’, — of the same thing viewed, not as 
 a consequence* but as an independent occurrence at a given 
 moment in past time. 
 
 ταΰτ’] ‘all this the μετέκβασις and its circumstances. 
 
 § 23. η καί νιτ «μου] The καί is redundant, and can be 16 
 expressed only if we say ‘ by me on my part ’: but the Greek 
 love of balanced contrast borrows it from the form, εζητεΊτο οΰ 
 μόνον υπό των άλλων άλλά καί υπ’ έμοΰ. So Soph. El. 1146, 
 
 Ο. C. 53, Ant. 927. 
 
 «is t« την Μιτ.] The re after εις corresponds with the 
 καί before άλλου (‘both—and’, i.e. ‘not only—but’): the clause 
 καί τ. έ. y. έπέμπετο explains εγώ αίτιος ήν π. : ‘Not only was I 
 the cause of a messenger being sent,—that is, it was on my 
 
. 214 SELECTIONS. [Antiphon 
 
 suggestion that it was proposed to send him ( imperf .),—but’ 
 etc. 
 
 § 24. ^irep/irov] ‘offered to send’. Aeschin. In Ctes. § 83, 
 'Αλόννησον έδίδον 6 δό άπηγόρευε μη λαμβάνειν : so h τειθον. 
 
 ir\ov<s...kyiyvero] ‘The weather favoured our voyage’: 
 Thuc. I. 137, μηδένα έκβηναι έκ rrjs νεώς μέχρι π\ου% yέvητaι. 
 
 § 25. Ι-ιτεδήμουν] ‘was still in the country’—■ i . e. in Lesbos, 
 before he had sailed for the coast of Thrace. Eeiske wrongly, 
 
 ‘ Athenis adhuc versabar ’—supposing the speaker to have gone 
 there from Aenos, before returning to Lesbos. 
 
 § 26. 4v μ«ν τη yfj] The μέν is taken up by ojtws δ’ 
 ηφανίσθη : he had certainly been killed on land, they said, but 
 how the body had disappeared , they could not tell. 
 
 17 αν Ιδύνατο] The imperf. with av might mean either (1) he 
 would not note be able [as in fact he is]: or (2) he would not, 
 at the supposed past time,have been able: the imperf. differing 
 here from the aor. in expressing the man’s state, and not' 
 merely his ability for a certain act at a certain moment. ‘ He 
 probably icould not have been in a condition to control his 
 own movements’. 
 
 § 27. ο’τττήρ] A poet, word, used by Xen. in this sense, 
 Cyr. iv. 6. 17. 
 
 κατ’ 4γώ] ‘Nevertheless, I concede [I will take for granted] 
 the assertion of the prosecutors,— παρεχόμενοί, although I bring 
 witnesses ’, etc. εϊτα, = after all that I have proved: cp. Plat. 
 Prot. 327 c. 
 
 § 28. μη όμολογοίατιν a/rroBaveiv] Franke would write όμο\. 
 μη άττοθ., but the unusual order arises from the eager stress on 
 the negative. Thuc. vi. 18, οι) μόνον έπιόντα rts αμύνεται, άλλα 
 καί μη οπω$ h τεισι προκαταλαμβάνει, i.e. δπως μη Ζπεισι. 
 
 18 § 29. τι αίμα is a certain correction of the vulg. τδ αίμα. 
 For the position of τι cp. Dem. Phil. hi. § 47, έστι τοίνυν 
 τι$ εύηθής \6yos: Soph. Ai. 468, και δρων tl χρηστόν. 
 
 ούκ Ιν€χώρ€ΐ] ‘But when they found that this theory was 
 inadmissible ’. 
 
 άποτραττόμενοι. . .<τυλλαβόντ€5 4βασ\] The second part, be¬ 
 longs more closely to the verb: cp. Plat. Phaed. p. 70 a, (ή 
 φυχη ) διασκεδασθεϊσ a οΐχηται διαπτομένη. 
 
 § 30. φλαΰρον] ‘compromising’. 
 
pp. 16—20] 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 215 
 
 2. Peroration: §§ 81—96. 
 
 § 81. τεκμηρίων...σ·ημείοΐδ] Arist.’s distinction between 
 the conclusive τεκμήριον and the fallible σημείο v is not clearly 
 drawn by earlier writers, though τεκμήριο v often = ‘a proof’. 
 Antiphon, frag. xxiii. 2 (Sauppe), τα παρωχημένα σημείου πισ- 
 τώσαι τα δέ μέλλοντα τεκμηρίου, — where σημεία = indications 
 furnished by facts, τεκμήρια = grounds of conjecture: and so 
 Andoc. Be Pace § 2, περί των μελλόντων. Here, however, 
 τεκμήρια are rather positive proofs: σημεία , signs. 
 
 tovs kivSvvovs] ‘ their appointed dangers 
 
 § 82. μη καθαροί] sc. 8ντες. Xen. Cyr. iii. 1. 16, τί 19 
 χρήσαιτ’ dv τις ίσχυρφ η άνδρείιρ, μη σώφρονι; 
 
 συνεισβάντεξ] Xen. Cyr. νπι. 1. 25, ώσπερ οι πλεΐν αιρού- 
 μενοι μετά των ευσεβών μάλλον ή μετά των ήσεβηκέναι τι δοκοΰν· 
 των. Cp. Aesch. Thel·. 597—600: Hor. Carm. iii. 2. 26: Eur. 
 
 El. 1354. 
 
 διακωλύοντεδ.,.μή γίγνεσθαι] Xen. Anal·, ii. 3. 3, θυομένφ 
 Ιέναι έπι βασιλέα ούκ έγίγνετο τα Ιερά, ορρ. to καλά ήμΐν τα Ιερά 
 ήν. The pollution incurred by the slaying of the Persian 
 heralds hindered the sacrifices at Sparta from being favourable 
 until the μήνις of Talthybius had been appeased, Her. vii. 134. 
 
 § 83. τεκμήρια... rqs ai/rias, οτι, κ.τ.λ.] * evidence con¬ 
 cerning the charge (against me), showing that these men are 
 accusing me falsely ’. 
 
 § 85. οϊμαι St καί υμών] Dobree’s emendation, δέομαι δέ 20 
 και υμών , is the simplest, but gives less point than οϊμαι δέ καί 
 < 7Γ pds > υμών <εϊναι> άποφ. 
 
 καθ’ ovs μέν άττήχθην] ‘ I am not liable to the laws under 
 which I was arrested, while as to the acts with which I am 
 charged, I can still be brought to trial in the legal form’. He 
 was arrested for κακουργία : if that means φόνος, he can still be 
 tried for it by a 'γραφή φόνου : if it means anything else, he is 
 innocent. 
 
 cl δέ δύο εξ ενό$] ‘ If two trials have been made out of one, 
 the fault is not mine, but that of the accusers. When, how¬ 
 ever, my worst enemies have left me the chance of a second 
 trial, surely you, the impartial awarders of justice, will never 
 pronounce on the present issue a premature verdict of murder’. 
 
 In εί γεγένησθον, πεποιήκασιν he assumes that he will be 
 acquitted now, and tried again. For the form of the sentence, 
 ου δή που, κ.τ.λ., cp. Plat. Gory. 512 a, λογίζεται οΰν ότι ούκ, εί 
 μέν τις, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 § 86. δότε τι καί τω χρόνω] ‘Leave some scope for that 
 
216 SELECTIONS. [Antiphon 
 
 other witness—Time’. Cp. Hor. Sat. n. 2. 94, Das aliquid 
 famae. 
 
 ήξίουν μϊν] ‘I should certainly desire, judges, that in such 
 cases [of alleged murder] the sentence ( την δίκην) should be in 
 accordance with the laws, [ i.e. that death should be inflicted if 
 deserved,] but that the investigation should, in every possible 
 instance, be regulated by justice’ (τό δίκαιον). Sauppe inserts 
 τούτους (sc. τούς νόμους) before το δίκαιον, thus weakening, I 
 think, the antithesis between ‘ the laws ’ as the standard of 
 punishment, and ‘justice’ as the canon of inquiry. — ήξίονν 
 like εβουλόμην , § 1, note. 
 
 21 § 87. χρήσ-θαιττ] δίκη] ‘ abide by the sentence’. 
 
 oiire την δίκην, κ.τ.λ.] ‘No one would dare, through confi¬ 
 dence in his own innocence, to contravene the sentence when 
 once pronounced, or, if conscious of his guilt, to rebel against 
 the law ’. For a true antithesis, the italicised phrases should 
 express opposite notions : but they are, in fact, merely different 
 forms of the same notion. Cp. note on Lysias Pro Mantitheo , 
 § 13 (p. 60) ή~/ουμένους .. .νομίζοντας. 
 
 ανάγκη δέ.,.δ τιμωρήσ-ων] χ A man must yield, not only to 
 • the actual truth (αυτού τού αληθούς), but also to a verdict 
 which contravenes the truth,—especially if there be no one to 
 support his cause ’. 
 
 § 88 . διωμοσάαι — τόμια — ττρορρήσΈΐδ] Oaths taken by the 
 parties to a trial—the sacrifices on which they swear [see 
 § 12]—the notices to the accused [§ 10]. For πρόρρησις see 
 Plat. Legg. 873 A, προρρήσεις — τας περί τού των νομίμων εϊρ^εσθαι. 
 [Dem.] In Neaer. § 9, προεΐπεν αύτφ έπΐ Π αλλαδίφ φόνου. 
 
 ή' [καί] eirl tois άλλ.] Cp. § 23. If the sentence were negative 
 (ου διαφέροντα, κ.τ.λ.), καί might stand: as it is, we must surely 
 omit it. 
 
 § 89. ούκ ϊσ-ον €<ττί] ‘ It is less serious that the prosecutor 
 should accuse wrongly than that you, the judges, should 
 decide wrongly ’. 
 
 ούκ TeXos] ‘ achieves no result: the result depends 
 (εν) on you and on the trial ’. 
 
 22 § 90· διομοσ-αμενουδ] ‘ when they have first taken the 
 usual oath’ (made in Ύραφαι φόνου), and not merely the 
 ordinary διωμοσία of parties to a law-suit. Cp. § 12. 
 
 κάκ€ί] in the other trial also. 
 
 χρήσ-θαι] sc. εμοί: ‘ to do what you please with me ’. 
 
 § 91. μεταγνούδ γάρ] sc. τις : cp. Hes. Op. 12, την μέν κεν 
 επαινήσειε νοήσας. Cobet’s αν τις τό 'γε'γονός έπανορθώσαιτο is 
 more ingenious than probable. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 217 
 
 pp. 20 — 25] 
 
 ^|δη δε Ttcriv] Alluding to the debate (427 b.c.) in the 
 Athenian ecclesia on the fate of Mytilene, when Cleon’s 
 proposal of a massacre was first carried and afterwards re¬ 
 scinded—about ten years before the probable date of this 
 speech. — και μετβμέλησβν, ‘have actually repented’. 
 
 § 92. -ιταραχρήμα] i.e. while the purpose is still clearly 23 
 present to his mind. From another point of view, an interval 
 between the planning and the execution might be urged as 
 heightening the deliberate character of the act: but here the 
 contrast is merely between έκούσιον and ακούσιον. 
 
 τήν Ι'σ·ην γε δΰναμιν £χει, ooris] = ’ίσον δύναται , ei're τις...είτ€. 
 
 Cp. Thuc. νι. 14, νόμιζε τό καλώς &ρξαι τουτ είναι, os αν την 
 πατρίδα ώφελήση. 
 
 § 93. νυν δέ ττισ-τεύων] The parenthesis beginning at εν 
 yap τφ τοιούτψ interrupts the constr., which is resumed by εγώ 
 δ' έμαυτφ, κ.τ.λ ., ηκω eis ύμας. Cp. §§ 11, 12. 
 
 <Γυνειδότι...ξυνειδε'ναι] The mss. of Antiphon fluctuate 
 between συν and ξύν : the latter recurs in § 78 of this speech, 
 ξνμβόλων, and in § 87, ξυνειδώς. 
 
 την τιμωρίαν... ταΰτην] ‘that this had come upon her as 
 the punishment’. Cp. Lys. In Agor. §30, η δέ αρχή αϋτη... 
 iytveTo, ‘ this became the beginning ’. The pronoun, which 
 might have been neuter (roOro), is assimilated to the gender of 
 the noun. See my n. on Soph. 0. G. 88. In this construction 
 the definite article is not usually added to the noun, but is, of 
 course, quite admissible. It is unwarrantable, therefore, to 
 delete τήν here. 
 
 § 94. τούτο μεν γάρ] ‘ For on the one hand, if you listen 
 to me ’—the correl. clause, τούτο δέ, τοΰ τούτοις, being com¬ 
 pressed into τοΰ δέ τούτοις. This is better than to understand, 
 
 ‘ if you listen to me in this matter ’. 
 
 γνωρισταί, κ.τ.λ.] * On the present occasion, then, take a 24 
 survey of the case; on the next, sit in judgment on the 
 witnesses; form now an opinion, but defer a decision, on the 
 facts’. Cp. Thuc. VI. 87, μήθ' ώ$ δικασταΐ.,.των ημΐν ποιουμένων, 
 μηθ '. ώί σωφρονισταί. See introductory note on Antiphon’s 
 style. 
 
 § 96. ουτε...7ταρεί$] ‘with due regard to your conscience 
 as well as to my own right ’: cp. § 7. 
 
 IV. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΧΟΡΕΥΤΟΥ] The speech On the Cho- 25 
 reutes relates to the death of Diodotus, a boy who was in 
 training as member of a chorus to be produced at the Thargelia, 
 and who was poisoned by a draught given to him to improve 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 218 
 
 [Antiphon 
 
 his voice. The accused is the choregus, an Athenian citizen, 
 who discharged that office for his own and another tribe, and 
 at whose house the chorus received their lessons. The accuser, 
 Philocrates, brother of the deceased Diodotus, laid an in¬ 
 formation for poisoning before the Archon Basileus ; and, after 
 Borne delay, the case came before the Areiopagus. It was not 
 contended that the accused had intended to murder the boy, 
 but only that he had ordered to be administered to him the 
 draught which caused his death. According to Athenian law 
 this was, however, a capital offence. The present speech is 
 the second made by the defendant, and the last, therefore, of 
 the trial. Its date may probably be placed about 412 b.c.: 
 see Attic Orators , i. 62.—A short extract is given here as 
 illustrating the greater ease and freedom of Antiphon’s later 
 style, which is already beginning to emancipate itself from the 
 stiffness of the αυστηρά, αρμονία. 
 
 Narrative: §§ 11—15. 
 
 § 11. ds Θαργήλια...Διονυσίοι§] The second day of the 
 
 Thargelia was celebrated by a procession and a musical contest 
 (άτγών) between choruses of boys: Herm. Ant. ii. § 60. 21. At 
 the Dionysia the chorus would have been dramatic. 
 
 οΰτί ζημιώσ -as κ.τ.Χ.] ‘ Without fining any man [the last 
 resort], without extorting pledges [from the parent who de¬ 
 murred to sending his son], without (even) incurring any 
 dislike’. 
 
 άΧΧ’ ώσττφ άν...<· / ΐΓ€μΐΓον] ‘But, just as if the business in 
 hand were most agreeable and advantageous to both parties, I 
 made my demand or request, while the parents sent their sons 
 without compulsion,—indeed, with good will ’. The full con¬ 
 struction would be: άλλ’ (οϋτω eyiyvero) ώσπβρ av eyiyvero 
 ( ei ηδιστα κ.τ.Χ. iyiyvero) : and the clause οϋτω eyiyvero is 
 represented by βγω μέν έκέΧευον, κ.τ.Χ. 
 
 ητούμην] So Bekk. for ms. ^ούμην, which could mean 
 only * I conducted the levy ’ (sc. τη s avXXoyrjs). e^Xevov = ‘ I 
 invited ’ (the official invitation being equivalent to a command: 
 cp. Fr. inviter) : ητούμην softens this down, ‘ or rather, I made 
 a personal request ’: corresponding to the gradation of eK0vres — 
 βουΧόμενοι. 
 
 § 12. -πράγματα] ‘ for I happened to be engaged in cases 
 against Ariston and Philinus, and was anxious to lose no time 
 after the impeachment (eiarjyyeLX a) in making a due and formal 
 statement to the Council and to the Athenian public Philinus 
 and two other persons had been charged by the speaker with 
 
pp. 25—28] NOTES. 219 
 
 embezzling public monies, as appears from §§ 21, 55. Antiphon 
 wrote a speech κατά. Φ ιλίνου ( Attic Orators, i. 63 note). 
 
 εϊ τι δε'οι τω χορω] Cp. Eur. Suppl. 594, iv δεΐ μόνον μοι. 
 Usually δε? μοί tivos, more rarely δβΐ μέ tivos. 
 
 § 13. οτυλλέγειν] ‘to conduct the levy and act as steward 26 
 of the tribe on each occasion’,— έκάστοτε, whenever it was 
 called upon to contribute a chorus to a public festival. The 
 h πμεληταί των φυλών were responsible to the Archon for the 
 appointment of the choregi: cp. Dem. In Mid. § 13. Herm. 
 Ant. i. § 149. 8. By την φυλήν συλλέ^ειν below is meant to 
 levy (such a contribution) in the tribe, σύλλογε is, at Athens, 
 were esp. those who called in property confiscated to the 
 State: Herm. Ant. i. § 151. 4. 
 
 § 14. ει τι ψεύδομαι ιτροφάσ-εωΞ £νεκα] ‘ If any part of this 
 statement is false, or made for efiect ’. 
 
 του ορκωτού] The officer of the court who tenders the oath. 
 
 See Be Caed. Her. § 12. 
 
 § 15. ταΰτα σ*φόδρα λέγω] ‘insist upon this point’ = περί 27 
 τούτων ισχυρίζομαι. Beiske inserts οϋτω before σφόδρα. 
 
 τ-λήν γε τήζ τυχηβ] lit., ‘putting Fortune out of the ques¬ 
 tion’: i.e. ‘unless Fortune so ordain it’, (viz. that I should 
 bring another person into peril). 
 
 ANDOCIDES. 
 
 Andocides : born about 440 b.c. : died later than 390 b.c. 28 
 Approximate period of extant work, 410—390 b.c. Life in 
 Attic Orators, i. 71—87. 
 
 Style. Andocides is less a rhetorical artist than a vigorous 
 speaker of quick native wit. The ancient criticism of oratory 
 tended to regard it too much from the reader’s point of view, 
 and too little from the hearer’s. This was unfavourable to 
 Andocides. He is declared by Hermogenes (170 a.d. περί 
 ίδ. B. xi.) to be wanting in the distinctive excellences of 
 practical oratory, deliberative and forensic. His diction is 
 plain (αφελής), though not with the studied plainness of Lysias. 
 
 He is sparing in the use of the rhetorical figures of language 
 (σχήματα λέξεως), such as antithesis, parallelism between the 
 forms of the two sentences (παρίσωσις), or assonance (7rapo- 
 μοίωσιή : though he uses largely the figures of thought (σχήματα 
 
220 SELECTIONS. [Andocides 
 
 δια volas), such as rhetorical question» In the arrangement of 
 subject-matter he is simple and inartificial (άπλοΟ? — άκατά- 
 oweuos). His strength lies in narrative, diversified by anecdote 
 and enlivened by graphic description—sometimes by touches 
 of true dramatic power. In addition to these literary merits, 
 his speeches are of great historical value for the years 415— 
 390 b.c. —See Attic Orators , i. 88—108. On the Works of 
 Andocides in general, ib. 109—141. 
 
 I. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΘΟΔΟΥ] Spoken before 
 the Athenian Ecclesia not later than the summer of 410 b.c. 
 [See Attic Orators , i. 109. Andoc. lays stress on the service 
 which he has rendered to Athens by securing a supply of corn 
 from Cyprus: but the battle of Cyzicus in 410 b.c» was 
 followed by the re-opening of the corn-trade between the 
 Euxine and Athens: Xen. Η. i. 1. 35. The benefit for which 
 Andoc. claims credit would have been of little importance had 
 it been conferred later than the middle of the year 410.] The 
 object of the speech is to procure the removal of certain 
 disabilities under which he was alleged to lie. His disclosures 
 in 415 b.c. were made under a guarantee of immunity from 
 penalties. But the decree of Isotimides, passed soon after¬ 
 wards, excluded from the market-place and from temples 
 all ‘ who had committed impiety and who had confessed it ’; 
 and his enemies maintained that this decree applied to him. 
 The appeal was unsuccessful. He returned to Athens only 
 after the general amnesty of 403 b.c. Having first deprecated 
 the resentment felt against him for having denounced the 
 mutilators of the Hermae in 415 b.c. (§§ 1—9), he proceeds, in 
 the following passage, to speak of his life in exile—his services 
 to the army at Samos in 411 b.c. —his return to Athens during 
 the rule of the Four Hundred—and his imprisonment at the 
 instance of Peisander. 
 
 §§ 10-16. 
 
 § ΙΟ. τότ* αύτόδ *yvovs] In 415 b.c., when he had de¬ 
 nounced certain persons as concerned in the mutilation of the 
 Hermae. avros: he himself felt the misery of his position as 
 keenly as those who condemn him. 
 
 irapavoia— ανάγκη] So in § 7 he says that he had acted 
 νεότητί re και avoiq.. In this speech Andoc. distinctly implies 
 that he was concerned in the sacrilege: this was his ‘ madness 
 the ανάγκη was the necessity of denouncing the guilty, or else 
 allowing the innocent to perish. In the De Mysteriis (see next 
 Extract), speaking 11 years later, he protests his own entire 
 innocence. (Cp. Attic Orators, i. 113.) 
 
NOTES. 
 
 221 
 
 pp. 
 
 28, 29] 
 
 ττράτταν. . .όφθ.] ‘To live a life and choose an abode in 
 which I should be as far as possible out of your sight ’: 
 οπού, as relative to τοιαυτα no less than to έκει, = έν oh, or 
 ά πράττων. — όπου μελλοιμι, oblique for δπου άν μέλλω. 
 
 «Κίίνηξ.-.δίυρί] ‘A longing for that civic and social life 
 with you in Athens (εκείνης), from which I passed into this 
 exile ’ ( δευρί ). He is speaking at Athens; but the words 
 describe his feeling in banishment. The vividness is character¬ 
 istic of Andocides. 
 
 § 11 . 4κ δ« τούτου] ‘from that moment’—which the con¬ 
 text fixes to 411 b.c. 
 
 των τ€τρακο<τίων] The Four Hundred were in power from 
 March to June, 411 b.c. For the details of the Revolution, 
 see the life of Antiphon in the Attic Orators, i. 7 f. 
 
 SiBovtos *τ4μν€σ·θαι] Archelaus, king of Macedon (413—399 
 b.c.), had given Andoc. leave to cut down and export timber 
 for oar-spars. Macedonia was the great timber-market of 
 Greece (Xen. Hellen. vi. 1. 11). See my note on Theophrastus 
 Char ; xxni ( = vi. p. 195), where the άλαξ'ών boasts that 
 Antipater has offered him ‘the privilege of exporting timber 
 free of duty’ (έξα-γω-γη ξύλων ατελής). 
 
 ΊΓ€ντ€ δραχμών] gen. of price: ‘at the rate of five drachmas’ 
 (for each κωπεύς). 
 
 οσου 4μοι κατέστησαν] 'όσον, not όσον : ‘the sum in which 
 they stood me’—the cost-price. 
 
 § 12. «νίκησαν] Referring to the Athenian victory at 
 Cynossema in 411, and peril., also to that at Cyzicus in 
 410 b.c. 
 
 τ. τή$ αΐτίαβ] ‘this merit ’ or ‘credit ’. Cp. Aesch. Theb. 4, 
 ci μέν yap εύ πράξαιμεν, αίτια θβοΰ. 
 
 «ί γάρ, κ.τ .λ.] ‘For if the supplies had not been imported 
 for the army at that time, the prospect before them was not a 
 chance of saving Athens, but a risk of losing their own lives ’. 
 κίνδυνο* rjv is equivalent to an apodosis with av and aor. indie, 
 (as εικότως ούκ άν ’έσωσαν). Cp. Thuc. III. 74, ή πόλις εκιν- 
 δύνευσε πάσα διαφθαρήναι, εί άνεμος έι rey, ένετο. Cp. Aeschin. 
 Ctes. § 123 (where έκινδυνεύσαμεν άν is a v. 1.). 
 
 ή ττ€ρΙ τού μηδ4 avTovs σωθήναι] κίνδυνος περί του σωσαι, a risk 
 in whicii the saving of Athens was the thing at stake: κίνδυνος 
 περί του μηδέ αυτούς σωθηναι = κίνδυνος μη ονδ’ αυτοί σωθεΐεν, 
 a risk lest not even they themselves should be saved. Hence 
 the μηδέ: the form περί του σωθηναι being adopted merely 
 for the sake of symmetry with περί του σωσαι. 
 
222 SELECTIONS. [Andocides 
 
 § 13 . ούκ όλίγφ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘The situation there (ένταΰθα, 
 with regard to the army at Samos) proved to be very different 
 from what I had supposed’: i.e. the relations of the army at 
 Samos with the Four Hundred at Athens were such that the 
 latter received Andoc. not as a friend but as a foe. Ζχοντα with 
 ούκ όλί-γφ μοι παρά -γνώμην, = πάνυ άλλως ’έχοντα η ώ? ύπέλαβον. 
 
 30 § 14. οί επί (TTpaTias ovtcs] ‘those upon service’, ‘the 
 army abroad’: cp. Plat. Phaedr. 260 b, οϊκοι καί έπΐ στρατείας, 
 dovii militiaeque. στρατεία s is a v. 1., but στρατιά (see L. and 
 S. s. v.) sometimes = στρατεία. The army at Samos was the 
 mainstay of the Democracy against the oligarchical Eevolution : 
 cp. Attic Orators , i. 9. 
 
 § 15 . τήν εστίαν — των Ιερών] The hearth of the BouXeu- 
 τήριον was called 'Εστία Βουλαία (Aeschin. F. L. § 45). In An¬ 
 doc. De Myst. § 44, threatened persons επί την εστίαν έκαθέ- 
 ζοντο.—των ιερών , ‘ the sacred precincts’ of the altar. 
 
 €is...tovs 0€ovs, /c.t.X.] ‘although it was against the gods 
 that I was said to have sinned, the gods seem to have been 
 more merciful to me than men’: Ζχοντα (acc. masc.) ονείδη, 
 because he was charged with having profaned the Mysteries and 
 mutilated the Hermae. 
 
 οΰ δή, /c.r.X.] ‘And then it was’ [at this point in my for¬ 
 tunes] ‘that I most bewailed my fate: I who, at a moment 
 when the People seemed to be in evil plight ’ [the Democracy 
 having been overthrown], ‘ suffered in their stead, and further, 
 when I was found to have been the People’s benefactor, was 
 condemned to new misery on this account’: i.e. Andoc. suffered 
 first as a democrat, and secondly as a patriotic democrat. The 
 antithesis is defective, since'the overthrow of the Democracy 
 (κακοΰσθαι) cannot properly be contrasted with the benefits 
 which it had received from Andoc.—Cp. Thuc. vm. 68, τά των 
 τετρακοσίων .. .υπό του δήμου έκακοντο. 
 
 § 16 . *οίπωλλΰρ.ην] A corr. suggested by Bekker. άπολοί- 
 μην might stand if for ό'σ -m we wrote εί : and this would also 
 account for the now redundant εγώ. But, considering εΐχον, I 
 think it more likely that the copyist’s eye had wandered to 
 
 τραπ οι μην. 
 
 31 καί εκ τούτων, κ.τ.λ .] ‘even after my escape from these 
 perils, grave as they were’: i.e. undeterred by this warning. 
 We cannot well render, ‘ even under these circumstances, grave 
 as they were, when I had escaped’; for απαλλαγεί? clearly be¬ 
 longs to the preceding words. 
 
 II. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΩΝ ΜΥΣΤΗΡΙΩΝ]— Date, 399 b.c.— Ando¬ 
 cides had laid information, in 415 b.c., against certain persons 
 
NOTES. 
 
 223 
 
 pp. 29-31] 
 
 whom he accused of complicity in the mutilation of the Her- 
 mae. He did so on the guarantee of impunity (άδεια) which a 
 special decree of the Assembly had given to all who should 
 inform. Subsequently another decree was passed—known as 
 the decree of Isotimides —that all who had committed impiety, 
 and had confessed it, should be excluded from the market-place 
 and the temples. 
 
 Andocides had returned to Athens under the amnesty of 
 403 b.c. His accusers now (399 b.c.) charge him with having 
 broken the decree of Isotimides by attending the Mysteries and 
 entering the temple at Eleusis. The form of the accusation is 
 an ένδειξις άσεβείας, an ‘information’ charging him with im¬ 
 piety. But, in order to prove that he came under the decree of 
 Isotimides, they had to show that he had committed impiety in 
 415 b.c. 
 
 His speech is to show that he had not done so, either by 
 profaning the Mysteries or by mutilating the Hermae. The 
 Mysteries, from which it takes its title, is only one of its topics. 
 It would be better described as a Defence on a Charge of Im¬ 
 piety. As to the Mysteries, Andoc. affirms that he neither 
 profaned them himself nor informed against others as having 
 done so (§§ 11—33). But his account of the Hermae affair is 
 the most important part of the speech. (Analysis of the whole 
 in the Attic Orators, i. 117.) 
 
 1. The Mutilation of the Hermae—Information laid by 
 Teucrus and Diocleides: §§ 34—45. 
 
 § 34 . των αναθημάτων] — των 'Έρμων, ‘the images’, as dedi¬ 
 cated to the god. Cp. § 62, 6 Έρμης...δν η A lyyh (the Aegeid 
 tribe) άνέθηκε. The' Έρμαΐ were plain four-cornered posts sur¬ 
 mounted by a head or bust. 
 
 eiSeiav €vpo|X6vos] ‘having obtained special permission’. 
 Teucrus was a μετοικος who had withdrawn to Megara, and had 
 thence sent word to the Athenian Council that he would give 
 information regarding the Mysteries and the Hermae if he 
 received license to do so (el' oi άδειαν δοΐεν). Thereupon the 
 Council έψηφίσατο την άδειαν, and sent for him (§ 15).— άδεια, 
 technical term for the authorisation required by a non-citizen 
 ( μετοικος, ξένος, δούλος) who desired to accuse anyone of an 
 offence against the State,—by an άτιμος before he could exercise 
 any civic right,—or by a citizen who proposed to re-enfranchise 
 an άτιμος. 
 
 άττογράφίΐ] ‘denounces’, in a ‘list’ or ‘return’ ( airoy ράφτη ) 
 presented to the B ουλή, which the Ecclesia had invested with 
 plenary powers for the occasion (§ 15, α ΰτοκράτωρ). 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 224 
 
 [Andocides 
 
 ot δέ or. άπεθανον] Grote (vn. 268) doubts this assertion 
 (cp. Thuc. vi. 53, 60), but it is incidentally confirmed by the 
 statement ascribed to Charmides in § 49. See Attic Orators, i. 
 122 . 
 
 32 § 36. τών ϊητητών] * The Commission of Inquiry’ speci¬ 
 ally appointed by the Ecclesia. Cp. § 14, ήσθα ζητητήν, ώ 
 Διόγν ητε, ore Ιίυθόνεκον είσή^εελεν iv τφ δήμιρ περί Άλκεβεάδον, 
 * impeached A. in the Assembly’. 
 
 επΊ τη τοΰ δήρου κ.] ‘ with a view to the overthrow of the 
 Commonwealth ’. δήμου κατάλυσεν, the crime of attempting to 
 subvert the democratical government,—often coupled with the 
 more general προδοσία τήν πόλεων : for each there was a 7 ραφή. 
 Lysias’s or, 25 is δήμον καταλύσεων απολογία, 
 
 τό σημείον καθελοι] ‘ took down the signal’,—displayed from 
 the βουλευτήρεον to show that it was time to meet, and taken 
 down when business was about to commence. There was a 
 similar σημεεον for the Ecclesia (Ar. Thesm. 277) and for the 
 law-courts ( Vesp. 690). 
 
 § 37. είσαγγ. tls τ. β.] ‘lays an impeachment before the 
 Council’. 
 
 ώς S’ ϊδοι, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ and stated how he had chanced to become 
 an eye-witness of the plot’, ώ? here = 8τερ τρόπερ: below § 40 
 ών ίδοί = merely ‘ that he had seen’. 
 
 § 38. άποφοράν] ‘ He said that he had a slave at Laurium, 
 and that he had occasion to go for a payment due to him’. 
 αποφορά, the ‘return’ or ‘profit’ accruing to the master from 
 the labour of his slave. Aeschin. In Timarcli. § 97, (shoe¬ 
 making slaves) ων έκαστον τοντερ δό ’ όβόλονν άποφοραν 'έφερε τήν 
 ημέραν , 
 
 33 πανσέληνον] Plut. Alcib. 20, εΐν δ’ αυτών (the informers) 
 έρωτώμενον οπών τα πρόσωπα των έρμοκοπεδών 'γνωρίσεεε, καί άπο- 
 κρενάμενον δτε πρόν σελήνην, έσφάλη τον παντόν (made a fatal slip), 
 ένην καί νέαν οϋσην (the new moon) δτε ταύτ ’ έδρατο. So Diod. 
 χιιι. 2 . Grote (νιι. 271) rightly treats this part of the story as 
 a later fiction. If Diocleides had made such a blunder, Andoc. 
 would not have failed to note it’. (Cp. Attic Orators, 1 . 123.) 
 
 τό Ίτροττ. του Δ., κ.τ.λ.] ( When he had come to the gateway 
 
 of Dionysus’ [the entrance to the A ήναεον, the enclosure sacred 
 to Dionysus on the s.e. of the Acropolis], ‘ he saw several per¬ 
 sons descending from the Odeum’ (of Pericles, close to the 
 Dionysiac Theatre on the e.] ‘into the orchestra’ [the open 
 central space of the Theatre]. ‘Afraid of them, he drew into 
 the shade, and crouched down between the pillar and the 
 column with the bronze statue of the General ’ [just inside the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 2 25 
 
 pp. 31 — 34 ] 
 
 προπυΧαιον, as είσεΧθών seems to indicate, and covered by its 
 shadow]. 
 
 άνά -ΐΓε'ντε και δέκα] ‘ in groups of fifteen’. 
 
 § 39. τοΰθ’ £'ir€0€To...# , ir<rts] ‘Thus, in the first place, 
 judges, he assumed this story—a most extraordinary one—in 
 order, I fancy, that it might rest with him to include in this list 
 any Athenian he pleased, or at pleasure to exempt him’, τοΰθ ’ 
 ύττέθετο, made this (the story of the moonlight scene) the basis 
 of his evidence: δεινότ. ττρ. in appos. with τούτο, ‘ a most 
 strange’, ‘an incredible affair’. I now prefer this version to 
 rendering : ‘ He made this assumption, viz. that it was in his 
 power’, where όπως would = cl>s or ότι, in sense of ‘that’. 
 
 § 40. καταλαμβάνω iv] So below, Χέ-γειν. The infins. 
 might = κατεΧάμβανον , tXcyov, but perhaps represent rather the 
 vivid καταλαμβάνω, λέγω used by Diocleides in his narrative. 
 
 tv τω χ. καθ.] ‘ sitting in his forge’—he being a χαΧκεύϊ. 
 
 τό Ήφαιαττεϊον] The guild of smiths, and perhaps artisans 
 generally, held the annual festival of the χαΧκεΐα to Hephaestus 
 early in Nov. (Pollux vn. 105). The 'Η φαιστεϊον, or temple of 
 H., was on the w. of the Agora, having the Stoa Poecile just 
 above it (Paus. i. 14. 6). For the custom of taking oaths in a 
 temple, cp. Plat. Prot. 328 C, έΧθών ets Ιερόν, όμόσας, όσου 'άν φή 
 άξια είναι τα μαθήματα , τοσουτον κατέθηκε. 
 
 ουκουν δε'οιτο] ‘Now, he said, he did not desire’—oblique 
 for ουκουν δέομαι, after a secondary tense ( έφη in § 39). 
 
 καί νυν ή'κειν κ.] ‘and said, “ Now pray come to the house 
 of L., that you and I may there confer with A. and the other 
 needful persons”.’ Euphemus said: νυν ήκέ μοι ets τήν Λ. 
 οικίαν : this becomes, Έιϋφημοζ [ΑιοκΧείδην) νυν ήκειν οί έκέΧευσε , 
 and, in the oblique form, έφη τον Έιϋφημον νυν ήκειν κεΧεϋσαί οί. 
 
 — ot=‘to oblige him’ (Euphemus). κεΧεύειν does not, in Attic 
 prose, take a dat. of the person commanded. 
 
 § 41. ήκειν...κόιττειν] The oblique of ήκον καί δή ’έκοτττον : 34 
 ‘ He said that the next day he was there [ήκον = I came 
 promptly or punctually ], and was in the act of knocking at 
 the door’: καί 5y=‘ and even now’. 
 
 άρά γε <r^, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ Are you the visitor whom the company 
 
 here expect? Well, one ought not to reject such friends—and 
 with these words he was gone ’. οϊδε —Andocides and the others 
 who were already at the house of Leogoras: σέ, Diocleides. 
 Acc. to D.’s story, the father of Andoc. gives him a parting 
 hint not to reject the overtures about to be made to him by the 
 conspirators.— άττώΧΧυε , ‘ sought to ruin ’. 
 
 § 42. άτι βουλεύσοιτο] ‘that he would think it over’. He 
 
 15 
 
 j. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 226 
 
 [Andocides 
 
 said, βονλεύσομαι : the fut. opt. here, as always, being the ob¬ 
 lique of the fut. ind. after a secondary tense. 
 
 καθομολογήσ-ας, κ.τ.λ.] ‘concluded an agreement with us, 
 and gave us pledges on the Acropolis ’ (by taking an oath in one 
 of the temples: cp. on § 40).— διαψεΰδ. — διδόναι, oblique pres, 
 rather than imperf.: ‘ fail to keep our word or to pay’: as ή καν 
 for ήκω rather than ήκον. 
 
 A ψήφισμα forbidding 
 
 that citizens should be put to the torture. A decree of the 
 Βουλή (then temporarily invested with plenary powers) could of 
 course suspend this.—Cp. Herm. Ant. i. § 141. 15. 
 
 on-cos μή...&τται] This would be regular in an object-clause 
 (as σκοπώ όπως μή έσται): here, in a final clause, we should 
 expect rather όπως μή ή. But the notion of contriving lioxo the 
 object may be attained is uppermost, and so the clause is vir¬ 
 tually an object-clause. Xen. Cyr. ii. 1. 21, ουδέ 5t’ £v άλλο 
 τρέφονται ή ’όπως μαχουνται. Goodwin § 44. 1. 
 
 § 44. €ττΙ την Ιοττίαν] Cp. note on De Bed. § 15, p. 222. 
 
 § 45. έξελθοΰσ-α, κ.τ.λ.] * The Council, after retiring to a 
 
 secret conference, had us seized and put in the pillory. Then 
 they summoned the Generals before them’ [άνακαλ., up to the 
 βουλευτή piov], ‘ and ordered them to proclaim that those Athe¬ 
 nians who lived in the city should proceed under arms to the 
 market-place,—those at the Long Walls, to the Theseum,— 
 those in the Peiraeus, to the market-place of Hippodamus; 
 that before dawn the Knights should sound the trumpet-call to 
 the Anakeum ; that the Senate should go to the Acropolis, and 
 sleep there; and that the Presidents should sleep in the Rotunda’. 
 — τού$ δ* tv μακρω τ«ίχ€ΐ: cp. Thuc. Π. 17, τά τε μακρά τείχη 
 ψκησαν κατανειμάμενοι και του Πειραιώς τά πολλά. The sing, here 
 denotes the two main long walls (the ‘Northern’ and the 
 ‘Middle’), with the space enclosed by them, conceived as a 
 district. — 'Ιτπτοδ. αγοράν, the market-place of the Peiraeus.— 
 Άνάκειον, temple of the Dioscuri (άνακες), N.w. of Acropolis.— 
 θόλω, a circular building, with dome, near the Βουλευτήριον in 
 the Agora: the Prytanes and 'γραμματείς dined there, Dem. 
 Fals. Legat. § 249. 
 
 eirl Tots 0piois...t£€o-T.] ‘had taken the field, and were on the 
 frontier’. 
 
 36 &€tirv€i] ‘was entertained’. The privilege of daily σίτησις 
 tv Π ρυτανείιρ (Ar. Ban. 764) was given either for a limited period 
 or for life ( άείσιτος ): here the imperf. shows that at least more 
 than one day is meant. 
 
pp. 34—38] 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 227 
 
 2. The Disclosures of Andocides: §§ 48—69. 
 
 § 48. «τ€ΐδή 8e] The apodosis is \eyei πρός με X. Com¬ 
 pare the prison-scene in Lysias, Agorat. §§ 39 f. 
 
 δ'τι, ’Ανδοκίδη, κ.τ.λ.] ό'τί redundant before the direct quota¬ 
 tion : Xen. Cyr. vii. 3. 3, άπεκρίνατο ό'τι, ώ δέσποτα, κ.τ.λ. 
 Goodwin § 79. 
 
 § 49. οΰδέν Ιδίο'μ,ην] ‘I had no wish to speak or to give 
 you pain’. But έδεόμψ μηδέν Xiyecv, ‘I wished to say nothing \ 
 
 Cp. § 40, οΰκουν δέοιτο, ‘ did not desire ’. 
 
 οΐ$ γάρ Ιχρώ] ‘Your other friends (εχρώ) and associates 
 { σννήσθα ), except us your relations’, άνευ, ‘besides’, either^ 
 
 ‘ except’ (as here), or ‘ in addition to’. Cp. Dem. De Cor. § 89, 
 άνευ του καλήν δόξαν evey κεΐν, ‘ in addition to bringing you fair 
 fame’. So when Caesar says [Bell. Gall. v. 12) of south Britain, 
 Materia (timber) cuiusque generis ut in Gallia est, praeter fagum 
 atque abietem, some render ‘except’; others, ‘in addition to’. 
 
 § 50. πρώτον |xev] With this series, πρώτον — εΐτα — έπειτα 
 — έτι, cp. Soph. El. 261—271, πρώτα — εΐτα — έπειτα — τελευταΐον. 
 
 αναγκαίου?] ‘near relations’, συyyεvεΐς is the larger term, 37 
 including the more distant degrees of kinship: avayKaioi (neces- 
 sarii) are those to whom one is bound by the first, the closest 
 natural ties; as τα avayKaia are those things with which life 
 cannot dispense. 
 
 § 51. πάτερα ττ€ριίδω] deliberative subj., to which answers 
 rj εϊπω : the tense being, as usu., the aor., since the prospective 
 act will be done once for all, not continued or repeated. But 
 Eur. Ion 758, εϊπωμεν η σ^ώμεν ; ‘shall we speak [once for all: 
 aor.]; or keep silence? ’ [pres, of the continued act]. 
 
 άλιτ. των θ€ων] For genit., cp. Aeschin. Ctes. § 157, αλιτή¬ 
 ριος τής ' Έιλλάδος : Thuc. I. 26, τό τής θεάς. 
 
 § 52. Ιτίθνήκίσαν] In the 3rd pers. plur. of the pluperf. 
 act., -εσαν, not - εισαν , was the Attic form, παρεϊλήφεσαν occurs 
 in an inscription of 323 b.c. (Meisterhans, Gramm, d. Attisch. 
 Inschriften, p. 75). In the 3rd pers. sing, of the pluperf., 
 
 -a is contracted, of course, from εε, and the post-Attic -εισαν 
 in the 3rd pers. plur. was perhaps an instance of false analogy. 
 (Cp. Curtius, Greek Verb, p. 433 Eng. tr.) 
 
 § 53. €Ϊναι τούτων των άνδρών] to belong to their party, 
 to be their confederates. Cp. above, § 41, ένα αύτον ημών είναι. 
 
 cl μη tis cpci] The vivid construction, instead of εί μή τις 38 
 λέξοι or εί'ποι, after βέβαιος ήν. 
 
 άποθανόντας] Here, as in § 51, the aor. refers, not to those 
 
 15—2 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 228 
 
 [Andocides 
 
 who had already died (§ 49, oi μόν αυτών τεθνάσιν), but to those 
 who were threatened with death. It is stronger than άποθνήσ- 
 Kovras (cf. ai τολλυμένους of the same persons in § 51), just as ‘ to 
 see them murdered ’ is stronger than ‘ to see them being mur¬ 
 dered’: the aor. pictures the deed as accomplished while he 
 looks on. 
 
 § 54. κατά των εταίρων των «μαντού] ‘ against my own 
 associates’. Here, the word εταίρος seems to bear a merely 
 social sense, referring to a circle of private friends (cp. § 61 
 τηνόντων ημών). On the other hand, the title of a lost speech 
 by Andocides, Π pos τούς εταίρους, probably indicates the 
 members of the oligarchical eraipeiai at Athens [Attic Orators, 
 vol. i. p. 139). For the latter, or political, sense of eraipos, cp. 
 below,*p. 138, § 87. 
 
 iXoyoiroiovv] Cp. Thuc. νι. , ούτε όντα οΰτ€ αν "γενόμενα \oyo- 
 ποιοΰσιν. So \oyoxoios’, of one who spreads fictitious news 
 (Theophrastus, Char. vm). 
 
 § 56. Ιμοιγάρ,ώ avSpcs] Andoc. says:—‘Now, in this trial, 
 judges, nothing is so important for me as that, if acquitted, I 
 should be acquitted with honour: and, further, that the general 
 public ( rovs άλλου s άπαντας) should understand my whole con¬ 
 duct to have been absolutely free from baseness or cowardice’. 
 He wishes to be pronounced an honourable man (1) by his 
 judges, (2) by oi άλλοι άπαντες. All that would be given by 
 άλλα πρώτον μεν ύμάς, which Blass proposes to insert after 
 κακιρ eivat (see crit. note), is already contained in σωθέντι . 
 
 39 § 57. Φ«ρ€ δή— χρή yap] « Now consider—for a judge 
 
 ought to examine the facts by a human standard [άνθρωπίνως 
 —making allowance for human infirmity], as if the misfortune 
 had been his own—What would any one of you have done ? ’ 
 ώσπερ αν αυτόν όντα", i.e. ώσπερ &ν [χρείη λο*γίζεσθαι), αυτόν όντα 
 ( = εί αυτός εΐη). A simpler form would have been ώσπερ hv [sc. 
 λο'γίξ’οίτο) airros ών. 
 
 «ί μέν γάρ ήν δυοίν] The thought is not completed till the 
 end of § 60, χρήματα έλάμβανε. Briefly, it is this:—‘ If it had 
 been a question between noble death and shameful life, my 
 conduct might be condemned. But it was really a question 
 between slaying the innocent by my silence, and saving them 
 at the expense of the guilty, by speaking out. Therefore I 
 spoke’.—In the series of clauses, note these points:—(1) All is 
 plain down to του καλώς άποθανεΐν. ( 2 ) όπου δέ τούτων begins a 
 protasis which has no formal apodosis. The virtual apodosis 
 comes at § 60, [ταυτα δέ πάντα σκοπών, ‘ considering all these 
 things, I say’) εϋρισκον, ‘I found’ that the least evil was to 
 speak. (3) The protasis begun by όπου δό τούτων is interrupted 
 by the parenthesis Δι οκλείδης μέν 'γάρ.,.ύμίν άήκουσα. Then the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 229 
 
 pp. 38 — 40 ] 
 
 consequences of his silence are pursued in έτι δέ.,.άπώλλυον, the 
 long parenthesis having broken the original construction, ην 
 σιωπήσαντι μεν.,.άπολλύναι. (4) The new independent constr. 
 is continued in describing the consequences of his speaking: 
 είπών δέ τα όντα, κ.τ.λ. Then at § 60 comes the result, 
 prefaced by the summary, ταΰτα δέ πάντα σκοπών. 
 
 § 58. οττου 84 τούτων... μ.ή cIttovtos] ‘But here the case 
 was the very reverse: by keeping silence I must have perished 
 ignominiously in my innocence, and must also have permitted 
 the destruction of my father, of my brother-in-law, of all my 
 cousins and relations, whom I and no one else threatened with 
 death, by concealing the guilt of others. The falsehoods of 
 Diocleides had sent them to prison ; their only hope of deliver¬ 
 ance lay in the Athenians learning the whole truth. I was in 
 danger, therefore, of becoming their murderer, if I failed to tell 
 you what I had heard. I was also in danger of destroying three 
 hundred Athenians, and of involving Athens in the most serious 
 evils. This, then, was the prospect if I were silent’. 
 
 § 60 . καί τιμωρησασθαι] The conjectural insertion before 40 
 these words of καί σωσαί τβ ήμα? is as needless as the similar 
 insertion in § 56 (where see n.), since the thought is contained 
 in os ημάς μέν άπώλλνεν (was seeking to destroy). — εκείνον 
 follows Αιοκλείδην as it often follows αυτόν, e.g. Plat. Prot. 310 
 d, clv αύτφ διδφ$ apyvpiov καί πείθης εκείνον : see Shilleto on 
 Thuc. i. 132. 
 
 § 61 . ού yivoiro Si Ιρ,ε] Notice the opt. y ένοιτο preceded 
 by είσηγησατο, άντεΐπον, and followed by h τεσον, κ.τ.λ . —all 
 depending on ^r/Xey^a ότι. The optative has the effect of 
 presenting this particular statement, not simply as a fact, but 
 as a quotation of what was confessed by the conspirators. It 
 is the oblique form of ουκ ey ενετό δι’ Ά νδοκίδην : ‘ I proved the 
 facts,—that E. proposed this plan, etc., and that (as they said) 
 it was I who “hindered the plan from being executed at the 
 time”.’ 
 
 4v Κυνοσ-άργει] to Kvvoaapyes, a gymnasium, with a sanc¬ 
 tuary of Heracles, on the e. side of Athens, near the At ομεία 
 πύλη. 
 
 την κλεϊν οτυνετρφην] ‘ broke my collar-bone ’: Dem. or. 
 
 18 § 67, την κλεϊν κaτεayότa.— την κεφαλήν κατεάγην (ά in 
 Attic), ‘cut my head’: Ar. Ach. 1180, και τη s κεφαλή s KaTiayc 
 περί λίθον πεσών (partit. genit.,—the more usual construction 
 in this phrase). 
 
 § 62 . τόν*Ε. τον τταρά τό Φ.] * The Hermes by the Phor- 
 
 banteum’—the ηρφον of Phorbas, perh. the hero of that name 
 worshipped in Khodes as having banished snakes from the 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 230 
 
 [Andocides 
 
 island (Diod. v. 58), and also famed in myth as a boxer (schol. 
 ad Horn. II. xxiii. 660, etc.). The idea of παρά with accus., in 
 such general indications of position, is—‘ that which one sees 
 when one goes past ’ the place. We may render it ( by\ παρά 
 with dat., ‘ beside ’, is more precise. 
 
 41 § 63· δεινά ειτοίουν] ‘ On finding this out, the conspirators 
 were furious that I should know of the deed without having 
 had a hand in it’. The more usual phrase, δεινόν Ίτοιοΰιιαί 
 τι, = ‘ to regard a thing as monstrous ‘to feel indignant at it ’. 
 On the other hand, δεινά ποιώ (lit., ‘to do dreadful things’), 
 refers to the external manifestation of horror or grief by 
 gestures, cries, etc. : Her. in. 14, κλαιόντων καί δεινά ποιεύντων 
 * weeping, and displaying anguish ’: Thuc. v. 42, λεγομένων δέ 
 τούτων oi ’ Αθηναίοι δεινά έποίουν, ‘ exclaimed ’, ‘ raised an 
 outcry ’. 
 
 δι ήμαβ] ob nos proditos. ‘Otherwise our enmity will be 
 more effectual than any friendships that you can make by 
 betraying us ’. 
 
 § 64. a/urois... εκείνος] For έκείνοις following αυτοί* in 
 reference to the same persons, see note on § 60. 
 
 <os οΰν...εκείνοι] ‘In support of this statement, I gave up 
 my own slave for the torture, (to prove) that I had been ill’, 
 [imperf., was at the past time in question,] ‘ and unable even to 
 leave my bed; and the Presidents received [for examination] 
 the female slaves in the house from which the conspirators set 
 forth to begin their work’. οθεν = εκ τη s οικία s εξ gs. 
 
 § 65. φράσ-ας] ‘on condition of revealing’. 
 
 Φηγούσ-ιον] Of the deme of Phegeus near Marathon. 
 
 42 § 66· Χαβόντεδ τά 6ττλα άττ.] ‘and you yourselves’ (αυτοί, 
 the Athenian citizens generally, as represented by the court) 
 ‘ took up your arms and went home’. The order given in the 
 panic had been, τού* μεν έν άστει οίκουντας Ιέναι εΐ* την αγοράν τά 
 όπλα λαβόνται, κ.τ.λ., § 45. 
 
 § 67. ττίστιν τών 4ν <χ. άττιστοτάτην] ‘The most traitorous 
 of all possible compacts ’: πίστιν, the pledge given by the con¬ 
 spirators to each other: άπιστοτάτη, most disloyal to the State. 
 Cp. Aesch. Theb. 1021, ταφέντ άτιμων τούπιτίμιον λαβεΐν. 
 
 τότ€ 84] We might expect τότε δη, turn demum, then and 
 not sooner: but the thought is ( πρδτερον μέν) συνέκρυψα , τότε 
 δέ άπέγρ. Cp. § 34, note on άπογράφει. 
 
 43 § 69* <τύ δε, κ.τ.λ.] To the γραμματεύς of the Court. ‘ Clerk, 
 call the persons themselves who were released by my means ’. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 231 
 
 ΡΡ· 40—43] 
 
 μ^χρν τούτου] ‘ They will come up and give evidence for as 
 long as you desire to listen to it 
 
 III. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΗΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙΟΥΣ ΕΙ¬ 
 ΡΗΝΗΣ.— The speech On the Peace with Lacedaemon 
 belongs to 390 b.c., the fourth year of the Corinthian War. 
 Athens, Boeotia, Corinth and Argos were at this time allied 
 against Sparta. The success of Agesilaus in 391 had led the 
 Athenians, probably in the winter of 391—90 b.c., to send 
 plenipotentiaries, among whom was Andocides, to treat for 
 peace at Sparta. According to the terms proposed by the 
 Lacedaemonians, Athens was to retain her Long Walls— 
 rebuilt three years before by Conon—and her fleet; she was 
 also to recover Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros: and Boeotia was 
 to be gratified by the withdrawal of the Spartan garrison from 
 Orchomenus. The plenipotentiaries did not use their powers, 
 but requested that the Athenian ecclesia might have forty 
 days in which to consider these proposals; and returned, 
 accompanied by Spartan envoys, to Athens. It was in the 
 ensuing debate—early in the year 390—that the speech of 
 Andocides was made .—Attic Orators , i. 83. The genuineness 
 of the speech has been questioned, but without sufficient 
 reason. One passage of it (§§ 3—12) was adopted, with slight 
 modifications, by Aeschines (De Fals. Legat. §§ 172—176). 
 See Attic Orators , i. 129. 
 
 Andoc. first shows that a peace with Sparta is not a danger 
 to the Athenian democracy (§§ 1—12). He then argues that 
 there is no good reason for continuing the war, and that the 
 proposed terms are peculiarly advantageous to Athens (§§ 13— 
 23). If the Boeotians make peace on their own account, 
 Athens will be left with one weak ally, Corinth, and another of 
 which the policy is thoroughly selfish—Argos (§§ 24—27). 
 
 §§ 23—41 (end). Alliance with Sparta is better than 
 alliance with Argos.—Objections to the Peace ansicered. 
 
 § 28. τοιούτων δ’ eXir. μ.] ‘ Committed, as we are, to such 
 prospects, we have to choose between joining the Argives 
 in war against Sparta, and joining the Boeotians in making a 
 peace for the common interest’, r. e\7r. μετασχ., ‘having 
 become sharers in such hopes ’, i.e. having entered into 
 alliance with States which have such objects in view as Argos 
 and Boeotia have respectively. Argos hoped to get Corinth if 
 the war were prolonged (§ 27): Boeotia was likely to make 
 peace on its own account with Sparta (§ 24).— κοινή: cp. § 27, 
 μετά πάντων των συμμάχων την ειρήνην ποιουμένους. 
 
 δι ήμάβ avrovs] for our own sakes, opp. to δι ετέρους. The 
 
232 SELECTIONS. [Andocides 
 
 words might also mean ‘through our own exertions’. In Be 
 Myst. § 63, δι ήμάς= ί οη account of (betraying) us’. 
 
 § 29. χρή γάρ άναμνησ-θε'νταβ] The partic. here expresses 
 the thought on which the chief stress falls. ‘ For if we are to 
 take a prudent decision, we must refresh our memory of the 
 past’. Cp. Her. VIII. 129, έτι δε τρε is ( μοΐραι ) υπόλοιποι ήσαν, 
 ras διελθόνταξ χρήν είναι ’έσω εν τη ΙΙαΧλήνη, ‘ which they must 
 traverse before arriving in Pallen0 ’. Thuc. i. 20, δράσαντέ$ τι 
 καί κινδυνεΰσαι , i.e. ‘ to do something if they must risk their 
 lives ’ (and Shilleto’s note): iv. 11, ras σφετερα s vaCs βιαξομένους 
 την άπόβασιν κατα-γρύναι, ‘to force the passage, though they 
 must wreck their ships in doing it ’. 
 
 ά ήμΐν ΐΊΓρ€ 0 Γβ€υσ·€ν...ΐΓ 6 ΐθόμ 6 νοι] ‘listening to the overtures 
 made to us by Epilycus, on behalf of Amorges,—the slave of 
 the Great King, and an exile ’: lit., ‘ as to the proposals made 
 us by the envoy E.—in regard to these complying with 
 Amorges ’, obeying his wishes. Amorges, son of the satrap 
 Pissuthnes, revolted from Dareius II. [regn. 424 — 405 b.c.] 
 and established himself in Iasus, a sea-board town of Caria. 
 In 412 b.c. the Peloponnesians took Iasus, and delivered 
 Amorges to Tissaphernes: Thuc. vm. 28: Grote vii. 504, 535. 
 
 44 § 30. Συρακουσ-ιοι δ’] In 427 b.c. the chief Ionic cities of 
 
 Sicily—viz. Leontini, Naxos and Catana—in alliance with the 
 Dorian Camarina, sent an embassy to Athens, with Gorgias at 
 its head, asking aid against Syracuse. This was the occasion 
 of the first Athenian expedition to Sicily in 427 b.c. : a second 
 was sent in 425, and a third in 422. The application of 
 Egesta for help against Selinus led to the great expedition 
 of 415 b.c. Andoc. seems to be thinking of the embassies sent 
 by the Ionic Siceliots, and to imagine that a rival embassy had 
 been sent by Syracuse—which was not the case. 
 
 ήμεΐς τοίνυν εΐλόμ.] ‘Well, we chose then also’: to'ipvv 
 ‘ so ’, ‘ accordingly ’, i.e. with our usual perversity. 
 
 αντί του με'νοντεξ...2χειν] The rule that the subject of the 
 infin. stands in the nominative, if it is identical with the 
 subject of the principal verb, holds good even when the infin. 
 takes the article : Plat. Rep. 526 b, el's ye τό όξύτεροι αύτοί 
 αυτών yiyv εσθαι πάντε% έπιδιδόασιν : lb. 598 D, έξηπατήθη διά τό 
 a\)Tos μη oios τ είναι επιστήμην.. ,εξετάσαι. 
 
 άριστίνδην] lit. ‘ merit-wise ’: αίρεΐσθαι άριστίνδην (Arist. 
 Pol. ιι. 11. 3) to choose (magistrates) by merit: so πλουτίνδην. 
 Here the idea is that the best men were chosen out (by 
 destiny) for destruction. ‘Having lost the very flower of 
 our citizens and allies ’. Cp. Her. vi. 21, Μιλήσιοι πάντε s 
 ήβηδόν (from the youth upwards—all the adults) άπεκείραντο 
 ras κεφαλά*. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 233 
 
 pp. 43—46] 
 
 αΙ<τχ. 8. oi crco0£vT€s αΰτ.] Not a formal anacolouthon : but 
 we can see that the speaker’s thought has changed its direction. 
 
 He began the sentence as if it were to end in some such way as 
 oXiyovs είδομεν σωθέντα s. Thuc. vn. 87, ολίγοι άπό πολλών 
 επ’ οίκου άπενόστησαν. 
 
 § 31. ύστερον δ* νττ Άργ.] ύστερον can be justified only if 
 Andoc. refers to the beginning of Athenian intervention (427— 
 
 422 b.c. ) in the affairs of Sicily. The events noticed here 
 occurred before the Sicilian expedition of 415 b.c. ειρήνης 
 ήμιν οϋσης: the Peace of Nicias, 422 b.c. — πλεύσαντες έπ l την 
 Χακωνικήν : an allusion to the expedition against Epidaurus in 
 which the Argives were assisted by the Athenians under Alci- 
 biades (419 b.c., Thuc. v. 52—54): έκκαλεΐ v αύτ. τόν θυμόν, 
 because the Spartans retaliated by invading Argos, thus 
 opening the campaign which was closed by the battle of 
 Mantineia (418 b.c.) and an alliance between Argos and 
 Sparta. 
 
 ου τΓθ\€μιήσαντ€$] Andoc. regards the aid given by Athens 
 to Argos in 419 b.c. as the origin of the renewed war which 
 ended in the final defeat of Athens. But the Sicilian Expe¬ 
 dition came after (not, as he seems to think, before) this event, 
 and it was the result of that expedition which led up to the 
 Αεκελεικός πόλεμοί (413—404 b.c.). 
 
 § 32. τούτο ύττόλοιττον] ironical: all that is needed to 45 
 complete the list of our follies. 
 
 Κορινθίων δ£ tovs v. 2χ.] ‘ The Corinthian party which now 
 holds the city ’ = the war-party, who were in the closest alliance 
 with Argos, as opposed to the Philo-laconian or peace-party 
 led by Pasimelus. The present rulers of Corinth, Andoc. 
 means, are mere instruments of Argive ambition. See Grote 
 ix. 462 f. 
 
 § 33. τοσ-αύτην] explained by φασι yap instead of ώστε 
 φάναι. Cp. below, p. 69, § 19, line 6. 
 
 Tas τίτταράκονθ* η μ.] The forty days for which the Athe¬ 
 nian plenipotentiaries at Sparta had asked, in order that they 
 might refer the proposed terms to the Athenian Ecclesia.— 
 ήμας, the envoys, of whom Andoc. had been one. 
 
 την άσ-φ. ημών tt]s liravcujxjpas] ‘ The precaution taken b} r 
 us in making the reference ’: cp. Thuc. nr. 47, τό KX^wvos to 
 αυτό δίκαιον και ξύμφορον τής τιμωρίας, Cleon’s view that the 
 punishment is both just and expedient. 
 
 § 34. λανθάνοντα, κ.τ.λ .] ‘must hoodwink and beguile the 
 multitude, if he is to bring them to face dangers see note on 
 § 29, άναμνησθέντας. 
 
 στηλαι] slabs set up in public places inscribed with the 46 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 234 
 
 [Andocides 
 
 terms of treaties, etc.: κατά την στήλην, Ar. Αν. 1051, ‘acc. to 
 the compact ’: στ. ai πρός Θηβαίους, their treaty with Thebes, 
 Dem. Megalop. § 27 .— ταΰτα δέ, ‘in regard to these ’ ( δέ in 
 apodosis, = ‘ on the other hand’). 
 
 § 35. γράμματα τά γεγραμμ.] ‘the letter of the terms’: 
 cp. § 40. 
 
 xnrovoctv, κ.τ.λ.] ‘In regard to what is at your disposal’ 
 {(Ετοίμων, the advantages offered by the Spartan terms), ‘it is 
 your habit to feel misgivings and to raise objections’. 
 
 § 36. δττου — τροφήν] 8που= ί and in such a case ’. ‘ Such 
 
 is the choice now; and some people are already saying that 
 they do not understand the meaning of the Convention, if the 
 city is merely to get walls and ships : “ we do not recover our 
 possessions on foreign soil”, they argue, “and stone walls do 
 not give us bread ”. ’— εκ τής υπερορίας : Athenian possessions 
 abroad, esp. in Thrace and the Chersonese, of which Athens 
 had been deprived at the end of the Peloponnesian War. 
 Cp. § 15, φέρε, άλλα Χ,ερρόνησον και τάς αποικίας κα'ι τά ε"γκτή- 
 ματα (property acquired in a foreign land) και τά χρέα (debts) 
 ϊνα άπολάβωμεν. Xen. Mem. π. 8 § 1 (where the speaker refers 
 to the end of the War), επειδή .. .άφηρέθην μέν τά εν τή ύπερορίφ 
 κτήματα, εν δέ τη Αττική ό πατήρ μοι ούδέν κατέλιπεν. 
 
 § 37. ών—ταΰτα] ων = των αγαθών : ταΰτα = τείχη κα'ι ναΰς .— 
 ταύτην, κ.τ.λ.: ‘ These were the resources from which our 
 fathers set out ’. 
 
 47 Ίτριάμενοι] from aor. έπριάμην : pres, in use, ώνέομαι. 
 
 § 38. Άθήνησα ττοιήσ-.] ‘ To make Athens the seat of the 
 Board which administered the common fund ’ (of the Delian 
 Confederacy), derived from the φόρος of the members; Thuc. 
 i. 95—96. The transference of the fund from Delos to Athens 
 is said to have been proposed—not, as Andoc. implies here, by 
 the Athenians—but by the Samians (Plut. Arist. 25): Grote 
 v. 465. 
 
 XaGovTcs hi Πελ.] In 479 b.c., when the walls of Athens 
 were rebuilt and the Peiraeus was fortified, λαθόντες : alluding 
 to the artifices by which Themistocles gained time, Thuc. 
 i. 90 f. Grote v. 331. 
 
 πριάμ. it. Λακεδ.] The statement that Athens ‘ bought im¬ 
 punity’ from Sparta is not only baseless but absurd. It 
 seems to refer to the Thirty Years’ Truce between Athens and 
 Sparta (445 b.c.) by which Athens gave up Achaia, Troezen 
 and the harbours of Megara: see Grote v. 475. 
 
 όγδοήκοντα καί ττε'ντε] i.e. from the battle of Marathon 
 (490 b.c.) to the battle of Aegospotami (405 b.c.): since the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 235 
 
 pp. 46—49] 
 
 policy by which Themistocles made Athens a naval power 
 dated from the close of the first Persian invasion. 
 
 § 39. Ιν^χυρα] as pledges against the restoration of the 
 Athenian αρχή: Xen. Hellen. n. 2. 19, 20. 
 
 τά τ€ίχη καί vavs] The Long Walls (except the Phaleric 
 wall) had been restored by Conon in 393 b.c. — ναυς, without 
 the art., because a fleet had yet to be created under the terms 
 imposed by Sparta in 404 b.c. Athens had retained only 12 
 ships, acc. to § 12 of this speech. 
 
 § 40. ττάσ-ί τε rots ycyp.] ‘And we can have a peace on 48 
 the basis of all the terms thus defined’: i.e. any new terms 
 proposed by Athenian critics of the treaty can be added to 
 those already formulated (προσ~/ράφεσθαι). 
 
 §41. τούτων δ’.,.ήμαδ] ‘And the decision on these 
 questions is with you ’ (the εκκλησία), ‘ and does not depend on 
 the Lacedaemonians—thanks to us ’ (the envoys, who asked 
 for the forty days). 
 
 irpco-peimis] i.e. πρεσβευτάς αύτοκράτορας. The plur. of 
 πρεσβευτή* is usually πρέσβεις, but πρεσβευταί in Thuc. vm. 
 
 77, 86. 
 
 oStos ό irpco-p.] ‘ He is the true plenipotentiary ’. 
 
 LYSIAS. 
 
 Lysias : born 459 b.c. acc. to Dionysius and the Plutarchic 49 
 Life: between 444 and 436 b.c. acc. to K. F. Hermann, etc.: 
 died later than 380 b.c. Approximate period of extant work, 
 
 403—380 b.c. Life in Attic Orators, i. 142—157. 
 
 Style. Lysias takes up the development of Attic prose at a 
 point where the stiffness of the older rhetoric, as seen in Anti¬ 
 phon’s work, had been modified, but no perfect reconciliation 
 had yet been effected between literary finish and the Attic 
 idiom of ordinary life. Lysias achieves this reconciliation. 
 Unlike Antiphon before him and Isocrates after him, he has 
 the art of concealing his art. His distinctive qualities are a 
 delicate mastery of the purest Attic, a subtle power of ex¬ 
 pressing character, a restrained sense of humour, and a certain 
 flexibility of mind which enables him under the most diverse 
 circumstances to write with almost unfailing tact and charm,— 
 with that χάρις, hardly to be analysed save in so far as felicity 
 of expression and an essential urbanity are implied in it, 
 which the old critics felt in him. 
 
236 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 Technically, Lysias represents the ‘ plain ’ manner as dis¬ 
 tinguished from the ‘stately’ and the ‘middle’: (ισχνός χα- 
 ρακτήρ, λιτή or άφβλής λέξις, ορρ. to με^αλοττρβπής and μέση: 
 Cic. or. 6. § 20 grandiloqui—tenues—medius et quasi tempe- 
 ratus.) His composition { σύνθβσις ) varies with the subject and 
 the occasion. In the first of the following extracts, for 
 example, the ’Ολυμπιακός, we find elaborate and artistic periods. 
 In the fifth extract—from the κατά Έρατοσθένους, where the 
 public and private characters are combined—the periodic 
 structure is blended with a style of greater ease and simplicity. 
 In the last extract, the κατά Ua -γκλέωνος, the manner of the 
 composition is throughout of a simpler kind. The diction 
 (λέξις) of Lysias is marked by a general avoidance of words or 
 phrases foreign to the ordinary idiom of the day ; by abstinence 
 from rhetorical figures, except such as consist in the parallel¬ 
 ism or opposition of clauses; and by the union of clearness 
 with conciseness. His power of delineating character ( ηθοποιία ) 
 is illustrated by the speech υπέρ Μ αντιθέου, our third extract: 
 his power of vivid description (evapyeia) will be seen in the 
 speeches against Eratosthenes and Agoratus. The arrangement 
 (τάξις) of subject-matter is nearly always simple:—proem— 
 narrative—proof—epilogue.—See Attic Orators , i. 158—198. 
 On the Works of Lysias in general, ib. i. 199—816. 
 
 The following selections have been made in such a manner 
 as at once to illustrate the leading characteristics of his style 
 and to represent the several departments of his work. Thus:— 
 (1) Epideictic. i. (2) Deliberative, ii. (3) Forensic, δημόσιοι 
 λόγοι: hi. ιν. v. vi. vn.— Ιδιωτικοί : vm. ix. (See table in 
 Attic Orators , i. 215: cp. 203, 211.) 
 
 I. ΟΛΥΜΠΙΑΚΟΣ. [Or. xxxm.]—This is a fragment— 
 probably the greater part—of an oration delivered by Lysias at 
 Olympia. The great panhellenic festivals afforded an appro¬ 
 priate opportunity to poets and orators who desired to speak, 
 not of those interests or glories which belonged to a single city, 
 but of those which were common to Greece. The ancient 
 Greeks, although they never formed a nation, had a national 
 sentiment, founded on community of blood, speech and 
 manners: and this sentiment was probably never called forth 
 more vividly than when Greeks of all cities came together at 
 Nemea or at the Isthmus, at Delphi or at Olympia. 
 
 Hippias, we are told, ’έθeλye την 'Ελλάδα έν Όλυμπίμ λόyoις 
 ποικίλοις καί πεφροντισμένοις ev, ‘ used to charm Greece at 
 Olympia with ornate and carefully meditated speeches ’ (Philostr. 
 i. 11). The Όλυμπικός of Gorgias ‘dealt with the largest of 
 political questions. Seeing Greece torn by faction, he became 
 a counsellor of concord, seeking to turn the Greeks against 
 the barbarians, and advising them to take the land of the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 237 
 
 pp. 49, 50] 
 
 aliens—not each others’ cities—for the prize of their arms’ 
 
 {ib.). 
 
 The Olympiacus of Lysias was spoken, according to 
 Diodorus, in the first year of the 98th Olympiad, 388 b.c. —the 
 year before the Peace of Antalcidas, by which the Corinthian 
 War was brought to a close. Athens, Thebes, Argos and 
 Corinth had then been seven years at war with Sparta. During 
 this time two powers, both dangerous to the freedom of 
 Greece, had been rapidly growing. In the east the naval 
 strength of Persia had become greater than it had been for a 
 century. In the west Dionysius I., tyrant of Syracuse, had 
 reduced Naxos, Catana and Leontini: had twice defeated 
 Carthage; and was threatening the Greek towns of Italy. A 
 magnificent embassy from the court of Dionysius, with his 
 brother Thearides at its head, appeared at the Olympic 
 festival of 388 b.c. Tents embroidered with gold were pitched 
 in the sacred enclosure; a number of splendid chariots were 
 entered in the name of Dionysius for the four-horse chariot- 
 race; while rhapsodists, whose skill in recitation attracted 
 crowds, repeated poems composed by their royal master. 
 While eye and ear were thus allured by the glories of the 
 Syracusan tyrant, Lysias lifted up his voice to remind the 
 assembled Greeks that in Dionysius they must recognise one of 
 the two great enemies of Greece. Let them not admit to their 
 sacred festival the representatives of an impious despotism. 
 
 Let them remember that their duty is to overthrow that 
 tyranny and to set Sicily free; and let the war be begun 
 forthwith by an attack upon those glittering tents.— Attic 
 Orators, i. 203 f. 
 
 § 1. πρώτος (τυνήγ€ΐρ€] Heracles, the legend said, founded 50 
 the prizes of the Olympic games with the spoils taken in his 
 war with Augeas: Pind. 01. ii. 3, ’Ολυμπιάδα δ’ 'έστασεν Ή. 
 άκρόθινα πολέμου : cp. χι. 57: and brought trees—esp. the 
 olive—from the land of the Hyperboreans to the Olympian 
 valley,—that ‘garden of the gods’ (κάποή which had before 
 been ‘naked’ (0. in. 24). 
 
 §2. φιλοτιμίαν...πλούτου] ‘rivalry in wealth’— i.e. in 
 chariots entered for the races (horses being αγαλμα τής ύπερ- 
 πλούτου χλιδής), and in the general splendour of the θεωρίαι . — 
 πλούτου, not πλούτφ: cp. [Lys.] Epitaph. § 80, ay ωνες...ρώμης 
 και σοφίας (=yvώμης here) καί πλούτου. 
 
 ■γνώμης δ’ Ιττίδίίξιν] ‘ a display of intellect ’ (in the recitation 
 of poems, orations, etc.); but not properly ayuiva, a contest, 
 since at Olympia there were not prizes for a μουσικός ay0v, 
 as there were at Delphi. Lucian, it is true, says of Herodotus, 
 ay ωνιστήν παρεΐχεν εαυτόν’Ολυμπίων: but he presently explains 
 
238 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 that this is metaphorical— άνακηρυχθβϊ j ούχ υ<β ivos μά Αία 
 κήρυκος άλλ’ έν άττάσχι ί τόλει, κ.τ.λ. (Her. 2). Besides the 
 ‘sophists, historians and speech-writersLucian mentions 
 Aetion as having exhibited at Olympia his picture of the 
 marriage of Alexander and Boxana (ib. 3). 
 
 < άν > γενεσθαι] It seems probable that we should supply 
 av, rather than change yeviadai to yevyaeadai. One of the two 
 remedies is necessary. The aor. infin., without &v, might 
 be used if the context made it clear that the reference was to 
 the future: but, here, rjyyaaTo yeveaOai would mean ‘ thought 
 that it had become’. On p. 69, § 19, ψοντο κτησασθαι means, 
 indeed, * thought to acquire ’; but there a difference is made 
 (a) by the fact that the sense of ‘expecting’ can be given 
 to οίομαι more easily than to Ηγούμαι: (b) by the fact that the 
 context is clearer. 
 
 § 3. ταΰθ’ ύφηγησατο, εγώ 8’ ηκω] Heracles ‘ traced this 
 plan’, sketched this outline of the Olympic festival, leaving it 
 for us to fill in the details. Now I, Lysias says, do not think 
 that he meant this yvώμηs έπίδβιξις to be frivolous. ‘ I am not 
 here to dispute on subtleties or to cavil about words ’: like the 
 sophists (Polus, Prodicus, Anaximenes,—Luc. De Her. 3), who 
 have displayed their niceties of dialectic or of grammar at 
 Olympia. Prodicus taught όρθότη s ονομάτων, the accurate use 
 of synonyms, Plat. Euthyd. 277 e. 
 
 σοφιστών, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ These, I consider, are the tasks of 
 
 worthless and needy declaimed’. On σοφιστών, see below, 
 introd. to Isocrates κατά σοφιστών. 
 
 πολίτου] Lysias never acquired the Athenian citizenship, 
 though he had deserved it; but at Olympia he would feel that 
 he was at least a citizen of Greece : see Attic Orators, i. 151. 
 
 τω βαρβάρω — τυράννων] The king of Persia (Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon, 405 — 359 b.c.):— Dionysius I. of Syracuse. 
 
 § 4. των μών παΰσασθαι] ‘cease from our feuds’: τά δέ 
 κωλνσαι —arrest their consequences. 
 
 είδότα$...τών * άτυχων] ‘knowing that rivalry, indeed, is 
 for the prosperous, but that the part of the unfortunate is to 
 devise remedies’, τών ατυχών is, I think, the true correction 
 of the reading found in the mss., τών αυτών. ‘ The same men ’ 
 would mean here oi ev ττράττοντος. But there is no point here 
 in saying that it is the part of prosperous men yvώvaι τά 
 βέλτιστα. He is saying that the Greeks, being the reverse of 
 prosperous, cannot afford to indulge in strife with each other, 
 but must provide for their common safety. 
 
 51 § 5. τών δέ χρ. — τά δέ τών Έλλ.] Dobree thought that 
 
 logical order required τά δέ τών 'Ελλ.— τών δέ χρημ.: but the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 239 
 
 pp. 50—52] 
 
 change is needless. The orator puts his two main propositions 
 first. The third (τά, δέ των 'EM.) could almost have been 
 understood. 
 
 αυτός] he himself , as distinguished from Dionysius, who in 
 this view is his ally. Sauppe need not, then, wish for odros. 
 
 §6. €'π·οίη<Γαν...€<ττ6ρήσ·θαι] more than στερεΐσθαι : not 
 merely ‘ made them lose ’ their land, but ‘ left them stripped’ of it. 
 
 § 7. άτ€ίχι<ττοι] Sparta was not a town in the proper 
 sense, but a group of hamlets (οϋ ξιινοικισθεΐσα πόλις ... κατά 
 κώμας δε οίκισθεΐσα: Thuc. ι. 10). In the Macedonian period it 
 acquired walls; and Polybius describes Sparta as circular in 
 form (σχήματι περιφερής, v. 22), having a circumference of 
 about six miles—rather less than that of Megalopolis (ix. 21). 
 
 ιτροοράσθαι] depending on ελπίς, this might mean there is 
 hope (1) that they are now providing, or (2) that they will con¬ 
 tinue to provide,— προοράσθαι differing from προόφεσθαι or 
 προιδεΐν (Άν) by expressing that the vigilance is to be sustained: 
 and this is the sense here. See Goodwin § 15, n. 2. 
 
 § 8 . 6 eiruov καιρός] ‘The future opportunity’ (at what¬ 
 
 ever particular moment it is to come): i.e. 4 Now the future can 
 give us no better opening than the present’.— άμφοτέρων, =τοΰ 
 τε βασϊλέως καί του Αιονυσίου : after at δυνάμεις, because the idea 
 is, 4 come upon us from both quarters’. 
 
 II. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΜΗ ΚΑΤΑΑΥΣΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΤΡΙΟΝ 52 
 ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑΝ ΑΘΗΝΗΣΙ. [Or. xxxiv.]—‘A Plea against 
 abolishing the ancestral Constitution of Athens’: a fragment, 
 preserved (like the last) by Dionysius.. When, after the fall of 
 the Thirty, the Democracy was restored in 403 b.c., it was the 
 aim of Sparta to restrict it. One Phormisios proposed in the 
 Ecclesia that only land-owners should have the franchise, a 
 measure which, according to Dionysius, would have excluded 
 about five thousand citizens. The speech from which he gives 
 an extract was made against this motion during a debate in the 
 Ecclesia. It appears to have been written by Lysias for some 
 wealthy citizen who was not personally affected by the proposal, 
 and may probably be regarded as the earliest of the orator’s 
 works now known.— Attic Orators, i. 211. 
 
 § 1. τάς yryev. συμφοράς] 4 our past misfortunes’: the 
 defeat at Aegospotami, which was popularly ascribed to oligar¬ 
 chic treason (see on Lys. In Eratosth. § 36, p. 256), the surren¬ 
 der of Athens, and the tyranny of the Thirty. The date of the 
 speech is shortly after the restoration of the Democracy in 413 
 
 B.C. 
 
240 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 ώσ-τ€ μηδ’ άν] ‘ So that not even a later generation [much 
 less our own] could desire a change in the constitution [from 
 Democracy to Oligarchy]’, μηδ' &v ετηθυμεϊν, oblique of ούκ άν 
 εττιθυμοΐεν. — άμφοτέρων : Democracy and Oligarchy. 
 
 irporcpov *8ls ήδη. καί] So Dobree for ττρότερον. δώ δη και: 
 — δίς referring to (1) the Revolution of the 400 in 411 b.c., and 
 (2) the tyranny of the Thirty. This gives more point. Yet διό 
 δτ) και is possible. ‘For that very reason [i.e. just because 
 you have had these experiences], though I do not marvel at 
 , them, I marvel at you ’. 
 
 § 2 . τούτων...υμών] As we often have θαυμάζω τούτο υμών, 
 ‘ I wonder at this in (belonging to) you’, so also θαυμάζω υμών 
 οτι έστέ , κ.τ.Χ., where ότι εστέ = το είναι υμάς. 
 
 n€ipauI>s...<£o-T€os] ‘men whose fortune associated them 
 with the party of the Peiraeus [the patriots whom Thrasybulus 
 led from Phyl£], but whose sympathies were with the party of 
 the Town’ [the oligarchical adherents of the Tyranny]. See 
 note below on In Eratosth. § 92, p. 74. 
 
 53 § 3. <ούτ€ πλούτο» > ] Markland’s conj. to supply the 
 
 lacuna, before ούτε yhei, is better than ούτε ήΧικίφ. (Stephanus) 
 or οϋτε ουσία (Sauppe). ‘ Though I am not in danger of exclu¬ 
 sion [from the franchise] on the score either of wealth or of 
 birth, but have in both respects the advantage of my oppo¬ 
 nents’. The proposed restriction of the franchise probably 
 threatened to exclude all who could not satisfy some definition 
 of a pure Attic descent (ytvos), as well as those who did not 
 possess a certain property qualification ( ttXovtos ). 
 
 Ικτήμεθα] ‘ we possessed ’, from εκτήμην, plup. for εκεκτημην , 
 as in Andoc. De Pace § 37, Her. ii. 108: v. 1. εκτησάμεθα, 
 ‘when we acquired’, i.e. ‘ after we had acquired’. 
 
 ούχ oirtos < άτιμον > Άθ. τινά ·7τοι.ήσομ€ν διενοούμίθα] ‘We 
 
 did not think of disfranchising any Athenian’. Note that the 
 constr. differs from (though it is akin to) that in which ούχ 
 07τω?...άλλά= ‘not only not...but’: for this we should need 
 7 τοιησαι. Cp. Lysias κατά. Φ ίλωνοϊ (or. xxxi.) § 17, οΰτο$ τοίνυν 
 ούχ 07 τω$ ώφεΧησει την νόλιν εν τοιούτφ καιριρ και τοιαύτη κατα- 
 στάσει διενοήθη, άλλ’ όπως τι κερδανεΐ άτό των ύμετέρων συμφορών 
 τταρεσκευάσατο. 
 
 Εύβοίΰσ-ιν] ‘ we even proposed to confer on Euboeans the 
 right of intermarriage with Athenians ’: probably at some time 
 subsequent to the revolt and reduction of the island in 445 b.c. 
 ‘ In Euboea two-thirds of the island gradually became the pro¬ 
 perty of Attic citizens’ (Curt. Hist. Gr. n. 486), i.e. of κΧηρου- 
 χοι. — έπι-γαμία, one of the privileges of ΙσοττοΧιτεία, or admission 
 to the citizenship of a foreign state: others were άτέΧεια (exemp- 
 
I 
 
 pp. 52—54] NOTES. 241 
 
 tion from the taxes on aliens) and έγκτηαιν, right of acquiring 
 land. 
 
 άΐΓο\οΰμ.€ν] ‘ruin’ (by disfranchisement): so the mss.: 
 Bekker άττελώμβν, ‘eject from their rights’. 
 
 §4. μ€τά τών τ€ΐχών] ‘along with the walls’ (of Athens, 
 demolished in 404 b.c. under the terms imposed by Sparta). 
 
 ιτλεον] ‘better’ (than you could hope to do otherwise). 
 
 €V rats 4φ’ ημών ολ. -γ.] ‘ under the oligarchies that have 
 arisen in our own time’: those, namely, of 411 and 404 b.c.— 
 eV is rightly supplied by Iieiske. 
 
 § 5. aXXcos re καί μεμν.] ‘Especially when you remember 54 
 that the champions of oligarchy, while nominally waging war 
 on Democracy, are in fact lusting for your property’: alluding 
 to the recent spoliations by the Thirty. See Lys. In Eratosth. 
 
 § 6 (below, p. 66), καλλίστψ .. .πρόφασιν τιμωρβίσθαί μεν δοκείν, τφ 
 δ ’ tpycp χρηματίζεσθαι (‘to make money’—in reference to the 
 raid of the Tyrants on the μέτοικοι). On the art. with ολι¬ 
 γαρχίαν, δήμφ, cp. ib. § 97, note. 
 
 § 6. 6ρώσ·ι...'ΐτροσ·τάττου(Γΐν] ‘And then, these persons 
 who are so enamoured of your possessions—what safety are 
 they to find for the city, unless we do what Sparta bids us? But 
 I would ask them to tell me, what will be left to the people, 
 supposing that we obey her behests? ’ i.e. the proposed narrow¬ 
 ing of the franchise would so diminish the number of bi τλΐται 
 and i7T7re?s as to leave Athens, in a military sense, at the mercy 
 of Sparta; and if Sparta’s dictation were obeyed, the end would 
 be an Oligarchy of the closest type—like that of the Thirty. 
 With Markland’s έρωτώσι. (adopted by Baiter and Sauppe) we 
 must strike out toIs (as they have not done), and render:— 
 
 ‘ And then they ask, How is the city to save your property, 
 unless we do what Sparta bids us?’ But the tenor of the argu¬ 
 ment clearly supports the βρώσι of the mss. 
 
 § 7. *Apy€Covs...MavTiv€as] ‘Now I observe that the 
 Argives and Mantineians, while they maintain the same policy’ 
 
 [i.e. have democratic governments, instead of oligarchies servile 
 to Sparta], ‘ are in possession of their territory, though the 
 Argives (rods μέν ) touch the frontier of Lacedaemon, and the 
 Mantineians (robs δέ) are its neighbours,—the citizens of Argos 
 being not more numerous than we are, while those of Mantineia 
 do not number 3000’. Clinton ( F. H. ii. 517) computes that 
 at this time Argos and Athens may each have had about 
 .16,000 male citizens, which would give a total free popula¬ 
 tion for each of about 66,000: similarly the free population 
 of Mantineia and its territory would be about 13,000 (ib. 
 p. 507). 
 
 J. 
 
 1G 
 
242 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 § 8 . IVaori] sc. οί Λακεδαιμόνιοι : τούτων , the Argives and 
 Mantineians. 
 
 55 «σ-τ€ ού καλός] ‘And so the venture strikes them as 
 offering inglorious alternatives; if they conquer their neigh¬ 
 bours, they must enslave them too (ye ): if they are vanquished, 
 they will have robbed themselves of the advantages which they 
 now enjoy’. Eeiske’s insertion of ού before καταδουΧώσεσθαι 
 (adopted by Baiter and Sauppe) seems to me to make nonsense 
 of the whole sentence. Lys. does not mean ‘the risk of failing 
 to enslave them’ (where, too, we should expect μ-ή, not ου), but 
 the discredit of being compelled to enslave them, in order to 
 avoid τό ποΧΧάκις εμβάΧΧειν. 
 
 < ήττον > ] The sense shows that Reiske is right in supplying 
 ηττον. It is perhaps to be supplied before άποδεξαμένου* in 
 Antiph. Tetr. B. β. § 2 (above, p. 2, where see note). 
 
 § 9. τήν χώραν τ€|ΐν.] Cp. Thuc. π. 62 (Pericles to the 
 Athenians, during the Peloponnesian invasion of 430 b.c.), 
 ούδ ’ είκός χαΧεπώς φόρειν αύτων (for your lands and houses) 
 μαΧΧον η ού κηττίον και ey καΧΧώττισμα 7Γλουτού 7τρόϊ ταντην (the 
 naval empire of Athens) νομίσαντε s oXiyi ορησαι. 
 
 ό κίνδυνος οΰτος] ‘ We know that on this one cast all our 
 hopes of welfare are staked ’: ό κίνδ. outos, i.e. ττερ'ι τη s πατρίδος, 
 the question whether the πάτριο s ποΧιτεία (the Democracy) is to 
 be maintained or not. 
 
 § ΙΟ. τό δίκαιον] \Ve can say, έπανορθουν (or even 
 7 τράσσειν) επί τό δίκαιον , to amend (or to act) ‘ in the direction 
 of right’; but hardly είναι μετά των άδικ. επί τό δίκ., to be on 
 the side of the wronged in the cause of right: hence Taylor’s 
 omission of επί seems warranted. ‘Trusting in the gods, and 
 hoping that Justice will be the ally of the injured’, μόν — καί , 
 (as μεν —re Soph. Ο. T. 498), Thuc. ii. 65, τρία μόν ίτη άντεΐχον 
 ...καί ού 7 τρότερον ενέδοσαν .— If the subject to Ζσεσθαι is θεού? 
 understood, τό δίκ. = ι as is just’, an acc. like τό Xεyόμεvov 
 (Thuc. vii. 68): but this is too harsh. 
 
 § 11. φ€υ|όμ€0α] ‘go into exile ’—as the mass of Athenian 
 citizens had actually done when the Thirty limited the 
 franchise to 3000 ; see Lys. In Eratosth. § 95, p. 76, and notes , 
 p. 258. 
 
 56 III. ΥΠΕΡ ΜΑΝΤΙΘΕΟΥ. [Or. xvi.]—The name occurs 
 only in the title, which, contrary to the general rule, is 
 perhaps of the same age as the speech—‘A defence for 
 Mantitheus on his Scrutiny before the Senate ’. The office to 
 which this scrutiny related was perhaps that of an ordinary 
 senator, since in § 8 the speaker cites instances of persons 
 
NOTES. 
 
 243 
 
 pp. 54—57] 
 
 who had really done what he is charged with doing, and had 
 yet been admitted to the Senate. The complaint against him 
 was that his name appeared on the list (σανίδων, § 6) of those 
 who had served as Knights in the time of the Thirty. As or. 
 xxvi. against Evandrus shows (§ 10), the fact of such service 
 under the Tyrants became, after the restoration of the 
 Democracy, a disqualification for the office of senator. Man- 
 titheus must, then, have been at least eighteen years of age in 
 405 b.c., and so must have been born before 422. He refers to 
 his share in campaigns subsequent to that of 394 b.c. (§§ 15— 
 18). On the other hand, the tone of § 15 rather suggests that 
 Thrasybulus was still alive;—that is, that the speech is 
 earlier than 389 b.c. The date may have been about 392 b.c. 
 The speaker, who was taunted with youthful presumption 
 (§ 20), cannot have been much more than thirty .—Attic Orators, 
 i. 245. 
 
 § 1. των αύτοίδ β«β.] ‘their course of life’. Dem. De Cor. 
 
 § 265, εξέτασον τοίνυν παρ άλληλα τα σοί κάμοϊ βεβίωμένα. 
 
 § 3. άξιώ Se] ‘ What I ask of your House is this:—If I 
 merely prove that I am loyal to the existing Constitution ’ [the 
 restored Democracy], ‘ and that I have been compelled to 
 share your dangers ’ [by ordinary service in war], 4 let not 
 that bring me any positive (πω) credit: but if my career is 
 shown to have been worthy in the most complete sense—in a 
 sense directly opposed to the opinion and the assertions of my 
 enemies—then I pray you to ratify my admission [to the 
 Senate], and to pass a silent condemnation on my foes’. — καί 
 περί τα άλλα : 4 in all other things also’: i.e. not only in the 
 rudiments of civic loyalty, but in all its duties, public and 
 private. 
 
 §4. τηδίν'Ελλ. <r.— Σάτυρον] The Athenian overthrow 57 
 at Aegospotami, 405 b.c.— Satyrus, king of Bosporus in the 
 Tauric Chersonese (Crimea), 407—393 b.c. The Trapeziticus 
 of Isocrates (or. xvn.) was written for a subject of this Satyrus. 
 
 Cp. Attic Orators , ii. 222. 
 
 ουτ6 των ταχών] 4 neither when the walls were being pulled 
 down’ [under the terms imposed hy Sparta when Athens 
 surrendered to Lysander in the spring of 404 b.c.], 4 nor when 
 the form of government was being changed ’ [by the establish¬ 
 ment of the Thirty Tyrants a little later, in April, 404], See 
 Annals in Attic Orators, i. p. xlv. After πολιτείας, έπεδη- 
 μουμεν seems to have dropped out of the mss. 
 
 § 5. των οίλλοτρ. κινδ.] i.e. the perils of the Thirty Tyrants, 
 who were deposed soon after the advance of Thrasybulus 
 and the exiles from Phyl& to the Peiraeus (Dec. 404 b.c.), and 
 
 16—2 
 
244 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 were succeeded by the Ten. The exiles were in possession of 
 Athens in July 403, and the Democracy was formally restored 
 in September. 
 
 tois μηδέν e|.] ‘who had no share in their crimes’, and 
 therefore no claim upon their favour. 
 
 § 6. 4κ...του σ-ανιδίου] The tablet (a board covered with 
 
 gypsum), the official list. Cp. Lys. In Epicr. (or. xxvi.) § 16, ei 
 μίν δη βουλεΰσων νυν'ι έδοκιμάξ’ετο καί ώϊ ίππευκότος αύτοϋ επί των 
 τριάκοντα τοΰνομα εν reus σανίσιν eveyeypairTO. 
 
 tovs φυλάρχους, κ.τ.λ.] ‘that the cavalry commanders’ 
 (10 in number, one for each φυλή —opp. to ταξίαρχοι, com¬ 
 manders of the tribal infantry) * should make a return of 
 those who had served as Knights, in order that you might 
 compel them to refund the sums paid to them for their 
 equipment’ ( καταστάσεις , ‘ appointments' —allowances for outfit 
 .made by the State to ιππείς when first enrolled). 
 
 58 § 7. tois <tvv8£kois] The Fiscal Board of Ten,—the 
 Athenian ‘ Solicitors to the Treasury’—by whom he would 
 have been prosecuted as a public debtor (δφείλων τφ δημοσίφ). 
 Cp. Harpocration p. 279, σύνδικοι, πρδς οΰ s τά δημευόμενα άπε- 
 φέρετο, αρχή tls καθισταμένη μετά την έκ ΙΙεφαιώς κάθοδον 
 (i.e. at the restoration of the Democracy in 403 b.c.) : Herm. 
 Ant. i. § 151 n. 4. 
 
 oiiTc κατ. τταραλ.] ‘nor that I had received any allowance’ 
 (in the first instance). Bake reads καταβαλόντα, which could 
 hardly = ‘refunded’. Others regard the clause as interpolated. 
 
 4i<e£vois] The list kept by the φύλαρχοι : tovtois —the list 
 on the σανίδων. 
 
 § 8. Pov\€iJOVTas] = /3oiA.ee7as ovTas. The δοκιμασία of 
 Mantitheus himself was probably for admission to the βουλή 
 (see introd.). 
 
 μαρτύρησ-ον] viz. that I returned to the Peiraeus only at 
 the time stated in § 4. 
 
 § 9. reus δοκιμ.] ‘Cases of scrutiny’: esp. the scrutiny 
 by the Senate of officials designate. Four other speeches of 
 Lysias are concerned with δοκιμασίαι, viz. xxvi. xxxi. xxv. xxiv. 
 See Attic Orators , i. 215, and 242—254. 
 
 59 § ΙΟ. έπ-ιδούδ] ‘giving a dowry of 30 minas to each’: i.e. 
 giving with (επί) the bride (to the husband): II. ix. 148, δσσ 
 ου πω τι s erj έπέδωκε doyarpL 
 
 Ιν€ΐμάμην] ‘shared my inheritance’: Isae. or. vii. § 5, 
 ουσίαν ενείμαντο προ$ άλλήλους. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 245. 
 
 pp. 57—60] 
 
 § 11. ircpl δε των κοινών] ‘As to my public life’;—not 
 merely, as the context shows, his discharge of public duties, 
 but, more generally, the character which he bore in society, as 
 distinguished from his conduct of family affairs (τα ίδια). , 
 
 -ιτερί κΰβουξ] Cp. Lys. or. xiv. § 27 (of the younger Alcibi- 
 ades), κατακυβεύσας τα όντα. Isocrates says of the idle youth 
 of the day, οί μέν yap αυτών επί της έννεακρούνου ψύχονσιν οίνον... 
 έτεροι δ' έν τοίς σκιραφβίο is (gambling-houses) κυβεύουσι, Antid. 
 
 § 287. 
 
 § 12 . δίκην...γραφήν...είσ-αγγ.] Neither a private law¬ 
 suit, nor a public prosecution, nor an impeachment (for an 
 offence more directly against the State). 
 
 § 13. els ΆΧίαρτον] The Athenian expedition in 325 b.c. 
 for the relief of Haliartus, defended by the Thebans against the 
 Lacedaemonians, whose leader, Lysander, was killed in the 
 battle under its walls : Xen. llellen. m. 5. 16 f. 
 
 ηγουμένου] synonymous with νομίζοντας. The contrasted 60 
 clauses are τοΐ s μέν ίππεύουσιν ασφάλειαν, τοίς δ’ δπλίταις 
 κίνδυνον. The notion of ‘ thinking ’ is common to both clauses. 
 
 Yet it is repeated in different words, as if these words, too, 
 were contrasted. This trait deserves remark as showing im¬ 
 maturity in the use of antithesis. Cp. or. xxv. § 22, τργούμενοι, 
 διά την των τριάκοντα -πονηριάν πολύ μάλλον σ ω Οήσ € σθ αι η διά 
 την των (peυyδvτωv δύναμιν κ ατιέ ναι. Also In Eratosth. § 7 
 (below, p. 66) περί ονδενδς ijyo υντο.,.περί πολλου εποιουντοί 
 
 ib. § 32 (ρ. 73) rots μέλλουσιν άδίκως άποθανείσθαι . τούς αδίκως 
 
 άπολουμένους. See, too, note on Antiphon De Caed. Herod. 
 
 § 87 (above, p. 21). 
 
 αδοκίμαστων] who had not passed the scrutiny necessary 
 for admission to the cavalry: the law was, εάν τις άδοκίμαστος 
 ίππενη, άτιμον είναι (Lys. or. xiv. § 8). 
 
 τω * Ορθοβουλία] prob. the phylarch of the tribe to which 
 Mantitheus belonged. 
 
 § 14. εφοδίων] ‘funds’ for their equipment and journey. 
 
 M. assisted the more needy of his own δημόται , who were 
 personally known to him. The tribe consisted of demes not 
 adjacent to each other. 
 
 § 15. els Κόρινθον] in 394 b.c., when the allies, including 
 the Athenian contingent under Thrasybulus (whose deme was 
 Steiria—hence ό σεμνός Στειριεύς), were defeated by the 
 Spartans : Xen. Hellen. iv. 2. 9—23. 
 
 τής Ίτρώτηδ τεταγμ.] ‘ posted in the front rank ’ ( τάξεως ): 
 cp. Isocr. Panath. § 180, της πρώτης τάττειν. Below, § 16, 
 rafts = the contingent of infantry furnished, by each φυλή. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 246 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 *€ναΐΓοθανόντων] ‘died on the field’. The place to which 
 the iv- of the compound refers is left to be understood from the 
 context; cp. Her. ix. 65, ούτε έσελθών is τό τέμενος, οϋτε 
 εναποθανών. Thuc. π. 52, τα ιερά...νεκρών πλέα ήν αύτοΰ εναπο- 
 θνησκόντων. While εναιτοθνήσκω is current in classical prose, 
 ενθνήσκω is unknown to it, being (like the simple θνήσκω) a 
 poetical word. 
 
 § 16. χωρίων ίσ-χ.] ‘ strong positions having been occupied 
 (by the Athenians and their allies), so that the enemy (the 
 Spartans) could not approach’. The reading παριέναι (pass 
 the Isthmus) would give more point. 
 
 61 Άγησ-ιλάου δ’ els την B.] Agesilaus, recalled from Asia 
 Minor, entered Boeotia from the north, and won the battle of 
 Coroneia against the allies (394 b.c.). 
 
 άττοχωρίσαι...βοηθ.] ‘to detach some companies as supports* 
 (of the allied forces in Boeotia). βοηθήσουσι can only mean, 
 against Agesilaus: an’d ετερos κίνδυνος, ‘peril in a new quarter’, 
 is opp. to peril at Corinth. 
 
 άγαττητώς.-.σ-εσ-.] ‘barely saved’: i.e. so as only just to 
 satisfy the desire of safety: cp. Plat. Lysis 218 c, έχων 
 άγαπητώς 6 εθηρευδμψ, ‘ having only just secured my prey’. 
 
 άκληρωτί] ‘without ballot’—waiving the chance of not 
 being drawn. 
 
 § 18. στραταών καί φρ.] ‘expeditions and terms of garrison 
 duty ’. 
 
 άλλ* ούκ, €Ϊ tis * κομά] ‘ instead of hating one for wearing 
 long hair ’,—a custom which, at this period, was retained by 
 the Spartans, but which, at Athens, was restricted to youths 
 under 18, and to the ' Ιππείς, —being regarded, in other cases, 
 as a mark of foppery, or as an affectation of Spartan manners, 
 κομφ, Hamaker’s conjecture, is irresistibly commended by the 
 context here. The traditional τολμφ is not only weak, but 
 incompatible with the context; for the verb ought to denote 
 some harmless personal peculiarity which is contrasted with 
 sterling merit in the field (των κινδυνεύειν εθελοντών). So the 
 'Ιππείς say in Ar. Eq. 582, ήν ποτ’ ειρήνη ^ένηται.,.μή φθόνεΐθ’ 
 ήμΐν κομώσι: Αν. 1281, έλακωνομάνουν.,.εκόμων. Cp. § 19, άπ 
 όψεως (personal appearance). — With άλλ’ ούκ supply χρή : we 
 could not have χρή ού μισεΐν. 
 
 62 § 19· μικρόν δ., κ.τ.λ.] ‘though their voice was low and 
 their dress decorous’. Cp. [Dem.] or. xxxvn. Adv. Callipp. 
 § 52, επίφθονός έστι καί ταχέως βαδίζει καί piya φθέ-γ-γεται. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 247 
 
 pp. 60—63] 
 
 § 20. vccorepos ών] In Andb. m. 1. 14 Xenophon speaks 
 as if his youth made it strange that he should take a leading 
 part—being then, probably, about 30 years old. — καϊ εμαυτίρ, 
 ‘ to myself also ’ (and not only to my possible critics). 
 
 § 21. μόνους άξιους] Cp. Thuc. II. 40, τδν μηδέν τώνδε 
 (των πολίτικων) μετέχοντα ούκ άπ pay μονά αλΧ άχρεΐον νομίζομεν. 
 
 κριταί] ‘the judgment on their character rests with none 
 but you’: κριταί is more general than δικασταί, judges of their 
 (legal) cause. Cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 94 (above, p. 24). 
 
 IV. ΥΠΕΡ TOY ΑΔΥΝΑΤΟΥ. [Or. xxiv.]-‘For the 
 Invalid’. At Athens a certain allowance was made by the 
 State to the αδύνατοι : that is, to persons who were unable, 
 through bodily ailment, to earn a livelihood, and who had less 
 than three minae of private property. Once a year, or perhaps 
 oftener, the list of applicants for such relief was scrutinised by 
 the Senate and then passed by the Ecclesia (§ 22). It is on 
 the occasion of such a scrutiny that the present speech is 
 made. The speaker had for years (§ 8) been in receipt of an 
 obol daily (§ 26) from the State; but lately it had been 
 attempted to show that he was not entitled to public relief. 
 This objection is termed in the title to the speech (not in the 
 speech itself) an impeachment (eisangelia); but had, of course, 
 nothing in common with eisangeliae technically so called, 
 except that it was an accusation laid immediately before the 
 Senate. As appears from § 25, the date was later than 
 403 b.c. ; and it might be inferred that the memory of the 
 tyranny in 404 b.c. was no longer very recent. — Attic Orators, 
 i. 254. 
 
 §§ 10—14. 
 
 § lO. ιππικής] ‘As to my riding, which he has had the 
 hardihood to mention to you,—so little does he fear Fortune, 
 or respect your common sense—the reply is brief’. Τύχη may 
 some day make him, αδύνατον, and then he will need the 
 cripple’s dole: cp. § 22, ου μόνου μετάλαβε iv η τύχη μοι εδωκεν 
 iv τη πατρίδι, ‘ the only privilege which Fortune [who has 
 afflicted me] has permitted me to enjoy in my country’. 
 
 Cp. Thuc. v. 104, ή τύχη εκ του θείου.—ούτε ύμας αίσχ.χ 
 because he asks them not to believe their own eyes, § 14. 
 
 ψι\θ(τοψ€Ϊν] ‘study’. Isocr. Panegyr. § 6, πως ου χρη 63 
 σκοπεϊν καί φιλοσοφεΐν τούτον τον λό-γον ; (the theme of a 
 Panhellenic war on Persia): for φιλοσοφία in the general sense 
 of study, see Attic Orators, n. 36. 
 
248 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 ras μ.ακρ. των άναγκ.] ‘for the longer of my necessary 
 excursions’; των αναγκαίων is partitive gen., not gen. after 
 μακροτέρα s. The longest of his οδοί were still only άναγκαΐαι. 
 
 § 11. άσ-τράβηξ] ‘If I were wealthy, I should sit at ease 
 on my mule, instead of riding other men’s horses ’: άστράβη, a 
 padded saddle with a back like a chair, used by luxurious 
 persons, who preferred steady-going mules: hence the notion 
 that άστρ. meant a mule. Cp. Dem. In J\Iid. § 133, eV άστράβης 
 δχού/ί Lev os apyvpas. In Lucian Lexiphanes 2, ό αστραβηλάτης— 
 ‘the muleteer’.— ανέβαινον : an effort for him, as the ordinary 
 Greek saddle, or rather horsecloth ( έφιππων , sc. στρώμα), of 
 that period had no stirrups. 
 
 § 12. τούτον αυτόν...σιωπάν] * that the prosecutor himself 
 should be silent, if he saw me in my mule-saddle (for what 
 could he say?)’ The insertion of av before σιωπάν is un¬ 
 necessary, because the parenthesis, τί yap civ καί eXcyev ; is 
 equivalent to ώσπερ άν έσιώπα. — δυνατό s, ‘sound’: cp. § 4, 
 Tip σώματι δύνασθαι. 
 
 ots] ‘when I have the same reason for using both these 
 resources ’ (crutches and riding). 
 
 64 § 13 . κληρ. των 4. άρχ.] ‘to ballot for a place among the 
 
 nine archons’. The arclions were κληρωτοί, chosen by lot, 
 (opp. to αιρετοί, chosen by χειροτονία,) prob. from Solon’s time, 
 though Her. vi. 109 ascribes the change to Cleisthenes. Cp. 
 the pseudo-Lysian or. vi. In Andoc. § 4, αν ’έλθη κληρωσόμενος 
 των έννέα αρχόντων καί λάχη βασιλεύς (draw the lot to be Archon 
 Basileus).— άναπήριρ, ‘a cripple’. 
 
 ού yap δήιτου] ‘ For I presume that the same person will 
 not be deprived of his allowance by you on the ground that he 
 is able-bodied, and excluded by the presidents of the ballot on 
 the ground that he is physically disabled’: oi δέ=οί θεσμο- 
 θέται, who presided over the ballot for offices: Aeschin. In Ctes. 
 § 13, άρχάς έκείν as (opp. to ras αιρετάς) as οί θ. άποκληροΰσιν έν 
 ' τφ θησείιρ. 
 
 § 14 . ώσττερ 4ιτικλήρου] When the property of a deceased 
 citizen was inherited by his daughter, her nearest male kinsman 
 was legally entitled to claim her in marriage: and this claim 
 was sometimes enforced, acc. to Isaeus, even when it involved the 
 dissolution of a marriage contracted before her father’s death; 
 Isae. or. III. § 64, πολλοί συνοικοΰντες ηδη άφήρηνται ras εαυτών 
 yvvaiKas. So the prosecutor, the αδύνατος says with grim 
 humour, seeks to take the συμφορά —dowered as it is with its 
 one obol a day—away from its lawful consort. The Greeks 
 could say, νόσος συνοικεί τινί : thus the common idiom would 
 
NOTES. 
 
 249 
 
 pp. 63— 63] 
 
 make the fancy seem less strained. For άμφισβητεΐν with gen. 
 of the object claimed, cp. Isae. or. v. § 14 (below, p. 170) άμφια- 
 βητοΰμεν αϋτφ άπαντος του οΐκου. 
 
 V. ΚΑΤΑ ΕΡΑΤΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ. [Or. χπ.]— Polemarchus, 65 
 brother of Lysias, had been put to death by the Thirty Tyrants. 
 Eratosthenes, one of their number, was the man who had 
 arrested him and taken him to prison. In this speech Lysias, 
 himself the speaker, charges Eratosthenes with the murder of 
 Polemarchus, and, generally, with his share in the Tyranny. 
 
 A special clause in the Amnesty of 403 b.c. excluded the 
 Thirty Tyrants, the Ten who had succeeded them, and the 
 Eleven who had executed their sentences. But any one even 
 of these might enjoy the Amnesty if he chose to stand a 
 public inquiry, and was acquitted. When the oligarchy was 
 finally overthrown, Pheidon and Eratosthenes were the only 
 members of it who stayed at Athens. As they dared to do 
 this, they must have availed themselves of the permission to 
 give account of their office. Here, then, we have not to do 
 with an ordinary indictment for murder (ypa<pr] φόνου). The 
 public inquiry into the conduct of Eratosthenes afforded Lysias 
 the opportunity for preferring his accusation. This is indicated 
 ( 1 ) by the wide range of topics in the speech, dealing, as it 
 does, with the whole history of the Anarchy: ( 2 ) by § 37, 
 where the accuser says that he has done enough in having 
 shown that the guilt of the accused reaches the point at which 
 death is deserved : which he could scarcely have said if (as in 
 a 7 ραφή φόνου) death had been the necessary penalty in case of 
 conviction. 
 
 Date, 403 b.c., shortly after the formal restoration of the 
 Democracy in Sept., and before the expedition against Eleusis 
 had dislodged the fugitive Tyrants from that place (Xen. 
 Hellen. n. 4. 43): see § 80 of the speech, μηδ’ άποΰσι μεν 
 rots τριάκοντα έπιβουλεύετε, παρόντα s δ ’ άφητε .— Attic Orators, 
 ι. 261 f. 
 
 1. Narrative: the Murder of Polemarchus. —§§ 1—36. 
 
 § 1 . avrots] = Tois τριάκοντα, whose names were already 
 before the court. In § 33, roirrots = the Thirty as represented 
 in court by Eratosthenes. 
 
 μ,ήτ’ άν ψ. — δύνασθαι] i.e. οϋτε φευδόμενο$ ( = εί φεύδοιτο) δ. 
 των ύ. κατη~/ορήσαι άν ( tis ), οϋτε τάλ. βουλόμενο s ( = εί βούλοιτο) 
 είπειν άπαντα δύναιτο άν. 
 
 § 2 . τουναντίον δί...«ξαμαρτάνειν] ‘And I believe that our 
 experience’ (as accusers of E.) ‘will be contrary to all prece- 
 
250 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 dent. Heretofore the accuser has always been expected to 
 show what enmity exists between himself and the accused: 
 here, it is from the accused that we have to ask what was that 
 enmity towards the Commonwealth which gave them the 
 heart to sin so enormously against it’. Personal enmity 
 ( βχθρα ) was regarded as a proof that the accuser was in grim 
 earnest,—that he was not a mere busy-body (πολνιτρά-γμων) or 
 mercenary calumniator (συκοφάντης). Thus the accuser of 
 Agoratus begins by showing that his own wrongs entitle him 
 to appear in that capacity: rvyxavei ούν έμοί η αύτη έχθρα προς 
 ’ Ayoparov τουτονί καί τφ πλήθει τφ ΰμετέρφ ύπάρχουσα : ‘ so my 
 personal quarrel with A. is the same as that of the Athenian 
 People’: In Agor. § 1. 
 
 •fjTis εΐ'η —tjtis tjv] ei' 77 , because έδει is a secondary tense. 
 άη may be the oblique either of έστί or of ην : del τούς κάτι iy. 
 έπιδ. την ’έχθρ. ητις έστί, (or ην, was when they brought the 
 charge): but is best taken as representing έστί. Just to avoid 
 this ambiguity, the Greek imperf. and pluperf. are usually kept 
 in the indie., even when they might be changed into the optat. 
 For an exception, see Dem. Adv. Onet. 1 . § 20, άπεκρίναντο 6 'n 
 ούδάς μάρτυς παρύη : this would usually mean, ‘ they replied, 
 “No witness is present’” (πάρβστι) : it really means, ‘they 
 replied, “No witness was (at that former time) present”’ 
 (7 ταρην ). —Cp. Goodwin pp. 148, 153. 
 
 ού μ€ντοι...όρ·γίζ.] ‘I do not speak, however, as one who 
 has no personal resentments or grievances’ [against the 
 Thirty]; ‘ I only mean that everyone has abundant matter of 
 indignation against them, either on private or on public 
 grounds’: i.e. if there be any one who (unlike myself) has no 
 private wrongs to resent, he may remember the wrongs of the 
 community. The first part of L.’s speech (§§ 1—36) deals 
 with τά ίδια : the second (§§ 37—end) with τά δημόσια. 
 
 § 3 . ττοιήσ-ωμαι] better, I think, here than ποιησομαι, which 
 Eauchenstein prefers. The fut. indie., after a verb of fearing, 
 usually implies that the thing feared is vividly seen as the 
 more probable of the possible results; the subjunctive suits 
 the present context better, because it better expresses a mind 
 divided between fear and hope. 
 
 66 § 4 . ΚεψαΧος] A Syracusan who settled at Athens as a 
 
 μέτοικος. Plato marks his hospitable disposition in the Republic 
 (328 d), of which the opening scene is laid at the house of his 
 eldest son Polemarchus.— Attic Orators , 1 . 145. 
 
 έδικα<τάμεθα. . .εφνγ.] ‘maintained’ an action—‘defended it’. 
 Though δικάξεσθαι can be said of both parties to a suit, yet 
 δίκην δικάζβσθαί tlvl is esp. said of him who ‘ goes to law ’ with 
 another,— ό διώκων. 
 
KOTES. 
 
 251 
 
 pp. 65, 66] 
 
 § 5 . συκοφάνται] ‘mercenary accusers’. Cp. Lys. or. xxv. 
 § 19 (of the demagogues), ’ένιοι δ’ επί τοΐς ύμετέροις έδωροδόκουν , oi 
 δέ συκοφαντοΰντες τούΐ συμμάχους άφίστασαν : Xen. Hellen . ιι. 3. 
 12, από συκοφαντίας ζώντας. 
 
 τραΐΓ€(τθαι] ‘ and that the rest of the citizens should come 
 into the paths of virtue and justice ’. It is needless to con¬ 
 jecture προτρέφασθαι. 
 
 [καί] τοιαΰτα Xcyovrcs] The καί here seems clearly a spurious 
 addition, whether due to a mere error of the eye, or to 
 a desire of connecting φάσκοντες with X^yovres. Only two 
 versions of it are possible, and neither is tolerable. (1) ‘ and 
 saying things of that kind’,—so that the words become a 
 general statement appended to the special statement φάσκοντες 
 χρψαι, —a sort of ‘ etcetera ’: (2) ‘ though they said such 
 things ’. But, in a simple contrast between deed and word, 
 καί would not thus be added to the participle. Here-, if so 
 added, it ought rather to mean ‘ even when saying ’. 
 
 ώ$ €γώ...τΓ€ΐρά<τομ.αι] ‘as, when I have first spoken of my 
 own affairs (§§ 1—36), I will endeavour to bring to your 
 memory in regard to your affairs also’: άναμνησαι = διδάξ at 
 άναμνήσαντα, with καί περί των ύμετέρων. 
 
 § β. τη iroXiTciq.] ‘ the constitution’—a ύποκόρισμα : for 
 the rule of the Thirty was unconstitutional (ou μετά νόμων), and 
 was known, when a real πολιτεία had been restored, as the 
 αναρχία. 
 
 χρηματ{£€σθαι] ‘to make money’: lit. ‘to do business to 
 one’s own profit’: οίόμενοι χρηματιεΐσθαι μάλλον η μαχεΐσθαι 
 (Athenians in Sicily), Thuc. vn. 13: but act. χρηματίζειν , to 
 transact (public) business, ib. i. 87. 
 
 iravTcos] ‘ at any rate ’— i.e. whatever view their colleagues 
 might be disposed to take of the project for plundering the 
 resident aliens. 
 
 § 7 . ηγούντο...€ΐτοιοΰντο] See note above on p. 60 § 13, 
 ■ηγουμένους ... νομίζοντας. 
 
 ϊνα...ΊΓρό$ tovs άλλουδ] ‘in order that, as against the 
 others’, [the eight rich μέτοικοι ,] ‘they might have the plea ’ [r} 
 vivid for εϊη] ‘that these measures had not been taken from 
 mercenary motives, but in the interests of the Constitution,— 
 just as they might defend any other measure adopted for 
 sufficient reasons’, ώσπερ τι.,.πεποιηκότες , sc. απολογίαν άν 
 εχοιεν: the nom., as if ϊνα έχωσιν απολογίαν (instead of ΐνα 
 αυτοϊς y άπολ.) had preceded.— εύλόγως, i.e. for reasons satis¬ 
 factory to the government, though not communicated to the 
 people. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 950 
 
 — f/-j 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 διαλαβόντες δε'] ‘ Each was told off for certain houses [of 
 the μέτοικοί], and the visits began’. Cp. Dem. De Cor. § 132, 
 eV οικίας βαδίξων avev ψηφίσματος, making domiciliary visits 
 without special authority from the Ecclesia. 
 
 67 § 8 . το εργασ-τήριον] The shield-manufactory, the property 
 of the brothers, near the house in the Peiraeus occupied by 
 Lysias: see Attic Orators, 1 . 147.— αιτ^ράφοντο, ‘proceeded to 
 take a list of’. 
 
 2φασ-κεν, κ.τ.λ.] sc. σώσβιν. His words were, σώσω, αν πολλά 
 η. — βΐην, oblique of βίμί (not of ήν): see on ήτις έίη, § 2.—· 
 ταυτα, not τούτο : so § 14. 
 
 § ΙΟ. όξώλειαν] See Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 11 (above, 
 
 p. 11). 
 
 των υπηρετών] apparitors, attending him in his official 
 capacity, since the search was made by authority of the 
 Thirty. 
 
 § 11 . κυ£. — δαρ.] The 'Κνζικηνος στατήρ = about £1. 2s. 9 d.: 
 the Δ apeucbs στατήρ ( —'Αττικός ) about £1. Is. lOd. 
 
 άγαττησειν] He said, ayavpaeis el το σώμα σώσβις, ‘you will 
 be content’, i.e. ‘yo.u must be’. ‘You may think yourself 
 lucky enough if you save your life’. 
 
 § 12. επιτυγχάνει... αίτιό ντε§] Dem. In Aristocr. § 12, 
 θήσβσθαι τα όπλα ούκ ήμβλλεν ό Σίμων ονδ’ ό Β ιάνωρ, πολΐται 
 yeyevημevoli 
 
 βαδίξοιμεν.,.σ-κε'ψηται] βαδίζοιμβν, not βαδίζομεν, because 
 the historic pres, έρωτώσιν is equivalent to a secondary tense: 
 σκέφηται, and not σκέφαίτο, by the vivid construction. 
 
 68 § 13. inrapxpvTos] ‘ was assured ’. 
 
 § 14. πρόθ. π. τήν σ-εαυτοΰ δ.] i.e. do all that lies in your 
 power, — δσον ye έττί σοί έστι. 
 
 § 15. οτι άμψίθυρος εϊη] ‘that there was a passage through 
 it’ (from the front-door, αϋλ€ΐος θύρα, to the back-door, κη·παία 
 θύρα). Of the three doors in § 16, one would be the μέταυλος, 
 another the κητταία. 
 
 ενθυμούμενα) — άποθ.] ‘ reflecting that, if I escaped notice, I 
 should be saved, but if I were caught—well, in that case I 
 thought that I should get off nevertheless, supposing Th. had 
 been persuaded by D. to take the money; or if he had not, my 
 prospect of death would only be the same ’ [as if I did not try 
 to save myself by flight]. Instead of άφεθήσομαι., άποθανουμαι, 
 depending on ένθνμονμένιρ, we have the futures infln. depending 
 
NOTES. 
 
 253 
 
 pp. 66—70] 
 
 on Ύί'γούμ’ην , —inserted to avoid the awkwardness of one con¬ 
 ditional clause immediately following another ( εάν 8k ληφθώ, εί 
 μόν «I?;, κ.τ.λ.). 
 
 § 16 . els άστυ] The ship-master lived in the Peiraeus, 
 where Lysias himself resided.— αυτόν, Polemarchus. 
 
 § 17. το ύττ (Κίίνων (Ιθισμόνον] sc. irapayyeWeadai. 69 
 
 § IS. τριών...αυτόν] * Though we had three houses, they 
 did not allow the funeral (εκφορά) to take place from any one 
 of them, but hired a mean tenement, and there laid out the 
 corpse’, κλισων, also written κλείσων (from κλείω, not κλίνω ?), 
 is used by Antiphanes (Άκεστρια 2, Mein. Frag. Com. p. 348) 
 of an outhouse or shed for cattle : της οικίας το κλίσιον το 
 καλούμενον, | δ πρότερον ην τοΐς έζ aypoO βουσί σταθμός | καί 
 τοΐς δνοις, πεποίηκε—τί δ’; — ipy αστηρων.—ότι έκαστος 'έτνχεν, 
 sc. δούς. 
 
 § 19 . κόσμον] here, apparently, ‘valuables’, articles of 
 vertu, etc., as dist. from δποπλα, furniture, κόσμος in sing. 
 usu. = dress, personal adornments, as II. xiv. 187, πάντα περί 
 χροί θήκατο κόσμον. 
 
 ωοντο κτήσασθαι] ‘ thought to acquire ’ (not, as the words 
 might mean, ‘thought that they had acquired’). So § 2G, ούκ 
 οίει.. .δούναι ( = δώσείν) : § 27, είκός ην ύπηρετησαι ( — ύτηιρετήσεΐ-ν). 
 
 In such cases, the work of indicating future time is done by 
 the principal verb (ελπίζω, etc.), and the aor. infin. has its 
 proper function of marking a momentary as opposed to a con¬ 
 tinued or repeated act. It is tempting here to read κτήσεσθα i : 
 but the context, and the usage of οΐομαι , seem to render it 
 unnecessary.—Cp. note on p. 50 § 2, 777 : ήσατο...<άν> yεvέσθaι. 
 
 (is τό δημόσιον άπόδοσαν] ‘ handed over the rest for the 
 benefit of the Treasury’, (άπέδοντο would have meant ‘ sold’.) 
 
 τοσαυτην.,.ττιβ γάρ] Cp. Andoc. De Face § 33 (above, p. 
 
 45) τοσαύτην...φασί yap (instead of ώστε φάναι). 
 
 ότ( τό ιτρώτον] ‘ when Melobius first visited the house ’. 
 Francken puts a comma after οικίαν, understanding ‘ when she 
 first came (as a bride) to the house’: but a Greek would not 
 thus have expressed ore πρώτον ky^aro. 
 
 §20. ώστΓ(ρ <ουδ’> άν] sc. έξαμαρτάνοίεν. The conjectu¬ 
 ral insertion of ούδ’ is a rhetorical, though not a logical, 
 necessity. ‘ They outraged us as other men would not outrage 
 their bitterest enemies ’. Omit the ‘ not ’; the statement 
 remains intelligible, but ceases to be effective. 
 
 (Ισψοράς — Χυσαμόνου$] Occasional ‘war-taxes’, in addition 70 
 to the regular μετοίκων paid by resident aliens.— λυσαμένονς : 
 
254 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 Dem. De Chers. § 70, έχων καί τριηραρχίας είπεΐν καϊ χρημάτων 
 εισφοράς καί Χύσεις αιχμαλώτων καί τοιαύτας άλλας φιλανθρωπίας . 
 
 § 21. μίλλοΰσας €κδίδο<τθαι] ‘prevented the approaching 
 marriage of many a daughter’—by leaving her father without 
 the means of giving her a dower (προίκα έπιδονναι). 
 
 § 22. δ* εβουλόμην άν] sc. εί δυνατόν ην: Goodwin § 52. 2, 
 cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 1 (above, p. 8 ). ‘For my part, 
 I could wish that their story were true, since my own share 
 in that gain would not be small’: i.e. his brother would be 
 alive, and their wealth would be intact.— οϋτε.,.τοιαυτα υπάρχει , 
 ‘ they have not such a case’: cannot plead such innocence. 
 
 § 24. καί irpos έτερον] The man stained with murder 
 (εναγής) might speak to no one (Aesch. Eum. 426, άφθορον 
 είναι τον παλαμναίον νόμος): and for the relatives of the slain it 
 was not οσιον to accost him (Isae. or. ix. § 20: cp. Soph. Ο. T. 
 238). By a rhetorical exaggeration, Lysias says that he 
 would think it impious to speak even about Eratosthenes, επ' 
 ώφελεία., for E.’s advantage. 
 
 71 § 25. ίνα < άττοθάνωμεν η> μή άττοθάνωμεν] The words 
 supplied in brackets might easily have dropped out, by 
 accident, or through their supposed redundancy. They are 
 clearly requisite to the rhetorical point of the passage viz., the 
 contrast between his alleged protest and his subsequent acts. 
 In protesting, was your aim to kill us, or to save us? ‘To 
 save you’. And yet afterwards you did everything in your 
 power to kill us ? ‘Was the object of your protest to kill us? 
 or to save us? ’ 
 
 § 26. είθ’] εΐτα, * so’— i.e. after protesting as you allege. 
 
 άντεπτών ούδέν ώφ.] ‘because you protested,— though the 
 protest was fruitless’. See on Andoc. De Pace , ij 29, p. 232. 
 
 ούκ οίει... δούναι] ‘do you not expect to pay the penalty ? ’ 
 See above on § 19, ωοντο κτήσασθαι. 
 
 § 27. οΰ γάρ δη ττου] ‘For I presume that they did not 
 mean to make the case of the resident aliens the test of his 
 loyalty’: i.e. the Thirty Tyrants had proved the fidelity of 
 Eratosthenes to their commands in the case of so many citizens 
 that they did not need to test him on humbler victims, έλάμ- 
 βανον, like έμελλον λαβείν. ’έπειτα : besides, as it happened, 
 he was a peculiarly unsuitable instrument in this particular 
 case, if (as he says) he had opposed the measure. 
 
 72 § 28. tois μεν aXXois ΆΘ.] ‘The other Athenians’ are, 
 as § 30 shows, those on whom the Thirty had imposed odious 
 tasks, esp, of domiciliary search. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 255 
 
 pp. 70—73] 
 
 § 29. καί λήψεσ-θε] ‘ from whom ivill you ever exact satis¬ 
 faction ? ’ 
 
 §30. καί μέν δή-.-ά/ιτηγαγεν] ‘And moreover it was 
 not in the house but in the street—when he might have saved 
 him without breaking the decree of the Thirty—that he arrested 
 him and took him to prison’: i.e. the commands of the Thirty 
 (if such had been given to Eratosthenes) would have been 
 satisfied by a domiciliary search: cp. § 8. He was not obliged 
 to arrest Polemarchus when he met him in the street. 
 
 Baiter (see the critical note) keeps closer to the mss. by 
 reading σφξοντα αυτόν , ‘ when trying to save himself’ (the active 
 as in § 11): but the words κατά τα τούτοι? έψηφισμένα must then 
 be taken with συλλαβών, against the sense, since then they 
 tend to excuse E. Sauppe, σιρζειν re αυτόν καί τά τ. e\p. παρόν, 
 i.e. αυτόν re καί, 4 to save at once his life and the letter of the 
 decree’. This is neat, but the double use of aipfriv is un¬ 
 seasonably epigrammatic. 
 
 § 31. καίτοι.,.εΐδεν] ‘If, however, you are to make allow¬ 
 ance for those who destroyed their neighbours to save themselves, 
 those others ’ [who were not members of the Oligarchy] ‘ have a 
 better claim to your indulgence’ [than Eratosthenes has]; ‘ for 
 they incurred peril if they failed to go when they were sent ’ [to 
 make an arrest], ‘or if, when they had found the person at 
 home, they denied the fact. But E. might have said that he 
 had not met with Polemarchus, or at all events that he had not 
 seen him’: hreira — i.e. if it was urged that he had certainly 
 met him. 
 
 ταΰτα...ουτ* έλεγχον οΰτε βάσ-ανον €Ϊχεν] 4 these statements 73 
 could not be disproved, or even tested’. 
 
 § 32. άποθαν€ΐσθαι...άπολουμ€νουδ] On the element of 
 false antithesis (οι μ. άποθ. and oi άπολ. being the same), cp. 
 note on Pro Mantitheo § 13 (p. 60). 
 
 § 33. των τότε λεγομένων] = όκβίνων ά τότε ελ^γετο, — the 
 discussion at the Board of the Thirty, in which E., as he 
 alleges, had opposed the measures taken against Lysias and 
 Polemarchus: §§ 25 f. 
 
 τταρεΐναι — wap* avTots είναι] 4 Since, so far from being 
 allowed to assist at their councils, we were not allowed even to 
 remain in our own homes ’ (chez nous: cp. apud se, Cic. De Or. 
 i. § 214).— τούτοι? — τοΐ? τριάκοντα, as represented by Eratos¬ 
 thenes. 
 
 πάντα τά κακά, κ.τ.λ.] Dobree would read πάντα κακά, as 
 in § 57, πάντα ά^γαθά. But cp. § 41, πάντα τά κακά.—πάντα 
 κακά, all sorts of evils: πάντα τά κακά, all possible evils. 
 
256 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 § 34. τούτο [wVroi ού φίΰγω] ‘ I do not shrink, however, 
 from meeting you on this point’: i.e. as I cannot prove that 
 you did not protest, I am ready to assume that you did. 
 
 *c ποίησαν] So Dobree for ποιήσαις. The optative can be 
 defended as an abstract hypothesis. But the mention of 
 Polemarchus in the sentence certainly strengthens the pre¬ 
 sumption that Lysias said, ‘ what -would you have done ? ’ 
 rather than, ‘ what would you do ? ’ 
 
 €τύχετ€...άπ<ψηφ£σα<τθ€;] I should hesitate to write, with 
 Kayser, ετυχχάνετε.,.άπεφηφίζεσθε ; The imperf. (άν) άπεφη- 
 φίζεσθε ; = ‘ would you have been disposed to acquit him ? ’ 
 The aor. (άν) άπεφηφίσασθε ; = * would you have acquitted 
 him?’—which is more forcible here, since it implies that his 
 condemnation is already assured. And if άπεφηφίσασθε is 
 genuine, then ετύχετε may well be so too, though έτυ^χάνετε 
 •would be equally fitting. 
 
 § 35. καί |i€v δη] Cp. § 30. ‘And further’: i.e. apart 
 from the intrinsic merits of the case, it will be taken as a 
 precedent, άσσων simply ‘Athenians’: not των εξ άστεο s opp. 
 to oi εκ ΐίειραιως (below § 92). 
 
 74 δυστυχή era vtcs Sc τύ ϊ<τον ύ. c£.] ‘Or, if they fail, will be 
 
 no worse oh than the rest of you’; i.e. will retain their civic 
 privileges, instead of being punished with ατιμία or death. 
 Cp. § 92, ηττηθέντες to?s νικήσασι το ϊσον Ζχετε. 
 
 Ικκηρΰττουσαν] ‘banish by proclamation’:—referring, appa¬ 
 rently, to some particular members of the late Oligarchy who 
 had vainly sought refuge in other cities. The party of the 
 Thirty still had their head-quarters at Eleusis: see introd., p. 
 249. 
 
 τιμωρούμενος] The act. might seem more natural here, 
 but the midd. need imply no more than that the chastiser’s own 
 sense of justice is satisfied: cp. below § 94, In Agor. § 76. 
 
 § 36. τοΐ)5...σ·τρατηγού5] The six generals who were put 
 to death after the Athenian victory at Arginusae (406 b.c.) for 
 having failed to pick up the floating bodies of the slain, or to 
 save the men in the disabled ships, (both are included under 
 τού* εκ τη s θαλάττηςή Grote, vin. 238. Cp. Plat. Apol. p. 32 b, 
 ούκ άνελομενον s τούς εκ της ναυμαχίας. 
 
 οϊ ίδιώται μέν ovtcs] ‘ who, while still private persons, did 
 all that lay in their power to bring disaster on your fleet’ (at 
 Aegospotami, 405 b.c.). ‘The general belief...held that the 
 Athenian fleet had been sold to perdition by the treason of 
 some of its own commanders’, Grote, vm. 300. Lysias means 
 that the oligarchical έταιρίαι —worked by such men as soon 
 
pp. 73—75] NOTES. 257 
 
 afterwards became Tyrants—had prepared this result. Cp. 
 Xen. II. π. 1. 32, Isocr. Philipp. § 62. 
 
 <χ7τοκτιννύναι] imperf. = δπ άπεκτίννυσαν. 
 
 ούκ αρα χρή] The construction, as originally planned, was 
 ούκ ovv δεινόν εί robs μέν.,.ε ζημιώσατε,...τούτοις δό μτ] κολάσετε; 
 where, however, ού κολάσετε would stand, as in Thuc. i. 121 , 
 δεινόν άν εϊη εΐ ol μέν,.,ούκ άττερουσιν, ημείς δέ.,.ονκ &ρα δαπανήσο- 
 μεν. (See note to ρ. 93 § 8 , ού yap δηττου, κ.τ.λ.) But here the 
 insertion of χρ-ή gives a new turn to the close:—‘ now ought 
 they not to be punished?’ Cp. the insertion of 17701 /μ ψ in § 15, 
 note , p. 252. 
 
 2 . Peroration. —§§ 92—100 (end). 
 
 This passage is translated in the Attic Orators, 1 . 189—192. 
 
 § 92. tovs «ξ αστ. —tovs «κ Π.] oi εζ Άστεος, ‘the party 
 of the Town’: those who were at Athens under the tyranny of 
 the Thirty, and who were thus identified with the oligarchical 
 side in the struggle between the Tyrants and the patriots, oi 
 εκ Πειραιώς, the popular party: the exiles led by Thrasybulus, 
 who came from Phyle to the Peiraeus in Dec. 404 b.c., and 
 recovered Athens before the end of July, 403 b.c. Cp. above, 
 
 P· j§ 2. Dem. In Tiviocr. § 134, τών εκ Πειραιώς καϊ άττό Φνλης 
 ούτος ην. 
 
 τοιοΰτον ΊτόΧ€μον] ‘ a war of such a sort that, having been 75 
 vanquished, you are the equals of the conquerors’ (the patriotic 
 party), ‘ whereas, had you conquered, you would have been the 
 slaves of the Tyrants’: i.e. they had been forced to fight against 
 their own interests, τούτοις = τοΐς τριάκοντα, as in § 33. 
 
 § 93. άν 6κτήσ·αντο] ‘ they would have gained wealth for 
 their own houses from the administration ’ (if they had pre¬ 
 vailed in the struggle). There seems no reason for suspecting 
 the genuineness of av. If it were absent, the statement of fact 
 would apply to the time before the struggle, when the Thirty 
 were in power. 
 
 τών αγαθών] ‘their prizes’ (their power and ill-gotten 
 wealth): τών ονειδών, ‘their dishonours’—the outrages in which 
 
 they compelled Athenian eitizens to be their instruments: see 
 § 30. 
 
 *€woi ωοντο ctvat] ‘ (Instead of seeking to win your loyalty 
 by giving you partnership in their prizes), they fancied them¬ 
 selves friendly if they gave you a share of their dishonours ’. 
 
 I read evvoi, instead of cvvovs, which the mss. give, for the 
 following reasons. (1) εϋνους can be taken only as accus. plur. 
 
 We find, indeed, a statement that the comic poet Philemon 
 
 J · 17 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 258 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 used εΰνους for εΰνοι, as if by crasis from εϋνοες (Philem. fr. 122, 
 Meineke): but such a notice is not sufficient warrant for 
 assuming so strange a license in Lysias. (2) εϋνους being, 
 then, accus. plur., the words would mean, ‘thought that 
 you were friendly ’. But the sense wanted is, ‘ thought that 
 you ought to be much obliged to them ’. This sense would be 
 obtained if we adopted Dobree’s suggestion, and read εΰνου s 
 ψοντο <δεΐν> είναι. (3) But it appears more probable that an 
 original εΰνοι should have been altered to εϋνους, for the sake of 
 symmetry with πιστούς in the preceding clause, than that δεΐν 
 should have been omitted. 
 
 § 94. tois iroXejiCois] The party of the Thirty at Eleusis: 
 cp. § 80, άποΰσι τοΐς τριάκοντα επιβουλεύετε. 
 
 των επίκουρων] ‘ the foreign troops ’: the Lacedaemonian 
 garrison of 700, under Callibius, which supported the Tyranny: 
 Xen. Hellen. ir. 3. 13 f. επίκουροι = ξένοι, μισθοφόροι, here used 
 invidiously, because the Athenian oligarchs promised to main¬ 
 tain the Spartan φρουροί : Xen. l.c. θρέφειν δέ αυτοί ύπισχνουντο. 
 
 76 § ©5. τοσαυτα] ‘ only thus much’: Thuc. n. 72. 
 
 άφηρε'θητε τά οττλα] The Thirty formed a picked body of 
 8000 hoplites, and then proclaimed a general muster of all the 
 hoplites in Athens. When this was over, the 3000 seized the 
 arms which the other hoplites had piled in various places, and 
 deposited them in the Acropolis; Xen. H. ii. 3. 20, 41: Grote 
 viii. 336. 
 
 εξεκηρύχθητε] The Thirty proclaimed that every one not 
 included in the list of 3000 should quit Athens: Grote viii. 349. 
 
 εκ των πόλεων] ‘ The Laced, government, at the instance of 
 the Thirty, issued an edict prohibiting all the members of their 
 confederacy from harbouring fugitive Athenians ’: ib. 350. The 
 emigrants were received, however, in Megara, Thebes, Oropus, 
 Chalcis, Argos. 
 
 § 97 . τον θάνατον] ‘ death not ‘ the death which threatened 
 them’: the art. giving merely a certain rhetorical emphasis, 
 ‘the doom of death’. So ή ειρήνη peace, ό πόλεμος war, ό 
 δήμος democracy: see Shilleto, Dem. Fals. Legat. §§ 100, 149. 
 
 διε'φυγον.,.ήλθετε] The thought of the slain being upper¬ 
 most in his mind at the beginning of the sentence causes him 
 to use the third pers. pi. in reference also to the survivors, 
 though these are the same whom he presently addresses in 
 ήλθετε . 
 
 εν πολεράα ττ} πατρ. κ.τ.λ.] ‘ in that fatherland which had 
 become hostile soil, or in the land of strangers’. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 259 
 
 pp. 75-78] 
 
 tovis μέν ήΧενθ.] ‘yon freed some’ [viz. τούς εξ άστεος, the 
 unwilling subjects of the Thirty], ‘ you restored others to their 
 country’ [viz. τούς εκ ΐίειραιώς, the patriotic exiles]. 
 
 § 98. ά'ν.,.εφεύγετε] \would now he exiles’. 
 
 μικρών...ίίνεκα <r.] ‘would now be in slavery on account of 
 petty liabilities i.e. small debts which their poverty made them 
 unable to discharge, thus giving the creditor a claim upon their 
 persons. Isocr. Flataicus § 48, τούς παΐδας (the children of the 
 destitute Plataeans)... πολλοί^ μέν μικρών 'ένεκα συμβολαίων δου- 
 λει'ιοντας, άλλους δ’ έττί θητείαν ιόντας, — where το δουλεύειν, slavery, 
 is ορρ. to θητεία, labour for wages. 
 
 § 99. Trjs έμής ττροθ.] lit. ‘ nothing is wanting to my zeal’, 77 
 i.e. ‘ my indignation is perfect ’. ούδέν was supplied by Canter. 
 
 άττε'δοντο] ‘bartered away’: meaning, perh., that the Thirty 
 allowed sacred buildings to be sold and put to secular uses. 
 Others understand, ‘sold the sacred vessels and furniture’ of 
 the temples: as if τα ιερά, a general term, had different mean¬ 
 ings with άπέδοντο and έμίαινον. 
 
 είοτιόντεδ έμίαινον] ‘ defiled by entering them ’—since the 
 Tyrants were εναγείς, guilty of blood. 
 
 § lOO. εβτεσ-θαι την ψήφον φ.] ‘ will be aware of you when 
 you give your verdict’. 
 
 * κατεψηφίσ-θαι] ‘have [by that very act] passed sentence ’. 
 This is Baiter’s simple correction of the corrupt καταφηφιεΐσθαι. 
 
 It is more probable than κατεφηφισμένους έσεσθαι, ‘ will have 
 passed’ (Bauchenstein).— ττεττοιημενου?, sc. είναι, as if κατεφη· 
 φισμένους είναι had preceded. 
 
 άκηκόατε, κ.τ.λ .] Inexactly cited by Arist. Rhet. in. 19. 6, 
 τελενττ] δε της λέξεως άρμόττει ή ασύνδετος, ο πως επίλογος αλλά 
 μη λόyoς y, ( enumeratio and not altera oratio, Quint, vi. 1. 2,) 
 εΐρηκα, άκηκόατε, ’έχετε, κρίνετε. 
 
 ΥΙ. ΚΑΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΤΟΥ. [Or. xin.J — Agoratus, son of a 78- 
 slave, had gained the Athenian citizenship by pretending 
 (falsely, his accuser says) to have had a hand in the assassina¬ 
 tion of Phrynichus in 411 b.c. (§76.) For six years afterwards 
 he had lived at Athens, exercising the trade of an informer, and 
 laying ‘all conceivable indictments’ (ras έξ ανθρώπων *γραφάς, 
 §73) before the law-courts. He is now charged with having 
 slandered away the lives of several distinguished citizens just 
 before the establishment of the Thirty. 
 
 It was in the spring of 404 b.c. that Theramenes came back 
 from Sparta with the hard conditions of peace. Athens had 
 been suffering for months the extreme of famine and misery; 
 
 17—2 
 
260 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 the mass of citizens were thankful for relief on any terms. But 
 there were still a few men, influential by their position and 
 services, who stood out against the bargain which the oligar¬ 
 chical party were about to strike with Sparta. The oligarchs, 
 impatient to get rid of their opponents, had recourse to the aid 
 of Agoratus. It was arranged that he should himself be charged 
 with plotting to defeat the peace, and should then denounce a 
 certain number of other persons as his accomplices. One 
 Theocritus accused him before the Senate. A party of Senators 
 went to the Peiraeus to arrest him. Agoratus, feigning alarm, 
 took sanctuary at the altar in the temple of Artemis at Muny- 
 chia. Certain citizens who suspected him to be the victim, or 
 the agent, of a plot, gave bail for him, and offered to take him 
 out of Attica to await quieter times. He declined this proposal, 
 and appeared before the Senate to give information. He 
 denounced, first, the men who had bailed him ; then several of 
 the Generals and taxiarchs (§ 13), among whom were the 
 General Strombichides, Dionysodorus (kinsman of the accuser 
 in this case), and probably Eucrates the brother of Nicias; 
 also a number of other citizens. These, with Agoratus himself, 
 were imprisoned; and it was decreed that they should be tried 
 both by the Senate and by a special court of Two Thousand. 
 Immediately afterwards the peace with Sparta was ratified. 
 
 The government of the Thirty having been established, the 
 prisoners were tried; but not by the Two Thousand; only by a 
 new oligarchical Senate. They were all condemned to death, 
 except Agoratus, who was banished. In 404 b.c. he joined the 
 democratic exiles at Phyle, and afterwards returned to Athens 
 with them; but appears to have been ill received (§ 77). He is 
 now accused of murder by Dionysius, cousin and brother-in-law 
 to Dionysodorus. 
 
 The procedure was by ft/5et£ts (information) laid before the 
 archon, followed by airayuyy (summary arrest)—just as in the 
 case of Herodes (see introd. to Antiph. De Caed. Her., p. 208). 
 —Date about 399 b.c. — Attic Orators , i. 269 f. 
 
 Narrative: §§ 5—48. 
 
 § 5. ού ιτολλ. χρ. ΰσ-τ.] The capture of 170 Athenian 
 
 triremes by the Peloponnesians under Lysander at Aegospotami 
 took place about Sept. 405 b.c. (Grote vm. 297): Lysander 
 next took measures to secure Byzantium, Chalcedon, Lesbos, 
 etc., establishing ‘ dekarchies ’: and it was about Nov. 405 b.c. 
 when he arrived with his fleet of 200 triremes in the Saronic 
 Gulf (ib. 307). 
 
 λόγοι... irepl τής «ίρηνης] The Athenians ‘proposed to Agis 
 to become allies of Sparta, retaining their walls entire and their 
 
NOTES. 
 
 261 
 
 pp. 78, 79] 
 
 fortified harbour of Peiraeus’: Grote vm. 308. Agis referred 
 the envoys to the Ephori, who would not even receive them: 
 Xen. H. ii. 2. 11—15.— τή s ειρήνης, ‘peace’, not ‘f/ie peace’: 
 see In Eratosth. § 97, τδν θάνατον , note, p. 258. 
 
 § 6 . «Ιληφεναι κα\ μάλιστ <άν> ... καταστήσασ-θαι] 
 
 ‘thinking that they had found an excellent opportunity, and 
 that this was the moment at which they were most likely to 
 constitute the government in accordance with their own views’. 
 
 It seems better thus to add av than to alter the aor. inf. into 
 καταστήσεσθαι. One of the two remedies is required. For we 
 cannot render—‘that they had found an...opportunity to 
 constitute the gov. as much as possible ( και μάλιστα)’ etc....as 
 if καταστ. depended on είληφ. καιρόν. And here νομίζοντες 
 καταστήσασθαι could mean nothing but ‘thinking that they had 
 constituted’. Cp. Olympiacus § 2 (p. 50), note on <av> 
 •γενόσθαι. 
 
 § 7. ταξιάρχου νταδ] The commanders of the tribal infan¬ 
 try ( ταξίαρχοι ) would have democratic sympathies, while the 
 Ιππείς, with their tribal commanders (φύλαρχοι), would, as the 
 wealthier class, be the natural allies of oligarchy. Cp. Arist. 
 Pol. VI [iv] 3. § 3, όσαις πόλεσιν εν τοΐ s ϊπποις ή δύναμιςήν, όλιγαρ- 
 χίαι παρά τούτοις ήσαν : and ih. 13. § 10. 
 
 άμωσ-γεττωδ] ‘ by some means or other ’. Lys. or. xxiv. Be 
 Inval. § 20, άπαντε s yap εΐθισθε προσφοιτάν καί διατρίβειν άμοΰ 
 y4 που. Cp. άμόθεν. On the stem άμο —perh. akin to that of 
 eh —see Curt. Gr. Etym. 600. 
 
 βούλοιντο] might represent either ά βούλονται or ά άν βού· 
 λωνται: here it represents the latter. 
 
 Κλεοφώντι] ό λυροποιός, —the demagogue who led the popular 
 party at this time: Lys. or. xix. § 48, K λεοφωντα δε πάντες Ίστε 
 ότι πολλά Ζτη διεχείρισε τα τής πόλεως πάντα και προσεδοκάτο 
 πάμπολλα εκ τής άρχής Ζχειν (and yet died poor). 
 
 § 8 . end 8έκα στάδια] i.e. to the length of about a mile and 
 a quarter. 
 
 οΐόν t€ €Ϊη] oblique of έστί (not of ήν). Acc. to Aeschin. Fals. 79 
 Legat. § 76, Cleophon threatened ‘ to cut off the head of anyone 
 who mentioned peace ’. 
 
 § 9. λέγει δτι. . .εύρησεσθαι] ‘He says that, if they appoint 
 him envoy with plenary powers to treat for peace, he will 
 effect a peace ( ποιήσειν , sc. ειρήνην) on such terms (ώστε) that 
 no breach shall be made in the walls, and that Athens shall 
 suffer no detriment whatever: and “I think”, he added, “that 
 I shall even obtain some further advantage for the city from 
 the Lacedaemonians”.’ ποιεϊν ειρήνην, Xen. Cyr. hi. 2. 12.— 
 
262 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 ποιήσειν ώστε might (less well) be taken as=‘ to effect that ’ no 
 breach shall be made: cp. Isocr. Adv. Soph. § 1, πεπ οίήκασιν 
 ώστε δοκεΐν, κ.τ.λ. For ποιήσει!' instead of ποιήσει (or -οι) after 
 ό'τι, cp. Xen. Cyr. n. 4. 15, ακούω 0τι...γεΐ'ε'σ0αι (for iyivovTo). — 
 oi'oiro depending on on: he said οΐ'ομαι : cp. Soph. Phil. 617.— 
 The subject to διελεΓν, έλαττώσα i is not τούς λακεδ. understood, 
 but αυτόν, Theramenes. 
 
 § ΙΟ. τω ττροτέρω ϊτει] In 405 b.c. —prob. on the occasion 
 when three new στρατηγοί were appointed (Xen. II. n. 1. 16). 
 The people were doubtless disgusted with his conduct the year 
 before, when he had been active in procuring the judicial 
 murder of the Generals after Arginusae. Thirlwall thinks that 
 in that affair Theramenes was the agent of an oligarchical 
 plot (iv. 13S). 
 
 § 11. Ιλθών els Λακ. — ττολύν χρόνον] Theramenes went 
 first to Lysander, who was now blockading the Peiraeus [Xen. 
 H. ii. 2. 9], and remained with him ‘three months or more’, 
 on the pretext that L. detained him. In the fourth month, at 
 his own request, he was sent to Lacedaemon as a plenipo¬ 
 tentiary, with nine colleagues: Xen. II. n. 2. 16 f. Lysias 
 omits the visit to Lysander, and represents the long sojourn of 
 Ther. as made at Sparta (έχει). 
 
 διαθ€ίη...α·ΐΓ0ρω$] ‘reduce you to destitution’,—by the pres¬ 
 sure of famine, which was already severe when he left Athens 
 (φοντο...πολλούς τφ λίμφ άπολεΐσθαι, Xen. II. II. 2. 14). — 
 άττόρως is not indispensable, but neither is it, I think, a gloss. 
 
 § 12 . ούκ ήλθεν ds τά οττλα άναττ.] ‘because he did not 
 
 come to pass the night at his post ’: cp. Xen. H. ii. 4. 24, έ£ε- 
 κάθευδο v δέ καϊ ol ίππει? εν τφ Ώιδείφ. So in the panic of 
 415 b.c. the hoplites were ordered to muster under arms in the 
 agora (and bivouac there), Andoc. De Myst. § 45 (p. 35), note. 
 For τα όπλα as = ‘ the place where the arms are piled ’, ‘ the 
 camp ’, cp. Xen. Anab. in. 1 § 3, έπι δέ τα όπλα πολλοί οΰκ ήλθον 
 ταύτην την νύκτα, άνεταύοντο δέ δττου έτύ-γχανβν 'έκαστος. 
 
 εκείνω.,.ταύττ)] ‘So, having contrived the appointment of 
 a court to try him, and having taken seats in it themselves, 
 the promoters of the oligarchy put Cleophon to death by 
 means of this pretext ’. Acc. to Lysias or. xxx. §§ 10 f., the 
 βουλή, with the corrupt connivance of Nicomachus (then a 
 νομοθετης), claimed a legal right to sit in judgment along with 
 the dikasts—u>s χρή τήν βουλήν συνδίκαζαν. Cleophon had 
 already denounced the βουλή, — φάσκων συνεστάναι (was in a 
 conspiracy against the Democracy), ib. 
 
 εν τη ττροφάσ-ει τ.] Baiter and Cobet conj. έπί. But έι' = ‘by 
 means of’, cp. Lys. or. vn. § 20 (below, p. 91) έν τούτιρ τφ 
 
NOTES. 
 
 263 
 
 pp. 79—81] 
 
 τρόττφ : εν δόλφ &yeiv (Soph. Phil. 102), εν Xtrais στέΧλειν ( ib. 
 60), iv \6yois πειθειν (ib. 1394). 
 
 § 13. τοιαυτην, ήν...£γνωμ€ν] ‘a peace of that character 80 
 which stern experience taught us to know’: eyv., came to 
 know: ην = oiav, as oft. after rotouros. Cp. Shaksp. All's W. 
 in. 6. 24, ‘ Such will I have whom I am sure he knows not ’. 
 
 Ιξηλάθημίν] Cp. In Eratosth. § 95, εξεκηρύχθητε εκ τη s 
 πόλεως (p. 76), note. 
 
 §14. ην.,.κατασ-κάψαι] ‘For its terms were that...we 
 should destroy’. The subj. to ψ is ειρήνη, which, —σύμ¬ 
 βασή or 6μoλoyίa, takes the infin. 
 
 § 15. Χίγομ&ην, κ.τ.λ.] ‘These men [Strombichides and 
 the democratic party, § 13] seeing that, though the talk was of 
 peace, the work really in hand was the overthrow of the 
 Democracy, said that they could not allow such terms to be 
 ratified ’.— όνόμ. \εyoμ. dp., lit. ‘ that (the arrangement) was 
 nominally called peace ’. The conjecture yεvoμέvηv is unsuit¬ 
 able, since peace had not been concluded: we should require 
 yLyvoμέvηv. — οΰκ <άν> ίφαοταν «τιτρέψαι. Cp. note on § 6 
 above, μάλιστ <άν> ...καταστήσασθαι. 
 
 ούκ €λ€θΰντ€ 5 ..,ΊΓοιή(Γ.] ‘Not because their pity was moved 
 by the threatened destruction of the walls,—not because they 
 shrank from the thought of our fleet being surrendered to 
 Sparta—for these things did not touch them more nearly than 
 they touched every one of yourselves—but because they per¬ 
 ceived that this was the way to ruin your Commonwealth: they 
 were not, as some allege, reluctant that peace should be made, 
 but they desired to obtain for the Athenian people a peace on 
 better terms than these’.—Lysias has to show two things: 
 
 (1) that the democrats were right in objecting to this peace; 
 
 (2) that they sincerely desired a peace, and were not pursuing a 
 party war-policy in selfish disregard of the extreme sufferings 
 endured by their fellow-citizens. They would have made 
 sacrifices, he says, however painful, if these sacrifices had not 
 further involved the destruction of the Commonwealth. 
 
 § 17. €Ϊλοντο] ‘mira locutio : an προείλοντο?’ Dobree : but 81 
 eiX. = ‘elected’ as the least of two evils. Isocr. Philipp. § 93, 
 είλόμην μη ττονεΐν. 
 
 τήν 6κκλ. τήν irepl τή$ dp.] The meeting of the Ecclesia 
 at which the peace was accepted took place, acc. to Xen. H. 
 ii. 2. 22, on the day after the return of Theramenes with the 
 terms offered by Sparta. In the Attic Orators, i. 270 note, 
 
 I have given reasons for dissenting from Grote’s view that 
 Agoratus laid his information after the capitulation of Athens, 
 
264 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 and for believing that the account of Lysias is correct in this 
 particular. 
 
 § 18. ού ξυνίΐδότα ckcivois] ‘though he was in none of 
 their secrets’.— εκείνοι?, the Generals and the democratic party: 
 αύτοΐ? below, the oligarchic conspirators. 
 
 § 19. 8ττω$ it. υμΐν ΰιτοφαίνοιτο] Dobree would read 
 φαίνοιτο, thinking that ύπό has arisen from υμίν: but ύττοφ. 
 expresses what is hinted by the look of that about which 
 we cannot be sure. ‘In order that the affair might have a 
 more plausible colour in your eyes ’.— καί νμα s: ‘ you, too ’ will 
 see (as clearly as the speaker himself). 
 
 * citnrep.'irovo'i] Dobree’s correction of εκπεμτονσι. The 
 verb είστε μττω is often used of suborned agents. Cp. Andoc. 
 Be Red. § 4, ετέρου s δ’ είστέμτονσι: Isocr. De Bigis § 7, μηνυτα? 
 είσέτεμτον. On the other hand, cKir^pirovcri could mean only, 
 
 ‘ send forth (from their secret councils) ’,—a use of the word 
 which seems rather forced (at least for prose) without further 
 definition of the place to which εκ refers. 
 
 [την ττρδ των τριάκ. β.] plainly a gloss which has crept in 
 from § 20 ad init. 
 
 Θ. τον του Έ. καλούμενον] The nickname Έ Χαφόστικτο? 
 (‘ dappled like a deer ’) may have been that of a slave or 
 freedman,—a branded στ^ματία?. Perh. καΧουμένον. 
 
 82 § 20. *!γ€ν€το] Markland’s correction of eXtyero. I formerly 
 
 preferred iXeyero, on the ground that it shows the ψηφίσματα 
 in the making, and is thus more vivid. But there seems to be 
 no warrant for such a phrase as X0ycj ψήφισμα in the sense of 
 ypάφω ψήφισμα, to ‘propose’ a decree. Bather reluctantly, 
 then, I have acquiesced in the emendation,—which, from the 
 palaeographical point of view, is an easy one. 
 
 καί ώς τοιοΰτ. ουσ-ιν αύτ. τον νουν ττροσΈχητ*] ‘ and that 
 (t να), knowing them to be such, (cos rot. οΰσ.,) you may carefully 
 note their conduct’: i.e. this knowledge will throw light on the 
 facts which I have to relate. Bekker with one ms. μή προσ- 
 έχητε, ‘ may disregard them’, and so Keiske conj. ήσσον : but 
 this destroys the point. 
 
 § 21. tv άιτορρη'τω] Cp. Andoc. Be Myst. § 45 (p. 35), 
 ή δε βουΧή εζεΧθουσα εν άιτορρήτιρ. Strangers ( ίδιωται ) were 
 often present at the sittings of the βουΧή, Dem. F. L. § 18, to 
 yap βουΧευτήριον μεστόν ήν ιδιωτών: to move that they with¬ 
 draw, was μεταστήσασθαι roi>s ιδιώτας, Aeschin. In Ctes. § 125. 
 
 tois T0T6 καθισ-τ. ττράγμασ-ι] ‘ The government which was 
 then in process of being established ’, = ά τότε καθίστατο —the 
 Oligarchy.— εκείνοι, the democratic opposition. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 265 
 
 pp. 81-84] 
 
 § 22. νυνί δ4...4ψηφ.] ‘but, as it was, the Council passed 
 the following decree’—merely for the arrest of Agoratus, 
 instead of compelling Theocr. to give a complete list of 
 names. 
 
 § 23. 4v αγορά] The Ιπποδάμεια ay ορά in the Peiraeus, 
 Andoc. De JSIyst. § 45 (p. 35). 
 
 Νικία?...Νικομένη?] supporters of the democratic party, 
 mentioned only here. 
 
 ούχ οΐα βέλτιστα] ‘ seeing that the state of affairs in Athens 
 was not all that could be desired \ = ού τοιαυτα οΐα 'άν δντα 
 βέλτιστα εΐη. Dem. De Cor. § 207, ws ού τά βέλτιστα έμοΰ 
 πολιτευσαμένου. 
 
 *ιτροήσ·€<Γθαι, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ said that they could not allow A. to be 
 taken away,—vindicated him from arrest ( άφρροΰντο ),—and 
 offered bail, binding themselves to produce him before the 
 Council’, άφαιρεΐσθαι els ελευθερίαν — vindicate in libertatem: 
 but A. was not a slave, and here άφγρ. merely = ‘asserted his 
 right to be at large ’ against oi ayovTes. Cobet was not right in 
 altering παρέξειν into παράξειν : the surety ‘ produces ’ (παρέχει) 
 the bailee, the accuser ‘ brings ’ the accused ‘ into court ’ (παρ¬ 
 άγει). Cp. Lys. or. xxni. § 9 (p. 99), έyyυησάμεvoι παρέξειν els 
 ayopav (τόν άνθρωπον). 
 
 § 24. τόν βωμόν Mow.] The altar in the temple of 83 
 Artemis: Μοι/νυχία? vabs Άρτεμιδο?, Paus. i. 1. 4. 
 
 § 25. Ίταρορμ. δυο πλοία Mow.] ‘ having brought two 
 boats alongside the shore at Munychia ’. The blockade of the 
 Peiraeus need not have hindered this (Xen. H. ii. 2. 9, the 
 Pelop. fleet τά πλοία elpye του εΐσπλου): see Attic Orators , 
 i. 271, note. 
 
 'έω? τά irp. κατασ-τ.] ‘until quieter times’: i.e. until the 
 terms of peace should have been fixed, and the strife of parties 
 in Athens allayed". 
 
 §27. αλλά μέν δη, κ.τ.λ.] ‘But this is not ail—your 
 situation was very different from theirs’: i.e. much more 
 perilous, if you stayed: if they were ready to go, much more 
 would you have been so, had you not had a secret under¬ 
 standing with the government. 
 
 βασ-ανισ-θηναι] Citizens were protected from torture by to 
 έπΐ Σκαμανδρίου ψήφισμα , Andoc. De Myst. § 43, p. 35. 
 
 ού πατρίδα, at.t.X.] ‘you would not have forsaken your 84 
 land’: Agoratus, acc. to Lys., being of foreign and servile 
 origin. The v. 1. aTt\ires=‘quitted’: κατέλ. (cp. κaτaλιπόvτεs 
 above) ‘ left behind ’. 
 
266 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 § 28. irpoinroiTj] sc. άποκτεΐναι, as below § 75, cl μεν οΰν 
 μή άποκτείνας προσποιείται ( άποκτειναι ). 
 
 ‘ΐταρε<ΓΚ€υάσ·θη] ‘ contrived ’ (between Agor. and the βουλή) : 
 so παρασκευάσαντες, § 12. 
 
 τό ψήφισμα] The object of the new ψήφισμα, as §§ 29, 30 
 show, was to authorise the arrest of Agoratus, notwithstanding 
 that cyy υηταί had been found for him: § 24. 
 
 § 30. Ικομίσθησ-αν] ‘were brought’ (not merely ‘came’). 
 The plural verb would most naturally refer to Agoratus and the 
 persons who, by giving bail for him, had frustrated the first 
 attempt to arrest him. They were probably still with him at 
 Munychia (cp. § 24) when he was arrested by the second 
 mission from the Council, armed with the second decree 
 (§§ 28, 29)—which apparently authorised an immediate arrest, 
 irrespective of bail having been given. The plural εκομίσθησα v 
 may, however, also refer to the fact that, besides Agoratus, two 
 other persons denounced by Theocritus were brought before 
 the Council at the same time, as we learn from a later part of 
 the speech (§ 54), where the phrase is, υπό τής βουλής μετε - 
 πόμφθησαν. 
 
 ή δ4 αρχή αΰτη] The more usual form would be αρχή 8 
 αυτή. Cp. note on Antiph. De Caed . Herod. § 93 (p. 23), 
 τήν τιμωρίαν οί ήκειν ταύτην, ‘ that this has come on her as 
 the punishment ’. 
 
 4ir αύτοφωρω] ‘ I will convict him in the very act ’,— i.e. I 
 will show precisely how and when he did it. 
 
 § 31. ^ρρωτο.,-ουοτηδ] ‘ So vigorously was the Council bent 
 on mischief’: Thuc. n. 8, ’έρρωντο ές τον πόλεμον. At first the 
 Council had accepted the ανώνυμος μήνυσις of Theocritus (§ 22): 
 then Agor. had given certain names (§ 30): and, after that, the 
 Council still pressed for more: this fact was elicited by the 
 ερώτησις (§ 31, τοίνυν). — εκών, since he had not yet been 
 threatened with torture (cp. § 27), avay κη. 
 
 85 § 32. Mow. 4v τω θίάτρω] Thuc. viii. 93, ές τό πρός τή 
 
 Μ ουνυχία διονυσιακόν θέατρον έλθόντες και θέμενοι τα δπλα έξε- 
 κλησίασαν (411 b.c.). The theatre was at the n.w. side of the 
 Munychian hill.— iyiyvcTo, ‘ came to be held 
 
 οΰτω σ-φόδρα] ‘ Some persons were so anxious that the 
 information regarding the Generals and the Infantry Com¬ 
 manders should be laid before the people as well, (in regard 
 to the others, the information laid before the Council sufficed,) 
 that they bring Agoratus before the people in the Ecclesia 
 also’ ( και έκε t). και έκεΐ...εις τον δ., i.e. ‘there also’, and this 
 time before the people.— άπεχρη, κ.τ.λ. Dobree is right in 
 
NOTES. 
 
 267 
 
 pp. 84—87] 
 
 condemning μήνυσις as a scholion, but εν τή βουλή is prob. 
 genuine: it makes the contrast with kv τφ δ. clearer. Cp. 
 
 § 33. 
 
 § 33. άναγνώσεται] sc. ό ~/ραμματεύς. 
 
 καί τά kv τη β., κ.τ.λ.] sc. άπογραφέντα: ‘ both those names 
 which were given before the Council and those which were 
 given before the Ecclesia 
 
 § 34. ilcre'irXevcri] Xen. II. II. 2. 23, έδοξε δέχεσθαι την 86 
 ειρήνην. μ*τά δέ ταΰτα Λύσανδρός re κατέπλει els τον Τίειραιά 
 [hitherto he had been at anchor off the Peiraeus, -rrpos τον Π., 
 
 § 9], καί οί φυ'γάδε s κατήεσαν, καί τά τείχη κατέσκαπτον ΰπ 
 ανλητρίδων πολλή προθυμίςι, νομίζοντε s έκείνην τήν ημέραν τή 
 Έλλάδ: άρχειν τής ελευθερίας. 
 
 § 35. κατ€σ-τάθη<ταν] ‘ were installed in office ’. The 1st 
 aor. pass, seems here to differ from the 2nd aor. act. κατέ¬ 
 στησαν in § 34 ( were established’) b t y suggesting the formal 
 induction into office. On the other hand, in Antiphon Be 
 Chor. § 11 (p. 25), χορηγός κατεστάθην seems to be no more 
 than κατέστην. The pass. aor. is mainly poetical. 
 
 κρ£σ·ιν...€*π·οίουν] ‘proceeded to direct that these men should 
 be tried before the Council’: but κρίσιν έποιουντο would be 
 merely έκρινον, ‘proceeded to try them ’. 
 
 ό δ£ δήμο$] ‘ whereas the words of the people’s decree had 
 been, “ before the (ordinary) court, with a jury of 2000 
 
 § 36. ct.. .Ικρίνοντο] ‘ If they had been on their trial before 
 the ordinary court, they would have been in a fair way to be 
 acquitted ’: the imp erf. referring here to a continued action in 
 past time, whereas έκρίθησαν.,.έσωθησαν would have meant 
 simply, ‘ If they had been tried, they would have been ac¬ 
 quitted ’. Cp. Goodwin § 49. 2. 
 
 tv ω] referring to ήδη : ‘ for now, when you could no longer 
 do any good, you had recognised the desperate situation of 
 Athens ’.— νυν δ’, ‘ but as it was ’, with historic pres., as in § 22. 
 
 § 37. eirl των βάθρων] ‘ The Thirty sat on the seats usually 
 occupied by the Presidents of the Assembly ’ (50 in number). 
 
 Cp. Plat. Prot. 315 c, where Hippias the sophist is seen ev 
 θρόνερ , surrounded by his hearers έπϊ βάθρων. 
 
 καδίσ -Kovs] ‘urns’ for the secret ballot,—the ψήφοι being 
 dropped through a funnel-shaped top (κημός). Lycurg. In 
 Leocr. § 149, δυοΐν καδίσκοιν κειμένοιν , τον μέν προδοσίας τδν δέ 
 σωτηρίας είναι. 
 
 § 38. ούδίνόδ άττεψηφίσ-αντο] The Thirty afterwards as- 87 
 sumed the right of putting to death without trial any one who 
 
268 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 was not in the list (κατάλογο?) of 3000. Isocrates speaks of 
 them as having executed ‘ 1500 citizens without trial ’ ( ακρίτους : 
 or. xx. § 11). Cp. Xen. H. ii. 3. 51: Grote vm. 327. 
 
 § 40. μελαν [τε]] Baiter and Sauppe would omit re : and 
 I incline to think that it may have been a spurious addition, 
 designed to link the participles. If we retain it, we must 
 suppose a partic. ( e.g ., όδυρομένη , άποκειραμένη, κεκαρμένη) lost 
 before or after τ/μφιεσμένη. 
 
 §41. διε'θετο] not διετίθετο (though fKeyev, etc.), because 
 the testamentary disposition— διάθεσις, the making of a δια- 
 θηκη —is an act completed at a definite moment. 
 
 88 §42. τιμωρεΐν] τιμωρεΐσθαι could stand: cp. In Eratosth. 
 § 35, ΰπϊρ ύμων πμωρονμένουϊ (p. 74): but the active marks 
 more clearly that the cause in which the punishment is 
 dealt is another’s. 
 
 § 44. tovs Ik Σαλ. — εξ Έλευσ\] Cp. In Eratosth. § 52, 
 ελθών (Eratosthenes) μετά των συναρχόντων εις Σαλαμίνα καί 
 Έλενσΐνάδε τριακοσίους των πολιτών άπτ,χα^εν εί$ τό δεσμω - 
 τηριον , και μια φηφιρ αυτών απάντων θάνατον κατεφηφίσατο .—■ 
 tovs ενθάδε, at Athens. From § 30 of the speech against 
 Eratosthenes (above, p. 72) we may infer how frequently such 
 ϊδιαι Ζχθραι were thus indulged. In Lys. or. xxv. § 15 a 
 speaker claims credit for not having gratified his enmities 
 during the Oligarchy. 
 
 89 § 46. ’in δΙ τά τείχη ώδ κατεσ-κάφη] sc. ϊστε, to be supplied 
 from § 44. 
 
 § 47. οΰκ <άν> £φα<ταν ειτιτρεψαι] See note above on 
 §15. 
 
 § 48. άττεκτειναδ, κ.τ.λ.] The words τρ πόλει occur thrice 
 in the sentence. Before έπιβουλεύειν they are clearly, as 
 Dobree saw, an interpolation, either from the previous or from 
 the subsequent clause. ‘ You put them to death, by de¬ 
 nouncing them as plotters against the Commonwealth’. 
 There is no incongruity in this, since the oligarchical BoiA?) 
 claimed to represent the Commonwealth, and would affect the 
 language of patriotic citizens.—Dobree, with great plausibility, 
 proposed to read, άπέκτεινας μηνύσας , αύτός επιβουλεύων τφ 
 πλήθει τω ΰμετέριρ. 
 
 90 VII. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΣΗΚΟΥ. [Or. νπ.]— ‘ On the Sacred 
 Olive ’. The man for whom this defence was written—a rich 
 Athenian citizen (§§ 21, 31)—had originally been charged with 
 destroying a moria , or sacred olive, on a farm which belonged 
 to him. As to do this was a fraud upon the Treasury, the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 269 
 
 pp. 87—90] 
 
 form of the original accusation had been an apographs (a7re- 
 Ύράφην, § 2). But the charge was not supported by the persons 
 who had rented from the State the produce of the moriae 
 on this farm (oi έωνημένοι τούς καρπού s των μορίων , § 2). The 
 accusers had therefore changed their ground. They now 
 charge the defendant merely with uprooting the fenced-in 
 stump (σηκός) of a moria; and they lay against him an in¬ 
 dictment for impiety. The chief accuser is one Nicomachus. 
 
 Throughout Attica, besides the olives which were private 
 property (ί'διαι έλαιαι, § 10), there were others which, whether 
 growing on public or on private lands, were considered as the 
 property of the State. These were called moriae ( μορίαι )—the 
 legend being that they had been propagated (μεμορημέναή from 
 the original olive which Athene herself had caused to spring 
 up on the Acropolis. This theory was convenient for their 
 conservation as State property, since, by giving them a sacred 
 character, it placed them directly under the care of the Areio- 
 pagus, which caused them to be visited once a month by In¬ 
 spectors (έπιμεληταί, § 29), and once a year by special Com¬ 
 missioners (“γνώμονα, § 25). To uproot a moria was an offence 
 punishable by banishment and confiscation of goods (§ 41). 
 
 The case is tried by the Areiopagus under the presidency 
 of the Archon Basileus. The offence was alleged to have been 
 committed in the archonship of Suniades (§ 11), 01. 95. 4, 
 397 b.c. To judge from § 42 ( τοσούτιρ χρόνιρ ύστερον) the trial 
 took place not earlier than 395 b.c. ; probably later.— Attic 
 Orators , i. 289. 
 
 §§ 17-25. 
 
 § 17. 'in toCvvv] The speaker has been arguing that he 
 could not have destroyed the olive without the knowledge of 
 his slaves. He now adds that the deed would have been liable 
 to detection by (1) former tenants of the farm, § 17: (2) 
 passers-by, (3) neighbours, § 18. 
 
 el ιταρε'στη μοι] ‘if it had occurred to me’: i.e. ‘if I had 
 been so ill-advised’ as to pay no heed to my slaves. Cp. the 
 trans. 1st aor. Paus. IX. 14. 6, τούτο Επαμεινώνδα, παρέστησεν ... 
 άπα-γαχεϊν, ‘this suggested to E. that he should lead them 
 back 
 
 τοσούτων pep..] ‘when so many persons had rented the 
 farm’; the speaker having let it to four different tenants in 
 succession, before he took it into his own hands (§§ 9, 10). 
 μι,σθουν of landlord, μισθουσθαι of tenant: § 10, Άλκίμ... 
 έμίσθωσα, ... κμτα ... Τίρωτέας έμισθώσατο. —συνεώότων : ‘ in the 
 secret ’ (that a moria had existed on the land). 
 
 ‘irpoOecrp.las] ‘when there was no statutable limit to my 
 
270 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 liability’: i.e. a y ραφή might be laid at any length of time 
 after the alleged offence. In some cases ( e.g. the ypa -φή παρανό¬ 
 μων) the προθεσμία was a year. 
 
 rots «Ιργασμενοΐδ] ‘while it was the common interest 
 [■ προσηκον , acc. absol.] of all who had worked the farm that the 
 olive should be safe, so that, if any of them were inculpated, 
 they could have laid the blame on him to whom they gave up 
 the land ’: (i.e. each would shift the blame on to his own 
 immediate successor: hence orcp, not φ.) For προσηκον in this 
 sense, cp. In Agor. § 15, p. 80, ούόύν αύτοϊς τούτων πλεΐον η ύμων 
 έκάστφ προσήκεν. 
 
 €Ϊναι σ-ωον τον σηκόν] i.e., it would be the interest of each 
 man who had rented the farm to prove that, at the time when 
 he gave it up, the olive was still safe. Tenant A would be 
 prepared to show that he had transmitted the olive to B, B to 
 G, and so on. A series of vigilant witnesses would thus fix the 
 responsibility on the latest tenant,—the speaker. 
 
 ΐνα.,.ίΐχον] the secondary tenses of the indie, in final 
 clauses with Iva (or cl>s, όπως) ‘ denote that the end or 
 object is dependent upon some unfulfilled condition, and 
 therefore is not or xoas not attained': Goodwin § 44. 3.— avevey- 
 κεΐν οτω = τούτω οτω: cp. In Eratosth. § 81, κατηχόρηται δη 
 ’Έρατοσθενο vs καί τούτου φίλων, οΐς τάς άι roXoyias άνοίσει, i.e. ‘on 
 whose shoulders he will lay the blame of his acts’: but in 
 § 64, ras diroXoyias εις ε κείνον άναφερομένα ς. 
 
 § 18. τταρίσκίυασάρην] ‘Now, supposing that I had 
 arranged matters in these quarters also ’ [as well as with my 
 οίκεταύ], i.e. had bribed the former tenants of the farm to be 
 silent: so In Agor. § 12 (p. 79), δικαστήριον παρασκευάσαντες : 
 ib. § 22 (p. 82) εκ παρασκευής. —imtrai^to bribe, as § 21. 
 
 άλλήλων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘know not only such of each other’s 
 concerns as are plain for all to see’: ά\λ. with ταΰτα, a 
 constr. like σου τούτο θαυμάζω : cp. Lys. or. xxxiv. § 2 
 (above, p. 52).— καί Trepl ίκ. ττυνθάν., ‘inform themselves about 
 these also ’. 
 
 διάφοροι irepl των Ιρών] ‘ at feud with me about my own’: 
 των έμων emphatic, things which are really mine, but which 
 they claim as theirs: alluding to boundary disputes or the 
 like. 
 
 § 19. καί μή μόνον οΰτω] ‘instead of making audacious 
 charges in this off-hand way (οϋτω) on his bare word (μόνον)': 
 cp. Plat. Gorg. 494 e, 6s άν φή άνεδην οϋτω (in this reckless 
 fashion) τούς χαίροντας, όπως άν χαίρωσ lv, εύδαίμονας εΐναι. 
 
 τά ιτρόμνα] ‘ that my servants cut the olive-stump out by 
 
NOTES. 
 
 271 
 
 pp. 90, 91] 
 
 the roots, and the waggoner carted the wood and drove off 
 with it’, πρεμνα — τό στέλεχος, the roots or stump of the 
 μόρια : in § 11 we have even σηκόν έκκεκόφθαι, — σηκός, properly 
 the fence round the stump of a sacred olive, coming to mean 
 the fence with the stump. 
 
 § 20. καίτοι.,.τότ*] ‘Now it was your further (καί) duty 
 at the time (τότε, when the alleged act was happening) to call 
 the passers-by as witnesses, and to make the fact known’. 
 
 ev τούτω τ. τρ.] Cp. In Agor. § 12 (p. 79), iv τη προφάσει 91 
 ταύτη. 
 
 οΰτω$ φΧέγξαξ] ‘after thus proving your case, you could 
 not longer have been suspected of calumny’: — ούκ αν εδόκεις, 
 you would not have continued to seem: implying ώσπερ 
 εδόκεις. The words might mean, ‘you would not now seem’, 
 implying ώσπερ δοκέΐς : but the context (αν ύπέλιπες, αν έλαβες) 
 shows that the imperf. refers to the past. 
 
 § 22. *φήσ-α$ μ ISetv] ‘if, when you alleged that you had 
 seen me destroying the sacred olive, you had invoked the 
 presence of the Archons, or other representatives of the 
 Areiopagus’. φήσα s (Xen. Cyr. iv. 1. 22) a rare form, Reiske’s 
 emend, of φή s μη δεΐν. The conject. φήνα s μ ' ίδών — ‘ having 
 informed against me [by a φάσις laid before the magistrates] 
 as having been seen by you’.— έττή-γαγίδ : referring to the 
 procedure called έφή~γησις, which consisted in bringing the 
 proper officer to the spot where the criminal was to be arrested: 
 here that officer would be the αρχών βασιλεύς, or one of the 
 έπιμεληταί (§§ 25, 29) charged by the Areiopagus with the care 
 of the sacred olives. 
 
 § 23. δίΐνότατα οΰν πάσχω, os...av ηξίου] ‘ My case, then, 
 is a very hard one, seeing that he would have claimed ’, etc. The 
 antecedent to os, if expressed, would have been ύπό τούτου, 
 
 * at his hands ’, after πάσχω. As the antecedent is not 
 expressed, the relative 0's is virtually equivalent to επειδή 
 ούτος. For this causal use of the relative, cp. my note on 
 Soph. O. C. 263.—The conjecture οσω (to replace os) is neither 
 needful nor tenable. When δσιρ — ‘ inasmuch ’, it always stands 
 with a double comparative or a double superlative ( e.g . μάλιστα 
 πλοντοΰσιν, 6σιρ καί πλεΊστα πονουσιν). 
 
 4|χο1 καί ταύτην] ‘he thinks that this, too, [the fact of his 
 having no witnesses] must be turned to my prejudice ’ [by the 
 insinuation that I have bribed them to be silent], ταύτην 
 (sc. τήν ζ.), virtually = rooro, as Andoc. De Pace § 37, ταύτην 
 λαβόντες αφορμήν. 
 
 καί τουτου, κ.τ.Χ.] ‘ Nor do I wonder at him: of course, 
 when he is bringing a vexatious charge, he will take care that, 
 
272 SELECTIONS. [Lysias 
 
 if he has no witnesses, at least he shall have such assertions at 
 command ’: τοιούτων λόyωv, allegations of bribery on the part 
 of the accused.— τούτου: either τούτο or a clause with ei or 
 Utl would usually follow θαυμάζω : but here the sentence 
 ού ydp κ.τ.λ. takes its place. Cp. p. 240, note on Lys. or. 
 xxxiv. § 2. 
 
 § 24. ττυρκαΐάς] μορίαι which had been burnt down, as 
 often happened in the raids during the Peloponnesian War. 
 On the vitality of the olive cp. Her. vm. 55 : Soph'. 0. G. 
 698 (φύτευμ άχείρωτον αύτοποιόν, 1 a growth unconquered, self- 
 renewing ’): Yerg. Geo . n. 30, 181. 
 
 92 €7Γ€ρ·γάσασθαι] ‘ cultivate its former site ’: ewepy. of sacrile¬ 
 giously cultivating sacred soil, Aeschin. In Ctes. § 113, (the 
 Amphissaeans) iweLpyaaavTO τό ττεδίον (of Crisa). So iirepyaaia 
 της yrjs τη s Upas, Time. i. 139. 
 
 § 25. «tnrcp καί την άλλην ουσίαν] ‘ as much as any part 
 of my own property ’. The μορίαι were not part of his ουσία, 
 but belonged to the State, so that την άλλ. ούσ. strictly = ‘ all my 
 property besides': Plat. Phaed. 110 e, και λίθοι s καί yrj και rots 
 άλλοι s ζφοι s re καί φυτο'ις. 
 
 ή-γούμ. ircpl άμψ.] ‘ deeming that I have interests at stake in 
 both of them ’—both in the μορίαι and in my own property: 
 i.e. he regards himself as bound by public duty and by religion 
 to protect the μορίαι. Cp. or. xxxiv. § 9 (p. 55), ό κίνδυνος 
 oSros, the interests staked on the maintenance of the Consti¬ 
 tution. 
 
 έπιμ€λουμ.€νους] Cp. § 28, Ss οϋτε yewpyuiv eyyvs Tvyxavei οϋτ 
 iir ιμελητης (‘Inspector’) ηρημένος . —The yvώμovεs were higher 
 officials, ‘ Commissioners who made a general survey once a 
 year. 
 
 Ιργαξ. , κ.τ.λ. ] ‘ cultivating the soil around the sacred olives ’ 
 (to the endangering of the σηκοί ): not so much as ei τεργάσ. in 
 § 24, which means to cultivate the spot on which a σηκός (now 
 destroyed) had stood. 
 
 VIII. ΚΑΤΑ ΘΕΟΜΝΗΣΤΟΥ. [Or. x.] —Theomnestus, 
 a young Athenian, had been indicted by one Lysitheus for 
 throwing away his shield in battle, but had been acquitted. 
 The present speaker had been among the witnesses of Lysitheus, 
 and in the course of the trial had been called a parricide by 
 Theomnestus. A certain Dionysius, also a witness of Lysi¬ 
 theus, was next prosecuted by Theomnestus for perjury, and 
 was sentenced to disfranchisement (§22). The present speaker 
 then brought his action against Theomnestus. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 273 
 
 pp. 91 — 93] 
 
 The Athenian law against Defamation (κακηχορί a) punished 
 with a fine of 500 drachmas (about £20) the utterance of 
 certain reproaches classed as απόρρητα (§ 2). To call a citizen 
 a murderer, a striker of father or mother, or to charge him 
 with having thrown away his shield in battle, was among 
 these. The present case had already been submitted to arbi¬ 
 trators (§6); it now came before an ordinary court, under the 
 presidency of the Thesmothetae. 
 
 From § 4 the date is certain. The speaker had been 
 thirteen years old in the time of the Tyrants (404—3 b.c.), 
 and was now thirty-three: the speech belongs therefore to 
 384—3 b.c. —Attic Orators, i. 293. 
 
 §§ 0—20. 
 
 § 6. διαιτητήν] The Attic διαιτηταί were of two kinds,— 
 public (κληρωτοί), and private, chosen ( αιρετοί ) by the parties 
 themselves. Here, private arbitration is meant. 
 
 απορρήτων] * forbidden ’ words, which rendered those who 
 used them liable to a δίκη κακη^γορίας. 
 
 άττίκτονεναι] The term used by Theomnestus, acc. to the 
 speaker, § 3, τον πατέρα μ ’έφασκεν άπεκτονέναι τον έμαντοΰ. 
 
 § 7. τω νομοθδτη] We often find similar intimations that 93 
 the intention or principle of a law is to be considered where 
 the letter is not explicit: e.g. Arist. Mag. Mor. n. ad init. 
 ό νομοθέτης έξαδυνατεΐ καθ’ 'έκαστα ακριβώς διορίζειν : cp. Bhet. 
 
 ι. 1. 
 
 § 8 . ού γάρ δήπου, κ.τ.λ.] 1 If anyone were to call you a 
 “striker” of father or mother [the απόρρητα, or actionable 
 words] you would claim damages from him: surely, then, 
 if anyone were to say that you had “ smitten her who bore 
 you” or “him who begat you”, you would not consider him 
 deserving of impunity or innocent of libel ’. For the form of 
 the sentence, ού δηπου, el μέν.,.εί δέ, cp. In Eratostli. § 36 
 (above, p. 74), ούκ οΰν δεινόν, el τούς μεν στρατηγοί)? κ.τ.λ. : 
 Isocr. Panegyr. § 181 (below, ρ. 133), και yap αισχρόν ίδίμ 
 μέν κ.τ.λ. : Plat. Gorg. 512 A, λoyίξ^ετaι δτι ούκ, εί μέν.,.εί δέ 
 κ.τ.λ. — ώς ούδέν ε’ιρ. 4 on the ground that he has not ’: but 
 ώς μηδέν, 4 as if he had not ’. 
 
 § 9. iT€pl τούτο γάρ καί iroiitv και Xe'-yciv] c For you are an 
 
 expert in this subject (τούτο, =τό Ka^oyeiv), and have studied 
 both the theory and the practice ’. ποιεΐν, how ‘ to invent ’ 
 taunts ; λέyειv, how to utter them. 
 
 ρΐψαι τήν άσ-ττ.] ρίπτειν, abicere, was stronger than άπο- 
 βάλλειν , which, like iacturam facere, was capable of meaning 
 
 18 
 
 j. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 274 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 simply ‘ to lose ’: hence ρίψασπις is the term of reproach, one 
 who flings away his shield. 
 
 6Ϊρητο] Dobree, εϊρηται, which would be easier: but άπο- 
 βεβληκέναι was the word actually used in the law, as appears 
 from the epitome of this speech ( κατα θεομν. B § 5). Detaining 
 εΐρητο, take it as depending on d: ‘ If some one were to say... 
 and it had been prescribed by the law... ’: the actual provision 
 of the law being stated hypothetically , as one of the data 
 of the imagined case. 
 
 Ιξήρκει άν σ-οι.,.μΑειν] ‘You would be content to be set 
 down as one who had thrown away his shield, saying merely 
 that you did not care’. Dobree would omit έρριφέναι τήν 
 άσπίδα: wrongly, I think. The perf. is thoroughly Greek: 
 
 ‘ you would be content to have thrown away ’, i.e. you would 
 acquiesce in the position of one who was said to have done so. 
 He is supposed to say, οϋ μοι μέλει. Cp. Her. vi. 129, ού 
 φροντ'ις Ίπποκλείδτι. 
 
 § ΙΟ. των &>δ€κα] ‘ Or again, if you had been made one of 
 the Eleven [the Commissioners of Police], you would not be 
 satisfied if a person were arrested for “ robbing a man of his 
 cloak” or “stripping him of his tunic”; you would acquit 
 him on the same principle, because the epithet “clothes- 
 stealer” was not applied to him’.— onrod., εκδεδ., true perfects 
 pass.: lit. ‘ if one were to arrest another saying that (he 
 himself) had been robbed ’: άποδύειν, of the ίμάτιον : εκδύειν , of 
 the under- garment, the χιτών. 
 
 ούδ’ cl.. .τίθενται] ‘Nor, if any one were convicted of 
 “having sold a boy into slavery”, would you call him a 
 kidnapper,—on your principle [εϊπερ, with fut. ind. μαχή] of 
 cavilling about words, instead of attending to the facts which all 
 men have in view when they establish the terms e£cry.: cp. 
 Her. v. 6, πωλεΰσι τα τέκνα επ’ e^aycoyrj (for exportation as 
 slaves). 
 
 94 §11. 2τι τοίνυν, /c.r.X.] ‘ Well, here is another illustration, 
 
 judges. The defendant appears to be so averse to trouble 
 or exertion that he has never even gone up to the Areiopagus. 
 As you are all aware, when cases of homicide are tried in that 
 place, the term employed in the preliminary oaths of the 
 parties is not this [τούτου, i.e. the accuser does not say that 
 the accused is άνδροφόνο s]; it is the phrase in which I have 
 been reviled [i.e. κτείνειν]', for the prosecutor deposes that the 
 prisoner “hath slain”, and the prisoner replies, “I have not 
 slain ”. 
 
 § 12. ούκουν άτοττον...διωμόσ-ατ<>] ‘Now it would be ab¬ 
 surd that the prisoner, after having been adjudged guilty of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 275 
 
 pp. 93—95] 
 
 “ slaying ”, should defend himself on the plea that he was “ a 
 homicide ”, the prosecutor’s statement having charged him 
 with “slaying”.’ As to the text of this passage, which has 
 been corrupted in the mss., see the critical note. 
 
 τ C yap ταΰτα... διαφέρει] ‘How, I ask (ydp), do such cases 
 differ from that which the defendant is prepared to maintain 
 [ipei]?’ i.e. the defendant uses airoKTeiveiv, implying άνδροφόνο s: 
 the Areiopagus, vice versa. 
 
 •π-εντακ. δραχμ..] about £20. 
 
 § 13. *λαμ.βάνει$] ‘If you accept the laws in the sense in 
 which I now take them’;— οϋτω , i.e. with a view to the spirit 
 rather than to the letter. The mss. have λαμβάνειν, —an 
 impossibly harsh anacolouthon when el precedes and άξιοΐς 
 follows. It was probably a mere error of transcription. 
 
 ovk cUjiots] for ου instead of μή after el in such a sentence, 
 cp. In Eratosth. § 36 (p. 74) ούκ apa χρή. 
 
 § 14. εΐτ οΰκ αίσχ., κ.τ.λ.] ‘Now do you not blush for being 
 such a simpleton as to suppose that you are to be enriched, 
 not by the rewards of patriotism, but by the profits of 
 impunity?’ i.e. do you not see that every one will soon 
 recognise you as a συκοφάντης? 
 
 § 15. ώστε ού δΰνασθαι] Not ώστε μη : a parallel, if the 
 text is sound (as it seems), to the anomaly in Soph. El. 780, 
 ωστ οϋτ€ νυκτός ύπνον οϋτ έξ ημέρας ] έμέ στοχάζειν ήδύν. The 
 ‘ rules ’ of Greek grammar were in the making in those days, 
 and the thought sometimes overbore the normal usage: here, 
 for instance, the writer was thinking most of the negative fact. 
 
 αν ιτωξ, tc.t.X.] ‘ if, even at this late hour, when he stands 
 at your bar, he can be educated, and prevented from troubling 
 us in the future ’. (el μη πρότερον,) άλλα νυν, ‘ better late than 
 never’: cp. note on Soph. O. G. 1276. — There was one βήμα 
 (tribune) for the accuser, another for the accused: Aeschin. 
 In Ctes. § 207, τό του κατη^γδρου β.,.,.τδ του φ€ύ^οντος. 
 
 Σόλωνο$] The laws written βουστροφηδόν on the wooden 
 rollers (amoves) and triangular tablets (κύpβeLή preserved in the 
 Prytaneion were known as the ‘laws of Solon ’. Acc. to Plut. 
 Sol. 17, τούς Αράκοντος νόμους πΧην των φονικών aveiXev (‘ he 
 cancelled’) άτταντας, but, as Grote says (in. 180), ‘there is room 
 for supposing that the repeal cannot have been so sweeping ’. 
 Solon was popularly credited with political reforms that came 
 after him ( ib. 169), and so also, doubtless, with laws that had 
 been before him. 
 
 § 1β. Ίτοδοκάκκη] This sentence (with τό v ττόδα τένθ' 
 ημέρας καί νύκτας ί'σα$) occurs also in the νόμος (interpolated ?) 
 
 18—2 
 
276 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 ap. [Dem.] or. lviii. In Theocr. § 105. Hesych. ποδοκάκη’ 6 έν 
 τφ ξύλφ δεσμός, εν φ οί κακούργοι δεσμεύονται, olov ποδοκατοχη : 
 citing Plato comicus (circ. 420—390 b.c.). 
 
 •π-ροσ-τιμήσ-η] ‘ If the Heliaea award an additional penalty * 
 (in an aggravated case). The Periclean subdivision of the 
 ηλιαία into δικαστήρια was subsequent to this law. 
 
 96 § 17. Ιττιορκησ-αντα — δρασκάζίΐν] ‘He shall give security, 
 calling Apollo to witness his oath ’ [ έπιορκ . would ordinarily 
 mean ‘ having sworn falsely ’ by the god].—‘ If in fear of the 
 proceedings, he should attempt flight ’:—a detached phrase, 
 which in the original may have depended on εάν συμβη or 
 the like. 
 
 άττίλλει rfj θύρα] 4 Whoever shuts the door of the house [lit. 
 excludes by the door] when the thief is within’...(to prevent 
 the master entering, or to secure the burglar?).— άιτίλλω, 
 from root feX, whence εΐλω, είλέω, άλ-υ-σι-ς, a chain— 
 άλ-ί-σκ-ομαι, etc. Curt. Gr. E. § 656. Hesych. quotes α-πέλλαι 
 * enclosures J — σηκοί, έκκλησίαι: whence the Lacon. άπελλά- 
 ζειν — έκκλησιάζειν, to hold assemblies.—On the question between 
 the spellings on τίλλω and άπείλλω, cp. my note on Soph. Ant. 
 340 (appendix, p. 250). 
 
 καί μηδέν...διαφερου] ‘and make no cavil on that ac¬ 
 count’,—said derisively to. Theomnestus: i.e·. ‘you cannot 
 pretend that here the strange word makes the sense of the law 
 doubtful ’. 
 
 § 18. το άργυριον <ττάσ·ιμον] ‘The money shall stand at 
 whatever rate the lender chooses ’. The word στάσιμον here 
 does not refer to weighing, but to the exaction of interest 
 as high as he pleases: i.e. στάσιμον εστι — δύναται ϊστασθαι or 
 σταθηναι, the loan can stand, can remain put out: cp. Andoc. 
 De Red. § 11, όσου έμοί κατέστησαν, n., p.. 221. For στάσιμος in 
 the sense of ‘weighable’ (£υ·γφ ιστάναι), cp. Pollux iv. 173, who 
 cites στάσιμα as used for στάθμια, ‘ weights ’, by Cephisodorus 
 ( Fragm. Com. 342): Polyb. vm. 21. § 1, 'έλκοντα τό της ττράξεως 
 στάσιμον, ‘ turning the scale of the crisis ’. 
 
 § 19. οίκήος καί ^δ’ούληξ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘He shall he required to 
 make good the injury done to the male or female slave’. Cp. 
 the νόμος cited in Lys. or. i. § 32, εάν τις άνθρωαον ελεύθερον η 
 τταΐδα αισχύνη βία, διπλήν την βλάβην όφείλειν. 
 
 97 τό δέ oIktjos 06pairovTos] οίκεύς in II. and Od. sometimes = a 
 (free) member of a household; sometimes, as here and in 
 Soph. Ο. T. 756, a slave, οίκέτης. In Homer θεράπων usu. = a 
 free attendant— e.g. an esquire, etc.: later, it is simply a more 
 honourable name for the slave as the personal attendant of his 
 master. In Thuc. iv. 16 θεράπων is the servant of the Spartan 
 
NOTES. 
 
 pp. 95—97] 
 
 277 
 
 hoplite: in vn. 13 the Θβράποντες perh. include the free θήτβ s 
 who had been pressed for naval service, as well as the δούλοι, 
 θεράποντες was esp. the Chian word for οίκέτα i, Eustath. ad 
 Dionys. 533. 
 
 § 20. σ-ιδηροΰβ] i.e. impenetrably stupid—incapable of re¬ 
 ceiving knowledge, even when it is hammered into him: cp. 
 Aeschin. In Ctes. § 166, πώς i ror’, ώ σιδήρεοι, έκαρτερεΐτε άκρο- 
 ώμενοι, i.e. men of iron endurance: Ar. Acharn. 491, αναίσ¬ 
 χυντος σίδηρους τ’ άνήρ, shameless and brazen. 
 
 τοΰ βήματοδ] Cp. note on § 15. 
 
 IX. ΚΑΤΑ ΠΑΓΚΛΕΩΝΟΣ. (Or. xxiii.]—T he speaker 
 had formerly indicted Pancleon, a fuller living at Athens (§ 2), 
 for some offence not specified, and, believing him to be a 
 resident-alien, had summoned him before the Polemarch, who 
 heard cases in which foreigners were concerned. Pancleon 
 thereupon put in a ‘ plea to the jurisdiction \ on the ground 
 that he was a Plataean by birth, and, as such, entitled at 
 Athens to the rights of an Athenian citizen: and that, there¬ 
 fore, the action ought not to have been brought before the 
 Polemarch. This plea (παραγραφή) gave rise to a previous 
 trial to decide whether the action, in its original form, could 
 be brought into court (§ 5). In such a case the first speech 
 was usually made by the maintainer of the special plea: 
 here it is evidently made by the opponent. The date is 
 uncertain.— Attic Orators, i. 302. 
 
 § 1. op0(3s την δίκην ^λαχον] * brought the action in proper 
 form ’·. The speaker’s object is to show that Pancleon is not 
 an Athenian citizen but a foreigner, and that therefore the 
 Polemarch was the magistrate who had jurisdiction in the δίκη. 
 What the matter of the original δίκη was, does not appear. 
 Here we are concerned solely with the question concerning its 
 form. The issue is that raised by the παραγραφή, or special 
 plea, put in by Pancleon, who relied on exceptio fori, denying 
 that the Polemarch had jurisdiction. Every answer made in 
 writing by a defendant to a plaintiff was αντιγραφή. The 
 παραγραφή was a species of αντιγραφή —that answer, namely, 
 which consisted in an objection to the form of the procedure. 
 Hence in § 5 we read, άντεγράφατο μη είσαγώγιμον είναι 
 τήν δίκην : which is only another way of saying that his αντι¬ 
 γραφή took the particular form of a παραγραφή. 
 
 § 2. γναφίΐον] The Athenian fuller had a thriving trade, 
 as the woollen ίμάτιον was sent to him to be renovated; this 
 process consisted in scouring,— i.e. rubbing in ‘ Cimolian clay’, 
 a sort of white earth,—and carding (κνάτττω), to raise the 
 
278 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Lysias 
 
 nap. In Ar. Eccles. 415 and Athen. xm. p. 582 we have 
 people complaining of the ^ναφεύς who delays to send back 
 their ιμάτια by the promised day. Cp. Theophr. Char, xxii, 
 where it is noted as a trait of the ανελεύθερος (the man who 
 shows ‘ excessive indifference to honour where expense is 
 concerned ’), that ‘ he will stay in the house when he has sent 
 his cloak to be scoured ’ ( ’ένδον μένειν όταν εκδφ θοίμάτιον 
 έκπλΰναι). 
 
 ττροσΈκαλεσ-άμην] ‘summoned him before the Polemarch, 
 supposing him to be a resident alien Harpocration p. 246 
 s.v. Πολέμαρχος (quoting Arist.’s Αθηναίων πολιτεία) αυτός τε 
 είσάχει δίκας τάς τε άποστασίου και άπροστασίου (for having 
 deserted a προστάτης, or for having none) καί κλήρων καί 
 επικλήρων τοΐς μετοίκοις, καί τάλλα όσα τοίς πολίταις ό αρχών , 
 ταΰτα τοΐς μετοίκοις ό πολέμαρχος. Herm. Ant. I. § 138. 10. 
 
 oiroOev δημοτίύοιτο] ‘ to what deme he belonged ’. Cp. 
 [Dem.] or. lvii. Adv. Euhul.% 49, δημοτευόμενος (= δημότης ών) 
 μετ' έμοΰ. 
 
 irapaivecravTos, κ.τ,λ.] ‘one of those who were with me’ 
 [one of the κλητήρες, or officers who assisted at the summons] 
 ‘ having recommended that I should also summon him ’ [as he 
 had evaded the citation before the Polemarch] ‘ before the 
 tribe of which he pretended to be a member ’ (the adviser 
 said, σκήπτεται: this becomes σκήπτοιτο after ήρόμην). Before 
 he could be brought under the jurisdiction of a tribe, it was 
 necessary to ascertain his deme. 
 
 98 § 3. irpos tovs τη 'Ρπτγ. δικάζ.] ‘ The judges for the Hippo- 
 
 thontid tribe ’, to which the deme of Deceleia belonged. Judges, 
 appointed annually for each tribe, made the circuit of the 
 demes included in it, deciding causes where not more than ten 
 drachmas were at stake. Pollux vm. 100, περιιόντες κατά 
 δήμους τα μέχρι δραχμών δέκα εδίκαξΌν, τα δέ υπέρ ταΰτα διαιτη- 
 ταΐς παρεδίδοσαν : cp. Arist. Polit. ιν. 13. § 2. 
 
 τό κουρ. τό παρά tovs Έρμ.] ‘the barber’s shop by the 
 Hermae’. The northern limit of the Athenian Agora was 
 formed by rows of Hermae (busts of the god, on plain 
 quadrangular posts), which extended from the Ποικίλη στοά, 
 or Portico of Frescoes, on the eastern side of the Agora, to the 
 Βασίλειος στοά, or Portico of the Archon Basileus, on its 
 western side. Among these Hermae, a few were of marble, 
 bearing metrical inscriptions, and erected there by special 
 permission in memory of the capture of Eion on the Strymon 
 from the Persians—though neither Cimon, nor any individual 
 victor, was allowed to be recorded by name. (Curtius, Hist. 
 
pp. 97—99] NOTES. 279 
 
 Gr. ii. 564: cp. his explanatory text to the ‘ Sieben Karten ’ of 
 Athens, p. 52.) 
 
 Tas μ.Ιν φευγοι, κ.τ.Χ.] ‘on learning that he was actually 
 defending some actions before the Polemarch, and had already 
 been cast in others, I brought mine also’: they said, 0 εόγει, 
 ωφληκε: cp. Goodwin § 18. 1. 
 
 §4. εττίλαβε] ‘stop the water-clock’: since the time 
 occupied by the papTvpes was not deducted from the time 
 allowed for the speech. 
 
 § 5. εκ τούτων] ‘ on these grounds ’ (the statements about 
 Pancleon just mentioned): not ‘by these persons’, which in 
 Attic prose would be ΰττο τούτων. 
 
 άντεγράψατο] ‘ entered a plea against the jurisdiction of the 
 court’: see note on § 1 . 
 
 ιτρεσ-βύτατον] ‘the oldest inhabitant of Plataea that I 
 knew ’. 
 
 § 6 . εΙ$ τόν χλ. τυρόν] ‘ They said that I should be most 99 
 likely to obtain precise information (ττυθεσθαι dv, oblique of 
 7 τύθοιο dv), if I went to the cheese-market on the first day of 
 the month —fair-day at Athens: Ar. Vesp. 171, Eq. 43. Cp. 
 Theophr. Char, iy (xiv in my edit., and note there, p. 223).— 
 τόν χλ. τυρόν, the place where fresh cheese is sold, like oi ίχθΰς, 
 the fish-market, Ar. Vesp. 789, τα λάχανα, the green-market, 
 Lysistr. 557, ai μυρρίναι, the myrtle-wreath-market, Thesm. 
 448. 
 
 § 7. άφεσ-τώτα] ‘ who had forsaken him ’,—the word ex¬ 
 pressing, not merely the flight of the slave (άποδράντα), but the 
 fact that he has set up for himself.— τέχνην, the fuller’s trade. 
 
 § 8. τόν os ^φη Seo-irorqs τούτου είναι] = τον φάντα δεσττότην 
 τ. elvai : the relative clause being substituted for the partic. in 
 order to give greater precision and emphasis to the statement 
 of the fact, εφη. 
 
 § 9. άγόμενον] ‘ being carried off ’, sc. els δουλείαν by his 
 δβσττότη%. 
 
 τότε μίν ουν] ‘At that time, then [τότε, in contrast with 
 what happened next day], some of Pancleon’s supporters said 
 that he had a brother who would vindicate his liberty. On 
 this understanding they gave bail that they would produce him 
 in the market-place, and departed’, παρέζειν: cp. In Agor . 
 
 § 23, note on προήσεσθαι, p. 265. For els ayopdv, peril, els 
 avpcov. 
 
 § ΙΟ. τη δ’ ύστερ.] ‘Next day, with a view both to this 
 
280 
 
 SELECTIONS. [Lysias—Isocrates 
 
 special plea and to the original action’ [brought before the 
 Polemarch § 3], ‘ I thought it right to take witnesses with me 
 to the place, that I might know who it was that proposed to 
 assert Pancleon’s freedom, and on what ground he would 
 do so. Now, as to the understanding on which he was bailed, 
 [viz. 0 'rt el 77 άδελφός, κ.τ.λ., § 9 ] no brother came, nor any other 
 man ’, etc. 
 
 100 § 11 . els τούτο Si, κ.τ.λ.] 1 But the defendant’s supporters 
 and the defendant himself carried matters with such a high 
 hand that, though Nicomedes on his part, and the woman on 
 hers, were willing to let Pancleon go if any one would assert 
 his freedom, or else would claim him as a slave, Pancleon’s 
 friends did neither one thing nor the other, but carried him 
 off’. 
 
 eirl tovtois] the understanding that his brother was to 
 vindicate his freedom, § 9. 
 
 § 12. μή δτι Π\.] ‘ that even in his own eyes Pancleon is 
 not a Plataean,—or rather, not even a free man’: μή (λέξωμεν) 
 δτι ού νομίζει έ. Πλ. είναι , = ούχ όπως ΤΙλαταιεύς είναι νομίζει, άλλ’ 
 ούδ’ ελεύθεροί. 
 
 4v<>xovs...Tois PiaCois] ‘liable to the penalties of forcible 
 seizure’ (δίκη βίαιων). The δικασταί κατα δήμους ( note on § 2) 
 had jurisdiction in cases of αίκία and τα των βίαιων, Dem. Adv. 
 Pantaen. § 33: Herm. Ant. 1 . § 146. 10. 
 
 του σ·ώματοδ] = τ^ί έττιτιμίας, ‘his status’: which would be 
 changed by a conviction from that of a citizen to that of a 
 slave. 
 
 101 § 13. iv τη άντωμοσ-ία] ‘When Pancleon contended (in 
 his affidavit on the occasion of the suit brought against him by 
 Aristodicus here) that the Polemarch had no jurisdiction over 
 him, it was proved by testimony that Pancleon was not a 
 Plataean: and, though he indicted the witness for perjury 
 [ έπισκηψάμενος , sc. ψευδομαρτυριών], he failed to follow up the 
 indictment, but allowed A. to obtain a verdict against him. 
 And when his term of grace had expired, he paid the fine, on 
 such conditions as he could obtain’ (from Aristodicus).— 
 καθότι ’έπειθε : i.e. he obtained an abatement, or arranged 
 to pay by instalments; cp. Thuc. 1 . 117, κατα χρόνους ταξάμενοι 
 άττοδοΟναι. 
 
 § 15. irplv τοίνυν] ‘Now before he had effected this com¬ 
 promise, in his fear of Aristodicus he removed from Athens 
 and resided as an alien at Thebes ’. ταΰτα, the arrangement 
 abating the sum, or allowing him to pay it gradually. After 
 φκει below, εκεί is rightly supplied by Markland. 
 
pp. 99—102] 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 281 
 
 ISOCRATES. 
 
 Isocrates: 436—338 b.c. Period of extant work, 403— 102 
 338 b.c. Life in Attic Orators, n. 1—34. 
 
 Style. The work of Isocrates was to establish a standard 
 type of literary rhetorical prose. His discourses were meant to 
 be read rather than to be spoken. This is one essential charac¬ 
 teristic which distinguishes them from the compositions of the 
 other Attic orators. Isocrates is properly an ‘ orator 5 only in 
 his forensic speeches, the earliest, and in his own view the 
 least significant, of his writings. In his later life he alto¬ 
 gether repudiated Forensic Rhetoric; on the other hand, 
 
 ‘ want of voice and nerve ’, as he tells us, deterred him from 
 taking part in the debates of the Ecclesia. The real work 
 of his life was twofold. First, he was an educator, the head of 
 a school which became renowned—teaching young men the 
 art which he calls ή των λόγων 7 raidda, the discipline of 
 discourse—meaning by this, the art of Speaking and writing 
 on large political subjects, considered as a preparation for 
 advising or acting in political affairs» (Cp. Attic Orators, ii. 
 ch. xiii. on his φιλοσοφία, or theory of culture.) Secondly, he 
 was a political essayist. In this quality—his writings being 
 widely read throughout Greece—he had perhaps a greater 
 influence on popular opinion than belonged to any literary man 
 of his time. The style of literary prose which he developed 
 had found general acceptance before 350 b.c.; through Greek 
 teachers who gave it a more florid colour, it did much to mould 
 the style of Cicero, who speaks of himself as using ‘ all the 
 fragrant essences of Isocrates, and all the little stores of 
 his disciples ’ (ad Att. n. 1); and through Cicero, or directly, 
 it has exerted an influence on modern literature. It has been 
 truly remarked that, for the modern world, the oratory of the 
 preacher is the best image of that grave eloquence in which 
 Isocrates excelled. Isocrates is one of three Greek writers— 
 Plato and Demosthenes being the others—to whom Bossuet 
 declares himself most indebted in the matter of style. 
 
 Isocrates has not the distinctively Attic spirit, the subtle 
 grace or finished simplicity of Lysias. His diction, indeed, 
 resembles that of Lysias in purity, and also—though it has 
 a general bent towards grandeur—in avoiding ornament of 
 a poetical kind. But his composition is of an altogether 
 different stamp. Instead of aiming at the vigorous compression 
 fittest for real contests, it has a certain rich diffuseness. 
 Dionysius speaks of the ύι ταγωγική vepiofios, the ‘ meandering ’ 
 periods of Isocr.—having in his mind such an image as that 
 of a river which leads us on from bend to bend through the 
 
282 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 soft beauties of its winding course. Isocrates was the first 
 great artist in a Greek prose which, without being bound 
 by the constraints of metre ( ’έμμετρος) , has yet a free rhythm of 
 its own {ενρύθμως καί μουσικώς είττεΐν, Adv. Soph. § 16, p. 115). 
 The peculiar smoothness of Isocr. results esp. from his careful 
 observance of his own rule, δει τα φωνήεντα μτ] συμπίπτειν, i.e. 
 a vowel at the end of a word must not be followed by a vowel 
 at the beginning of the next. Plutarch speaks of Isocr. as 
 ό φοβούμενος φωνήεν φωνήεντι συ^κρουσαι {De Glor. Athen. C. 8). 
 Demosthenes did not press this rule so far ( Attic Orators, 
 ii. 67). The figures {σχήματα) specially used by Isocr. are 
 those which depend on parallelism: viz. (1) άντίθεσις —a 
 parallelism in sense ; (2) 7 ταρίσωσις, a parallelism in form be¬ 
 tween two clauses or sentences: (3) ταρομοίωσις, a parallelism 
 of sound, when the latter of two clauses gives an echo of the 
 former, either at its opening or at its close, or throughout. 
 The same antithetical bent appears in Isocr.’s treatment of 
 subject-matter, where his habit is to work out a leading idea 
 by developing all the contrasts which it suggests. Thus the 
 subject of the Panegyricus is a Greek war with Persia. Greece 
 is dealt with in the first part, Persia in the second; in part I., 
 again, Athens is contrasted with Sparta: the services of 
 Athens to Greece are divided into the civil and the military,— 
 the latter being classed as in wars between Greeks or in 
 w r ars between Greek and barbarian: part II. shows that 
 Persia is open to attack, while Greece has every motive for 
 attacking. 
 
 Isocrates marks the moment at which the purest Attic 
 prose begins to pass over into an artificial literary prose of 
 greater richness, but with less of spiritual grace and delicate 
 precision. In this respect his literary style, corresponds to his 
 intellectual position. He belongs to the latter days of free 
 Hellenic life, and while he has the political exclusiveness of a 
 true Hellene, is already able to conceive that men not Hellenic 
 in blood should come to share in Hellenic culture—a con¬ 
 ception which, in the generation after his own, began to be 
 realised by the civilisation of Hellenism. This has been well 
 brought out by Curtius {Hist. Greece v. 116, 204). ‘Athens’, 
 says Isocr., ‘ has so distanced the rest of the world in power 
 of thought and speech that her disciples have become the 
 teachers of all other men. She has brought it to pass that the 
 name of Greek should be thought no longer a matter of race 
 but a matter of intelligence; and should be given to the 
 participators in our culture rather than to the sharers of our 
 common origin ’ : Panegyr. § 50.—See Attic Orators , n. 16; 
 54—79: 425 f. 
 
 On the Works of Isocr. in general, ih. n. 80—260. The 
 
NOTES. 
 
 283 
 
 p. 102] 
 
 following Extracts represent the several departments of his 
 writings:— 
 
 A. Scholastic: I. Nicocles, §§ 14—24: II. Encomium on 
 Helen, §§ 54—58: III. Evagoras, §§ 47—50: IY. Against the 
 Sophists: Y. On the Antidosis, §§ 270—302. 
 
 B. Political: VI. Panegyricus, §§ 160—186: VII. Philip- 
 pos, §§ 81—104: VIII. Plataicus, §§ 56—63 : IX. On the 
 Peace, §§ 121—131; X. Archidamus, §§ 52—57 : XI. Areopagi- 
 ticus, §§ 36—55. 
 
 C. Forensic: XII. Aegineticus, §§ 18—27. 
 
 D. Letters: XIII. Letter v., to Alexander: XIV. Letter 
 in., to Philip.—See Table in Attic Orators, ii. 83. 
 
 I. ΝΙΚΟΚΛΗΣ Η ΚΥΠΡΙΟΙ. [Or. m.]—Nicocles 
 succeeded his father Evagoras as king of the Cyprian Salamis 
 in 374 b.c. The discourse of Isocrates entitled IIp6s N ικοκλέα 
 (or. ii.) was addressed to the young king soon after his ac¬ 
 cession. It is a series of precepts on the duty of a ruler to his 
 subjects. The Ni/co/cXt)s ή Κύπριοί is a companion piece to the 
 former. Here it is Nicocles who is supposed to speak, and 
 who instructs his Salaminian subjects in their duties towards 
 their king. Since the prince can appeal to his people’s past 
 experience of his rule (§ 63), the date can hardly be earlier 
 than 372 b.c.: on the other hand it cannot be later than 
 355 b.c. , and may probably be placed between 372 and 365 b.c. 
 
 In the following passage the king urges the advantages of 
 a Monarchy as compared with an Oligarchy or a Republic. 
 Here Isocrates is essentially the professional rhetor—it being 
 distinctive of Rhetoric that, like its counterpart Dialectic, it is 
 equally ready to argue either side of' a question ( τάναντία 
 συλλογίζεται, Ar. Ehet. i. 1). Isocrates has given the other 
 side in his ’ ApeoirayLTLKos (p. 151) as well as in the Panathe- 
 naicus, where he interprets his own political ideal,—a Demo¬ 
 cracy tempered by a censorship.— Attic Orators, n. 87, 90 f. 
 
 The advantages claimed for Monarchy, it will be seen, are 
 briefly these: (1) it discriminates merit, §§ 14, 15: (2) it has 
 more insight into the natures and actions of men: (3) it is the 
 mildest of governments, § 16: (4) its ministers learn and 
 perform their duties more thoroughly, §§ 17, 18: (5) it is 
 prompt in action, § 19 : (6) it has fewer jealousies, § 20 : (7) it 
 has a more direct interest in good government, § 21: (8) it is 
 more effective in war, § 22.—As a plea for monarchy by 
 the citizen of a Greek Republic, compare the brief speech 
 invented by Herod, for Dareius in the debate of the Persian 
 conspirators, in. 82. 
 
284 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 §§ 14-24. 
 
 103 § is. Tas Ισότητας] ‘ Now Oligarchies and Democracies 
 aim at conditions of equality for all who participate in the 
 franchise, and the principle which they approve is that no one 
 should be permitted to have the advantage of his neighbour 
 ras Ισότητας, plur., because the two forms of ‘civic equality’ 
 are different: ol μετέχοντας της πολιτείας are in the one case the 
 many, in the other the few. Cp. Thuc» in. 62, ολιγαρχία 
 Ισόνομος, i.e. constitutional oligarchy, opp. to a δυναστεία·. 
 
 104 τό ye βούλημα] ‘the intention’, — that to which its theory 
 points,—that which it purposes to achieve. Plat. Laws 769 d, 
 ap ού τοιοΰτον δοκεΐ σοι τό του νομοθέτου βούλημ' είναι ; Arist. Pol, 
 νι [ιν] 2. § 1 (speaking of αριστοκρατία and βασιλεία), βούλεται 
 yap έκατέρα κατ' αρετήν συνεστάναι κεχopηyημέvηv ; and De 
 Anim . Gen. iv. ad Jin., βούλεται μέν ούν ή φύσις (tends) —ούκ 
 ακριβοί δέ, ‘but does not attain a perfect result 
 
 § 16. τάε τυραννίδα?] ‘Again, all would allow that des- 
 potic governments have superior insight into men’s natures 
 and actions Here, as in § 22, the μοναρχία is tacitly iden¬ 
 tified with the τυραννίς. The τύραννος is a ruler whose power 
 is above and against the laws ; it is characteristic of him that 
 he rules in his own interest (τό εαυτοΰ συμφέρον σκοπεί, Arist. 
 Eth. Nic. viii. 12). Depending much on the choice of instru¬ 
 ments (Arist. Polit. viii [v] 11. § 12), he has, indeed, practice 
 in the study of character ; only, as Arist. says, the τυραννίς is 
 apt to be πονηρόφιλον, to favour bad men. The founder of 
 a despotism was usually a man of exceptional energy and 
 sagacity: the fallacy here consists in crediting the τυραννίς 
 with the merits of some τύραννοι. 
 
 φερεσθαι μ. του ιτλήθουξ] ‘ to be carried with the stream of 
 the crowd ’.— άλλα μΊ]ν, ‘ then, again ’. 
 
 § 17. ότι μεν οΰν.,.ράδιόν ε<ττι] ‘That Monarchy is the 
 more agreeable, the milder and the juster form of government, 
 might be proved in ampler detail> however, the general view 
 just given may perhaps suffice’: lit. ‘not but that (ού μην 
 άλλα) it is easy to see this comprehensively (σι/νιδεΓν) by means 
 of the foregoing considerations ’ : διά τούτων, i.e. in §§ 15, 16. 
 Cp. Xen. Cyr. I. 4. § 8, ό 'ίππος πίπτει εις γόνατα, και μικρού 
 κάκεΐνον έξετραχήλισεν (threw him over his head), ού μ^ν άλΧ 
 έπέμεινεν, ‘nevertheless he kept his seat’: where, after ού μην, 
 supply έξετραχήλισεν, as here, άποδεϊξαι δει. — συνιδεΐν : cp. Arist. 
 Bhet. I. 2. § 12, διά πολλών συνοράν, ‘ to take in a long chain of 
 reasoning at one view ’, joined with πόρρωθεν λoyίζεσθaι, ‘ to 
 reason from far back ’, i.e. to connect a series of syllogisms. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 285 
 
 pp. 103—105] 
 
 ττερί δ4 των λοιττών] See introd. ad fin. Eight points of 
 advantage are claimed for Monarchy. Three—graduation of 
 merit,—insight, — clemency, — have now been noticed. Five (tcl 
 λοιπά) remain. ‘ As to the other points, the superiority of 
 Monarchies [to Oligarchies or Democracies] with respect to 
 deliberation or action in needful matters may best be 
 judged by us, if we endeavour to institute a systematic 
 comparison in the most important provinces of activity’. 
 Lit., ‘if, comparing the most important actions [as performed 
 by Monarchy and by its rival forms of government respec¬ 
 tively], we attempt to examine these’ (αύτάς, = τά s μέγιστα* 
 7 τράξεις). 
 
 ίδιώται γ£γν.] ‘ return into private life ’ (their year of office 
 having expired). 
 
 § 18. οί δ’ del... “γίγνεσθαι] ‘while the ministers of a 
 Monarchy, having permanent charge of their duties, even if 
 their natural abilities are inferior, have at least (οΰν), a decided 
 preeminence in the lessons of experience. Further, the one 
 class [οί μέν the ministers of an Oligarchy or a Democracy] 
 betray many interests by neglect, because they rely upon each 
 other \i.e. what is every one’s business is no one’s]; but the 
 ministers of a Monarchy neglect nothing, since they know 
 that everything must pass through their hands ’.—The plur. al 
 μοναρχίας § 17, leaves room for doubt whether οί δ’ ad roh 
 αύτοΐς έπιστατουντε$ χ κ.τ.λ.,=οί μόναρχοι , or the monarch and 
 his ministers: the context favours the latter view: cp. §§ 
 15, 16. 
 
 οί μεν εν ταΐς ο’λιγ. — οί δ’ εν Tats μοναρχ.] οί έν reus όλιχ. και 
 rats δημοκρ. mean the citizens of oligarchical or democratical 
 states; lit., those who are in these forms of government, i.e. who 
 hold their pow r ers._ So οί έν· rats μοναρχίας ought to mean, 
 those who hold monarchical power, viz. οί μόναρχοι , But, for 
 the sense of the context, πάντων βέλτιστα πράττουσιν ought to 
 mean that the subjects, as well as the monarch, are eminently 
 prosperous. Now the clause, ουκ 'έχοντες δτιρ φθονήσουσι, is not 
 against this: since Monarchy is here conceived (§ 15) as 
 a system which fixes each man in his proper rank, and thus 
 precludes uneasy rivalry. Therefore I take oX έν toXs μον,αρ - 
 χίαις δντ€$ here as meaning ‘those who live in monarchical 
 States ’. 
 
 § 19. συνέδρια...χρόνων] συνέδρια, ‘public conferences ’, a 
 general term, including ( e.g .) the Athenian βουλή, έκκλησία, 
 δικαστήρια. — χρόνων, limits of tenure: § 17, κατ ένιαυτον ds τα s 
 άρχάς eiaidvres. — ούκ απολείπονται των καιρών, ‘do not allow the 
 right moments to slip ’, do not ‘ lag behind ’ them. 
 
 § 20 . δυσμενώς 2χουσι] ‘ The ministers of other govern- 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 286 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 ments (oi μίν) cherish enmities;...monarchs, ( ol δέ,) having 
 a life-long tenure of office, maintain their friendships also 
 through life’. 
 
 § 21. οί μ«ν cos ISiois] ‘The monarch regards the public 
 interests as his own,—the citizen, as belonging to others —a 
 remark utterly untrue to the spirit of the Athenian democracy 
 as described by Pericles, £vi δύ τούς αυτούς οικείων αμα καί 
 πολίτικων έπιμέλεια, κ.τ.λ. Thuc. π. 40. The essence of Greek 
 political life, while vigour remained to it, was the identi¬ 
 fication of the citizen’s interests with the city’s: αϋτη yap ή 
 σφξΌνσα, καί ταύτης h τι | πλέοντες όρθώς τούς φίλους ποιούμεθα, 
 Soph. Ant. 189. 
 
 cv tois o\Xois] ‘ before mobs ’; i.e. * before the Ecclesia or 
 law-courts ’: cp. Eur. Hipp. 989, ol yap εν σοφοΐς | φαύλοι , παρ 
 δχλιρ μουσικώτεροι λ^ειν. 
 
 § 22. ού μόνον δ\..·ΐΓ€ρΐ€ΐ\ηφασ·ιν] ‘It is not only in 
 matters of routine and in the affairs of every day that 
 monarchies are superior; they hold in their grasp [per/.] also 
 all the gains of war ’. 
 
 ώ<ττ€ καί λαθ€Ϊν...ττρο<Γαγα'γ€σθαι] ‘for purposes of surprise 
 
 or of display [ όφθηναι , so as to strike terror],—in order to 
 persuade or to compel,—to buy advantages in one quarter, or 
 to conciliate by attentions in another ’. Cp. Andoc. De Pace 
 § 37, p. 47, which Isocr. may have had in mind, τά μεν 
 πείσαντες τούς ''Έλληνας, τα δέ λαθόντες, τά δέ πριάμενοι, τά δέ 
 βιασάμενοι. — ταΐς άλλαις θεραπείαις, attentions, flatteries, other 
 than money (implied in έκπριάμενοι) : for the idiom, see Lysias 
 or. vii. § 25, την άλλην ουσίαν, note, p. 272.—Observe τυραννίς 
 tacitly identified with μοναρχία, as in § 16. 
 
 § 23. Περσ-ών...Διονύσιον] In illustrating the advantages 
 of μοναρχία, Isocr. takes the word in its widest sense, and 
 draws his examples from the most diverse forms of govern¬ 
 ment, viz. (1) the Persian monarchy,—a hereditary and consti¬ 
 tutional despotism ,— μοναρχία τυραννική, but κατά νόμον καί 
 πατρική, Arist. Pol. in. 14: (2) the τυραννίς, an unconstitutional 
 despotism, which is only a perverted form, παρεκβασις, of 
 monarchy, and not properly a πολιτεία at all: (3) the consti¬ 
 tutions of Sparta and of Carthage, in both of which the 
 general tendency was oligarchical, and the ‘ royal ’ office 
 meant principally the chief command in war: Arist. Pol. n. 9. 
 § 11 . 
 
 τηλικαυτην yey·] The real lessons taught by the Persian 
 Wars were that free men fight better than slaves, and that 
 good strategy is incompatible with the caprices of a feeble 
 despot. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 287 
 
 pp. 105—107] 
 
 ττοΧιορκ.] When Dionysius became tyrant of Syracuse in 
 406 b.c. the Carthaginians were rapidly conquering the Sicilian 
 cities. His first operations against them failed: and the 
 words in the text refer, not to an actual siege of Syracuse (τήν 
 αύτου πατρίδα), but to its imminent danger after the fall of 
 Gela and Camarina. The peace which he made with Himilcon 
 in 405 b.c. was a compromise which gave him leisure to 
 confirm his own power. His tyranny was disastrous to all the 
 higher interests of Hellenic civilisation. Cp. Lysias or. xxxm. 
 
 § 5 (above, p. 51). 
 
 § 24. tovs άρισ-τα των *E. ττολιτ.] An awkward clause, 
 referring as it does to Λ ακεδ. only: for grammatical clearness, 
 it should stand between καί and Αακεδ. 
 
 όλιγαρχ. — βασ-ιλ.] Arist. (Pol. ii. 11) compares the Cartha¬ 
 ginian Council of One Hundred and Four with the Spartan 
 Ephors, and the Carthaginian Elders ( γέροντες ) and Kings 
 (βασιλείς) with those of Sparta.—The Carthaginian ‘ Kings ’ or 
 Suffetes seem to have been chosen annually from a few 
 principal families: Corn. Nepos speaks of Hannibal being 
 made rex when appointed to his foreign command (c. 7), and 
 Diod. (xiv. 54) of Himilcon, and Herod, of Hamilcar (vii. 
 
 166); Grote. x. 548.—Of the Spartan kingship, Arist. says, 
 δοκεΐ μέν είναι βασιλεία μάλιστα των κατά νόμον, ούκ έστι δε κυρία 
 πάντων, άλλ’ όταν εζέλθ-ρ ττ)ν χώραν, ηγεμών έστι των προ s 
 τον πόλεμον...αϋτη μεν οΰν ή βασ. οΐον στρατηγία τι s αύτο- 
 κράτωρ καί άΐδιός έστιν, Pol. ιιι. 14. 
 
 *iroXXovs...4v0s] πολλούς- — e.g. in the case of the Sicilian 
 expedition, and of the defeat at Aegospotami: ενός — e.g. 
 Cimon, Phormio, The argument might be illustrated by the 
 story of the dissension among the Athenian commanders 
 before the battle of Marathon, when the four who agreed with 
 Miltiades resigned to him their days of command (Her. vi. 
 
 109 fi). 
 
 II. ΕΛΕΝΗΣ ΕΓΚΩΜΙΟΝ. [Or. x.]—The Encomium 107 
 on Helen (like another of his works, the Busiris, or. xi.) is a 
 slight essay by Isocr. in a province not his own. Declamations 
 on subjects taken from epos or from the myths had always a 
 prominent place among the ‘ displays ’ of ordinary Sophists. 
 Such, for instance, are the Encomium on Helen and the 
 Defence of Palamedes ascribed to Gorgias; the speech of 
 Odysseus Against Palamedes ascribed to Alcidamas; the 
 speeches of Ajax and Odysseus in the contest for the arms, 
 ascribed to Antisthenes. The bent of Isocrates, as he himself 
 tells us, was not towards this kind of composition. He was not, 
 indeed, hostile to it, any more than he was hostile to criticism 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 288 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 of the poets and other branches of literary work which 
 employed the Sophists. The encomia which he depreciates in 
 or. x. § 12 are encomia on bumble-bees and salt; on the other 
 hand he expressly commends the choice of such a subject 
 as Helen (§ 14); and if he speaks of Busiris as a poor theme 
 (or. xi. § 22), he clearly means only that it is one which baffles 
 the panegyrist. Yet it is important to note that he comes upon 
 this field of ‘ display ’ not as a candidate for distinction, 
 but merely as a critio. The Busiris and the Encoviium on 
 Helen are alike criticisms, in which he first reviews the work 
 of others, and then shows, for the sake of vindicating his 
 right to criticise, how he would have done the work himself. 
 
 Two indications help to fix the time at which Isocrates 
 wrote. 1. From § 3 it may be inferred that Gorgias was 
 dead; and Gorgias died about 380 b.c. 2. In § 1 there is an 
 allusion to the three chief Socratic sects—the Cynics, the 
 Academy, the Megarics. These sects must have already been 
 mature. The language implies further that Antisthenes, 
 founder of the Cynics—who died in 376 b.c. —is still alive. 
 The Encomium may probably be put about 370 b.c. — Attic 
 Orators , n. 93, 102. 
 
 A translation of the following passage will be found in the 
 Attic Orators, n. p. 78. 
 
 §§ 54—58. 
 
 § 54. KctKeivot ταύτ* £γνω<ταν] The καί before εκείνοι is not 
 4 also ’, but ‘ both ’, to which Kayio answers.— εκείνοι, Helen’s 
 lovers—Theseus, Menelaus, Paris and the heroes who fell 
 in the War of Troy—Achilles, Sarpedon, etc.: §§ 39—53. ταΰτ 
 eyvuaav, ‘made this choice’, sc. τεθνάναι μαχομενοις ττερ'ι τής 
 Aios Ovyarpos, § 53. 
 
 η τούτων έκαστον] i.e. than άνδρία, σοφία, δικαιοσύνη. — We 
 might expect έκαστου (sc. μετέχοντα), but έκαστον is more 
 forcible. 
 
 ταύτηΞ tt]s ISeas] So below, § 58, ττερϊ την ιδέαν την τοιαύτην: 
 * this attribute ’ or ‘ quality ’ (viz. τό κάλλο s, beauty): a meaning 
 derived from that of ‘ species ’ or ‘ kind ’: cp. Lat. genus, e.g. 
 Cic. De Or. ii. 4. 17, qui in aliquo genere aut inconcinnus aut 
 multus est, ‘ in any respect ’. Isocr. has also some peculiar 
 uses of ίδέαι in reference to literary composition, viz. (1) as — 
 τρόποι λόγων, the branches or styles: Antid. § 11: (2) = σχήματα, 
 figures of rhetoric, Panath. § 2 : (3) in a larger sense, all 
 ‘ artificial resources ’ which can be formulated, Antid. § 183: 
 see Attic Orators, ii. 39 and note. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 289 
 
 pp. 107, 108] 
 
 § 56. ούκ άπαγορ. θ«ραπ.] ‘ are never tired of paying 108 
 homage \ 
 
 § 57. άποκαλουμ^ν] here, as usually ‘ call contemptuously 
 cp. below, p. Ill § 4, άργυρίδιον.,.τόν ττΧουτον άποκαΧουντες : 
 but not always so: e.g. Arist. Eth. n. 9, roi)s χαΧετταίνόντας 
 άνδρώδει,ς άττοκαΧουμεν: cp. Shilleto on Dem. F. L. § 274. 
 
 § 58. 7T€pl rtjs αυτών ήλικίαξ] Cp. below, p. 123 § 290, τον 
 δρθω* καί πρεπόντων προεστώτα τής ήΧίκίας καί καΧήν αρχήν τον 
 βίου 7 Γοιούμενον. 
 
 οσοι δ’ ] ‘ but we honour for all time, and as · bene¬ 
 factors to the State, those who have guarded the glory of their 
 own youth in the chasteness of an inviolable shrine ’.— άβαταν, 
 bolder than άθικτον : cp. Plat. Phaedr. 245 a, άττό Μουσών 
 κατοκωχή τε καί μανία Χαβοΰσα άτταΧήν καί ά βατ ον ψυχήν, εΎεί- 
 ρουσα καί έκβακχεύουσα. . .παιδεύει. Soph, frag . 86 ( Aleuadae ), 
 Nauck p. 118, δεινό s yap ερπειν ττΧουτος 2s τε τάβατα | καί προς 
 βέβηΧα (vulg. τά βατά), wealth can win its way into sacred 
 places no less than into those that all may tread. 
 
 III. ΕΥΑΓΟΡΑΣ. [Or. ix.]—On the occasion of a festival 
 held by Nicocles, king of the Cyprian Salamis (cp. introd. to 
 or. hi., p. 283), in memory of his father Evagoras (who died in 
 374 b.c.), Isocrates sent this encomium as his tribute. The 
 date is probably about 365 b.c. 
 
 Evagoras appears to have been a man of unusually strong 
 character, and of great abilities both military and political. 
 Cyprus was divided between Phoenician settlements, such as 
 Citium and Paphos, and later Greek settlements, such as 
 Salamis and Soli. But the bulk of the population was, till 
 long after the time of Evagoras, Phoenician; and continual 
 contact with the non-hellenic East must always have tended to 
 depress the Greek element in Cyprus. Evagoras was the 
 champion of Hellenism against barbarism at this out-post; 
 first, as restorer of that Greek civilisation which the Phoe¬ 
 nician and Tyrian masters of Salamis had effaced ; afterwards, 
 as antagonist of Persia in a War of Independence. Perhaps 
 the most striking passage in the memoir is the following, 
 which describes how commerce, arts, letters, humane inter¬ 
 course with the outer world, having become extinct under the 
 rule of the barbarian, speedily sprang into a new life under the 
 rule of the Hellene.— Attic Orators, n. 113. 
 
 §§ 47—50. 
 
 § 47. παραλαβών την πάλιν 4κβ.] ‘ When the city (Salamis) 
 came into his hands, it had been reduced to barbarism; owing 
 
 19 
 
 j. 
 
290 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 to the domination of the Phoenicians, it had no intercourse 
 with Greeks, no knowledge of the useful arts, no commerce, no 
 harbour : but he supplied all these deficiencies ’, etc. 
 
 109 διά την των Φοινίκων άρχ.] The earliest Greek immigrants 
 into Cyprus seem to have found Phoenicians already es¬ 
 tablished. The Greek settlements traced their origin to Athens, 
 Salamis, Arcadia, Cythnus (one of the Cyclades): Her. vn. 90. 
 Long after the time at which Isocrates is writing the Phoe¬ 
 nician element in Cyprus greatly preponderated over the 
 Hellenic: thus Scylax in his ΊΙερίπλους, p. 97 (written in the 
 time of Philip of Macedon, 359—336 b.c.), calls the inhabitants 
 of the interior collectively ‘ barbarians’. Of the Greek cities 
 on the coast, the chief in the time of Scylax seem to have 
 been Salamis, Soli and Marium. (See Eawlinson on Her. 
 v. 104.) 
 
 In 500 b.c. the Cyprian Salamis was ruled by a dynasty of 
 Greek princes tributary to Persia (Her. v. 104, 114). Acc. to 
 Isocr., this Greek dynasty—which claimed descent from 
 Teucrus—was dispossessed by a Phoenician adventurer (έκ 
 Φοινίκης άνηρ φυ^άς, § 19), whose descendants (ϋκ^ονοι, § 21) 
 held the throne until it was again taken from them by 
 Evagoras, the heir of the old Greek kings. 
 
 Grote would place the Phoenician usurpation about 450 b.c. 
 (x. 21); with good reason: though Isocr. at least seems to have 
 conceived it as occurring much earlier. The restoration of the 
 Greek ‘ Teucrid ’ dynasty by Evagoras cannot have been later 
 than 411 b.c., in which year Andocides visited Cyprus, and 
 found Evagoras reigning at Salamis, [Lys.] In Andoc. § 28. 
 And Evagoras must have been ‘ not merely established, but 
 powerful 5 (Grote x. 25) when he ventured to harbour Conon 
 after Aegospotami (405 b.c.). At the time of his death in 
 374 b.c. Evagoras was an old man (§ 71). 
 
 ovV Ιμττορίω χρωμ.] i.e. Salamis did not afford an έμπορων, 
 a centre or seat of commerce, to foreign traders. At Athens 
 the εμπόρων was the ‘Exchange’. It is unnecessary to read 
 έμπορίφ. 
 
 τίίχη ΊΓρο<Γπ·€ρΐ€βά\€το κ.τ.λ.] ‘ protected his city with new 
 fortifications ’, in addition to its old τείχη. — έναυπηγησατο, 
 ‘ caused to be built ’. Her. and Thuc. always use the midd. 
 
 tcus άλλα is κατασ -Keuais] ‘ and, further, so embellished the 
 city with public buildings that it is surpassed by no other 
 in Hellas’. For tcus αλΧαις cp. Nicocles § 22, reus άλλαυ 
 θεραπείαις, note. The term κατασκευαί might perhaps include 
 τείχη, but not τριήρεις. Cp. Thuc. I. 10, οϋτε ξυνοικισθείσης 
 της πόλεως (Sparta) οϋτε ίεροΐς καί κατασκευαΐς πολυτελέσι 
 
NOTES. 
 
 291 
 
 pp. 108, 109] 
 
 χρησαμένης, ‘costly public buildings’. A Greek would think 
 of temples, στοαί, theatre, πρύτανεων , gymnasium, baths. 
 
 §48. τηλ. €'ΐΓΐδόσ·€ΐε...λαμβάναν] ‘take such rapid steps 
 in progress ’, = τοσουτον έπιδιδόναι, —opp. to άναδιδόνα i or viro- 
 διδόναι, to fall back, fail. At Athens έπιδόσεις had the special 
 meaning of ‘ benevolences ’ contributed by the citizens in the 
 emergencies of the State. Hence the story in Athenaeus iv. 
 168 of Phocion’s dissolute son: ‘ Once, when subscriptions to 
 the Treasury (επιδόσεις) were being made, he came forward in 
 the Ecclesia, and said, “I, too, advance” ( έπιδίδωμι )— “in 
 profligacy ”, roared the House with one accord ’. 
 
 τοιούτοι? ήθ€<τιν] ‘ with such qualities ’, a dat. of circum¬ 
 stance ( = έχων τοιαϋτα ήθη). — oXiyip πρότερον: in §§ 22 f., where 
 it is said that Evag. was distinguished in youth by σωφροσύνη 
 as well as ρώμη and κάλλος ,—in manhood, by άνδρία, σοφία, 
 δικαιοσύνη. 
 
 ττολύ Χίαν άιτολ.] — λίαν πολύ, so ώμώς ayav, Xen. Vect. ν. 6. 
 
 § 49. «φίκοιτο] ‘ do justice to’: Dem. F. L. § G5, ούδ ’ άν 
 εΐς δύναιτ ’ έφικέσθαι τψ Xoyip των έκεΐ κακών νυν όντων. So 
 oratione conscqui aliquid, Cic. Post Red. ad Quir. 2. § 5. 
 
 τον τόπον τον ττεριεχ.] ‘The coast adjacent to Cyprus’— 
 meaning esp. the seaboard of Cilicia and Caria. Phoenician 
 trading posts had existed there from early times, but on the 
 Cilician coast the Greeks had few settlements before the time 
 of Alexander. 
 
 άιτροσ-οίστω?, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ their temper was so unsociable and 
 savage that they deemed those rulers the best who were most 
 cruelly disposed towards the Greeks’:—a description which 
 doubtless includes the Phoenician colonists as well as the 
 natives of the Asiatic mainland. In the pseudo-Lysian speech 
 ‘ Against Andocides ’ it is stated that when he visited Cyprus 
 he was imprisoned by the [Phoenician] king of Citium, καί 
 ού μόνον θάνατον έφοβεΐτο άλλα καί τα καθ’ ημέραν αικίσματα, 
 οίόμενος τά άκρωτήρια ξώντος άποτμηθήσεσθαι , § 26. 
 
 § 50. άμιλλ. oinv€s...S0£ov<ri] ‘ vie with each other, which 
 of them shall seem ’. The relative with fut. ind. here expresses 
 a purpose, οϊτινες δόξονσι being equiv. to an object-clause, όπως 
 έκαστοι δοξουσι. So πρεσβείαν πέμπειν, ήτις έρεΐ, Dem. 01. I. 
 § 2 : Goodwin § 65. 
 
 κτημασι—έιτιτηδ.] By κτήματα are meant esp. works of art, 
 the beautiful objects which surrounded a Greek in his home- 
 life : cp. Thuc. II. 38, ίδίαις κατασκευαΐς εύπρεπέσιν, ών καθ’ 
 ημέραν ή τέρφις τδ λυπηρόν εκπλήσσει. — έπιτηδεύμασι, ‘pursuits’ 
 
 19—2 
 
292 SELECTION'S. [Isocrates 
 
 (business or recreation) in the most general sense : cp. Thuc, 
 ib., τα καθ' ημέραν επιτηδεύματα. 
 
 110 irXeiovs 84, κ.τ.λ.] ‘a greater number of men versed in 
 literature and art (μουσική), and men of intellectual accomplish¬ 
 ment generally (ή άλλη παίδευσις), reside in these regions than 
 in the communities [παρ' oh, a pud cos] which they formerly 
 frequented’, 
 
 των irepl τήν μουσικήν] Here, μουσική is best taken in its 
 larger sense. But cp. Epist. viii. of Isocr. (tois Μυτιληναίων 
 αρχουσιν), which commends to the government of Mytilene the 
 eminent musician Agenor, by whom the grandsons of Isocr. 
 had been taught music— παιδευθέντες τα περί τήν μουσικήν, 
 Ep. viii. § 1. In § 4 ib. he calls Mytilene μουσικωτάτην, i.e. 
 famous for poetry, letters and art—where again the larger 
 sense is uppermost. (See Attic Orators, n. 247.) 
 
 ττροσομολογησ£ΐ€ν] ‘ concede ’. πρδς in this verb and its 
 subst. προσομολο^ία does not usu. mean ‘ besides * in addition 
 but merely ‘ to ’, i.e, ‘ in discussion with another ’: as προσο¬ 
 νομάζω in Her. ii, 52 is not * to give an additional name 
 but ‘ to accost by a name ’. 
 
 IV. ΚΑΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΣΟΦΙΣΤΩΝ. [Or. xin.]—* Against 
 the Sophists’.—As Isocr. himself tells us ( Antid . § 193), this 
 discourse was written at the beginning of his professional life; 
 and it may probably be assigned to the year 391 or 390 b.c. 
 The speech would thus have the character of a manifesto in 
 which, at the outset of his career, the teacher protests against 
 the system adopted by other members of his profession, 
 and declares the principles by which he himself intends to be 
 guided. In its extant form the discourse is plainly imperfect. 
 It breaks off at the point where Isocr. is passing—as he passes 
 in the introductions to the Busiris and the Encomium, on 
 Helen —from destructive criticism to positive illustration. 
 
 Isocr. accepts for himself the name of σοφιστής, as of 
 honourable import when rightly understood (Antid. § 220), but 
 distinguishes himself from the aye\aioi σοφισταί, the common 
 herd of the profession ( Panathen. § 18). Under the title of 
 σοφισταί, three classes of teachers are censured in this piece, 
 viz.:— 
 
 (1) The Eristics,— oi περί τάς έριδας διατρίβοντες, § 1: whose 
 characteristic is that they profess, for a small fee, to impart 
 absolute knowledge (έπιστήμη). Isocr. probably includes, if he 
 does not specially designate, the minor Socratics, and par¬ 
 ticularly Eucleides. 
 
NOTES* 
 
 293 
 
 pp. 109, 110] 
 
 (2) The professors of ‘ Political Discourse ’—ol τούς πολι¬ 
 τικούς \&yovs ύπισχνούμβνοι —meaning the teachers of Practical 
 Rhetoric, Deliberative and Forensic. Now the general aim of 
 these teachers was that of Isocr. himself, viz. to train men for 
 the active duties of civic life. The point of this censure is that 
 they claim too large and infallible an efficacy for their method: 
 παιδεία, instruction, can do much, but it must be aided by 
 φύσις , natural aptitude, and by εμπειρία, experience. 
 
 (3) The writers of Treatises on Rhetoric, ot τα s τέχνας 
 yp<i\pavTes. These are censured for devoting themselves to 
 the Rhetoric of the law-courts, neglecting the higher or political 
 province of their art, and so becoming ‘ teachers of meddle¬ 
 someness and greed ’. 
 
 Here, Isocr. is stating what his φιλοσοφία , or theory of 
 culture, is not. In the discourse on the Antidosis (written 
 35 years later, in 353 b.c. —see p. 117) he states what it is.—· 
 Attic Orators, n. 127—134. 
 
 § 1. αλαζον€υ€σ-θαι] ‘As it is, the reckless bragging of im¬ 
 postors has created an impression that the votaries of indolence 
 are better advised than those who give their days to serious 
 study’, ρφθυμβΐν-— careless enjoyment, opp. to strenuous pre¬ 
 paration (through πολιτικοί λδyoι) for public life, φιλοσοφία , 
 in the special sense of Isocr., is the art of speaking or writing 
 on large political subjects, considered as a preparation for 
 advising or acting in political affairs. See Attic Orators, ii. 36, 
 ch. xni, on his ‘Theory of Culture’. The term φιλοσοφία was 
 often used at this period, as later, in the general sense of 
 φιλοκαλία τις καί διατριβή περί λδ'γους (Aristeid. π. 407). 
 
 των irepl τά$ £pi8as διατριβ.] including some of the minor 
 Socratics, e.g. Antisthenes and the Cynics, Eucleides and the 
 Megarics—to whom he alludes again in a later work, the 
 Encomium on Helen, § 1. There, we find a clear allusion to 
 Plato also, as teaching that Valour, Wisdom and Justice form 
 the subject-matter of one science. Here there is prob. no 
 reference to Plato, who at this time (390 b.c.) was perh. 
 not yet conspicuous: in the Panathenaicus (339 b.c.), however, 
 the έριστικοί διάλο-γοι named as popular with young men (§ 118) 
 must certainly include the dialogues of Plato. 
 
 § 2 . βουλίυομ,Ινουδ χπτέρ αυτών] * deliberating about the 
 future’: υπέρ αυτών = περί των μελλόντων: a common use of 
 υπέρ in early Greek, but somewhat rare in good Attic: cp. 
 Plat. Apol. 39 E, ηδεως αν διαλεχθείην ύτ rep του yeyovoTOS τουτουΐ 
 πpάyμaτoς. 
 
 ον την Ικ€ίνων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘not that he knew their [the gods’], 
 mind, but because he wished to show us that, for men, know- 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 294 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 ledge of the future ia a thing impossible’:— a fortiori , if not 
 even gods are certain about it. 
 
 Ill § 3. Ιττισ-τημηδ] Cp. § 8, where ‘those who profess to have 
 knowledge ’ (επιστήμην) are said to be ‘ less consistent and less 
 successful than those who act upon opinions ’, oi rats δόξαις 
 χρώμενοι. The mention of επιστήμη here again points to the 
 Socratics. The view of Isocr. was that the teacher of φιλο¬ 
 σοφία has to prepare men to deal with occasions ( καιροί ) as 
 they arise. It is impossible to foresee exactly all these 
 occasions; there can be no science ( επιστήμη ) of them. There 
 can be only opinion (δόξα), conjecture (στοχασμός), about them: 
 and he is the wisest man who—exact foresight being out of the 
 question—can best conjecture what any given crisis will demand 
 of him (Attic Orators, ii. 40). Cp. Isocr. Antid. § 184, ϊνα... 
 eyyvTtpoo των καιρών ταΐ s δόξα is yέvωvτaι. τφ μϊν yap είδέναι 
 περίλαβεΐν αυτούς ούχ οϊόν τ έστίν. 
 
 § 4. ούκ άν ημφισβ. ω 3 [ούκ] €υ φρ. τυγχ.] ‘IVere they 
 selling any other of their possessions for a small fraction of its 
 value, they would not dispute [ = they would admit] their own 
 folly ’. This is plainly the sense: but, in order to obtain it, 
 we must omit ούκ before εύ. For ούκ αμφισβητεί cos ούκ εΰ 
 φρονεί means, ‘ he does not maintain that he is senseless ’: see 
 Plat. Polit. 476 d, εάν άμφισβητή ώς ούκ αληθή λέχομεν, if lie 
 maintains that we do not speak truly: Parm. 135 a, άμφισβητεΐν 
 ώς ούκ ’έστι ταΰτα, κ.τ.λ. Dobree (Advers. ι. 275) saw that the 
 second ούκ must be omitted here, noticing Isocr. or. xvm. 
 Adv. Callim. § 35 as a case in which, on the contrary, ού 
 should be inserted: ώς μόν χρή.,.ούδ ’ αύτόν οΐμαι άντερεΐν. But 
 there, I think, the order of the clauses confirms the text: 
 ‘As to the propriety...I do not think that even he would deny 
 it’. Had άντερεΐν preceded ώς χρή, then ού must have been 
 inserted. 
 
 άργυρίδιον, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ The scientific aim of the teachers de¬ 
 scribed, coupled with their moderate earnings, and contempt, 
 genuine or affected, of “filthy lucre” (apyvpidiov, κ.τ.λ.) are 
 features which meet in the minor Socratics, and in them only ’: 
 W. H. Thompson, Pliaedrus, p. 177, n. 9.—For άποκαλούντες, 
 cp. Helen. Encom., § 57, note. 
 
 §5. τταρά τουτοι$. . .μ.€σ-€γγυουνται] ‘they cause the fees 
 paid by their pupils to be deposited with these men ’. Isocr. 
 says that the σοφιστής, who professes to teach his pupils virtue, 
 believes so little in the virtue which his pupils will have acquired 
 at the end of the course that he requires them to deposit their 
 fees beforehand in the hands of a surety, who acts as a middle¬ 
 man (μεσεyyυητής) between teacher and disciples. — The form 
 
NOTES. 
 
 295 
 
 pp. 110—113] 
 
 μeσeyyι >οΰσθαι is illustrated by μβσβ'/'γυώματος in Panafli. § 13, 
 where Sauppe conj. μεσβγγυήματος. 
 
 § 6 . ούδέν κωλύει] κωλύει impersonal : ούδέν adverbial : cp. 
 
 Ar. Αν. 463, δν διαμάττειν οΰ κωλύει. 
 
 ενεργαζομε'νουβ] ‘ those who engender virtue and temperance’ 112 
 (in their disciples). The same topic of ridicule is used by 
 Plato: Gorg. 519 c, oi σοφίσταί, τάλλα σοφοί όντες, τούτο ατοπον 
 έρ-γάζονται πρα-γμα ’ φάσ κοντές yap αρετής διδάσκαλοι είναι πολλάκις 
 Kargyopovai των μαθητών cos άδικοΰσι σφάς, τούς re μισθούς 
 άποστεροΰντες, κ.τ.λ. Cp. ib. 460 Ε. 
 
 § 7. ras εναντίωσες] ‘contradictions’. Plat. Pol. 454 a, 
 κατ αυτό το όνομα διώκειν του λεχθέντος την έναντίωσιν , i.e. 
 to press a verbal discrepancy. Cp. Isocr. Evag. § 44, ομοίως 
 τάς iv τοΐς Zpyois δμoλoyίaς ωσι rep τάς έν τούς λόγοίϊ διαφυ- 
 λάττων, observing consistency alike in word and deed. 
 
 § G. Tats δόξας] See § 3, επιστήμης, note. 
 
 § 9. άλλα καί Tots tovs ττολ. λόγ. ύ'τησ'χ.] Isocr. now 
 turns from the ‘ Eristics ’ to the second class of σοφίσταί whom 
 he censures, πολιτικοί λόγοι meant properly Deliberative or 
 Forensic Rhetoric: see Attic Orators, i. 90. Isocr. would 
 limit the name to what he regards as the properly ‘ political ’ 
 themes: forensic speeches are in his view merely sham πολι¬ 
 τικοί. Cp. below, § 20, and introd. 
 
 αναίσθητος — ιταραλιττείν] ‘ So stupid are they, and so dull 
 do they conceive others to be, that, although they compose 
 worse than some amateurs extemporise, they yet promise 
 to make their pupils such consummate speakers that they 
 shall miss not one of the topics which their subjects afford ’. 
 ώστε μηδέν παραλιπεύν : as if they said, ούδεν αν παραλίποιτε. 
 
 § ΙΟ. ταίδ εμπειρίας... τη φύσει] ‘the lessons of experi- 113 
 ence’...‘the native power of the learner’. In Antid. §§ 
 
 186—191 Isocr. explains that three things go to make a 
 consummate speaker,— φύσις, παιδεία, εμπειρία,-— and that the 
 first is by far the most important. The mistake of the teachers 
 censured here is that they represent παιδεία ( = ή των λόγων 
 επιστήμη) as being of certain and absolute efficacy. 
 
 όσον £νεστιν εν έκαστη] ‘ the capability ’ of each art; what 
 it can, or cannot, do. 
 
 § 11 . την φιλοσοφίαν] i.e. the study of πολιτικοί λόγοι, as 
 opp. to natural power or practical experience in them: cp. § 1, 
 note on άλαζονεύεσθαι. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 296 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 ούδ* άν ΙΧάχιστον μέρος] Cp. Lysias In Eratosth. § 22 
 (above, p. 70), εγώ δ’ έβουλόμην civ αυτούς αληθή λέγει»'* μετήν yap 
 αν και έμοί τούτου τατγαθου ούκ έλάχιστον μέρος. 
 
 τούς φλυαρουντας] Dobree would omit τούς, or change it to 
 αύτούς : needlessly, I think. 
 
 τάς βλασφημίας] ‘for I perceive that the slanders which 
 arise do not touch the offenders only, but affect all who are 
 engaged in the same pursuit ’,—Isocr. regarding himself as a 
 σοφιστής, though not άyελaΐoς, ‘ of the herd ’; see introd. Cp. 
 the Antidosis, the apology for his life, of which a great part 
 (§§ 167—269) is devoted to answering ή κοινή περί των σοφιστών 
 διαβολή (§ 168). 
 
 § 12 . ποιητικού πράγμ.] ‘ who are not aware that they are 
 measuring a creative process by the analogy of an exact art ’: 
 i.e. to make a really good speech is a ποιητικόν π pay μα , —it 
 demands some degree of inventive faculty and natural ability; 
 but these sophists pretend that they can teach a man to speak 
 well with as much certainty and precision as they can teach 
 him his letters, τετayμέv η τέχνη, an art with fixed rules, 
 where nothing is left to imagination or invention. For ποιη¬ 
 τικού, cp. § 17, ψυχής ανδρικής και δοξαστικής. Dobree strangely 
 says, ‘ malim ποικίλου \ 
 
 114 μηδέν δ4 των αυτών] ‘ and is capable of finding topics 
 different in all respects from those used by others ’.— εύρεσις, 
 invention, and τάξις, arrangement, were the two provinces of 
 πρayμaτικός τόπος, the treatment of subject-matter (Dionys. De 
 Comp, i): as λέξις (in the narrow sense), diction, and σύνθεσις, 
 composition, were the two provinces of λεκτικός τόπος , the 
 treatment of language. 
 
 § 13. τής άνομοιότητος αυτών] i.e. y ραμμάτων, grammar, 
 the ‘ art with fixed rules ’, and λόγω»/, political speaking, the 
 ‘ creative ’ effort. 
 
 § 14. Ιδιώται] ‘Many of those who have studied this art 
 [of ‘ political discourse ’] have remained private persons, while 
 others, who have never attended the lectures of any professor, 
 have proved themselves powerful orators and statesmen ’: 
 ίδιωται , with an allusion to the case of Isocr. himself, who, as 
 he tells us, was hindered by want of nerve and weakness 
 of voice (τόλμα — φωνή, Panath. § 10) from entering public life. 
 See Attic Orators , n. 5. 
 
 τοΐς περί τάς 4μπ. γεγ.] ‘ those who have passed the ordeals 
 of experience ’—in the Ecclesia and the law-courts. 
 
 § 15. ζητεΐν. . .εδίδαξεν] i.e. their training gives them greater 
 readiness of resource in the search for topics: they know 
 
NOTES. 
 
 297 
 
 pp. 113—115] 
 
 where to look for them. The very phrase τόποι, loci communes, 
 meant those places (in the mind or memory) where classified 
 arguments or illustrations are stored. ‘ Those things which 
 they now light upon at random [πλανώμενοι, temere], the 
 discipline teaches them to find by a more ready method ’: έξ 
 έτοιμοτύρου, the comparative only, because, though a systematic 
 training gives the speaker a surer command of his weapons, it 
 cannot enable him to foresee the exact requirements of each 
 occasion. 
 
 άγωνκΓτα5...λόγ. iro^ras] ‘It cannot make them good 115 
 debaters or masterly orators, but it can improve their natural 
 power, and in many respects sharpen their insight’. — αγω¬ 
 νιστής, a combatant in real debate, opposed to a mere student 
 or declaimer. Cleon’s speech in Thuc. hi. 37, 38 brings out 
 this image of debate as an αγών: Attic Orators, i. 39. 
 
 § 16 . των (i.€v Ιδεών] ‘ the forms’, or ‘ elements’: strictly, 
 the various kinds, classes of argument or ornament which 
 prose composition employs. Cp. Antid. § 183, τάς Ideas 
 άπάσας άΐς 6 \oyos τυγχάνει χρώμενος : where, as here, it includes 
 all the resources of literary art which can be reduced to 
 formulas. Isocr. also uses Ιδέαι in narrower senses, as (1) 
 branches or styles of composition, Antid. § 11, or (2) figures of 
 rhetoric, Pancith. § 2. Attic Orators, ii. 39. 
 
 Tots ραδίωδ ύττισ-χν.] ‘ those w T ho make rash promises Cp. 
 
 § 0 . 
 
 το δέ τούτων] * But to choose from among these resources 
 [τούτων fern., sc. των Ιδεών ] those which should be applied 
 to each subject,—to combine and arrange them fitly,—further, 
 not to miss the right moments [for using each], but to 
 stud the whole discourse with points happily made, and to 
 clothe it in phrase of gracious movement and melody,—this, I 
 say [δ^], demands much study, this is the task of a mind 
 possessing vigour and imagination, and, for this, the learner 
 must not only have the due natural gifts,—he must further 
 learn to distinguish the branches (είδη) of oratory, and must 
 gain practice in their use. The teacher, again, must expound 
 the theory (τα μεν) with all possible precision, so as to omit 
 nothing that can be taught; while in the practice ( των λοιπών) 
 he must set such an example that those who have already been 
 formed in the rough (έκτυπωθόντας), and who are capable of 
 imitating him, may from the outset (ευθύς) exhibit a style of 
 more than ordinary elegance and finish’.— ενθυμήμασι, rhe¬ 
 torical syllogisms: see Attic Orators, n. 289.— δοξαστικής, 
 capable of forming a sagacious δόξα (επιστήμη being out of the 
 question : cp. § 3 , note) ; parodied by Plato, Gory. 463 a , δοκεΐ 
 τοίνυν pun, ώ Γοργία, είναι τι επιτήδευμα (sc. Rhetoric) τεχνικόν 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 298 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 μεν ου, ψνχής δέ στοχαστικής καί ανδρείας, — ‘ a soul with the 
 courage of its conjectures 
 
 116 § 19 . άρτι άναφυόμ€νοι, κ.τ.λ.] The sophists who have 
 
 ‘lately sprung up’, and ‘recently embraced their pretentious 
 callings are both the two preceding classes—(1) the Eristics, 
 (2) the professors of ττολιτικοι λόγοι. These, he says, will at 
 last be converted to his principles ( ταύτψ την ύττόθεσιν). He 
 now comes to the third class. 
 
 Te'xvas] Artes, treatises on Rhetoric. The writers primarily 
 meant are doubtless Corax of Syracuse (circ. 466 b.c.), and his 
 pupil Tisias, on whom see Attic Orators, i. cxxi f.: perh. also 
 Antiphon. Gorgias, Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, and Polos 
 had also written τέχναι, but were probably less liable to the 
 charge brought here—that of dealing exclusively with Forensic 
 Rhetoric. 
 
 δικάζ€σθαι] ‘ to conduct law-suits ’, to frame κατηγορίαι or 
 απολογία:. This was strictly true of Corax, whose express 
 object was to help Sicilian litigants (Attic Orators, i. cxviii), 
 and also perhaps of Tisias. Aristotle makes the very same criti¬ 
 cism on the writers of τέχναι generally who had preceded him, 
 Rliet. I. 1 § 10, περί μεν εκείνης της δημη^ορικης τρα-γματείας (the 
 Rhetoric which trains for political debate), ούδέν Xtyovai, ττερϊ δε 
 του δικάζεσθαι ττάντες ττειρώνται τεχvo\oyεΐv. 
 
 § 20 . καί ταΰτα] referring to νττέσχοντο , κ.τ.λ.: ‘ and this, 
 when the accomplishment, in so far as it can be taught, is 
 available for all other branches of oratory just as much as for 
 the forensic’.— του ^rpάyμaτoς: cp. § 12, ττοιητικου πράyμaτoς, 
 and note. He prefers this vague term, because it suits his 
 doctrine that Rhetoric is not a mere τετayμέvη τέχνη, but 
 largely a matter of natural aptitude. — ούδέν μάλλον, κ.τ.λ . : i.e. 
 Rhetoric is συμβουλευτική and έττιδεικτική as well as δικανική. 
 
 των irepl Tas 2p. καλινδ.] ‘ those who dabble in frivolous 
 disputations ’: cp. § 1 , note on των ττερϊ τάς έριδας. — καλινδεΐσθαι, 
 like versari, but with a contemptuous sense, implying busy 
 idleness (‘to potter about’), cp. Isocr. Philipp. § 81 (p. 136), 
 Tofs έττί του βήματος καλινδουμένοις, ‘ the busy triflers of the 
 platform ’, 
 
 lpp.c£v€i€v] ‘abide by’, i.e. put into practice:—‘(quibbling 
 arguments, λογίδια), on which a man could not act in real life 
 without instant and utter disaster’. — ττερϊ αυτών, sc. των 
 Xoy ιδίων : ‘ still they are wont to urge these in the name of 
 virtue and of temperance’.— t^yy., ‘profess’: cp. έπayyελ· 
 μάτων, § 1. 
 
 eirl tovs ττολιτ. Xoyovs] ττολιτικοι λόγοι, in the proper sense, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 299 
 
 pp. 115—117] 
 
 were such as belonged to practical civic life, i.e. either delibe¬ 
 rative, συμβουλευτικοί, or forensic , δικανικοί. These teachers, 
 Isocr. says, neglect the real benefits which their study can 
 confer (τα προσόντα αύτοΐς αγαθά, that is, in the higher or 
 deliberative branch), and undertake to be ‘teachers of meddle¬ 
 someness and greed’ (i.e. of the forensic branch,—the art of 
 litigation). 
 
 §21. κα£τοι...ώφ€λήσ·€ΐ€ν] ‘Those, however, who choose 
 to obey the precepts of this study [ φιλοσοφίας —the true λόγων 
 παιδεία ] will be aided by it to acquire moral worth much more 
 surely than rhetorical skill ’: πολύ θάττον, because, as he has 
 said (§ 10), the teacher cannot promise to make the pupil 
 a good speaker.—Cp. Antid. §§ 274 f., p. 118. 
 
 a>s &ττι δικαιοοτ. διδακτόν] Plat. Protag. 328 d (Socrates to 
 Protagoras), την αρετήν φή s διδακτόν είναι. ‘ That virtue cannot 
 be taught is a paradox of the same sort as the profession of 
 Socrates that he knew nothing. Plato means to say that virtue 
 is not brought to a man, but must be drawn out of him,—and 
 cannot be taught by rhetorical discourses or citations from the 
 poets’ (Jowett, Plato, i. 119). Cp. Antid. § 279, p. 120. 
 
 ού μην άλλα] ‘At the same time I think that the study of 117 
 political oratory is most likely to be helpful [συν — ] in stimu¬ 
 lating and forming such a disposition’: συνασκήσαι &v, i.e. will 
 help a man to practise these virtues.— ού μήν: or. hi. § 17, note, 
 p. 284. 
 
 Y. ΠΕΡΙ ΑΝΤΙΔΟΣΕΩΣ. [Or. xv.]—‘ On the Antidosis ’, 
 or ‘ Exchange of Properties ’.—In the discourse ‘ Against the 
 Sophists ’ Isocr. sought to distinguish his own conception of 
 his calling—as a σοφιστής in the higher sense — from those 
 of teachers whose views he deemed false and mischievous. In 
 the present discourse—written 35 years later (353 b.c.)— he 
 explains his own conception more fully, and defends his art 
 (ή των λόγων παιδεία) against its assailants generally. Taken 
 together, these two essays express his whole literary and 
 educational creed, both on its negative and on its positive side: 
 they are the prologue and epilogue of his professional life. 
 
 Isocrates had lately been called upon to undertake the tri- 
 erarchy, or to make exchange of properties (antidosis) with his 
 challenger. The case had come to a trial; the trierarchy had 
 been imposed upon Isocrates, and he had discharged it (§ 5). 
 Vexed, however, by the general prejudice against his pursuits 
 to which he felt that the verdict had been due, he determined 
 to publish an Apologia—a discourse ‘ which should be an image 
 of his mind and life ’ (§7). This he throws into the form of a 
 speech made in court against one Lysimachus (§ 14), who, by 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 300 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 working on popular prejudice, is seeking to cast the burden of 
 the trierarcliy upon him. Much of the discourse is not, he 
 allows, in the forensic style (§ 10); yet, by the concluding 
 allusion to a verdict (§ 323), he aims, in some measure, at 
 sustaining the fiction to the end. 
 
 It is known that, in 355 b.c., Isocrates had really been chal¬ 
 lenged to an exchange of properties by one Megacleides ; and, 
 being unable through illness to appear in court, had been repre¬ 
 sented by his adopted son Aphareus, whose speech on the 
 occasion is quoted by Dionysius. Now this is probably the 
 trial to which Isocrates refers as having been decided against 
 him. It must have taken place at least a year before the date 
 of this discourse, since it is implied that the public service 
 had now been discharged (§ 5). Lysimachus is a fictitious 
 person who stands for the Megacleides of the real trial.— 
 Attic Orators, n. 134 f. 
 
 The following passage contains the pith of the whole dis¬ 
 course—his account of his φιλοσοφία, and the general grounds 
 on which he rests its claims. 
 
 §§ 270—302. 
 
 § 270. -n-epl μέν οΰν τούτων] i.e. the practical worth for 
 the State of those studies to which Isocr. has given his life, 
 and the danger to Athens from the συκοφάνται who denounce 
 them: §§ 199—269.— τό νυν είναι, ‘for the present’: so εκών 
 είναι, τό σήμερον el vat. (Plat. Crat. 396 e), κατά τούτο είναι, 
 (Prot. 317 a), τό eir έκείνοις είναι (Xen. 2/. hi. 5, 9). Goodwin 
 § 100 . 2 . 
 
 σοφίας καί φιλοατοφ.] ‘Wisdom and philosophy’. The 
 term φιλοσοφία, said to have been invented by Pythagoras, 
 prob. did not come into general use at Athens much before the 
 time of Socrates. Cp. Thompson’s note on Plat. Pliaedr. 
 278 d. Attic Orators, ii. 36. 
 
 -π-άσ cus tows πρα-γματδίαις] ‘ for they [these notions, σοφία, 
 φιλοσοφία ] have nothing to do with any legal issue ’—and 
 would usually, therefore, be out of place in a forensic speech, 
 such as this purports to be. Cp. Isocr. Ad Nicocl. [or. n] § 18, 
 τάς μέν εργασίας αύτοΐς καθίστη κερδαλέας, τας δέ πραγματείας 
 επιζήμιους, ‘ make their industries profitable to them, and their 
 lawsuits costly’. 
 
 erredrq καί κρίνομαι...κα1...φημ£] ‘ since I am being tried on 
 such issues, and since, too,...’ The καί before κρίνομαι = 
 ‘ both ’ (not ‘ actually ’), answering to the και before τήν καλον- 
 μενην .— περί των τοιούτων— σοφίας καί φιλοσοφίας, because the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 301 
 
 pp. 117—119] 
 
 action concerning the άντίδοσις had been brought against him 
 on the strength of a general prejudice against his pursuits. 
 
 The real issue, for him, is to vindicate his past life. 
 
 τήν δικαίως αν νομιζομενην] ‘that which might properly 
 be deemed such’—the genuine φιλοσοφία : = ή άν δικαίως νομί- 
 ζοιτο. 
 
 § 271 . εττκΓτημην] Cp. Adv. Sophist. § 3, note, p. 294. 
 Isocr. does not deny έπιστήμη in the Platonic sense, a possible 
 knowledge of absolute truth, but merely an επιστήμη of the 
 contingencies which may arise in practical life. His view 
 means no more than that the future is uncertain. See Attic 
 Orators, ii. 52. 
 
 4κ των λοιιτών] ‘in the next resort’: lit. ‘of the men who 
 remain ’,—men gifted with επιστήμη being out of the question. 
 
 § 272 . οΰτω...σ·φόδρα...καΙ ττολΰ] The adverb σφοδρά (the 118 
 adjective would have been σφοδρά ) goes both with παράδοξα 
 and with 7Γ ολύ.,.άφεστωτα. For the combination σκόδρα πολύ, 
 cp. or. ix. § 48, πολύ λίαν ( = λίαν πολύ), note, ρ. 291. 
 
 τήν αρχήν] adverbial, ‘ at the outset ’: Andoc. De Pace 
 § 20, έξην yap αύτοΐς καί την αρχήν έωσιν Όρχομενίους αυτονόμους 
 ειρήνην ayeiv. In negative sentences, αρχήν, without art., = ‘at 
 all ’(omnino). 
 
 § 273 . ώς dp’ 4γώ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘as to suppose (apa) that, 
 standing in peril as I do [of your verdict], I would have re¬ 
 solved to use arguments which contravene your views, did 
 I not consider that they follow from those which I have 
 already urged, and that the proofs by which I can support 
 them are sound and clear ’, He means, ‘ It will startle you to 
 hear that virtue cannot be taught: but a definition of the 
 intellectual and moral scope which I claim for my φιλοσοφία is 
 a necessary supplement ( ακόλουθος ) to what I have already said 
 on its practical worth ’. 
 
 § 275 . ού μήν άλλ’, κ.τ.λ.] ‘At the same time, I grant 
 that their characters are likely to be improved and ennobled ’: 
 cp. Adv. Sophist. § 15, p. 115, αυτούς δ' άν αυτών πpoayάyoι καί 
 πρός πολλά φρονιμωτέρως διακεΐσθαι ποιήσειεν. 
 
 τής...τήν δΰναμιν τ. 4χου<της] ‘that which is truly what the 119 
 term imports ’, = τής όρθως ονομαζόμενης, that πλεονεξία which 
 means πλέον έχειν in the highest sense : see below, § 282. 
 
 § 276 . it. τάς ·υπο0€(Γ6ΐς, κ.τ.λ.] ‘he is certain not to take 
 his themes from the dishonest or frivolous controversies of 
 private litigation, but from great and noble subjects which 
 concern the welfare of mankind and the interests of the 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 302 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 Commonwealth: since, if he does not find such themes, he will 
 utterly fail to achieve his objects’,—viz., will fail to deserve 
 έπαινος and τιμ-ή. — Ιδίων συμβολ., ‘ private contracts i.e. all 
 the transactions between men which give rise to δί /cat: cp. 
 Lys. In Erat. § 98, μικρών 'ένεκα συμβολαίων (for small debts), 
 note, p. 259. So in Arist. Rhet. i. 1 § 10 Forensic Ehetoric is 
 ή 7 repi τα συν αλλάγ ματ a. 
 
 μεγάλα^ καί καλάε] Earlier in this speech Isocr. has given 
 examples of what he means by μεγάλαι υποθέσει?, —viz. the 
 comparative claims of Athens and Sparta to the hegemony 
 (§ 59), treated in his own Panegyricus: and the measures 
 needed for a reform of Athenian policy (§ 65), treated in his 
 De Pace. 
 
 § 277. των πράξεων] ‘Next, he will select the most im¬ 
 pressive and the most beneficent of the actions which illustrate 
 his subject ’. Thus, in showing that Athens had a better claim 
 than Sparta to lead Greece, Isocr. adduces (in the Panegyricus) 
 the great services of Athens to Greece: these are πράξεις συν - 
 τείνουσαι πρδ ? τψ ύπόθεσιν, historical facts bearing on this 
 theme.— ό δε τά? τοιαύτα ?, κ.τ.λ.: i.e. the habitual contem¬ 
 plation of noble actions, as illustrating a noble subject, will 
 educate the intelligence no less than the literary faculty of 
 the student — will give him τό εΰ φρονείν as well as τδ εΰ λέ-γειν. 
 
 §278. rrjs άρετη$] ‘virtue’. Cp. Adv. Sophist. § 21 
 (p. 116), πολύ cLv θάττον προ s επιείκειαν τ) πρδ? ρητορείαν ώφε- 
 λησειεν (ή φιλοσοφία), and note, ρ. 299. The argument is that 
 the professor of persuasion will cultivate virtue, because virtue 
 is persuasive. 
 
 των ευ διακειμενων] ‘ men of good disposition ’ (cp. or. ix. 
 § 49, p. 109, ωμότατα πρδ? τού? Έλληνα? διακείμενοι), ορρ. to οι 
 διαβεβλημένοι, ‘ men of tarnished character ’. The fallacy 
 peeps out in the tacit substitution of των εΰ διακειμένων for των 
 δοκούντων εύ διακεϊσθαι : for, even granting that the surest way 
 to seem anything is to be it, yet for Isocr. ’s argument it would 
 suffice that one should seem without being. 
 
 120 τά$ «Κ του βίου γεγεν.] ‘ the proofs which have been afforded 
 by a man’s life ’: i.e. apart from the logical value of the 
 speaker’s reasonings (πίστει? ai ύπδ του λόγγου πεπορισμεναι), he 
 will be the more persuasive in proportion as his past conduct 
 makes it probable that he is sincere. 
 
 § 279. την τήξ εΰνοίαβ δύναμιν] ‘ the power of good-will’— 
 
 the έννοια felt by the hearers for a man whom they believe to 
 be good. Arist. Rhet. ii. 1 says that ήθικτ) πίστι? —the per¬ 
 suasiveness arising from the speaker’s qualities as conceived 
 by the hearer—has three elements, — the intelligence (φρόνησι?), 
 
NOTES. 
 
 303 
 
 pp. 119—121] 
 
 the moral worth (αρετή), and the good-will (εϋνοια) towards 
 themselves, which the hearers recognise in him. The εύνοιας 
 δύναμή of which Isocr. speaks here means, the power of 
 the good-will which the hearers feel for the speaker: thus 
 it answers to the whole ηθική πίστις of Aristotle, and not 
 merely to the third element therein. 
 
 § 280 . τά εΐκότα — τά τεκμήρια— irdv τό των ττίστεων είδος] 
 
 ‘ that probabilities (είκότα), proofs (τεκμήρια), and the rhetorical 
 instruments of persuasion generally (παν τό των πίστεων είδος), 
 are valid only for that particular occasion to which they may 
 severally be applied’,—whereas a good reputation creates in 
 every case a presumption that its possessor is acting rightly.— 
 εΐκότα. The topic of είκός, general probability, had been 
 prominent in the early τέχναι, as those of Corax and Tisias: 
 see Attic Orators, i. cxxi. Arist. defines the enthymeme, or 
 rhetorical syllogism, as a συλλογισμό s εξ είκότων καί σημείων — 
 i.e. drawn (1) from (mere) general likelihoods: (2) from par¬ 
 ticular signs which may, or may not, be conclusive. — τεκμήρια 
 here = merely ‘ sure signs ’, as opp. to ‘ probabilities ’: not, in 
 Arist.’s technical sense, the demonstrative as dist. from the 
 fallible σημειον: cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 81, note, p. 215. 
 
 — παν το των πίστεων είδος = αί πίστεις yeviKios. Arist. distin¬ 
 guishes 7 rians (1) λογική, (2) ηθική, (3) παθητική : here Isocr. 
 means (1), and perhaps (3), but treats (2) as something of a 
 different and higher order. 
 
 § 281. 8 δυσ-χερεσ-τατον ήν των ρηθ.] ‘ the most invidious, 
 
 as I felt, of the terms which I used ’: ήν, teas, as I felt and 
 hinted at the time, referring to § 275, where πλεονεξία is named 
 with an apologetic explanation that it is not employed in its 
 common sense. Plat. Rep. 522 a, ήν ή μουσική αντίστροφοί τής 
 ' γυμναστικής , εί μέμνησαι. Goodwin § 11. 6. 
 
 τταραλογιξομε'νους] ‘ making a false reckoning ’, cheating in 
 bills or accounts (not ‘reasoning falsely’): cp. Dem. Adv. 
 Aphob. I. § 29, άρα μικρόν τι καί εξ αφανούς ποθεν καί παραλο- 
 γίσα σθαι ράδιον, άλλ’ ού φανερως ούτωσι μικρού δει τρία τάλαντα 
 ταΰτα άνηρπάκασιν. 
 
 μάλλον ελαττοΰνται] ‘are at a greater disadvantage’: cp. 
 έλασσωθείς, Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 19, note, p. 212. 
 
 § 282 . καί νυν ττλέον ϊχειν] ‘ are not only more fortunate 
 now [in this mortal life], but will receive the better portion 
 from the gods ’. 
 
 § 283 . καί ταις άληθείαις] = tois ?pyois, ‘not only are the 1 
 realities of the case thus ’. Philemon frag. 40, ταϊς άληθεί· 
 αισιν. The tendency to use the plurals of abstract nouns, 
 common in later Greek, is marked in Isocr. Cp. § 284, Tais 
 
304 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 κακοηθείαις : § 288, rats άκμαΐ s: § 292, τά ς επιμελείας: § 300, τάς 
 πικρότητας: see also Areop. § 44, p. 154. 
 
 ουδέ tois ονόμασαν] ‘ some people do not even employ the 
 names of things in their natural sense ’ (much less distinguish 
 between the things themselves). Thuc. hi. 82 (of the moral 
 confusion arising from the passions of party strife), την είωθυΐαν 
 άξίωσιν των ονομάτων ες τά ’ipya άντήλλαξαν τη δικαιώσει. 
 
 § 284. βωαολοχ.—ευφυείδ] ‘buffoons, who can mock and 
 mimic, are said to have ‘wit’,—a description which should 
 he reserved for those whose wit is most happily bent towards 
 virtue ’. By some such turn as this we may express the paron¬ 
 omasia in εύφυεΐς — άριστα πεφυκότας. Cp. Adv. Sophist. § 14, 
 p. 114, where the intellectual sense of ευφυής is uppermost. 
 
 tcus κακοηθείαις, κ.τ.λ. ] ‘ who practise malignity and villainy 
 in all their forms ’ [the plur. as in § 283], ‘ who make petty 
 gains, but acquire an evil repute ’ [if nothing else]: cp. Adv. 
 Sophist. § 4, p. Ill, μικρού κέρδους, § 9, p. 112, τη μικρδτητι 
 των μισθών. 
 
 % 
 
 § 285. τερατολογίαν] ‘who give the name of philosophers 
 to those who neglect necessary things and affect the marvellous 
 lore of the old sophists’: a reference, probably to the Socratics, 
 and especially to the Platonic dialogues, τερατολογία, κ.τ.λ., 
 possibly alludes more particularly to the traces of Pythagorean - 
 ism and to the cosmogonic speculations in Plato. 
 
 122 τούς νεωτε'ρους] Cp. Panath. § 29, τούς διaλόyoυς τούς έριστι- 
 κούς καλουμένους, ois οι μέν ν εώτεροι μάλλον χαίρουσι του δέοντος , 
 των δέ πρεσβυτέρων ούδείς έστιν οστις άν ανεκτούς αύτούς είναι 
 φήσειεν , and note on Adv. Soph. § 1, p. 293. 
 
 § 287. Έννεακρούνου] Thuc. II. 15, καϊ τη κρήνη τη νυν 
 μεν των τυράννων [Peisistratus, Paus. ι. 14. 1] οντω σκευασάντων 
 ’Έννεακρούνιρ καλουμένη, το δε ττάλαι φανερών των ^πηyωv ούσων 
 [when the natural springs, τη jyai opp. to κρήνη, sprang directly 
 from the rock] Καλλιρρόη ώνομασμένη, εκείνοι τε [the old Athe¬ 
 nians] εyyύς οϋση τά ττλείστου άξια εχρωντο, καί νυν ’έτι άπά του 
 αρχαίου ττρό τε yaμικώv καϊ is άλλα των ιερών νομίζεται τφ ϋδατι 
 χρήσθαι. 
 
 σ-κιραφείοιν] ‘ gambling-houses ’. Stephanus Byz. p. 607, 
 τό σκιράφειον...δηλοΐ τον τόπον εις δυ οΐ κυβευται συνίασι’ και 
 δ σκιράφρουρος σημαίνει τδν ακόλαστον κυβευτήν. Pollux VII. 203 
 quotes σκιράφια and τον σκιραφευτήν from the Κυβευται of 
 Amphis. The Etym. Magn., p. 717. 28, has σκειράφια, τά 
 κυβεία: and notices three derivations, — from σκείραφος, an 
 6pyavov κυβευτικόν (dice-box?) — Σκίραφος, a gambler — and Σκιράς 
 ' Αθήνα, in whose temple (at Σκίρον, near Athens) έκυβεύοντο. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 305 
 
 pp. 121—124] 
 
 Harpocrat. Σκιράφία.,.ίλεΎον τα κυβευτήρια, era 077 δίέτριβον εν 
 ~Σκίρφ oi κυβεύοντας, tl>s Θεόπομπος (the historian) εν τή πεντη¬ 
 κοστή ύποσημαίνει. Meineke Frag. Com. 484, Muller Frag. 
 
 Hist. 1 . 322.—Cp. Lys. Pro Mantith. § 11, 8aot περί κύβους ή 
 πάτους, κ.τ.λ., note, ρ. 245. 
 
 τής ηλικίας ταΰτης] ‘those who profess to care for persons 
 of this age 1 — i.e. των νέων —alluding, not to official παιδονόμοί, 
 
 Imt to those who dissuade young men from following the φιλο¬ 
 σοφία of Isocr. 
 
 οΐς άξιον ήν...χάριν 2 χαν] ‘who might well have been 
 grateful’: ήν like χρήν, έδει., Goodwin § 49. 3. 
 
 § 238. δυσ*μ€ν4ς...αυτών] ‘The tribe of informers are so 123 
 distinctly the public enemies ’ [i.e. so hostile to public morality] 
 
 ‘ that, so far from being disposed to censure those who pay 
 a ransom of 20 or 30 minas for the paramours who are to help 
 them in squandering the rest of their substance, they positively 
 rejoice in the dissolute acts of such men ’.— λυομένοίς : i.e. they 
 ransom δοΟλαι from those into whose hands they had come as 
 prisoners of war. Cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 20, p. 14, τά 
 τε ανδράποδα ά έδει αυτόν άπολυσαί, καί oi θρή,κες οί λυσόμενοι. 
 
 § 289. τ. ταις άκμαϊς] ‘that youthful prime’: forplur., 
 cp. § 283, ταΐς άληθεί ats, note. 
 
 4κ τταίδων] ‘ from boyhood’. Dem. In Mid. § 154, κάγώ μεν 
 κατ’ έκείνους τούς χρόνους έτριηράρχουν ευθύς εκ παίδων έξελθών. 
 Properly said of one who is έφηβος ( aet . 17—20) but not yet 
 technically άνήρ. 
 
 § 290. ·π·ρΓτώτα] ‘who duly and meetly watches over 
 his own youth’. Contrast Helen. Enc. § 58, p. 108, κακώς 
 βουλευσ a μένους περί τής αύτών ηλικίας. Cp. Eur. Androvi. 220, 
 χείρον ’ άρσένων νόσον \ ταύτην νοσουμεν , άλλα προϋστηιχεν καλώς : 
 
 1 we have this weakness more than men, but ever rule it well ’: 
 lit. ‘administer i.e. control it. 
 
 η των αύτοΰ] neut., ‘ his property ’: but ετέρων masc., 
 
 ‘ other men ’. For the thought that self-government (e’y κράτεία, 
 perfected in σωφροσύνη) should precede the attempt to rule 
 others, cp. Plat. Gorg. p. 491. 
 
 § 291. ώς...συμβ€βηκότος] ‘ on the ground that they have 
 been endowed with a good and noble gift ’: συμβ., as an 
 4 accident ’ of genius, opp. to the skill gained by μελέτη and 
 φύλοπονία. 
 
 § 292. ίτυμφίρίΐ, κ.τ.λ.] 4 It is expedient in all cases, and 124 
 especially in the case of oratory, that credit should be won by 
 the efforts of study rather than by the gifts of fortune ’. 
 
 20 
 
 J. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 306 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 όπως άν τυχωσιν, κ.τ.λ.] sc. χρώμενοι: ‘use their eloquence 
 at random: while those who have acquired this faculty by 
 study and reflection say nothing without consideration, and so 
 commit fewer errors in practical affairs’: i.e. the discretion 
 trained by study will be carried into πράξεις, real life. Cp. 
 § 277. 
 
 § 293. κάλλ. τ-ολιτεύεσθί, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ nor because you have 
 the best constitution, and are most conservative of the laws 
 bequeathed to you by your ancestors ’:—implying that all this 
 is true of Athens, though not its distinctive glory. Isocr. 
 thought, however, that the Athens of his day had departed too 
 much from the lines of the old Democracy : see Areojpagiticus, 
 §§ 36—55, p. 151, with notes, pp. 340 f. 
 
 § 294. την φρόνησιν...του 9 Xoyovs] ‘ by unequalled excel¬ 
 lence of training in the twofold province of thought and of 
 expression ’. φρόνησή, as dist. from military and political 
 ability, means here the general cultivation of the intelligence 
 by literature and art. 
 
 125 τη τταιδίία ταΰτη] = ττρν των λόγων παιδείαν (§ 168), ‘this 
 discipline’ of thought and expression.— συμφορά, in the forensic 
 sense, of an adverse verdict. Cp. Andoc. De Myst. § 86 , 
 εωρώμεν 'ότι πολλοΐς των πολιτών εΐεν συμφοραί (penal disabilities), 
 rot's μάν κατά, νόμους, τόΐς δ£ κατά ψηφίσματα. Dem. In Mid. 
 § 17, άστρατείας βάλω καί κέχρηται συμφορφ. 
 
 § 295. γεγίνήσθαι] ‘ to be established’ as the teacher: em¬ 
 phatic perf. Cp. Thuc. il. 41, λέγω την πάσαν πόλιν Έλλάδο? 
 παίδευσιν είναι. 
 
 άθλα...γυμνάσια...εμπειρίαν] Athens offers to the students 
 of oratory ( 1 ) the greatest prizes,— i.e. political power or 
 literary fame : (2) ‘ the most numerous and most various fields 
 of exercise ’, -γυμνάσια — viz. the law-courts, the ecclesia, the 
 public recitations : (3) experience, εμπειρία , — the result of 
 using these opportunities. 
 
 § 296. καί την τήβ φωνήδ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ Further, men deem 
 that the wide currency ( κοινότητα ) and standard character 
 (μετριότητα) of the Attic idiom, no less than a general flexi¬ 
 bility of mind and love of literature, contribute not a little 
 to the formation of an orator; and hence they conceive, 
 not without reason, that all masters of eloquence are pupils of 
 Athens’, μετριότητα: because the Attic dialect—afterwards 
 the basis of the κοινή διάλεκτος —represents a temperate com¬ 
 promise between the Ionic and the Doric,—elastic without too 
 much softness, precise and vigorous without harshness. In 
 Thuc. 7. 63 Nicias reminds the μέτοικοι serving in the 
 Athenian army that their familiarity with the Attic dialect 
 
NOTES. 
 
 307 
 
 pp. 124—126] 
 
 had been a recommendation for them to all Greeks: τής... 
 φωνής...τή επιστήμη.,.έθανμάζεσθε κατά την 'Ελλάδα. — εύτρα- 
 πελίαν : cp. Thuc. ιΐ. 41 (of the typical Athenian), επί πλεΐστ' 
 αν ε'ϊδη καί μετά χαρίτων μάλιστ ’ άν εύτραπέλως το σώμα αυτάρκες 
 7 ταρέχεσθαι. Here, ευτραπελία = ‘ flexibility of intelligence ’: 
 not exactly ‘ versatility’, as with Thuc., nor yet ‘liveliness’, 
 ‘wit ’, as with Aristotle (Eth. N. n. 7. § 13). 
 
 §298. οΰδΙν γάρ άλλ* η.,.άξιοιεν] ‘for you will have 
 virtually pronounced yourselves as unjust as the Lacedae¬ 
 monians would be, and will have acted as they would act, 
 if they were to think of fining those who practised warlike 
 exercises, or the Thessalians, if they proposed to punish those 
 who cultivated skill in horsemanship — την τοιαύτην and 
 δμοιον are both to be connected with ώσπερ άν (sc. εαυτών 
 κατεφηφισμένοι εϊησαν). — Αακεδαιμ.: cp. Arist. Polit. v [vin]^ 
 § 4, Ztl δ ’ αυτούς τούς Αάκωνας ϊσμεν, εως μεν αύτοί προσήδρευον 
 ταΐς φιλοπονίαις, υπερέχοντας των άλλων, νυν δε καί τοΐς yvp- 
 νασίοις καί τοΐς πολεμικοΐς άyώσι λειπομένους των άλλων ’ ού yap 
 τφ τούς νέους yi ιμνάζειν τούτον τον τρόπον διέφερον, άλλα τφ 
 μόνον μη προς άσκονντας άσκεΐν \_i.e. because they studied these 
 things, while their competitors did not]. — θετταλοί : ‘Breeding 
 the finest horses in Greece, they were distinguished for their 
 excellence as cavalry; but their infantry is little noticed ’ 
 (Grote, ii. 370). 
 
 
 
 
 %■ 
 
 & 
 
 νττερ ων] = περί ών: cp. υπέρ αύτών, Adv. Sophist. § 2, note, 
 
 p. 293. 
 
 126 
 
 § 299. ττόλιν —cicTTv] Cp. § 296, της πόλεως, κατ εξοχήν 
 for Athens: Lys. In Agor. § 46, ώστε μηδέν διαφέρειν τής 
 έλαχίστης πόλεως τήν πόλι,ν.—άστυ : Athenians spoke of Athens 
 as άστυ (without the art.), ‘town’: cp. Philochorus frag. 4 
 (Frag. Hist. i. 384), άστυ δε πpoσηyόpευσav τήν πάλιν, where he 
 derives it from στήναι, as the place where wanderers ( νομάδες ) 
 * fixed their abode ’. άστυ, for ράστν, is the Sanscr. vdstu, 
 place, house (Curt. Gr. Et. § 206), the local habitation of 
 the πόλις or civic society, πόλις is akin to Sanscr. pur (Cawn- 
 pore ), from root par (πελ, πλε), denoting fulness (whence also 
 πολύς) : hence (1) a throng: (2) a town. 
 
 § 300. διά Ttjs It. ώμ,ότ.] ‘than receive benefits through 
 the rude hands of others’. The meaning is not that the 
 mercies of others are cruel, but that their way of doing good is 
 harsh. The flatterers of Athens alluded, of course, to Spartan 
 manners. 
 
 οί δΙ ταΰτα...κατηγορ.] ‘ Others [ = οί δυσκόλως προς υμάς 
 εχοντες, § 299, ορρ. to οί μέν, ib.] disparage these merits, 
 and, recounting the malignities and disasters of the slander- 
 
 20—2 
 
308 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 mongers, denounce Athens at large as unsocial and cruel ’: 
 i.e. they quote the bitter things which the συκοφάντη say 
 of Athenian life, and then point to the penalties which these 
 calumniators sometimes incur,—inferring that Athens is savage 
 because such men are punished. 
 
 § 301. ·π·€ρπτοιοΰντα$] ‘surrounding the name of Athens 
 with infamy’ (not περιποιούμενοι, ‘winning’ disgrace for her). 
 Cp. Plat. Apol. 35 A, αισχύνην τη πόλει περιάπτειν. 
 
 σ-τεφανίταΐδ] A wreath of wild olive at Olympia; of laurel 
 at Delphi; of pine at Nemea; of parsley at the Isthmus. Cp. 
 Plut. Praec. Ger. Reip. xxvii. 820 c (simple rewards, of an 
 honorary, not a substantial kind, ought to suffice in a 
 Republic), ώσπερ ούκ άρ-γυρίτην ουδέ δωρίτην ayQva πολιτείας 
 ά^ωνιζομένοις, άλλα ιερόν αληθώς καί στεφανίτην, ‘ seeing that 
 the competition of political life is not for money or gifts, 
 but in truth a sacred contest, of which the prize is a wreath ’ 
 (as in the great national αγώνες of Greece). 
 
 § 302. Ίτρωτίύαν ιτροκρίν.] ‘ would place us in the first 
 rank’. For the pleonasm, cp. Xen. Cyr. ii. 3. 8, τούτο προκέ· 
 κριται εΐναι βέλτιστον. 
 
 VI. ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΚΟΣ. [Or. ιν.]— The title means, ‘A 
 Discourse for a Public Festival 5 : in this case, for the Olympic 
 festival of 380 b.c. The duty of Hellenic unity against the 
 barbarian had already been the theme of Gorgias and of Lysias 
 in speeches delivered at Olympia. It is not likely that, like 
 theirs, the oration of Isocrates was recited at the festival 
 by its author. His want of nerve and voice, and much in the 
 composition itself, would probably have deterred him from 
 such an attempt. The discourse may, indeed, have been 
 recited for him ; but it is more likely that it was first intro¬ 
 duced to the Greek public by copies circulated at Olympia, and 
 sent to cities in which Isocrates had friends among the 
 leading men. 
 
 His appeal to Panhellenic patriotism was made at a time 
 when such patriotism was sorely needed. By the Peace of 
 Antalcidas in 387 b.c. Artaxerxes II. had become master of the 
 Asiatic Greeks, and ultimate arbiter in the affairs of western 
 Hellas; the Aegean, no longer protected by an Athenian fleet, 
 was infested by pirates; the party strife which the decarchies 
 had exasperated was everywhere filling the smaller cities with 
 bloodshed; and Sparta, regardless of the autonomy which the 
 Peace had guaranteed to every state, was using these troubles 
 for her own ends. In 385 b.c. the Spartans had destroyed 
 Mantineia; in 383, besieged Olynthus; in 382, seized the 
 Cadmeia; in 380, besieged Phlius. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 309 
 
 pp. 126, 127] 
 
 The Panegyricus falls into two main divisions. In the 
 first (§§ 1—132) Isocrates urges that Athens and Sparta, 
 laying aside their jealousies, should assume the joint leadership 
 of Greece. He argues that, if Sparta at present holds the first 
 place, Athens has the better historical claim to it; and that, 
 therefore, a compromise might well be made. In the second 
 part (§§ 133—189) he shows the direction in which the forces 
 of Greece, once consolidated, ought to be turned—namely 
 against Persia. 
 
 The Panegyricus is the earliest and the most complete 
 expression of its author’s ruling political idea—the idea of 
 a Panhellenic War on Persia. This, he believed, would heal 
 Greek discord, liberate the Asiatic Greeks, draft the roving 
 and lawless paupers who infested Greece into new Asiatic 
 settlements, and bring wealth into Greece Proper. (See the 
 Life of Isocr., Attic Orators , n. 20 f.) The tradition that 
 Isocr. spent ten or more years on this discourse (Quint, x. 4: 
 Plut. Mor. 350 e) shows the ancient feeling that it was a 
 masterpiece of careful work. It is, indeed, admirable alike for 
 finished brilliancy of composition and for the lucid power 
 with which a wide range of topics and a multitude of details 
 are marshalled in subordination to the central thought. 
 
 Motives for an Invasion of Persia: §§ 160—186. 
 
 § 160. ώοττ€ μοι Sokcl] The general and permanent causes 
 of Persian weakness have just been stated: viz. that the 
 country cannot have good soldiers while the mass of the 
 people is an unruly, nerveless and slavish mob, or good 
 generals while the Persians of the upper classes are insolent 
 and abject by turns, with pampered bodies and craven spirits. 
 He now goes on to urge that the present moment is peculiarly 
 favourable for an attack by the united forces of Greece. 
 
 ό παρών καιρός, Sv ούκ άφίτόον] So Bekker, Baiter and 
 Sauppe with the first hand of the Urbino ms. (Γ). Between 
 καιρός and δν ούκ άφετέον the Ambrosian ms. (E) and the 
 corrector’s hand in the margin of Γ insert ου σαφέστερον 
 ούδέν, i.e. ‘ than which nothing could be a clearer summons ’. 
 Cp. Dem. Olynth. I. § 2, ό gkv οΰν παρών καιρό s, ω άνδρες Άθ., 
 μόνον ούχι Xeyei φωνήν άφιε'ις οτι των πραγμάτων ύμΐν άντιληπτέον 
 έστίν. 
 
 τ C γάρ άν καί βου\ηθ€Ϊ|ΐ€ν] ‘ What further advantage could 
 we desire in prospect of a war with Persia, beyond those which 
 are already assured to us?’ 
 
 § 161. Αίγυπτος — Κύπρος] (1) This revolt of Egypt is 
 not known from other sources, but is noticed again iu the 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 310 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 Philippas, § 101. From Panegyr. § 140 it appears that Egypt 
 had held out for three years against three of the best Persian 
 generals, and had finally discomfited them. (2) The war 
 between Persia and Evagoras, king of the Cyprian Salamis, 
 seems to have begun in 385 b.c., and to have lasted ten 
 years : at this time a Persian fleet was blockading Salamis, 
 § 134. See Attic Orators, ii. 158 and notes. 
 
 Φοινίκη — Συρία —Tvpos] Evagoras had 4 ravaged Phoenicia, 
 stormed Tyre, made Cilicia revolt from the Persian king 5 : 
 Isocr. Evag. (or. ix.) § 62. 
 
 Λυκίαβ] 4 Of Lycia no Persian has ever become master ’. 
 Lycia had been tributary to Persia (Her. in. 90) from the time 
 of its conquest by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus: but the 
 warlike dwellers in the Lycian highlands had not been 
 thoroughly tamed, έκράτησε, then, = 4 subjugated ’ as dist. 
 from ηρξε 4 (nominally) reigned over ’. Cp. Her. π. 1 (Cam- 
 byses goes against Egypt) άλλους re παραλαβών των ηρχε (his 
 Asiatic subjects) καί δη καϊ ' Ελλήνων των επεκράτεε, ‘over whom 
 he had the mastery ’. 
 
 § 162. Έκατόμνω$] Hecatomnus, Greek prince of Caria, 
 had been appointed admiral of the Persian fleet at the beginning 
 of the war with Evagoras, but had afterwards become disaf¬ 
 fected, and had secretly supplied Evagoras with money: Diod. 
 xiv. 98.— έπίσταθμος : prop. 4 quarter-master ’, as supervising 
 σταθμοί , stations or quarters: a term for the military governors 
 (properly subordinate to the σατράπαι) in the Persian provinces; 
 so Panegyr. § 120 the Persian king dictates to Greece, μόνον 
 ούκ έπιστάθμους έν reus πόλεσι καθιστάς. A Greek prince tribu¬ 
 tary to Persia was esp. δυνάστης. 
 
 128 τήν’Ασ-ίαν ιταροικοΰσ-ιν, κ.τ.λ.] 4 from Cnidus [in Caria, at 
 the s. w. corner of Asia Minor] to Sinope [on the Euxine] 
 Greek settlements fringe the coast of Asia’ (της Ασίας την 
 παραλίαν, Ερ. ιχ. § 8). παρά in the compound here with 
 accus. = 4 along 5 : but παροίκεϊν τισιν, to live near or among, 
 Thuc. i. 71, hi. 93. 
 
 ovs ου Set, κ.τ.λ.] 4 and these we need not incite to war,— 
 we have only not to restrain them ’ (and they will go to war of 
 their own accord). 
 
 ορμητηρίων] 4 Now, when such bases of operation have 
 been established, and when Asia is encompassed by hostile 
 forces so great, why need we examine the probable issues 
 in minute detail? When they [the Persians] are unable to 
 cope with small fractions of our strength, it is plain what 
 their situation would be, if they were forced to grapple with 
 the whole ’. — ορμητηρίων : i.e. Egypt, Cyprus, Tyre, Cilicia, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 311 
 
 pp. 127—129] 
 
 and the Greek cities of the coast, —viewed as so many points 
 from which the assailants of Persia will set out ( όθεν όρμή- 
 σονται): Polyb. I. 17, et’s ταύτην (την πόλιν) συνήθροεσαν ...ras 
 δυι άμεις, ορμητήριο) (headquarters) κρίνοντες χρησθαι ταύτη τη 
 πόλεε 7 rpos τόν πόλεμον. 
 
 § 163. 6ρρωμ6ν€(ττ6ρως] ‘ more vigorously ’. Isocr. prefers 
 this form: but cp. ( e.g.) έρρωμενέστερον , Antid. § 72, Archid. 
 
 § 101: σαφέστερον, Adv. Sophist. § 16: άκρεβέστερον , Antid. 
 
 § 279. 
 
 αύτάδ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ But if we are the first to occupy them 
 [the cities on the coast], it is likely that the populations of 
 Lydia, Phrygia and the upper [interior] country generally will 
 be at the mercy of those who hold these bases of attack’: 
 εντεύθεν = εκ των επί θαλάττη πόλεων. 
 
 § 164. ύστίρίσ-αντεδ] Referring to the subjugation by 
 Persia of the Greek cities on the Ionian seaboard (500— 
 
 495 b.c.). The Greeks of Greece Proper (ot πατέρες ημών, 
 Spartans as well as Athenians) having ‘ allowed the barbarians 
 to get the start of them ’, and ‘ abandoned ’ the Ionians to 
 their fate, were afterwards forced to fight, without Asiatic 
 allies, against the whole strength of Persia. Had they gone to 
 Asia soon enough, they might have vanquished in succession 
 (εν μέρεή each of the nations that made up the Persian 
 host.— εθνών : Her. vii. 61 f. enumerates 46 nations or tribes as 
 represented in the land-force of Xerxes. 
 
 § 165. SeSeiKTcu] ‘It has been proved’ (by experience): 
 cp. Archid. § 4, εί μέν yap ην δεδεt.yμέvov, ώστε τούς μεν πρεσ- 
 βυτέρους περί απάντων εεδέναε το βέλτεστον, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 €τπ.(ττώσ-ιν] ‘ they have come upon us ’: cp. Her. iv. 203, 
 επεε έπί τη Κυρηναίων πόλε έπέστησαν, when the Persian army 
 suddenly appeared before Cyrene: Isocr. Evag. § 58, μικρού 
 δεϊν ’έλαθεν αυτόν επί τό βασιλέων έπιστάς, before Artaxerxes 
 was aware, Cyrus was almost at his palace gates. 
 
 Ίτροεξαμαρτόντε?. . .Ιττηνωρθώσ-αντο] ‘ Our fathers, after making 129 
 an error in the first instance 5 [by failing to support the 
 Ionians in their revolt], * retrieved all these faults when they 
 were confronted with the most urgent perils ’ [in the Persian 
 invasions]. 
 
 § 166. Ικάστων, κ.τ.λ.] * The Persian king does not rule 
 the peoples of Asia by their consent [έκόντων, predicate], but 
 by surrounding himself [ ποιησάμενος , causal] with a power 
 which overmatches those peoples taken singly ’ [έκαστων] : if 
 they unite , and are helped from Greece, they will prevail.— 
 βουληθέντες — εί βουληθεΐμεν, Goodwin § 109.. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 312 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 § 167. eirl rrjs νυν ήλικίαδ] ‘in the present generation’: 
 strictly, in the time of the men who are now capable of active 
 service. In Antid. § 290, etc., τη s ηλικίας = ( youth’, but it 
 is the context which so defines it: here it has the military 
 sense, oi ev ηλικίοι (Thuc. vm. 75) being opposed to αχρείοι . — 
 των συμφορών. Men who at this time (380 b.c.) were 40 years 
 old would have known the closing years of the Peloponnesian 
 War, the troubles bred by the Spartan δβκαρχίαι, the Corinthian 
 War, and, generally, that widespread distress and disorder 
 of which Isocr. speaks below (§ 168 f.). See Attic Orators, 
 ii. 17. 
 
 ιτολε'μ,ουδ καί trratms] With this picture cp. the following, 
 abridged from Isocr. Epist. ix. §§ 8—10 (date, about 356 b.c.) : 
 ‘ It is strange that no powerful statesman or speaker has yet 
 taken pity on the miserable condition of Hellas. Every part 
 of it is full of war, factions, massacres, woes unnumbered. 
 Most wretched of all are those Greeks on the seaboard of Asia 
 whom by the treaty [of Antalcidas, 387 b.c.] we gave over, not 
 merely to barbarians, but to those of our race who are barba¬ 
 rian in all save speech. These roving desperadoes, under any 
 chance leader, form armies larger and better than those of the 
 settled communities ; armies which do trifling damage to 
 Persia, but bring desolation to the Greek cities which they 
 visit: they slay, they banish, they violate, they plunder ’.— 
 See Attic Orators, n. 244. 
 
 § 168. ειτικουρεϊν] ‘to serve as mercenaries’: Thuc; rr. 
 33, επικούρους τινάς προσεμισθώσατο —like ξένοι, an honourable 
 name for μισθοφόροι. 
 
 σ-υ-γκειμεναι^] ‘ composed ’, * invented ’ by the [tragic] poets. 
 In pure Attic of the classical time κείμαι is the perf. passive of 
 τίθημι, τέθειμαι is the perf. middle: e.g. a father τέθειται 
 όνομα παιδί, but παιδί κεΐται όνομα : cp. Shilleto on Thuc. i. 37, 
 who quotes as an exception, belonging to the early decadence, 
 Menand. frag. 65, τφ μέν τό σώμα διατεθειμένο) κακώς ( = δια - 
 κειμένιρ). 
 
 εφορώντεξ] Not, I think, merely ‘ gazing upon ’, but ‘ seeing 
 in their own lifetime ’, or ‘ with their own eyes ’ (and not merely 
 in legends from the past); cp. Xen. Cyr. vm. 7. 7, roes φίλους 
 έπείδον δί έμοΰ εύδαίμονας yei >ομένους, * lived to see their friends 
 made prosperous ’. So II. xxii. 61, κακά πόλλ’ έπιδόντα, | νΐάς τ’ 
 όλλυμένους, κ.τ.λ.: and other passages quoted by Thompson 
 on Plato Gorg. 473 c, αυτός τε λωβηθεις και τούς αύτου έπιδών 
 παΐδας (λωβηθέντας). 
 
 130 § 169. Ευηθείας] ‘ simplicity ’.— άνδρων, individuals as ορρ. 
 
 to whole countries. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 313 
 
 pp. 129, 130] 
 
 ’Ιταλία — Σικελία] Italy. In 389—387 b.c. Dionysius I. had 
 reduced successively Caulon, Hipponium and Khegium in 
 Magna Graecia: Diod. xiv. 106 ff. Sicily. He had sur¬ 
 rendered Acragas, Himera, Selinus, etc., to Carthage, and had 
 brought other towns—as Naxos, Leontini, Messene—under his 
 own power: Diod. xm. 114. 
 
 εκδε'δονται] * have been abandoned ’ [not ‘ restored ’ to a 
 lawful possessor, the sense of έκδίδωμ i in II. m. 459]—by 
 the Peace of Antalcidas : below, § 175. — τα λοιπά μέρη: Greece 
 Proper as opp. to (1) Sicily and Magna Graecia, (2) Asiatic 
 Hellas. 
 
 § 170. των δυνασ-τευόντων] ‘the leading statesmen ’, = ol 
 ττρο€(ττωτ€$ ημών, § 172. With the same meaning he says 
 in Epist. IX. § 8, Θαυμάζω δέ καί των άλλων των πράττβιν η 
 λέ~γβιν δνν αμένων. 
 
 είττείν.. .ένθυμηθήναι] ‘to expound or [even] to devise’ a 
 remedy: Thuc. vm. 68 (of Antiphon) κράτιστος ένθυμηθήναι... 
 και a yvoiy elxeiv, a master of device and of expression. 
 
 ^χρήν...άξιοι] An iambic trimeter. In this and other cases 
 where an accidental verse occurs in prose, it may usually 
 be. noticed that the rhythm or division of clauses imposed 
 by the sense would have prevented the metre from being 
 perceived in speaking: thus, here, there is a pause at αυτούς, 
 and the words eiirep ήσαν άξιοι τής τταρούσης, κ.τ.λ., cohere 
 closely. So in Dem. Olynth. i. § 5 (quoted by Sandvs), δήλον 
 yap έστι τοΐς Όλυνθίοις, ότι κ.τ.λ., the metrical effect is destroyed 
 by the coherence of ό'τι with the following words. 
 
 ε’ιοηγγείοτθαι καί οτυμβουλευειν] ‘ to introduce and discuss 
 [not necessarily 4 advocate ’, though Isocr. implies this] the 
 project of the war with Persia ’: * the war because the project 
 had long been familiar to the Greeks: thus Agesilaus had 
 entertained it, Isocr. Philipp. § 85. 
 
 τυχόν μέν γάρ, κ.τ.λ.] 4 Perchance they would have achieved 
 something ; but even if they had been baffled, still the counsels 
 bequeathed by them would have been as oracles for the 
 future ’.— τυχόν, acc. abs., Goodwin § 110. 2. — προαπάπον, 4 give 
 up ’, from weariness or disgust, before they had carried their 
 point: cp. Antid. § 274, ή-γοΰμαι ( αυτούς ) πρότβρον airepeiv και 
 τ αύσ(σθαι ληροΰντας, ττριν εΰρεθήναι, κ.τ.λ. —χρησμούς : so Socr. 
 to his judges, Plat. Apol. 39 C, έπιθυμω ύμΐν χρησμιρδήσαι, 
 κ.τ.λ. 
 
 § 171. tois των ττολιτ. εξεστηκόσι] 4 who stand apart from 
 public life ’. With a similar reference to his own abstention 
 from political life (owing to want of φωνή and τόλμα), he says, 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 314 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 Adv. Sophist. § 14, πολλοί μεν των φιΚοσοφησάντων ίδιώται 
 διετέλεσαν οντες, where see note. 
 
 § 172. ού μην άλλ’...2χθρα$] ού μην [δει σιωπάν ] άλλα... 
 δεΐ σκοπεΐν : ‘ At the same time [ i.e. discouraging as is this 
 apathy on the part of the statesmen, and little as Ιδιώται 
 may seem entitled to speak] the rest of us are bound to 
 consider’, etc.— έρρωμενεστέρως, § 163.— 'έχθρας, ‘ discord ’ among 
 Greeks. 
 
 ras περί rrjs είρηνηξ <τυνθ.] ‘As things are, it is in vain 
 that we make treaties of peace ’: not the treaty: cp. Lys. 
 In Erat. § 97, note on τον θάνατον. 
 
 131 § 173. ά·γα·γειν...όμονοήσ·αι] Not ayeiv, όμονοεΐν, because 
 
 the speaker is thinking of the moment from which such a peace 
 is to date , and at which such a concord is to be established: 
 the pres, would have expressed merely the continuance of the 
 conditions. ‘ It is impossible that we should cement an 
 enduring peace, or that concord should be established among 
 the Greeks’.—e/e των αυτών, masc., των βαρβάρων. 
 
 § 174. η καί τά$ εταιρ... προάγει] ‘which dissolves friend¬ 
 ships [cp. εταιρίας λιμην, Soph. Ai. 683] and draws kinsmen on 
 to quarrels ’. προάγεις of leading omcard in an evil path ; cp. 
 Theogn. 396, πενίην, (just as here, απορία,) η f άνδρων προάγει 
 θυμόν is άμπλακίην [where παράγει is a doubtful v. 1.] : Dem. 
 In Androt. § 78, εις τούτο προηχθητ εύηθείας και ραθυμίας. 
 
 τον ενθε'νδε πόλεμον.. ,διοριου μεν] ‘transfer the war from 
 
 Greece to Asia ’ : Plat. Legg. 873 e, to δ’ όφλόν [vulg. δψλον ] 
 έ'ξω των 8ρων της χώρας άποκτείναντας διορίσαι, ‘ the animal 
 which is adjudged guilty (of causing death) they shall slay and 
 cast beyond the borders' : Eur. Helen. 394, στράτευμα κώπη 
 διορίσαι, ‘to carry a host from its own land in ships’, = 
 πορθμεΰσαι or διαπεραιώσαι. 
 
 των κινδύνων των irpos ήμάβ cvutovs] ‘ the ordeals of intestine 
 
 warfare ’ (between Greek cities). 
 
 καταχρήατασ-θαι] ‘ to utilise them ’: κατά meaning here, not 
 ‘ wastefuily, perversely’ ( abuti ), but ‘to the full’ (cp. ‘ to use 
 up')\ so Panegyr. § 9, τό δ’ εν καιρφ ταύταις [sc*, ταίς πράξεσιν , 
 these historical examples] καταχρήσασθαι.,.τών εύ φρονούντων 
 ΐδιόν έστιν. 
 
 § 175. άλλα γάρ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ But perhaps it will be said that 
 the Convention [of Antalcidas] is a reason for pausing, instead 
 of making haste and accelerating the expedition ’. Eor άλΧ 
 ούκ (άξιόν έστιν), instead of μη, cp. Lys. Pro Mantith. § 18, 
 καίτοι χρη...σκοπεΐν, άλλ’ ούκ, ε’ί τις το\μμ,...μισεΐν. . The terms 
 of the Peace of Antalcidas (387 b.c.) were as follows (Xen. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 315 
 
 pp. 130—132] 
 
 Hellen. v. i. 31):—‘King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the 
 cities in Asia, and the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, 
 shall belong to him. He thinks it just also to leave all the 
 other Hellenic cities autonomous, both small and great— 
 except Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, which are to belong to 
 Athens, as they did originally. Should any parties refuse 
 to accept this peace, I will make war upon them, along 
 with those who are of the same mind, by land as well as 
 sea, with ships and with money’. Grote ix. 534. 
 
 ήλ€υθ£ρωμέναι...€κδεδομ.εναι] The liberated cities are those 
 in Greece Proper, or belonging to the Aegean coasts and 
 islands, which Athens or Sparta might otherwise have claimed 
 as tributaries : those abandoned to the barbarians are the 
 Hellenic cities of the Asiatic seaboard, with Clazomenae and 
 Cyprus. 
 
 § 17β. δ δέ πάντων... Icrriv] ‘Most absurd of all, those 132 
 stipulations of the Treaty which we actually observe are 
 the very worst. The articles which grant independence to the 
 islands and the Greek cities of Europe have long ago been 
 violated, and are dead letters in the record ’. των yey ραμμένων : 
 cp. Andoc. De Pace § 35, ypάμμaτa τα y γραμμένα, the letter 
 of the terms (of peace): ib. § 34 στηΧαι σταθήσονται, note. 
 
 — ΧέΧυται : meaning that Sparta had been levying tribute 
 on the Aegean islands (τούς νησιώτας δaσμoXoyείv, § 132), and 
 helping Amyntas II. of Macedon against Olynthus, besides 
 devastating Mantineia, besieging Plilius, and seizing the 
 Theban Cadmeia (§ 126).—For the constr., θ de πάντων [sc. 
 eVri] KaTayeXaaroTaTov [ τοΰτ έστίν], δτι, cp. Plat. Apol. 18 C, 
 
 5 δέ πάντων άλογώτατοί', δτι ουδέ τά ονόματα οΐόν re αυτών είδέναι. 
 
 So Isocr. Panegyr. § 128, δ δέ πάντων δεινότατον, δταν : Plataic. 
 
 § 45, δ δέ πάντων δεινότατον , el : De Pace § 53, δ δέ πάντων 
 σχετΧιώτατον ’ oOs yap, κ.τ.Χ. For other examples see Madvig, 
 Syntax § 197. 
 
 έκδεδωκε, κ.τ.λ.] Cp. έκδέδονται, § 169, note .— ταΰτα δέ κατά 
 χώραν μένει : ‘ these articles, on the other hand [δέ in apodosis], 
 remain undisturbed ’.— προστάχματα : ‘ dictates ’ (of the Persian 
 king): see the terms, § 175, note. 
 
 § 177. των ιτρεσ-βευσ-άντων ταύτην την είρηνην] ‘ those 
 who negotiated this peace ’: cp. Andoc. De Pace § 29, α -ήμϊν 
 έπρέσβευσεν ΈπίΧυκος, κ.τ.Χ., note. The reference is to the 
 diplomatic agents of Sparta generally, but esp. to Antalcidas, 
 by whom, with the help of the satrap Teiribazus, the terms of 
 the treaty were virtually settled. Grote ix. 531. 
 
 €χρήν... , π·€ρΙ αυτών] ‘Whether it was their view (1) that 
 each State should retain its own territory, or (2) that each 
 
316 ' SELECTIONS. [Isockates 
 
 should have dominion also over all that it acquired by 
 conquest, or (3) that each of us should keep these possessions 
 which we happened to hold on the eve of the peace,—they were 
 bound to define some one of these views,—to apply their 
 principle impartially,—and on this basis to frame the terms of 
 the treaty ’ [περί αυτών , neut., about the interests thus in¬ 
 volved). Isocr. means: The Peace of Antalcidas is based 
 on no intelligible principle. If (1) had been adopted, Persia 
 would not have got the Greek cities of Asia: if (2), autonomy 
 would not have been guaranteed to the Greek cities of Europe: 
 if (3), Athens and Sparta would not have had to renounce 
 dependencies which they claimed. Observe that των δοριά¬ 
 λωτων refers, not to all that each State had from time to time 
 acquired , but to all that it might hereafter acquire. 
 
 § 173. άΧλ’ ούκ εκείνων] After ώσπερ we should expect μή 
 { = ώσπερ εί έπολεμήσαμεν, άλλα μη εΤχον) : but the emphasis on 
 the negative fact warrants ού. Cp. Lys. In Eratosth. § 3G, 
 note on ούκ dpa χρη. 
 
 § 179. έκείνως είττών] ‘ by the following illustration ’. 
 
 την τε ττερί ήμ,άβ άτιμ.. γεγεν.] δηλώσω την ατιμίαν ye· 
 yεvημέvηv could mean only, ‘I will show that the dishonour 
 has happened ’, yεyεv. being a predicate. But δηλώσω την περί 
 ημάς ατιμίαν yεyεvημέvηv can mean, ‘ I will show the dishonour 
 that has been done to us ’, because περί ημάς is really a part of 
 the adjective ; and when this part has been put in its right place 
 between την and ατιμίαν, the supplementary yεyεvημέvηv can 
 be allowed to wait. Cp. Thuc. vn. 23, αί προ του στόματος νηες 
 ναυμαχοΰσαι, ‘ the ships fighting before the mouth of the 
 harbour’: here, the complete adjective is πρό του στόματος 
 ναυμαχοΰσαι, and it is enough that the first part of it, πρδ του 
 στόματος, should stand between the article and the subst. So 
 id. I. 11 του νυν περί αυτών διά τούς ποιητάς λόyoυ κατεσχηκότος : 
 VII. 36 τη πρότερον άμαθίφ των κυβερνητών δοκούση είναι. 
 
 τήδ γάρ yrjs. ..ττοιουρενος] ‘ Whereas the whole earth beneath 
 the firmament is divided into two parts, “ Asia ” and “ Europe”, 
 the great King has under this Treaty taken one-half,—as if he 
 were dividing the territory with Zeus, and not making his 
 compact with men ’. That is, the Persian king has taken all 
 Asia, as if he were a god who would not yield up more 
 than half of the whole earth even to Zeus himself. Isocr. 
 prob. began with the thought of Artaxerxes being on earth 
 what Zeus is in heaven, and then passed to this image of him 
 as one who, in partitioning the earth, would consider himself 
 the equal of Zeus. On νέμεσθαι πρός, cp. Lys. Mantitli. § 10, 
 p. 42.— κόσμος, the starry firmament, — 6 περί την yrjv κόσμος , 
 
NOTES. 
 
 317 
 
 pp. 132—134] 
 
 Arist. Meteor, i. 2. — δίχα τετμ.: cp. Soph. Tr. 100, δισσαί 
 ήπειροί. 
 
 § 130. tois Koivots των Up.] ‘The national temples’ (at 
 Olympia, Delphi, etc.), not merely the ‘public’ temples of 
 each State. Cp. Panathenaicus § 107, ras τοιαύτ as σννθήκας (of 
 Antalcidas) αυτοί τ έν tois iepols tois αφετέρου avky ραφαν κaiτoύs 
 σvμμάχovs ήνά^κασαν. — στήλαπ : Thuc. ν. 47, tcls δέ ^vvd^Kas άνα- 
 Ύράφαι έν στήλη λίθινη Άθι -jvaiovs μέν έν πολει (the Acropolis), 
 Άpyείoυs δε έν ayopa έν του Άπύλλωvos τφ ίερφ, AlavTivias δέ έν 
 του Aids τφ ίερφ έν τη ayopa’ καταθέντων δε και Όλυμπίασι 
 στήλην χαλκήν. 
 
 μιά$ τυχηδ] ‘ a single success ’: Antidosis § 128, el' tis έν 
 μιφ τύχη (alluding to Aegospotami) τηλικοΰτόν τι κατώρθωσεν 
 ώσπερ Aύσavδρos. Cp. έπί poπήs μια$ δντε s, Thuc. ν. 103. 
 
 καθ’ οληδ rfjs *Ε.] ‘hut these pillars stand as witnesses 
 on the whole war against all Greece ’. 
 
 § 181. TOvs...ir€pl τά Τρωϊκά γεν.] ‘those who were en- 134 
 gaged in the Trojan war If the meaning were, ‘ those who 
 lived in the time of the Trojan war’, we should rather expect 
 κατα τα Τρωικά. 
 
 § 182. «ΰχήδ άξια] ‘all for which men would pray ’: not 
 merely ‘ desirable ’ things, but such things as might satisfy 
 the highest aspirations. So again in Isocr. Philipp. § 19. 
 
 Cp. Arist.’s ύποτίθεσθαι κατ' ευχήν, to suppose the best imagi¬ 
 nable case; ή κατ' ευχήν πολιτεία, the ideal polity, Polit. ii. 6. 
 
 0€ωρί(^...στρατ£ία] ‘like a sacred embassy rather than a 
 hostile expedition — i.e. encountering no resistance, but 
 received with joyous* welcome and homage in its stately 
 progress. The image suggested by θεωρία is the more appro¬ 
 priate, since the Hellenic gods are conceived as making common 
 cause against those barbarians who had destroyed their shrines 
 when Ionia was conquered: see § 155, oi' και τά των θεών έδη 
 καί το as νεώί συλάν έν τφ προτεριρ πολεμιρ καί κατακάειν έτόλ· 
 μησαν. 
 
 §183 — § 184. φέρε γάρ.,.ενθυμουμενουδ] ‘Let us see: 
 who are fitting objects of hostility for those who desire no 
 aggrandisement, but have a view to justice in the abstract?... 
 
 And who are proper objects for the envy of those who, though 
 not devoid of courage, exercise that quality under the restraint 
 of prudence?...And against whom should those men march 
 who are at once loyal to their duty and mindful of their 
 interest?’ i.e. The arms of Greece ought to be turned against 
 Persia, (1) if we consider abstract justice—because Persia has 
 wronged Greece: (2) if we desire a field of enterprise agreeable 
 at once to our valour and to our discretion —because Persia is 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 318 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 rich and weak: (3) if we think both of duty and of interest— 
 for the above reasons combined. The phrase τούς μή παντά- 
 7 τασιν άνάνδρως διακειμένους άλλα μετρίως τούτιρ τφ πράγματι χρω- 
 μένους is a cirftumlocution for ‘ men in whom courage is sub¬ 
 ordinate to prudence ’. The φθόνος felt by such men—however 
 timid—will find in Asia a field of plunder both ample and 
 safe. 
 
 135 § 185. καί μην ουδέ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘Nor again [ καί μήν = further] 
 
 shall we distress the cities by levying soldiers on them,— 
 a burden which at present, in their warfare with each other, 
 they find most oppressive’, οΰ λυπήσ. κaτaλέy., not, ‘we 
 shall abstain from vexing by a levy ’, but, ‘ we shall levy 
 without vexing ’; since all will prefer the service to staying 
 at home (μένειν, i.e. οϊκοι, = ύπομένειν). The disinclination of 
 citizens for ordinary military service, and the consequent 
 demand for mercenaries (επίκουροι, § 168), was a growing 
 symptom of the decay in Greek political life: see Attic 
 Orators, ii. 17.—Cp. Thuc. vi. 43, oi εκ του KaraXoy υ, those 
 on the roll for service : oi έξω του κατα\ό-γου, = emeriti, Xen. H. 
 ji. 3. 51. 
 
 ή veos ή iraXaios] Doubtless the poetical παλαιός is to 
 be explained by a reminiscence of the familiar Homeric 
 formula, ή νέος ήέ παλαιός, II. xiv. 108 : νέοι ήδε παλαιοί, 
 Od. ι. 395, etc. 
 
 § 186. φήμην δέ καί μνήμην καί δόξαν] ‘ name and fame 
 and repute’: φήμην, the rumour in men’s mouths ( volitare per 
 ora), as gratifying to the living,— μνήμην, the posthumous fame 
 of the dead. Arist. Bhet. in. 7. § 11, (.words or phrases of an 
 unusual or a poetical colour may be used by the speaker) όταν 
 έχη ηδη τούς άκροατάς και ποιήση ένθουσιάσαι ή έπαίνοις η φό-γοις 
 ή opyrj ή φιλίςι ( ‘ when the speaker has got his hearers into his 
 power, and has worked them up into enthusiasm by praise 
 or blame, by indignation or by love ’), οΐον καί ’ Ισοκράτης ποιεί 
 έν τφ πavηyυpικφ επι τέλει, ‘φήμη δε και yvώμη , :— where 
 yvώμη is a slip for μνήμη —a strange one, since it weakens 
 the παρονομασία (similarity of form) and destroys the παρο¬ 
 μοίωσή (similarity of sound). Cp. Phil. § 134, καί τήν φήμην 
 καί τήν μνήμην. Ar. Ban. 463, καθ' Ήρακλέα τό σχήμα και τό 
 λήμ ’έχων. 
 
 irpos ’Αλέξανδρον] — ΙΙάριν. ‘The heroes (of Troy) them¬ 
 selves bear each a double name, as Alexander and Paris, 
 Hector and Darius ; of which the one indicates their connexion 
 with Hellas, the other with interior Asia ’: Curt. Hist. Gr. 
 i. 79. 
 
 ιπΗ€Ϊν...Χ€γ€ΐν, κ.τ .λ.] ‘who that has the gift of the poet or 
 
NOTES. 
 
 319 
 
 pp. 134 — 136] 
 
 the art of the orator will not devote his labour and meditation 
 to the purpose of bequeathing for all time a monument of 
 his own intellect and of their heroism ? ’ ποιεΐν : as in Plat. Ion 
 534 B (quoted by Sandys), πρϊν dv ένθεος ycvyrai.... αδύνατος πας 
 ποιεΐν καί χρησμφδεΐν. — φιλοσοφήσει: cp. Lysias Pro Invalido 
 § 10, note. 
 
 VII. ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΣ. [Or. v.]—This appeal to Philip of 
 Macedon may fitly be taken after the Panegyricus. As the 
 latter recommends that Athens should lead a Panhellenic War 
 against Persia, so this discourse presses the task on Philip. 
 It is the final expression—as the other was the first—-of a life¬ 
 long desire. 
 
 Philip had taken Amphipolis in 358 b.c. and Potidaea 
 in 356. The hostilities between him and Athens, carried 
 on intermittently from 356, were closed in March, 346, by the 
 so-called Peace of Philocrates. Before that event Isocrates 
 had been composing a letter to Philip ‘ On Amphipolis ’, 
 urging, in favour of peace, that Amphipolis, the chief cause of 
 the war, was not a desirable possession either for Athens or for 
 the king of Macedon (§§ 1, 3). 
 
 This letter had not been sent when peace was concluded 
 (§ 7). Isocrates now writes on another and a larger subject. 
 He sees in Philip, at length reconciled to Athens, the man who 
 can lead the united Hellenes against Persia. Ever since the 
 failure of the Panegyricus to bring about such an expedition 
 under the joint leadership of Athens and Sparta, he had 
 been looking for an individual powerful enough to execute his 
 favourite plan (§§ 84, 128, 129). He had already applied to 
 Dionysius I.—probably about 368 b.c. (Ep. i. § 8)—and in 356 
 to Archidamus III. (Ep. ix. § 16). This oration was addressed 
 to Philip soon after the Peace (§§ 8, 56), but before the 
 conclusion of the Sacred War (§§ 54, 74); that is, between 
 March and July, 346 b.c. 
 
 The most striking characteristic of the whole discourse is 
 the recognition of Philip as the first of Hellenes and the 
 natural champion of Hellas, in whom—though his subjects 
 are aliens—the Heraclid spirit is as true as it was in the 
 Argive Temenus, the founder of his dynasty.— Attic Orators , 
 ii. 166—176. 
 
 §§ 81—104. 
 
 § 81. aircp eireo-reiXa] * as I said in my letter to Dionysius 130 
 after he had acquired the tyranny’. The words are, in fact, 
 closely similar: Ep. i. (to Dionysius) § 9, καί μη θαυμαστής, 
 ei μήτε δημη-γορων (being a speaker in the Ecclesia) μήτε 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 320 
 
 [ISOCHATES 
 
 στραττργων μήτ ΆΧΧως δυνάστης ών όντως έμβριθές αίρομαι, π pay μα 
 (take upon me so grave a task) καί δυοϊν επιχειρώ τοϊν μ^ίστοιν^ 
 υπέρ re της Έλλάδο? Χέχειν καί σοί συμβουΧεύειν. Dionysius 
 became tyrant of Syracuse in 406 b.c., and the probable date of 
 the Letter to him is 368 b.c. ( Attic Orators, ii. 239): κτησάμενον, 
 then, cannot = ‘immediately on his acquiring’: but Isocr. is 
 thinking of the career of Dionys. as divided into two great 
 chapters, that which preceded and that which followed his 
 acquisition of the tyranny. Isocr. felt that the war must be 
 led either by a city or by a prince. He appealed successively to 
 Athens—to Dionysius (when now a τύραννος) —to Archidamus— 
 and to Philip. We need not, then, insert τον before την 
 τυραννίδα κτησάμενον. 
 
 μ,ήτ 1 άλλως δυνάστης] ‘nor in any way a person of 
 influence ’: cp. Panei 7 . § 170, των δυναστευόντων , ‘ the leading 
 statesmen note, p. 313. 
 
 ό'χλω. . · καλινδουμ,^νοις] ‘ capable of dealing with a mob, and 
 of exchanging scurrilous personalities with the busy triflers of 
 the platform ’ (βήμα, the raised place for speakers in the 
 ecclesia). — δχΧιρ, an invidious term for πΧηθει, the audience in 
 a popular assembly or law-court: ol yap εν σοφούς \ φαύλοι, παρ 
 υχΧψ μουσικώτεροι Xέyειv, Eur. Hipp. 989.— μοΧύνεσθαι, pass., 
 ‘ to be defiled ’,— i.e., here, to have mud thrown at one, to be 
 coarsely abused. — Χοιδορεΐσθαι, midd., ‘to revile’, with dat. (the 
 act. Χοιδορεΐν usu. with acc.). —On καΧινδουμένοις, cp. Adv. 
 Soph. § 20, note. Baiter and Sauppe give here κυΧινδου - 
 μένοις (a collateral form with the same meaning), but retain 
 the other form in Isocr. Panegyr. 151, ττροκαΧινδούμενοι : Adv. 
 Sophist. § 20, καΧινδουμένων : Antid. § 30, των περί τα δικαστήρια 
 καΧινδουμενών: § 213, καΧινδουμένας. 
 
 137 § 83. ιτρος τούς "Ελληνας] In the former part of the 
 
 discourse Isocr. has impressed on Philip that his duty is 
 to reconcile the four great cities of Greece—Sparta, Argos, 
 Thebes, Athens—and has shown in detail that this task 
 is feasible (§§ 30—67). 
 
 ού την αυτήν 2 χ. διάν.] ‘ though not with the same feeling 
 [διάνοιαν , thoughts about my own work] as at the former period 
 of life when I was writing on this same subject ’. The Pane- 
 gyricus appeared in 380 b.c., Isocr. aetat. 56: but he had 
 certainly commenced it some years before—acc. to the tradition, 
 at least ten: see introd. to Panegyr., p. 263. In 346 b.c., 
 when this discourse was sent to Philip, Isocr. was ninety 
 years of age. 
 
 § 84. τταρ€Κ€λ€υόμ.ην...καταγ 6 λάν, κ.τ.λ.] A literally exact 
 reference to the opening of the Panegyricus, § 14, iyw δ’ ην μη 
 καί του ^Γpάyμaτoς άξίως ε’ίττω καί της δόξης της έμαυτοΰ καί τού 
 
NOTES. 
 
 321 
 
 pp. 136—138] 
 
 χρόνου, μη μόνον του περί τόν Xoyov ήμιν διατριφθέντος, άλλα καί 
 σνμπαντος οδ βεβίωκα, παρακεΧεύομαι μηδεμίαν συγνώμην δχειν 
 άλλα KarayeXav καί καταφρονεΐν.—του χρόνου : Isocr. spent ten 
 years on the Panegyr. acc. to Quint, x. 4, [Plut.] Vitt. X. 
 
 Oratt ., Phot. Cod. 260: Plut. Mor. 350 e makes it ‘ almost 
 three olympiads ’ (nearly 12 years). 
 
 ούτ€ γάρ ταύτά, κ.τ.Χ .] Cp. the maxim, τό καΧώς ε'ιπεΊν 
 'άπαξ πepLyLyveτaL, δϊς δέ ούκ ενδέχεται, a thing can be well said 
 once, but cannot be well said twice (quoted and questioned by 
 Theon, πpoyυμvάσμaτa, c. 1, Rhet. Graec. ii. 62). In several 
 places Demosth. repeats phrases or short passages of his own. 
 
 See on this—which illustrates the ancient view of oratory as a 
 line art —Attic Orators, i. lxxii. 
 
 §85. ου μην άττοσ-τατέον] ‘I must not desist, however, 
 but must speak on my chosen theme as the moment may 
 prompt, and as may be expedient for the purpose of persuading 
 you to act thus ’. δ τι &v ΰποπέσή, ‘ whatever may suggest 
 itself ’: cp. Od. xn. 266, καί μοι ’έπος ’έμπεσε θυμφ : Plut. Ages. 
 
 7, ύπηΧθε τόν ’ AygaiXaov , ‘ it occurred to him As the Pane- 
 gyricus was the result of long thought and study, so the 
 present discourse is to be rather an extemporary appeal of 
 a more personal kind. 
 
 kWL -πω τι] not—* omit anything ’ (wh. would be rather 
 παραΧίπω), but—‘fail in any respect’; τόν αυτόν τρόπον rots 
 προτ. έκδεδ. meaning, ‘ up to the level of ’ the work which 
 he had formerly put forth (the Panegyricus). 
 
 άλλ’ οΰν υιτο-γρ.] ‘yet at least I think that I can trace 
 a pretty clear outline for those who are able to execute my 
 idea, and to carry the work through ’: i.e. for one who, like 
 Philip, is in a position to levy war against Asia. Cp. ύφηγή- 
 σατο, Lys. Olymp. § 3, note, p. 238. 
 
 § 86. η crvvaywvitop^vovs, κ.τ.Χ.] ‘ Nothing must be done 138 
 until one has got the Greeks either as active supporters of the 
 project, or as cordially favourable spectators’: τοιΑ'Έλλ., the 
 Greeks collectively. Agesilaus had, of course, Greek troops; 
 but the public opinion of Greece at large was not with 
 him. 
 
 ’Αγησίλαος] Alluding to the campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia 
 Minor, 396—395 b.c. Cp. Panegyr. § 144, Ά ygaiXaos δε τφ 
 Κυρείφ στρατεύματι χρώμενος [the remnant of the Ten Thou¬ 
 sand] μικρού δεΐν τη$ εντός "Α Χυος χώρας έκράτησεν, ‘ all but 
 conquered Asia Minor west of the Halys ’. See Annals in 
 Attic Orators, i. xlvi. ‘ Agesilaus...assimilated his expedition 
 (396 b.c.) to a new Trojan War—an effort of united Greece, for 
 
 21 
 
 J. 
 
322 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 the purpose of taking vengeance on the common Asiatic enemy 
 of the Hellenic name 5 : Grote ix. 357. 
 
 § 87. tovs Ιταίρουδ] See Isocr. Epist. ix. § 13 (Agesilaus) 
 "γενόμβρος έ-γκρατέστατος καί δικαιότατος καί πολιτικώτατος [as 
 here φρονιμώτατος] διττάς έσχεν επιθυμίας’...ηβούλετο yap βασιλεϊ 
 τε πολεμεΐν καί των φίλων τούς φ evyovT ας εις τάς πόλεις 
 Karayayeiv καί κυρίους καταστησαι των πpayμάτωv. Here τούς 
 εταίρους are not ‘ his friends ’, hut, ‘ the members of the oli¬ 
 garchical clubs ’ (έταιρίαι) by whom the Spartan δεκαρχίαι had 
 been supported in the various cities : cp. Lysias In Eratosth. 
 § 43, πέντε άνδρες 'έφοροι κατέστησαν υπό των καλουμένων έταίρων 
 (at Athens in 404 b.c.). Not long after these δεκαρχίαι had 
 been established by Lysander (in 405—4 b.c.) a reaction set in 
 against them, and in many cities they were either dissolved or 
 modified, with the express approval of the Spartan Ephors. 
 When Agesilaus went to Asia in 396 b.c., Lysander accom¬ 
 panied him, 4 in order ’, as Xen. says ( Hellen . hi. 4. 2), 
 4 to restore , xoith the help of Agesilaus , the decarchies which he 
 [Lysander] had established in the cities, but which had been 
 banished ( έκπεπτωκυίας ) by the (Spartan) Ephors, who directed 
 the cities to resume tbeir traditionary constitutions ’. 
 
 Isocr. correctly represents the general situation in the 
 Asiatic Hellas of 396 b.c. ; but he does not accurately describe 
 the attitude of Agesilaus. It was Lysander, not Agesilaus, 
 who desired to restore the εταίροι , the oligarchical partisans. 
 Agesilaus appeared in contrast with Lysander as δημοτικός 
 (Plut. Ages. c. 7). Isocr. seems to confound the political 
 enterprise, in which Lysander sought (not very successfully) to 
 engage Agesilaus, with the marked eagerness of Agesilaus 
 to enrich or honour his personal friends (see Xen. Ages. i. 18, 
 πάντες παμπλήθη χρήματα ’έλαβον, κ.τ.λ .): and this misappre¬ 
 hension appears when, in the passage cited above (Epist. ix. 
 § 13), he uses the phrase τούς εαυτού φίλους. 
 
 εν κακοίδ.τήν ταραχήν την Ινθάδ€ γ.] i.e. (1) The Asiatic 
 Greeks were involved in troubles and dangers by that strife 
 between the democratic and oligarchic parties which arose 
 from the attempt to restore the oligarchic exiles. (2) The 
 tumult excited in Greece Proper by the outbreak of the Corin¬ 
 thian War in 394 B.c., ή ταραχή η ενθάδε yιyvoμέvη — which 
 caused Agesilaus to be recalled from Asia—left the European 
 Greeks no leisure to think about a war against Persia. 
 
 § 88 . Ik των άγνοηθίντων] 4 And so, from the oversights 
 which were made at that time, it is easy to deduce the lesson 
 that no prudent man will make war on Persia until he has 
 reconciled the Greeks and cured them of the madness which 
 now possesses them ’ [the discord which is ruining them]: 
 
NOTES. 
 
 323 
 
 pp. 138, 139] 
 
 7 τύλεμον εκφέρειν, inferre helium; Xen. Hellen. hi. 5, έφ’ ώτε 
 έξοίσειν ττολεμον προς Λακεδαιμονίου*. 
 
 § 89. των μέν άλλων] ‘ Most other people, perhaps, if they 
 were minded to urge on you an expedition against Asia, 
 would have recourse to this topic of exhortation—that all who 
 have ever undertaken a war against Persia have had the 
 fortune to exchange obscurity for eminence, poverty for 
 wealth, a humble station for the lordship of wide lands and 
 of cities. My appeal to you, however, will not rely on such 
 examples (των τοιούτων masc., cp. Panegyr. § 173, έκ των 
 αύτων) but on the case of those who are adjudged to have 
 failed—I mean the comrades of Cyrus and Clearchus ’. δο£άν- 
 των, who have been set down as failures—more than δοκούν- 
 των. 
 
 § 90. την Κύρου προπέτειαν] ‘ the impetuosity of Cyrus ’,—· 
 at the battle of Cunaxa (401 b.c.). The Greeks were conquer¬ 
 ing, and those around Cyrus were already saluting him as 
 king. But he still restrained himself: ούδ ’ cSs έξήχθη διώκειν 
 (Xen. Anab. i. 8. 21). Presently, however, to defeat a move¬ 
 ment of the enemy, he charged the Persian centre, and routed 
 the 6000 who surrounded Artaxerxes. His own body-guard 
 went on in pursuit. Cyrus was left alone with his immediate 
 staff (ομοτράπεζοι). At this moment he caught sight of his 
 hated brother. He cried, ‘ I see the man ’—rushed at him— 
 wounded him—and was slain (ib. § 25). 
 
 § 91. τή$ ττερί αυτόν δυνάμεις] ‘ the power about him ’— 
 the military resources of the Persian empire. Cp. Panegyr . 
 § 166, μείζω δύναμιν περί αυτόν έκαστων αύτων ποιησάμενος, note, 
 
 ρ. 311. 
 
 προκα\ε<τάμενος...εΙς λόγονελθεΐν] ‘having invited ’ them ‘to 
 a conference’. We cannot render ‘ having caused to be invited\ 
 since the act. προκαλεΐν is not classical as = προκαλεϊσθαι. Take 
 ώστε with άπέκτεινε, not with ελθεΐν : προκαλεσάμενοί requires 
 els λόγον ελθεΐν to explain it. Note the series of participles: 
 προκαλεσάμενος — καί ύπ ισχνού μεν os (representing the imperf. 
 ύπ ισχνείτο) — ύπaya'γόμεvos και... bobs —συλλαβών (this last being 
 in closer connection with άπέκτεινε). —Xen. does not say that 
 Tissaphernes offered ‘ large presents ’ to the leaders, and ‘ their 
 pay in full* to the soldiers. Acc. to Xen., Tissaphernes 
 offered (1) a safe conduct back to Greece, (2) a market for 
 provisions on the march,—if the Greeks would abstain from 
 ravage, and would pay for what they took: Xen. Anab. n. 
 3. 26, 27. 
 
 iri<rT€is... tAs μεγίσ -Tas] Xen. ib. § 28, ταντα έδοξε’ και 
 ώμοσαν και δε£ιά* έδοσαν Τ ισσαφέρν^ και δ tt)s βaσιλέωs yvvaiKOs 
 άδελφbs tois των Ελλήνων στρατηγοί* καί λοχαγοί* καί 'έλαβον 
 
 21—2 
 
 139 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 324 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 7 ταρά των Ελλήνων. The oaths between the Greeks and 
 Ariaeus (the Persian leader of the Asiatic contingent under 
 Cyrus) were ratified in more solemn fashion after the battle: a 
 bull, a wolf, a boar, and a ram were slain, and their blood 
 received in a shield, the contracting parties dipping their 
 weapons in it. Xen. Anal·, n. 2. 9. Here Isocr. seems to be 
 thinking of this, rather than of the simple δεξιά s δούναι. 
 
 συλλαβών... aircKTcivc] Tissaphernes seized in his tent five 
 of the στρατηγοί : four, including Clearchus, were put to death 
 soon afterwards, and Menon a year later: Xen. An. ii. 5. 31, 
 6. 29. 
 
 § 92. φαίνονται...κρατήσαντ«$ αν] = δήλόν έστιν οτι εκρά· 
 τησαν άν. [grammatically, the words might equally well mean, 
 οτι κρατήσειαν άν:] Goodwin § 41. 3. 
 
 140 cl μή διά Κυρον] sc. έσφάλησαν, ‘ had it not been for 
 Cyrus ’: Plat. Gory. 516 e, εί μή διά τον ττρύτανιν, ένέττεσεν αν: 
 Dem. F. L. § 73, ού yap ως εί μή διά Aaκεδaιμovίoυs,...oύδ , ώ$ ei 
 μή διά το και τό (if it had not been for this or that), έσώθησαν 
 άν οί Φωκεΐς,—ονχ οϋτω τότε άττήγγειλεν: Goodwin § 52. 1. 
 n. 1 . 
 
 σοΙ 8e, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ But for you it is not difficult to guard 
 against the mishap which occurred on that occasion [such 
 rashness as that of Cyrus, § 90], and it is easy to provide a 
 force much stronger than that which overmastered the power 
 of the King ’ ( εκείνου , Artaxerxes II.). 
 
 ΰ-τταρξαντων] ‘ have been secured ’: for the tense, cp. 
 Panegyr. § 162, τοιούτων ορμητηρίων ύπαρξάντων, p. 128, and 
 below § 95, ύπαρξάσης. 
 
 § 93. irpoTcpov] In Panegyr. §§ 145—149, where he thus 
 sums up the lesson of the famous Betreat,— άσφαλέστερον 
 κατέβησαν [came down to the coast] των περί φιλίας ώς αυτόν 
 [τον βασιλέα] ττρεσβευόντων. 
 
 ΐΊτιστάΞ γάρ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘For, as my argument had brought me 
 to the same topics, I spared myself the labour of striving to 
 find new words for ideas which had been fully illustrated 
 already’ (in the Panegyr.). έττιστά s: i.e. the course of the 
 discussion led him to a point where the same διάνοιαι must be 
 repeated: cp. επιστώσιν, Panegyr. § 165, note, p. 311. 
 
 § 94. tois μέν ουν o’ikciois, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ Now, I may perhaps draw 
 
 upon my own materials [i.e. repeat my own thoughts or language 
 from former works], if in any case there be urgent need, and 
 it he fitting: but I will adopt nothing from the work of others, 
 any more than of old’.— κατεπείγη: cp. Dem. In Timocr. § 18, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 325 
 
 pp. 139—141] 
 
 άλλα, περί ών ούδέν ’ίσως υμάς κατεπεί^ει νυν άκουσαι, 1 there is no 
 pressing need ’ for you to hear. 
 
 § 95. Trjs cKeivois ύπ·αρξάσ-η$] ‘ which had been raised by 
 them ’ [the Cyreians]: =ή υπήρξε, not ή υπήρχε: cp. on § 92. 
 
 διά ras StKapxias, /c.r.X.] ‘while they [Cyrus and his 
 followers] had the Greeks most strongly prepossessed against 
 them on account of the decarchies of the Spartan period ’. 
 δεκαδαρχία (the rule of a δεκάς) is here, as often, a v. 1. for 
 δεκαρχία (the rule of δέκα). Harpocrat. supports δεκαδαρχία, 
 Suidas and Xen. δεκαρχία. The fact that δεκάδαρχος had a 
 technical military sense, ‘ a commander of ten ’ (freq. in Xen.), 
 seems to favour δεκαρχία in the sense of government by ten: 
 so πενταρχία (not πεμπαδαρχία), τριαρχία (not τριαδαρχία), κ.τ.Χ. 
 
 Cp. Panegyr. §§ 110 f., oi των δεκαρχιών κοινωνησαντες καί τάς 
 αυτών πατρίδαν διαΧυμηνάμενοι (those who supported the oli¬ 
 garchies of ten, established by Lysander, and so ruined their 
 native cities); see note on § 87, τούς εταίρους. — επί Λακεδαι¬ 
 μονίων, ‘ in the time of the Lacedaemonians ’, i.e. of their 
 ■ηγεμονία, which now (346 b.c.) was a thing of the past : it 
 lasted, roughly, from 404 b.c. to 371 b.c., when the battle of 
 Leuctra gave the ascendancy to Thebes. 
 
 § 96. 4ξ ετοίμου] ‘ readily 5 : cp. Adv. Sophist. § 15, p. 114, 141 
 εξ ετοιμότερου Χαμβάνειν. 
 
 των ιτλανωμενων—των ττοΧιτ.] ‘ A large and powerful force 
 can more easily be raised from among the homeless vagrants 
 than from among the dwellers in cities’. Cp. Epist. ix. (to 
 Archidamus, 356 b.c.) § 9, μείζους καί κρείττους συντάξεις στρατο¬ 
 πέδων yiy νομένας εκ των πΧανωμένων τ) των ποΧιτενομένων. These 
 ‘ vagrants ’ were political exiles, driven out by the troubles 
 bred of the ‘ decarchies ’—ruined men and criminals of every 
 sort. See Panegyr. § 168, ώστε τούς μέν εν ταίς αυτών άνόμως 
 άπόΧΧυσθαι, τούς δ’ επί ξένης μετά παίδων καί γυναικών άλάσθαι, 
 and note. 
 
 οιίκ ήν ξενικόν] Cyrus (in 401 b.c.) found it hard to raise 
 10,000 mercenaries from all Greece: in 338 b.c. 10,000 such 
 formed a single contingent at Chaeroneia: see Attic Orators, 
 
 ii. 17. 
 
 tois σ-υλλεγουσ-ι] Thus Cyrus gave Clearchus about £10,000 
 with which to levy mercenaries : b δε Χαβών τό χρυσίον στρά¬ 
 τευμα συνέΧεξεν άπο τούτων των χρημάτων, Xen. Anah. I. 1. 9.— 
 την εις τούς στρατιώτας μισΟοφοράν, the pay (spent) on the 
 soldiers. 
 
 § 97. Κλέαρχον τον εττισ-τατήσ-αντα, /ί.τ.λ.] ‘ Clearchus, 
 who was placed in command [aor.] of that expedition’,—as 
 being the leader of the Greek mercenaries, and the only officer 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 326 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 who knew from the first the real object of the march (Xen. 
 Anal·. hi. 1. 10). 
 
 ούτε ναυτικής ούτε πεζής... κύριον] 4 that he had never before 
 been placed in control of any naval or land-force ’. To make 
 this exact, κύριον must mean ‘commander-in-chief’. Clearchus 
 had held a command under Mindarus at Cyzicus in 410 b.c., 
 and under Callicratidas at Arginusae in 406 b.c. At the end 
 of the war he was sent as general to Thrace, but was recalled 
 by the Ephors before he had arrived there. He disregarded 
 their orders ; and sentence of death was recorded against him 
 at Sparta. After holding Byzantium for a time, he took 
 service with Cyrus.— ατυχίας: his seizure and execution by 
 Tissaphernes, Xen. Anab. ii. 6. 29. 
 
 § 98. το<ταΰτα καί τηλικαΰτα] with ire pi ών: ‘so great... 
 that if I were speaking of them ’... The sentence, as commenced, 
 should have gone thus: — π epl ών, ei μέν.,.έποιούμην, καλώς αν 
 είχε διελθεΊν, επειδή δε...διαλέγομαι, άνόητον καί 7 τερίερχον αν εϊη 
 διεξιέναι. But with προς σέ δέ διa\εyόμεvoς a fresh departure 
 is taken. The expected apodosis, άνόητον άν ε’ΐη...διεξιέναι, is 
 broken up into a protasis and apodosis, εί διεξιοίην...ανόητος άν 
 δοκοίην , thus forming an independent conditional sentence on 
 a new plan. 
 
 § 99. τοΰτου πατήρ] Artaxerxes II. [Mnemon] regn. 405— 
 359 b.c. (Clinton F. H. n. Append, c. 18). κατεπολέμησεν is 
 incorrect: he gained no great military success over the Greeks. 
 But Greek disunion and Persian money combined to bring him 
 his political victory over Athens and Sparta in the Peace of 
 Antalcidas (387 b.c.). — ούτος: Artaxerxes III. (Ochos): 359— 
 339 b.c. Isocr. writes in 346 b.c. 
 
 § lOO. ό μ,έν.,.ούτος δε] ‘The former king [Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon] received the surrender of all Asia under the Treaty; 
 the present king [Artax. Ochos], so far from being capable of 
 extending his dominion, is not master even of the cities which 
 were surrendered to him ’. Note the aor. έκδοθεισών, whereas 
 in Panegyr. § 175, p. 131, we have ai έκδεδομέναι of the same 
 cities, when the king was still master of them.— έξέλαβεν, 
 correlative of έκδιδόναι : see Panegyr. § 169, note, p. 313.— 
 συνθήκαις : for the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, see 
 Panegyr. § 175, note, p. 314. — οΰτος τοσούτου δει [roC] άρχειν: 
 cp. Lys. In Eratosth. § 17, οϋτω πολλοί) έδέησε κριθήναι καί 
 άπόλογησασθαι : Plat. Apol. 30 D, πολλοί) δέω άπολογεΐσθαι: so 
 δεις, Lysis 204 ε. 
 
 τούτον αυτών άφεσ-τάναι] 4 that the king has abandoned 
 them [αυτών = των πόλεων] from cowardice, or that they have 
 conceived disdain and contempt for the barbarian authority 5 
 
NOTES. 
 
 327 
 
 pp. 141, 142] 
 
 [δυναστείας, the Persian suzerainty over Greek cities with 
 municipal self-government]: i.e. these cities could not bo 
 more practically independent than they are if Persia had given 
 them up, or if they had revolted from Persia. 
 
 § ΙΟΙ. τά τοίνυν ΊΓίρΙ την χώραν] The state of Persia is 
 the next topic. This passage, to the end of § 104, is parallel 
 to Panegyr. §§ 160—166 (pp. 127 ffi). 
 
 ΑΐΙγυΐΓτο$...άφ€ΐσ·τηκ€ΐ] ‘was in revolt’: κατ' εκείνον τον 
 χρόνον, in the days of the late king’s prosperity after the Peace 
 of Antalcidas: see note on Panegyr. § 161, p. 309. This 
 revolt prob. began earlier than 883 b.c. 
 
 καί Trjs διά τόν ποταμόν δυ<τχωρία$, κ.τ.λ.] ‘At the same 
 time [ού μην άλλ', Panegyr. § 172, note] the Egyptians were 
 afraid lest the king should some day make an expedition 
 against them in person, and become master of the difficult 
 passage over the river, as well as of their defences generally ’.— 
 ■ή διά τόν ποταμόν δυσχωρία, the passage of the Nile at Pelusium, 
 on the e. frontier of Egypt. When Cambyses invaded Egypt 
 in 625 b.c. he approached by way of Cadytis (Gaza), obtaining 
 safe guidance through the desert from ‘ the King of the 
 Arabians ’ (Her. m. 4.),— i.e. from some powerful sheikh,— 
 who also provided a supply of water for the three days passage 
 of the desert. Psammenitus, with his army, awaited the 
 Persians at the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, and was there 
 routed by Cambyses, who next besieged and took Memphis 
 (Her. hi. 10 — 13). δυσχωρία, here, suggests the desert by 
 which the Nile is approached from the e. 
 
 νυν δ’ οΰτο$, κ.τ.λ.] The chronology of the revolt, spoken 
 of here as not yet subdued, is uncertain. Schafer ( Demosth. u. 
 seine Zeit, i. 436 f.) thinks that Artaxerxes Ochos made three 
 expeditions against Egypt, viz. (1) On the occasion noticed, 
 but without date, by Diod. xvi. 40. (2) In the winter of 
 
 351 — 350 b.c., when Nectanebos II. was assisted byDiophantus 
 and Lamius : Diod. xiv. 48: cp. Isocr. Ep. vm. § 8. This 
 would be the expedition alluded to here, when the king was 
 ignominiously repulsed. (3) In 340 b.c., when Egypt was 
 reconquered, the king again commanding in person. See 
 Thirlwall, c. 48, Yol. vi. p. 187 n. ; Clinton, F. II. Yol. n. 
 Append, c. 18. —Attic Orators, ii. 172, note 4. 
 
 § 102 . Κύπρον... Φοινίκην...Κιλικίαν] See on Panegyr. 
 § 161, p. 309. τότε μεν fjv βασιλεως is accurate only if we 
 suppose Isocr. to speak of a moment soon after the Peace of 
 Antalcidas in 387 b.c. The war between Persia and Evagoras 
 of Salamis began prob. in 385 b.c. In 380 b.c. Cyprus and 
 Cilicia had revolted and Phoenicia had been ravaged. 
 
328 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 143 § 103. Ίδρίί'α] Idrieus, second son of Hecatomnus 
 
 [ Panegyr . § 162, note, p. 310] succeeded his sister Artemisia 
 as dynast of Caria in 351 b.c., and reigned till 344 b.c. On 
 the chronology of the Carian princes cp. Clinton F. H. n. 
 Append, c. 14 ( Attic Orators , ii. 173). 
 
 η πάντων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘else he would be the most heartless of 
 men’— σχετλ., most devoid of natural affection, τψ αικισα- 
 μένην.,.τόν άδελφόν, ‘which ill-treated his brother’ Mausblus. 
 Idrieus, Mausolus and Artemisia were the three children of 
 Hecatomnus. Artemisia married her own brother Mausolus, 
 dynast of Caria from about 377 to 353 b.c. He seems to have 
 died a natural death: Diod. xvi. 36 says merely έτελεύτησεν : 
 but he had taken part in the revolt of the satraps from 
 Artaxerxes Mnemon (362 b.c., Diod. xv. 90) and may have 
 suffered imprisonment.— πολεμ-ήσασαν προς αυτόν : Idrieus 
 began his reign as a loyal subject of Artaxerxes Ochos; but he 
 may have thrown off his allegiance later, for Dem. alludes to 
 him as τον K apa who had seized Chios, Cos and Ehodes 
 (De Pace § 25). 
 
 § 104. θίραπίΰειν] ‘ to court his favour ’: alluding esp. to 
 the fact that, soon after his accession in 351 b.c., Idrieus 
 responded to a demand of Artaxerxes Ochos by sending 40 
 triremes and 8000 mercenaries against Cyprus: Diod. xvi. 42.— 
 άναπέμπειν —from the seaboard to the Persian coast. 
 
 ήν ·υττό(τχη...κατ€λυ(Γ€ν] ‘If you promise them liberty , and 
 send abroad over the face of Asia that name, which had 
 no sooner sounded in the ears of Greece than it destroyed our 
 empire, as also the empire of Sparta ’. The ‘ liberation of the 
 Greeks ’ from Athenian tyranny was the watchword of Sparta 
 in the Peloponnesian War: see esp. the speech of Brasidas in 
 Thuc. iv. 86. The oppression of the cities by the Spartan 
 oligarchies -was the cause which chiefly discredited and at 
 last ruined the Spartan η-γεμονία: see Isocr. Panegyr. § 64, 
 των Ειλώτων evl δουλεύειν (i.e. to the μόθαξ Lysander, who set up 
 the decarchies). 
 
 VIII. ΠΛΑΤΑΙΚΟΣ. [Or. xiv.]—The revolution of 379 
 b. c. at Thebes had been a blow to Spartan influence through¬ 
 out Hellas, and especially in Boeotia. Agesilaus in 378 and 
 377, Cleombrotus in 378 and 376, had invaded Boeotia without 
 gaining any advantage. By the end of 376 the oligarchies 
 supported by Sparta had been abolished in all the Boeotian 
 towns except Orchomenus; and the Boeotian Confederacy, 
 with Thebes at its head, had been reconstituted. 
 
 After its destruction in 427 b.c. Plataea had been left 
 desolate till 386, when it was rebuilt by Sparta as a stronghold 
 
NOTES. 
 
 329 
 
 pp. 143, 144] 
 
 against Thebes. Cut off from Spartan support, Plataea had 
 come (377 or 376 b.c.) into the Boeotian Confederacy; but, 
 like Thespiae and Tanagra (§ 9), had joined it unwillingly. 
 The relief felt by most other towns at riddance from the philo- 
 Spartan oligarchies was more than balanced, in the case of 
 Thespiae, Tanagra and Plataea, by hatred of Thebes. Dio¬ 
 dorus states that the Plataeans secretly offered their town 
 to Athens. At any rate the alarm felt at Plataea was so great 
 that it was only on the days of public assemblies at Thebes 
 that the men ventured to go into the fields, leaving their wives 
 and children within the walls. 
 
 On one of these days a Theban force under the Boeotarch 
 Neocles surprised Plataea, in the latter half of 373 b.c. The 
 town was destroyed, and the territory was again annexed 
 to Thebes. The inhabitants, with such property as they could 
 carry, sought refuge, like their ancestors in 427, at Athens. 
 Their case was discussed there, not merely in the Ecclesia, but 
 in the congress of the allies (συνέδρων § 21); Callistratus being 
 the foremost advocate of Plataea, as Epameinondas of Thebes. 
 It was not till 338, after Chaeroneia, that Plataea was restored; 
 this time through the enmity of Philip, as formerly through 
 the enmity of Sparta, towards Thebes. 
 
 The speech of Isocrates is supposed to be spoken by a 
 Plataean before the Ecclesia ; and there is nothing in the 
 matter or form of the speech itself to make it improbable that 
 it was actually so delivered. The date is 373 b.c. —Attic 
 Orators , n. 176 f. 
 
 Peroration: §§ 56—63. 
 
 § 5β. ύιτέρ ών άττανταξ ύμάδ ίκ€Τ€υομ€ν] ‘ Wherefore we 
 supplicate you all to give us back our land and our city ’. υπέρ 
 ών ( neut .), in the name of the miseries which have been set 
 forth (§§ 46—55). The town of Plataea had been wholly, or in 
 great part, demolished, and the territory had been annexed to 
 Thebes. The object of the appeal is to obtain the assistance 
 of Athens in restoring the town and recovering the land. 
 άπαντας : all of you: in allusion to the fact that the Plataeans 
 had some ties with Athens through marriage: § 51, rats 
 μέν 6i jvoiais απ avres οικείοι, rrj δέ aoyyeveia το πλήθος ήμών : 
 
 ‘ we are all your kinsmen in heart, and most of us in 
 blood ’. 
 
 'π·€ριιδ€ΐν...·π·αθόντα$] ‘not to see us crushed by sufferings 144 
 even beyond those which have been recounted’.— παθόντας, 
 not πάσχοντας : cp. Andoc. De Myst. § 53, άποθανόντας, note. 
 
330 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 § 57. μονοί] ‘ And you, above all the Greeks, owe us this 
 good office, that you should succour us when we have been 
 made homeless’, μόνοι (xpeiXere^nnice debetis (not as im¬ 
 plying that no other Greeks ought to pity them): cp. Soph. 
 O. C. 2G0, ei τάς y ’Αθήνας φασί deoaefiecrdras j elvai, μάνας 
 δέ τόν κακούμενον ξένον | σφζειν οϊας re και μάνας άρκεΐν 
 'έχίΐν. 
 
 τούτον τόν έρανον] (1) The primary notion of έρανος seems 
 to be ‘a putting together ’, ‘ a collection ’ (of money): from rt. 
 ap, with the fundamental idea of motion towards a goal which 
 is attained: see Curt. Gr. E. 488. (2) Then ?pavos=‘a 
 
 subscription ’ (whether for a pic-nic as opp. to an είλαπίνη, as 
 in Od. i. 226, or for any other purpose). (3) Then figuratively, 
 a contribution or offering to a cause: Thuc. ii. 43, κάλλιστον... 
 έρανον αυτή προιέμενοι, ‘ lavishing on the city the tribute of 
 their lives ’. Cp. [Dem.] In Aristog. i. § 22, ‘ everything that 
 each man among us does by injunction of the law is his 
 contribution ( έρανος ) as a citizen of the Commonwealth’. At 
 Athens there were organized societies which, as well as the 
 subscriptions paid to them, were called έρανοι. Some of these 
 were private clubs for social purposes; others, associations 
 for mutual relief in case of need, with collecting ofticers, 
 7 τληρωταί: Dem. In Mid. § 184. Cp. Theophr. Char. ι. τούς 
 δανειζόμενους ή έρανίζοντας , ‘ applicants for a loan or a sub¬ 
 scription ’. 
 
 avao-Tcrrois] ‘ homeless ’: lit. ‘ forced to arise ’. Used by 
 Isocr. either of a ruined town, Panegyr. § 98, ή πόλις ήμάν 
 ανάστατος y ενομένη — Athens sacked by the Persians: or a 
 desolate house, άναστάτονς οίκους, Arch. § 66, or a ravaged 
 country, ’Ιταλία ανάστατος, Panegyr. § 169, or a population 
 made homeless, ομόρους άναστάτους, ib. § 108. 
 
 iv τώ Πίρσικω ττολεμω] ‘ For they say that when, in the 
 Persian War, your fathers had quitted this land [Attica], our 
 ancestors were the only people north of the Peloponnesus who 
 shared their dangers and helped them to recover their city’. 
 Isocr. is thinking here of the fact that the Plataeans (with tho 
 Thespieans) were the only Greeks who joined with the Athe¬ 
 nians in meeting the Persians at Marathon: cp. Thuc. hi. 54. 
 But, as έκλιπόντων and συνανασωσαι show, he has confused 
 this with the crisis of the later invasion, when Athens was 
 twice occupied by the Persians—first under Xerxes, in the 
 autumn of 480 b.c., secondly under Mardonius in the early 
 summer of 479. Similarly in Panegyr. § 94 he supposes that 
 the Persian offers which the Athenians rejected were made by 
 Xerxes in 480 b.c. They were really made by Mardonius 
 in 479. Cp. Grote v. 147. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 331 
 
 p. 144] 
 
 tjvTrcp...Oirap^avT£s] Dem. F. L. § 280, διά τα s edepyeaias as 
 υπήρξαν els ύμά$: Lysias or. xxi. § 25, ανάξια των els ύμ as 
 υπηρ^μένων, a fate ill-merited by our former services to you. 
 — τνγχάνομ€ν ύπάpξavτes, we are in the 'position of having 
 first rendered : ‘which we ourselves were in fact the first to 
 render’. 
 
 § 58. ci 8’ οΰν] * If, however’ : δ’ εϋν marking the descent 
 from the greater to the lesser claim, as often the return from a 
 parenthesis: e.g. Aesch. Ag. 34, Her. vi. 76 : cp. my note on 
 Boph. Ai. 28.— πεπορθημένην : see on πaθδvτas, § 56. 
 
 σ-ημεΐα. . .καταΧεί-π-εται] ‘ in which abide the greatest witnesses 
 to the heroism of Athenians and of those who fought by their 
 side’ [at Plataea, 479 b.c.]: viz. (1) the tombs of those who 
 fell in the battle of Plataea, at which yearly honours were 
 paid: (2) the festival of the Ελευθέρια, or Liberation, held 
 once in every four years. Thuc. in. 58 (Plataeans to Spartan 
 judges), ίκεται yi -γνόμ^θα υμών των πατρφων τάφων , ‘supplicate 
 you by the tombs of your fathers ’. Plut. Aristeid. 21, συνιέναι 
 μέν els HXaraias καθ' έκαστον ενιαυτόν από τψ Έλλάδοϊ προ- 
 βoύλoυs και θeωpoύs, α yeadai δε πενταετηρικόν ayiova των Έλευ- 
 θ ερίων. 
 
 § 59. Θηβαίοι] ‘The Thebans naturally wish to destroy 
 them [τά σημεία], since the memorials of those achievements 
 are their shame’. In Thuc. in. 62 the Theban speakers seek 
 to excuse the μηδισμο5 of their fathers on the ground that 
 (in 480 b.c.) the Theban government was neither a democracy 
 nor yet an oXiyapxia Ισόνομο5 , but merely a δυναστεία ολίγων 
 άνδρων. ‘ The Theban people, and the Boeotians generally, 
 with the exception of Thespiae and Plataea, seem to have had 
 little sentiment on either side, and to have followed passively 
 the inspirations of their leaders ’: Grote v. 104. 
 
 c£ εκείνων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ for it was owing to those deeds that you 
 acquired the leadership of Greece’. Thuc. i. 95 (478 b.c.), ol 
 τε aXXoi"EXXgves ηχθοντο (at the insolence of Pausanias) καί ούχ 
 ■ήκιστα ol ’ luves και οσοι από βaσιXέωs νεωστί ηΧευθερωντο ’ φοι- 
 τώντές τε πpόs τού s ’AOgvaioos ηξίουν αυτούς rjy εμόν as σφων 
 7 ενέσθαι κατά τό aoyyeves, κ.τ.Χ. 
 
 § 60. εκείνον τόν ro'irov] Plataea and its territory. Thuc. 
 π. 71 (Plataeans to Archidamus, 429 b.c.). μάρτυρα s τε θεού s 
 toos τε opKioos τότε [after the battle in 479 b.c.] y ενομένου5 
 ποιούμενοι και τoύs ύμετepoυs πaτpιρoυs και r|μετέpoυs eyχωpίoυs 
 X0y ομεν ύμΐν την yrjv την ΪΙΧαταιιδα μη άδικεΐν. 
 
 ois καλλιερηοτοίμενοι] When Pausanias offered sacrifice 
 before the battle of Plataea, the signs were at first un¬ 
 favourable ; but when at last he looked towards the temple of 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 332 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 the Plataean Hera, and invoked her, αύτίκα μετά την ευχήν... 
 έχίνετο θυομένοισι τά σκάγια χρηστά: Her. ΐχ. 62. To Mar- 
 donius, on the other hand, ού δύναται τά σφά yia καταθύμια 
 (satisfactory) γ ενέσθαι, ib. 44, 45. 
 
 145 ΧΡή δε καί των προγόνων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘You must take some 
 thought, too, for your ancestors, and avoid an incidental 
 neglect [παραμελήσαι] of your duty to them also ; for what 
 would be their feelings—if indeed the departed [ro?s e/ce?] have 
 any consciousness of what passes on earth—supposing they 
 should become aware that, by your fiat, those who stooped to 
 be the barbarian’s slaves were being set as masters over their 
 brethren,—while we, who fought the fight of freedom, have, 
 alone of the Greeks, been made homeless;—that the tombs of 
 those who shared their peril are deprived of the due honours, 
 because there are none to render them,—while the Thebans, 
 who stood in the ranks of the enemy, are lords of the land ? ’ 
 The Trpoyovoi invoked are not merely the Athenians who fell at 
 Plataea, but the Athenians generally who were contemporary 
 with the Persian Wars. — παραμελήσαι : cp. Dem. Fals. Legat. 
 § 175, δεδιώς μη συμπαραπόλωμαι διά τούτους, ‘ fearing lest I 
 should be ruined as an incident of their ruin ’: cp. In Mid. 
 § 116, παραπόλωλεν ‘ has incidentally become a victim ’ (to 
 Meidias, whose principal victim was Demosthenes). 
 
 § Gl. τάφουδ, κ.τ.λ.] Cp. the Plataean appeal to the 
 Spartan judges (Thuc. hi. 58): εί κτενεΐτε ημάς καϊ χώραν την 
 ΐΐλαταιΐδα θηβαίδα -ποιήσετε , τι άλλο ή εν πολεμίμ τε και παρά τοΐς 
 αύθένταις (their murderers) πατέρας τούς ύμετέρους και ξυyyεvεΐς 
 άτιμους yεpώv ( = τών νομιξΌμένων hpre) ών νΐν ϊσχουσι κατα¬ 
 λείψετε ; 
 
 § 62. Λακεδαιμονίων] Alluding to the destruction of 
 Plataea in 427 b.c. — θηβαίοις χαρισάμενοι : so the Plataeans 
 say, Thuc. III. 53, δέδιμεν μη άλλοις χάριν φέροντες (i.e. for the 
 gratification of the Thebans) επί δ^νωσμένην κρίσιν (a pre¬ 
 judged case) καθιστώμεθα. 
 
 βλασφημία?, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ these evil rumours ’: cp. Adv. Sophist. 
 § 11, ορώ γ άρ ού μόνον περί τούς έζαμαρτάνοντας τάς βλασφημίας 
 γ ^νομένας. — ελησθε: ‘ do not espouse tlieir violence, to the loss 
 of your present repute ’ (for επιείκεια). 
 
 §63. άλλ’ avTovs...<rwi80vTas] ‘but you must compre¬ 
 hend in your own survey those points also which I have 
 omitted,—you must think first of the oaths and compacts 
 [exchanged with the Plataeans by the Greeks in 480 b.c.], 
 next of our friendship with you, and of Theban enmity,—and 
 so give the righteous sentence in our cause’.— συνιδόντας: 
 cp. Nicocl. § 17, note. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 333 
 
 pp. 144—146] 
 
 IX. ΠΕΡΙ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΣ. [Or. vm.]—‘On the Peace’. 146 
 Like the Areopagiticus, this is a political pamphlet with 
 the form of a deliberative speech. In 357 b.c. Chios, Cos, 
 Rhodes and Byzantium revolted from Athens. The Social 
 War was concluded about midsummer, 355 b.c., by a treaty 
 which declared the independence of the seceding states. The 
 Speech On the Peace was probably written while negotiations 
 for peace were pending, i.e. in the first half of 355 b.c. 
 
 The leaders of the War Party—esp. Chares and the orator 
 Aristophon of Azenia—are the men against whom Isocr. 
 directs this vigorous appeal. Athens, he urges, must resign 
 pretensions to foreign domination {αρχή), and be content with 
 the headship ( ή-γεμονία ) of a free league. The following passage 
 is his censure on the corrupt public men of the day. 
 
 §§ 121-131. 
 
 § 121 . ών ενθυμουμε'νου$] ‘Remembering these things’— 
 the dangers of an ambitious foreign policy, as illustrated by 
 the experience of Athens and Sparta, §§ 74—120. 
 
 την errl του βη'μ. δυνασ-τ.] ‘ the mastery of the platform ’ (in 
 the Ecclesia): ‘the ear of the House’. Cp. Philipp. § 81, 
 δυνάστης — τοΐς errl του βήματος καλινδουμένοις, note, p. 320. 
 
 •π-ροήγαγον] Cp. Panegyr. § 174, note, p. 314. 
 
 § 122. ά καί ιτάντων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘And, just for that reason, 
 nothing is more surprising than that you elect etc. a, acc. 
 referring to the whole preceding statement, lit. ‘ and as to 
 these things ’ (like quod before si and nisi) : cp. Thuc. ii. 40 
 § 3, διαφερδντως yap δή καί τάδε ’έχομεν ώστε τολμάν τε οΐ αυτοί 
 μάλιστα, καί περί ών έπ ιχει ρήσο μεν, ε’κλογί^εσ^αι * δ [acc. , as to 
 which thing, ‘ whereas ’] rots άλλοις άμαθία μεν θράσος λoyισμbς 
 δέ δκνον φέρει. 
 
 •προχειρίζεσθε] ‘ elect ’, lit. ‘ make ready for yourselves ’: cp. 
 [Dem.] In Aristog. i. § 13, ορών υμάς κατατάττοντάς με (desig¬ 
 nating) καί προχειρισμένους έπί τήν τούτου KaTgyopiav. 
 
 § 123. ειτί μέν εκείνων] ‘ in their time ’— i.e. when they 
 were in the ascendant: cp. Philipp. § 95, δεκαρχίας τάς έπί 
 Λακεδαιμονίων, note, ρ. 325. 
 
 Sis ηδη καταλ.] By the Four Hundred in 411 b.c., and the 
 Thirty in 404 b.c. Cp. Lysias or. xxxiv. § i, p. 52. 
 
 Tas <|>vyas, κ.τ.λ.] ‘and that the exiles who were sent into 
 banishment in the time of the tyrants [the Four Hundred], 
 and in the time of the Thirty, were restored, not through the 
 
334 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 mercenary adventurers, but through those who hate such 
 men — φυχάς. . ,κατελθούσας = φυχάδας . .. κατελθδντας. — των τυράν¬ 
 νων would more naturally mean the Peisistratidae; but ev όλίχιρ 
 χρόνω, with Sis, excludes that view. 
 
 § 124. Ικατερων] i.e. the supporters of an imperial policy 
 (αρχή), and its opponents. 
 
 ουδέ φθονοΰμεν] ‘ nor are jealous ’—with a righteous jealousy 
 or envy: cp. the use of φθόνεΐν in Panegyr. § 184, note, 
 p. 317. 
 
 § 125. δασμολογεί] ‘levies imposts’, an invidious mode 
 of describing the collection of the σύνταξις, as the tribute of 
 the allies (φόρος) was euphemistically called under the revived 
 Athenian Confederacy. Cp. Panegyr. § 132, χρή.,.τοιούτοις 
 Ζρχοις έπιχειρεΐν πολύ μάλλον ή τούς νησιώτας δασμολοχεΐν. So 
 δασμοφορεΐν, Aesch. Pers. 586. 
 
 οΐ$ δ’ οΰδέν νιτήρχεν αγαθόν] * while men who began with 
 no property—these, on the other hand [δέ in apodosis], have 
 been raised from a low estate to wealth, through our folly ’: a 
 common topic of accusation against the demagogues, and 
 often probably a false one. Cp. Lysias, or. xix. § 48, speaking 
 of the demagogue Cleophon (condemned to death by the 
 oligarchs in 405 B.C.), π ροσ εδοκάτο χρήματα πάμπολλα 
 ’έχειν εκ της αρχής, άποθανόντος δ' αύτοΰ ούδαμου δήλα τά 
 χρήματα , αλλά και οί προσήκοντες και οΐ κηδεσταί, παρ’ οΐς κατέ- 
 λιπεν (his legatees), δμολοχουμένως πένητές εί'.σι. 
 
 §126. Περικλή... δημαγωγόβ] ‘Pericles, who preceded 
 such men as these in the leadership of the people ’. Thuc. 
 uses δημαχ. only in IV. 21, K λέων.,.άνήρ δημαχωχδς... και τφ 
 πλήθει πιθανώτατος, where it has not necessarily a bad sense: 
 cp. what he says of Pericles, ii. 65, ούκ ήχετο μάλλον ύπδ του 
 πλήθους ή αύτδς ήχε. Lysias or. xxvn. § 10, καίτοι ου ταύτα άχαθων 
 δημαχωχων εστι, τά ύμέτερα εν ταΐς ύμετεραις συμφοραΐςλαμβάνειν. 
 Isocr. has the word again in Panath. § 148, ΪΙεισιστράτου...δς 
 δημαχωχος χενδμενος και πολλά την πολιν λυμηνάμενος καί τούς 
 βέλτιστους των πολιτών ώς όλιχαρχικούς 6ντας εκβαλών, τελευτών 
 τον δήμον κατέλυσε, κ.τ.λ. Cp. Helen. Encom. § 37 (of Theseus), 
 τή των πολιτών εύνοίς. δορυφορούμενος, τη μέν έξουσίφ τυράννων, 
 ταΐς δ’ εύερχεσίαις δημαχωχων, ‘having for his body-guard the 
 affection of the citizens,—placed in authority above the laws, 
 but leading the people by acts of kindness ’. Plato never uses 
 the word. In Arist. the bad sense is usu. marked, e.g. Polit. 
 viii [v] ii. § 12 (the flatterer is popular both in demo¬ 
 cracies and tyrannies), παρά μεν τοΐς δήμοις δ δημαχωχδς (έστι 
 χάρ δ δημαχωχδς του δήμου κόλαξ), παρά δέ τοΐς τυράννοις οί 
 ταπεινως δμιλονντες. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 335 
 
 pp. 146—148] 
 
 •π-ρό των τοιούτων] meaning e.g. Cleon, Hyperbolas, Cleo- 
 phon, and, among contemporaries, esp. Aristophon of Azenia. 
 
 In this speech Isocr. distinguishes practically three stages of 
 Athenian statesmanship: (1) the stage before Athens was 
 imperial—represented by Aristeides, Miltiades, Themistocles, 
 
 § 75: (2) the best period of the empire—under Pericles: (3) 
 the period of its decline, and then of unbridled democracy, 
 represented by the πονηροί δημα-γω-γοί (§ 129). 
 
 €\άττω...κατ&.ΜΓ€ν] Thuc. Π. 65, χρημάτων .. .διαφανως άδω- 
 ρότατος yevo μένος. Cp. Plat. Gorg. 515 Ε, ταυτί yap eyo) 
 άκούω, II ερικλόα πεποιηκέναι Αθηναίους άpyoύs καί δειλούς και 
 λάλους καί φιλapyύpoυς, εις μισθοφορίαν πρώτον καταστήσαντα : 
 but even his enemies admitted his personal probity. 
 
 els την άκρόΐΓθλιν...χωρΙ$ των ιερών] i.e. to the Treasury, 
 the οπισθόδομος, or chamber at the back of the Parthenon 
 (Boeckh, I. 575), ιερόν τό όπισθεν του αδύτου, εν φ καί τά δημόσια 
 άπέκειτο χρήματα, schol. Lucian Tim. 53. See Thuc. ii. 13, 
 where Pericles tells the Athenians that they have (1) 600 
 talents a year from the φόρος of the allies; (2) 6000 talents 
 [about £1,400,000] in money έν τη άκροπόλει , —the greatest 
 total having been 9700: (3) χρυσίον άσημον [uncoined] καί 
 apyopiov in sacred offerings, vessels, etc., to the value of 
 500 talents. Cp. Grote vi. 165. 
 
 §127. τά αμελούμενα...ήξίωσαν] ‘ these neglected affairs, 148 
 however, [ironical, = τά ’ίδια αυτών, their private fortunes,] are 
 found to have increased in a measure for which formerly \i.e. 
 in the early days of their poverty, § 125] they would not have 
 presumed even to pray to the gods’.— την έπίδοσιν : see on 
 επιδόσεις, Evag. § 48, note, p. 291.— ούδ ’ αν ευξασθαι : cp. 
 Panegyr. § 182, ευχής άξια, note, p. 317. 
 
 § 128. ot μεν.. -oL δε'] oi μόν.,.οΐ δέ are the two classes 
 of the πολΐται : οί μέν are the very poor, who suffer positive 
 want: ol δε, the comparatively rich, who are oppressed by 
 public burdens. 
 
 ΐΓενία$...ένδ€£α$] ‘ their narrow circumstances and their pri¬ 
 vations’: for the plural, cp. Antid. § 283, ταΐς άληθείαις, note, 
 p. 303. — πρός σφάς αυτούς, ‘to themselves’, i.e. ‘among them¬ 
 selves ’—since they find no sympathy from their so-called 
 patrons, the δημayωyoί. 
 
 το ττληθοδ των Ίτροσταγμάτων καί των λειτ.] ‘ the number 
 of arbitrary imposts and of public services ’: προστάχματα, 
 lit. ‘dictates’ (cp. Panegyr. § 176, πpoστάyμaτa καί μη συν- 
 θηκας, ρ. 132), i.e. special taxes imposed at the will of the 
 demagogues, and, in general, extraordinary demands on 
 the citizen’s purse or labour: Xoiroopyiai, the ordinary or 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 336 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 regular services (αΐ iy κύκλιοι Xeirovpyiai, Dem. In Mid. § 21) for 
 the festivals— χορηγία, yv^vaaiapxia, etc.,— not including the 
 trierarchy, which is indicated by τά περί τας συμμορίας. The 
 \eiTovpyiai may be classified as (1) ‘recurring’ or annual, 
 iy κύκλιοι: (2) periodic at longer intervals, as the sacred mis¬ 
 sions, θεωρίαι, to the great festivals: (3) extraordinary: e.g. 
 missions to the Delphic oracle, and the trierarchy. See my 
 note on Theophrastus Char. xxix. ( = xxvi.) p. 227. 
 
 τά κακά τά it. τ. <τυμ,μ.ορίαδ...άντιδόσ·€ΐδ] ‘the vexations of 
 the Navy Boards and Exchanges of property ’. The duty of a 
 trierarch was to maintain in efficiency, for one year, a trireme 
 found, rigged, and manned by the State (Dem. In Mid. 
 § 156),—the average cost being about £240 (ib.). Till 358 b.c. 
 the trierarchy had been discharged by one person, or by 
 two persons jointly. In 358 b.c. the 1200 richest citizens 
 were divided into 20 συμμορίαι (‘ partnerships ’, ‘ associations ’) 
 of 60 each, for the division of the burden,—a company (συν¬ 
 τέλεια), usu. of 15, jointly defraying the cost of each trireme. 
 This plan proved unfair to the poorer men, as the simple or 
 dual trierarchy had been hard on the rich. Demosth. or. xiv. 
 περί συμμοριών points this out (354 b.c., the year after this 
 speech of Isocr.). A subsequent reform (340 b.c.?) distributed 
 the burden acc. to assessed property, at the rate of one trireme 
 to about £2400 of taxable capital. (Cp. my note on Theophr. 
 Char. xxv. = xxii. p. 253.)— άντιδόσεις : challenges to exchange 
 properties with the person on whom a λειτουργία had been 
 laid, or else to relieve him of it: see introd. to Isocr. ττερι 
 άντιδόσεως, above, p. 299. 
 
 § 129. συνιδεϊν] ‘see at a glance’ [i.e. comprehending in 
 one view all that you know]: cp. Nicocles § 17, note, p. 284; 
 Plataicus § 63, p. 332. 
 
 ρητόρων] Thuc. has the word thrice,—always of the regular 
 speakers in the Ecclesia, and always in a more or less un¬ 
 favourable sense: in. 40, vi. 29, vm. 1. Cp. Isocr. Panathe- 
 naicus, § 12, ττάντες ϊσασι των μεν ρητόρων τούς πολλούς ούχ ύττερ 
 των τη πόλει συμφερόντων άλλ’ ύττερ ών αύτοί λήφεσθαι ττροσδοκώσι, 
 δημηyopεΐv τολμώντας. Philipp. § 81, ρ. 136, μήτε στpaτηyός... 
 μήτε ρήτωρ.,.μήτε δυνάστης. 
 
 τήδ πόλεωδ όνταδ] ‘ are on the side of the Commonwealth 
 and of its best advisers ’—opp. to ύφ’ αύτοΐς είναι, servile to the 
 demagogues. 
 
 §130. εισ-αγγελίαΐδ — γραφαΐδ — συκοφαντίαΐδ] ‘ the im¬ 
 peachments [for offences more directly against the State], the 
 indictments, and, generally, the vexatious proceedings of which 
 they are the instruments ’. Cp. Lysias Pro Mantith. § 12, 
 p. 59, ούτε δίκην αίσχράν ούτε ypaφήv ούτε εισαγγελίαν. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 337 
 
 pp. 148, 149] 
 
 X. ΑΡΧΙΔΑΜΟΣ. [Or. vi.]—At the beginning of 366 b.c. 149 
 Sparta, Athens, Corinth and the smaller states dependent on 
 Corinth, as Epidaurus and Phlius, were allied, and were at war 
 with Thebes and her allies, of whom the chief was Argos. 
 
 But in that year the treacherous attempt of Athens to seize 
 Corinth gave the Corinthians a sense of insecurity and a desire 
 for peace. They accordingly sent envoys to Thebes, asking on 
 what terms peace would be granted to the allies. The Thebans 
 prescribed, as one condition of peace, the recognition of the 
 independence of Messene, the new state founded by Epa- 
 meinondas in 370. A congress met at Sparta. The Spartans 
 refused to recognise the independence of Messene; and ac¬ 
 cordingly remained, with Athens, at war against Thebes. The 
 Corinthians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, and probably some 
 other small states, accepted the condition, and made peace on 
 their own account, b.c. 366: see § 91. 
 
 The Archidamus is in the form of a deliberative speech. It 
 purports to be spoken in 366 b.c., by Archidamus III., son of 
 the king Agesilaus, during a debate at Sparta on the Theban 
 proposal. There seems no reason to doubt that the speech 
 was written in 366 b.c., either just before or soon after the 
 actual decision of the question. It may have been composed 
 in the first instance as an exercise; yet, as discussing a 
 question of contemporary politics from the point of view 
 which a large party at Sparta must really have taken, it 
 claims to be considered as something more. Isocrates probably 
 sent it to Archidamus,—not, of course, for delivery, but as 
 a proof of sympathy with the Spartan policy .—Attic Orators, 
 π. 193 f. 
 
 §§ 52-57. 
 
 § 52. ών Ινθυμ,ουμένουδ] Ptemembering the examples of 
 recovery from apparently hopeless disaster—Dionysius of 
 Syracuse, when he was on the point of abandoning his city to 
 the Carthaginians (394 b.c.) —Amyntas II. of Macedon when 
 compelled by the Illyrians to evacuate Pella (393 b.c.)— and 
 Thebes, lately at the mercy of Sparta, and now the foremost 
 State in Greece (§§ 40—51). 
 
 'irpoir€Tws...0|Ji.o\oy£asJ ‘commit yourselves with headlong 
 haste to shameful terms ’.— προππως : cp. Philipp. § 90, 
 p. 102, την Κόρου ττροττέτααν. — όμολογ las: the articles requiring 
 Sparta to recognise the independence of Messene. 
 
 η των άλλων] 4 pursuing a less spirited policy in the defence 
 of our own country than in the cause of others ’— e.g. of 
 the Chians, the Syracusans, the Amphipolitans. 
 
338 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 6ΐ...βοηθη<Γ€ΐ€ν...άν ώμολογεΐτο] ‘whenever a Lacedaemo¬ 
 nian—were it but one—went to the rescue of an allied city 
 under siege, it used to be allowed on all hands that the 
 deliverance of the community was his work ’.—&v ώμο\ο~/€Ϊτο, 
 expressing a customary action; so, though more rarely, with 
 aor., Thuc. vn. 71, εΐ rives ΐδοιεν.,.άνεθάρσησαν αν: Goodwin 
 § 30. 2 .— τταρα τούτον , ‘ all along of him ’, i.e. indirectly 
 the work of his spirit and example, even where it was not due 
 to his personal effort. 
 
 Ίταρά των ττρίσ-βυτφων] ‘ The greater number of such names 
 may be heard from the older men among us, but even I can 
 recount the most famous of them The speaker, Archidamus, 
 was now (366 b.c.) about 35 years of age (νβώτερο* ών § 1: see 
 note in Attic Orators , n. 195). He means,—‘though I am 
 too young to remember these men, as my elders can, I am still 
 familiar with their deeds’, τταρα των ττρεσβ., κ.τ.λ., is a 
 reminder that the days of Spartan heroism are within living 
 memory. 
 
 § 53. ILSapiTOs] When Chios revolted from Athens in 
 412 b.c., Pedaritus was posted there as Spartan governor: 
 Thuc. viii. 28. Soon afterwards the Athenians set about 
 fortifying Delphinion, a promontory on the e. coast, ib. 38. 
 Pedaritus—who received no support from the Spartan fleet at 
 Rhodes under Astyochus—attacked Delphinion with a small 
 force. He was defeated and slain, Thuc. viii. 55. The words 
 here, then— els Χίον είσττλεύσατ την ττόλιν διέσωσε — convey an 
 inaccurate impression. Pedaritus did, indeed, hold out in 
 Chios for a year, but his command ended disastrously.— 
 Attic Orators, n. 198. 
 
 Βρασ-ίδας] The majority in Amphipolis were loyal to 
 Athens, and it was only by offering the most favourable terms 
 that he enticed the place to capitulate (423 b.c.) : Grote vi. 
 559. Thuc. iv. 106.— ένίκησε: at the battle of Amphipolis 
 (422 b.c.), in which both Brasidas and Cleon were killed. — 
 dXiyovs : Brasidas made his sally against the retreating Athe¬ 
 nians with a mere handful of men,— άπολεξάμενος .. ,ττεντηκοντα 
 καί εκατόν όττλίτατ, Thuc. v. 8 .— των ττολωρκουμένων: not in¬ 
 habitants of Amphipolis, as the phrase suggests, but the 
 Peloponnesian troops shut up in it: Thuc. l.c. 
 
 150 rSiXnnros] Nicias having omitted to invest Syracuse in 415 
 b.c., Gylippus was able to enter it in 414, and in 413 crushed 
 the Athenian force in the last sea-fight, δύναμιν την κρατούσαν 
 αυτών, i.e. η έκράτει, the Athenian force which was over¬ 
 mastering the Syracusans—against which, alone, they could 
 not cope .— καί κατα yr/v, κ.τ.λ., with έλαβεν, alluding to (1) the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 339 
 
 pp. 149, 150] 
 
 sea-fight, (2) the defeat and surrender of the force retreating 
 by land : Thuc. vii. 70, 84, 
 
 § 54 . τότε μέν έκαστον... νυνϊ Si ττάντας] ‘that, whereas 
 in those days the individual Spartan was capable of guarding 
 foreign cities, now the Spartans collectively should not even 
 attempt to preserve their own land’, τότε μέν 'έκαστο* διεφύ - 
 Χαττεν—νυνϊ δέ πάντες ουδέ πειρώμεθα : when such a contrast is 
 to be expressed in dependence on a comment, such as αισχρόν 
 έστι, the regular Greek idiom co-ordinates the clauses, turning 
 διεφύλαττεν as well as πειρώμεθα into the infin. A modern 
 composer would be apt to write ( e.g .) αισχρόν έστιν, εϊττερ τότε 
 έκαστος διεφύλαττε, νυνϊ πάντα? μηδέ πειράσθαι. 
 
 % 55 . «τέρας μέν iroXeis] Alluding to such cases as those of 
 Syracuse, Mytilene, Melos, all of which might be said, in some 
 sense, to have suffered υπέρ της Αακεδ. αρχής, in the cause of 
 Spartan against Athenian ascendancy. 
 
 άδηφαγούντων] ‘eating their heads off’: Phot. 9. 23 έφη 
 δέ καί άδ'ηφα'/οΰσα Σοφοκλής και άδηφα^εΐν Έρμιππος (poet 
 of the Old Comedy), Meinek. Frag. Com. p. 145. Cp. κριθών 
 7 τώλοϊ, Aesch. Ag. 1641, i7T7ros άκοστήσας έπϊ φάτνη, II. vx. 
 506. 
 
 οΰτω] referring to ώσπερ, i.e. οΰτω ποιούμεθα, ώσπερ ol εΐς τάς 
 δ. avayK. άφιχμ. (ποιούνται or ποιοΐντο αν), * to make peace on 
 conditions fit only for those who ’, etc. 
 
 § 5β. <τχ€τλιώτατον] ‘ most intolerable ’: cp. Philipp. 
 § 103, p. 105, σχετλιώτατος, ‘ most heartless’: or. xvm. § 35, 
 λέξειν ώς δεινά καί σχέτλια πείσεται, ‘monstrous and cruel 
 things ’. 
 
 φιλοττονώτατοι] ‘ most laborious ’: referring to the military 
 and athletic exercises of the Spartans. Cp. Arist. Pol. v 
 [vm] 4. § 4, έτι δ' αυτούς τούς Αάκωνας ϊσμεν, εως μεν αυτοί 
 προσήδρευον ταΐς φιΧοπονίαις, υπερέχοντας των άλλων, νυν δέ 
 καί τούς yυμvaσioιs και τοΐς πολεμικοί s άχώσι Χειπομένους έτέρων. 
 Isocr. or. I. § 40, πειρώ τφ μέν σώματι είναι φιλόπονος, τη δέ 
 ψυχή φιλόσοφος. But of literary industry as opp. to physical 
 effort, Epist. vin. § 5, δωρεών άζιουσι τούς έν τούς yopviKois 
 άχώσι κατορθουντας μάλλον τ) τούς ττ) φρονήσει και ττ) φιλοπονία. τι 
 των χρησίμων εύρίσκοντας. 
 
 ών καί ιτοΜ|(Γασθαι, κ.τ.Χ.] * worthy of any [καί] mention ’— 
 Thuc. I. 15, κατά yrjv δέ πόλεμος, οθεν τις καί δύναμις (any 
 power) πapεyέvετo, οΰδείς ξυνεστη: IV, 48, ού yap ’έτι Ijv υπόλοιπον 
 των έτέρων 6 τι και άξίόλογον. 
 
 
340 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 άτταξ ήττηθί'ντ^] by the Thebans under Epameinondas at 
 Leuctra, 371 b.c. : cp. § 10 of this speech, el δέ.,.προησόμεθά τι 
 των ημετέρων αυτών , βεβαιώσομεν τάϊ Θηβαίων αλαζονείας καί 
 πολύ σεμνότερον τρόπαιον τού περί Αευκτρα.,.στ'ήσομεν καθ' ημών 
 αυτών. 
 
 juas «ίσ-βολής] At this time (366 b.c.) Epameinondas had 
 thrice invaded the Peloponnesus —in 370, 369, 367 b.c. But he 
 had invaded Laconia only once—in 370 b.c. The next invasion 
 of Laconia occurred shortly before the battle of Mantineia in 
 362 b.c. 
 
 irt3s δ’ άν...άνταρκ«Γ€ΐαν] ‘ And how should such men [i.c. 
 those who succumb to a single reverse] hold out against pro¬ 
 longed ill fortune ? ’ δυστυχοΰντες implies el δυστυχοΐεν, but is 
 in close connection with άνταρκέσεια v. 
 
 § 57. Μεοτσηνίων] ‘Who would not reproach us, if, when 
 the Messenians stood a siege of twenty years in defence of this 
 territory, we should resign it so hastily under a treaty?’ The 
 πολιορκία is the siege of Ithome in the first Messenian War, 
 743—723 b.c., acc. to the legendary chronology. Cp. § 27 δια 
 τετρακοσίων έτών μέλλουσι κατοικίζειν , they propose to restore 
 Messene after the lapse of 400 years: where τριακοσίων would 
 agree better with the common tradition that the Second Mes¬ 
 senian War ended, and the conquest of the country by Sparta 
 was completed, about 688 b.c. — Attic Orators , n. 197—9. 
 
 καί μ,ηδέ των ττρογ. μνησθίίημεν] * and should not even 
 mention our ancestors’— i.e. should not once recall their 
 laborious conquest of Messenia: —not ‘remember’, which would 
 be μεμνφμεθ a (or μεμνήμεθα). 
 
 XI. ΑΡΕΟΠΑΠΤΙΚΟΣ. [Or. vn.]—As a picture of 
 the older Athenian Democracy this discourse supplements 
 the Panegyricus. The latter describes the external relations 
 of Athens in her great days; the Areopagiticus, the inner 
 life. 
 
 In this speech Isocrates contrasts the Athenian Democracy 
 as it existed in the middle of the 4th century b.c. with the 
 Democracy of Solon and of Cleisthenes (§ 16). He dwells 
 chiefly on two features of the elder Democracy:—1. the 
 preference of election (αϊ peais) to ballot (κλ-ήρωσ ts) in the 
 appointment of State officers, §§ 22 ff.; 2. the supervision of 
 public morals exercised by the Council of the Areiopagus: 
 §§ 36—55. It is owing to the prominence of the latter topic 
 that the speech has been called Άρεοπα^ιτικδς. It is cast in a 
 deliberate form. Isocrates supposes himself to have given 
 notice in writing to the prytanes of an intention to speak ‘ On 
 
NOTES. 
 
 341 
 
 pp. 150, 151] 
 
 the Safety of Athens ’ ( περί σωτηρίας πρόσοδον άπο·/ράψασθαι., 
 §§ 1, 15); and to be now urging in the ecclesia, as absolutely 
 necessary to the welfare of the city, the restoration of censo¬ 
 rial power to the Areiopagus (cp. § 84). Like the De Pace 
 (Or. vm.), this speech was not delivered, or meant for delivery, 
 in the Assembly. The deliberative form was adopted merely 
 for the sake of giving greater life and impressiveness to the 
 pleading. 
 
 The date is to be inferred from five indications :—(1) There 
 was now peace on the frontiers of Attica (τα περί ttjv χώραν), 
 and a confident sense of security at Athens, §§ 1—3: (2) The 
 Athenians had ‘lost all the cities in Thrace’ (§ 9): (3) had 
 spent more than 1000 talents on mercenaries, ib : (4) had got a 
 bad name in Hellas and incurred the enmity of Persia, § 10: 
 (5) had been forced ‘ to save the friends of the Thebans ’ and 
 to lose their own allies. The latter half of 355 b.c. is the date 
 to which these indications seem to point. (See Attic Orators, 
 ii. 202 f., where the question of the date is examined in 
 detail.) 
 
 The powers exercised by the Areiopagus before the reforms 
 of Ephialtes were of two kinds, definite and indefinite. The 
 definite powers were: 1. A limited criminal jurisdiction: 
 
 2. the supreme direction of religious worship, especially of the 
 cultus of the Eumenides. The indefinite powers were: 1. A 
 general supervision of all magistrates and law-courts: 2. a 
 general guardianship of the laws, with the right of protest 
 (though not of veto) when proposed new laws conflicted with 
 old: 3. a general control of the education of the young: 4. a 
 general censorship of public morals : 5. competence to assume, 
 in emergencies of the State, a dictatorial authority. 
 
 The definite powers of the Areiopagus were never at any 
 time taken from it. But Ephialtes abolished almost wholly the 
 indefinite powers. It is for the revival of these—especially of 
 (3) and (4)—that Isocrates is anxious. While it possessed 
 these, the Areiopagus had been the strongest influence, though 
 mainly a negative influence, in the State ; it had been able to 
 impress a conservative character upon the whole civic body. 
 Deprived of these, it was merely a criminal court of narrow 
 competence. Its connection with what was most venerable 
 in the old religion, and the high standing of its individual 
 members, still secured to it, indeed, a large measure of respect. 
 Isocrates speaks of the good influence which, even in his own 
 day, wrought on those who became members of the college. 
 But politically the Areiopagus was now powerless. The plea of 
 Isocrates for a restoration of its strength is strikingly illustrated 
 by the protest of Aeschylus against its enfeeblement. It is not 
 on any well-defined function, but rather on those prerogatives 
 
342 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 which, being vague, were boundless, that orator and poet alike 
 insist:— 
 
 Here, on the Hill of Ares, 
 
 Once seat and camp of Amazons who came 
 In anger against Theseus, and defied 
 From their new ramparts his acropolis, 
 
 And poured blood unto Ares, where is now 
 The hill, the rock of Ares—in this place 
 Awe kin to dread shall hold the citizens 
 From sinning in the darkness or the light, 
 
 While their own voices do not change the laws. 
 *#*«■** 
 
 This Court, majestic, incorruptible, 
 
 Instant in anger, over those who sleep 
 The sleepless watcher of my land I set. 
 
 Attic Orators , n. 202: 211. 
 
 §§ 36—55. 
 
 § 36. γίγενημενας] I believe this to be the true reading, 
 and not 717 νομένας ( = αϊ iyiyvovro, adopted by Benseler from 
 the IJrbino ms.), because the perf. better expresses the feeling 
 of Isocr. that this glorious chapter of Athenian history was 
 closed. The πράξεις are the political and social life of Athens 
 under the Old Democracy, and before the rule of the dema¬ 
 gogues. Isocr. would date the latter from the death of Pericles 
 —regarding the administration of Pericles as a transitional 
 period, in which the deterioration, moral and political, was 
 mitigated by the personal qualities of the leader: see esp. 
 De Pace § 126, p. 109, Π ερικλης...λαβών την πόλιν χείρον μεν 
 φρονούσαν ..Ατι δ’ άνεκτως πολιτευομένην, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 καλώς καί τά προς «τφάς αυτούς €Ϊχον, κ.τ.λ.] ‘were so 
 
 happy in their relations to each other [ i.e . in their social and 
 private life], and in their administration of the Common¬ 
 wealth’. Cp. Thuc. II. 37, άνεπαχθως δε τά ϊδια προσομιλουντες 
 τά δημόσια διά δέος μάλιστα ού παρανομουμεν. 
 
 σ-αφ€<ττ€ρον] For the form cp. note on Panegyr. § 163, 
 έρρωμενεστέρως, p. 311. 
 
 § 37. Ikcivoi γάρ...ή , π·αί8€ς οντ«ς] ‘The preceptors of the 
 young Athenian’s studies in that age were, indeed, numerous; 
 but it did not follow that, when he entered on man’s estate, he 
 was allowed to do as he pleased; rather he was subject to 
 stricter supervision just in the years of his prime than during 
 his boyhood’. Affirmatively, the sentence would be: έν μεν 
 
NOTES. 
 
 343 
 
 pp. 151, 152] 
 
 rats 7 ταιδείαις πολλούς τούς έπιστ. εϊχον, έπειδη δέ.,.δοκιμασθεΐεν, 
 έξην, κ.τ.λ. Place the whole in brackets: prefix ούκ: and we 
 have the negative form. This is due to the Greek love of 
 symmetrical antithesis, and therefore of co-ordinated rather 
 than subordinated clauses. Cp. Archidamus § 54, τότε μέν, 
 κ.τ.λ., note, p. 339. 
 
 ττολΧούξ tovs «τιαττ.] e.g. 7 raιδayωyός, παιδοτρίβης (teacher of 
 gymnastics), Ύραμματοδι,δάσκαλός, αρμονικός (music-master), etc.; 
 after the age of 17, the έπιμεληταί των έφηβων or σωφρονισταί 
 (=the Spartan παιδονόμοι) : Herm. Ant. in. § 34. 6 , § 35. 18. 
 
 els avSpas δοκιμασθ.] At 18 the έφηβος (έκ παίδων έξελθων) 
 passed his δοκιμασία as such: at 20 , his δοκιμασία εις ανδρας 
 (άνηρ dvai δοκιμασθηναι, εις ανδρας έ'/'γράφεσθαι): Herm. Ant. I. 
 
 § 121.— έν αύταϊς ταΐς άκμαΐς, i.e. just in those years of early 
 manhood when passion is strongest: cp. Antid. § 289, p. 123, έν 
 ταύταις.,.ταΐς άκμαΐς ’όντες νπερεΐδον τας ηδονάς έν αΐς οί ί τλάστοι 
 μάλιστ αυτών έπιθυμοΰσιν. 
 
 την σωφροσ-ύνην—τήδ ίύκοατμία,δ] ‘sobriety ’ — 4 decorum’. 152 
 Cp. Aeschin. In Ctes. § 2 (in reference to Solon’s regulations 
 περί ρητόρων εύκοσμίαή : the oldest citizen was to speak first, 
 σωφρόνως έπί τό βήμα παρελθών άνευ θορύβου και ταραχής. Dem. 
 
 F. L. § 251, Ιφη τον Σόλωνα άνακεΐσθαι της των τότε δημιμ/ορούν- 
 των σωφροσύνης παράδει*γμα, εΐσω την χεΐρα έχοντα άναβεβλημένον 
 (with his cloak drawn round him, and his hand within the 
 folds). See Attic Orators, i. 25. 
 
 ^S...t<hs Kakws yeyovoo-i] ‘membership of which [ 77 s, sc. της 
 έξΆρείου πά-γου βουλής ] was possible only for the well-born’. 
 
 If καλώς yey ονόσιν is pressed, this is true only of the pre- 
 Solonian time when the Areiopagus was confined to the 
 Eupatridae: since Solon’s reforms opened the archonship to 
 the Pentakosiomedimni, and past archons (unless rejected at 
 their εύθΰναι on laying down office) ‘ went up ’ to the Areiopa¬ 
 gus. Herm. Ant. 1 . § 109: Grote in. 162. But no such clear 
 distinction is present to Isocr. ’s mind, who is thinking only of 
 the broad contrast between the old aristocratic Bepublic and 
 the later Democracy, καλώς yεyovότες cannot be explained as 
 merely = καθαρως yey., ‘ of pure Attic parentage ’. 
 
 <τυν£δρίων] ‘assemblies’—a general term: cp. Nicocles § 19, 
 p. 75: Antid. § 38, οϋτ έν τοΐς συνεδρίοις (Boule or Ecclesia) 
 ούτε περί τάς άνακρίσεις (preliminary law proceedings before the 
 archon) οίίτ’ επί τοΐς δικαστηρίοις οϋτε προς τοΐς διαιτηταΐς. 
 
 § 38. των ιτερί την αϊρεσ-ιν, κ.τ.λ.] ‘when the safeguards 
 of election and of scrutiny have fallen into neglect’. In § 22 
 Isocr. had said that the Athenians of yore φκουν την πόλιν, ούκ 
 έξ απάντων τάς άρχάς κληροΰντες, άλλα τούς βέλτιστους καί 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 344 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 τούς ίκανωτάτους έφ' έκαστον των έργων προκρίνοντες: and goes 
 on to speak of the risk run by τό λαγχάνειν and ή κλήρωσις 
 (ballot for office). The substitution of ballot (κλήρα ms) for 
 election (αϊρεσις), in the case of the nine archons, prob. dated 
 fropa Cleisthenes. The στρατηγοί, at least, and the ταμίας 
 (steward of the Treasury) always remained αίρετοί. As regards 
 most other offices, ballot was prob. substituted for αϊρεσις about 
 478 b.c. But the term αϊρεσις, in its general sense, included 
 κλήρωσις as well as αϊρεσις in the special sense ( χειροτονία ): so 
 κνάμοις αίρεϊσθαι, Lucian Vit. Auct. 6. Here Isocr. is thinking 
 of ballot as a mischievous substitute for χειροτονία : but the 
 word αϊρεσιν prob. = merely ‘mode of selection’. — δοκιμασία , the 
 scrutiny, before the βουλή, of those who had drawn the lot to 
 be archons: including, here, the idea of the εύθυναι on retire¬ 
 ment also. 
 
 άναβώ(τιν] Cp. Plut. Pericl. 9, δι αυτών \τών άρχών] οί 
 δοκιμασθέντες ανέβαινον εις "Α ρειον πάγον (which was ή άνω 
 βουλή): below, § 46, άνήγον. 
 
 τη φύ<τ€ΐ χρήσ-θαι] ‘to indulge their propensities’. 
 
 φόβον... εν τω τόιτω] Cp. Aesch. Eunien. 659, πέτρα πάγος τ 
 " Αρειος’ έν δέ τφ σέβας | αστών φόβος τε ξνγγενής τό μή άδι- 
 κεϊν | σχήσει, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 § 39. τήν δή τοιαύτην...άλληλων] ‘Such then, as I have 
 said [§ 37], was the Council to which they committed the care 
 of good order; a Council which deemed those men ignorant 
 who suppose that the best characters are produced in the com¬ 
 munities whose laws are framed with the greatest precision; 
 since (they felt) there was nothing to hinder all Greeks being 
 on the same level, so far as concerns the facility of obtaining 
 written codes from each other’.— τήν τοιαύτην .. .ή, =οϊα (cp. 
 Lys. or. xm. § 13, note, p. 263): the omission of βουλήν 
 helping to personify the influence.— ενταύθα, =έν τούτοις, ante- 
 ced. to παρ' οΐς. — κείμενοι, = perf. pass, of τίθημι’. cp. ύπεκκεί- 
 μενα, Aegin. § 18, p. 158.— άγνοεϊν = άγνώμονας είναι.—ούδέν άν 
 κωλύειν, oblique either of αν έκώλνεν (nothing would hinder, 
 whereas something does), or κωλύοι άν (would conceivably hin¬ 
 der) : better taken as representing the latter. 
 
 § 40. αλλά ·γάρ...τταιδ£υθώσ·ιν] ‘But in fact (the Council 
 knew) it is not by such things that virtue is promoted, but by 
 the pursuits of daily life; since most men retain the impress 
 of the particular habits in which they have been educated’. 
 παιδευθωσιν άν, vivid for παιδευθεΐεν, in spite of ενόμιζεν , on 
 which the whole oblique discourse depends: cp. Goodwin § 74. 
 1. — έπιτηδευμάτων : Thuc. II. 37, των καθ' ημέραν επιτ.: cp. 
 Antiph. Tetr. ,Β. β. § 10, note, p. 206. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 345 
 
 pp. 152—154] 
 
 4πΛ ret ye πλήθη... άναγκάξ.] ‘For the number and precision 
 of the laws (the Council held) is a sign that the city in which 
 they exist [ταύτην] is ill administered; since it is in the 
 attempt [pres, part.] to erect barriers against crime that such a 
 community [aurotfs] is compelled to multiply its laws’, πλήθη 
 — ακρίβεια* : for the plur. see Antid. § 283, note, p. 303.— 
 τίθεσθαι, of the legislator who is bound by his laws: τιθέναι, of 
 one who legislates only for others: κεΐσθαι, of the laws them¬ 
 selves. Dobree cp. Tac. in. 27, corruptissima re publica plurU 
 mae leges . 
 
 § 41. ras o-Toas «μπιπλ. γραμμάτων] ‘to cover the walls 153 
 of their porticoes with statutes’; Andoc. De Myst. § 85, έδοκι- 
 μάσθησαν μεν οΰν ol νόμοι, τούς δύ κνρωθέντας dviypaxj/av εις τήν 
 στοάν ( i.e . the στοά βασίλειος in the Agora). The ψήφισμα cited 
 there directs, τούς κυρονμενους των νόμων avaypaipeiv είς τύν 
 τοίχον, ΐναπερ πρότερον άνε^ραφησαν, σκοπέιν τφ βονλομένιρ. So 
 here ακριβώς άνα'γε'γραμμένους = ί posted up’, ‘promulgated' , in 
 strict terms. 
 
 καί Tots απλώς κίΐμί'νοις] ‘even those laws which are con¬ 
 ceived in simple terms’—opp. to ακριβώς, i.e. with less attempt 
 to define rigorously a number of special cases. Cp. Lysias In 
 Theomn. § 7, note. 
 
 § 42. δι’ ών — Ιξ ών] διά — ‘by what means’:— εξ —‘on 
 [starting from] what principles ’ ....παρασκευάσουσι, ‘contrive’, 
 often in a bad sense, of intrigue: cp. Lys. In Agor. § 12, p. 79, 
 εκείνιρ δικαστήριον παρασκενάσαντες. 
 
 τό π€ρΙ τάς τιμωρίας] ‘but that to press for retribution 
 is the province of personal resentment’: i.e. the affair of the 
 injured. Cp. Lysias In Eratostli. § 2, πρότερον μέν yap ϊδει 
 τήν Ζχθραν τούς KaTyyopoovra ς έπιδεΐξαι, κ.τ.λ., where see note. 
 
 § 43. ταραχωδ&ττατα διακ.] ‘subject to the most unruly 
 passions ’: cp. § 37, note on εις άνδρας δοκιμασθεΐεν. 
 
 !v μόνοις...€ΐθισμ^νους] ‘for to such labours only [sc. τοΐς 154 
 τάς ήδονάς Ζχουσι], they saw, would those be constant, who had 
 received a liberal education and learned to cherish a high 
 spirit’, έμμεΐναι dv, oblique of έμμείνεια v av .—For μ^αλοφρο- 
 νεΐν we ought perhaps to read μέya φρονεΐν. Isocr. has μέya 
 φρονεΐν in seven passages: or. ii. § 30: hi. §§ 35, 39: iv. §§ 81, 
 
 132: ix. § 45: x. § 35: but μεya\oφpoveΐv only here. The only 
 other place in a classical writer where μεyaλoφρovεΐv has strong 
 ms. authority is Xen. Hellen. vi. 2. § 39, where Cobet would 
 read μέya φρονουντος, and G. Sauppe gives μεyάλa φρονονντος. 
 
 In Plat. Protag. 342 d, and Alcibiades i. 104 c, it is merely an 
 ill-attested variant. In later writers, however (though Pollux 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 346 
 
 [Isocrates 
 
 iii. 114 seems to condemn it altogether), μέ'γάλοφρονε iv is not 
 rare: e.g. Plut. Ages. 30, Joseph. Ant. xix. 7. 3, Aelian Var. 
 Hist. xii. 22. Cp. Cobet N. L. 269, 340, 643,. Lobeck Ai. 443. 
 
 § 44. άνωμάλωδ ... ^χονταδ] ‘owing to the disparity of their 
 circumstances’: τά irepi τδν βίον = τήν ουσίαν, cp. § 45 βίον 
 Ικανόν κεκτημένους. 
 
 τάδ γεωργίαδ, κ.τ.λ.] Note the six plurals: see Antid. § 283, 
 note. 
 
 tAs airopias μεν, κ.τ.λ.] This form of κλΐμαξ (gradatio, as- 
 census) was specially called επιπλοκή, catena: cp. Dem. F. L. 
 § 179, ούκ εΐιτον μεν ταυτα , ούκ έγραψα δε, ούδ’ ’έγραψα μέν , ούκ 
 έπρέσβευσα δε, κ.τ.λ. Cic. Pro Hose. Am. 27. 75, in urbe luxuries 
 creatur; ex luxuria existat avaritia necesse est; ex avaritia 
 erumpat audacia, etc. Yolkmann, Bhet. Gr. und Homer , p. 
 403. 
 
 § 45. . απαλλάξεις] that they would draw away [the youth, 
 
 robs νεωτέρους ]. 
 
 τά γυμνάσια — τά κυνηγε'σια] not here ‘the gymnasiums’, 
 but ‘athletic exercises’: Plat. Laches 181 e, (to έν δπλοι$ 
 μάχεσθαι is good for young men) ούδενδς yap των yvμvaσίωv 
 φαυλότερον oύδ , έλάττω πόνον έχει, καί άμα .προθήκες έλευθέριρ 
 μάλιστα τοΰτό τε τό yυμvάσιov και ή ιππική.—τά ,/αινηγ^σ.ια: cp. 
 the taunt of Aeschines against Demosthenes,' In Gtes. § 255, 
 rives υμών είσιν oi βοηθήσοντες τφ Αημοσθένει ; πότερον οι συ^/κυ- 
 vgyeTai ή oi aoyy υμνασταί αύτου δτ’ ήν έν ήλικίφ ; άλλα μά 
 τον Αία τον ’Ολύμπιον ούχ Ss aypioos κυvηyετωv ...διayεyέvητaι. 
 
 opi3vT€s] ‘seeing that by these pursuits [ τούτων ] some are 
 made excellent men,· and others are led to abstain from most 
 vices’, άπεχομένό os, midd. 
 
 § 46. ούδε τον λοιπόν χρόνον] ‘neither did they neglect 
 the [citizen’s] later years ’; i.e. they continued to watch over 
 his adult life, as they had already watched over his boyhood 
 and youth (§37). , 
 
 κώμας... δήμους] ‘taking the city by wards (κώμαι) and the 
 country by townships, they continued to supervise each man’s 
 life’: διελόμενοι not necessarily implying that they were the 
 authors of such a division, but only that they took this divi¬ 
 sion as the basis of their systematic inspection. (Cp. Lys. 
 In Erat. § 7, p. 66, διαλαβόντες ras οικία s.)— κωμαι. (vici), wards 
 or quarters of the town; at Athens prob. merely.local divisions, 
 without any further political significance, Herm. Ant. 1. § 11. 
 11: the word perh. preserving a reminiscence of the time 
 before the συνοίκισα ascribed to Theseus, Thuc. n. 15. See 
 Arist. Poet. in. 6, έν ΙΑελοποννήσιρ [as in Lacedaemon] κώμ as 
 
NOTES. 
 
 347 
 
 pp. 134, 135] 
 
 ras περιοικίδας καλεΐν φασίν, ’ Αθηναίοι δέ δήμους. — The division 
 into δήμοι ( pagi ) was ascribed to Theseus, and was at least 
 much older than Cleisthenes. Plato, Legg. 756 d, has φρατρία s 
 και δήμους καί κώμας , where, however, κώμας may be ‘villages’. 
 Isocr. seems to be the only writer who names the city κώμα i 
 as parallel with the country δήμοι : cp. Herm. Ant. i. § 111. 4. 
 
 άνήγον] Cp. § 38, άναβώσ t, note. 
 
 cvou0€T€l·— ηΊΓίίλίΐ — €κόλαζ€ν] ‘admonished’ (for a first of¬ 
 fence): ‘threatened’ (for repeated offences): ‘punished’, (the 
 contumacious). 
 
 δύο τρόποι] ‘for they knew that there are in fact (ruyxa- 
 νουσιν) two systems, one of which impels men to wrong-doing, 
 while the other deters them from evil courses’: ol καί προτρέ- 
 ποντες καί παύοντες — which respectively impel or deter. For 
 ras αδικίας and των -πονηριών , where the antithesis required 
 opposites, cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 87, note, p. 216. 
 
 § 47 . παρ’ ols piv γάρ.-.τάε κακοηθίίαδ] The infins. δια- 155 
 φΟβίρ€σθαι...’γί-γνβσθαι depend on ηπίσταντο : cp. §§ 40 — 42 
 (depending on ένομίζεν § 39).—Observe the double μεν in the 
 protasis (παρ' οΐς μέν, παρά, τούτοις μέν) balanced by the double 
 δό in the apodosis (οπού-δέ...ενταύθα δέ). Cp. De Pace § 55, 
 οΐς μέν ya ρ.,.σϋμβόύλοις χρώμεθα, τούτους μέν ούκ άξιούμεν χειρο- 
 τονεΐν,.. .οΐς δ' ούδείς αν συμβουλεύσαιτο , τούτους δ' ...έκπέμπομεν. 
 
 ΙξιτηΧουδ ·γύγν€σ·θαι] ‘malignant tendencies gradually dis¬ 
 appear’. So Philipp. § 60, ώστε μηδέπω νυν εξίτηλους είναι τάς 
 συμφοράς τάς δι' έκεΐνον τον πόλεμον (the Peloponnesian) εν reus 
 πολεσιν έyyεyεyημέvaς, ‘have not even yet been effaced’. Cp. 
 
 Xen. Oec. 10. 3, εί.,.πορφυρίδας εξίτηλους φαίην άληθινάς είναι , ‘if 
 I were to say that sham [quickly fading] purples were real ’. 
 
 τοσ-ούτου ...^Seov... λανθάνίΐν] Cp. Philipp. § 100, τοσούτου 
 δεΐ.,.άρχειν, note. 
 
 tovs «πιδόξουξ άμ.αρτη<Γ€<τθαι] not, ‘those who were medi¬ 
 tating an offence’, but, ‘those on whose part an offence was 
 apprehended’. For this use, cp. Isocr. Epist. iv. § 6, των επι¬ 
 δόξων διαφθαρησεσθαι πpayμάτωv, ‘the affairs which seemed 
 likely to be ruined’. So or. xx. § 12, τούς επιδόξους yεvήσεσθaι 
 πονηρούς. In Archidamus § 8, επίδοξος ών τυχεΐν της τιμής 
 ταύτης, the sense is, ‘being heir presumptive to this dignity’ 
 
 (the Spartan kingship). 
 
 § 48 . σ-κιραφ€ίοις, κ.τ.λ.] ‘gambling-houses’: cp. Antid. 
 
 § 287, note.— iv ταϊς αύλητρίσιν, might = simply ‘among’, but 
 prob. = ‘in their part of the town’, = e^ tois αύλητριδίοις (Athen. 
 xii. 532). Cp. Κεραμείς as the name of a district or deme, 
 Plat. Prot. 315 d. 
 
348 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates; 
 
 % 
 
 4v ols Ιτάχθησαν] * were constant to the pursuits to which 
 they had been appointed’ (by the paternal authority of the 
 Areiopagus): cp. above § 44, ούτως εκάστοις προσέταττον. Each 
 man was given his τάξι$, his place in the ordered life of the 
 city. 
 
 σωφροσύνη?] ‘sobriety’ (of demeanour): see on τήν σωφρο¬ 
 σύνην , § 37. 
 
 § 49. 4v καττηλδίω] ‘in a tavern’, κάπηλος 6 μετάβολος 
 [read μεταβολεύς, huckster] καί οίνοπώλης, Etym. M. 490. 
 Athen. p. 366 F, 'Υπερείδης εν τφ κατά ϊΐατροκλέους τούς ’ Αρειοπα- 
 * ytras φησίν άριστήσαντά τινα εν καπηλείιρ κωλυσαι άνιένοχ 
 εις "Α ρειον 7 rayov. Cp. Plato, Legg. 918 d, πάντα τά περί την 
 καπηλείαν καί εμπορίαν καί πανδοκείαν (inn-keeping) 'γένη διαβέ- 
 βληταί τε καί εν αισχρούς ονεν όνείδεσιν. 
 
 βωμολοχέύεσθαι] ‘buffoonery’: cp. Antid. § 284, τούς μέν yo 
 βωμολοχευομένους και σκώπτειν καί μιμεύσθαι δυναμένους ευφυείς 
 καλοΰσιν, and note, ρ. 304. 
 
 cvTpairfeXovs] ‘And indeed [δ<?, ‘again’,—to say nothing of 
 positive βωμόλόχοι ] the proficients in repartee and jest who are 
 now called wits were then thought warnings ’: εύφυεΐς — δυστυ¬ 
 χείς, & παρονομασία (cp. Panegyr. § 186, φήμην...μνήμην, note, ρ. 
 318). Arist. Etll. II. 7. § 13, περί δέ τδ ήδύ τδ μέν εν παιδιφ. 
 (playfulness) δ μέν μέσος ευτράπελος·...ή δ' υπερβολή βωμολο¬ 
 χία...δ δ’ έλλείπων ay ροΐκός τις. Eth. IV. 8. § 10, ό μέσος...εϊτ’ 
 επιδέξιος ειτ' ευτράπελος [ οΐον εϋτροπ ος, ib. § 3: llis mark is 
 τδ έμμελως παΖ^αν] λέyετaι: δ δέ βωμολόχος ήττων έστϊ του 
 yελoίoυ, the buffoon cannot resist the temptation to raise a laugh 
 (even when the joke is coarse, or will give pain): he differs 
 from the εϊρων, again, in jesting, not for his own amusement, 
 but for that of others ( Rhet . in. 18). On the sense of ευτραπε¬ 
 λία in Antid. § 296, see note. 
 
 156 § 50. καταστάσα] ‘this state of things’ ( not in a political 
 
 sense, ‘constitution’). 
 
 rots όλίγω irpo ημών] alluding to the reforms of Ephialtes 
 about a century before (459 b.c.), by which the powers of the 
 Areiopagus were restricted: see introd. 
 
 § 51. -rjs 4'ΐΓΐστατούση?] ‘while that Council exercised a 
 censorship’—referring to its general moral supervision: cp. 
 Aesch. Eum. 659, εύδόντων ύπερ | έypηyopδς φρούρημα. 
 
 δικών...4γκλημάτων...€ΐσφορών] (private) law-suits—(crimi¬ 
 nal) indictments (ey κλήματα comprehending yρaφaί and eiaay- 
 yελίaι )— special war-taxes: the first two being parallel with 
 πενίας, the third with πολέμων. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 349 
 
 pp. 155—157] 
 
 § 52. παρά δε των] Cp. Panegyr. § 82, rots μεν yap ούχ 
 ϋπεισι πράξεις, πρός δέ τούς ούκ είσίν άρμόττοντες λόγοι. Bern- 
 hardy, Synt. ρ. 310, truly remarks that this use is peculiar to 
 Isocr. among the orators , though not rare among other Attic 
 prose-writers.— ei πάσχοιεν : they would say, άyaπώμεv εάν 
 μηδέν πάσχωμεν. 
 
 τοι-γάρτοι] ‘Accordingly’: the notion is, ‘And so, sure 
 enough ’—as might have been expected from these precautions. 
 
 KaracrK€vas] ‘establishments’. Thuc. n. 65, καλά κτήματα 
 κατά την χώραν οίκοδομίαις re κμι πολυτελέσι κατασκευαΐς 
 άπολωλεκότες. So Pericles speaks of the country-houses and 
 lands as κηπίον καί έyκaλλώπισμa πλούτου, ib. 62. Demosthenes 
 touches on the same topic in Olynth. in. § 25 f., ίδί$ δ’ οΰτω 
 σώφρονες ησαν καί σφοδρά έν τφ της πολιτείας ηθει μένοντες, so 
 constant to a republican simplicity, that the house of Aristeides 
 or of Miltiades is (εστίν, implying that it is still pointed out) 
 no grander, σεμνότερα, than the house of the ordinary citizen. 
 
 § 53. tAs θεωρίαδ] ‘spectacles’—including sacred proces¬ 
 sions (πομπαί), dramatic or musical contests ^ώνες) at the 
 festivals, etc. Cp. Panegyr. § 45, (ή πόλις, Athens) θεάματα 
 πλεΐστα καί κάλλιστα κέκτηται, τά μέν ταΐς δαπάναις ύπερβάλ- 
 λοντα, τά δέ κατά τάς τέχνας εύδοκιμουντα. For θεωρία, cp. ib. 
 § 44, πάντες έπί την σφετέραν θεωρίαν ηκουσι, (knowing) that all 
 come to see them (the athletes). So, too, or. xix. § 10, ούτε 
 θυσίαν ούτε θεωρίαν (spectacle) οϋτ' άλλην εορτήν ούδεμίαν χωρίς 
 άλλήλων rjyopev. On the other hand, in or. xvi. § 34, την 
 θεωρίαν has the technical sense, a sacred mission (to a festival). 
 
 χορηγίαΞ] ‘ rivalries in the equipment of choruses ’ (for the 
 festivals). Lysias speaks of two such χopηyίaι together costing 
 about £200 (or. xix. § 42), and of another which cost about 
 £120 (or. xxi. § 161). The ανελεύθερος, or mean man, is apt, 
 νικησας τpayωδoΐs ταινίαν ξυλίνην άναθείναι τφ Αιονύσψ (a wooden 
 scroll instead of a tripod); Theophr. xxii. ( = xxv. in my ed., 
 where see note p. 251).— αλαζονειών, ‘forms of pretentious¬ 
 ness ’. 
 
 Ιξ ώνπερ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘It is by these tests [the every-day circum¬ 
 stances of the average citizen] that we must distinguish a solid 
 prosperity from a social system of vulgar display ’: φορτικώς — 
 the profuse ostentation on great occasions, combined with 
 sordid meanness and misery in daily life. 
 
 § 54. όταν ίδτ|...ού βούλομαι Xeyeiv] ‘When he sees many 
 citizens drawing lots in person outside the law-courts for a 
 doubtful chance of daily bread, while their dignity prompts 
 them to feed any Greeks who will row their ships for them,—· 
 leading the dance in gold-spangled raiment, and passing the 
 
350 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 winter in garments which I decline to describe’. —iv oh ου 
 βούλομαι Xtyeiv ( αυτού* χειμάξειν) : the simple oh would have 
 been by attract, for a. 
 
 κληρουμένους] casting lots in the morning for employment 
 as dicasts during the day: περί των avayicaluv, because on this 
 depended the fee, τριώβολον. — eld' 'έξουσιν εϊτε μή, (casting lots, 
 to see) whether they are to have τά avayKaia or not.—Every 
 year 600 members of each φυλή were chosen ηλιασταί by lot, 
 thus constituting a body of 6000, of whom 1000 formed a 
 reserve. The other 5000 were divided into 10 sections of 500 
 each. On the morning of each day when the courts sat, lots 
 were cast to determine which court should be assigned, for 
 that day, to each section. In some cases only part of one 
 section was employed; in others, two or more sections sat 
 together,—the number of dicasts in a court ranging from 200 
 to 1500 or even 2000. The courts were assigned by lots to the 
 dicasts ( των δικαστηρίων έπικεκληρωμένων, Dem. Adv. Pantaen. 
 § 39). Each dicast received a ticket ( σύμβολον —not πινάκων, 
 which denoted the tablet given to each of the 6000 heliasts of 
 the year), and a staff, βακτηρία , of the colour which distin¬ 
 guished the court in which he was to sit (ομόχροο* τφ δικαστή- 
 ρίφ, schol. Ar. Vesp. 1110). On presenting his ticket, he 
 received his day’s fee from the κωλακρέται. 
 
 All who ‘drew lots before the law-courts’ were already 
 heliasts. The only uncertainty was as to whether they should 
 be employed on that particular day. And this is the very 
 point of the passage. The dicast’s fee, wretched as it was, 
 had actually become the main-stay of citizens who were living 
 from hand to mouth. Cp. Isocr. De Pace § 130, p. 109, toj>s 
 άπό των δικαστηρίων ξωντα* : and Antid. § 152, where he says 
 that he should have been ashamed ‘ if, having enough of his 
 own to live on, he should stand in the way of those who were 
 compelled to live by the law-courts ( εντεύθεν ) and to receive 
 the dole of the state’. Hence the power of the συκοφάνται , — 
 the men who got up law-suits to enrich themselves and to 
 make work for this hungry mob. 
 
 άξιοΰνταδ] in contrast with αύτού s: the citizens, who them¬ 
 selves have to struggle for bread, are too proud to row their 
 own ships. In the early years of the Peloponnesian War 
 Athens employed ξένοι νανβάται (Thuc. ι. 121), but the com¬ 
 manders ( κυβερνηται ) and the hoplites on board (έπιβάται) were 
 usu. citizens. When the soldiers were also the rowers (as in a 
 rare emergency) they were called αύτερέται (Thuc. in. 18). The 
 Pentakosiomedimni and Hippeis rarely served even as έπιβάται 
 (cp. ib. 16). Isocr. is not complaining of the citizens for not 
 serving as rowers: he merely notes th# contrast between their 
 penury and their sense of dignity. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 351 
 
 pp. 157, 158] 
 
 χορεύονταξ — χειμάζοντας] A παρονομασία , like ευφυείς — 
 δυστυχείς, § 49. Antiphanes, the poet of the Middle Comedy 
 (flor. about 380—330 b.c.), was exactly contemporary with 
 Isocr.; and, in the passage quoted by Athenaeus iii. 62, he 
 thus describes the uncertainties of human life—· 
 
 οστις Άνθρωπος δε φύς 
 
 ασφαλές τι κτημ ύπάρχειν τφ βίιρ λο'γίξ'εται 
 πλεΐστον ημάρτηκεν. η yap εισφορά τις ηρπακε 
 τάνδοθεν πάντ ’ η δίκη τις περιπεσών άπώλετο * 
 
 ■η στρατηγήσας προσώφλεν * η χορ^ος αίρεθείς, 
 
 Ιμάτια χρυσά παρασχών τφ χορφ ράκος φορει. 
 
 §55. Tots εττιτηδ. καί Tats αυτών έιτιμελεέαις] ‘by their 
 pursuits ’ [the intellectual or physical exercises mentioned in 
 § 45, as distinguished from the agricultural or commercial 
 labours assigned to the poorer] ‘ and by the careful watch kept 
 over them ’ : αυτών , των νεωτέρων , not των επιτηδευμάτων : the 
 ν. 1. αυτών would mean ‘ the care exercised by themselves ’ (the 
 Areopagites). 
 
 tovs irp€<rpDTepovs...Tats τιμαί$] Isocr. tacitly refers to 
 a time when the archons and other officers were chosen by 
 χειροτονία, not by κληρωσις, since selection by lot destroyed the 
 prerogative of age: see § 38, των περί την αϊρεσιν, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 XII. ΑΙΓΙΝΗΤΙΚΟΣ. [Or.xix.] — The six forensic speeches 158 
 of Isocrates which are extant cover a period of about ten years, 
 
 403—393 b.c. The speech Against Euthynus (xxi) may be 
 placed in 403, immediately after the restoration of the Demo¬ 
 cracy ; that Against Callimachus (xvm) in 402; the De Bigis 
 (xvi) in 397 or 396; the speech Against Lochites (xx) in 394; 
 the Trapeziticus (xvn) and Aegineticus (xix) in the second 
 half of 394 or early in 393. 
 
 In his later writings Isocrates nowhere recognises this 
 phase of his own activity. He speaks with contempt of those 
 who write for the law-eourts, and emphatically claims it as his 
 own merit that he chose nobler themes. It may have been 
 partly the tone of such passages which emboldened his adopted 
 son Aphareus to assert that Isocrates had never written a 
 forensic speech. This statement is decisively rejected by 
 Dionysius, who concludes, on the authority of Cephisodorus, 
 the orator’s pupil, that Isocrates wrote a certain number of 
 such speeches, though not nearly so many as Aristotle had 
 reported. The modern hypothesis that Isocrates composed 
 the extant forensic orations merely as exercises {μελέται), not 
 for real causes, is another attempt to explain his later tone. 
 
 But these later utterances merely mean that Isocrates regarded 
 his former work for the law-courts as an unworthy accident of 
 
352 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 his early life, previous to the beginning of his true career. 
 Nowhere, be it observed, does he deny that he had written for 
 the courts, or that, to use his own phrase, he had been a doll- 
 maker before he became a Pheidias. He only says that his 
 choice, his real calling, lay in another direction.— Attic Orators, 
 i. 7 f. 
 
 The Aegineticus is so called because the case to which it 
 refers was tried in Aegina,—probably, to judge from the indica¬ 
 tions in §§ 18—20 and 36, at the end of 394 or early in 393 b.c. 
 Thrasyloehus, a citizen of Siphnos, one of the Cyclades, had 
 at his death left his property to the speaker, whom he had 
 previously adopted as his son. The speaker’s right to the 
 inheritance is disputed by a daughter of the testator; and the 
 speech is in answer to her claim ( έτηδικασία ). The case is tried 
 at Aegina, where the speaker had settled (κατοιιασάμβνοί, § 24) 
 before his death.— Att. Or. ii. 217. 
 
 The narrative, of which the following passage is the chief 
 part, is briefly as follows. The speaker’s object is to show that 
 the will is not only genuine, but also just and reasonable, since 
 his own conduct towards the testator Thrasyloehus had estab¬ 
 lished a strong claim. In the first place he had saved the very 
 property now in question. Thrasyloehus and his brother So- 
 polis, citizens of Siphnos, had, for security, placed the greater 
 part of their fortune in the neighbouring island of Paros. Paros 
 was suddenly seized by a party of democratic exiles, Parians 
 and Siphnians, led by one Pasinus. At the risk of his life, the 
 speaker sailed by night to Paros, and carried the endangered 
 property back to Siphnos. Presently the democratic masters 
 of Paros attacked and took Siphnos itself. The speaker— 
 whose family belonged to the aristocracy of the island, and 
 had even given it kings—was among those who were forced to 
 fly. He took with him, not only his own mother and sister, 
 but Thrasyloehus, who was then in weak health. The speaker 
 and his family wished to remain at Melos. But Thrasyloehus 
 entreated them to accompany him to Troezen; and, though 
 they knew the place to be unhealthy, they consented. The 
 speaker’s sister and mother died soon after their arrival. He 
 afterwards nursed Thrasyloehus through a long and distressing 
 illness in Aegina. During that illness the half sister of Thra- 
 sylochus, who now claims his property, never once visited him; 
 nor, on his death, did she attend his funeral (§§ 16—33). 
 
 §§ 18—27. 
 
 § 18. καί TTcpl μέν των τΓαλαιών...^χ€ΐν] ‘The whole story 
 of the past would be long to tell: when, however, Pasinus seized 
 
NOTES. 
 
 353 
 
 p. 158] 
 
 Paros, they [Thrasylochus and his brother Sopolis] happened 
 to have the greater part of their property deposited there for 
 safety in the hands of my Parian friends, as we believed that 
 island to be more secure than any other’, των παλαιών : the 
 early relations between the speaker and Thrasylochus, who 
 had been friends from boyhood (§ 10).— Πάρον : in 410 b.c. the 
 oligarchy set up by Peisander during the rule of the Four 
 Hundred was deposed by Theramenes, who established a 
 democracy in its place (Grote vm. 159). The oligarchy was 
 doubtless restored in Paros, as elsewhere, after the final defeat 
 of Athens in 405 b.c. From § 36 of this speech it is clear that 
 the speaker belonged to the oligarchic party, and therefore that 
 the exiles before whom he fled were democratic. The democratic 
 revolution, led by the otherwise unknown Pasinus, may have 
 been encouraged by the blow dealt to Sparta—and at the same 
 time to oligarchy throughout Hellas—by the victory of Conon 
 at Cnidus in the autumn of 394 b.c. — ύπεκκείμενα, perf. pass, 
 of ύπεκτίθημι : cp. Thuc. I. 89, διεκομίζοντο ευθύς δθεν ύπεξέθεντο 
 [from Salamis, etc.] παΐδας καί yvvaiKas και την περιοΰσαν κατα¬ 
 σκευήν: VIII. 31, δσα ύπεξέκειτο αύτόθι των Κ λαζομενίων.—ασφαλώς 
 εχειν : i.e. Paros was most likely to resist an attack (showing 
 that this was a time of general trouble)—as it had baffled 
 Miltiades in 490 b.c. , Her. vi. 132 f. 
 
 εξεκόμισ·’ αύτοΐδ] ‘ conveyed their money for them out of 
 Paros ’ [back to the neighbouring island of Siphnos—a distance 
 of about 20 miles]. 
 
 § 19. εφρουρείτο] * for the coast (of Paros) was guarded, 
 and some of our exiles [democrats expelled by the oligarchs of 
 Siphnos] had helped to seize Paros’, συ^κατειλ.: cp. § 18, 
 κατέλαβεν . So Xen. Gyr. IV. 2. 42, rots συ-γκατειληφόσι , those 
 who have helped us to take (the camp). 
 
 ά/τΓε'κτειναν αυτόχειρεδ γενόμενοι] ‘ slew with their own 
 hands’ (when Siphnos was subsequently taken, § 20). Cp. 
 Isocr. Panegyr. § 111, τούς αντόχειρας και φονέας των πολιτών, 
 ‘the assassins and murderers’. Archid. § 150, ού yap αύτδ- 
 χειρες οϋτε των &y αθων οϋτε των κακών yiy νονται, * (the gods) do 
 not give either good or evil ivith their own hands to men ’ (but 
 only implant the ’έννοια which leads to either). 
 
 § 20 . φυ-γήδ ήμιν] ‘when we were compelled to fly from 
 our island’ (Siphnos, which the democratic exiles, masters of 
 Paros, next attacked). 
 
 των σφετε'ρων αυτών] genit. of oi σφέτεροι αυτών, their own 
 kinsfolk. Lysias In Agor. § 45, p. 88, oi μέν yoveas σφετέρους 
 αυτών πρεσβύτας καταλιπόντες. 
 
 οΰκ ήγάττησ-α εί.,.δυνηΘείην] ‘ was not content with the hope 
 
 23 
 
 j. 
 
354 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 of being able ’ [the historical form of ούκ ά-γαιτω έάν δυνηθώ]. Cp. 
 Areopagit. § 52, p. 156, ώστ ayairav έκείνου s d μηδέν έτι κακόν 
 πάσχουν. — €Ϊδώς, ‘ although I knew’. 
 
 σ-υνεξεκόμισ’ αύτω, κ.τ.λ.] ‘I conveyed out of Siphnos, not 
 only Thrasylochus, but also my mother, my sister and all our 
 property’. Cp. § 23, την μητέρα την έμαυτοΰ καί την αδελφήν. 
 From Melos (§ 21) they removed to Troezen. The speaker’s 
 mother and sister both died within 35 days after their arrival 
 (§ 22). Thrasylochus had subsequently removed from Troezen 
 to Aegina (§ 24), and there fell into the illness of which—after 
 more than a year—he died ( τον μέν πλείστον χρόνον...έξ δέ 
 μήνας, § 24). 
 
 159 § 21. τά μίν τοίνυν €ίρημ€να...π€ρι£ΐΓ€<τον] ‘Thus far, I 
 
 have spoken of services which, though they exposed me to risk, 
 entailed no loss [viz. his voyage to Paros for the money, κινδν - 
 νεύσας ί repi τοΰ σώματος, § 18, and the escape from Siphnos]; 
 but I can mention others by which, in obliging him, I brought 
 the gravest afflictions on myself ’,— απόλαυσα ; cp, § 23, ayadov 
 άπόλέλανκα. 
 
 Μήλον] Melos is about 12 miles s.w.s. of Siphnos; from 
 Melos it is a voyage of about 75 miles n.w. to Troezen on the 
 coast of Argolis—just opposite the little island Calauria (where 
 Demosthenes died—now Poro, πόρος , because the narrow strait 
 can sometimes be forded), 
 
 μ4λλοιμεν] ‘that we intendedmeaning the speaker, his 
 mother and sister: so below, έδοξεν ήμίν. 
 
 καί on χωρίς εμού..,ττράγμασ-ιν] ‘and (representing, \4yuv) 
 that, without me, he will be utterly helpless in his affairs \ He 
 said, ούδέν έξω: the fut. opt. in classical Greek being used only 
 to translate, after secondary tenses in oratio obliqua, a fut. 
 indie, of the direct discourse: Goodwin § 26. In ούκ έχω τί 
 χρήσομαι or χρώμαι (deliberative subjunctive) τούτιρ, τί is a 
 cognate accus. [not an adverb], = ούκ έχω τίνα χρείαν χρώμαι. 
 τούτιρ, I do not know what use to make of this,—what to do with 
 it. The phrase is used colloquially to express helplessness or 
 bewilderment: Her. vn. 213, άπορέοντος δέ βασΐλέος δ τι χρήσεται 
 τφ 7 rapeovTi πpήyμaτι, not knowing what to make of the 
 situation. Cp. Isocr. Panath. § 106, διαρρήδην yράψavτeς 
 χρήσθαι τούθ ’ δ τι αν αύτός βούληται, ‘ on the express under¬ 
 standing that he should do with them [ai/ms understood] 
 whatever he pleased ’. 
 
 § 22 . ούκ £φθημεν...κα1...4λήφθημεν] ‘No sooner had we 
 arrived, than we were seized’. Cp. Panegyr. § 86, oi δ ’ ούκ 
 έφθησαν πυθόμβνοι τόν π epi την ’Αττικήν π oXegov καΐ.,.ήκον. 
 Isocr. uses έφθασα, φθάσαιμι, as well as έφθην, but infin. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 355 
 
 pp. 158—160] 
 
 φθηναι, not φθάσαι : Thuc. has both φθηνά i and φθάσα i : Xen. 
 and Dem. φθάσαι. 
 
 παρά μικρόν ήλθον άποθανείν] ‘I very nearly died’. In 
 such phrases (παρ ελάχιστον, παρ' όλίχον, παρά τοσοΰτον, etc.) 
 παρά =‘beside ’ in the sense of ‘except’: I came— save for a 
 narrow margin —to death: the infin. depending on παρά μικρόν 
 ηλθον as = εκινδύνευσα. In Her. ix. 33, παρά £v πάλαισμα ’έδραμε 
 νικάν ολυμπιάδα, ’έδραμε is rhetorical for ήλθε: ‘he missed the 
 Olympic prize by nothing but a wrestling-match’:: i.e. he won 
 two of the first four contests in the πένταθλον , but lost ‘ the 
 odd event’, the wrestling-match (πάλη). In Aeschin, In Ctes. 
 
 § 258, παρ ούδόν ηλθον άποκτεΐναι = ‘ they all but put him to 
 death’, ούδέν is rhetorical for μικρόν —there was nothing to 
 spare. 
 
 t£v* ο1'εσ-0ε... γνώμην 2χειν...;] ‘what do you suppose my 
 feelings were?’ Cp. Soph. Philoct. 276, σύ δη, τέκνον, ποιαν μ 
 άνάστασιν δοκεΐς | αυτών βεβώτων εξ ϋπνου στηναι τότε ; Isocr. 
 Plataio. § 61, πώς αν διατεθεϊεν, κ.τ.λ., ‘how would they feel?’ 
 
 § 23. os ...f\v] = qui (or quom) fuissem. Cp. Soph. Electr. 
 
 595, ούδέ νουθεΤεΐν ’έζεστί σε, | η πάσαν ΐης ^γλώσσαν, and my note 
 on 599. For this causal use of the relative, see Goodwin 
 § 65. 4. 
 
 μετοικεΐν στε'ρεα-θαι] ‘ live as an alien ’. Lysias In Eratostli. 
 
 § 20, p. 70, ούχ όμοίώς μετοικουντας ώσπερ αυτοί έπολιτεύοντο, 
 
 ‘ better resident aliens than they were citizens ’.— (του) στερεσθαι 
 δε των [masc.] ‘separation from my friends’ (in Siphnos): 
 
 = carere, not στερεΐσθαι, privari. 
 
 τελίντώσαξ] Not τελευτησάσας. He has related their death: 160 
 but now his thoughts go back to the month or more (§ 22) after 
 the arrival at Troezen, during which he saw them dying. ’ 
 
 άποΧδλαυκα] Note the perfect, where άπέλανσα (§ 21) might 
 have stood. It hints the speaker’s confidence that the will 
 cannot be upset. Cp. Antid. § 295, p. 125, η πόλις ημών δοκεΐ 
 ^ε^ενησθαι διδάσκαλος, seems to be the established teacher. 
 
 § 24. ήσ-0€νησ€ ταύτην την νόσον εξ i^s] ‘ took the illness 
 of which he died ’: ταύτην, as opp. to the indisposition 
 (αρρώστια) from which he suffered at the time when they left 
 Siphnos, § 20.— ησθένησε : for the force of the aor., cjd. ηρξε, 
 έβασίλευσε, ‘ came to the throne’. 
 
 cos ούκ οΐδ’ octtis, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ as perhaps no one ever yet 
 tended another’: ούκ οΐδ ’ οστις=ϊσως ούδείς, (cp. hand scio an 
 nemo=fortasse nemo:) Eur. Med. 941, ούκ οΐδ ’ άν ei π είσαι μι, 
 πειράσθαι δε χρη, i.e. ‘ perhaps I may not persuade him, but I 
 must try ’: ούκ οΐδα εί [ = ΐσως ού] π είσαι μι άν. Cp. Goodwin § 42. 
 
 23—2 
 
356 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 τόν μεν ιτλεΕσ-τον, κ.τ.λ.] showing, in connection with έξ 
 μήνας, that the illness lasted more than a year. 
 
 § 25. των σ-υγγ€νών] ‘And in this painful office not one of 
 his relatives thought proper to bear a part; nay, not one of 
 them even came to visit him, with the exception of his mother 
 and sister, who only made matters worse, for they were ill 
 when they came from Troezen, so that they required nursing 
 themselves’, ούδείς ηξίωσεν.,.άλΧ ούδ' άφίκετο: αλλά here = 
 ‘nay ’, ‘ what is more ’: the commoner form would be, ούδείς... 
 ούχ όπως ήξίωσε (not only did not), άλλ’ ούδ’ άφίκετο (but did not 
 even...).— έπισκεψόμενος. The Modern Greek for making a 
 visit or call is επισκέπτομαι, a visit επίσκεφις, a visiting-card 
 έπισκεπτηριον. 
 
 TrXe'ov 0ctT€pov Ιττοίησαν] ‘ made matters worse ’. θάτερον— 
 το κακόν. Soph. Phil. 503, παθειν μέν εύ παθεΐν δέ θάτερα : Ο. C. 
 1443, ταΟτά y εν τφ δαίμονι | καί τηδε φΰναι χάτέρα, that they 
 should issue thus [i.e. happily] or otherwise. Dem. In Androt. 
 § 12, οσα πώποτε τη πόλει yey ονεν ή νυν ’έστιν dya9d η θάτερα, ϊνα 
 μηδέν εϊπω φλαΰρον. Pind. Pyth. hi. 60, δαίμων έτερος, where 
 schol., ό κακοποιός, ώ$ πρός (as contrasted with) τόν άγαθοποιόν. 
 
 ούκ άττεΐττον ούδ’ άπόσ-την, κ.τ.λ.] ‘I did not lose heart, or 
 desert my post’. Cp. Philipp. § 85, p. 137, ού μην άποστατέον 
 έστιν, I must not desist from my task.— ένοσήλευον, ‘nursed him, 
 with the help of one attendant ’. Anaxilas (Middle Comedy) 
 Mayeipoi (Meinek. Com. Frag. 501), τί σύ λέyεις ; ίχθύδια ; 
 συσσίτιον (Mein, σύσσιτον οΰν) μέλλεις νοσηλεύειν όσον'. ‘What? 
 broil fish?’ (instead of more solid food):— ‘what invalid's fare 
 you are going to give your mess! ’ νοσηλεία, the care of the sick, 
 Plut. Lycurg. 10, (a luxurious life) τρόπον τινά νοσηλείας καθημε¬ 
 ρινής δεομένην, in need, as it were, of daily nursing. 
 
 161 €Κ€ΐνων θαυμάξίΐν, el μή] cp. Lys. or. xxxiv. § 2, note, p. 240. 
 
 § 26. os 2μττυο8] ‘ for he had long been suffering from 
 ulcers’: ’έμπΰος (πύον), puris plenus, έμπ. βάσις, the festering 
 foot of Philoctetes, Soph. Ph. 1378.— 6ς...ην = έπεΙ έκεΐνος ην, 
 the causal use of the relative (Goodwin § 65. 4, cp. above 
 § 23): the anteced. is Thrasylochus, the subj. of διεκειτο. 
 
 § 27. ταΐτ’ οΰδενα χρόνον διελιπεν] ‘And all this went on 
 without intermission’: διέλιπεν, intrans.: ούδένα χρόνον, accus. 
 denoting duration of time, ‘ not for a moment ’. Isocr. Panathen. 
 § 5, ούδένα διαλέλοιπα χρόνον διαβαλλόμενος, ‘ I have never for a 
 moment ceased to be slandered ’. διαλείπειν is said also of the 
 interval which elapses, Thuc. hi. 74, διαλιπούσης ημέρας. 
 
 ουδέ γάρ άττελθεΐν, κ.τ.λ.] ‘for I could not even quit him 
 without seeming neglectful,—a thing from which I shrank far 
 more than from the troubles which beset me ’: i.e. he could not 
 
NOTES. 
 
 357 
 
 pp. 160—162] 
 
 endure to pain the sick man .— η δοκβΐν άμελβΐν, short for η [or 
 else , i.e. el άπέΧθοιμι , if I should go away] έδ€ΐ [supplied κατ' 
 'έννοιαν from οΐόν τ ήν ] δοκ€Ϊν άμβλβΊν, I could not but seem 
 neglectful. The sentence = έδβι μτ] aweXOeiv, η [ = et δέ μη] δοκβΐν 
 άμβλεΐν. Cp. Thuc. ΙΙ. 63, €ίκδ$...μη φεύγβιν τούς πόνους, η [ = el 
 δέ μή, i.e. if you do shirk them] μηδέ τας τιμάς διώκ€ΐν. 
 
 XIII. ΑΔΕΗΑΝΔΡΩΙ. [Epist. v.J—In writing to Philip 
 of Macedon, who was not then at open war with Athens, 
 Isocrates takes the opportunity of enclosing a letter to the 
 young Alexander. Philip was in Thrace or the Chersonese 
 from May, 342 b.c., to the latter part of 339 b.c.; and, at some 
 time after his departure, appointed Alexander his regent in 
 Macedonia. But, when this letter was written, that arrange¬ 
 ment had not yet been made. Alexander, a boy of fourteen, is 
 busy with his studies. It was probably in this very year 
 <342 b.c.) that Alexander began to receive the lessons of 
 Aristotle. 
 
 § 1. irpos τον •π-ατφα...-γραφών] referring, probably, to 
 Epist. ii. of the extant series, in which Isocr. remonstrates 
 with Philip for recklessly exposing his life, and urges him to 
 intervene in the affairs of Athens with the same prudence 
 which he had just shown (342 b.c.) in constituting the 
 Thessalian tetrarcliyi see A ttic Orators , n. 250. 
 
 τον αύτόν.,-τόττον] The place is uncertain. Plut. speaks of 
 Alexander as άποΧειφθάς κύριος ev Manedovig. των πραγμάτων και 
 της σφραγΐδος, when his father went against Byzantium: A lex. 
 c. 9. Cp. Schafer, Dem. n. 416. 
 
 8ιά to -γήρα$] aetat. 92. 
 
 § 2. φιλόσοφος] ‘fond of study’: cp. Adv. Sophist. § 1, 162 
 note, p. 293. 
 
 toiis ημ€\ηκόταδ'αυτών] ‘who have neglected self-culture’: 
 cp. Antid. § 290, note, p. 305. 
 
 σ-υνδιατρίβων — συμβάλλων] ‘ men by whose society you will 
 not be pained, and whom you can also take into your confidence 
 on affairs without hurt or injury ’.— ούκ αν Χνπηθ., i.e. these 
 men are not such buffoons, βωμοΧόχοι, as (acc. to Isocr.) it 
 was then the fashion to call wits, eύφυeΐς, but well-bred men: 
 see Areopagiticus, § 49, note, p. 348.— σνμβάΧΧων, usu. συμβαΧ- 
 Xόμevoς (Xoyov s), laying counsels together, conferring: Plut. 
 Apophtll. Lac. 222 d, ώς έ*γνω ούχ οΐόν τ' eivai συμβαΧ€Ϊν αύτφ, to 
 confer with him. The midd. is more suitable when those who 
 consult are equals; the act. here suggests the prince bringing 
 business before a council over which he presides. 
 
358 SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 § 3. τήν περί τάς έριδας] See on Adv. Sophist. § 1, and 
 introd. to it, p. 292. 
 
 πλεονεκτικήν] ‘ advantageous ’: on the good sense of 
 πλεονεξία see Antid. § 281, p. 308. 
 
 rots του πλήθους προεσ-τώσ-ιν] ‘ the leaders of a democracy’: 
 cp. Panegyr. § 172, p. 130, oi προεστωτες -ημών. 
 
 μείξον... φρονούσαν] Cp. Areopag , § 43, τού s έλευθέρως τεθραμ- 
 μένονς καί με'/αΧοφρονεΐν είθισμένονς, note, ρ. 345. 
 
 § 4. την παιδείαν την περί τούς λόγους] ‘ the discipline of 
 
 those discourses which we bring to bear on the acts incident to 
 daily life, and which aid us in the discussion of public affairs 
 On the λόγων παιδεία of Isocr., see Adv. Sophist., introd., 
 p. 292, and Antid., introd., p. 299. 
 
 δοξάζεις...επισ-τήσ-ει... κρίνειν] Isocr. taught that it was 
 impossible to know (επιστήμην λαβεΐν) 4 what is to be done or 
 said’ (Antid. § 271, n., p. 301), in the sense that the precise 
 circumstances of a future situation cannot be foreseen: but 
 that the study of political questions (υποθέσεις...περί των κοινών 
 πραγμάτων, ib. § 276, ρ. 119) will form intelligent opinion, 
 δόξα. He held, further, that he who cultivates the art of 
 persuasion will cultivate αρετή, moral excellence, as a means to 
 that end, ib. § 278. And so here he claims for his παιδεία that, 
 through it, Alexander (1) is already able to form intelligent 
 conjecture, δόξα, about the future(2) that he will knoiv, when 
 the time comes, the principles of government — έιπατήσει hinting 
 that he would be at no disadvantage as compared to the pupils 
 of those who profess to impart absolute επιστήμη, Adv. Soph. 
 § 8, p. 112: (3) that he will be able to distinguish between justice 
 and injustice, merit and demerit — i.e. will be a judge of αρετή. 
 Cp, Nicocles § 15, αί δέ μοναρχίαι πΧεΐστον μέν νέμουσι τφ 
 βεΧτίστιρ, κ.τ.Χ. 
 
 XIV. ΦΙΛΙΠΠΩΙ. [Epist. πι.]— A letter written to 
 Philip of Macedon in 338 b.c., some time after the battle of 
 Chaeroneia, when Isocrates had completed his ninety-eighth 
 year. It is thus the latest of all his extant writings. 
 
 The genuineness of the Third Letter has been doubted (as 
 by Prof. E. Curtius Hist. Gr. v. 459): but there seems to be no 
 ground, internal or external, for doubting it, except the 
 difficulty of reconciling it with the tradition that Isocrates 
 committed suicide on learning the tidings of Chaeroneia. 
 [Dionys. De Isocr. i.; Paus. i. 18. 8; Philostr. i. 17. 4; 
 Lucian (?) Μακρόβιοι § 23; (Plut.) Vit. Isocr. § 14; Anon. 
 Biogr.] According to the usual account, he was in the 
 palaestra of Hippocrates at Athens when he heard the news of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 359 
 
 pp. 162, 163] 
 
 the fatal defeat. He repeated three verses of Euripides—verses 
 commemorating three aliens who had been conquerors of 
 Greeks,—Danaus, Pelops, Cadmus—and four days afterwards, 
 on the burial-day of those who fell at Chaeroneia, he died of 
 voluntary starvation. Undoubtedly Isocrates regretted the 
 struggle between Athens and Philip: but the result of the 
 struggle was that the idea of his life—a Panhellenic war 
 against the barbarian—had been made possible. The conduct 
 of Philip to Athens after Chaeroneia was studiously temperate 
 and conciliatory; there was nothing in it to estrange Isocrates 
 from his ideal leader, who, having struck one necessary blow, 
 was now bent on healing the discords of Greece. It would be 
 more easy to conceive that Isocrates should have destroyed 
 himself because he saw Athens still resolved to resist, and 
 could not support the anguish of a divided loyalty. But, to my 
 mind, the Letter itself leaves little room for doubting that it 
 was written after the conclusion of the peace between Philip 
 and Athens, and was taken to Philip by Antipater on his 
 return: see §§ 1, 2. Cp. Schafer, Demostli. u. seine Zeit , hi. 
 25 .—Attic Qratal's, ii. 31 f.: 255, note 1. 
 
 § 1. δΐ€λ.€χθην καί irpos Αντίπατρον] Demades, who had 
 been taken prisoner at Chaeroneia, was sent by Philip to 
 Athens as the bearer of proposals for peace. The Athenian 
 captives were to be restored: Oropus was to be transferred 
 from Thebes to Athens. On the other hand, Athens was 
 required to recognise Philip as the military head of Greece. 
 On receiving this message, the Athenian Ecclesia sent an 
 embassy to Philip, who was then at Thebes. Among the 
 envoys were Demades, Phocion and Aeschines. They were 
 hospitably entertained by Philip,' and returned to Athens with 
 the message that Philip released the prisoners without ransom, 
 and would presently send, for interment at Athens, the remains 
 of those who had fallen at Chaeroneia. 
 
 Antipater, the young Alexander, and probably Alcimachus, 
 were the envoys who escorted these relics to Athens. By them 
 the conditions of peace were formally proposed to the Senate 
 and the Ecclesia. Demades then drew up a ψήφισμα by which 
 the treaty—known as * the Peace of Demades ’—was finally 
 ratified. The ‘ conversation with Antipater ’, to which Isocr. 
 refers, must have been held on the occasion of this visit. (Cp. 
 Schafer, Dem. in. 19—27.) 
 
 μ«τά την Κρήνην] i.e. now that the peace between Athens 
 and Philip has practically secured the recognition of the latter 
 as the chief of Greece. The Congress at Corinth soon after¬ 
 wards recognised Philip as η·γβμών (τη s Έλλάδοϊ) καί κατά, y ην 
 καί κατά θάλατταν , Polyb. ΐχ. 33: η~γεμων αύτοκράτωρ συμπάσης 
 
3 GO ' SELECTIONS. [Isocrates 
 
 της άλλης 'Ελλάδος...της επί τόν Ώ,έρσην στρατβία y, Arrian νπ. 
 9. 5. So Dem. De Cor. § 201, ήρεμων καί κύριο s ηρέθη Φίλιππος 
 απάντων. 
 
 εν τω λόγω] The Φίλιππος — referring esp. to §§ 81—104, 
 above, pp. 186 £f. 
 
 § 2 . κατ’ Ικ€ΐνον τόν χρόνον, 346 b.c., eight years before. 
 
 τόν αγώνα τον γ€γ«ν.] The struggle decided by the victory of 
 Philip at Chaeroneia. 
 
 164 τήδ pavtas] i.e. their mad strife with each other. Cp. 
 Philipp. § 88, p. 138, δει τους όρθώς βουλευομόνούς μη πρότερον 
 εκφέρειν προς βασιλέα πόλεμον πριν άν διαλλάξη τις τούς 
 "Ελλην ας καί παύση της μανίας της νυν αύτοΐς ένεστώσης. 
 
 § 3. ογώ δ* ούκ el8evai...Tats o*ais ειπ,θυμίαΐξ] ‘I reply [to 
 these questioners] that I do not know exactly how it is [i.e. 
 whether the project occurred first to you or to me], since I had 
 not conferred with you before [i.e. before I sent you my λόγο*, 
 the Φίλιππος], —but think that you had already made up your 
 mind on the subject, and that I have merely been the advocate 
 of your own impulses ’. Disting, the pluperf. from the perf. of 
 the direct discourse: Isocr. said to them, ούκ οΐδα — ού avveyer 
 yεvημηv — οϊομαι αυτόν tyvwKevai (= ότι eyvuKei), έμ£ (or βγώ) δε 
 συνειρηκεναι ( = 0τ4 συνείρηκα). 
 
 ΙττΙ των αυτών τούτων] ‘ to hold to these same objects ’: 
 επί with the genit. expressing the ground on which he is 
 conceived as taking his stand: whereas επί τούτοις would 
 suggest rather a number of points or special conditions. 
 
 ώξ-.-άν γ€νομενων] ώ* expresses the view present to their 
 minds: they think, ούκ civ ytvoiro, κ.τ.λ. Goodwin § 113, 
 note 10. 
 
 § 4. α/πΈίρηκώδ] ‘broken down’. In Epist. vi., ‘to the 
 children of Jason’ ( Attic Orators n. 241), in 359 b.c., Isocr. 
 already speaks of his age—he was then 77—as disabling him 
 from undertaking a long journey: τό μη δύνασθαι πλανάσθαι καί 
 τδ μη πρέπειν έπιζενουσθαι τοίς τηλικούτοις, § 2. 
 
 αί.,.μετριότητίδ] ‘ the virtues of moderation’; on the piur., 
 Antid. § 283, note, p. 303. 
 
 165 § 5. €ίλωτ€υ€ΐν] Cp. Panegyr. § 131, καί τουτ ίίχομεν αύτοΐς 
 (the Spartans) έπιτιμάν, οτι τη μύν αύτων πόλει τούς ομόρους 
 είλωτεύειν avayKa^ooai, τψ δε κοινψ τφ των συμμάχων ούδεν 
 τοιοΰτον κατασκευάξΌυσιν, εξόν αύτοΐς τά πρός ημάς διαλυσαμένοις 
 άπαντας τούς βαρβάρους περίοικους (in the Spartan sense, i.e. 
 ‘dependents’) όλης της ' Ελλάδος καταστησαι. A comparison of 
 these two passages might suggest the comment that, if the 
 
pp. 163—166] NOTES. 361 
 
 barbarians were now to be the helots of Greece, the Greeks 
 had become the περίοικοι, of Macedon. 
 
 ττλήν των (τοί συναγωνιοτ.] The Thracians, Illyrians, and 
 other mercenaries or foreign auxiliaries in Philip’s armies. 
 
 0cov yeve<T0ai] The clause ούδερ yap ’έσται \οιπορ £τι πλ-ηρ 
 Θεόρ 7 ερέσθαι should clearly be placed (as Dobree saw) after δ τι 
 op σύ προστάττψ. It is in fact a comment on gyod δέ^νρθ’ 'έζειρ 
 άρυπέρβλητορ αύτηρ, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 § 6 . ν€ο$ ών] Isocr. was prob. not much more than 45 
 years of age when he began the ILapTjyvpiKos : see introd. to it, 
 p. 308.— τά μέρ , the unity of Greece: τα δέ, the war against 
 Persia. 
 
 ISAEUS. 
 
 Isaeus : born circ. 420 b.c. : died circ. 350 b.c. Approximate 166 
 period of extant work: 390—353 b.c. Life in Attic Orators , n. 
 261—271. 
 
 Style. Isaeus has a twofold interest. He is the earliest 
 Attic master—not, indeed, of forensic rhetoric—but of strict 
 forensic argument. He also represents the final period of 
 transition in the history of Attic oratory, the transition from 
 the studied ‘plainness’ ( αφέλειά ) of the Lysian school to the 
 open triumph of that technical mastery (δειρότης) which reached 
 its summit in Demosthenes. We have seen that the peculiar 
 significance of Isocrates is rather for literary rhetoric than for 
 oratory. With Isaeus, we return to the development of practical 
 oratory: and his place in this must be determined, first, by 
 his relation to his predecessor Lysias, secondly by his relation 
 to Demosthenes. 
 
 Isaeus closely resembles Lysias in diction (X^ts): the 
 qualities of purity, conciseness, clearness, simplicity, vividness 
 (erάρyειa) are common to both. In composition ( σύρθεσις ), on 
 the other hand, there is marked difference. Lysias broke 
 through the rigid monotony of the earlier periodic style, 
 replacing it by one which was more flexible and various : yet, 
 though his composition as a whole has ease and variety, his 
 love of antithesis frequently gives too much stiffness and 
 uniformity to the structure of his periods themselves. Isaeus 
 is exempt from this excessive love of antithesis: but, on the 
 whole, his composition is distinguished from that of Lysias 
 mainly by the stamp of conscious art. In reading him we have 
 a continual sense of trained and confident skill. The more 
 open and vigorous character of this art, as compared with that 
 
362 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 of Lysias, is illustrated by the freedom with which Isaeus 
 employs the animated ‘figures of thought’ ( σχήματα διανοίαή, 
 especially the rhetorical question ( e.g , or. vm. § 28, p. 194). 
 This does not. deprive Isaeus of ethical persuasiveness. 
 Reasoned remonstrance, vigorous contention, just indignation, 
 are powerfully expressed; it is only in the delineation of the 
 ingenuous youth or the plain citizen that he yields to the 
 veiled subtlety of Lysias. In the treatment of subject-matter 
 the contrast gains strength. Lysias is usually content with 
 the simple four-fold partition ,— προοίμιον, διήγησής, Turrets, 
 e-triXoyos. Isaeus interweaves narrative and proof, managing 
 his complex material with manifold tactics,—doing everything 
 with art, but nothing by rule. Lysias seldom attempts more 
 than a rhetorical or sketchy proof: Isaeus elaborates a 
 complete logical proof: as Dionysius says, Lysias speaks κατ’ 
 ενθύμημα, but Isaeus, καί κατ’ επιχείρημα [Attic Orators, 
 π. 289). 
 
 ‘The oratorical power’ [δεινότης) ‘of Demosthenes’, says the 
 same critic, ‘ took its seeds and beginnings (τά σπέρματα και 
 τα s άρχά$, Isae. 20) from Isaeus ’. This is true in the limited 
 sense that Demosthenes derived important hints from Isaeus 
 (1) in versatile arrangement of material, (2) in elaboration of 
 systematic proof, (8) more generally, in that art of close and 
 strenuous conflict, the art of grappling with the adversary’s 
 case point by point, which the Greek critics mean by aywvi- 
 ζεσθαι, rb ivayuviov. The two speeches of Demosthenes against 
 Aphobus (363 b.c.), and the two against Onetor (362 b.c.), were 
 written at the time when their author (aet. 22 or 23) was 
 probably most under the influence of Isaeus. The two speeches 
 against Onetor—which exhibit the influence in its most mature 
 form—are especially Isaean in this, that they end, not with an 
 ordinary peroration, but with a keen argument swiftly thrust 
 home (Dem. Adv. Onet. i. §§ 37—39: n. §§ 10—14). On the 
 other hand these earliest speeches of Demosthenes have a 
 thoroughly original stamp. The link between Isaeus and 
 Demosthenes is chiefly technical, depending on the essential 
 continuity of Attic prose expression as an art. It is also, in a 
 narrower sense, personal, so far as a vigorous intensity of logic 
 was common to the intellectual character of both. But that is 
 all. The great achievements of Demosthenes are his own: so, 
 too, the masterpieces of Isaeus, in their own kind, bear a 
 distinctive stamp of keen ability and consummate art.—Cp. 
 Attic Orators, n. 273—310. 
 
 On the Works of Isaeus generally, ib. ii. 311—368. The 
 striking characteristic of the extant twelve speeches is the 
 contrast between monotony of subject and versatility of tone: 
 the form has its affinities at once with earlier and with later 
 
NOTES. 
 
 363 
 
 p. 166] 
 
 style. Of the twelve, the three typical speeches are (1) the 
 fifth, On the Estate of Dicaeogenes —Lysian in the graceful and 
 persuasive management of narrative: (2) the eleventh, On the 
 Estate of Hagnias —Demosthenic in its unity of impulse and 
 its victorious mastery of technical resource: (3) the eighth, 
 On the Estate of Giron —distinctively Isaean in its mediation 
 between these types. 
 
 It is from these that the following extracts have been 
 taken: viz. I. or. v. περί του Δικασμένους κλήρου, 1 . §§ 7—24 
 (narrative): 2. §§ 39—47 (peroration).—II. or. χι. περί του 
 A μνίου κλήρου, §§ 1—19.—III. or. viii. περί του K ίρωνος κλήρου, 
 §§ 1—42. 
 
 I. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΓΕΝΟΥΣ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. [Or. ν.] 
 
 ‘On the Estate of Dicaeogenes’.—Dicaeogenes, son of Mene- 
 xenus—whom, for distinction from his grandfather, of the same 
 name, we call Dicaeogenes II.—had four sisters. These, when 
 he died childless, shared among them two-thirds of his estate. 
 The other third went to his first cousin, Dicaeogenes III., son 
 of his uncle Proxenus, in accordance with a will produced by 
 Proxenus, in which the deceased declared Dicaeogenes ΙΠ. to 
 be his adopted son, and heir to one-third of.his estate (υιός 
 TroLTjTos €7 rl τρίτιρ μέρει τής ουσίας, § 6). 
 
 Twelve years later (§ 7), Dicaeogenes III. alleged that this 
 first will was invalid. Under a second will, he said, he was 
 heir, not to a third only, but to the whole of the estate. He 
 gained his cause. The sisters of the testator were deprived of 
 their shares, and the whole was transferred to Dicaeogenes III. 
 
 Ten years more elapsed (§ 35). Meanwhile the nephews of 
 the testator had grown up. They now resolved to, seek redress 
 for their mothers and themselves. They began by bringing an 
 action against one Lycon, who had been called by Dicaeogenes 
 III. as a witness to the second will. Lycon was. convicted of 
 perjury. 
 
 The state of things was now this:—Dicaeogenes III. had 
 himself declared the first will—which gave him one-third—to 
 be invalid. The judges of Lycon had declared the second will 
 —which gave him all—to be false. Accordingly,, the nephews 
 (with the exception of Menexenus II., who had deserted their 
 cause) now sued Dicaeogenes III, for the xoliole estate. One 
 Leochares interposed a protest ( διαμαρτυρία ) that their claim 
 was inadmissible. They indicted Leochares for perjury. 
 Leochares was certain to be convicted. Dicaeogenes III. there¬ 
 fore made a compromise. He was to keep his original one- 
 third, and leave his adversaries in secure possession of the 
 other two-thirds. Leochares and Mnesiptolemus became his 
 sureties for the performance of this engagement. 
 
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 SELECTIONS. 
 
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NOTES. 
 
 365 
 
 pp. 166, 167] 
 
 Leochares is now sued (by an iyyύης δίκη ) to discharge his 
 liability as surety, since his principal Dicaeogenes III. has 
 made default. The speaker, son of Polyaratus (§ 5), is one of 
 the nephews of the testator, and is supported by his first-cousin 
 Cephisodotus (§ 2).— Attic Orators , ii. 349. 
 
 The date is probably 390 b.c.,— the sea-fight off Cnidus 
 mentioned in §§ 6, 42 being that of 412 b.c. (Thuc. vm.. 42), 
 not the more famous battle of 394 b.c.. This question has been 
 fully examiued in the Attic Orators, ii. 350 f. 
 
 The speaker first defines his case by quoting his own 
 affidavit ( άντωμοσία , § 1). He then refers to a register (a? ro- 
 7 ραφή) of the property left by his uncle, to prove that Dicae¬ 
 ogenes III. has not refunded the due amount,, and that 
 Leochares has therefore not discharged his suretyship (rip 
 έξε γγνψ ούκ άπέδωκεν), §§ 1—4. The facts,, of which an outline 
 has been given above, are then narrated in the following 
 passage, §§ 7—24. 
 
 § 7. 6ττ€ΐ5ή Ινείμαντο, κ.τ.λ. ] ‘When they had divided the 
 estate, after taking oaths not to transgress the terms of the 
 agreement, each party remained for twelve years in possession 
 of the share assigned to him’.. This refers to the first will 
 (412 b.c.), under which Dicaeogenes III., as adopted son of 
 the testator, Dicaeogenes II., received one third of the estate,. 
 
 The other two thirds were shared between the four sisters of 
 the testator, represented by their respective husbands,—viz. 
 Polyaratus (father of the speaker), Democles, Cephisophon, 
 Theopompus.— ένειμα ντο cp. Lysias Pro Mantith. § 10, p. 59,. 
 
 Trpbs τον αδελφόν δ’ ούτως ένειμάμην. 
 
 ονσ-ων δικών] ‘ though the law-courts sat’:, i.e. in the course 
 of the years 412—400 b.c., though there were short periods 
 during which the sittings of the law-courts were suspended by 
 war or internal trouble, yet there were also longer periods 
 during which an action might have been brought. Cp. Thuc. 
 
 vi. 91, where Alcibiades, urging the Spartans to occupy 
 Deceleia, predicts that one of the results will be to stop the 
 Athenian revenue from the law-courts (όσα άττό δικαστηρίων νυν 
 ωφελούνται ,— alluding to court-fees, πρυτανεία, and to fines or 
 confiscations). The prediction was fulfilled, since, as Thuc. 
 
 vii. 28 says, all the citizens were required for military duty. 
 
 This interruption fell within the period referred to here 
 (412 — 400 b.c.). Cp. [Dem.] or. xlv. In Stephan. I . § 3 (about 
 351 B.C. ), δίκην μεν ούχ οΐός τ ην ίδιαν λαχεΐν’ ού yap ησαν εν τω 
 τότε καιρφ δίκαι, άλλ’ άνεβάλλεσθε υμείς διά τον πόλεμον [the 
 Social War, 357—355 b.c.]. 
 
 δυστυχησ-άσ-ηδ, κ.τ.λ .] ‘Athenshaving suffered disaster [the 167 
 defeat at Aegospotami, 405 b.c.], followed by the troubles of 
 
366 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 faction [στάσεως, the oligarchical movement supported by 
 Sparta, see Lys. In Agorat. §§ 6 ff., p. 78], and civil strife 1 
 [αγωγοί, the struggle which ended in the overthrow of the 
 Tyrants and the restoration of the Democracy, 403 b.c.]. For 
 άφωνος, cp. Isocr. Epist. in. § 2, p. 163, το v αγώνα τον γεγενη- 
 μένον, a euphemism for the struggle ended by the battle of 
 Chaeroneia. 
 
 ούτοετί — ήμίν — τοΰ θείου] οΰτοσί, Dicaeogenes III. : ήμιν, 
 the representatives of the four sisters,—viz. their sons (the 
 speaker and his first-cousins): του θείου, their uncle Dicae¬ 
 ogenes II., the testator. 
 
 ψά<τκων έφ’ oXrj, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ alleging that he had been adopted 
 by our uncle as his sole heir ’ (and not heir to one-third only). 
 έφ ’ δ'λ 77, SC. τη ούσία. § 12, ποιηθήναι.,.υίόν έττι τταντί τφ κλήρφ. 
 A childless Athenian citizen could, either during his life or by 
 testament, adopt any Athenian citizen as his son and heir. 
 Permission to execute a will is said to have been first given to 
 Athenian citizens by the laws of Solon, but it was expressly 
 restricted to those citizens who had no direct male descendants. 
 The faculty of adoption was the germ of testamentary power, 
 and was intended primarily to meet a case in which the head 
 of a house left behind him, at his decease, no one duly qualified 
 by nearness of blood to offer the sacrifices at the hearth and 
 the grave. In the Hindoo system of succession the religious 
 aspect of adoption is still the foremost one: (see the Tagore 
 Law Lectures for 1870, Lect. ix. On the Bite of Adoption, 
 pp. 208 f., by Mr Herbert Cowell). The Koman will of Cicero’s 
 time was already a true testament. The Athenian διαθήκη 
 belongs to an intermediate stage. While the religious con¬ 
 tinuity of the family is still nominally the first principle, the 
 main object in practice is to enlarge the childless testator’s 
 choice of heirs.^-Cp. Maine, Ancient Law, ch. vi. on ‘ The 
 Early History of Testamentary Succession’. Attic Orators, n. 
 315 f. 
 
 § 8. μ,αίνεσ-θαι.,.ττ} λήξει, κ.τ.λ.] ‘we thought that he was 
 mad in bringing the action’, τή λήξει causal dat.,= ort έλαχε 
 την δίκην. Cp. Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 3, τοΐ s άληθέσιν, note, 
 p. 209.—r?y ούμεθα, imperf. : cp. the imperf. διισχυριζόμεθα, § 23. 
 ούκ αν οίόμενοι.,.δόξαι, = ούκ οιόμενοι αν δόξαι ( = δτι δόξειεν άν). 
 For the sake of emphasis, early in the sentence, on a condition 
 or a possibility, &v may be separated from its verb by [e.g.) 
 οϊομαι, οΐδα , δοκω, φημί: Xen. Cyr. νπι. 7. 25, καί νυν ήδέω$ άν 
 μοι δοκώ κοινωνήσαι. Goodwin § 42» 
 
 Ίτολλω 7τλείω, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ though we had far the best of the 
 argument, we were cheated of our verdict—not by the judges, 
 but by Melas ’. ττολλφ ττλείω καί δικαιότερα, lit. ‘ a far greater 
 
NOTES. 
 
 367 
 
 pp. 167, 168] 
 
 number of just pleas’, comparative of πολλά καί δίκαια , like 
 πολλά και αγαθά (Ar. Thesm. 351), etc. — Schomann cp. [Dem.] 
 or. lix. In Neaer. § 5, τφ ουν εξαπατησαντι τφ λόγιρ rods δικαστά s 
 δίκαιον όργίζεσθαι, ού rots έξαπατηθεΐσι. 
 
 § Ον ο ττατηρ] The speaker’s father Polyaratus, who had 168 
 married one (apparently the eldest) of the four sisters of 
 Dicaeogenes II.: § 5. 
 
 ίχεξεΧΟείν. . ,Ιχ€(Τκηψατο] ‘ before he had brought the action 
 against those witnesses whom he had indicted for perjury’: 
 μαρτύρων , the witnesses brought by Dicaeogenes III. to prove 
 the validity of the will under which he claimed the whole of 
 the estate, -επεξελθεΐν : cp. § 12, επεξηει rots καταμαρτυρήσασιν. 
 
 — επεσκήψατο, sc. ψευδομαρτυριών, which is often omitted in this 
 phrase : cp. § 17, έπισκηψαμένων δ ’ ημών...-η...των ψευδομαρτυριών 
 δίκη είσηει. 
 
 Κηφισοφώντοδ] Cephisophon had married one of the four 
 sisters of the testator Dicaeogenes II. His daughter was 
 therefore niece {άδελφιδη) of the latter, first-cousin to the 
 speaker, and first-cousin once removed to Dicaeogenes III. 
 
 την Δημοκ. γεν. γυναίκα] ‘ her who had become the wife of 
 Democles αδελφοί ών, her own brother $ whereas Dicae¬ 
 ogenes IIL was only first-cousin, ανεψιό s, of the testator. 
 
 Κηφισ-οδότου] Cephisodotus was present, supporting his 
 first-cousin, the speaker, who appeals to him at the beginning 
 of the speech (§ 2) as being able to vouch for the truth of the 
 affidavit (άντωμοσία). 
 
 § ΙΟ. καί γάρ τούτων γε,.,άντίδικο?] ‘For of these [τούτων 
 ye —Cephisodotus, his mother, and her other child or children, 
 as opp. to the testator’s other sisters and their children] he was 
 at the same time guardian (επίτροπος), legal representative 
 (κύριος), and legal adversary (άντίδικος) i.e. Dicaeogenes III. 
 was the protector and representative before the law (κύριος), as 
 her nearest male relative for this purpose, of the mother of 
 Cephisodotus (since a son could not be the κύριος of his 
 mother). He was also guardian, επίτροπος, of Cephisodotus, 
 who had a brother or brothers, a sister or sisters, as appears 
 from ορφανοί here, αύτοΐς Ζδωκεν below, and παίδων βντων τούτων 
 in § 11. Every επίτροπος (guardian of a minor) was also κύριος 
 of his ward, but every κύριος was not επίτροπος. The term 
 κύριος denotes esp. the legal control of a citizen over an 
 unmarried woman or a widow, either as her nearest male 
 relative or by delegation from the natural κύριος : [Dem.] or. 
 xl vi. In Stephan, n. § 18, εάν δϊ μηδάς η τούτων (i.e. if she has 
 neither father, brother, nor paternal grandfather living) εάν μέν 
 επίκληρός τις y (if she be an heiress) τον κύριον εχειν (her nearest 
 
368 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 male kinsman shall marry her), εάν δέ μτ] jj, οτφ άν έπιτρέφη, 
 τούτον κύριον είναι, but if she be not, then her natural κύριος 
 may delegate the duty to another. The κύριος of a married 
 woman was her husband: see Isae. or. in. De Pyrrh. Hered. 
 § 2. The vulg. καί τούτων re can be defended if re is connected 
 with the καί before ουδέ κατά τό έλάχιστον μέρος, κ.τ.λ. : he was 
 both their guardian, etc., and unkind. But I feel sure that 
 Dobree’s ye (better than Scheibe’s roi) is right: we want just 
 this emphasis on τούτων . 
 
 oiJSe κατά, τό έλάχιοττον pc-pos] ‘not the smallest fraction of 
 their claim on his kindness or compassion was allowed by 
 him ’: lit. * not even in respect to the smallest part of the ties 
 between them ( οίκειότης — the double tie of kinsman and 
 guardian) did they obtain pity’. 
 
 ά ό Trpos μητρ 08 ...δίκη 5 ] ‘ and what their maternal uncle 
 [the testator] and their grandfather [Menexenus I., their 
 mother’s father, see stemma] had given to them [to Cephiso- 
 dotus and the other child or children], he [Dicaeogenes III.] 
 took away on his own authority (αυτός), before the case had 
 been tried’. 
 
 169 § 11. irpiupevos καί κατασκάψαξ] For the aor. part. 
 
 πριάμενος, cp. Andoc. De Pace § 37, p. 47, πείσαντες — λαθόντες — 
 πριάμενοι — βιασάμενοι. 
 
 τδν κήπον Ιποιήσ-ατο] Dobree would omit τόν : rather 
 transpose it, reading κηπ. έποιήσ. τόν πρός τη αυτοί) οίκίφ : or, 
 retaining it here, repeat it before πρός. 
 
 kv άσ-τ€ΐ] in Athens: the art. omitted as usu.: cp. Isocr. 
 Antid. § 299, note, p. 307. So below, § 22, έξω τείχους — έν 
 IIe5£<p, note. 
 
 καί λαμβάνων μίσ-θωσ-ιν] ‘ And though he was receiving 80 
 minas [about £330] in rent from our uncle’s property, he sent 
 the latter’s nephew to Corinth in the quality of servant to his 
 brother Harmodius’: εις Κόρινθον, i.e. on military service during 
 the Corinthian War, which began in 394 b.c. (the date of the 
 speech is 390 b.c.). In § 37 there is a reference to the capture 
 of Lechaeum, the w. port of Corinth, by the Spartans in 393 b.c. 
 —ακόλουθος here = the Attic hoplite’s servant, (usu. υπηρέτης, 
 Thuc. hi. 17,) the Spartan θεράπων : Thuc. vn. 75, ’έφερον και oi 
 όπλΐται και oi Ιππης παρά τό είωθός αυτοί τα σφέτερα αυτών αιτία 
 ύπό τοΐς οπλοις, οί μέν άπορίφ. ακολούθων, οί δέ άπιστίφ (distrust of 
 their servants). 
 
 ΙμβάδαΞ καί τριβώνια] ‘brogues and frieze’. The έμβάς was 
 a sort of thick shoe (in Xen. Hipp. xn. § 10 εμβάτης is a half¬ 
 boot), worn by people who had rough out-door work to do,—the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 369 
 
 pp. 168—170] 
 
 ordinary υπόδημα being merely a sandal bound under the foot ; 
 the σανδάλιον had an upper leather across the toe; the κρηπίς 
 was a half-shoe. Cp. Becker Gharicl. Exc. xi. The τριβών was 
 a short mantle of coarse stuff. Dem. or. liv. In Conon. § 34, 
 
 ‘ men who are of a gloomy countenance, who affect the Spartan, 
 who -wear coarse cloaks ( τρίβωνας ) and single-soled sandals * 
 (άπλάς ύποδεδενται). The Acharnian rustics wear the τριβών 
 (Ar. Ach. 184), which seems to have been the ordinary dress of 
 poor men. Socrates sometimes alludes to his ‘poor cloak’ 
 (τριβών ούτοσί, Protag . 335 d). Being the ordinary dress of 
 philosophers, it afterwards came to be regarded, like the cowl, 
 as a badge of austere life. (From my note on Theophrast. 
 Char. xxii. = xxv. p. 255.) Scheibe reads τρίβωνα with Cobet 
 N. Led. p. 155; but cp. Lysias or. xxxn. In Diogitona, § 16,— 
 where the question is of similar harshness towards poor 
 relations— εκβ.αλεϊν τούτους ήξίωσας θυγατριδους ’όντας έκ της 
 οικίας της αυτών εν τριβωνίοις, ανυπόδητους, ού μετά ακολούθου, 
 ού μετά στρωμάτων, ού μετά ίματίων (the ordinary woollen 
 cloak). 
 
 § 12. o0ev d'rreXi'irovj^e/cei^ei/ όπου, ‘from the point at 
 which I digressed’: i.e. from the end of § 9, when Dicae- 
 ogenes III. had seized the whole estate. Cp. Plat. Phaedo 
 78 B, όθεν άπελίπομεν άναλάβωμεν αΰθις. 
 
 €TTc|f)6i] ‘ proceeded to prosecute ’, Attic imperf. of επεξερ- 
 χομαι, as the Att. fut. is επεξιέναι. Cp. § 9, επεξελθειν. — τοΐ s 
 καταμαρτυρησ., ‘those who had borne false testimony against 
 us [against the speaker and Cephisodotus], and against him’ 
 [Menexenus, their cousin]; cp. § 9. 
 
 ovirep... τούτον] τούτον, not, as usu., ‘the defendant here’, 
 but emphatic after ονπερ πρώτον, as if A ύκωνα had not preceded: 
 
 ‘ convicted the very first man they brought before the court— 
 Lycon ’. 
 
 ττοιηθηναι, κ.τ.λ.] See on § 7. 
 
 § 13. Tov.-.-n-paTTOVTCt] ‘who was acting’, — δς επραττε, ill 170 
 the prosecution of the witnesses. 
 
 τι Ίτοιήσ-αι ; κ.τ.λ.] ‘persuades him—to do what? to take 
 for himself such a share of the estate as fell to him, and to 
 throw over us for whom he was acting ’. S τι iyiyveTo : such a 
 fraction as was due to him (imperf.), on the supposition that 
 two-thirds of the whole estate belonged to the sisters and their 
 children. Cp. § 6, υιός eyiyi >ετο ποιητός, (under the will) he was 
 to become adopted son, i.e. it directed that he should do so; and 
 § 15. So § 16, άκΰροιν yiyvopkvaiv, — επειδή eyiyvovro, as (by a 
 logical necessity) both the wills noio became, now must be, 
 invalid: § 44, έκείνων έyίyvετo, ‘were due to them’. 
 
 J, 
 
 24 
 
370 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 άφεΐναι] * to withdraw his charges against the witnesses who 
 had not yet been convicted’: άφεΐναι, here, not of the jury who 
 acquit the accused, but of the prosecutor who absolves him by 
 allowing the proceedings to drop. Cp. § 1 of this speech, άφή- 
 καμεν άλληλους των έχκΧημάτων. [Dem.] or. xlv. In Stephan. I. 
 § 40, ως άφέντος έμοΰ των έχκλημάτων αυτόν. Harpocr. s. ν. 
 άφεί ς contrasts άφεΐναι, ‘to let off’ an accused person by with¬ 
 drawing a charge, with άπαλλάξαι, ‘ to get rid’ of an accuser by 
 persuading him to do so: cp. § 28 of this speech, ού δύναταί 
 άπαλλάσσειν τούς χρήστας , he cannot pay off his creditors. 
 
 § 14. καθηγούμενοι] Elsewhere in classical Greek καθη- 
 * γείσθαι is usually to ‘show the way’, ‘set an example’, ‘teach’: 
 here Dobree conj. ημείς δ ’ ούκέθ’ 'ηχούμενοι προσήκειν. Baiter, 
 ■ημείς δέ άθ ’ ηχούμενοι , Sauppe ημείς δ’, ώ άνδρες, ηχούμενοι. I 
 believe that καθηχούμενοι, though unattested in this sense, is 
 right, = ‘ inferring ’, ( κατά implying an unfavourable inference :) 
 cp. Her. m. 27, ττάχχυ σφέας κατ αδόξας έωυτοΰ κακώς πρήξαντος 
 χαρμόσυνα ταΰτα ποιέειν. 
 
 κατ αγχιστείαν] ‘we claim the whole estate [οίκου = κλήρου] 
 from him on the ground of affinity’ — and no longer κατά 
 διαθήκην, on the ground of the testament under which they had 
 originally claimed two-thirds, άχχιστεία, in the legal sense, 
 was a degree of affinity ( including, for legal purposes, con¬ 
 sanguinity, συχχένεια) recognised by the law as constituting a 
 claim to an inheritance in the absence of a special bequest 
 which could legally divert it. To claim an estate under testa¬ 
 mentary disposition was άμφισβητεΐν κατα διαθήκην, or κατα 
 δόσιν. (Schomann, Isae. p. 250, regards διδόναι, δόσις as the 
 general terms for a bequest: διατίθεσθαι, διαθήκη as terms 
 strictly applicable only when the legatee was at the same time 
 adopted as son by the testator. But in Isae. or. i. § 41 the 
 defendants claim κατα διαθήκην, and it nowhere appears that 
 they had been adopted. I believe rather that δόσις denoted the 
 act, and διαθήκη the instrument.) To claim on the ground of 
 affinity (in the absence of a will) was άμφισβητεΐν κατ άχχι- 
 στείαν, or κατά χένος, or. ιν. § 15. For the distinction between 
 άχχιστεία and συχχένεια, cp. Isae. or. xi. § 17, 6 (the relation¬ 
 ship of son to mother) συχχ εν ύστατον μεν ήν τη φύσει πάντων, 
 εν δέ ταΐς άχχιστ είαις όμολοχουμένως ούκ ’έστιν meaning that 
 a mother could not inherit from her son,—although, by Attic 
 law, an inheritance could ascend collaterally, as by an uncle 
 inheriting. 
 
 όρθώς εγνώκαμεν] ‘ have decided rightly ’ (to sue D. for the 
 whole estate): the perf., because the resolve still exists, since 
 the case has not been finally settled. The argument is briefly 
 this. Dicaeogenes III. received one-third of the estate under 
 
NOTES. 
 
 371 
 
 pp. 170, 171] 
 
 the will. He has set that will aside, and has taken the whole 
 estate under another alleged will. We have shown that this 
 alleged will is false. Therefore there is no will. And therefore 
 the next of kin inherit. 
 
 § 15. ή μεν πάλαι πολλω, ή δ’ ΰσ-τερον] If πάλαι, πολλφ 
 stood alone , it certainly could not mean ‘ very long ago ’: that 
 would he πάνυ πάλαι, as in Isae. or. vi. § 14, ούτε ανέκδοτον καί 
 άπαιδα είναι, άλλα πάνυ πάλαι συνοικειν (has long been married). 
 But where πάλαι and ύστερον are contrasted in the same clause, 
 πολλφ may stand with πάλαι in the sense, ‘ old by a long interval 
 as compared ivith the later date ’. I therefore hesitate to adopt 
 the obvious transposition, ή μεν πάλαι, η δ’ ύστερον πολλφ. 
 
 Πρόξενος] Proxenus, father of Dicaeogenes III., had pro¬ 
 duced the will under which his son inherited one-third of the 
 estate of Dicaeogenes II.: § 6, διαθήκην άπέφηνε Πρόξενο?. See 
 the stemma. 
 
 εγίγνετο] Cp. § 13, note on τί ποιήσαι ;...δ τι έ’γί'γνετο. 
 
 αυτήν] redundant after ήν : cp. § 12, Αύκωνα...τούτον, note. 
 
 § 16. άκΰροιν γιγνομεναιν] ‘were by inference invalid’, 
 άκυροι eyiyvovTo ; § 13, note. 
 
 κατά δό<τιν...κατ άγχκττ.] Cp. § 14, κατ αγχιστείαν, note. 
 
 διά δέ ταΰτα] If δέ is right, it has a resumptive force : ‘ for 
 these reasons, I say ’: but διά δή ταΰτα seems needed. 
 
 λαχεΐν του κλήρου — άντόμνυσθαι] λαχεΐν τού κλήρου, sc. δίκην, 
 1 to claim the estate ’, to obtain a hearing of one’s legal claim : 
 but λαχεΐν κλήρον, ‘to obtain the estate’: §7, έκέκτητο...έκαστος 
 ά έλαχε. — άντόμνυσθαι, ‘ when we were about to make our 
 affidavit’ ( άντωμοσία ), in the preliminary proceedings {ανάκρισή) 
 before the archon. 
 
 διεμαρτύρησ-ε.,.μή επίδικον είναι τον κλήρον] ‘entered a 
 protest ( διαμαρτυρία ) to the effect that our claim was inadmis¬ 
 sible ’: i.e. that a διαθήκη existed giving it to Dicaeogenes. 
 Cp. Isae. or. Vil. § 3, el μεν έώρων υμάς μάλλον αποδεχόμενους τας 
 διαμαρτυρίας ή τας ευθυδικίας, καν μάρτυρας προύβαλόμην μή 
 έπίδικον είναι τον κλήρον : where a protest barring the claim is 
 contrasted with a direct trial of the claim. Cp. § 6, έκαστη το 
 μέρος έπεδικάσατο (sc. τού κλήρου), each claimed the estate in 
 her due share. 
 
 §17. ετπσ·κηψαμε'νων...είσ·ήει] ‘We indicted Leochares; the 
 action in claim of the estate was cancelled, and the charge of 
 perjury came before the court’, έπισκηψαμένων, sc. ψευδομαρτυ¬ 
 ριών : cp. § 9.— λήξις, sc. τής δίκης, τού κλήρου, for claiming the 
 estate.— δ^ράφη : Ar. Nub. 773, οϊμ' ώς ήδομαι ] δτι πεντετά- 
 
 24—2 
 
 171 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 372 
 
 [TSAEUS 
 
 ~\avros diayeypaTTraL μοι δίκη, ‘a suit in which I might have lost 
 five talents is quashed 
 
 Ιξαιρεθεισών] out of the two καδίσκοι, one for condemnation, 
 the other for acquittal: cp. Lys. In Agor. § 37, note, p. 267. 
 Dobree ingeniously but needlessly, έξερασθεισων, ‘ tumbled out’ 
 (Ar. Acli. 341, τούς \ίθουτ...εξεράσατε). 
 
 d μέν των δικαστών... Xcyeiv] ‘ as to the entreaties which L. 
 addressed to the judges and to us, and the penalties which we 
 were entitled to obtain, I hardly know that I need speak ’ ( i.e. 
 you can imagine them). Leochares having been convicted of 
 perjury (ψευδομαρτυριών), the accusers might have claimed any 
 penalty up to ατιμία, disfranchisement (cp. § 19, eyyevonevov 
 ήμιν αυτόν, επειδή εϊλομεν ψευδομαρτυριών, άτιμωσαι), since it was 
 a τιμητή δίκη, that is, one in which the accuser could τιμάσθαι , 
 assess the penalty.— ε^ένετο, with pluperf. force, not, ‘ was in 
 our power ’, but, ‘ had (by the verdict) come into our power — 
 διαπράξασθαι, not ‘ exact ’, but ‘ obtaiil ’ παρά των δικαστών. 
 
 § 18. μή συναριθμεΐν, κ.τ,λ.] ‘not to count the votes, but 
 to cancel the conviction’; i.e. when the votes were taken out, 
 there was an evident majority against Leochares; but the 
 accusers consented to refrain from registering the result, and 
 to admit L. to a compromise before sentence was passed. 
 συναριθμεΐν to covipare the number of votes for him with that 
 against him ; avyxeai, to mix up all the votes in a heap. 
 
 άφίστατο.,.μερη] ‘Dicaeogenes (III.) offered [imperf] to 
 resign two-thirds of the estate to the sisters of Dicaeogenes (II.), 
 and to agree that he should place these two-thirds in our hands 
 without litigation’: Αναμφισβήτητα, i.e. he promised that they 
 should not be required άμφισβητεΐν, to bring a law-suit, in 
 order formally to establish their claim. In the sequel, how¬ 
 ever, they were obliged to do so, since D. had already trans¬ 
 ferred the ownership to others. 
 
 καί ταΰτα ή-γγυάτο, κ.τ.λ.] ‘And in all this Leochares the 
 defendant offered [imperf.] to be his surety, and to undertake 
 that he (Dicaeogenes) should fulfil his agreement,—Mnesipto- 
 lemus of PlOtheia [a deme of the Aegeid tribe] being his 
 colleague in the suretyship ’.— pyyoaro, not εvεyυ8.τo, in Attic, 
 as Scheibe shows, Isae. praef. crit. ix.— και ώμολόγει ποιήσειν : 
 better ώ$ ώμολόγει και ττοιησειν, ‘ pledged himself that Dicae¬ 
 ogenes would do as he (D.) had agreed’. Cp. § 20, pyyoa to 
 αυτόν ά ώμo\όyησε και ττοιησειν ; § 22, ου ττιστεύοντετ αύτφ α 
 ωμo\όyησε [καί Reiske] ττοιήσςιν. 
 
 § 19. iyycvopevov... άτιμωσαι] ‘when it had come into our 
 power...to disfranchise him § 17, note. Dor the accus. absol. 
 cp. Antiph. Tetr. B. β. § 7, note, p. 205. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 373 
 
 pp. 171 — 173] 
 
 § 20. καίτοι €t μή...ούκ οϊδ’ o tl] ‘If, however, in the face 
 of the judges, five hundred in number, and of the bystanders, 
 he had not offered [ imperf.\ to become surety, I do not know 
 what he could have done’: i.e. there was no other hope for 
 him: he w’ould then and there have been disfranchised, ei μή 
 Tjyyvdro, not rjyyvriaaTo, because the 'promise had never been 
 fulfilled.— 7 τεντακοσίων, the normal number of a δικαστή piov ,— 
 the 5000 ήλιασταί (exclusive of the reserved 1000) being divided 
 into 10 such panels : cp. Isocr. Areopagit. § 54, note, p. 349. 
 
 § 21 . «ί γάρ άπε<ττη μόνον... efyev] ‘For if (as he alleges) 173 
 he merely withdrew his claim to the two-thirds, but did not 
 covenant to place them in our hands without litigation, what 
 loss was he incurring by resigning property of which he already 
 had the equivalent in money? ’ i.e. he had already transferred 
 to others the ownership of the property which he was resigning. 
 
 It was his duty to see that we got it without having to go to 
 law (αμφισβητεί) with these other persons, from whom he had 
 received the value (τιμή) of it. τί έζημιουτο ; i.e. we were in a 
 position to claim a concession, since we had convicted his 
 witness of perjury. But this would have been no concession. 
 Therefore his compact cannot have meant this. 
 
 ουδέ γάρ ττρίν ήττηθηναι...θ€μενοι] ‘for even before he had 
 been worsted in the law-suit [by the conviction of his witness 
 Leochares], the property which we claim had passed from him 
 to the purchasers and mortgagees oi πριάμενοι —those who 
 had bought from him outright: οι θέμενοι, ‘ the mortgagees ’— 
 those who lent him money on the security of property which 
 he placed in their hands. Plato, Legg . 820 e, κείσθω μέντοι 
 καθάττερ ενέχυρα Χύσιμα εκ τής άλλης ττοΧιτεί as, έαν η τούς θέντας 
 ήμας η τούς θεμένου s ύμας μηδαμώς φιΧοφρονήται, ‘ let these 
 (studies) rest, however, as pledges which can be redeemed by 
 provisions in other parts of our commonwealth, in case they 
 prove utterly unsatisfactory to us who have given the pledges ’ 
 (θέντας, the mortgagers), ‘ or to you who have accepted them ’ 
 (θεμένους, the mortgagees). So ύποτιθέναι (opponere) οικίαν , to 
 pledge or mortgage a house : ύποτίθεσθαι οικίαν , to accept the 
 house as security for a loan. 
 
 § 22. cv Πεδίω] in the Attic plain (τδ ττεδίον, Thuc. ii. 65), 
 from which the party led by Lycurgus were called οι εκ του 
 πεδίου, πεδιακοί or πεδιεΐς, as ορρ. to the ττάραΧοι led by Megacles 
 and the διάκριοι led by Peisistratus, Her. i. 59. The art. 
 omitted, as with τείχος, άστυ, § 11. — εξήκοντα πλέθρων, ‘cover¬ 
 ing 60 plethra ’. The 7 τΧέθρον was the ordinary Greek unit of 
 land-measurement, = 10,000 square feet, nearly = Roman actus , 
 or half iugerum .— κεκομίσμεθα, ‘have recovered’: cp. § 13, 
 κομισάμενον. 
 
374 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 ημεΪ 9 S’ ούκ εξάγομεν] * And we refrain from ejecting ’ [roi)s 
 πριαμένου$ καί θεμένουί, those to whom D. has transferred the 
 property], ‘ for we are afraid of incurring penalties at law ’: 
 oUas, sc. εξούλης, actions for forcible ejectment. 
 
 καί φάσ -Kovros μή βεβαιω<τειν] ‘For by ejecting Micion from 
 the ownership of the bath-house, at the instance of D., and on 
 his assurance that he would not confirm the other’s title, we 
 incurred a fine of 40 minae—thanks to Dicaeogenes, judges’. 
 μη βεβαίωσαν : i.e. Dicaeogenes promised to admit that Micion 
 had bought the βαλανεΊον with a bad title, since he, Dicaeogenes, 
 was not its legal owner when he sold it. 
 
 § 23. ηγούμενοι γάρ...καθεισ·τήκεσ·αν ήμΐν] ‘For, believing 
 that he [αυτόν, Dicaeogenes] would not confirm another claim 
 to any part of the property which he had resigned in our 
 favour before the law-court, we insisted on this point [διισχυ- 
 ριξ'όμεθ a, imperf.] against Micion before the judges, offering to 
 suffer what they pleased if D. confirmed M.’s title to the 
 tenement,—never dreaming that he [D.] would violate his 
 agreement,—though our only ground for such a faith was the 
 fact that sureties had been given to us ’. αν βεβαιώσεων : as in 
 Thuc. ii. 8 the mss. give αν προσχωρήσεων, v. 82 civ ώφελήσειν, 
 v. 66 civ λυπήσεων, vm. 25 αν προσχωρήσεων, νπΐ. 71 αν ήσνχάσειν. 
 In vi. 66 the corr. &v λύπησειαν is probable: in the other places 
 Classen (rightly, I think) keeps &v, with Herbst, instead of 
 omitting it with Stahl. Cp. Goodwin § 41. 4.— ούκ αν.,.οωμενοι 
 ...πραξαι, cp. § 8, note.— ού δι αλΧ ουδόν: i.e. the character of 
 D. himself was no guarantee, but we believed that he would not 
 expose his surety to an έγγύης δίκη (like the present). 
 
 §§ 39—47. 
 
 174 § 39. οΰτω καί τοσαΐτα] ‘ in this manner and measure 'i.e. 
 
 so badly and so little: referring to § 36, τη μέν φυλή els Αιονύσια 
 χορήγησα? τέταρτοί έχένετο, τραγωδοί? δδ καί πυρριχισταΐ s ύστατος: 
 i.e. he won only the fourth prize when he produced a chorus 
 [probably of αύληταί, flute-players] at the great Dionysia,—and 
 was last when he produced a tragic chorus and a chorus of 
 Pyrrhic dancers (perhaps at the Αήναωα). He had also failed 
 to contribute when είσφοραί, special war-taxes, were being 
 levied. Once, indeed, he had promised an έπίδοσως or voluntary 
 subscription, which however he had not paid, and had therefore 
 been ‘posted’ as a defaulter at the statues of the Twelve Heroes 
 [in the Agora], § 38 : καί τοϋτο έπέδωκεν, ούκ είσήνε^κεν, άλλ’ έπ 
 αισχίστιρ έπ^ράμματι [‘ with a most disgraceful qualification ’— 
 that which follows] εξετέθη αύτου τοϋνομα ’έμπροσθεν των επω¬ 
 νύμων, οτι οϊδε εις σωτηρίαν της νόλβω? υποσχόμενοι τφ δημφ 
 είσοίσειν χρήματα έθελονταί ούκ είσήνεΎκαν.—εις τήν πόλιν, (spent) 
 
NOTES. 
 
 375 
 
 pp. 173—175] 
 
 on the city: so § 43, ποΐ άναλώσας ; ούτε yap εις την πόλιν οΰτε 
 els τούς φίλους φανερός βΐ δαπανηθεϊς ούδέν. 
 
 οτι μ,εΐζον εδυνήθη] Schomann suggests ore, but with this 
 we should expect ηδύνατο : and ότι, ‘ (merely) because ’, con¬ 
 demns the act more strongly. 
 
 els Totis μισθωτούδ iovTas] ‘ and allowed others [of his 
 relatives] to be reduced to the rank of hired labourers, for want 
 of a bare livelihood’. Cp. [Dem.] or. xlix, Adv. Tivioth. § 51, 
 τίνες ησαν ol iveyKavres τον χαλκόν ώς τον πατέρα τον έμόν; 
 μι.σθωτοϊ η οίκεται ; ‘hirelings or slaves?’ Theophr. Charact. iv. 
 καί τούς παρ' αύτφ epyaζΌμevoις μισθωτούς έν ayptp πάντα τα από 
 της εκκλησίας δ^εύσθαι, ‘ he will recount all the news from the 
 Ecclesia to the hired labourers working on his land ’. ‘ Slavery 
 did not altogether swamp the labour-market. Even men, 
 chiefly foreigners, found employment as artisans, farm-labourers 
 or domestics: see Plat. Bep. 371. Lysis, in Plato’s dialogue, 
 says that his father’s chariot was driven at the games by a 
 hired charioteer ( Lys . p. 203 e), while the groom mentioned 
 in the same passage is a slave. The shrine of Eurysaces in 
 the market-place is mentioned as the place at which ‘ those 
 who ply for hire used to congregate ’ (from my note on 
 Theophr. l.c., p. 221). 
 
 4v τω tt]s ElXeiGvias ίερω] καθημένην, as a suppliant,—in 
 appeal to the goddess against an unnatural son. Pausanias 
 i. 18. § 5, πλησίον δέ (near the temple of Sarapis, s.w. of the 
 Acropolis) φκοδόμητο ναός Είλει,θυίας, ην βλθοΰσαν εξ 'Ύπερβορέων 
 εις Αηλον yεvέσθaι βοηθόν ταΐς Αητούς ώδύσι, τούς δέ άλλους παρ 
 αυτών φασί της Έίλείθυίας μαθεΐν τό ’όνομα' καί θύουσί τε Et λείθυία. 
 Αήλωι. καί ϋμνον αδουσιν Ώληνος. 
 
 § 40 . Μελανα] ‘As to his intimate associates [in dis¬ 
 tinction from τούς προσηκοντας, liis relatives, § 39], he has 
 robbed Melas, his friend from boyhood, of the money which 
 he received from him, and is now his bitter enemy’: Μελα^α, 
 not MAcm, because the emphasis is more on the act (άποστε- 
 ρήσ as) which led to the feud than on the feud itself (εχθιστός 
 έστι). , 
 
 εΐ ειτιδικασ-αιτο του κλήρου] ‘if he should claim the estate’: 
 cp. § 16, επίδικον, note. He said, δώσω, εάν έπιδικάσωμαι. 
 
 § 41 . οί ήμετεροι πρόγονοι] i.e. the testator, Dicaeo- 175 
 genes II., his father Menexenus, and his grandfather, Dicaeo- 
 genes I.— ol ταυτα κτησάμενοι , who acquired the property now 
 under dispute. 
 
 ττάσ-αζ-.-χορηγ. εχορήγ.] ‘discharged the office of choregus 
 in all its forms ’, for τραχικοί , κωμικοί , and μουσικοί άχώνες .— 
 είσήνε'/καν, i.e. by way of είσφοραί : cp. on § 39.— τριηραρχοΰντες : 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 376 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 see on Isocr. De Pace § 128, tcls συμμορίας, p. 336.— διέλιπον: 
 Isocr. Aeginet. § 27, note, p. 356. 
 
 αναθήματα] ‘ votive offerings a general term for gifts 
 (buildings, statues, tripods, etc.) dedicated to a god; ανάθημα 
 άνατιθεναι, Her. ii. 182.— εκ των περιόντων, not, ‘from their 
 abundance’, but, ‘from what remained’ after these costly 
 XeLTovpyiaL had been discharged. 
 
 τρίποδας] A bronze tripod was awarded to a successful 
 choregus, who usu. dedicated it in the temple of Dionysus. 
 Plutarch says that Nicias had presented to the temple a shrine 
 (νεώς) on which these tripods were set (Nic. 3). In the course 
 of the 4th century b.c. a fashion arose of placing the prize- 
 tripod in a small shrine built especially for it, either in the 
 precincts of the Theatre or in the ‘ Street of the Tripods ’ 
 ,(Paus. i. 20) on the e. side of the Acropolis. The existing 
 monument of Lysicrates (choregus 335 b.c.) was such a shrine: 
 and the site of another, dedicated in 320 b.c. by the choregus 
 Thrasyllus (Paus. i. 21), is still marked by a cave on the s. side 
 of the Acropolis. (See my note on Tlieophr. Char. xxii. = xxv., 
 p. 251.) Cp. Plat. Gorg. 472 A, Nt /αα? καί ol αδελφοί, ών oi 
 τρίποδες οί εφεξής εστωτες είσιν εν τφ Αιονυσίιρ. 
 
 ev Πυθίου] i.e. εν τφ’Απόλλωνος ΤΙυθίου ίερφ. In May, 1877, 
 the site of the Πύθιον was identified by the discovery of an in¬ 
 scribed altar-stone on the right bank of the Ilissus, n.w. of the 
 temple of Zeus Olympius. This stone belonged to the altar 
 erected by Peisistratus (grandson of the tyrant), and mentioned 
 by Thuc. (vi. 54) as bearing in letters which even then were 
 * faint ’, άμνδροΐς ypappaai, the couplet :— 
 
 μνήμα τόδ' rjs αρχής ΤΙεισίστρατος Ίππίου νιος 
 θήκεν ’Απόλλωνος ΙΙνθίου εν τεμένει. 
 
 § 42. απαρχάς... τό iepov] ‘On the Acropolis, again, [as 
 well as in the Αιονύσιον and the Πι Wiov] ‘ they have dedicated 
 tributes (άπαρχάς) from their substance, and have adorned the 
 temple [τό ιερόν — τόν Τίαρθενωνα] with images (άχάλμασί) in 
 bronze and stone,—considerable in number, if it be remembered 
 that the donors were private persons’. — άπαρχάς , firstfruits, 
 [in Thuc. vi. 20 tithes paid by occupiers to landlords,] then 
 ‘tributes’: cp. Eur. Androm. 150, where Hermione speaks of 
 her robes and golden ornaments as άπαρχαί, ‘ offerings ’ made 
 to her, as a bride, by her father. — πολλοΐς closely with ii>s από 
 ίδιας κτήσεως’. Thuc. vi. 20, πόλεις... pey άλας,...τό τε πλήθος, ώς 
 έν μιςί νήσιρ, πολλάς τας 'Έλληνίδας: Soph. Phil. 584, δρων 
 άντιπάσχω χρηστά y , οΓ άνήρ πενης. — άyάλμaσι, not — άναθήμασι 
 (§ 41), but ‘images’ or ‘statues’ of gods, as opp. to ανδριάντες, 
 portrait-statues of men. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 377 
 
 p. 175] 
 
 Δικαιογενηδ] i.e. Dicaeogenes I.: see stemma. 
 
 ή 4v *'Αλΐ€ΰ<τι μάχη] Having made a descent on the coast 
 of Argolis, the Athenians were defeated by the Corinthians and 
 Epidaurians at Halieis, 01. 80. 4, 457 b.c.: Thuc. i. 104. 
 {Attic Orators, n. 353.)— -'ΑλιεΟσι is due to Dobree. The tra¬ 
 ditional reading is η tv Έλευσίνι μάχη, which has been re¬ 
 ferred (1) by Palmer ap. Schom. 342 to 01. 80. 4, 457 b.c., 
 when there were hostilities in the Megarid between the 
 Athenians and the Corinthians: (2) by Eeiske to 01. 83. 4, 
 445 b.c., when the Lacedaemonians, invading Attica under 
 Pleistoanax, advanced to Eleusis; Thuc. i. 114. But on 
 neither occasion is a battle at Eleusis recorded. 
 
 φυλάρχων Ttjs * Όλυνθίας ev Στταρτωλω] ‘when commanding 
 the cavalry of his tribe at Spartolus in the territory of 
 Olynthus’: in 01. 87. 4, 429 b.c., when the Athenians were 
 defeated by the Chalcidians at Spartolus on the Chalcidic 
 peninsula: Thuc. n. 79.—Scheibe rightly follows Palmer in 
 reading ’ Ολυνθίας for the vulg. Όλυσία?, which Dobree took as 
 formed from "Ολυνθος (‘ut T ρικορύσως a Ύρικδρυνθος Arist. Lys. 
 1034’), while Sir W. Jones actually explained it, ‘of the 
 destructive cohort ’. Eeiske conj. Όδρυσίας or Όδυσσβίας (the 
 latter as the name of a cohort).—In 429 b.c. Spartolus belonged 
 to the B ottlouol (Thuc. l.c.), but it had now come under the 
 control of Olynthus: cp. Xen. Hellen. v. 2. 11 {Attic Orators, 
 ii. 354). 
 
 Δικαιογί'νηβ] i.e. the testator, Dicaeog. II .—tv Kvidcp: in 
 412 b.c., when an Athenian force of less than 20 sail was 
 defeated, with the loss of six ships, by the Lacedaemonian 
 fleet under Astyochus, Thuc. vm. 42. The Paralos is mentioned 
 soon afterwards as being with the Athenian army at Samos, 
 Thuc. vm. 74 (411 b.c.). 
 
 § 43. 4|apyvpicra|A€vos] ‘having converted it’ {τον οΐκον = τον 
 κλήρον, the estate) ‘ into money, you now bewail your poverty; 
 but on what have you spent the money ? ’ t^apyopca ., because 
 he had sold or mortgaged the houses and lands (cp. § 21, oi 
 τταρά τούτον ττρι,άμβνοι καί θέμβνοί). In Thuc. VIII. 81, ην δέη 
 τβΚ^υτώντα την έαυτου στρωμνήν ti-apyvpiacu (convert into money), 
 t^apyvpQaai is a v. 1., wh. Classen adopts, following Etym. M. 
 246. 55, ti;apyvpG)Ccu, ούκ t^apyvplaou, Θουκυδίδης. Her. VI. 86, 
 t^apyvpibaavTa. In Dem. De Pace § 8, ήν,.Ακέκτητο (pavepav 
 ουσίαν (real property), ταύτην t!;apyvp'^as, the form is less 
 doubtful. 
 
 άλλα μην ουδέ καθιττιτοτρόφηκαδ] ‘ But again, neither have 
 you squandered it on keeping horses’. The keeping of horses, 
 esp. for the great contests, was regarded as in some sort a duty 
 
378 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 incumbent on the rich, for the credit of the state,—horses being 
 in a special sense at Athens άγαλμα της ύπερπλούτου χλιδής 
 (Aesch. P. V. 474). [Dem.] or. xlii. Adv. Phaen. § 14: ‘In one 
 thing only can the defendant be proved to have shown public 
 spirit towards you (7 τεφιλοτιμημένον els υμάς), judges: his muni¬ 
 ficence takes the form of keeping fine horses ’ ( ίπποτρόφος 
 αγαθός έστι καί φιλότιμος). Xen. Hipparch. 1 . 12, ‘(you may 
 win over parents) by explaining this to them,—that their sons 
 will be forced to keep horses, if not by you, by their fortune, 
 but that...you will deter them from giving extravagant or mad 
 {μαννών) prices for horses’ (note on Theophr. Gliar. xxiii.= 
 vi. p. 197). Cp. Lysias or. xix. § 63, ore ϊππευεν, ού μόνον ΐτητους 
 έκτήσατο λαμπρούς άλλα καί άθλητάς, καί ένίκησεν Ισθμοί και 
 Νεμέα, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 TrXeiovos ά£ιον η τριών μνών] = about £12. The κοππατίας 
 of Pheidippides (Ar. Clouds 23) cost about 12 minas, or £48; 
 and the same is the value of a horse in [Lysias] or. vm. § 10. 
 
 ουδέ £evyos Ικτησ-ω, κ.τ.λ.] ‘You have never set up so 
 much as a pair of mules [όρικόν from δρενς = ήμίονος] on the 
 strength of (έπί) your large estates and wealth. Nor, again, 
 have you ransomed any one from the enemy’. Cp. Lys. In 
 Eratosth. § 20, πολλούς δ"Αθηναίων έκ των πολεμίων λυσαμένους, 
 note, ρ. 253. 
 
 § 44. τά άναΟηματα.,κυλινδειται] ‘Nor, again, have you 
 duly placed on the acropolis [την πόλο/] the votive offerings 
 which Menexenus had caused to be made, and which death 
 prevented him from dedicating, but they are still knocking 
 about in the stone-cutters’ shops’. — πόλιν — άκρόπολιν , Thuc. n. 
 15, καλεΐται δέ διά την παλαιάν ταύτη κατοίκησιν και η άκρόπολις 
 μέχρι τονδε ’έτι ύπ’ Αθηναίων πόλις. — κεκόμικας, not merely 
 ‘ carried ’, but taken to their proper place.— κυλινδβΐται should, 
 I think, be read here : Attic writers seem to use κυλινδεΐσθαι in 
 the literal sense, καλινδεΐσθαι in the figurative ; cp. Isocr. Adv. 
 Sophist. § 20, των περί τάς έριδας καλιν δ θυμένων, note, ρ. 298. 
 
 176 €Κ€ΐνων eyiyvero] ‘were due to them’, ‘came to them by 
 right’: see § 13, note, p. 369. αγάλματα in the proper sense, 
 statues of gods as opp. to ανδριάντες, cp. § 42. 
 
 §45. \€ΐτουργ£α$...τριήραρχων] On the distinction between 
 the ordinary λειτονργίαι and the τριηραρχία, cp. Isocr. De Pace, 
 § 128, note, p. 335. 
 
 § 46. 'π·ολ6μου...’Ολύνθιοι...νησ-ιώται] The Corinthian 
 
 XVar (394—387 b.c.), of which this (390) was the 5th year. 
 Olynthus, as well as the insular allies, had doubtless furnished 
 troops to Athens in the course of the war. If the year 372 b.c. 
 were taken as the date of the speech, the notice might be 
 
NOTES. 
 
 379 
 
 pp. 175—177] 
 
 referred to the Olynthian War of 382—379 b.c., —when the 
 Olynthians were, in a sense, fighting the battle of Athens. 
 
 The mention of νησιώται might then be explained by the fact 
 that, when war was renewed between Athens and Sparta in 
 374 b.c., Corcyra became a centre of hostilities. But τοσούτόυ 
 and τοιούτου πολέμου in § 46 can mean nothing but the 
 Corinthian War ; it could not, without straining, be applied to 
 the whole intermittent struggle against Sparta.—See Attic 
 Orators , n. 351. 
 
 τον τύραννον] Hipparchus. Cp. Thuc. i. 20, Αθηναίων yovv 
 rb πλήθος "Ιππαρχον οϊονται ύφ 'Αρμοδίου καί , Apιστoyείτovoς 
 τύραννον 6ντα άποθανεΐν, καί ούκ ϊσασιν δτι 'Ιππίας μέν πρεσ- 
 βύτατος ών ήρχε των ΐίεισιστράτου υίέων, "Ιππαρχος δέ καί 
 θεσσαλδς αδελφοί ήσαν αύτοΰ. Herod, (ν. 55) does not make 
 this error. Nor need we suppose it here, since τον τύραννον 
 implies merely a member of the ruling house ; cp. Andoc. De 
 Myst. § 106, νικήσαντες τους τυράννους [ —rovs ϊίεισιστρατίδας ] 
 έπί Παλλ^νί^. 
 
 § 47. την εν Πρυτανεία) σ-ίτησ-ι,ν, χ.τ.λ.] Cp. Andoc. De 
 Myst. § 45, note on εδείπνει, p. 226.— προεδριών, ‘ places of 
 honour ’ at festivals, etc.: ατελείων, exemptions from taxation. 
 
 — Άpιστoyείτωv.. .καί'Αρμόδιος’. cp. Dem. F. L. § 280, ύπομενεΐτε 
 ...τον άφ"Αρμοδίου καί των τά μέyιστ ayaOa υμάς eίpyaσμέvωv, 
 οΰς νόμιρ διά τάς εύερχεσίας...έν άπασι τοΐς ίεροΐς έπί ταΐς θυσίαις 
 σπονδών καί κρατήρων κοινωνούς πεποίησθε καί είδετε καί τιμάτε έξ 
 ίσου τοΐς ήρωσι καί τοΐς θεο'ίς,.,τήν εκ των νόμων δίκην ύπεσχηκέναι, 
 
 ..., τδν δε’Ατρόμητου άφήσετε ; Deinarchus In Demosth. § 63, έδέθη 
 των άφ Αρμοδίου yeyovότωv εις κατά το σόν πpόστayμa, was 
 imprisoned by your injunction. For έκεΐνος = ΐΙΙβ, ‘the famous’, 
 cp. Ar. Eq. 786, μών I'/cy ονος εΐ των Αρμοδίου τις εκείνων; 
 
 Η. ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΑΓΝΙΟΥ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. [Or. χι.]— ‘On 177 
 the Estate of Hagnias’.—Theopompus, the speaker and de¬ 
 fendant, possesses the estate of Hagnias. Half of this estate 
 is claimed from Theompompus on behalf of his own nephew, 
 the son of Stratocles. The form of the prosecution is an 
 Information for maltreatment (eίσayyελίa κακώσεως) ; the son of 
 Stratocles being considered as an orphan whom his uncle, 
 Theopompus, has wronged. The date is 359 b.c. — Attic 
 Orators, ii. 354—8. 
 
 Theopompus had already, under a legal decision, taken 
 this estate away from Phylomache II. (see the stemma), 
 daughter of his own second cousin Eubulides II. 
 
 The essential points are these:—(1) Theopompus and 
 Hagnias were the sons of ανεψιοί, first-cousins, and were there¬ 
 fore seccmd-cousins to each other: (2) Eubulides II., father of 
 Phylomache II., was first- cousin of Hagnias. 
 
380 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 
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pp. 177, 178] 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 381 
 
 §§ 1—19. 
 
 Theopompus begins by reading the laws which regulate the 
 succession of collateral kinsfolk to an estate ; and shows that, 
 by these, his nephew, the son of Stratocles, is excluded. There 
 is no reason to suppose that the τροοίμιον is lost. The ninth 
 oration of Isaeus, 7 re pi του ’ Αστυφίλου κλήρου ( Attic Orators, 11 , 
 
 330), and the third, ire pi του Π,ύρρου κλήρου ( ib . 339), begin with 
 similar abruptness. 
 
 §§ 1, 2. διά ταΰθ’...κληρονομιάν] ‘I have read you the 
 laws, because the plaintiff contends that, under the first of 
 them, the boy [the son of Stratocles] is entitled to half the 
 estate; but this is untrue. Tor Hagnias was not our brother 
 [ήμΐν, Theopompus himself and the other second-cousins of 
 Hagnias, § 10]; but the law, speaking of a brother’s property, 
 has given the inheritance— 
 
 (1) first, to brothers, being sons of the same father, and the 
 children of such brothers; this is the first degree of kinship to 
 the deceased: but failing these, 
 
 (2) secondly, the law calls to the succession sisters by the 
 same father, and their children: failing these, 
 
 (3) in the third degree ( τρίτιρ γενει) it gives the preference 
 to first cousins (ανεχ^ιοΐς) on the father’s side, continuing it to 
 their children [μέχρι· ανεψιών ταίδων = μέχρι dvexj /ιαδων). 
 
 (4) Failing these also, the law reverts to the direct line [ei’s 
 τό γενο?, the direct lineage on the maternal side, as opp. to 
 collateral kinship on the paternal] and gives the ownership of 
 the property [ποιεί κυρίους αυτών, SC. των χρημάτων ] to the 
 kinsmen of the deceased on the mother’s side, under the same 
 rules by which, in the first instance (έξ αρχής), it called the 
 paternal kinsfolk to the inheritance ’. 
 
 The gist of the whole argument is that Theopompus, being 
 the son of a first-cousin {avexf /ιοΰ τα is) is, under provision (3), in 
 the succession on the paternal side, while his nephew, being 
 the son of a second-cousin, is out of it, 
 
 § 3. ταύτας ττοιεί τάς αγχιστείας, κ.τ.λ .] ‘constitutes (recog¬ 
 nises) these claims by kinship, and no others’: αγχιστεία, a 
 degree of nearness to the testator such as the law of inheritance 
 recognises, opp. to συγγένεια, natural kinship, which may or 
 may not be αγχιστεία : see or, v. note on § 14, κατ αγχιστείαν . 
 
 — συντομωτέρως : for the form, cp. Isocr. Panegyr. § 163, 
 ερριημενεστέρως , note, p. Sll. —ταύτη, ‘to this effect’, 
 
 ιτροσήκει τη αγχιστεία...έξω τής συγγένειας] Schomann 178 
 suggests τροσήκε ι τή συγγενείς— έξω τής αγχιστείας. But έξω 
 
382 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 της cvyyeveias, ‘outside of the kinship ’,= outside of that 
 kinship which the law recognises as constituting αγχιστεία. 
 
 §4. άναβιβασάμενο$...ν·π·αναγινώσκων] ‘ I will therefore 
 call him up here and question him before you, reading the 
 provisions of the law, clause by clause’, άναβιβασάμενος, to the 
 βήμα from which either party in a law-suit spoke, Lysias In 
 Theomn. § 15, note, p. 275: for the ερώτησή, cp. Lysias In 
 Eratostli. § 24, άνάβηθι οΰν μοι καί άπόκριναι, κ.τ.λ., ρ. 70. 
 In ύπανα-γ/.-γΐ'ώσκων, υπό — leading him on gradually from point 
 to point: cp. Xen. Anab. iv. 2. 16, ξενοφών μέν σύν τοίς 
 νεωτάτοις άνεβαινεν επί τό ακρον, rods δέ άλλους έκέλενσεν 
 νπά~γειν, όπως ol τελευταίοι λόχοι προσμίξειαν , ordered the others 
 to advance (only) gently , so that the rearmost companies might 
 rejoin them. 
 
 § 5. άδελφιδοΰ$...ή irpos irarpos] The son of Stratocles 
 (7rcus) was not, of course any one of these things. He was, to 
 Hagnias, second-cousin once removed,—Stratocles and Hagnias 
 having been sons of ανεψιοί , first-cousins. 
 
 και oinos μή...ερει$] ‘And take care that you do not say’. 
 Xen. Cyr. I. 2. 18, ottcos οΰν μη άπολεΐ μαστ^ούμενος. Goodwin 
 § 46. 4. 
 
 ει...ήμφισβητει...άν προσήκοι] ‘If he were claiming my 
 property [which he is doing], this would [on that supposition] 
 be fitting ’, etc.: but άν προσηκεν, ‘ this would now be [as it is 
 not] fitting’. Cp. Dem. De Cor. § 206, εί μέν τοίνυν τοΰτ 
 έπεχείρουν Xeyeiv,...ovK έσθ ’ δστις ούκ αν εικότως έπιτιμησειέ μοι. 
 Goodwin § 54. 
 
 179 τ ήδ άγχκττεία8...τδ yevos] ‘the degree of the relationship’: 
 cp. § 2, τρίτιρ yevei. So § 6, του y^vous... μαρτυρίας'. § 17, τό περί 
 αυτής y όνος, note. 
 
 § 6. διόμνυσθαι,.Λ'να μάλλον αν εττιστειΐετο] ‘(it was his 
 duty to make an affidavit ( διωμοσία )..., so that he might have 
 had a better chance of being believed’. The addition of άν 
 shows that ϊνα...έπιστεύετο is not only a final clause, but also 
 an apodosis with a suppressed protasis: i.e. ha έπιστεύετο, 
 ώσπερ έπιστεύετο άν, εί διώμνυτο. This is very rare : but cp. 
 Plato Legg. 959 B, ξώντι έδει βοηθεΐν, δπως ό' τι δικαιότατος ών 
 καί όσιώτατος έξη τε ξών καί τελευτησας ατιμώρητος άν κακών 
 αμαρτημάτων έyίyvετo, = όπως έyίyvετo, ώσπερ άν eyiy νέτο, εί 
 ούτως έξη. Goodwin § 44. 8, Note ι. 
 
 εμοΰ καταγν. τ. την εισαγγελίαν] ‘to decide against me 
 on this Information’: Theopompus being prosecuted under an 
 εισαγγελία κακώσεως, an Information charging him with mal¬ 
 treatment of an orphan, viz. his nephew. This was a special 
 form of the y ραφή κακώσεως. Any citizen might lay before the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 383 
 
 pp. 178—180] 
 
 archon an εισαγγελία regarding alleged wrong done to parents, 
 women, or orphans,—might address the court without limit of 
 time,—and, if defeated, suffer no fine. There was no fixed 
 penalty, but, as it might be ατιμία, Theopompus can speak of 
 himself as κινδυνεύων υπέρ του σώματος, —as having his civic 
 existence at stake, § 35.—See Attic Orators, n. 354. 
 
 § 8 . 4γώ γάρ, κ.τ.λ.] See the stemma of the family, and 
 §§ 1, 2. Nothing is known as to the embassy of Hagnias ( ττρεσ - 
 βεύσων) noticed here. — ούκ έφ’ ήμΐν.,.κατέλιπβν, did not leave the 
 property in our disposition, — ου κυρίους ημάς έποίησε των ’όντων. 
 
 Ιττοιήσατο θυγατέρα] ‘ adopted a niece of his own as his 180 
 daughter ’. The adoption of a daughter was comparatively rare, 
 since, unless a son was born to her, the continuance of the 
 οΐκος was not secured. But other instances occur, e.g. in this 
 speech, § 41, and or. vii., 7 repi του Απολλοδώρου κλήρου, § 4. 
 Such exceptions illustrate the use of Attic adoption to gratify a 
 personal preference, apart from the original object of perpetuat¬ 
 ing the family rites : see above on or. v. § 7, p. 366. 
 
 § S. κατά την διαθήκην] ‘under the will* —whereas 
 Glaucon would not have been entitled to it by nearness 
 of kinship, if there had been no will. On κατά διαθήκην or 
 κατά δόσιν as opp. to κατ' αγχιστείαν or κατά yevos, see or. v. § 
 
 14, note, p. 370. 
 
 ή δ’ Εύβουλίδου θυγάτηρ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ But the daughter of 
 
 Eubulides [Phylomache II.—see stemma], supported by her 
 accomplices [meaning her κύριος or male representative, or. v. 
 
 § 10, note, p. 367], claims the estate at law, and obtains it, on 
 defeating those who had claimed it under the willthough 
 she was not within the prescribed degrees, but had merely con¬ 
 ceived the hope (it seems) that we [the kinsmen] would not 
 oppose her, because we had not resisted the will either’.— 
 λαγχάνει (δίκην) του κλήρου : or. V. § 16, note, p. 371. 
 
 § ΙΟ. ή|Χ€ΐδ δε.,.ό κλήρι^] ‘We,...since the claim on the 
 estate had been opened to the next of kin, all prepared to bring 
 our action’: i.e. the διαθήκη which had given the estate to 
 Glaucon had precluded all claims on the score of αγχιστεία. 
 Now, however, this will had been set aside in favour of 
 Phylomache’s claim as a kinswoman. As against her, the 
 other kinsfolk enter their claim, on the ground that their 
 αγχιστεία takes precedence of hers, εγώ καί Στράτιος κ.τ.λ.... 
 παρεσκευάξοντο : cp. Eur. Baccli. 974, ό νικήσων δ’ εγώ | καί 
 Β ρόμιος εσται. 
 
 p,0vos *τών irpos ττατρόδ ών ά,νεψιοΰ irais] This is a quibble. 
 Theopompus claims the inheritance under provision (3) of the 
 law cited in §§ 1, 2, on the ground that he is the child of a first- 
 
384 SELECTIONS. [Isaeus 
 
 cousin on the father’s side. But Theopompus was ανεψιού παΐς 
 only in respect to the father of Hagnias., In respect to Hagnias 
 he was not ανεψιού παΐς, a first-cousin once removed, but a 
 second-cousin. Theopompus was not really in the άyχιστε ΐαι 
 at all: still less, of course, was his nephew, the son of 
 Stratocles. Phylomache, as daughter of a paternal first-cousin 
 of Hagnias, had a better claim than any living relative. If 
 Phylomache had died, then the next heir would have been 
 Glaucon, who would have claimed under provision (4) as 
 a brother of the testator by the same mother (though not 
 ομοπάτριος). The decision by which Theopompus took the 
 estate from Phylomache was unjust. 
 
 181 iyiyvero] ‘ devolved ’: cp. or. v. § 13, note, p. 369. 
 
 § 11. τω δέ Ύν«σ-6σ·θ€...σκ€ΐΓΤ€ον «ττ£] ‘But where are 
 you to find proof that I had an admissible claim of kinship, 
 while their issue—this boy included—had none? The law 
 itself will show. That the succession includes first-cousins on 
 the father’s side, and continues it to their children, is admitted 
 on all hands: but whether, after us \i.e. children of first- 
 cousins], the law gives it to our children—that is the question ’. 
 τοΐς εξ εκείνων yey ονόσιν, viz. the offspring of Stratius and 
 Stratocles, who, like Theopompus, were really second-cousins 
 of Hagnias : see last note. 
 
 § 12. άλλα αττί'δωκί] ‘but has assigned the inheritance 
 to the kin of the deceased on the mother’s side’,—under 
 provision (4) of the law cited in §§ 1, 2, where see note. 
 
 κατά ταυτά...ύΐΓ€ΐρημ6νον] ‘on the same terms which were 
 indicated in the first instance’, viz., in the case of the kinsfolk 
 προς πατρός. Cp. § 2, κατά ταύτά καθάπερ τοΐς προς πατρός εξ 
 αρχής έδίδου. — ύπειρημένον, said by way of preliminary definition: 
 see Hem. In Aristocr. § 53, διδόντος yap του νόμου σαφώς ούτωσΐ 
 και \0y οντος έφ' οΐς έξεΐναι κτεΐναι, οΰτος άπαντα παρεΐδε ταΰτα, καί 
 yoy ραφεν, ούδεν ύπειπών, όπως αν τις άποκτείνη, την τιμωρίαν: i.e. 
 though the law specifies some cases (of involuntary homicide) 
 as exempted from the penalty, this man has set down the 
 penalty without any preliminary reservation (ούδεν ύπειπών), no 
 matter what the circumstances of the homicide may be. Cp. 
 Dem. De Cor. § 60, ταυτα άναμνήσω και τούτων ύφέξω, τοσούτον 
 ύπειπών, ‘ with only this much of preface’. 
 
 ols δε μηδ’ el *καΙ TSTeXewrqKcos ην 4γώ] ‘But how can 
 they to whom, even if I were dead, the law does not grant the 
 inheritance, suppose that the succession is theirs while I live 
 and am in legal possession?’ [under the verdict which took 
 the estate from Phylomache, § 18]. The mss., μηδ’ εΐ τετε- 
 λευτηκότες ώσιν, ώς έyώ: Scheibe, following Beiske (with the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 385 
 
 pp. 180—182] 
 
 change of ei to εάν), μηδ' ecu' τετελεντηκώς ώ εγώ: but el should 
 be retained, reading, with Dobree, ψ for w. 
 
 § 13. και γάρ 6 τούτου πατήρ... εκείνοι?] ‘For the boy’s 182 
 father (Stratocles) was related [to Hagnias] only in their 
 degree ’: ομοίως έκείνοις, only in the same degree with those who 
 were cousin’s sons, like Theopompus himself and Stratius: 
 εκείνοι denoting that class or grade of kinsmen, just as below 
 § 18 εκείνα s is similarly used. Dobree is. not right then, 
 
 I think, in accounting for έκείνοις by the disappearance of words 
 alluding to the children of Stratius (§ 15): the text is sound. 
 
 τουτον1...καθισ·τάναι] ‘that this man [the speaker on behalf 
 of the 7rcus] should resort to vexatious proceedings, and that, 
 though he did not think fit to contest the case or to lodge 
 a rival claim [ παρακαταβάλλειν ] when I was going to law 
 for the estate—the proper moment for the decision of any issue 
 that he had to raise on such points—he should now make this 
 boy a pretext for annoying me with litigation, and bring my 
 civil existence into peril \ The παρακαταβολή was a deposit 
 made (to be forfeited on defeat) by one who. claimed the whole 
 of an inheritance from another. Thus, when Theopompus 
 ελαχε του κλήρου against Phylomache (§ 15), it was necessary 
 for him to make such a deposit, as the estate was already hers. 
 
 If the son of Stratocles had claimed the ivhole estate from 
 Theopompus, then he too, must have proceeded by παρακατα¬ 
 βολή : but, in fact, he claimed only the half, ήμικλήριον (§ 1 ).— επί 
 του παιδός δνδματι, ‘in the boy’s name’, not as meaning, ‘on the 
 boy’s behalf’ (υπέρ του παιδός), but, ‘making him a pretext’. 
 Better iiri τιρ του π. δνδματι. Cp. Dem. Adv. Leptin. § 126, 
 ταΰτ επί τίρ των θεών δνδματι. ποιεΐν ζητουσιν ...τό των λειτουργιών 
 όνομα επί το των ιερών μεταφέροντες εξαπατάν ξητούσι.—περί των 
 μεγίστων, because he might incur ατιμία : § 35, κινδυνεύων υπέρ 
 των σώματος. Cp. § 6, note. 
 
 § 14. των όροΧογουμενων είναι του TraiSos, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ the un¬ 
 questioned property of the boy ’, viz. the patrimony left to 
 him by his father Stratocles. Theopompus was guardian, 
 επίτροπος, of his nephew: see § 27, τής δε προς εμέ λήξεως 
 έμποδών είναι τούς νόμους' ου yap είναι τοΐς δρφανοΐς κατά των 
 επιτρόπων. Hence διιρκουν here. —ώσπερ οΰτος, meaning that the 
 speaker was (by this law-suit) injuring the interests of his 
 client, the boy. 
 
 εμά είναι εψηφίσ-ασθε] alluding to the verdict of the court 
 which took the estate from Phylomache and gave it to Theo¬ 
 pompus, § 18. δόντες, ‘ after allowing anyone who pleased to 
 dispute it’, in reference to the claim put in also by the mother 
 of Hagnias, ib. 
 
 J. 
 
 25 
 
386 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 4πΙ τούτοι?...άγω vas ιταρασ-κδυάζειν] ‘get up such law-suits 
 
 for this property’: cp. Lysias In Agor. § 12, p. 79, εκείνφ... 
 δικαστήριον παρασκευάσαντες. — έπϊ τούτοις, not strictly ‘with a 
 view to’, but ‘on the ground of’, as just before, έφ’ oh... 
 κρίνεσθαι. 
 
 §15. ουδέ κατά μικρόν] ne paululum quidem, ‘ not in the 
 slightest degree’. Cp. or. v. § 10, p. 168, ούδέ κατά, τό έλάχιστον 
 μέρος. But in Ar. Vesp. 702, ένστάζουσιν κατά, μικρόν αεί, 
 paulatim, ‘little by little, gradually’: Xen. An. vii. 3. 22, 
 άρτους διέκλα κατά μικρόν, minutim, ‘ in little bits ’. 
 
 μαθή<Γ€σθαι...άκούσ-αντα9] ‘But I think that you will 
 understand the case [7 repi αύτων neut .] still more exactly in the 
 light of further comments [καί εκ τών άλλων opp. to εκ των ήδη 
 είρημένων], when you have heard the history of my action 
 in claim of the estate’: join μαθήσεσθαι περί αύτων, άκούσαντας 
 τήν έμήν έπιδικασίαν ώς yeyovev. 
 
 ό νυν 4μ4 είσ-αγγέλλων, κ.τ.λ .] ‘who now lays the Information 
 against me’, the eiaayyeXia κακώσεως : see on § 6.— παρακατα- 
 βάλλειν υπέρ του παιδός, ‘ to institute a elaim on the boy’s behalf’: 
 see on § 13. 
 
 183 *ούδ*ν δι· άλλο <η οτι> ούδέν αυτοί? «νόμιζον ττρο(τηκ6ΐν] 
 
 [they abstained from going to law] ‘ for no other reason than 
 because they thought that they had no claim to this property’. 
 Cp. § 16, άδότ€ς οτι έξω rjaav της ά'/χιστείας. I prefer this to 
 Scheibe’s conjecture, ούδέν άλλο η ούδέν αυτοίς νομίζοντβς προση- 
 κειν, ‘ simply because they thought ’, etc. Keiske suggests, oirre 
 (ol άλλοι) ούδέν, or οϋτε (κατά yέvoς ούτε κατά διαθήκην) οϋτε δι 
 άλλο ούδέν. 
 
 § 16. Iirel ούδ’ άν οντος, κ.τ.λ.] ‘since even the prosecutor 
 would not be vexing me now, if I allowed him to plunder the 
 boy’s property and did not thwart him’: i.e. as on the former 
 occasion the sons of Stratius refrained from litigation, so the 
 son of Stratocles would refrain now , did not this pettifogger 
 instigate him, out of spite, because I (as έπίτροπος of the boy) 
 protect my ward’s property from his designs. 
 
 ol... , irpaTTOVT€s] Cp. § 9, των αυτή συμπραττόντων, ‘her 
 accomplices ’, note. 
 
 τω Στρατίου ιταιδί] ‘ whose relationship (to Hagnias) was 
 properly [δικαίως, as opp. to her allegation] only the same as 
 that of the son of Stratius ’. For τφ Στρατιού παιδί we must 
 read, either with Schomann, τφ Στρατοκλέους παιδί, (the nephew 
 of Theopompus,) which seems best: or with Baiter, τοϊς Στρα¬ 
 τιού παισί. —The assertion made here is false : see stemma. 
 Eubulides, the father of Phylomache, was the $rsf-cousin of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 387 
 
 pp. 182—184] 
 
 Hagnias. Stratius, Stratocles and Theopompus were only his 
 second-cousins. See on § 10, προς ττατρός ών ανεψιού παΐς. 
 
 οί κύριοι τήξ 'Α. μητρόβ] ‘the legal representatives of the 
 mother of Hagnias’: see or. v. § 10, note, p. 367. 
 
 ή<ταν oloC tc] * were capable ’ = έτόλμησαν : cp. Dem. In Mid. 
 
 § 85, οΐό s τ ην 7 τείθειν αυτόν , ην κατεδεδιητήκει, ταύτην άττοδεδιητημέ- 
 νψ άττοφαίνειν, ‘he was capable of pressing the arbitrator 
 to return the award given against him as if it had been an 
 award in his favour’, άντιδικεΐν οΐοι (Scheibe), without re, 
 would mean merely, ‘ the kind of men likely to contend ’, and 
 is unsuitable here. See or. vm. § 21, p. 192, κομίζειν οΐος ijv, ‘I 
 felt inclined to carry him away ’. 
 
 § 17. δ τι άντιγράψωνται ττφ! rrjs άγχ·] ‘what plea of 
 kinship they should oppose to mine’: dvnyp., deliberative 
 subj., vivid for ο τι άντι-γράψαιντο. — άντί'γραφή, the plea put in 
 against his έττιδικασία (§ 15) or claim. 
 
 ή μέν...Αχούσα...το\ρ.ή<Γαντ€8] ‘the possessor of the estate 
 [Phylomache, daughter of Eubulides], and those who set forth 
 her claim in kinship, as they misrepresented the matter, were 
 easily convicted by me, then and there, of having audaciously 
 framed a statement devoid of truth ’. τό περί αυτής y0vos, lit. 
 
 ‘the degree of relationship which concerned her’, i.e. on which 
 her claim rested: see § 5, to yevos της ayxiarelas, note.— τότε, 
 at the time,— finally disposing of her claim, whereas the 
 mother’s claim was revived in a new form.— ypafai, not = the 
 technical dvTiypa -ψάμενοι , but simply of a statement in writing. 
 Dobree conj. ούκ άληθή ypdfai, but ούκ αληθές τι = ούδ’ ότιοΰν 
 αληθές. Cp. § 18, αυτών ούκ ϊσχυσέ τι. 
 
 ■yevei μέν, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ Since, though her collateral kinship 
 
 [with her son Hagnias] was the same as my own, (for she was 
 the sister of Stratius,) she was excluded by the law which gives 
 the preference to males, they dropped that plea [of cousinship], 
 and, thinking to get the better of me, described her as mother 
 of the deceased’.—Polemon, father of Hagnias, had married 
 the daughter of his own first-cousin. Hence the mother of 
 Hagnias was at the same time the second-cousin of her son. 
 
 Her claim was, on this score, the same as that of Theopompus: 
 his was better only because males were preferred to females. 
 
 driryy€ve(TTaTov...ayxicrT€iais] See or. v. § 14, note, p. 370. 184 
 •—^v = ‘is, as I granted’: Goodwin § 11, note 6. 
 
 § 18. eira *ypa\|/acn]s ανεψιού *irai80s €Ϊναι...6ξήλ€·γ£α] 
 ‘Next, when she described herself as the daughter of a first- 
 cousin [and no longer mother of Hagnias], I proved that 
 daughters of first-cousins, too, were not in the succession [since 
 
 25—2 
 
388 SELECTIONS. [Isaeus 
 
 a first-cousin’s son existed]. Thus I established my claim (iire- 
 δικασάμην) before you’, etc.— έκείνας: see on έκείνοις, § 13.— 
 Scheibe proposed to read, ypa\pas άνε\ pioO παΐς (Sauppe παΐδά 
 με) είναι, κάκείνας έξελέ^/ξας .. .ούτως έπεδικασάμην. But there 
 was no occasion for him to describe himself anew as ανεψιού 
 παΐς, since that was the quality in which he had claimed from 
 the first. 
 
 καί αυτών ούκ Ι'σ-χυσ-6 τι] ‘ and of these pleas not one proved 
 valid;—for the possessor of the estate, it availed not that she 
 had already got a verdict against the claimants under the will 
 \i.e. against Glaucon, § 9]; for the other, it availed not that 
 she was the mother of the testator’.— ούκ ϊσχυσέ τι: cp. ούκ 
 αληθές τι, § 17, note. 
 
 €μοι...τήν ψήφον ή'νε-γκαν] ‘gave their vote in my favour’. 
 Cp. Dem. In Mid . § 51, τούτοις άξιοι δούναι την ψήφον υμάς. 
 
 § 19. άντιδικήσαι τω ιταιδί του ήμικληρίου] ‘to claim the 
 moiety of the estate on behalf of the boy ’, = υπέρ του παιδός. 
 After άντιδικεΐν, the adversary is usually designated by πρός 
 riya, not τινί (cp. § 16, προς εμέ): in Dem. or. xli. Adv. Spudiam, 
 § 13, πως αν ταΐς τούτων διαβολαΐς άντιδικοίην, the figurative 
 sense (= ‘contend against’) explains the dat. 
 
 185 HI. ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΚΙΡΩΝΟΣ ΚΛΗΡΟΥ. [Or. vm.] ‘ On 
 
 the Estate of Ciron’.—Ciron married his first-cousin, by whom 
 he had one daughter. This daughter was married, first, to 
 Nausimenes; secondly, to another husband by whom she had 
 two sons, of whom the eldest is the speaker. 
 
 After the death of his first wife, Ciron married the sister 
 of one Diodes, and had by her two sons, both of whom died 
 young. 
 
 At the death of Ciron, his estate was claimed by his 
 daughter’s eldest son. But the son of Ciron’s brother, insti¬ 
 gated by Diodes, set up a counter-claim on two distinct 
 grounds: 1. That Ciron’s grandson is illegitimate: 2. That, 
 supposing him legitimate, a brother’s son has a better claim 
 than a daughter’s son. 
 
 This speech is the defendant’s answer. 
 
 The only indication of the date is that the speaker and his 
 brother were born after the archonship of Eucleides, 01. 94. 2, 
 403 B.C. (§ 43, μετ’ Έιύκλείδην yap άρχοντα yεyόvaμεv). The 
 speech cannot, then, be put before 383 b.c. On the other 
 hand, the speaker’s plea of ‘utter inexperience’ (§ 5) implies 
 youthfulness. Now, if he was a young man, the date cannot 
 be much below 383, since otherwise it would have been 
 superfluous for him to tell the judges that he was born after 
 
NOTES. 
 
 389 
 
 pp. 184, 185] 
 
 403. The date is probably about 375 b.c.— Attic Orators , n. 
 327 f. 
 
 This speech exhibits the powers of Isaeus perhaps at their 
 best, in its combination of the old plainness with the modern 
 force, of artistic narrative with trenchant proof. It is here 
 given in full, with the exception of four sections at the end 
 (43—46). 
 
 STEMMA. 
 
 Δ 
 
 V_ 
 
 First Wife 
 of Ciron. 
 
 o- 
 
 Ciron 
 
 r~ 
 
 A O 
 
 Married, first to t 
 Nausimenes; secondly 
 to another husband, by 
 tohom 
 
 -O 
 
 Second Wife of Giron and sister 
 Δ of Diocles. 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 t 
 
 o 
 
 Claimant 
 against the 
 Speaker. 
 
 O 
 
 Speaker. 
 
 O (§ 37) 
 
 §§ 1—42. 
 
 § 1. ciri rots toiovtois] ‘Indignation must necessarily be 
 felt, judges, in a case where men not only dare to claim the 
 property of others, but also hope by their own assertions to 
 abolish the privileges which the laws confer’: i.e. not only does 
 the claimant seek to deprive me of property which in fact is 
 mine, but he also mis-states the law on the subject. The first 
 clause refers to the claimant’s statement that the speaker’s 
 mother was not the legitimate daughter of Ciron : the second, 
 to his statement that a brother’s son inherits before a daughter’s 
 son. 
 
 οδτοι] viz. the nephew of Ciron, and Diocles, the brother of 
 Ciron’s second wife, who abetted the nephew : cp. § 3. 
 
 u>s ovk...5vtcis, *ούδέ γενομενηδ] ‘ alleging that we are not the 
 sons of his daughter, and that he never had a daughter at all ’: 
 yevoutvgs, gen. absol. to which ws belongs as well as to 6vras. — · 
 ούδέ, Eeiske for the mss. ούτε. 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 390 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 § 2. αύτούδ... τούτων] τούτων referring to the same persons 
 as αυτούς : cp. Andoc. De Myst. § 64, αύτοΐς followed by έκείνοις, 
 p. 41. 
 
 τό<τ€> , π·Χήθοδ] mss. τό πλήθος: Baiter and Sauppe, τό re 
 πλήθος. Scheibe, with Schomann, καί τό πλήθος. 
 
 £χρυσ-ι...κρατοΰοπ] ‘have taken by force, and (still) hold in 
 their grasp ’. 
 
 § 3. τήν μέν ούν κρίσ-ιν, κ.τ.λ .] ‘Now you must not sup¬ 
 pose that in this trial my real adversary is the man who has 
 instituted the claim; it is Diodes of Phlya, surnamed Orestes. 
 For it is he who has suborned (παρασκευάσας) the claimant to 
 vex us with these proceedings, because he himself is withhold¬ 
 ing (άποστερών) from us the property which our grandfather 
 bequeathed’.—Isaeus wrote two speeches, now lost, againt this 
 man, κατά Αιοκλέους ύβρεως (perh. in the γραφή noticed below, 
 § 41) and προς A ιοκλέα περί χωρίου, fragg. vin. ix. Sauppe O. A. 
 n. 230.— Όρέστην : a nickname for any violent character, bor¬ 
 rowed from the robber mentioned by Aristophanes (with an 
 allusion to the Orestes of Eurip.), Acharn. 1166, εΐτα κατάζειέ 
 τις αυτού μεθύων τής κεφαλής’ Ο ρέστης μαινόμενος. ( Attic Orators, 
 π. 328.) 
 
 186 § 4. ώοΊτερ καί το δίκαιόν €<ττι] ‘ even as justice prescribes 
 
 stronger than δίκαιόν έστιν: cp. Plat. Legg. 630 e, ώσπερ τό re 
 αληθές, οΐμαι , καί τό δίκαιον υπέρ ye θείας ( αρετής ) διαλεγομένους 
 λέγειν, as truth and justice prescribe that we should speak in 
 discussing superhuman excellence : Laches 181 c, ώσπερ τό 
 δίκαιον, as right enjoins. 
 
 § 5. irpos τταρασ-κδυάδ λόγων καί μάρτυραδ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘against 
 
 fabricated statements and witnesses whose depositions are 
 false’; cp.Dem. Adv. Onet. i. §3, οΐδα μέν ούν, ώ άνδρες δικασταί , 
 ότι μοι προς παρασκευας λόγων καί μάρτυρας ού τάληθή μαρτυρή- 
 σοντας ό αγών έστιν. And so, too, the phrase here, ’έστι μέν 
 ούν χαλεπόν, ώ άνδρες,...εις αγώνα καθίστασθαι περί τηλικούτων, 
 has an echo in Dem. Adv. Aphoh. i. § 2, οΐδα μέν ούν, ώ άνδρες 
 δικασταί, ότι προς άνδρας καί λέγειν Ικανούς καί παρασκευάσασθαι 
 δυναμένους χαλεπόν έστιν εις αγώνα καθίστασθαι περί τών δντων 
 απάντων. Demosthenes was doubtless aided by the counsel of 
 Isaeus in preparing for the contests with Aphobus and Onetor, 
 though these earliest speeches of Demosthenes have a thoroughly 
 original stamp ; see Attic Orators, n. 267—269. 
 
 ού μην άλλά...7Γροσ·δοκώμ€νον] ‘At the same time, I have 
 strong hopes that you will ratify my just claims, and also that 
 in stating these claims—if in nothing else—my own part will 
 be duly done,—unless some such mischance befall as I appre¬ 
 hend just now ’ [where ‘ just ’ will render τυγχάνει] ; alluding, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 391 
 
 pp. 185—187] 
 
 apparently, either to an indisposition from which the speaker 
 was suffering, or to some interruption or annoyance which he 
 anticipated from his opponents. In either case, the clause 3,v 
 μή τι συμβή, κ.τ.λ. is evidently an appeal bespeaking the 
 sympathy of the judges. 
 
 βοηθήσαί μοι τα δίκαια] = βοηθήσαί μοι τήν δικαίαν βοήθειαν, 
 
 ‘to give me your righteous aid’, concise for βοηθουντας άποδοΰ- 
 ναί μοι τα δίκαια : SO Isae. or. IV. § 4, δέομαι υμών ...βοηθεΐν μοι 
 τα δίκαια. Cp. Lysias or. χχχιν. § 10, πιστεύοντας μέν τούς θεοίς 
 και έλπίζοντας τδ δίκαιον μετά των αδικούμενων ’έσεσθαι , note, 
 ρ. 242. 
 
 § 6. λόγων ακοή και μαρτόρων...τοΐδ €ΐδόσ·ι χρ. μάρτυσαν] 
 
 * (I will prove this to you), in regard to the events further back, 
 by statements at second-hand, vouched for by those who heard 
 them (λόγων ακοή και μαρτύρων) ; in regard to events within 
 living memory, by witnesses personally cognizant of the facts 
 (roty είδόσι χρώμενος μάρτνσι) ’. — λόγων ακοή και μαρτύρων: lit. 
 
 ‘by the hearing of reports ( object. gen.) and the hearing (thereof) 
 by witnesses ( subject. gen.)': i.e. I will bring witnesses who can 
 vouch for ακοή λόγων, things which are not, indeed, within their 
 personal knowledge, but which they know from hearsay. Cp. 
 Thuc. I. 73, τα πάνυ παλαιά τί δει λέγειν ; ών άκοαΐ μάλλον λόγων 
 μάρτυρες (for which the evidences are rather hearsay reports) ή 
 6ψις των άκουσομένων. So below, § 29, των μέν παλαιών (neut.) 
 άκοήν μαρτυρούντων παρεχόμενος, των δέ ’έτι ζώντων (masc.) τούς 
 είδότας έκαστα τούτων. 
 
 ϋτι δέ τ€κμηρίοι$] ‘ and, further, by positive proofs ’: τεκμη- 
 ρίοις, here, logical inferences from established facts, as opp. to 
 μαρτνρίαι, allegations tending to establish facts: cp. Antiph. 
 
 De Caed. Her. § 81, note, p. 215. 
 
 δθεν ουν η ρξαντο... δίδασκαν] ‘Starting, then, from the 187 
 point at which they [the claimants] began their account of the 
 matter, [αυτών =τών χρημάτων, the history of the bequest,] I 
 will endeavour to give you my version of it ’. 
 
 § 7. την Ιμήν τη'θην, κ.τ.λ.] The first wife of Ciron was also 
 his first-cousin (ανεψιά), and was the grandmother (τήθη) of the 
 speaker.— αυτήν γεγενημένην : αυτήν is not, I think, redundant 
 (as in Isae. or. in. § 73, τήν θυγατέρα τήν έκ ταύτης άποφανθεΐ- 
 σαν είναι—έπίδικον καταλιπε Γν αυτήν), but = ipsam, emphatic, in 
 symmetry with αύτου, ‘ herself the child of his own mother’s 
 sister ’—a way of marking, on the speaker’s part, that he and 
 his brother, the children of the first marriage, had an additional 
 tie with the house of Ciron which was not shared by the con¬ 
 nexions (such as Diodes) through the second marriage. 
 
 μ*τά eviavrovs *Tc-TTapas] mss. τριάκοντα, which cannot 
 
392 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 stand, since the words could not mean ‘ after a life of 30 years \ 
 Dobree conj. τέσσαρας, supposing X to have been written by 
 mistake for δ'. 
 
 εγιγνε'σ-θην] ‘ were born in due course 5 (imperf.): yiyv4a0r}v 
 A, whence Bekker yiyveoQov·. 
 
 καί εκείνην re έτρεφε, κ.τ.λ.] i.e. ϋτρεφέ re εκείνην, ...έκδίδωσί 
 re. For the place of re, cp. Antiph. Tetr. B. β. § 1, τολμά v τά 
 re άλλα, note, p. 203 .— σννοικειν εΐχεν ηλικίαν: cp. Lysias or. 
 VII. § 29, οϋτ’’ επιμελητής ήρημένος οΰθ’ ‘ηλικίαν ’έχων είδέναι περί 
 τούτων. — Xoλapyεΐ: of the deme Xoλapyός. 
 
 § 8. σ*ύν ίματίοΐδ-.-ετηδουε] ‘with a dowry, including ( σύν ) 
 clothes or jewels, of 25 minas ’. Cp. Isae. or. xi. § 42, κατέλιπε 
 ί τέντε ταλάντων ουσίαν καί τρισχιλίων δραχμών σύν τοΐς έαυτου 
 πατριροις. — έπιδούς'. έπί=ζ ‘with’ the bride: cp. Lys. Pro Mant. 
 § 10, note, p. 244. 
 
 ό δε 7ra7T7ros, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ Our grandfather’ [her father, Ciron] 
 ‘ took her to his home; and, without withdrawing the dowry 
 (large as it was) which he had given on account of the em¬ 
 barrassed circumstances of Nausimenes, bestows her hand in a 
 second marriage on my father’, etc. 
 
 § 9. ταντί δή πάντα...εξηυρον] ‘How, then, is one to place 
 the truth of all these facts beyond dispute, in face of the 
 charges which the claimants are making now? \νΰν, after so 
 long an interval]. I sought, and I discovered, a way’. — αιτίας, 
 the imputations cast on the genuineness of the speaker’s 
 descent. For the rhetorical e ρώτησις, cp. or. xi. § 11, p. 181, 
 τιρ δέ yvώσeσθe τοΰθ ’, οτι έμοί μεν ay χιστεύειν, tois δ’ εξ εκείνων 
 yeyovo^iv ούκ ην...; avros 6 νόμος δηλώσει . 
 
 188 ανάγκη την εμήν μητε'ρα, κ.τ.λ .] ‘The question whether my 
 mother was, or was not, the daughter of Ciron,—the fact that 
 she lived, or did not live, in his house—the question whether 
 he gave a marriage-feast for her once only, or twice—all this 
 must be known to the male and female slaves of his house¬ 
 hold ’. The difference of form made by the alternation of μη — 
 ού — μη is roughly represented by the alternation of ‘ question ’ 
 and ‘ fact ’ in such a version as the above. The only practical 
 difference here is that the clause in which οΰ is used refers to 
 that point which a member of the household could at once 
 affirm or deny in the most positive manner,—viz., whether she 
 had, or had not, been a resident member of the family. See 
 on Antiph. De Caed. Her. § 14, η μη...η οϋ, ρ. 211. Cp. Dem. 
 Adv. Lept. § 83, ούχ 6 νόμος κρίνεται, νοτερόν έστιν ενιτηδειος η 
 οϋ, άλλ’ υμείς δοκιμάζεσβε , εϊτ επιτήδειοι πάσχειν έστέ εύ τόν λοιπόν 
 χρόνον εΐτε μή. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 pp. 187—189] 
 
 393 
 
 § ΙΟ. βου\ομενο$ οΰν, κ.τ.λ.] ‘Wishing, then, in addition 
 to the witnesses whom I had already, to procure proof of the 
 facts from depositions made under torture,—in order that you 
 might believe [7 ηστεύητε, vivid for πιστεύοιτε] my witnesses 
 (avrois) the more, when this ordeal for their veracity was past 
 and not prospective—I required the claimants (τούτο vs) to give 
 up their male and female slaves for the question, both on these 
 points, and on all others of which they were cognizant’. He 
 proposed to examine the slaves under torture on the same 
 matters to which the depositions of his witnesses referred. If 
 the slaves confirmed the statements of the witnesses, then the 
 witnesses would come into court with a presumption already 
 established in favour of their truthfulness : whereas, if they 
 had not been tested in this way, the 'court might always suspect 
 that the evidence of the household, could it be obtained, would 
 contradict them. Cp. Lycurg. In Leocrat. § 28, όίμαι δεΊν... 
 τούς μάρτυρας μή δώσοντας ZXeyxov μαρτυρεΐν αλλά δεδωκότας. 
 παρεκαλεσάμην yap αυτούς, πρόκλησιν υπέρ τούτωρ απάντων ypd\J/as, 
 καί αξιών βασανίζειν τούς τούτων οίκέτας : i.e. * I think witnesses 
 should pass the ordeal of veracity before, and not after, they 
 depone in court. Now I invited tlieir attendance [at the 
 βάσανο'ς, or examination of the slaves], after drawing up a 
 challenge [πρόκλησιν, to surrender slaves] referring to all these 
 points, and claiming to put the defendant’s slaves to the 
 question 
 
 § 12 . καί ιδία και δημοσία, κ.τ.λ.] ‘Both in private and in 
 public matters’: ιδία, as in δίκαι, etc.: δημοσία, as e.g. when 
 the Hermae w T ere mutilated. This whole passage, from υμάς 
 μέν τοίνυν και ίδίφ to έκ των βασάνων είπόντες recurs nearly 
 verbatim in Dem. Adv. Onet. 1 . § 37. Cp. Isocr. or. xvn. § 54, 
 δρω δέ υμάς καί περί των ιδίων καί περί των δημοσίων ούδεν πιστό* 
 τερον ούδ’ άληθέστερον βασάνου νομίζοντας, καί μάρτυρας μεν ήγου 
 μένους είναι καί των μή yεyεvημέvωv παρασκευάσασθαι, τάς δέ 
 βασάνους φανερχς έπιδεικνύναι δπότεροι τάληθή λέyoυσι, κ.τ.λ. 
 Cic. Topica χχ. § 74, nam et verberibus , lormentis, igni fatigati 
 quae dicunt, ea videtur veritas ipsa dicere. It must be remem¬ 
 bered that under Greek and Roman law citizens were ordinarily 
 protected from torture, and that it is citizens who pronounce 
 these astounding panegyrics on the services of torture to truth. 
 Cp. Andoc. De Myst. § 43, note, p. 226. 
 
 ούδένες ττώποτε Ιξηλεγχθησαν] The rhetorical theory of tor¬ 
 ture—whether anyone believed it or not—was that a person 
 under torture will tell the truth because it is his interest to tell 
 the truth : see the' Ρητορική πρδς Αλέξανδρον, xv. § 1, 7 τιστότερόν 
 έστι βάσανος μαρτύρων * τοΐς μέν yap μάρτυσι συμφέρει πολλάκις 
 φεύδεσθαι, τοΐς δέ βασανιζομένοις λυσιτελεΐ τάληθή λέyειv. A 
 
 189 
 
394 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 good commentary on this assumption will be found in Antiphon 
 He Caed. Herod. §§ 31—33,—a passage which deserves to be 
 placed beside this of Isaeus:—‘ The slave, to· whom the prose¬ 
 cutors had doubtless promised freedom, and whose release from 
 agony likewise depended upon them, was. probably induced to 
 calumniate me on both grounds—in the hope of winning his. 
 freedom, and in the desire of deliverance from anguish at the 
 moment. Now I fancy you all know this,—that the party in 
 whose hands the chief conduct of the examination rests have 
 the examined on their side, and ready to say anything that will 
 please them: for in the torturers is the hope of the tortured, 
 especially if the slandered persons happen not to be present. 
 Had it been I who gave the order to rack the slave as speaking 
 falsely, that very threat, would probably have deterred him 
 from bearing false witness against me. As it was, the prose¬ 
 cutors were at once presidents of the inquisition and protectors 
 of their own interest. So long, therefore, as the slave felt that 
 his prospects in slandering me icere hopeful, he was obstinate in 
 the calumny; but when he saiv that he loas to die, then at last 
 he told the truth, and said that he had been persuaded by the 
 prosecutors to slander me ’. 
 
 § 13. άλλ 5 οΰχ ijjxgis] sc. (peiyofxev τον 2\eyxov.— Αζιώσαντες 
 — φεύ^οντος, ούτως: ‘since we claimed,...while he refused,... 
 under these circumstances (ούτως) we shall demand ■*, etc. 
 
 § 14. ά,κοην] ‘what they have heardk ο ΰτοι, the witnesses 
 who have just given their testimony, are not, I think, the 
 persons who were intimate with Ciron, οί έχρωντο τφ πάππφ 
 (for they would be said είδέναι), but ol παρά των χρωμένων 
 άκούσαντες. See on § 6. 
 
 τούδ έγγυησαμένουδ, κ.τ.λ.] ‘ those to whom my mother was 
 betrothed and those who were present with them when she 
 was betrothed to them’, robs έ’γ'γυησαμένους = }ιβν first husband, 
 Nausimenes, and her second husband, the speaker’s father. 
 Both are dead, but the relatives of both (oi έκείνοις 7 ταρόντες) are 
 witnesses. The formal eyyvgais was necessary to the validity 
 of a marriage: see the νόμος ap. [Dem.] In Stephan, ii. § 18, ψ 
 &v tyyvgar} έπι δικαίοις (shall solemnly affiance) δάμαρτα είναι η 
 παττ]ρ η άδελφδς δμοπάτωρ η πάππ os δ πρδς πατρδς, εκ ταντης 
 είναι παΐδας y νησίους. The act. iyyvQ was said of the relative, 
 or his representative before the law (κύριοι, or. v. § 10, n. p. 367), 
 who bestows the hand of the bride, but the midd. iyyv^ai of 
 the bridegroom: cp. Her. vi. 130, iyyviS παΐδα την έμην... 
 φαμένου δέ eyyvaadai Μ eyas^os (the future husband). So 
 [Dem.] or. lvii. Adv. Eubul. § 41, iyyvaTai δ παττ)ρ τΙ\ν μητέρα 
 την έμην. 
 
 rives οί τρ€φομ€νην...Κίρωνοδ] ‘And who are they who 
 
NOTES. 
 
 395 
 
 pp. 189, 190] 
 
 know that she lived in the family and was the true-born 
 daughter of Ciron?’ The answer to this question would 
 naturally be, oi οίκέται καί αί θεράπαι,ναι. : see § 10.- But their 
 evidence had been excluded by the refusal of the claimants to 
 give them up for torture : and the speaker turns this to account 
 by saying, ‘ The present claimants practically (tpyy) bear clear 
 testimony that these facts are so, by withholding their slaves 
 from the question’. 
 
 § 15. *£L <μαθο'ντ€$> γνώσίσθε] The traditional reading 190 
 
 is iva Ύνώσβσθβ. But ϊνα with fut. indie, is unexampled in 
 classical Greek: see Goodwin § 44, 1. Cp. the note on the 
 text. 
 
 τταίδων *όντων] ‘as we were children’. This (Sauppe’s) 
 conjecture is at least more prob. than όντων υίέων. The vulgate, 
 παίδων υίέων, is unintelligible. Keiske, from the Aldine παππού 
 υίέων, gives πάππον ιΛέων. I suspect, however, that the fault 
 lies deeper, and that υίεων referred to the two sons, now dead, 
 borne to Ciron by his second wife (§ 7, εξ fjs αύτω εΎ^νέσθην 
 υίεΐς δύο). The general sense would then have been, οία yap 
 eiK0s, [αύτιρ μεν ούκ όντων ] νίέων [ ημών δέ] παίδων εξ έαυτοΰ θυ ya- 
 τρός, κ.τ.λ. 
 
 els Διονύσια eis αγρόν] The ‘ Lesser ’ or ‘ Rural ’ Dionysia, 
 the Vintage Feast, was kept in Dec.; the Lenaea, in Jan.; the 
 Anthesteria in Feb., and the great Dionysia in March. — τα κατ' 
 &ypo0s Διονύσια, with its rustic sports (chief of which was the 
 άσκωλιασμός, or dancing on ασκοί, wine-skins inflated and 
 greased, Pollux ix. 121), was essentially a family festival,— 
 hence the point of its mention here : see Harpocration 143, τα 
 κατα δήμους Διονύσια θεοίνια έλέyeτo, εν ο ΐς οί y εννήται έπέ- 
 θνον, in which members of the same yfvos offered sacrifice 
 together (30 y0vy made a φρατρία, and three φρατρί αι a φυλή). 
 
 § 16. καί μ€τ 5 €Κ€ίνου re Ιθίωροΰμεν, κ.τ.λ.] ‘and we were 
 his companions at public spectacles [in the Theatre], where he 
 would set us at his side [7ταρ αυτόν, not παρ' αύτφ], and for 
 every festive celebration we came to his house [παρ' εκείνον ] ’: 
 for αυτόν...εκείνον cp. Andoc. De Myst. § 64, note, p. 230. Cp. 
 Isocrates or. xix. § 10, έως μεν yap παΐδες ήμεν, περί πλέονος 
 ήμας αυτούς ήyoύμεθa ή τούς αδελφούς, καί οϋτε θυσίαν ούτε 
 θεωρίαν (public spectacle) οϋτ ϊίλλην εορτήν ούδεμίαν χωρίς 
 άλλήλων T)y ο μεν. 
 
 τω Δι£ τ€ θύων, κ.τ.λ.] ‘And when he sacrificed to Zeus 
 Ktesios,—a festival which he kept with especial reverence, and 
 in which he associated no stranger, slave or free, but did every¬ 
 thing by the hands of his own household (αυτός δΐ έαυτοΰ ), —we 
 participated in that celebration, assisted in the service of the 
 
396 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 altar, laid our offerings on it along with his own (συνεπεψίθεμε v), 
 and aided in all else; and he used to pray the god to give us 
 health and wealth, as a grandfather would pray’.—Zei>s K τήσιος 
 was one of the group of deities {εφέστιοι, μύχιοι, ερκεΐοι) who 
 were regarded as protecting the family and its possessions i 
 Harpocr. 179, K τησιον Αία εν τοΐς ταμιείοις (store rooms) 
 ίδρύοντο : the Doric name of this Zeus was Haaios, Eoss Inscr. 
 in. 52. Small images ( σημεία ) of Zei>s K τησιος were kept in 
 little cases or shrines, which were especially called καδίσκοι 
 (άyyεΐov δ’ έστίν εν φ τούς Ετησίους Αίας έ^καθιδρύουσιν, A then, 
 χι. ρ. 473, with Casaubon’s note ap. Schweigh.). — συνεπετίθεμεν , 
 Scheibe for mss. συνετίθεμεν, a necessary corr., I think. For 
 έιτιτιθέναι, cp. Ar. Nub. 426, ούδ’ hv θύσαιμ , ούδ’ hv σπείσαιμ, 
 ονδ’ έπιθείην λιβανωτόν. Cp. επέθυον ap. Harpocr. in note on 
 εις Αιονύσια, § 15. 
 
 § 17. |xovovs €κγόνου 5 ...καταΧ€Χ€ΐμμ^νουδ] His two sons 
 being dead, § 7. Dobree would bracket -καταλελειμμένους : 
 Schomann compares Lucian Auct. Vit. 27, τις λοιπός ήμΐν κατα- 
 λείπεται. 
 
 191 *οΰτοδ ιταραΒοΰναι] οΰτος is Dobree’s conjecture. The mss. 
 αυτός could only mean—‘It is his oivn fault (and not mine) that 
 I cannot produce the slaves in support of these statements ’. 
 Cp. § 14 τίνες δε οί τρεφομένην...φεύ·γοντες την βάσανον , note. 
 
 § 18. αί yuvcuKCS αί των δημοτών] ‘The wives of the 
 demesmen’ are the women of the deme to which Ciron be¬ 
 longed. On his daughter’s marriage, they chose her as one of 
 the two presidents of the θεσμοφόρια, the three days’ festival of 
 Αημητηρ θεσμοφόρος, the Law-giver, which was annually cele¬ 
 brated about the end of Oct. by the women of each Attic deme. 
 It seems to have been customary for a rich man, on his 
 marriage, to defray the cost of a banquet at the next Thesmo- 
 phoria: cp. Isae. or. in. § 80, και εν τφ δημιρ κεκτημένος τόν 
 τριτάλαντον οίκον, εί ην 'γε-γαμηκώς, ηνα^κάξετο hv υπέρ της 
 γαμέτης καί θεσμοφόρια εστίαν τάς y υναΐκας [entertain 
 them at the Thesmoph.] και τ&λλα όσα προσηκε λειτoυpyεiv έντφ 
 δημιρ υπέρ της yovai κός από yε ουσίας τηλικαύτης. 
 
 γάμουδ ειστ Caere... τοΐδ Τ6 φρα'τορσι·γαμ.ηλ£αν€ί<Γην€γκ€] ‘ gave 
 a marriage-feast ’ [on bringing the bride home, as her father 
 did on her leaving his house, § 9]... ‘ provided a wedding-festival 
 for his clansmen ’. yaμηλίav, sc. θυσίαν, Pollux in. 42, δεΐπνον 
 δ τοϊς φράτορσιν έποίει ό yaμωv : a sacrifice, with a banquet, 
 given by the husband on the introduction {είσayωyη) of the 
 bride into his φρατρία, while the entertainment denoted by 
 yάμoυς εστίαν was of a more private character. 
 
 § 19. του IIit0c(os] or ILtfAos, of the deme of Pitthos or 
 
NOTES. 
 
 397 
 
 pp. 190 — 192 ] 
 
 Pithos, belonging to the Cecropid tribe. This Diodes is a 
 jdistinct person from Ciron’s brother-indaw, Diodes ό Φλνεύς, 
 of Phlya , § 3. 
 
 els tovs φράτορα9...€ΐσ-ή·γα·γεν] Cp. Dem. or. xxxix. Adv. 
 Boeot. de nom. § 4, έγγράφβι roh ’ Απατουρίοις τουτονι Βοίωτόν eis 
 τούς φράτορας. This was done on the third day of the Apaturia, 
 called κουρεώτι s (the first day being δορττεία, the supper ,—the 
 second, άνάρρυσις, the sacrifice ): and the ceremony—here repre¬ 
 sented as occurring soon after birth—was seldom deferred 
 beyond the third or fourth year: Herm. Ant. i. § 99. 2. 10. 
 
 Cp. Ar. Banae 418, 6s έπτέτης ών ούκ όφνσε φράτορας. 
 
 If- άστήδ και έγγυητήδ] ‘ the child of an Attic mother, born 
 in wedlock ’: eyy υητής, betrothed with the consent of' her 
 father or his legal substitute : see note on § 14, έ^υ-ησαμένου^. 
 
 Cp. [Dem.] or. lvii. Adv. Eubul. § 66, άλλα μην ό πατήρ αυτός 
 ζών, όμόσας τόν νόμιμον τοΐς φράτορσιν όρκον, darjyayev έμό αστόν 
 εξ άστής eyyvi ]τής αυτφ yey ενημενον ειδώς. 
 
 § 20 . καιτοι μη o’iec γΘ* αν...·γνη<τίαν KCpcovos] The άν after 
 οΐεσθε belongs to daeveyneiv and άττοκρύφασθαι, being repeated 
 after μήτε with αίρεισθα i and with έττιτρέττειν it is again 
 repeated. In the direct discourse, the form would be: et 
 τοιαύτΊ 7 TiS ήν, οϋτ dv είσήνεχκαν, άλλ’ άττεκρύφαντο ( &ν)...οϋθ ’ 
 ήροΰντο άν αύτήν συνιεραττοιεΐν καϊ κυρίαν έττοίουν, άλλ’ ετέρα άν 
 έπέτρεπον,.. .οϋτε αν είσεδέχοντο άλλα κaτηyόpoυv καί β^ηλβγχοζ/ 
 
 (άν): where the imperfects, which might refer to present time, 
 refer to a continued act in past time, ‘ would not have proceeded 
 to choose’, etc.; Goodwin § 49. 2. The number of clauses in 
 the apodosis leads to the protasis, εί.,.ήν , being restated in a 
 different form at the end—et μή ττάντοθεν ήν όμo\oyoύμεvov, κ.τ.Χ. 
 
 νυν 8e τη ΐΓ€ριφαν€ία...τοιουτον ουδόν] ‘But as it was, owing 192 
 to the notoriety of the matter [ του π pay ματ os, her legitimacy] 
 and the fact that so many persons were aware of it, no such 
 objection was raised from any quarter τή περιφ., τψ συνει- 
 δέναι, causal datives : cp. Antiph. Be Caed. Her. § 3, tois 
 αληθέσιν, note, p„ 209. 
 
 § 21. κομιοΰμ€νοδ αυτόν] ‘ to obtain the body, intending 
 that the funeral should take place from my own house ’: 
 κομιούμενος, as being his proper charge: but active κομίξειν 
 below, of simply carrying.·— εκ τή s οικίας: i.e. the laying out 
 (πρόθεσις) should take place there, and the εκφορά to the grave 
 (μνήμα, § 27) set out thence, Cp. εντεύθεν, § 22 : Lysias, In 
 Eratosth. § 18, τριών ήραν οικιών ούσών ούδεμιάς εϊασαν έξενεχθή- 
 ναι, note, ρ. 253. 
 
 κομίζαν olos ήν] ‘ I was disposed to remove the body For 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 398 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 the distinction between oh* and οΐό* re with infin., see above, 
 or. xi. § 16, rjaav οΐοί re, note, p. 387. 
 
 § 22 . συμμ6ταχ€ΐρίζ€σθαι...κο<τμή<ται] ‘help in tending 
 ‘dress’ (for the πρόθεσή). Soph. El. 1139, οϋτ εν φίΧαισι 
 χερσ'ιν ή τάΧαιν' βγώ | Χοντροί* σ έκόσμησ ...άΧΧ’ εν ξέναισι χερσ'ι 
 κηδευθεΐ* τάλ as, κ.τ.Χ. Ant. 903, τό σόν | δέμα* περιστέΧΧουσα: 
 so componere. Here συμμεταχειρίζ. refers esp. to the washing 
 of the corpse: Lucian Ilept πένθου*, 11, Χούσαντε*...μύριρ 
 χρίσ άντε*... και στεφανώσαντε* τοϊ* ωραίοι* άνθεσι, ιτροτίθενται, 
 Χαμπρώ* άμφιέσαντε*. 
 
 § 23. αλλά καί εωνήσ·θαι...τούδ λαβόνταξ] ‘but alleging 
 that he had actually (καί) purchased part of the requisites of 
 the funeral, and had given earnest-money for the rest, Diodes 
 claimed these sums from me ; and came to an agreement that 
 he should be reimbursed for his purchases, while, as to the 
 alleged deposits of earnest-money, he was to produce those 
 who had received it ’.— άρραβών : a small sum paid in advance 
 as caution-money. Arist. Polit. i. 11. § 9, φασϊν αυτόν... 
 αρραβώνα* διαδουναι των iXaiovpyluv...0XLyov μισθωσάμενον ατ 
 ούδενό* έττιβάΧΧοντο*, paid earnest-money all over the country 
 (διαδουναι) for the hire of the oil·presses,—getting them at a 
 low rent, as no one bid against him.— συστήσαι : ‘to introduce \ 
 ‘ present ’ to the speaker the persons who had received the 
 άρραβών : cp. Dem. or. xli. § 6 , όφείΧειν ώμοΧό yei μοι ΙΙοΧύευκΤο* 
 καϊ τον Αεωκράτη σννέστησε, and presented L. to me (in proof of 
 transactions between L. and himself). 
 
 193 €ij0us ουν...τταρεφθ 6 γγ€το] ‘Well, then,—he immediately 
 remarked in a casual way that Ciron had left nothing at all 
 behind him,—though I had not yet touched on the subject of 
 Ciron’s property’, τταρεφθέ'γ'γ., threw in the observation care¬ 
 lessly, as if it were not the thing uppermost in his thoughts. 
 Cp. Hypereides Pro Enxenippo xlii., καί τό πάντων δεινότατον 
 των εν τφ Xoyip Xey ομένων υπό σου, δ σύ φου Χαν θ άν ειν ών 
 ενεκα Xty ει*, ού Χανθάνων, οπότε παραφθέΎΎΟιο εν τφ 
 Xoyip ποΧΧάκι* ώ$ πΧούσιό* έστιν Ei)£epi 7 r 7 ros. 
 
 § 24. σ-ύ δέ tls el ;] ‘Now who are you?’ The δέ marks 
 that the speaker’s attention is suddenly turned on the intruder. 
 Her. i. 115, ώ δέσποτα, eyw δέ ταΰτα έποίησα. 
 
 ού μή *€Ϊσ-€ΐ] ‘You shall not enter’. The only practical 
 distinction which can be drawn between ού μη εϊσει and ού μη 
 είσέΧθη* is that ού μη εϊσει states the negative future fact in a 
 more direct and positive manner. This direct and positive 
 negation, addressed to a person or persons, may of course, as 
 here, be equivalent to a prohibition: Ar. Nub. 367, ού μή 
 ΧαΧήσει*, ‘You shall not prate’. On the other hand, unless 
 
NOTES. 
 
 399 
 
 pp. 192, 193] 
 
 the mss. are altered, ού μη ποιήσετε ( e.g .) is sometimes merely 
 a rougher and stronger ού μή ποιήσητε : Aeschin. In Gtes. § 177, 
 τούς... -yap πονηρούς ού μη ποτέ βελτίους ποιήσετε. Elmsley’s 
 view that ού μή εϊσει [e.g.) meant ‘will you not not-enter?’ 
 appears to be decisively negatived by such passages as Ar. 
 Nub, 296, ού μή σκώψει μηδέ ποιήσεις [ν. 1. σκώφης — ποίησης ] 
 απερ οί τpυyoδaίμovες ούτοι, | άλλ’ εύφήμει [not εύφημήσεις ]. Cp. 
 Goodwin § 89, 
 
 «Is 8e...€l<r€veyK€iv] ‘but requested me to place the money 
 in his hands early the next morning’, έκέλευον usu. = ‘I re¬ 
 quested ’ or ‘ invited', έκέλευσα, ‘i commanded though the 
 distinction cannot always, of course, be sharply drawn. In 
 Xen. Anab. νιι. 1 most mss. have the milder έκέλευε in § 38, 
 and the more peremptory έκελενσε in § 39—rightly, I think: 
 though G. Sauppe adopts in § 39 the v. 1. έκέλευε. On the 
 other hand έκέλευε is preferable to the vulg. έκελενσε in such 
 places as Anab. n. 5. 3, iv. 3. 13. 
 
 § 25. ού τοίνυν eKcivos...€t , n-ev ούδέν] ‘Now it was not 
 Diodes alone who was silent; the present claimant of the 
 estate said nothing to such a purport either [ούδέν τοιοΰτον , 
 nothing implying that I was not the lawful heir]; it is Diodes 
 who has suborned him to contend ’: i.e. ού μόνος εκείνος ούδέν 
 εΐπεν, άλλ’ oiloe 6 νυν άμφισβητών (εΐπεν ότιουν) : the awkward¬ 
 ness arising from the postponement of εΐπεν ούδέν, which leaves 
 ουδέ with no corresponding negative before it, since ού belongs 
 only to μόνος. All would be clear if ουδέ were καί , and εΐπεν 
 ούδέν were έσίγησεν. 
 
 κάκ€ΐνου...άναλωμάτων] ‘And although Diodes (e κείνου) 
 refused to receive in payment ( άπολαβεΐν , as § 23, των ήγορασ- 
 μένων τιμ tjv άπολαβεΐν) the money which I tendered, and alleged 
 next day [when I brought it, εις 'εω § 24] that he had received 
 it in full from the claimant (τούτου), yet I was not prevented 
 from attending the funeral, but took part in the ceremony 
 throughout: not that the claimant or Diodes bore the cost; 
 the charges of the burial were defrayed out of the property left 
 by the deceased ’. ούχ όπως : i.e. ού (λ^γω) όπως ( συνέθαπτον) 
 τοΰδε άναλίσκοντος (gen. absol.). 
 
 § 26. καίτοι καί τούτω] ‘ The claimant too, however, {i.e. 
 even if Diodes had remained passive] was bound to repulse 
 me ( ώθεΐν ),—to repudiate me (έκβάλλειν ) —to forbid my presence 
 at the funeral ’. ώθεΐν, to repel advances : έκβάλλειν, stronger, 
 to eject from the company of the relatives. 
 
 ούδέν yap δμοιον ήν μοι irpos τούτον] ‘ For my attitude 
 towards him was utterly different [from his towards me]’: i.e. 
 I, claiming to be the grandson and heir, still recognised him 
 
SELECTIONS. 
 
 400 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 •as a nephew of Ciron: but he, on his own theory, was bound 
 to regard me as an impostor, ούδέν yap δμοιον ήν μοι προς 
 τούτον [καί τούτφ προς έμέ\ is an answer to the possible 
 objection: ‘If, as you say, he ought to have excluded you 
 from the funeral rites, why did you not exclude himV —hence 
 yap. 
 
 194 § 27. Iirl του *μνηματοδ] ‘at the tomb’. Schomann’s 
 
 emend, of βήματος. l)em. De Cor. § 208, τούς εν τοϊς δημοσίοις 
 μνήμασι κειμένους .— επί του μνήματος , like έπ'ι τοΰ δικαστηρίου, 
 before the court. But the phrase is strange, and the supposed 
 conduct stranger still. If βήματος is right, it prob. means the 
 tribune from which the speaker addressed a law-court, when 
 claiming the inheritance in some proceedings previous to this 
 case. Cp. § 37.— άποσ,τερών, ‘withholding’; cp. § 3. 
 
 § 28. ττόθεν δέ τούδ μάρτυρας; ούκ 4κ των βασάνων; 
 
 κ.τ.λ.} ‘And how is the credibility of witnesses to he tested? 
 How but by statements made under torture?’ [by slaves 
 examined on the same points]: see §§ 10 f., βουλόμενος.,.πρδς 
 τοϊς ύπάρχουσι μάρτυσιν έλεγχον έκ βασάνων ποιήσασθαι περί 
 αυτών, κ.τ.λ., and notes. 
 
 ιτόθεν δ’ άτπ,σ·τειν...τού$ ελε'γχους;] ‘And how are we 
 
 entitled to disbelieve the statements of the claimants ? How, 
 but by their shrinking from the ordeals of proof?’ [by refusing 
 to permit the examination of their slaves : § 13]. 
 
 §§ 28, 29. TrcSs οδν άν τΐ5...τ(δεσαν; κ.τ.λ.} ‘How could 
 one prove the case more clearly than by offering a proof of 
 this kind,—producing, for the earlier part of the story, hearsay 
 evidence (ακοήν) vouched for by witnesses, and for matters 
 within living memory [lit., from among men still living] those 
 who know the several facts,—who were cognizant of her living 
 in Ciron’s house, being acknowledged as his daughter, having 
 been twice betrothed and twice married: then further, proving 
 that the claimants have shrunk from applying the question, 
 on all these points, to slaves who knew the whole ’. The 
 complexity of this sentence is studied, and the subtlety is 
 Isaean. The really weak point in the speaker’s case obviously 
 is that, for the principal facts, he has nothing but ακοή , 
 hearsay evidence, by way of proof. He tries to get over this 
 by a persistent assumption that the slaves who had personal 
 knowledge of the facts would have confirmed this hearsay 
 evidence if only he could have examined them. By his way of 
 introducing τούς είδότας in this sentence he makes it depend on 
 παρεχόμενος , suggesting that he had actually produced witnesses 
 who had personal knowledge ( τούς είδότας), whereas, at most, 
 he had only tried to produce them. Then τούτους after έτι δέ 
 περί πάντων depends on έπιδεικνύς, supplied κατ' έννοιαν from 7 rape- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 401 
 
 pp. 193—195] 
 
 χόμενος . —On ακοή see § 6, note. For μαρτνρούντων I should 
 prefer μαρτυροΰντα s. 
 
 § 30. φερε 8η, κ-.τ.λ.] His first point has now been made 195 
 —viz. that his mother was the true-born daughter of Ciron. 
 
 Here he comes to his second point. Briefly it is this. Descent 
 in the direct line (-γένος) gives a better claim to succession than 
 collateral kinship (σχτγχένεία). Descendants ( ’έκχονοί ) have a 
 right to inherit before collateral relations (avyyeve ts). And 
 therefore a grandson before a nephew, 
 
 καί νομίζω μέν άΊτλώδ-.-διδάξομεν] ‘ Now I suppose that, as 
 a general proposition (απλώς), it is already as clear to you as 
 to me [/ecu ύμΐν] that Ciron’s collateral relatives ( oi μετ’ έκείνου 
 φύντες) are not nearer to the legal succession than his lineal 
 descendants (ot εξ έκείνου yεyov6τες). Of course they are not; 
 we call the former merely his “kinsfolk”, the latter his 
 “issue”. Nevertheless, since even under these circumstances 
 the claimants have the hardihood to dispute my right, I will 
 prove the point more in detail from the laws themselves ’. ot 
 μετά τίνος φύντες, kinsmen in the same generation with him, 
 brothers, sisters, or cousins. Dobree’s άλλως for απλώς is 
 needless: απλώς is opp. to άκριβέστερον. 
 
 § 31. συνοικήσ -cu μεν αν, κ.τ.λ....ε -πΊ δίετ^ηβησπν] ‘would 
 be entitled to marry her [ i.e . his own niece], but would not be 
 entitled to the property, which would go to their children, 
 when these had come of age’: έπΐ δΐετες ήβησαν, ‘had been 
 έφηβοί for two years’, i.e. had completed their 20th year.— 
 οπότε ήβησαν, not ήβήσειαν, because the fact is present as 
 definite and past: cp. § 37, οπότε ά πάππος έτελεύτησεν, where 
 τελευτήσείεν would be admissible, but the indie, is used 
 because the speaker is looking back on the historical fact of 
 the decease. 
 
 § 32. εκ του ττερι *n]s κακώσ-εω$ νόμου] ‘Now this appears, 
 not only from the foregoing consideration, but also from the 
 law which deals with breaches of natural duty’. An εiσayyελia 
 κακώσεως might be laid against (1) a son, on behalf of his 
 parents—or, acc. to this passage, his grand-parents: (2) a 
 husband, on behalf of his wife, she being an επίκληρος [the 
 phrase is always rats έπίκλήροίς]: (3) a guardian, επίτροπος, on 
 behalf of his ward,—as in reference to the estate of Hagnias 
 (or. xi., introd. p. 379). In cases of κάκωσις the accuser could 
 speak άνευ ϋδατος, without limit of time (Harpocr. 161), and 
 was not liable to the έπωβελία (or fine in £th of the damages 
 laid) if he failed to gain a fifth of the votes.—For the term 
 y ονεΐς extended to πpόyovoί, cp. Her. i. 91, Κροΐσος δέ πέμπτου 
 y ονέος (i.e. of Gyges) την άμαρτάδα έξέπλησε. 
 
 J. 
 
 26 
 
402 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 196 § 33. irpos^va δέ...€ρωτησ·ω] ‘I will illustrate my meaning 
 
 by a particular case of collateral kinship,—the nearest,—and 
 will ask you to compare with it the several degrees of lineal 
 descent’, προσάξω, sc. τον ’έκ^ονον, I will compare (the lineal 
 descendant) with one—the first, nearest—of collateral kinsmen 
 (avyyev&v), viz. a brother: and will question you, του ydvovs 
 καθ’ 'έκαστον , on the details of lineal descent (yeVos) as dis¬ 
 tinguished from avyyiveta : i.e. I will first take a daughter, 
 then, descending, a daughter’s child, etc. If it appears that 
 even a daughter’s son is nearer than a brother, a fortiori he is 
 nearer than a brother’s son: and I, therefore, Ciron’s grandson, 
 inherit before his nephew. 
 
 §34. πάντε$ γάρ ύμεΐδ-.-άνεπίδικον] ‘ You all inherit the 
 property of your fathers, grandfathers, or remoter ancestors 
 in virtue of a lineal descent {yivovs) which guarantees your 
 succession against dispute ’: your αγχιστεία, legal nearness or 
 right to inherit, is άνεπίδι kos, not to be contested: that is, no 
 one can, as against lineal heirs, έπιδικάξεσθαι του κλήρου, claim 
 the estate at law; nor have you to assert your right by an 
 έπιδικασία. A person who entered on possession of an undis¬ 
 puted inheritance was said έμβατεύειν els τον κληρον. Cp. 
 [Dem.] or. xxxm, § 6. 
 
 § 35. Φλυήσι] Phlya, of which the exact site is doubtful, 
 a deme of the μεσoyaίa, or district s.e. of the Attic Plain, seems 
 to have been a place of some note, with several temples: Paus. 
 i. 31 § 4, iv. 1 § 5. 
 
 μισθό φορούσα v... εύρίσκουσαν] ‘one house,—which is let,— 
 near the temple of Dionysus in Limnae,—worth 2000 drachmas ’ 
 (about £80): εύρίσκουσαν, acc. to Schomann (comparing Boeckh 
 Pub. Econ. 67), not of the annual rent, μισθ6s, but of the sum 
 which the house would fetch if it were sold: and as the value 
 of the other house is represented by τριών και δέκα μνών, (about 
 £52,) this seems probable. Cp. Isae. or. xi. § 49, Xaip£\ea>s... 
 χωρίον κατέλιπεν δ πλέον ούκ αν εϋροι τριάκοντα μνών . Xen. 
 Mem. II. 5. 5, δταν tis οίκέτην πονηρόν πωλη καί άποδιδωΤαι του 
 εύρόντο*, = τούτου δ αν εύρη, strictly, ‘ for that which will bring 
 him gain ’, i.e. ‘for any price the slave will fetch ’, 
 
 197 θερατταίναδ καί παιδίσκην] The θεράπαινα was an ordinary 
 domestic slave : τη χυναικί.,.μη πρίασθαι θεράπαιναν, αλλά μισ· 
 θοΰσθαι εις ras εξόδου s έκ τη$ yυvaικείas τό παιδίον τό σννα· 
 κολούθησον, of the άvελεύθεpos or mean man, Theophr. Char. 
 xxii. ( = xxv. in my ed., where see note, p. 255).— παιδίσκη, 
 ‘girl’, might be merely a synonym for θεράπαινα, as in Lysias 
 or. i. §§ 11—12, where θεράπαινα and παιδίσκη seem to designate 
 one and the same person. Schomann, however, would dis- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 403 
 
 pp. 196, 197] 
 
 tinguish them both there and here, regarding παιδίσκη as one 
 who was exempt from menial work. 
 
 οσ-α φανερά ην] ‘all the real property’ (land, houses, etc., 
 as opp. to money),:—here including the slaves, who are con¬ 
 sidered as furniture of the houses: cp. [Dem.] or. xxxvm. 
 § 7, tt]V ουσίαν...άπασαν χρέα κατέΧειπον και φανεράν έκέκτηντο 
 μικράν τινα, * left all their fortune in debts, and had possessed 
 only some small amount of real property’. 
 
 § 36. εκείνην μ^ν ‘γάρ...είσ··π·οιήσαιτο υιόν] ‘For Diodes 
 abstained from finding another husband for his sister, though 
 she was still capable of bearing children in another marriage, 
 lest, if she were separated from Ciron, the latter should form 
 the proper resolve regarding his own property [i.e. should 
 adopt my brother and me as his heirs], but persuaded her to 
 remain with him’. Diodes is the subject to έξεδίδου and 
 έπειθε, but Ciron to βουΧεύσαιτο. 
 
 διαφθείρειν] sc. τό 'έμβρυον , de abortu: so διαφθορη (ionice) 
 Hippocrates Epidem. vu. ά8, = άποφθείρειν : ib. iv. 2, 5, έξαμ- 
 βΧοΰσθαι. — προσποιουμένην διαφθείρ. ακόυσαν, i.e. 6τι διέφθειρεν 
 ακόυσα (‘ had been ’ doing so hitherto).—As this passage shows, 
 a childless union could be dissolved at the instance of the 
 wife’s relatives : cp. Isae. or. in. § 64, ποΧΧοΙ συνοικουντες ηδη 
 άφηρηνται τάς εαυτών γυναίκας. 
 
 €ΐ<ητοιησ·αιτο υιόν] ‘ adopt as his son ’, like ποιησαιτο : but 
 § 40, act., αυτόν τφ πατρί είσποιήσας , of one who forges a will 
 for his own adoption. 
 
 §37. τά τε οδν χρε'α...δι’ αύτοΰ ττοιεΐσ-θαι] ‘So Diodes 
 gradually persuaded Ciron to place under his control (δι 
 αυτου ποιεϊσθαι) all the monies (χρέα) that were owing to him, 
 with the interest upon them, and also the real property ’ 
 (τά φανερά ). — τά τε χρέα corresponds with τά τε φανερά (‘both’... 
 ‘and’): the καί before τόκους merely connects it with τά 
 χρέα, = συν τοΐς τόκοις.—δι ’ αΰτοΰ ποιεΐσθαι: cp. Isae. or. νι. 
 § 35, έσκόπουν 8πως καί τεΧευτήσαντος εκείνου δι ’ αυτών ’έσοιτο η 
 ουσία, ‘ should be in their hands ’. [Dem.] or. xlviii. § 15, 
 και τό άργύριον τουθ' άπαν είχεν αυτός δι έαυτοΰ ό άνθρωπος, had 
 under his exclusive control. Cp. above § 16, αυτός δι έαυτοΰ 
 πάντ εποίει, note. 
 
 ό'ΠΌτε...ετελεύτησ-εν] ‘when my grandfather had died’. At 
 that time he had not died: but έτεΧεύτησεν, not τεΧευτησειεν, is 
 used, because the speaker is now looking back on the death as 
 a past event. See § 31, οπότε...ηβησαν, note. 
 
 τταρεα-κεύαζε, κ.τ.Χ.] Cp. § 3, ο τούτον παρασκευάσας: § 25, 
 υπό τούτου παρασκευασθείς’. § 27, τούτον πέπεικεν άμφισβητεΐν .— 
 
 26—2 
 
404 SELECTIONS. [Isaeus 
 
 μέρος πολλοστό*'. ..μεταδιδούς, ‘offering (pres.) to give him a 
 small fraction if he succeeded’: he said, μεταδίδωμι, εάν κατορ- 
 θώσης. — ούδέ προς τούτον ομολογων, ‘admitting not even to 
 \i.e. in conversation with] him ’: cp. Isocr. Evag. § 50, ττροσο - 
 μολογήσειεν, note, p. 292. 
 
 198 §38. καί €ττ€ΐδή .. .τον ircunrov] ‘And immediately on 
 
 Ciron’s death, having made his preparations for the funeral 
 beforehand, Diodes requested me, indeed, to bring the 
 money;,., but then pretended to have received the whole 
 amount from the claimant, and withdrew his consent to take it 
 from me,—thus quietly setting me aside ( ύποπαρωθών ), in order 
 that the claimant, and not I, should appear to celebrate my 
 grandfather’s obsequies’,— τά εντάφια, here = T<x εις την ταφήν , 
 
 § 23, all requisites for the ττρόθεσις and the εκφορά. — τό 
 αργύρων : see § 24. 
 
 άμφισ·βητουντο 5 ...γιγνομ£νων] ‘As the claimant disputed 
 my possession of that house [ταύτης, the house in which Ciron 
 died] as well as of the other property left by Ciron, and 
 alleged that he had left nothing behind him, I did not think it . 
 proper, under such inopportune circumstances, to use force in 
 removing my grandfather’s corpse,—and my friends approved 
 of this decision; but I took part in the rites of burial, the 
 charges being defrayed by the property which my grandfather 
 left ’. Cp. §§ 21—22 : the entreaties of Diodes’ sister induced 
 him to refrain from removing the body.— άκαιρίαις : for the 
 plur. see Isocr. Antid. § 283, note, p. 303.— &υνεττοίουν : for 
 π οιεΐν, of sacred rites, cp. §§ 16, 25.— των άναλωμ,.,γιγν.: the 
 same point as in § 25, ούχ δττως τοΰδε άναλίσκοντος, κ.τ.λ, 
 
 §39. τον €£ηγητήν...1πην€γκα] ‘I consulted the inter¬ 
 preter of the sacred law, and, under his directions, rendered 
 at my own charges the ninth-day offerings to the dead ’. Cp. 
 [Dem.] or. xlvii. § 68, έττειδη τοίννν έτελεύτησεν, ηλθον ώ? τού? 
 έξηγητάς, '(να είδείην 6 τι με χρη ττοιεΐν περί τούτων. The office of 
 εξηγητής was usu. hereditary in Eupatrid houses who possessed 
 the unwritten lore of religious tradition: cp. [Lys.] In Andoc. 
 
 § 10, μη μόνον χρησθαι τοΐς γεγραμμένοις περί αυτών νόμοις άλλά 
 και τοΐς ά^ράφοις καθ' οΰς Εύμολπίδαι εξηγούνται. In later times 
 there are references to a icritten lore in such matters, e.g. a 
 ritual of purification for suppliants, ικετών κάθαρσι ?, Athen. ix. 
 78.— τά ’ένατα , novendialia, as τρίτα, Ar. Lysist. 613, offerings 
 at the grave on the third day after death: yearly offerings are 
 mentioned in Isae. or. ii. § 46, έναγίζη αύτψ καθ’ έκαστον ενιαυτόν. 
 Herm. Ant. in. § 39. 
 
 ϊνα...4κκόψαιμι] ‘that I might disconcert this sacrilegious 
 scheme of theirs ’: ιεροσυλίαν, i.e. their usurpation of my right 
 (as nearest kinsman) to honour the dead.— έκκόφαιμι, ‘ knock 
 
NOTES. 
 
 405 
 
 pp. 197 — 199 ] 
 
 out ’ of its course, baffle: cp. Lysias or. xxviii. § 6, ϊνα αυτών 
 έκκόφης τας συκοφαντίας : Deinarchus In Aristogit. § 4, καί τας 
 προφάσεις καί τούς φενακισμούς έκκόφατε αύτου. 
 
 § 40. σχεδόν τι ταΰτ εστίν] ‘ are substantially these \ 
 
 Cp. Soph. El. GOO, σχεδόν τι.,.ού καταισχύνω , it may be said 
 that I do not...: Ant. 466, σχεδόν τι μώριρ μωρίαν όφλισκάνω. 
 
 την ουσίαν...διαθήκην] ‘Diodes holds the property, which 
 supports his present splendour, by an act of usurpation 
 ( άλλοτρίαν ). Three sisters, children of the same mother, were 
 left heiresses to the estate; but he contrived to represent 
 himself as their father’s adopted son, though the father had 
 made no will recognising such adoption ’. As Diodes became 
 guardian (§ 42) to the son of one of these sisters, they were 
 probably his own half-sisters on the maternal side (cp. την 
 αδελφήν , § 41),-^-their mother having previously or subse¬ 
 quently married the father of Diodes.— είσποιήσας, by forging 
 a διαθήκη: without which, the testator’s own children would 
 have inherited (by ά^γχιστεία) before a child born by his wife to 
 another husband. Diodes was driven to this device because 
 an άδελφή ομομήτριος could not marry her half-brother, and 
 therefore he could not obtain any part of the property by 
 marriage with one of the επίκληροι. —Cp. § 36, ‘where the 
 midd. είσττοιήσαιτο is said of the adopting father. 
 
 § 41. *τοιν δ’ άδελφαίν...δίκην δεδωκε] ‘when the property 199 
 was claimed on behalf of two of the sisters by their husbands, 
 he contrived to make the husband of the elder sister his 
 prisoner, and then subjected him to gross contumely. An 
 indictment for outrage has been laid against him, but he has 
 not yet expiated this offence ’. τοΐν δυοΐν : the third sister was 
 apparently unmarried, or no longer alive: we are to under¬ 
 stand that Diodes seized her share unopposed, κατοικοδο- 
 μήσας — κατακλείσας εις οίκημα (Harpocrat. s.v.), having shut 
 him up in a house or room from which he could not escape: 
 cp. Thuc. I. 134, τηρήσαντες αυτόν καί άττολαβόντες είσω άπψ- 
 κοδόμησαν, ‘walled him in’. —έπιβουλεύσας following κατοικοδ. 
 is a ττρωθύστερον, since the ‘ plot ’ is that which led to the 
 capture, ήτίμωσε : usu. taken here as =ήτίμασε, ‘dishonoured’, 
 referring to some personal assault or outrage such as ϋβρις 
 indicates: cp. Aesch. Suppl. 644, άτιμώσαντες (—άτιμάσαντες) 
 
 Ζριν "γυναικών. Elsewhere in prose άτιμόω usu. = to deprive of 
 civic rights. If this is the true sense here, Diodes must have 
 subsequently charged his captive with some offence which 
 would entail ατιμία . —- γραφήν ύβρεως : the same prob. for which 
 Isaeus wrote his speech κατά Αιοκλέους ύβρεως: see on § 3, and 
 Sauppe Or. Att. n. 230 f. 
 
 τηδ δ4 μετ’ εκείνην...εκείνω δε'δωκε] ‘As to the younger 
 
406 
 
 SELECTIONS. 
 
 [ISAEUS 
 
 sister, he employed a slave to murder her husband,—got the 
 man [εκείνον = τον οίκέτην ] out of the country,—threw the guilt 
 on his sister,—and, having crushed her by his villanies, has 
 further deprived her son—whose guardian he had become—of 
 his property,—keeping the land, and giving his ward a piece 
 of stony ground’. — καταπλήξας refers less to a judicial con¬ 
 demnation than to the helplessness of a cowed and broken 
 spirit : cp. Dem. or. xxxvii. § 43, ηλίκον έστί πλεονέκτημα. 
 (ironical) το καταπεπληχθαι τον βίον .— * φελλία: vulg. φελλέα δέ 
 χωρία αττα. But φελλέα is acc. sing, of φελλεύί, stony ground. 
 Dobree thinks that χωρία αττα arose from a scholion on φελλέα , 
 — χωρίον άττίκως. It may be that we should read φελλία αττα, 
 some pieces of stony ground: cp. Xen. Cyneg. v. 18, όταν τούς 
 λίθον s, τα δρη, τα φελλία [τά φέλλία G. Sauppe], τα δασέα άπο- 
 χωρωσι ‘ when (the hares) take refuge among stones, or on the 
 hill-side, or on rough ground (τά φελλία), or in underwood’: 
 the contemptuous force of ά'ττα is certainly appropriate. 
 
 § 42. δεδιασ-ι μεν αυτόν, I'trcos δ’ άν μοι καί μαρτυρήσ-αι 
 εθελήσειαν = καίπερ δεδιότες αυτόν, ΐσως άν...έθελήσει.αν. For 
 the parenthesis with finite verb (δεδίασι μέν αυτόν), cp. Antliol. 
 Palat. 7. 664, ’ Αρχίλοχον καί στηθί καί εϊσιδε ( = στάϊ εϊσιδε), 
 and my note on Soph. Ant. 537. 
 
INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 The first number refers to the page, the second to the 
 section; thus 146 § 122 denotes page 146, section 122. For the 
 note on that section, see 146 in the margin of the Notes (p. 333). 
 — )( means, ‘ as distinguished from.’ 
 
 a, ‘and as to this,’ 146 § 122 
 άβατος, of a pure life, 108 § 58 
 ayaOd, τά ίδια, of lands, 156 
 § 52 
 
 dy άλματα ) ( ανδριάντες, 175 §42, 
 176 § 44 
 
 ayaTr ήσεις, et, ‘ you may think 
 yourself lucky, if...,’ 67 § 11 
 dyaTTi ιτώς, ‘barely,’ 61 § 16 
 dyairQ, et or εάν, 158 § 20 
 dyvogd^vTa, τά, the oversights 
 made, 138 § 88 
 dyopά, law-courts in the, 11 
 § 10 
 
 dyopa Ιπποδάμεια, 35 § 45, 82 
 § 23 
 
 άyχιστείa, legal sense of, 170 
 §14 
 
 dyχιστείa)( σvyyέvειa, 183 § 17 
 dyχιστεΐaι, degrees of affinity, 
 178 § 3 
 
 dy χιστείαν παραλαμβάνειν , 196 
 §34 
 
 άγων, of war or civil strife, 
 166 § 7 _ 
 
 αγωνιστή?, a debater, 114 § 15 
 
 άδεια, technical sense of, 31 
 § 34 
 
 άδηφα yεΐv, 150 § 54 
 αδοκίμαστος (of a ίππεύς), 60 
 
 § 13 
 
 αίρεϊσθαι with infin. )( προαι- 
 ρεΐσθαι, 81 § 17; to espouse 
 a cause, 145 § 62 
 αίρεσις, narrower and larger 
 senses of, 152 § 38 
 αίτια, ‘merit,’ 29 § 12 
 αιτίας λέyειv, to bring charges, 
 187 § 9 
 
 άκαιρίαι, 198 § 38 
 άκληρωτί, 61 § 16 
 άκμαί, at, the period of youth, 
 123 § 289, 151 § 37 
 
 ακοή λόγων, 186 § 6 
 ακοήν μαρτνρεΐν, 189 § 14, 194 
 § 29 
 
 ακολασία )( ϋβρις, 2 § 3 
 άκόλουθος, hoplite’s servant, 
 169 §11 
 
 ακούσιοι αίτίαι, 3 § 3 
 ακρίβεια, η, the exact truth, 2 
 §1 
 
408 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 ακρίβεια i, at, των νδμων, 152 § 40 
 άκριβέστερον, with mare sub¬ 
 tlety, 2 § 2 
 
 άκροπόλει, έν, of the Parthenon, 
 175 § 42 
 
 άλαζονεύεσθαι, 110 § 1 
 άληθεΐαι, at = τα ?pya, 121 § 283, 
 ^ 109 § 47 
 αλιτήριοι, 6 § 3 
 
 άλλα yap, elliptical, 152 § 40 
 άλλα μέν δη, 83 § 27 
 άλλα μην, 104 § 16 
 άλλα νυν, 95 § 15 
 άλλ’ ούδέ, 160 § 25 
 άλλ’ οΰν, 137 § 85 
 άλλος = ‘besides,’ 92 §25, 106 
 §22 
 
 άμαρτείν, miss his desert ( i.e . 
 
 punishment), 7 § 6 
 άμελεΐν αντοΰ, to neglect self- 
 culture, 162 § 2 
 άμικτος, unsociable, 126 § 300 
 .άμιλλάσθαι, οϊτινες δόξονσι, 109 
 
 , § δ° 
 
 ,άμφίθυρος οικία, 68 § 15 
 άμφισβητεΐν, construct, of, 111 
 § 4; κατά διαθήκην or κατά 
 δόσιν, 170 § 14 
 
 άμφοτέρων, position of, 52 § 8 
 άμωσyέπως, 78 § 7 
 άν separated from its verb, 167 
 §8 
 
 άν with fut. infin., 173 § 23 
 av with imperf. or aor. indie., 
 of a repeated act, 149 § 52 
 av with aor. infin., referring 
 to the future, when omitted 
 or required, 8 § 2, 78 § 6, 
 89 § 47 _ 
 
 av with ififin., representing 
 av with optat. of direct dis¬ 
 course, 52 § 1, 153 § 43,173 
 
 w § 23 . 
 
 av, omission of, with infin., 
 how explained, 63 § 12 
 av with participle, 14 § 19, 39 
 § 57, 117 § 270, 139 § 92, 
 162 § 3 
 
 av after ώσπερ, with ellipse of 
 verb, 25 § 11 
 
 av omitted with infin. after 
 ώστε, of a supposed result, 
 112 § 9 
 
 av with pres, infin. { — av with 
 imperf. indie.) and with aor. 
 infin. ( =άν with aor. indie.), 
 in the same sentence, 191 
 
 , § 20 
 
 ανά πέντε καί δέκα, ‘in groups 
 of...,’33 §38 
 
 άναβαίνειν εις * Αρειον πάyov, 
 152 § 38; επί 'ίππον, 63 
 
 t §u 
 
 άvάyειv ( χρήματα) εις άκρύπόλιν, 
 
 147 § 126 
 
 άν ay καΐοι )( σvyyεvεΐς, 37 § 50 
 avay ράφειν, to write up in 
 public, 133 § 180, 153 § 41 
 αναθήματα, votive offerings, 
 175 § 41; esp. —Έρμαΐ, 31 
 
 , § 34 
 
 άναισθήτως διακεΐσθαι, 112 § 9 
 άνακαλεΐν, 35 § 45 
 Άνάκειον, 35 § 45 
 αναμφισβήτητος, 172 § 18 
 άναπαύεσθαι, to pass the night, 
 
 ^ 79 § 12 
 
 άναπέμπει v, to send up country, 
 143 § 104 
 ανάπηρος, 64 § 13 
 ανάστατος, meanings of, 144 
 t §57 
 
 άνατίθεσθαι, to take up a 
 (waggon) load, 90 § 19 
 άναφέρειν τινί {anroXoyiav), to 
 shift a charge on to another, 
 
 ( 96 §17 ‘ 
 
 άναφύεσθαι, to spring up, 116 
 § 19 
 
 άνδραποδιστής, 93 § 10 
 άνδρες = individuals )( com¬ 
 munities, 130 § 169 
 άνδροφόνος, 92 § 6 
 άνεπίδικος, 196 § 34 
 άνευ ϋδατος λέyειv, 195 § 32 
 (note) 
 
INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 409 
 
 άνέχόμαί χώραν πειτορθημένην, 
 
 144 § 58 
 
 άνθρωπίνως, ‘by a human stan- 
 ^ dard,’ 39 § 57 
 άνταρκειν with partic., 151 § 56 
 άντ^ράφεσθαι, 183 § 17 
 άντ^ραφή, 97 § 1 
 άντιδικεΐν, construct, of, 186 
 § ^ 
 
 άντιδόσεις, 148 § 128 
 άντωμοσί a, 101 § 13 
 άνωμάλως έχειν, 154 § 44 
 άνώμοτος, inexactly used, 11 
 §12 
 
 dwayopeieiv with partic., 107 
 
 , § 54 
 
 dwaywyrj, awdyea0ai, of arrest, 
 ^ 260, 10 § 9. 
 
 aTraWayds with εκ, 31 § 16 
 άπαλλάσσειν, to wean from, 
 154 § 45 
 
 άπαρχαί, fig., ‘tributes,’ 175 
 §42 
 
 awehrov, 160 § 25 
 άπειρηκώς, 162 § 4 
 άπενιαυτισμός, 203 
 άπίλλειν, 96 § 17 
 απλώς, ‘on a general view,’ 
 ^ 195 § 30 
 
 dπoypάφeLv, to denounce, 31 
 § 34, 84 § 30 
 
 άπoyράφeσθaι, to take an in¬ 
 ventory, 67 § 8 
 
 άποδιδόναι )( άποδίδοσθαι, 69 
 
 §19 
 
 άποδίδοσθαι, 77 § 99 
 άποδύειν )( έκδύειν, 93 § 10 
 άποκαλεΐν, 108 §57, 111 §4 
 άπολαμβάνειν, to receive in 
 payment, 193 § 25 
 άπολαύειν φλαΰρον τι, 159 § 21 
 άπολείπειν )( καταλείπειν, 84 
 ^ §27 
 
 άπολείπεσθαι των καιρών, 105 
 §19 
 
 awoXoyiav understood with την 
 προτέραν, 12 § 13 
 άπολύειν τινά τινι, 14 § 20 
 
 απόρρητα, actionable libels, 92 
 
 § 6 
 
 άπορρητω, έξελθεΐν έν (of the 
 Βουλή), 35 § 45, cp. 82 § 21 
 άποστασίου) ( άπροστασίου δίκαι, 
 ^ 97 § 2 (note) 
 άποστατέον, 137 § 85 
 άποφορά, payment by slave to 
 master, 33 § 38 
 άπόχωρίζειν (milit.), to detach 
 supports, 61 § 16 
 άπpάyμωv, 1 § 1 
 άπροσοίστως έχειν , 109 § 49 
 dpa, 118 § 273 
 άpyυpίδιov, 111 § 4 
 άριστίνδην άπολλύναι, 44 § 30 
 αρραβώνα διδόναι τινός, 192 § 23 
 αρχήν, adverbial, 118 § 272 
 άστεος, οί εξ, )( οι εκ ΐίειραιώς, 
 53 § 2 
 
 άστης καϊ έyyυητης, εξ, 191 
 § 19 
 
 αστοί )( ξένοι, 73 § 35 
 άστράβη , 63 § 11 
 άστυ, without art., of Athens, 
 126 § 299, 169 § Η 
 άτέλειαι, 176 § 47 
 άτιμοΰν, to disfranchise, 172 
 
 , § 19 
 
 ατιμουν = ατίμαζειν, 199 § 41 
 αύλητρίσιν, εν, 155 § 48 
 αυτός, of one’s own accord, 
 145 § 63 
 
 αύτόχειρ, 158 § 19 
 άφαιρείσθαι (midd.), sc. εις έλευ- 
 θερίαν, 82 § 23 
 
 άφαιρείσθαι (pass.) τα όπλα, 76 
 §95 
 
 άφιέναι τινά, to drop a prose¬ 
 cution, 170 § 13 
 άφίστασθαι, to desert one’s 
 post, 160 § 25 
 
 άφίστασθαι τίνος , to resign, 142 
 § 100, 171 § 18 
 
 βαδίζειν [επ' οικίας), of domi¬ 
 ciliary visits, 68 § 7 
 βάθρα, in Ecclesia, 86 § 37 
 
110 
 
 I 
 
 INDEX I. 
 
 βάσανου, torture, as a test of 
 truth, 188 § 12 
 
 βασιλεύς, the king of Persia, 
 without art., 138 § 88; with 
 art., 133 § 170 
 
 βασιλεύς, the second Archon, 
 64 § 13 
 
 βεβαιοΰν τινί τι, to confirm 
 one’s title to a property, 
 173 § 22 
 
 βεβιωμένα, τά, one’s course of 
 life, 56 § 1 
 
 βήμα, in the ecclesia, 136 § 81; 
 in law-courts, 95 § 15, 97 
 §20 
 
 βίαια, τά, forcible seizure, 100 
 §12 
 
 βλασφημίαι, 113 § 11, 145 
 
 § 62 
 
 βουλεύειν = βουλευτής είναι, 58 
 
 § 8 
 
 βούλημα, βούλομαι, of theory 
 or tendency, 104 § 15 
 βωμολοχεύεσθαι, 155 § 49 
 βωμολόχος, 121 § 284 
 
 ■γαμηλίαν είσφέρειν, 191 § 18 
 γόμους εστίαν, 191 § 18 
 ΎεΎραμμένα, τά, the terms of a 
 treaty, 46 § 35, 48 § 40 
 y εννήται, 190 § 15 (note) 
 
 7 όνος )( συ77 ένεια, 195 § 30 
 7 όνος, το ττερί τίνος λέ^ειν, 183 
 § 17 
 
 7 όνος τρίτον, 177 § 2 
 7 εραιότεροι, οι, 7 § 6 
 'γηραιός, rare in Attic prose, 
 
 5 § H 
 
 yiy νεσθαι ττερί τι, 134 § 181 
 Ύίγνώσκειν to resolve (aor.), 
 107 § 54 
 
 7 ναφεΐον, 97 § 2 
 γνώμην ’έχειν, of one’s sensa¬ 
 tions, 159 § 22 
 Ύνώμονες, 91 § 24 
 7 νωρισταί )( δικασταί, 23 § 94 
 γονείς, including trpoyovoi, 195 
 §32 
 
 GREEK. 
 
 7 ράμματα, written laws, 152 
 § 39 
 
 Ύραμματεύς, understood with 
 avay νώσεται, 85 § 33 
 Ύράφεσθαι, to note down, 83 
 § 24 
 
 γυμνάσια, τά, exercises, 154 
 §45 
 
 Ύυμνάσιον ) ( τταλαίστρα, 3 § 3 ; 
 fig., a field of oratory, 125 
 §295 
 
 S', perhaps changed to λ' in 
 mss., 187 § 7 
 
 δανείσματα,, sums lent at in¬ 
 terest, 197 § 35 
 
 δαρεικός (στατήρ), 67 § 11 
 δασμολο^ειν- ( τινας ), 147 § 125 
 δέ instead of αλλά, 9 § 5 
 δέ in σύ δέ τις εΐ; 193 § 24 
 δέ οΰν, 144 § 58 
 δέδεικται, it has been proved, 
 128 § 165 
 
 δει μοί τι. instead of δει μοί 
 τίνος, 25 § 12 
 
 δεινά ττοιεΐν, δεινόν ττοιείσθαι, 
 41 § 63 
 
 δεκαρχίαι, 140 § 95 
 
 δέομαι (ούδέν έδεόμην λέyειν), 
 
 36 § 49 
 
 δέω, with infin. (7τολλο0 δέω 
 άρχειν), 142 § 100, 155 § 47 
 δηλωσαι, to prove, 8 § 3 
 δηλώσει δέ, 97 § 20 
 δημayωyός, of Pericles, 147 
 
 § 126 . 
 
 δήμοι, Attic, 154 § 46 
 δημόσιον, το, the treasury, 69 
 §19 
 
 δημοτενεσθαι, 97 § 2 
 δήμον καταλύσεως ypaφή, 32 
 § 36 
 
 διά ών )( εξ ών, 153 § 42 
 διά ημάς, ob nos proditos, 41 
 § 63, cp. 43 § 28 
 διά τίνος ττοιείσθαι, to place in 
 one’s control, 197 § 37 
 διά εαυτόν ττοιεΐν, 190 § 16 
 
INDEX I GREEK. 
 
 411 
 
 cux, repeated ( ού δι αλλ’ ούδέν 
 η διά τούτους), 173 § 23 
 ota βεβλημένος, of blemished 
 name, 120 § 278 
 διαΎράφειν δίκψ, 171 § 17 
 διαιτητής, 92 § 6 
 διαθήκην, κατά, (κληρονομείς), 
 
 180 § 9 
 
 διακείσθαι άνανδρων, 134 § 184 ; 
 εΰ, 119 § 278 
 
 διαλαβεΐν, to apportion, G6 § 7 
 διαλείπω, with partic., 175 § 41; 
 
 intransitive, 161 § 27 
 διαμαρτυρεΐν, to enter a protest, 
 μη...είναι, 171 § 16 
 διάνοια )( όνάματα, ‘the spirit’ 
 )( ‘the letter’, 92 § 7 
 διαπράσσεσθαι, to obtain, 171 
 § 17 
 
 διασπείρειν (fig.), 143 § 104 
 διασΰρειν (fig.), 126 § 300 
 διατιθέναι άπόρως , 79 § 11 
 διαφέρεσθαι, to dispute, 96 § 17 
 διαφθε'ιρειν, 197 § 36 
 διδακτόν, Is Justice? 116 § 21 
 δικάζεσθαι, to plead in law¬ 
 suits, 116 § 19 ; esp. of the 
 'prosecutor , opp. to φεύ^ειν, 
 66 § 4 
 
 δίκαι, εΐσίν, or ούκ είσίν, 166 § 7 
 δίκαια, τά έκ των νομών, 185 § 1 
 δίκαιον, ώσπερ το, 186 § 4 
 δικασταί κατά δήμους, 100 § 12 
 δικαστήρια, for φόνου δίκαι, 10 
 
 § H 
 
 δίκη )( Ύραφη and εισαγγελία, 
 59 § 12 
 
 διδόναι τι τφχρόνιρ, 20 § 86 
 διοικεΐν, to administer a trust, 
 182 § 14 
 
 διόμννσθαι, 179 § 6 
 διομολοΎεΐσθαι, to bargain, 192 
 . §23 
 
 διομοσάμενοι, 11 § 12 
 Αιονύσαι, τά κατ’ αγρό ν, 190 
 §15 
 
 διορίζεις, exterminare, 131 § 174 
 δι (ύμοσίαι, 21 § 88, 22 § 90 
 
 δοκιμασθηναι εις άνδρας, 151 
 §37 
 
 δοκιμασίαι, cases of scrutiny, 
 58 §9 
 
 δόξα )( έπιστημη, of Isocrates, 
 111 § 3, 162 § 4 
 δόξας )( δοκών, 139 § 89 
 δοξαστικός, 115 § 17 
 δόσιν, κατά, αμφισβητείς, 170 
 § 14 
 
 δόσις )( διαθήκη, 170 § 14 
 δράσαι, redundant after άμαρ- 
 τάνοντες ( = failing to ex¬ 
 ecute), 3 § 6 
 δρασκάζειν, 96 § 17 
 δραχμάς, understood, 197 § 35 
 δύναμιν 'έχειν, to have an im¬ 
 port, 119 § 275 
 δυναστεία, η επί του βήματος, 
 
 146 §121 
 
 δυναστεύοντες, οι, 130 § 170 
 δυνάστης, a man of influence, 
 136 § 81 
 
 δυνατός, able-bodied, 63 § 12 
 δυσχερές, ‘invidious,’ 116 § 19, 
 120 § 281 
 
 έβουλόμην (without άν), of what 
 one wishes were true, 8 § 1 
 έβουλόμην άν, 70 § 22; where 
 βουλοίμην άν seems required, 
 26 § 14 
 
 ε^ενόμενον , accus. absol.,, 172 
 § 3.9 
 
 iyynav, Attic imperf. ήχ~/ύων, 
 172 § 18 
 
 έγγυασό’αι, midd., said of the 
 bridegroom, )( έyyυάv, of 
 the bride’s father, 189 § 14 
 έyyυάσθaί τινα, to give bail for 
 one, 82 § 23 
 
 έyyυητάς τρεις καθιστάναι, 13 
 ( §17 
 
 έyίyvετo )( βένετο, 15 § 22 
 iy κλήματα )( δίκαι, 156 § 51 
 έyκτήμaτa, 46 § 36, 56 § 3 
 έyχωρεΐ, is (logically) admis¬ 
 sible, 18 § 29 
 
412 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 εί, with fut. indie, after έλεεΐν, 
 80 § 15 
 
 et μή διά τινο., ‘had it not been 
 for him,’ 140 § 92 
 είδη,· branches of oratory, 115 
 
 J 17 , , 
 
 είδος, παν τό, των πίστεων, 120 
 § 280 
 
 είκός, as a topic of Khetoric, 
 128 § 289 
 
 εϊλωτεύειν τινί, 165 § 5 
 είναι, pleonastic (τό νυν είναι), 
 117 § 270 
 
 εΐπερ μάχη, ‘ if you mean to 
 fight,’ 93, 94 § 10 
 είρχασμένος, as part. perf. vvidd., 
 90 § 17 
 
 εϊρχειν ων ό νόμος εΐρχει, 202 
 εις, ‘ on,’ of expenditure, 141 
 § 96, 174 § 39 
 
 εις έω, ‘early next morning,’ 
 
 193 § 24 
 
 εισαχ^ελίαι )( -γραφαί, 148 § 130 
 είσα-γΎελλειν, to lay an im¬ 
 peachment, 25 § 12,'32 § 37; 
 with accus. of person im¬ 
 peached, 182 § 15 
 είσιέναι, of a law-suit, 171 § 17 
 εισηχείσθαι βουλήν, to intro¬ 
 duce a plan, 40 § 61; περί 
 τίνος, 130 § 170 
 είσπέμπειν, conject. for έκπέμ- 
 πειν, 81 § 19 
 
 είσποιεΐν εαυτόν, to allege one’s 
 own adoption, 199 § 40 
 είσποιεΐσθαι υιόν, to adopt, 199 
 § 40 
 
 είσφοραί, 70 § 20 
 εΐτα, 71 § 26 
 
 εΐτε...εΐτε μή, with fut. indie., 
 157 § 54 
 
 έκ τούτων, as the result of, 19 
 § 84; on these grounds, 98 
 §5 
 
 έκτων άλλων (neut.), μανθάνειν, 
 182 § 15 
 
 έκ των βασάνων πιστεύεσθαι, 
 
 194 § 28 
 
 έκ των λοιπών, 117 § 271 
 έκ in τούς έκ τής θαλάσσης άνε· 
 λέσθαι, 74 § 36 
 έκ in έξ ετοίμου, 114 § 15 
 έκαστοι-, singly, 129 § 166 
 έκ βάλλε ιν τινά-, to repudiate, 
 193 § 26 
 
 έκβάλλεσθαι, to be thrown over¬ 
 board, 17 § 38 
 έκβαρβαρούσθαι, 108 § 47 
 ’έκχονοι )( συγγενείς, 195 § 30 
 έκδιδόναι, to publish writings, 
 137 § 85; to give in mar¬ 
 riage, 186 § 8 ; to give up, 
 130 § 169, 131 §§ 175 f.; 
 esp. to give up slaves for 
 torture, 188 § 10 
 έκεί, ol, the dead, 144 § 60 
 έκεΐνοι, a use of by Isaeus, 182 
 § 13 
 
 έκεΐνος, referring to a person 
 just indicated by name, or 
 by αυτός, 40 § 60, 41 § 64, 
 183 § 16 
 
 έκείνως είπών, 133 § 179 
 έκέλευον )( έκέλευσα, 193 § 24 
 έκκαθεύδειν, to bivouac, 79 § 12 
 (note) 
 
 έκκηρύττειν, 74 § 35 
 έκκόπτειν, to disconcert (a plot), 
 198 § 39 
 
 έκλαμβάνειν, to receive by sur¬ 
 render, correl. of έκδιδόναι, 
 142 § 100 
 έκμελετάν, 4 § 7 
 έκτήμην, 53 § 3 
 
 έκτυποΰσθαι, to be rough-hewn, 
 83 § 115 
 
 έκφέρειν πόλεμον, 138 § 88 
 έλασσοΰσθαι, to be at a disad¬ 
 vantage, 14 § 19, 120 § 281 
 ελαύνειν ναΰς, 157 § 54 
 Έλαφόστικτός, a nickname, 81 
 § !9 
 
 έλάχιστον μέρος, with negative, 
 113 § 11 
 
 ελεχχον διδόναι (of witnesses), 
 188 § 10 
 
INDEX I 
 
 GREEK. 
 
 413 
 
 eXeelv, el (with fut. indie.), 
 80 § 15 
 
 eXkeiTreiv, intrans. ‘ to fail,’ 
 137 § 85 
 
 έμβάδες, 160 § 11 
 εμμένειν, to abide by, 116 § 20 
 £μπ etplai, 113 § 10, 114 § 14 
 έμπόρων, 109 § 47 
 έμπυος, 161 § 26 
 cv μέρβί, 128 § 164 
 ίν ταΐς μοναρχίαν, ol, 105 § 18 
 εν τή 7 rpoepaaei, by means of..., 
 79 § 12, 91 § 20 
 cv tols μετοίκοίϊ , in their case, 
 71 § 27 
 
 cv tols δχλου, before mobs* 105 
 § 21 
 
 έν φ, in a case where, 86 
 §36 
 
 εναντιώσεις, inconsistencies, 
 112 § 7, 157 § 54 
 ένατα, τά, 198 § 39 
 ένδεΐαι, privations, 148 § 128 
 ένδειξις KaKOvpylas, etc., 10 § 9, 
 208, 260 
 
 ένδεκα, oi r 94 § 10 
 ένεκά y£ tlvos, so far as con¬ 
 cerns it, 10 § 8 
 
 evepya^eadai, to engender, 112 
 §6 
 
 ενέχυρα, fig. ‘pledges,’ 47 § 39 
 ένη καί νέα, fair-day at Athens, 
 99 § 6 
 
 ένθένδε, instead of ενθάδε, 131 
 , § 474 
 
 ένθνήσκω, for έναποθνήσκω, 60 
 
 § 15 
 
 ένθυμεΐσθαι, with genitive, 135 
 § 184 
 
 ένθυμηθήναι )( είπειν, 130 § 170 
 ένθυμηματα )( όνόματα, 115 § 16 
 ένταυθοΐ instead of ενταύθα, 8 
 
 , § , 2 
 
 έντάφία προπαρασκευάζΈσθαι, 
 198 § 38 
 
 εντεύθεν, * from that point,’ 
 187 §6 
 
 £&y elv, to export as a slave, 
 
 93 § 10; to eject a tenant, 
 173 § 22 
 
 έξαιρεΐν ψήφους, 171 § 17 
 έξαιρεΐσθαί els ελευθερίαν, 100 
 §12 
 
 e^apyupi^Ea6aL, 175 § 43 
 έξεyyυάσθaι (pass.), to be re¬ 
 leased on bail, 100 § 11 
 e^epyd^eadaL, to work out, 137 
 § 85 
 
 έξεστηκέκαι των πολιτικών, 130 
 t §171 
 
 έξηχητής, of sacred law, 198 
 §39 
 
 έξίτηλος, 155 § 47 
 έξώλειαν επαράσθαι, 67 § 10 
 έπayyέλλεσθaι αρετήν, 116 § 20 
 ETraycLV (τούς άρχοντας), 91 § 22 
 έπάχεσθαι, to induce, 145 § 63 
 επ' αύτοφώριρ (fig.), 84 § 30 
 έπανορθουσθαι, 129 § 165 
 Eireyyoav, to give security, 96 
 § 17 
 
 h τΕΐτα, ‘in the next resort,’ 
 72 § 31 
 
 έπεξέρχεσθαί tlvl, to prosecute 
 one, 168 § 9 _ 
 
 έπεξήειν, Attic, imperf. of the 
 above, 169 § 12 
 EirEpya^eaQaL, to till sacred 
 soil, 92 § 24 
 
 έπηρεασμδς )( ϋβρις, 2 § 3 
 (note) 
 
 ετγϊ Slates ήβήσαι, 195 § 31 
 Εττίτούτων μένειν, tobeconstant 
 to these aims, 164 § 3 
 £πί tlvos, ‘in his time,’ 146 
 §§ 123 f.; ‘in his case,’ 124 
 § 292 
 
 e7rt του * μνήματος, ‘at,’ 194 
 §27 
 
 επί τούτοις, ‘on these terms,’ 
 100 §11; ‘on this basis,’ 
 182 § 14 
 
 έπί τή τούτου διαφθορμ= ι if he 
 is to die, ’ 5 § 10 
 έπί tlvl κατάλείπΕίν, to leave at 
 his disposal, 180 § 8 
 
414 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 cirl tois \oyoLs είναι, to be at 
 their mercy, 8 § 3 
 επί όνόματί τίνος )( υπέρ τίνος, 
 182 § 13 
 
 έπΐ τοΐς τοιούτοις, ‘ ill such 
 cases,’ 185 § 1 
 
 επί δλη (τή ούσία) ποιηθήναι, 
 as heir to the whole estate, 
 167 §7 
 
 έπίδειξις, in rhetorical sense, 
 140 § 93 
 
 επίδειξις γνώμης, at Olympia, 
 50 § 2 
 
 έπιδιδόναι, to give a dowry, 55 
 § 10, 187 § 8 
 
 έπιδικάζεσθαι κλήρου, 174 § 40 
 έπίδικος, 171 § 16, 179 § 7 
 επίδοξος, ‘expected,’ not ‘ex¬ 
 pecting,’ 155 § 47 
 επιδόσεις λαμβάνειν, to make 
 progress, 109 § 48,148 § 127 
 έπίδοσις, a subscription, 174 
 § 39 (note) 
 επιγαμία, 53 § 3 
 επίκληρος, fig., of a συμφορά, 
 
 64 § 14 
 
 έπικουρεϊν, to serve as mer¬ 
 cenaries, 129 § 168 
 επίκουροι, foreign troops, 75 § 94 
 έπιλαβεΐν τδ ύδωρ, 98 § 4 
 έπιλείπ eiv, intrans., ‘to fail,’ 
 14 § 17 
 
 επιμέλειαι, 157 § 55 
 έπιμελεΐσθαι = έπιμελητάς πέμ- 
 7 τειν (inspectors of the Attic 
 μορίαι), 92 § 25 
 
 έπιμεληταί των κακούργων, oi, 
 
 14 §17 
 
 έπινοεΐν, to form designs, 3 § 6 
 έπιορκεΐν, archaic for the simple 
 όμνύναι, 96 § 17 
 επιπλοκή, rhetor, term, 154 
 § 44 (note) 
 
 έπισκήπτεσθαι ( ψευδομαρτυ¬ 
 
 ριών ), 101 § 14, 168 § 9 
 επισκοπεΐν, to visit, 160 § 25 
 έπίσταθμος, a Persian official, 
 127 § 162 
 
 / 
 
 έπιστατεΐν, to supervise educa¬ 
 tion, 151 § 37 
 
 έπιστέλλειν, to say in a letter, 
 136 § 81 
 
 επιστήμη )( δόξα, of Isocrates, 
 111 § 3, 117 § 271, 162 § 4 
 επιστήναι, to come suddenly 
 on one, 128 § 165 
 επιστήναι επί διάνοιας, 140 § 93 
 επιτήδειοι )( οι προσήκοντες, 174 
 
 §4° 
 
 επιτηδεύματα, 5 § 10, cp. 109 
 § 50, 152 § 40 
 
 έπιτιθέναι, of laying incense 
 on the altar, 190 § 16 
 (note) 
 
 επιτίμια, τά, του φόνου, 7 § 4 
 επίτιμος )( άτιμος, 70 § 21 
 επίτροπος, guardian, 168 § 10, 
 182 § 14 
 
 επιφέρειν, to bring offerings to 
 graves, 145 § 61, 198 § 39 
 επώνυμοι, the twelve Attic, 174 
 § 39 (note) 
 έρανος, 144 § 57 
 ερ~γαστήριον, a manufactory, 
 67 § 8 
 
 ερίδες, ai, ‘ eristic ’ discussion, 
 110 § 1, 116 § 20, 162 § 3 
 Έρμα ?, the images, 31 § 34; 
 name of a street at Athens, 
 98 §3 
 
 ερρωμενεστερως, 128 § 163 
 έρρωτο ερ^'άξεσθαι, was bent on 
 doing, 84 § 31 
 
 Εστία B ουλαία, 30 § 15 (note) 
 εταιρίαι, oligarchical clubs, 74 
 §36 
 
 εταίροι, in political sense, 138 
 §87 
 
 έτερος = κακός, 160 § 25 
 εύήθεια, 130 § 169 
 εύθυδικί a, 171 § 16 
 εύκοσμία, 152 § 37 
 εύνοια as a source of persua¬ 
 siveness, 120 § 279 
 εϋνους, accus. pi., where εΰνοι 
 is needed, 75 § 93 
 
INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 415 
 
 εΰρεσις )( τάξις, in Ehetoric, 
 114 § 12 (note) 
 
 εύρίσκειν τι, to fetch a price, 
 197 § 35 
 
 εύτραπελία, Athenian, 125 § 
 296 
 
 ευτράπελος, 155 § 49 
 ευφυής, 121 § 284 
 εΰχεσθαι, of an ideal, 148 
 §127 
 
 ευχής άξια (in a like sense), 134 
 § 182 
 
 έφέται, their jurisdiction, 11 
 § 11 (note) 
 έφηβος, 151 § 37 
 £φήΎηαις, leg. term, 91 § 22 
 εφικνεΐσθαί τίνος, to do justice 
 to it, 109 § 49 
 εφόδια, 60 § 14 
 εφοραν, force of, 129 § 168 
 έχθρα, on accuser’s part, cited 
 as a proof of his good faith, 
 65 § 2, cp. 153 § 42 
 
 Ζεύς K τήσιος, 190 § 16 
 ζητηταί, a commission of in¬ 
 quiry, 32 § 36 
 ζων κατορυχθήσομαι, 5 § 10 
 
 rj=‘or else,’ introducing the 
 second alternative, 161 § 27 
 ήβήσαι επί δίετες, 195 § 31 
 ηλιαία, ή, 95 § 16 
 ηλικία, ή νυν, 129 § 167 
 ηλικίαν έχω, with infin., 187 
 § 8 
 
 ήμικλήριον, 184 § 19 
 ήμφισβήτησα Άϊΐάήμφεσβήτησα, 
 
 111 §4 
 
 ήξίουν, not ήξίουν άν, 20 § 86 
 ήσσον perh. to be inserted, 1 
 § 2, 55 § 8 
 
 ήσύχιος, joined with άιτρά^μων, 
 1§1 
 
 ήτημένος, ‘borrowed,’ 59 § 12 
 
 Οάπτειν εξ οικίας, 192 § 22 
 θάτερον = τό κακόν, 160 § 25 
 
 θαυμάζω ύμων, δτι έστέ...52 § 2, 
 91 §23 
 
 θαυμάζω εί μη... 161 § 26 
 θέμενοι, οι, the mortgagees 
 )( ο! θέντες, the mortgagers, 
 173 § 21 
 
 θεοίνια = τα κατ aypov Αιονύσια, 
 190 § 15 (note) 
 
 θεραπεΐαι, ‘attentions,’ 106 § 22 
 θεραπεύειν, to court, 143 § 104 
 θεράπων, 97 § 19 
 θεσμοθέται, presidents of the 
 ballot for offices, 64 § 13 (n.) 
 θεωρεΐν, of spectators in the 
 theatre, 190 § 16 
 θεωρία, a sacred embassy, 134 
 § 182 
 
 θεωρίαι, spectacles, 156 § 53 
 θητεία )( δουλεία, 76 § 98 
 θόλος, 35 § 45 
 
 I5ea, uses of by Isocrates, 107 
 § 54, 115 § 16 
 
 ίδιωται , ‘ private persons ’ 
 
 )( public men, 74 § 36, 114 
 § 14; ‘strangers’ )( sena¬ 
 tors, 82 § 21 
 
 ίέναι εις τούς μισθωτούς, 174 
 §39 
 
 ιερά, τα κοινά, 133 § 180 
 ιερόν, τό, of the Parthenon, 
 175 § 42 
 
 ϊνα with imperf. indie, and av, 
 179 § 6; with fut. indie, in 
 final clause, not classical, 
 190 § 15 
 
 ιππική, riding, 62 § 10 
 Ίπποδαμ.εία ayopa, 84 § 28 
 ίσην δύναμιν έχει, οστις τε.,.καί 
 J δστις... 23 § 92 
 ϊσον ήν μοι.,.μή ελθεΐν, 12 § 13 
 ίσοπολιτεία , 53 § 3 
 ισότητες, forms of civic equal¬ 
 ity, 103 § 15 
 
 ΐσχυσε, ‘proved valid,’ 184 
 §18 
 
 καδίσκοι, ballot-boxes, 86 § 37 
 
416 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK, 
 
 καθ’ έκαστον έρωταν, in detail, 
 196 § 33 
 
 καθηγεΐσθαι, to infer, 170 § 14 
 καθήσθαι, as a suppliant, 174 
 §39 
 
 καθιπποτροφεΐν, 175 § 43 
 και, emphasizing a verb, 72 
 § 29, 127 § 160 
 
 καί, emphasizing noun or ad- 
 ject. (ότι καί άζιόΧογον), 150 
 § 56 
 
 καί = 1 actually,’ 22 § 91, 192 
 §23 
 
 καί, redundant ( ού μάΧλον ύπδ 
 των ά,ΧΧων η καί ύπ έμου), 16 
 §23 
 
 καί, to be omitted, 21 § 88 
 και μέν δή, ‘ and further,’ 73 
 §35 
 
 καί... καί, with verbs, 107 § 54, 
 117 § 270 
 
 και ταυτα, ‘ and that too,’ 116 
 
 §20 
 
 καί πού τι καί, 9 § 6 
 καί μήν, ‘further,’ 135 § 185 
 καί εϊτα (κμτα), nevertheless, 
 17 § 27 
 
 καιροί, οί, the right moments, 
 115 § 16 
 
 κακηγορία, law concerning, 273 
 κακοηθεΐαι, 121 § 284 
 κακοπαθεΐν, of imprisonment, 8 
 §2 
 
 κακουργίας ένδειξις, 10 § 9 
 κακούργος, Attic sense of, 208 
 κακώσεων γραφή. 179 § 7, 195 
 § 32 
 
 καΧινδεΐσθαι περί τι, 116 § 20 
 καΧινδεΐσθαι επί του βήματος, 
 
 136 § 81 
 
 καΧΧιερεΐσθαι, 144 § 60 
 καΧως γεγονός, 152 § 37 
 καπηΧεΐον, 155 § 49 
 κατά, with gen., ‘in witness 
 against,’ 133 § 180 
 κατά εύχήν, 134 § 182 (note) 
 κατά μικρόν, three meanings of, 
 182 § 15 
 
 καταγέΧαστος, 132 § 176 
 καταγιγνώσκειν είσαγγεΧίαν, 179 
 § 6 
 
 καταΧέγειν, to levy troops, 135 
 §185 
 
 κατάΧυσις, ή, του δήμου, 32 
 §36 
 
 καταπΧήσσειν, to crush one, 
 199 § 42 
 
 καταποικίΧΧειν, of oratory, 115 
 § 16 
 
 κατασκευαί, of public buildings, 
 109 § 47; private establish¬ 
 ments, 156 § 52 
 κατάστασις, situation, 156 § 50; 
 state-allowance to ιππείς, 57 
 
 § 6 λ 
 
 καταστήναι, to become settled, 
 83 § 25 
 
 καταστήναι τοσούτου τινί, to 
 cost one so much, 29 § 11 
 καταχρήσθαι, to utilise, 131 
 § 174 
 
 κατεστάθην )( κατέστην, 86 § 34 
 κατέχειν, of tutelar gods, 144 
 §60 
 
 κατοικοδομεΐν, 199 § 41 
 κεΐσθαι, as perf. pass, of τίθημι , 
 129 § 168 
 
 κείσθαι άπΧως, of a law, 153 
 § 41 
 
 κεκόμισμαι, in midd. sense, 
 ‘have recovered,’ 173 § 22 
 κεΧεύειν)(αίτεΐσθαι, 25 § 11; 
 imperf.. and aor. distim 
 guished, 193 § 24 
 κίνδυνοι, oi πρός ημάς αυτούς, 
 131 § 174 
 
 κίνδυνος, fig., a cast of the die, 
 55 § 9 
 
 κίνδυνος περί του μη σωθήναι 
 ( = μή ού σωθεΐεν), 29 § 12 
 κΧηρουσθαι, to draw lots, 157 
 §54 
 
 κΧηρωτός)( αιρετός, 64 § 13 
 κΧίσιον, 69 § 18 
 κοινά, τά, public life, )(τά ΐδια, 
 59 § 11 
 
INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 417 
 
 κοινός, of the Athenian charac¬ 
 ter, 126 § 300 
 
 κοινότης, of the Attic dialect, 
 125 § 296 
 
 κομ$, conject. for τολμή., 61 
 § 18 (note) 
 
 κομίζειν)(κομίξεσθαι, 192 § 21 
 κομίζειν)(φέρειν, 176 § 44 
 κοσμείν, to dress the dead, 192 
 §22 
 
 κοσμίως άμπύχεσθαι, 62 § 19 
 κόσμος)(8πιπλα, 69 § 19 
 κόσμος, the firmament, 133§ 179 
 κρατείν, with both gen. and 
 acc., 140 § 92 
 
 κρατεΐν τι , to hold in one’s 
 grasp, 185 § 2 
 
 κρίσιν ποιεΐν ) ( κρ'ισιν ποιεΐσΟαι, 
 
 86 § 35 
 
 κρίσις, a legal issue, 185 § 2 
 κριτής )( δικαστής, 62 § 21 
 κριτής )( δοξαστής, 23 § 94 
 κτήματα, τα Ελληνικά, sense 
 of, 109 § 50 
 Κ τήσιος Ζεύς, 190 § 16 
 κυβεύει ν, 122 § 287 
 κύβοι, οι, dice-playing, 59 § 11 
 ϊίυζικηνός (στατήρ), 67 § 11 
 κυλινδεΐσθαι)(καλινδεΐσθαι, 176 
 §44 
 
 κυνη-γύσια, τά, hunting, 154 § 45 
 Κ υνόσαρ-γες, 40 § 61 
 κύριος, legal sense of, 168 § 10 
 κωλύει, impers., with adverbial 
 ούδέν, 111 § 6 
 
 κωλύειν, with simple infin., 
 193 § 26 
 
 κωμαι, town-wards (Athens), 
 155 § 46 
 
 λ', perh. an error for δ' in 
 mss., 187 § 7 
 
 λα-γχάνειν βασιλεύς, to draw 
 the lot to be..., 64 § 13 
 
 λα-γχάνειν κλήρου ) ( λα-γχάνειν 
 κλήρον, 171 § 16 
 λανθάνειν 8τι πέφρακα = πεφρα- 
 κώς, 140 § 93 
 
 λειτουρ-γίαι, 148 § 128 
 λήξις (δίκης), 167 § 8 
 Α ίμναις, Άιονύσιον το έν, 197 
 §35 
 
 λο-γίδια, 116 § 20 
 
 λοιδορεΐσθαι, midd., 136 § 81 
 λοιπός καταλελειμμένος,· 190 
 §17 
 
 λύεσθαι δούλους, 14 § 20, 123 
 § 288 
 
 λύεσθαι αιχμαλώτους, 69 § 20 
 λωποδύτης, 93 § 10 
 
 μακρδν τείχος (without art.), as 
 a district, 35 § 45 
 μό.λα, ‘I can assure you,’ 13 
 § 17 
 
 μανία, mad discord, 163 § 2 
 με-γαλοφρονεΐν or μέ-γα φρονεΐν, 
 
 154 § 43 
 
 μειράκιον )( παΐς, 2 § 3 
 μόν.,.δύ, doubled, 155 § 47 
 μύρος, ούδέ τό έλάχιστον, 168 
 § 10 
 
 μεσε-γ-γιιοΰσθαί τι παρά τινι, 111 
 
 §5 
 
 μετά τίνος φύντες, οί, collateral 
 kinsmen, 195 § 30 
 μεταστήσασθαι τούς ίδιώτας, 82 
 
 § 2i 
 
 μετοικεΐν) ( πολιτεύεσθαι, 69 § 20, 
 159 § 23 
 
 μέτοικοι, Polemarch’s juris¬ 
 diction over, 97 § 2 
 μετριότης, of Attic dialect, 125 
 § 296 
 
 μετριότητες, 164 § 4 
 
 μύχρι τούτου εως άν βούλησθε, 
 
 43 § 69 
 
 μή with infin., after φάσκω, 
 173 § 22 
 
 μή alternating with ού in 
 clauses dependent on εί, 12 
 § 14, 188 § 9 
 
 μή where μή ού would be 
 normal, 2 § 3 
 
 μή with participle after εΐπερ, 
 3 § 5 
 
 J. 
 
 27 
 
418 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 μή irregularly placed (μη 6- 
 μολο-γουσιν άποθανεΐν ), 17 
 
 §28 
 
 μή apparently redundant (κίν¬ 
 δυνος περί του μη σωθήναι), 
 29 §12 
 
 μη corrupt, perh. from έμή, 15 
 
 §2i 
 
 μή ότι.,.άλΧ ουδέ..., 100 § 12 
 μηδέν των αυτών = πάντα διά¬ 
 φορα, 113 § 12 
 
 μικρόν διαλέ -y εσθαι, to speak 
 low, 62 § 19 
 
 μισθοΰν)( μισθουσθαι, 90 § 17 
 μισθοφορεΐν, said of a house, 
 196 § 35 
 
 μίσθωσις, rent, 169 § 11 
 μισθωτοί, ol, 174 § 39 
 μνήμα, conject. for βήμα, 194 
 §27 
 
 μνήμη )( φήμη, 135 § 185 
 μολύν εσθαι, to be abused, 136 
 §81 
 
 μοναρχίας, τάς, οι έχοντες, 162 
 §3 
 
 μόνος = unice, 144 § 57 
 μορίαι, 269 
 
 μουσική, in the larger sense, 
 110 § 50 
 
 ναυπηγεΐσθαι, midd., 109 § 47 
 νέμεσθαι, to share an inheri¬ 
 tance, 59 § 10, 166 § 7 
 νέμεσθαι προς τινα, 133 § 179 
 νέος ή παλαιός, 135 § 185 
 νησιώται,οί, allied with Athens, 
 176 § 46 
 
 νοσηλεύειν, to nurse the sick, 
 160 § 25 
 
 νουθετεϊν )( άπειλεΐν, 154 § 46 
 νουν προσέχειν τινί, to watch 
 one, 82 § 20 
 
 νυν with historic present, 86 
 §36 
 
 ξβνολογβ ΐν, 141 § 96 
 ξύν and σύν in mss. of Anti¬ 
 phon, 23 § 93 
 
 o = ‘wliereas,’ 146 § 122 
 oi (dative), ‘ to oblige him,’ 33 
 §40 
 
 οίκειότης, 168 § 10 
 οίκεύς, 96 § 19 
 
 οΐός είμι, with infin., 192 § 22 
 οΐός τέ είμι)(οΐός είμι, 183 § 16 
 όλι^αρχίαι, αί (of 411 and 404 
 b.c.), 53 § 4 
 
 όμοιος, where one of two things 
 compared is understood, 193 
 
 , § 26 . 
 
 όμολο·γεΐν πρός τινα, 197 § 37 
 όμολο-γίαι, articles of agree¬ 
 ment, 149 § 52 
 6νομα)(πρά"γμα, 121 § 283 
 όνόματι, επί τω, sense of, 182 
 § 13 
 
 όνόματι λέ"/εσθαι, 80 § 15 
 ό'7τλα, τά, the guard-post, 79 
 § 12 
 
 οπού, ‘and in such a case,’ 46 
 § 36 ; as relative after πράτ- 
 τειν τοιαυτα, 28 § 10 
 όπτήρ, poet, word, 17 § 27 
 όπως, with fut. indie, after 
 διανοεΐσθαι, 53 § 3 
 όπως μή έρεΐς (take care) that 
 you do not say, 178 § 5 
 όπως μή ’έσται, where we should 
 expect όπως μή ή, 35 § 43 
 όπως άν τύχωσι, with partic. 
 
 understood, 124 § 292 
 όρθούμενος, ‘ successful,’ 9 § 7 
 όρικόν ξευΎος, 175 § 43 
 ορκωτής, of a law-court, 26 § 14 
 όρμητήριον, 128 § 162 
 όσιον, ‘ lawful,’ 70 § 24 
 όσοι, with anteced. in dat. 
 omitted (όρ^ίζεσθε, όσοι ήλ¬ 
 θαν), 72 § 30 
 
 όσιρ, ‘inasmuch as,’ 91 § 23 
 (note) 
 
 ότι, redundant before a direct 
 quotation, 36 § 48 
 ol· δή, ‘and then it was that’..., 
 30 §15 
 
 ου, with χρή understood before 
 
INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 419 
 
 infin. (χρη σκοπεΐν άλλ’ ού 
 μισεΐν), 61 § 18, 132 § 175 
 ού to be omitted, 111 § 4 
 ού, following el, 95 § 13, cp. 
 
 133 § 178 
 ού μέλει μοι, 93 § 9 
 ού μη, with fut. indie, and 
 aor. subj., 193 § 24 
 ού μ^ν άλλά, 104 § 17,116 § 21, 
 118 § 275 
 
 ού βούλομαι λύγ ειν, euphemis¬ 
 tic, 157 § 54 
 
 ού προσηκον μίασμα, 1 gratui¬ 
 tous,’ 7 § 3 
 
 ούκ, el μέν.,.εΐ δέ, 93 § 8 
 ούκ ίσον έστί (λέ-γειν τε και 
 δράν), 21 § 89 
 ούκ οΐδ ’ δστις, 160 § 24 
 ούχ άπ ep (or ωσι rep), construct, 
 of, 8 § 4 
 
 ούχ οΐα βέλτιστα, 82 § 23 
 ούχ δπως, ‘ I do not say that,’ 
 ...193 §25 
 
 ούδέν, conjecturally supplied, 
 77 § 99 
 
 ofrros, said of a person not 
 present, but represented, 65 
 § 3, 75 § 92 
 
 ooros and noun without art., 
 when the noun is a predi¬ 
 cate, 23 § 93, 47 § 37, 84 
 § 30, 91 § 23; αύτούς...τού¬ 
 των, referring to same per¬ 
 sons (cp. εκείνο s), 185 § 2 
 ούτω, in this off-hand way, 90 
 §19 
 
 δχλφ χρησθαι, 136 § 81 
 
 •παιδεία, η των λό·γων (Isocr.), 
 124 § 294, 162 § 4 
 παίδευσις, mental cultivation 
 generally, 110 § 50 
 παιδίσκη )( θεράπαινα, 197 
 §35 
 
 7 ταίδων, έξελθεΐν εκ, 123 § 289 
 παλαιός, νέος η, 135 § 185 
 7πχ λαίστρα )( *γυμνάσιον, 3 § 3 
 πανσέληνος (η), 33 § 38 
 
 πάντα τά κακά )( πάντα κακά, 
 
 73 § 33 
 
 πάντως, ‘ at any rate, ’ 66 § 7 
 παρά, with accus. denoting po¬ 
 sition, less precise than with 
 dat., 40 § 62 
 
 παρά αύτίρ είναι, ‘at home,’ 73 
 §33 
 
 παρά γνώμην τούτων = παρά ταυ- 
 τα ά ηλπιζον, 2 § 3 
 παρά γνώμην with ούκ όλίyιρ, 
 
 29 § 13 
 
 παρά μικρόν ηλθον άποθανεΐν, 
 
 159 § 22 
 
 παρά τινα καθησθαι, 190 § 15 
 παρά τον πόλεμον, in time of 
 war, 106 § 24 
 
 παρά τούτον, owing to him, 
 149 § 52 
 παραγραφή, 277 
 παρακαταβάλλειν, leg. term, 
 182 § 13, 182 § 15 
 παραλο^ίξεσθαι, to cheat, 120 
 §281 
 
 πάραλος, η, 175 § 42 
 παραμελεΐν, 145 § 60 
 παρανομία, 10 § 8 
 παρασκευαϊ λό·γων, 186 § 5 
 παρασκευά'ςειν, of intrigue, 79 
 § 12, 84 § 28, 90 § 18, 182 
 § 14, 185 § 3, 197 § 37 
 παρασκενασθείς, 1 suborned,’ 193 
 §25 
 
 παραφθέ^εσθαι, to say casual¬ 
 ly, 193 § 23 
 παραχρημα, 23 § 92 
 παρέχειν )( 7 rapayeiv, 82 § 23, 
 99 §9 
 
 7 ταρίσταταί τινι, it occurs to 
 one, 84 § 28 
 
 παροικείν ’ Ασίαν, 128 § 162 
 παρόν, acc. absol., 72 § 30 
 παρορμίζειν, 83 § 24 
 Τίεδίον (without art.), the Attic 
 plain, 173 § 22 
 
 ΙΙειραιως, oi έκ, 52 § 2, 74 § 92 
 ποποιημένος, as midd. perf. 
 part., 15 § 21 
 
 27—2 
 
420 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 περιβεβλήσθαι δυναστείαν, 134 
 § 184 
 
 περιοράν άποθανόντας (not -θνή· 
 σκοντας), 38 § 53 
 περιπίπτειν συμφοραΐς, 159 § 21 
 περιποιεΐν ιτόλει αισχύνην , 126 
 § 301 
 
 τπκρότητες, 126 § 300 
 πίστες, rhetorical proofs, 120 
 § 280 
 
 πίστις άπιστοτάτη, 42 § 67 
 πλανώμενος — temere, 114 § 15 
 πλέθρον, as a land-measure, 
 173 § 22 
 
 πλείω καί δικαιότερα, compar. 
 
 of πολλά και δίκαια, 167 § 8 
 πλέον ’έχειν, 120 § 282 
 πλεονεκτικός, in good sense, 
 162 § 3 
 
 πλεονεξία, do., 119 § 275 
 πλημμελεΐν, 124 § 292 
 πλην της Τύχης, ‘leaving For¬ 
 tune aside,’ 27 § 15 
 πλους ^ί^νεται, 16 § 24 
 ποδοκάκκη, 95 § 16 
 ποιεΐν, to compose, 135 § 186; 
 to perform sacred rites, 190 
 §16 
 
 ποιεΐν ειρήνην, ώστε, 79 § 9 
 ποιεΐσθαι, to adopt, 180 § 8; 
 (pass.) to be adopted, 167 
 § 7 
 
 ποιεΐσθαι διά τίνος, to place in 
 one’s control, 197 § 37 
 ποιητής Xoyuv, an orator, 115 
 
 §15 
 
 ποιητικόν πρδτγμα, 114 § 12 
 πολεΐσθαι, 96 § 19 
 Πολέμαρχος, jurisdiction of 
 the, 97 § 2 
 
 πόλις = άκρόπολις, 176 § 44 
 πόλις )( άστυ, 126 § 299 
 πολιτεία, ή, a euphemism for 
 the αναρχία, 66 § 5 
 πολίτης, as said by Lysias of 
 himself, 50 § 3 
 
 πολιτικοί Xoyoi of Isocrates, 
 112 § 9, 116 § 20 
 
 πολλφ with πάλαι, 170 § 15 
 πολύ λίαν = λίαν πολύ, 109 § 49 
 πράyμaτa, law-suits, 25 § 12 
 πpayμaτεΐaι, legal issues, 117 
 §270 
 
 πράττειν υπέρ τίνος, to be his 
 confederate, 183 § 16 
 πρέμνα, τά, an olive-stump, 
 90 § 19 
 
 πρέσβεις, 48 § 41 
 πρεσβεύειν, to be a plenipoten¬ 
 tiary, 48 § 41 
 
 πρεσβεύειν ειρήνην, 132 § 177 
 πρεσβύτης, a plenipotentiary, 
 48 § 41 
 
 πριάμενος, aor. part., 47 § 37, 
 168 § 11 
 
 πpoάyειv, in bad sense, 131 
 § 174, 146 § 121 
 προαπεΐπον, 130 § 170 
 προεδρίαι, 176 § 47 
 προεξαμαρτάνειν, 129 § 165 
 προεξευρίσκειν, 129 § 167 
 προεστώτες, οί, του πλήθους, 
 162 § 3 
 
 πρόθεσις, of the dead, 192 
 §§ 21 f. (notes) 
 προθεσμία, 90 § 17 
 προίεσθαι, to give up, with in- 
 fin. added, 82 § 23 
 προΐστασθαι τής ηλικίας, 123 
 § 290 
 
 προκαλεΐσθαι, to invite (to a 
 conference), 139 § 91 
 προκρίνειν for κρίνειν, with πρω· 
 τεύειν, 127 § 302 
 προπέτεια, 139 § 90 
 προπετώς, 149 § 52 
 πρόρρησις, 10 § 10, 21 § 88 
 πρός, ού προς υμών έστίν, 144 
 § 58 
 
 πpoσάyειv πρός τι, to compare 
 with, 196 § 33 
 
 πρoσάyεσθaι, to conciliate, 106 
 § 22 ^ 
 
 πpoσypάφειv, to add a new 
 article to a treaty, 48 § 40 
 προσήκει, construct, of, 187 § 6 
 
INDEX I. 
 
 GREEK. 
 
 421 
 
 προσκαΧεΐσθαι (leg.), to sum¬ 
 mon, 97 § 2 
 
 πρόσοδον άποΎράφεσθαι , 341 
 προσομοΧο^εΐν, 110 § 50 
 προσπεριβάΧΧεσθαι τείχη, 109 
 
 §47 
 
 προσποιεΐσθαι, with infin. un¬ 
 derstood, 84 § 28 
 προστάγματα, imposts, 148 
 §129 
 
 7 τροστετα^μόνον, acc. abs., 4 
 
 § 7 
 
 προστιμάν, to award an extra 
 penalty, 95 § 16 
 προστρόπαιοι, 7 § 4 
 προτέραν, την, sc. άι roXoyiav, 
 12 § 13 
 
 πρόφασή, 15 § 21 
 προχειρίξεσθαι, to elect, 146 
 §122 
 
 προωμοσία, 12 § 12 
 πρύτανεις, σίτησις εν, 35 § 45 
 (note), 176 § 47 
 πρωτεύειν, 36 § 50, 127 § 302 
 πρώτης, της, τετα·γμένος (sc. 
 
 τάξεως), 60 § 15 
 πρώτον — εΐτα — έπειτα — έτι, 36 
 §50 
 
 πρώτος, 6, τών σν^ενών, the 
 nearest, 196 § 33 
 πυρκαια, 91 § 24 
 πω, μηδέν πω πΧέον, no posi¬ 
 tive gain, 56 § 3 
 
 ραδίως ύπισχνεΐσΟαι, ‘rashly,’ 
 115 § 16 
 
 - ραθυμειν , 110 § 1 
 ρητορεία, 116 § 21 
 ρήτορες, in Ecclesia, 148 § 129 
 ρίπτειν )( άποβάΧΧειν, 93 § 9 · 
 
 σανίδων, 57 § 6 
 σαφεστέρως and σαφέστερον, 
 3§5 
 
 σηκός, 269, 81 § 19 
 
 σημεΐον )( τεκμήριον, 18 § 81 
 σημεΐον, τό, καθαιρεΐν, when the 
 
 Senate met, etc., 32 § 36 
 
 σίδηρους, fig. sense of, 97 § 20 
 σκιραφεΐον, 122 § 287, 155 § 48 
 σοφισταί, oi παΧαωί, 121 § 285 
 σοφιστής, 292, 111 §§ 5 f. 
 στάσιμον (apyvpiov), standing 
 out at interest, 96 § 18 
 στάσις, party-strife, 167 § 7 
 στέρεσθαι )( στερεΐσθαι, 159 
 §23 
 
 στεφανίτης ayiiv, 127 § 301 
 στήΧαι, recording treaties, 
 etc., 46 § 34, 132 § 176, 133 
 §180 
 
 στοαί, laws posted in, 153 § 41 
 στρατιάς, επί, ‘on service,’ 30 
 §14 
 
 συyyέvειa )( άyχιστείa, 183 
 §17 
 
 συyκaτaXaμβάvειv, 158 § 19 
 σνκοφάνται, 66 § 5, 123 § 288 
 συκοφαντίαι, 148 § 130 
 συXXέyειv φυΧήν, 26 § 13 
 συμβάΧΧειν, to confer, 162 § 2 
 συμβεβηκός, the ‘ accident ’ (of 
 genius), 124 § 291 
 σνμβοΧαια, debts, 76 § 98 
 συμβόΧαια ΐδια, law-suits, 119 
 § 276 
 
 συμμεταχειρίξεσθαι, of dressing 
 the dead, 192 § 22 
 σνμμορίαι, 148 § 128 
 σνμπαρακεΧεύεσθαι, to stimu¬ 
 late, 117 § 22 
 συμποιεΐν (ιερά), 193 § 25 
 συμπράσσειν τινί, of intrigue, 
 180 § 9 
 
 συμφέρειν, help to bear, 6 § 1 
 συν ίματίοις, ‘including,’ 187 
 § 8 
 
 συναριθμεΐν (ψήφους), 171 § 18 
 συνασκεΐν τι, to help the prac¬ 
 tice of..., 117 § 22 
 
 συνδιατρίβειν, 162 § 2 
 
 σύνδικοι, οί, 58 § 7 
 συνέδρια, public conferences, 
 105 § 19, 152 § 37 
 συνειδέναι τινί, to be his ac¬ 
 complice, 81 § 18 
 
422 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 σννεϊναι )( χρήσθαι, 36 § 49 
 συνεισβαίνειν, 19 § 82 
 σννεκκομίξειν, 158 § 20 
 συνεπιτιθέναι , of sacrifice, 190 
 § 16 
 
 συνήδεσθαι — σννεθέλειν, in false 
 symmetry, 4 § 8 
 συνθάπτειν, to be present at a 
 funeral, 193 § 25 
 συνιστάναι, to introduce, 192 
 
 §553 
 
 συνοικήσαι , to marry, 195 
 § 31 
 
 συνοράν , to see comprehen¬ 
 sively, 104 § 17, 145 § 63, 
 148 § 129 
 
 συντείνειν πρδς τι , 119 § 277 
 σφαγίων άπτεσθαι , 11 § 12 
 σφέτερος with αύτου, 158 § 20 
 σφδδρα λέγειν τι, to insist upon 
 it, 27 § 15 
 
 σφδδρα joined with πολύ, 118 
 § 272 
 
 σχεδδν τι, 198 § 40 
 σχέτλιος, ‘heartless,’ 143 § 103; 
 
 ‘ intolerable,’ 150 § 56 
 σώμα, one’s civic status, 100 
 §12 
 
 ταξίαρχοι, 78 § 7 
 ταΰτα (not τούτο) ποιειν, ‘ to 
 do so,’ 67 § 8 
 ταφήν, τα els την, 192 § 23 
 re, irregularly placed, 1 § 1, 
 187 § 7. 
 
 τεκμήρια in Ehetoric, 120 § 
 280;) ( σημεία, 18 § 81;) ( μαρ- 
 τυρίαι, 187 § 6 
 
 τέλος ’έχειν, to achieve a result, 
 21 § 89 
 
 τερατολογίαι, 121 § 285 
 τεταγμένη τέχνη , 113 § 12 
 τετιμωρημένος, midd. pf. part., 
 
 4 § 8 
 
 τέχναι, treatises on Ehetoric, 
 116 § 19 
 τήθη, 187 § 7 
 τι, conject. for τδ, 18 § 29 
 
 τίθεσθαι, of a legislator, 153 
 
 , §40 
 
 τίθεσθαι ονομα, to establish a 
 term, 94 § 10 
 
 τιμητή δίκη, 171 § 17 (note) 
 τιμωρεΐν, 88 §42; )[τιμωρεΐσθαι, 
 
 7 § 4, 7 § 7 
 
 τιμωρεισθαι (midd.) υπέρ τίνος, 
 
 46 § 36 
 
 τις, understood, 22 § 91 
 τοιγάρτοι, 156 § 52 
 τοίνυν ironical, 44 § 30 
 τοιουτος followed by 6's, 80 § 13, 
 141 § 98; by ώσπερ άν, 126 
 § 298 
 
 τδμια, 21 § 88 
 
 τοσοΰτος followed by φασί γάρ 
 instead of ώστε φάναι, 45 
 § 33, cp. 69 § 19 
 τδτε, meaning of οί τότε δι- 
 κασταί, 13 § 16 
 
 τούτο μέν, not followed by τούτο 
 δέ, 23 § 94 
 
 τρέπεσθαι έπ αρετήν, 66 § 5 
 τριβώνιον, 169 § 11 
 τριηραρχία ) ( other λειτονρ~γίαι, 
 
 176 § 45 
 
 τρδπαιον figuratively used, 133 
 § 180 
 
 Τρωικά, τα, 104 § 181 
 τυραννίς, its characteristics, 
 104 § 16; identified with 
 μοναρχία, 106 § 22 
 τύραννος, 6 (Hipparchus), 176 
 § 46 
 
 τνρδς, δ χλωρός, the cheese- 
 market, 99 § 6 
 Τύχη, destiny, 62 § 10 
 τύχη μία, a single success, 133 
 • §180 
 
 τυχδν, ‘ perchance,’ 130 § 170, 
 140 § 94 
 
 νβρεως γραφή, 199 § 41 
 ύβρις )( ακολασία and έπηρεασ- 
 μδς, 2 § 3 
 
 ύπάγεσθαι, to lure on, 139 § 91 
 ύπαίθριρ, δικάζειν εν, 11 §' 11 
 
423 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 ύπαίτιος, ‘ responsible,’ 9 § 4 
 ύπαρξάντων τούτων, these 
 things having been secured, 
 t 140 § 92, 140 § 95 
 υπάρχει τι, ‘ it is assured,’ 68 
 § !3 
 
 ύπάρχειν εύερ-γεσίαν , 144 § 57 
 ύπέθετο τοΰτο, ‘ he assumed 
 this,’ 33 § 39 
 
 ύπειπεϊν, of a preliminary re¬ 
 servation, 181 § 12 
 ύπειρημένον, of preliminary de¬ 
 finition, 181 § 12 
 ύπέκκειμαι, as perf. pass, of 
 ύπεκτίθημι, 158 § 18 
 υπέρ, ‘ concerning,’ = περί, 114 
 ^ § 12, 126 § 298 
 υπέρ ων, ‘ in the name of these 
 (sufferings),’ 143 § 56 
 νπηρέται, apparitors, 67 § 10 
 υπερορία, ή, foreign soil, 46 
 t §36 
 
 υπήρχε, ‘belonged at first,’ 
 147 § 125 
 
 ϋπο^ράφειν, to sketch, 137 § 85 
 ΰπόθεσις, a theory, 116 § 19; 
 
 a theme, 119 § 276 
 ύπονοεΐν, to have misgivings, 
 
 ^ 46 § 35 
 
 ύποπαρωθεΐν, to set quietly 
 aside, 198 § 38 
 
 ύποπίπτειν, to suggest itself, 
 137 § 85 
 
 ύποφαίνεσθαι, 81 § 19 
 ΰστερίσας των βαρβάρων, 128 
 
 § 164 
 
 ύφηΎεΐσθαι, to trace an out¬ 
 line, 50 § 3 
 
 φανερά, τά, ‘real property,’ 
 197 §35; )( χρέα, 197 § 37 
 φάσκω, to say ‘ yes,’ 67 § 8 
 φελλεύς, stony ground (τά 
 φελλία), 199 § 42 (note) 
 φέρεσθαι μετά του πλήθους, 104 
 § 16 
 
 φεύΎειν, to go iuto exile, 55 
 § 11; to be in exile, 76 § 98 
 
 φεύ'γειν τι, to shirk a point, 
 73 §34 
 
 φήμη καί μνήμη, 135 § 186 
 φήσας, 91 § 22 
 
 φθάνειν, ούκ έφθη και έλήφθη, 
 
 159 § 22 
 
 φθονε'ίν , of righteous jealousy, 
 147 § 124 
 
 φιλανθρωπίαι, 69 § 20 
 φιλολογία, Athenian, 125 § 297 
 φιλόπονος, of Spartans, 150 
 § 56 
 
 φιλόσοφεΐν τι, to study it, 63 
 
 § 10 
 
 φιλοσοφεΐν όπως, with fut. in¬ 
 die., 135 § 186 
 
 φιλοσοφία, of Isocrates, 110 
 § 1, 113 § 11, 116 § 21; 
 joined with σοφία, 117 § 270 
 φιλόσοφος, ‘ studious,’ 162 § 2 
 φιλοτιμία πλούτου, rivalry in 
 wealth, 50 § 2 
 
 φόνου δίκαι, tried έν ύπαίθριρ, 
 
 11 §11 
 
 φορτικως, of ostentation, 157 
 § 53 
 
 φράτορας, είσά^ειν εις, 191 
 
 § 19 
 
 φρατρία, the bride introduced 
 to her husband’s, 191 § 18 
 φρουράί, terms of garrison- 
 duty, 61 § 18 
 
 φυ^αί κατελθοΰσαι = φυ~/άδες 
 κατελθόντες, 146 § 123 
 φύλαρχοι, 57 § 6 
 φύσις, native power, 113 § 10 
 φωνή, ή, of the Attic dialect, 
 125 § 296 
 
 χαλκεία, τά, the festival of 
 Hephaestus, 33 § 40 (note) 
 χαριέντως, ‘pretty well,’ 137 
 §85 
 
 χειμάζειν (έν ράκεσι), to pass 
 the winter in, 157 § 54 
 χορη'γίαι, 156 § 53, 175 § 41 
 χορηγός, duties of, 25 § 11 
 χρέα, debts, 197 § 37 
 
424 
 
 INDEX I. GREEK. 
 
 χρημάτιζαν )( χρηματίζεσθαι, 
 66 § 6 
 
 χρηματισμδς, money-making, 
 147 § 126 
 
 χρησθαι, to be intimate with, 
 36 § 49 
 
 χρησθαι τή φύσα, to indulge 
 it, 152 § 38 
 
 χρησθαι δίκη, νόμιρ, to abide by 
 it, 21 § 87 
 
 χρησθαι, with cogn. acc. ( ούκ 
 εχω δτι χρήσομαι τούτιρ), 159 
 §21 
 
 χρησμδτ, fig., an ‘oracular’ 
 utterance, 130 § 171 
 χρόνος, 6 , one’s lifetime, 154 
 §46 
 
 χρύσεον y ένος ανθρώπων (He¬ 
 siod), 6 § 2 (note) 
 χρυσίδιον, 111 § 4 
 χωρίζεσθαι, of dissolving a 
 marriage, 197 § 36 
 
 ήτήφον φέρειν τινί, to vote for 
 him, 184 § 18 
 ψήφους έξαιρεΐν, 171 § 17 
 ψυχή, ή βουλεύσασα, personi¬ 
 fied, 7 § 7 
 
 ώθεΐν, to repel advances, 193 
 §25 
 
 cjs with participle, 81 § 20 
 ώς with participle and &v, 164 
 §3 
 
 u>s with participle in gen. 
 absol., 185 § 1 
 
 <is = (l) δτιρ τρόπιρ, (2) δτι, 32 
 § 37 
 
 ώς omitted by mss. before 
 a superlative, 14 § 18, 25 
 §12 
 
 ώσπερ, as relative to οΰτω, 150 
 ( §55 
 
 ώσπερ with gen. absol. of aor., 
 pluperf., and pres, parti¬ 
 ciples, = ώσπερ εί with aor., 
 pluporf., and imperf. indie., 
 133 § 178 
 
 ώσπερ αν with ellipse of verb, 
 25 § 11, 39 § 57, 69 § 20 
 ώσπερ τό δίκαιον, 185 § 4 
 ώστε, on condition that, 79 
 
 , § 9 
 
 ώστε and infin. without &v, 
 oblique of optat. with &v, 
 112 § 9 
 
 ώστε ού δύνασθαι, 95 § 15 
 
INDEX II. 
 
 accus. absol. of partic. (άπα- 
 ρ-ημένον, etc.), 4 § 7,172 § 19; 
 and infin. after προσ-ήκει, 18G 
 §6 
 
 acropolis, Athenian, arms de¬ 
 posited in, 76 § 95; the seat 
 of the treasury, 147 § 126 
 adjective, simple, instead of 
 adject, with ών, 10 § 8, 19 
 § 82; or partic., position of 
 (ττ\ν περί ημάς ατιμίαν 'yeye- 
 νημένην), 133 § 179; fern., 
 with subst. understood from 
 verb, 12 § 13, 60 §15; neut. 
 plur., for sing, (πίστα, φαί¬ 
 νεται), 60 § 19 
 
 adverbs, juxtaposition of (κα¬ 
 λώς, ετέρως), 140 § 93; com¬ 
 parative in -ov or -o>s, 128 
 § 163, 151 § 36 
 
 Aegospotami, battle of, 78 § 5; 
 
 alleged treachery at, 74 § 36 
 Aenos, on coast of Thrace, 14 
 §20 
 
 Aeschines, borrows from An- 
 docides, 231 
 
 Agesilaus in Boeotia (394 b.c.), 
 61 § 16; his aims, 138 § 86 
 Alexander = Paris, 135 § 186 
 amnesty at Athens, in 403 b.c., 
 249 
 
 Amorges, revolt of, 43 § 29 
 anacoluthon (I'm αυτοί s η.,.πε- 
 ποιηκότες), 66 § 7; ( ακούω οτι 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 ...γ ενέσθαι), 79 § 9; (πάσχω, 
 δς.,.ήξίου άν), 91 § 23; (δει¬ 
 νόν, εί.,.λαμβάνειν), 95 § 13; 
 (απολυόμενος .. .έσμέν) , 5 § 10; 
 ά (for ταυτα after a paren¬ 
 thesis), 11 § 11; (νυν δε πισ- 
 τεύων...έ^ώ δε), 23 § 93 
 Andocides, style of, 219; 
 speech on his Return, date 
 of, 220; his παράνοια, 28 
 § 10; his vividness, 28 § 10; 
 historical inaccuracies of, 
 44 §§ 30 f., 47 § 38 
 Antalcidas, Peace of, 95 § 130, 
 131 § 175, 132 § 177 
 antecedent, omitted before όσοι, 
 72 § 30 
 
 Antipater, 163 § 1 
 Antiphon, style of, 200; old 
 forms of words in mss. of, 
 23 § 93 
 
 antithesis, false, 20 § 87, 59 
 § 13, 73 § 32; defective, 30 
 §15 
 
 aorist with pluperf. force (εξε- 
 ~/ενετο), 171 § 17; denoting 
 the commencement of a 
 state (ησθένησε, fell ill), 160 
 § 24, 184 § 18; partic. so 
 used (μετασχών, having be¬ 
 come a sharer), 43 § 28, 141 
 § 97; and imperfect indie, 
 in same sentence, 87 § 41; 
 indie., instead of imperfect, 
 
426 
 
 INDEX II. 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 with civ, 73 § 34; infin. )( 
 present infin., 131 § 173; 
 infin., without &v, referring 
 to the future, 50 § 2, 69 § 19, 
 78 § 6, 80 § 15; partic. )( 
 pres. part, after περιοράν, 38 
 § 53, 144 § 56 
 
 Apaturia, the festival of, 191 
 §19 
 
 apodosis, formal, wanting, 39 
 §57 
 
 Archelaus king of Macedon, 29 
 
 §11 
 
 Archidamus III. of Sparta, 149 
 § 52 
 
 archons, the nine, how elected, 
 64 § 13 
 
 Areiopagus, court of, the E- 
 phialtes, 13 § 15, 299; its 
 forms of procedure, 94 
 § 11; membership of, 151 
 § 37 
 
 Arginusae, battle at (406 b.c.), 
 74 § 36 
 
 Argos, population of, in 403 
 b.c. , 54 § 7 
 
 Aristogeiton and Harmodius, 
 176 § 47 
 
 Aristotle, inexact citations by, 
 
 77 § 100, 135 § 186; and 
 Isocrates on Forensic Ehe- 
 toric, 116 § 19 
 
 arrest, summary, by the 
 Eleven, 10 § 9 
 
 Artaxerxes II., and III,, 142 
 §99 
 
 article with generic word (ή ει¬ 
 ρήνη, peace), 18 § 81, 76 § 97, 
 
 78 § 5, 106 § 24, 119 § 278, 
 130 § 172; omitted with 
 τείχος, άστν, πεδίον, πρύτα¬ 
 νεων (of Athens), 169 § 11, 
 173 § 22, 176 § 47; omitted 
 with oftros when the noun is 
 part of the predicate (τιμω¬ 
 ρία ήκει αϋτη), 23 § 93, 46 
 § 37, 84 § 28, 91 § 23; with 
 relative clause ( τον 6s εφη — 
 
 τον φάντα), 99 § 8; as pro¬ 
 noun with prep. ( τούς μέν... 
 παρά δδ των), 156 § 52; in 
 ώσπερ τδ δίκαιον, 186 § 4; 
 proposed insertion of, 136 
 § 81; and neut. accus. in 
 appos. with verbal notion, 
 55 § 10 
 
 Asia and Europe the two con¬ 
 tinents, 133 § 179 
 asyndeton, at the end of a 
 speech, 77 § 100 
 Athenian character, the, 126 
 §300; citizenship, birth-test 
 of, 191 § 19; proposal to 
 limit (403 b.c. ), 239; policy, 
 stages of, acc. to Isocrates, 
 147 § 126; exiles in 404 b.c., 
 75 §95 
 
 Athens, ‘ the capital of Greece,’ 
 126 § 299; topography of, 
 35 § 45; walls of, rebuilt in 
 479 b.c. , 47 § 38; partly 
 demolished in 404 b.c., 47 
 § 38, 53 § 4, 57 § 4; disasters 
 of, as warnings against oli¬ 
 garchy, 52 § 1; revolutions 
 at, 52 § 1; Lacedaemonian 
 garrison at (404 b.c.), 75 
 § 94; the home of oratory, 
 125 § 295; armies of, most 
 successful under single lead¬ 
 ership, 106 § 24; ships of, 
 how manned, 157 § 54; de¬ 
 mocracy of, Isocrates on the, 
 124 § 293; social life of 
 Periclean, 150 § 56; and 
 Sparta, negotiations be¬ 
 tween, in 405 b.c., 78 § 5; 
 empire of, its duration, 47 
 §38 
 
 Attic dialect, the, 125 § 296 
 Attica, ravaged in Peloponne¬ 
 sian War, 55 § 9 
 augment, double in compound 
 verb, 128 § 165 
 
 ballot for offices at Athens, 64 
 
INDEX II. 
 
 § 13; κλήρος ) ( αΐρεσις, 152 
 § 38, cp. 157 § 55 
 banishment for homicide, 203 
 betrothal, 189 § 14, 194 § 29 
 Bosporus, Tauric, Satyrus king 
 of, 57 § 4 
 
 Brasidas, 149 § 53 
 
 Callibius, 75 § 94 
 Carthage, constitution of, 106 
 §24 
 
 cavalry, allies of oligarchy, 78 
 §7 
 
 Cephalus, father of Lysias, 66 
 §4 
 
 Chaeroneia, battle of, 163 § 1, 
 163 § 2 
 
 Chalceia, festival of Hephae¬ 
 stus, 33 § 40 
 
 Chios, Pedaritus at, 149 § 53 
 choruses at festivals, 25 § 11 
 citizenship, Athenian, birth- 
 test of, 191 § 19; proposal 
 to limit (403 b.c.), 239 
 Cilicia, few Greek settlements 
 in, before Alexander, 109 
 § 49; and Persia, 142 § 102 
 Clearchus, death of, 139 § 91, 
 141 § 97 
 
 Cleophon, the demagogue, 78 
 §7 
 
 climax, form of, 154 § 44 
 Cnidus, battle at, in 412 b.c., 
 175 § 42 
 
 conditional sentence, protasis 
 of, restated after long apo- 
 dosis, 191 § 20; mixed form 
 of (εί ήμφισβήτει...αν προση- 
 kol), 178 § 5; change of con¬ 
 struction in, 141 § 98; 
 clauses, one within another, 
 68 § 14 
 
 construction, changed by in¬ 
 sertion of new verb, 68 § 15, 
 74 § 36 
 
 continents, the two, 133 § 179 
 contrasts, verbal, in Antiphon 
 [γνωρισταί .. ,δικασταί) , 23 §94 
 
 MATTERS. 427 
 
 co-ordination of clauses, where 
 one is properly subordinate 
 to the other ( ού δηπου oi μέν 
 < ίχθιστοι πεποιηκασιν , ... ύμεΐς 
 δέ προκατα^νώσεσθε), 20 § 85, 
 62 § 13, 93 § 8, 150 § 54, 
 151 § 37 
 
 Corinth, fighting at in 394 b.c., 
 60 § 15; parties at in 390 
 b.c., 45 § 32 
 
 Corinthian War, 169 § 11, 176 
 §46 
 
 country-life in old Attica, 156 
 §52 
 
 courts of law, drawing of lots 
 for, 157 § 54; number of 
 jurors in, 86 § 35, 172 § 20; 
 packed by intrigue, 80 § 12 
 Cunaxa, battle of, 139 § 90 
 Cynossema, battle of, 29 § 12 
 Cyprus, Phoenicians in, 109 
 § 47; and Persia, 127 § 161, 
 142 § 102 
 
 Cyrus the Younger, death of, 
 139 § 90 
 
 dative, causal [μαίνεται ry λ? 7 - 
 ξει), 167 § 8, 192 § 20‘; in- 
 strumental (Άπιστοι Ύενόμε- 
 voi Toh άληθέσιν), 8 § 2, 9 § 5; 
 of circumstance, 109 § 48; 
 expressing the motive (ού τφ 
 φεύγειν Άν.. .λ£γ ω ), 10 § 8; 
 after άντιδικεΐν, 184 § 19 
 dead, offerings to the, 198 § 39 
 debtor, insolvent, enslaved, 76 
 §98 
 
 decarchies, set up by Lysan- 
 der, 78 § 5 
 
 Delian Confederacy, the, 47 
 §38 
 
 demagogues, accused of en¬ 
 riching themselves, 147 § 
 125 
 
 demes, circuit of made by 
 judges, 98 § 3 
 
 demesmen, the ties between, 
 60 § 14 
 
MATTERS. 
 
 428 INDEX II. 
 
 democracy and oligarchy, 52 
 §§ 1, 2; monarchy, 106 § 22 
 dicasts, lots cast by, 157 § 54 
 dice-playing, 122 § 287, 59 § 11 
 Dionysia, the Rural, 190 § 15 
 Dionysius I. of Syracuse, 106 
 §23,130 §169,136 §81; em¬ 
 bassy from to Olympia, 237 
 Dionysus, theatre of, 33 § 38; 
 
 temple of, 175 § 41 
 domiciliary search, 66 § 7; 72 
 §31 
 
 doors of a house (αίίλειο s, etc.), 
 68 § 15 
 
 dowry of a bride, 59 § 10, 70 
 
 §21 
 
 dress, decorum in, 62 § 19 
 
 earnest-money, 192 § 23 
 Egypt, revolts of from Persia, 
 127 § 161; invaded by Per¬ 
 sian army, 191 § 18 
 Eileithyia, temple of, 174 § 39 
 Eleven, the, preside at trial of 
 κακούργοι, 208, 13 § 17; 
 their a Wuvai, 96 § 16 
 Eleusis, battles at, 175 § 42 
 emendations, 15 § 21, 90 § 20, 
 94 § 11, 184 §18 
 enmity, as evidence of ac¬ 
 cuser’s good faith, 65 § 2, 
 cp. 153 § 42 
 
 Enneacrunos, the fountain, 
 122 §287 
 
 Ephialtes, reforms of, 156 § 50 
 ‘Eristics,’ 110 § 1, 116 § 20, 
 162 § 3 
 
 Euboea, έπΐ'γαμία given to by 
 Athens, 53 § 3 
 exiles, political, 141 § 96 
 
 family festivals and sacrifices, 
 190 § 16; gods of the, ib. 
 final clause combined with 
 apodosis (ΐνα...άν επιστεύβτο) 
 179 § 6; with construction 
 of an object-clause, 34 § 43 
 finite verb,parenthetical clause 
 
 with, instead of participle, 
 199 § 42 
 
 Fortune personified as human 
 destiny, 63 § 10 
 Four Hundred, Revolution of 
 the, 29 § 11 
 
 fuller’s trade at Athens, 97 § 2 
 funeral ceremonies, 69 § 18, 
 192 § 22 
 
 future indie, in relat. clause 
 after άμιΧΧάσθαι, 109 § 50; 
 indie, with μη after verbs 
 of fearing, 65 § 3; perfect, 
 
 126 § 298; partic. with art., 
 123 § 290 
 
 genitive, objective and sub¬ 
 jective depending on same 
 word (λόγω»' ακοή καί μαρ¬ 
 τύρων), 186 § 6; possessive, 
 combined with objective {η 
 ασφάλεια ημών τής έπαναφο- 
 ροίς), 45 § 33; partitive, after 
 a comparative adj. (ras μα¬ 
 κροτέρας των άνα'γκαίων), 63 
 § 10; of price, 29 § 11; 
 absol. of partic., with ώ$, 
 after accus. (ως ούκ όντας... 
 ουδέ ~γενομένης), 185 § 1; 
 attributive (άλλήλων ταΟτα 
 ϊσασι), 90 § 18; after θαυ¬ 
 μάζω , 52 § 2; with ami, to 
 be on the side of, 148 § 129; 
 after αλιτήριος, 37 § 51 ; after 
 παρά "γνώμην, 2 § 3 
 golden age, the, 6 § 2 
 Greece, condition of in 395 
 b.c., 138 § 87; in 380 b.c., 
 129 § 167, 130 § 172 
 Greek )( barbarian, 124 § 293 
 Gylippus, 150 § 53 
 
 Haliartus, 59 § 13 
 Halieis in Argolis, 175 § 42 
 Harmodius and Aristogeiton, 
 176 § 47 
 
 Hecatomnus, dynast of Caria, 
 
 127 § 162 
 
INDEX II. 
 
 Heliaia, composition of, 157 
 §54 
 
 Hephaesteion, the, 33 § 40 
 Heracles, founder of Olympic 
 festival, 49 § 1 
 Hermae, street of the, 98 § 3 
 heroes, tutelar of Plataea, 144 
 §60 
 
 Hestia Boulaia, 30 § 15, 35 
 §44 
 
 Hipparchus, 176 § 46 
 hired labour, 174 § 39 
 Homeric debates of the gods, 
 110 § 2 
 
 homicide, accidental, Greek 
 view of, 202, 6 § 3; trials 
 for, held in open air, 11 
 § 11; antiquity of Attic 
 laws for, 12 § 14, 13 § 15 ; 
 silence enjoined on the, 70 
 § 24; his presence defiled a 
 temple, 77 § 99 
 horses, the keeping of, 175 
 §43 
 
 house, doors of a Greek, 68 
 §15 
 
 household gods, 190 § 16 
 hunting, 154 § 45 
 
 iambic metre in Greek prose, 
 130 § 170 
 
 Idrieus, prince of Caria, 143 
 § 103 
 
 imperfect = our pluperf., 41 
 § 64; of logical inference 
 (iylyvero), 170 § 13, 176 
 § 44; referring to a previous 
 admission (ήν), 183 § 17; 
 of what is proposed or 
 offered, 16 §§ 23 f., 71 § 27, 
 171 § 17, 172 § 20; of en¬ 
 deavour (άπώλλυε), 34 § 41; 
 of due sequence ( kyvyveadr\v , 
 ‘were born in due course’), 
 187 § 7; with &v , referring 
 to past or present, 17 § 26; 
 of a repeated act, 192 § 20; 
 without &v (εβουλόμην, of 
 
 MATTERS. 429 
 
 what one wishes were true), 
 8 § 1, 20 § 86; {όδεμ ήν Αξιόν), 
 122 § 287; with εί, referring 
 to past time, 86 § 36, 91 
 §20 
 
 imprisonment, a disgrace 
 which estranges friends, 14 
 §18 
 
 indicative of imperf. and plu¬ 
 perf., not usually changed 
 to optat. in orat. obliqua, 
 65 § 2; aor., used when a 
 fact not yet accomplished 
 is assumed as past {οπότε 
 ήβησαν), 145 § 31, 197 § 37 
 
 infinitive active after προΐεμαι 
 (dyeip), 82 § 23; in orat. 
 obliq., following a clause 
 with on, 155 § 47; of present 
 or imperf., 33 § 40; of im¬ 
 perf., 34 § 41; understood 
 with U7r’ εκείνων είθισμόνον, 
 69 § 17; expressing the 
 terms of a treaty (ήν ή 
 ειρήνη κατασκάψαι....), 80 § 14 
 
 inheritance, Attic law of, 177 
 §1 
 
 interpolations, 81 § 19, 89 
 § 48, 84 §§ 31 f., 92 § 7 
 
 Ionia, Persian conquest of, 128 
 § 164; burning of temples 
 in, 134 § 182 
 
 Isaeus, style of, 321; traces of 
 sophistry in, 180 § 10, 189 
 §14 
 
 Isocrates, style of, 281; fo¬ 
 rensic speeches of, 310; 
 relations of to επίδειξή, 287; 
 an historical error in, 144 
 § 57; abstained from public 
 life, 130 § 171 
 
 Italy, conquests of Dionysiusl. 
 in, 130 § 169 
 
 jurors, of an Attic law-court, 
 as representing the Demos, 
 42 § 66; choice of by lot, 
 157 § 54 
 
430 
 
 INDEX II. MATTERS. 
 
 ‘justice cannot be taught,’ 116 
 § 21 
 
 kidnapping, 93 § 10 
 knights, allowance made to 
 by Athenian state, 57 § 6 
 
 Laconia, invaded by Epamei- 
 nondas, 150 § 56 
 lacunae in mss., 19 § 83, 53 § 3, 
 57 § 4, 87 § 40 
 Laurium, mines at, 33 § 38 
 laws cannot provide for all 
 contingencies, 92 § 7; in¬ 
 sufficient to produce good 
 morals, 152 § 39; set up on 
 the walls of porticoes, 153 
 § 41; of Solon, 95 § 15 
 Lenaeum, the, 33 § 38 
 Leuctra, battle of, 150 § 56 
 ‘Liberty,’ the cry raised a- 
 gainst Athens and Sparta, 
 143 § 104 
 
 Limnae at Athens, 197 § 35 
 Lycia and Persia, 127 § 161 
 Lysander and Agesilaus, 138 
 §87 
 
 Lysias, style of, 235; and 
 Xenophon, on Theramenes, 
 79 § 11; his accuracy vin¬ 
 dicated, 81 § 17 
 
 Macedon, the timber-market 
 of Greece, 29 § 11 
 ‘malefactor’ (KaKovpyos), mean¬ 
 ing of at Athens, 208 
 Mantineia, population of in 
 403 b.c., 54 § 7 
 markets, names of (o rvpos, τα 
 Χάχανα, etc.), 99 § 6 
 marriages, dissolved by con¬ 
 sent, 197 § 36; hindered by 
 the Thirty Tyrants, 70 § 21 
 Mausolus and Artemisia, 143 
 § 103 
 
 Melos, 159 § 21 
 mercenary troops (400—350 
 b.c.), 141 § 96 
 
 Messenian wars, 151 § 57 
 metaphors of Antiphon, 202, 
 5 § 10 
 
 Methymna, a town of Lesbos, 
 208, 15 § 21 
 
 metre, accidental, in prose, 
 130 § 170 
 
 middle sense of passive per¬ 
 fect, 4 § 8, 15 § 21 
 monarchy, Greek pleas for, 
 283; examples of for Iso¬ 
 crates, 106 § 23 
 mortgage, 173 § 21 
 motion, suggested by ένταυθο ?, 
 $7rot, 8 § 2 
 
 Munychia, altar at, 83 § 24; 
 
 theatre at, 85 § 32 
 Mytilene, massacre at in 427 
 b.c., 22 § 91 
 
 ‘Mysteries, on the,’ as the 
 title of Andoc. or. I., 223 
 
 negatives, peculiar combina¬ 
 tion of, 193 § 25 
 Nile, passage of at Pelusium, 
 142 § 101 
 
 numbers confused in mss. (λ' 
 for S'), 187 § 7 
 
 oath, a solemn form of, 67 
 § 10; taken in a temple, 33 
 § 40; mode of ratifying, 139 
 § 91; of accuser and wit¬ 
 nesses in φόνου δίκαι, 12 
 § 12 
 
 Odeum of Pericles, 33 § 38 
 oligarchical plots at Athens, 
 in 405 b.c., 74 § 36 
 oligarchies, at Athens, of 411 
 and 404 b.c., 146 § 123 
 oligarchy and democracy) ( 
 monarchy, 103 § 15; and 
 cavalry, 78 § 7 
 olives in Attica, 269 
 Olympia, recitations at, 237 
 Olympic festival, foundation 
 and idea of, 49 § 1 
 Olynthus, territory of, 49 § 42; 
 
INDEX IL 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 431 
 
 allied with Athens, 176 
 §46 
 
 optative of indefinite fre¬ 
 quency, 98 § 3; future, 84 
 § 42, 155 § 47, 159 § 22; 
 oblique of subjunct., with 
 av, 28 § 10 ; indicat., 33 
 § 40; present in oratio 
 obliqua, possible ambiguity 
 of, 65 § 2, 67 § 8 , 78 § 7; 
 aor. with av, where some 
 desire the aor. indie, with 
 av, 73 § 34; alternating 
 with indie, in oratio obliqua 
 (έζήΧεχξα otl είσηγησατο καί 
 ού 7 ενοιτο), 40 § 61 
 oratio obliqua, 33 § 40, 112 
 § 39 
 
 oxymoron (πίστις άπιστοτάτη), 
 152 § 67 
 
 Palladion, court of the, 202 
 Panegyricus, the, time spent 
 on by Isocr., 137 § 84 
 Paralos, the trireme, 175 § 42 
 parenthetical clause with finite 
 verb, instead of partic., 199 
 § 42 
 
 paronomasia (ταχών., .τροφήν),. 
 46 § 36; ( τταρείναί...παρ > 
 
 αύτοΐς είναι), 73 § 33; ( φήμην 
 ...μνήμην), 135 §186; (εύφυ- 
 ets ...δυστυχεί!), 155 § 49; 
 ( χορεύοντας . . . χειμάζοντας), 
 
 157 § 54 
 
 Paros, politics at, 158 § 18 
 Parthenon, the treasury of 
 Athens, 147 § 126; votive 
 offerings in, 175 § 42 
 participle expressing the lead¬ 
 ing idea (χρή δρώντα ζην, we 
 must act if we would live), 
 43 § 29, 45 § 34, 71 § 26; 
 concessive ( δρων , though I 
 act), 17 § 27, 30 § 15, 158 
 § 20; conditional (δρω v, if 
 I act), 41 § 65, 129 § 166; 
 causal (δρων, because I act), 
 
 129 § 166, 135 § 185 ; pro¬ 
 bably lost in mss., 7 § 6 
 participles, series of, the last 
 belonging more closely to 
 the verb ( προκαΧεσάμενος ... 
 καί ύττ ισχνού μένος.. .virayayb- 
 μενος καί δούς.,.συΧΧαβών- 
 άττέκτεινε), 139 § 91 ; asyn¬ 
 deton of two, the latter 
 belonging more closely to 
 the verb ( άττοτραττόμενοι συΧ- 
 Χαβόντες εβασάνιζον), 18 § 29 
 passive perfect in middle sense, 
 4 § 8, 90 § 17, 125 § 297 
 paupers, state-relief for at 
 Athens, 247 
 
 Peace of Nicias, 44 § 31 
 Pedaritus, 149 § 53 
 perfect, marking a complete 
 and lasting result, 46 § 36, 
 93 § 9, 106 § 22, 151 § 36, 
 160 § 23, 170 § 14; and 
 pluperf. in oratio obliqua, 
 164 § 3; partic. of a result 
 which remains)(aor. part., 
 132 § 175, cp. 142 § 100 
 Pericles, his probity, 142 § 
 126 
 
 Persia, state of in 346 b.c., 
 142 § 101; the monarchy 
 of, 106 § 23; the king of, a 
 Zeus on earth, 133 § 179 
 person, 3rd plur., followed by 
 2nd plur. (όσοι διέφυyov.., 
 ήΧθετε), 76 § 97; (κατεφί- 
 σΟαι) prob. to be read, 77 
 §100 
 
 Philinus, speech of Antiphon 
 against, 25 § 12 
 Philip of Macedon and Athens, 
 163 § 1 
 
 Phlya, an Attic deme, 196 
 § 35 
 
 Phoenicia ravaged by Evago- 
 ras, 127 § 161; and Persia, 
 142 § 102 
 
 Phoenicians in Cyprus, 109 
 §47 
 
432 INDEX II. 
 
 Phorbas, a Rhodian hero, 41 
 §62 
 
 Phrynichus, died in 411 b.c., 
 10 § 9 
 
 Plain, the Attic, 173 § 22 
 Plataea, memorials at, 144 
 §58 
 
 Plataeans intermarried with 
 Athenians, 143 § 56 
 Plato, references of Isocr. to, 
 110 § 1, 121 § 285 
 plural of abstract nouns (άλη- 
 θεΐαι), 121 § 283, 198 § 38 ; 
 partic. instead of sing, rela¬ 
 tive clauses ( δύο τρόποι oi 
 καί προτρέποντες καί παύ· 
 οντες, = ών 6 μέν προτρέπει 6 
 δέ παύει), 154 § 46 
 Plutarch on the Hermae affair, 
 33 § 38 (note) 
 
 poetical words in the older 
 prose, 7 § 4, 17 § 27 
 Polemarch, jurisdiction of the, 
 9 7 § 2 
 
 politics, abstention from, how 
 viewed at Athens, 62 § 21 
 positive evolved from negative 
 ( έδει from ούχ οΐόν τε), 161 
 § 27 ; ( ού μόνος εκείνος εΐπεν- 
 ούδέν, άΧΚ ουδέ οϋτος (sc. 
 εΐπεν)), 193 § 25 
 predicate, 76 § 97, 129 § 166 
 present, historic, followed by 
 optat. in dependent clause 
 ( ερωτωσιν δπρ βαδίζοιμεν) 
 67 § 12; historic, with νυν 
 (as it was), 86 § 36; in 
 tentative sense ( πράσσονται , 
 are trying to effect), 9 § 7; 
 infin., representing an im- 
 perf. indie., 74 § 36; after 
 ελπίς, 51 § 7 ; partic. ( with 
 art. = relative and imperf. 
 (τά τότε \εΎ0μενα = ά τότε 
 
 ίΚέγετο), 82 § 21, 139 § 91, 
 150 § 56 
 
 prison, scenes in, 36 § 48, 87 
 §39 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 pronoun, redundant after re¬ 
 lative, 170 § 15 
 pronouns, sequence of ( εκείνος , 
 οΐίτος, after αυτός), 40 § 60, 
 185 § 2 
 
 protasis re-stated after long 
 apodosis, 191 § 20 
 Prytaneion, maintenance at 
 the, 35 § 45, 176 § 47 
 Pythian Apollo, temple of, 175 
 § 41 
 
 question, rhetorical, 170 § 13, 
 194 § 28 
 
 ransoming slaves, 14 § 20; 
 
 prisoners of war, 69 § 20 
 relative, causal use of, 159 
 § 21; (οστις) with fut. 
 
 ind. after αμΐλλασθαι , 109 
 §50 
 
 repetition, by orators, of their 
 own passages, 137 § 84; 
 defended, 140 § 93 
 rhetoric, early writers on, 116 
 §19 
 
 sacrifice, family gatherings at, 
 190 § 16; thwarted by the 
 presence of the guilty, 19 
 §82 
 
 Satyrus, king of Bosporus, 57 
 §4 
 
 self-government, moral, 123 
 § 290 
 
 ... ..-e-house, hearth of the, 
 30 § 15, 35 § 44 
 ships, Athenian, how manned, 
 157 § 54 
 
 Sicily and Dionysius I., 130 
 § 169; Athenian interference 
 in, 44 § 30 
 
 signs of divine favour to voya¬ 
 gers, 18 § 81 
 
 silence kept by and towards 
 homicides, 70 § 24 
 singular subject with plural 
 verb, 5 § 10 
 
INDEX II. 
 
 singular verb with plural sub¬ 
 ject, 67 § 12 
 
 Scamandrius, decree passed in 
 his archonship, 35 § 43 
 slaves, profits from labour of, 
 33 §38 
 
 Socratic sects, references of 
 Isocr. to, 110 § 1, 111 § 4 
 Solon’s laws, 95 § 15 
 ‘sophists,’ how understood by 
 Isocr., 292, 300, 113 § 11; 
 as used by Lysias, 36 § 3 
 Sparta, a group of unwalled 
 villages, 51 § 7 (note); pres¬ 
 tige of in Greece, 149 § 52; 
 the military exercises of, 126 
 § 298; the kings of, 106 
 § 24; and Athens, Thirty 
 Years’ Truce between, 47 
 §38 
 
 Spartolus in Chalcidice, 175 
 §42 
 
 speaking low, a mark of σω¬ 
 φροσύνη, 62 § 19 
 stater, the Cyzicene and the 
 Attic, 67 § 11 
 
 subjunctive, deliberative, 37 
 § 51, 183 § 17 
 
 sureties, the giving of three, 
 13 § 17 (note) 
 
 symmetry, rhetorical form, 
 against the sense ( συνηδο - 
 μενών — συνεθελόντων), 4 § 8 
 Syria ravaged by Evagoras, 
 127 § 161 
 
 Talthybius, his μήνα, 19 § 82 
 (note) 
 
 Ten Thousand, Eetreat of the, 
 139 § 90, 140 § 95 
 Tetralogies of Antiphon, 202; 
 not primarily models of 
 form, 5 § 10 
 Thargelia, the, 25 § 11 
 Thebes, policy of in Persian 
 Wars, 144 § 59 
 
 Theophrastus, Characters of, 
 illustrated, 29 § 11 
 
 J. 
 
 MATTERS. 433 
 
 Theramenes, envoy to Sparta 
 in 404 b.c., 79 § 10 
 Thesmophoria, the, 191 § 18 
 Thessalian horsemanship, 126 
 § 298 
 
 Thirty Years’ Truce, the, 47 
 §38 
 
 Thracians, sell their children 
 as slaves, 14 § 20 
 Thrasybulus (ό Στειριεύς), 60 
 § 15, 75 § 92 
 
 Thucydides and Antiphon, 201 
 timber, export of from Mace¬ 
 donia, 29 § 11 
 
 tombs, offerings at, 145 § 61 
 torture praised as eliciting 
 truth, 188 § 12; of Athenian 
 citizens, forbidden by a ψή¬ 
 φισμα, 34 § 43, 83 § 27 
 transposition required in text, 
 165 § 5,169 § 11 
 tribes, judges appointed by the 
 Attic, 98 § 3 
 
 tribute of Athenian allies, 147 
 § 125 
 
 trierarchy )( ordinary λειτονρ- 
 yiac, 176 § 45 
 
 tripod dedicated by successful 
 choregus, 175 § 41 
 Troezen, 159 § 21 
 ‘tyranny,’ in the Greek sense, 
 104 § 16 (note) 
 
 Tyrants, the Thirty, 52 § 2; 
 spoliations by, 54 § 5; their 
 policy, 57 § 5; supported 
 by Spartan garrison, 75 
 § 94; disarm the citizens, 
 76 § 95 ; forms of a trial 
 before, 86 § 37; executions 
 by order of, 87 § 38, 89 
 § 46 ; overthrow of, 249 
 Tyre taken by Evagoras, 127 
 § 161 
 
 verb, finite, parenthetical 
 clause with, instead of par¬ 
 ticiple, 199 § 42 ; insertion 
 of a new, changing the 
 
 28 
 
434 
 
 INDEX II. 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 construction, 68 § 15, 74 
 §36 
 
 ‘vivid’ construction, the (ei 
 kpet for el Χέζοή, 37 § 53 ; 
 (iy for εϊη), 66 § 7 ; ( iracSev- 
 θωσιν for 7 rcudevdeiev), 152 
 § 40 ; (ττιστεύητβ for πιστεύ- 
 oire), 188 § 10 
 
 voice, a low, as a mark of 
 σωφροσύνη, 66 § 19 
 
 walls of Athens, rebuilt in 
 
 479 b.c., 47 § 38; partly 
 demolished in 404 b.c., 47 
 § 38, 53 § 4, 57 § 4 
 witnesses, test for veracity of, 
 188 § 10 
 
 women, an honour paid by to 
 a bride, 191 § 18 
 
 youth, apology for by a 
 speaker in the Ecclesia, 62 
 §20 
 
 
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