i "'^ r^ 
 
 THE SECRET HISTORY OF 
 
 THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY 
 
 /TS ORIGIN, OBJECTS, &• RAMIFICATIONS. 
 
 JOHN RUTHERFORD. 
 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 C. Kegan Paul & Co., London. 
 
 1877. 
 
V. ^ 
 
 4092B 
 
 T/w rii^Jits of translation and rt'proditction arc reserved. 
 
 O'NEILL LIBRARY 
 BOSTON COLLEGE 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 rAf-.K 
 
 STEPHENS' VISIT TO AMERICA, 1864, .... I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 EVENTS IN 1864, ...... 31 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE ARM FACTORllCS OF THE I. K. 15. AND SOME DOINGS OF 
 
 THE ASSASSINATION COMMITTEE, . . . I ro 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ORGANISERS, ETC., . . . . . . 167 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES OF THE ARRESTS IN '65, . l88 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MOVEMENrS OF SrEI'UKNS AFTER HIS ESCAPE, . . 236 
 
iv Contents. 
 
 vw.v. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 STEPHENS IN NEW YORK, ..... 24I 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EVENTS AI'TER THE DEPOSITION OF S'I'KI'IIENS, . . 268 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE RISING OF THE 5TH OF MARCH, . . . .276 
 
THE FENIAN CONSPIRACY, 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 STEniENS' VISIT TO AMERICA, 1 864. 
 
 Writing of the results of the Chicago Convention of 
 1863, John O'Mahonyhas this passage: — "The promulga- 
 tion of the resolutions gave great offence to James Stephens 
 and his admirers in Ireland, and, upon after consideration, 
 to the partisans of immediate action here. Both conspired 
 and finally effected the overthrow of the system of which 
 the said resolutions were the exponents. James Stephens 
 and the * Men of Action ' triumphed over my principles 
 for a short time, though they split up into two jarring 
 factions soon after. Both of them adopted immediate 
 war, or dissolution, as their banner-cry ; both have 
 since had their full swing in as far as their mutual 
 riv;dry would let tlicni, — one in Ireland, the other in 
 Canada. To-day, having had bitter experience of the 
 folly and impracticability of their several schemes, the 
 followers of the first and the leaders of the second party 
 arc both driven back upon the original principles and plans 
 of Fenian action, as they had been first publicly enunciated 
 by me in the Chicago resolutions, for which neither leaders, 
 nor wise-acres, with all their cunning, have been able ever 
 II. A 
 
2 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 since to substitute one single idea or programme of their 
 own that was not either frantically rash or totally impossible. 
 
 The first convention of the Brotherhood had scarcely 
 adjourned when the * Men of Action,' repenting of their 
 participation therein, set about undoing its work. Steps 
 were taken by them for holding a Fenian fair in Chicago, 
 where their faction was strongest ; and, without con- 
 sulting the Central Council or myself, they despatched 
 the late H. O'C. McCarthy to Ireland, ostensibly for the 
 purpose of purchasing and collecting goods, but really to 
 invite James Stephens to America, in order to aid them in 
 precipitating a fight in Ireland. The latter gentleman 
 arrived here, in M'Carthy's company, in '64, attended the 
 fair in question, and made a long tour through the States, 
 visiting the circles of the organisation. He everywhere 
 proclaimed that the revolutionists in Ireland would either 
 fight or dissolve their organisation within the coming year. 
 'War, or dissolution in '65,* became his watchword. 
 This cry was taken up eagerly by the sanguine and unre- 
 flecting masses of our countrymen ; it was fostered by the 
 knavish antl designing. I believed the proposition imprac- 
 ticable as matters stood, and discouraged it as far as I 
 could without coming to an open rupture with its origi- 
 nator." 
 
 The " Men of Action " — otherwise qualified as the 
 "knavish and designing" — published their own account of 
 the matters alluded to in the foregoing extract, which it is 
 but fair to cite: — "With laudable modesty this person 
 (O'Mahony), though condemning quick work, took to him- 
 self (when, despite of his opposition, good had been ac- 
 
Stephens^ Visit to Aine7'ica, 1864. 3 
 
 compHshcd) credit for everything, or almost everything, 
 done by the patriotic Irishmen of America. He was 
 content to drag along the organisation on the slow coach 
 wheels of ten cents, a week " dues " and such other ineffec- 
 tive means towards the accomplishment of a noble and 
 magnificent object. We of the West looked upon a plod- 
 ding, aimless, half inanimate organisation as worse than 
 none, and determined, so far as we were concerned, the 
 I'YMiian Hrotliorhood should be a living fact. Ikit this did 
 not seem to be the idea at " head quarters." Mr O'Mahony, 
 whose claims to respect and consideration are based upon 
 his connection with the unfortunate ^^^j-^r^? of 1848, deemed 
 himself, if others did not, infallible. To sustain his pre- 
 tensions to superior sagacity, the "Head Centre" was in 
 the habit of referring to his deeds in that affair. The 
 summary of these deeds may be briefly told. Like many 
 others actuated by the impulse of the moment, O'Mahony 
 entered upon the struggle unprepared. He headed a 
 miniature "rising," accomplished nothing, fled to France, 
 and finally came to this country, where, through chance, or 
 prestige, or both combined, he became the apparent leader 
 and propagandist of the Fenian movement. 
 
 His capacity not having been tested, Mr O'Mahony 
 answered well enough in the infancy of the Brotherhood ; 
 but, as it approached maturity, it became evident to all dis- 
 interested observers that he was not equal to his position. 
 He was principally brought into notoriety by being assailed 
 as the leader of the F. B., which was at the outset, and long 
 after, bitterly attacked from many quarters, principally 
 by some of the Catholic prelates. His name began 
 
4 The Fenian Co7ispiracy, 
 
 to grow popular ; people mistook the question, looked to 
 an individual instead of to a principle, and without reflec- 
 tion gave to one man the credit due, for the most part, to 
 the patriotic Irish people. Mr O'Mahony, placed by 
 accident in the van, reflected the light of the organisation, 
 and appeared to be the master spirit of the movement, until 
 the dazzled beholders imagined that a demigod reigned, 
 where, after all, but a very commonplace mortal existed. 
 Any one man placed in the same position might be thus 
 unintentionally and undeservedly elevated to a place far 
 above his merits. 
 
 "An easy, jogtrot kind of policy seemed to be the 
 Head Centre's idea of how Ireland might be freed. He 
 pursued his fair and easy course with a vengeance. 'Blow- 
 ing' seemed to be the order of the hour, and, at St 
 Patrick's Day festivals and celebration, great things were 
 promised by him and others, which caused many to believe 
 that a great power existed, when, in reality, a skeleton 
 organisation held its place. Up to the time of the first 
 Fenian Congress, held in this city (Chicago) in November 
 1863, and called, too, against the wishes of John O'Mahony 
 — the F. B. — was neither more nor less than a myth. 
 After that congress the Fenian Brotherhood rapidly grew 
 to power and influence. But it required a proper leader 
 to turn this strength to advantage. Such a leader 
 O'Mahony was not. To outsiders and recruits he ap- 
 peared perfection; old members however — of course, 
 excepting the Head Centre's personal and interested 
 friends — looked upon him quite differently — they saw 
 that he was suspicious, despotic, and vacillating ; that he 
 
Stephens Visit to America, 1864. 5 
 
 looked with distrust upon everything that did not origi- 
 nate with himself; he feared the quick policy of the 
 Western organisation, and treated every advance of its 
 leaders as dictation. 
 
 Conscious that the scattered elements of a grand 
 organisation were in the land, and that by drawing 
 these elements together good work could be done, it 
 was sugru\sted to Mr O'Mahony, by Michael Scanlan 
 and oth( rs, that a convention of Fenian Centres and 
 Delegates should meet in some city of the Union, 
 and devise measures for the further extension of the 
 Brotherhood. For some unexplained reason, Mr O'Ma- 
 hony opposed the plan ; but, finally he was overruled, or 
 at least he was persuaded to call it. The Convention 
 met in this city in November 1863 ; its action is now 
 historical. From it sprang the giant organisation which 
 has, latterly, fixed the attention of half the world. 
 
 Soon the idea of a great Irish National Fair was conceived 
 by us, and we set hopefully to work to make it successful. 
 Mr O'M.'iIiony was written to by us on the subject of the 
 fair ; thr( e letters were despatched without receiving a 
 reply ; finally, Michael Scanlan went to New, York to sec 
 to it ; and, in the course of his efforts, Mr O'Mahony in- 
 formed him that, if to beg a dollar were to save Ireland, 
 he (John O'Mahony) would not humiliate himself by so 
 doing. Nothing daunted we set to work, appointed 
 M'Carthy agent to Ireland, for soliciting goods of national 
 and historical interest for our fair ; and well he accom- 
 plished his mission. 
 
 In the circumstance we are about- to mention lies 
 
6 The Fenian Co7ispiracy. 
 
 the chief reason of O'Mahony's dishke to the men or 
 Chicago. Conceiving that in the presence of the C. IC. 
 of the I. R. in this country we would gain much, we 
 resolved to bring him here that he might stir us up the 
 more speedily. While in this city a dispute arose be- 
 tween him and O'Mahony as to the disposal of the funds 
 raised by means of the National Fair. Stephens being 
 asked by one of our leading men, how much he had re- 
 ceived during the five years between 1858 and 1863 (the 
 interval between his two visits to America), replied that 
 he had got only ^^150 in that time. Whereupon 
 O'Mahony was asked if Chicago alone had not sent on 
 more than that to 'Head Quarters.?' lie said 'Yes.' 
 What, then, has the rest of America been doing } He 
 could not tell ; but admitted the facts — that the expenses 
 of Head Quarters had swallowed up more than had been 
 sent to Ireland in five years.* Is it a wonder then that 
 men were indignant at such conduct as this on the part of 
 the Head Centre } We resolved from this moment that 
 Mr Stephens should be properly supported. From that 
 time Mr O'Mahony has looked with suspicion on the West; 
 he saw that we were no * clansmen,' that our motto was — 
 we worshipped the idea, not the man. 
 
 " It may be well now to take a cursory view of the 
 financial history of the F. B. It is a well-known fact that 
 the main object of establishing the Brotherhood in this 
 country, was to furnish the means to propagate the prin- 
 ciples of the I.R.B. in Ireland, to supply the munitions of 
 
 * Here the deliberate falsehood of Stephens — that he had received 
 but ;^I50 in five years from America — is slurred over. 
 
Stephens^ Visit to America, 1864. 7 
 
 war, and to send as many disciplined men into the field 
 as volunteered their services. The Society was under the 
 exclusive controul of John O'Mahony, from the time of its 
 being introduced into this country up to the time of the 
 Chicago Convention, held in the fall of '6^. The marked 
 ability, and masterly executive power of this * Mighty 
 Chief did not accomplish much in a financial point of 
 view, during the five years of his arbitrary reign. Dis- 
 daining to have any knowledge of the common-place art 
 of book-keeping, and thinking such knowledge beneath a 
 yeoman's son; and priding himself on a total want of 
 business tact, the returns at 6 Centre Street were so 
 meagre that, when the expenses of the II. C. and clerks 
 were taken out, the entire amount of money remitted to 
 Ireland, from '58 to ^G'S, would not arm and ecjuip one 
 hundred men. The men of this city thought the time was 
 come when a more enlarged policy should be adopted, and 
 a plan of action laid down. Letters were written to 
 O'Mahony from this city entreating him to call a general 
 convention of the Brotherhood. As a compliment to 
 Chicago, it being, as Mr O'Mahony stated in one of his 
 letters to Mr Scanlan — the main support of the Society, — 
 orders were issued from head-quarters to the various circles 
 in the country, to meet in convention in this city. The 
 plan of action, as suggested by the leading Fenians of this 
 city, was adopted ; and, as the result of this policy, the 
 ramifications of the Brotherhood soon extended over 
 the entire north-west, and in proportion as the Society 
 increased in numbers, in the same ratio did the finance of 
 the F. B. multiply. 
 
8 TJie Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 " In the spring of '64 we conceived the plan of getting 
 up the Irish National Fair. As Mr O'Mahony's letters 
 prove, which we hold now in our possession, he strongly 
 opposed this means to raise funds for the I. R. B. in Ireland. 
 But when he saw that this enterprise was approved by the 
 C. E. in Ireland, and his patriotic supporters, he reluctantly 
 consented, provided the money realised should pass through 
 his own hands, so that he could dole it out in small sums 
 to the C. E. in Ireland. This trifling with the man at home 
 was strongly condemned by us ; and we, together with our 
 patriotic brothers in America, boldly set to work." 
 
 So far as they go, both the extracts we have given are 
 substantially correct. There is much, however, that they 
 do not give. They show the factions that already were 
 active within the conspiracy. They show O'Mahony and 
 Stephens in antagonism ; and they show that the latter 
 had a large following already in America, as we have re- 
 marked, that O'Mahony had also a following in Ireland 
 and England, — a following which was much larger without 
 the I.R.B. than within it. This was well known to Ste- 
 phens, and he, in his turn, as we have seen, was as actively, 
 and far more astutely employed in working against 
 O'Mahony. O'Mahony had made much way with several 
 of Stephens's most active lieutenants ; but Stephens, more 
 adroit than he, had contrived to gain all the more important 
 Centres of the Western States. 
 
 By 1863 the leading politicians of the United States 
 had seen that Fenianism, in America at least, might be 
 rendered serviceable in other ways than as a means 
 of recruiting their armies. They had resolved to play 
 
Stephens Visit to America^ 1864. 9 
 
 it off against England, and were intriguing to obtain 
 its direction. It suited their purpose, as well as the 
 puri)ose of the C. O. I. R., to depose O'Mahony, or, at 
 least, to reduce him to the condition of a mere puppet, 
 in the hands of a council which should -control hiin* 
 in all things. The Convention of Chicago was mani- 
 pulated by men very much in the service of Stephens, but 
 far more in the service of the United States, though, per- 
 haps, the majority did not know that they were so far and 
 so exclusively serving the politicians of America as was 
 really the fact. Whomsoever they served, however, their 
 labours tended to the same end. 
 
 The extracts just given represent this second transatlantic 
 trip of Stephens as the result of an invitation. That was so, 
 but the invitation was suggested in the first instance by 
 Stephens himself. The model conspirator, as usual, had a 
 double motive in making the voyage, — more correctly, a 
 triple one. I le wanted to draw as much money as possible 
 out of the Fenians of the States, as well as to secure the 
 overthrow of O'Mahony; and he wanted also to provide for 
 the collapse of the conspiracy for the time at least, — on the 
 western shores of the Atlantic as in Great Britain and Ire- 
 land. We have no direct evidence to prove that he had at 
 this time come to an understanding with the authorities in 
 Dublin Castle ; but his conduct points strongly to such an 
 understanding; in fact, so do all the events in Ireland 
 from his return to that country after this visit up to his final 
 departure from the island. 
 
 On the eve of sailing for America, with H. O'C. 
 McCarthy, James Stephens drew up the following docu- 
 
TO The Fenia7i Conspiracy. 
 
 mcnt By it he provided for tlie government of the I. R. B. 
 during his absence — and for something more. The docu- 
 ment, which shows the despotic powers which he arrogated, 
 was the most formidable piece of evidence produced 
 against those named therein. Therein the style in which 
 the commissions of the I. R. B. were usually drawn was 
 not adhered to ; the slang of the conspirators was aban- 
 doned ; everything was clear and precise, although here, 
 if anywhere, one would have thought obscurity indis- 
 pensable. It ran thus : 
 
 " Executive.— I hereby appoint Thomas Clark Liiby, John 
 O'Leary, and Charles J. Kickham, a Committee of Organisation or 
 Executive, with the same supreme control over the home organisa- 
 tion of Ireland, England, and Scotland, I have exercised myself. I 
 further empower them to appoint a Committee of military inspection, 
 and a committee of appeal and judgment, the functions of which will 
 be made known to each member by the Executive. And trusting to 
 the patriotism and ability of the Executive, I fully endorse their action 
 beforehand, and call upon every man in our ranks to support and be 
 guided by them in all that concerns our Brotherhood. 
 
 "(Signed) James Stephens. 
 
 " Dublin, 9/// March 1864." 
 
 This document was very welcome to the three mentioned 
 therein. Next to Stephens himself, they were the most 
 pretentious members of the I. R. \\. In some respects 
 they were more pretentious. He was not an able writer ; 
 they were all able writers. Two of them, O'Leary and 
 Luby, were much his superiors in education and social 
 standing ; and the third, Kickham, was more than his 
 equal in both respects. All three had considered them- 
 selves aggrieved by his arbitrariness. They were jealous, 
 too, of the preference he manifested towards such men as 
 
Step hens Visit to Amei'ica, 1864. 11 
 
 Duffy and Rossa. But here they were entrusted with a 
 power of which, once exercised, they could not well be 
 altoi^ether deprived thereafter. More pleasing still, it was 
 conferred on themselves alone. The vulgar Rossa, and 
 Duffy, the stripling linendraper's apprentice, were not 
 united with them. As Stephens could not but foresee, the 
 document was carefully preserved, and effected its pur- 
 pose most completely. 
 
 "Stephens and M'Carthy," writes O'Mahony to a friend, 
 under the date of March 25th, 1864, "arrived here (at New 
 York) the night before last. They start for Chicago 
 to-night. Your suggestion about the funds of the Fair is 
 all right. I think that Stephens should make a regular 
 requisition for whatever monies he may demand of us, and 
 that the consent of the Central Committee should be given 
 for its allocation to him. Without this, I will not be a 
 consenting party to the granting of any very large sum. I 
 have reason to think that he (Stephens) means to take off 
 the proceeds with him — a thing which would leave us in 
 the same struggling condition in which we have been 
 hitherto. If this be done I shall instantly resign. I wish 
 you would try and come on to Chicago towards the end of 
 the Fair. It is a more important crisis for us than the 
 Convention. The design of his (Stephens's) coming is 
 obviously to usurp the credit of all done here during the 
 last six months. His minions will go round in Ireland and 
 say that, but for his coming, nothing would have been done. 
 
 He will take all the eclat of the increased supplies . 
 
 The requisition of Mr Stephens should specify the work 
 done and to be done. It should be given to me for approval, 
 
12 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 and be by me recommunicated to the Central Council. 
 In your letter to Scanlan confine yourself to it, and insist 
 on having the Constitution carried out to the letter. A 
 man cannot come out here from Ireland to override it. 
 
 " Stephens and I met in the friendliest manner. He 
 accepts our acts of congress. / impressed upon liiui the 
 ruinous effect of allowing any appearance of misunder- 
 standing between us to be manifested in the organisation. 
 He seems fully alive to this ; still I feel he would supersede 
 me, if possible. He wants a money-feeder for the I. R. B. 
 here, not a directing mind ; a drudge to do the work and 
 never think. He makes light, or would make light of our 
 Fenian organisation here — except in so far as it may seem 
 a draw farm for the I. R. B. at home. To its doing so I 
 will no more consent ." 
 
 That O'Mahony was not wrong in his estimate of 
 Stephens is but fair to prove. The proof is contained in 
 a letter penned by Stephens shortly before this American 
 visit. It is a letter which is valuable in other respects : 
 
 " He (O'Mahony) is our standing drag-chain and stum- 
 bling-block. The worst of it is that for some time at least, 
 there is no remedy. Well, then, we are absolutely thrown 
 upon our own- resources at last. The great organizer, 
 statesman, patriot, martyr, sage, seer, or oracle has spoken, 
 and bids us hope no more from him. And he announces 
 this in a tone of levity to make a stoic shiver, actually 
 launches what he deems a wit-shaft at us laughingly — * be 
 wise and build no more castles in the air.' Even for his 
 own sake one would wish to spare him the exposure of 
 such lunatic fatuity. Doubtless he is building time-daring 
 
Stephens^ Visit to America^ 1864. 13 
 
 castles on adamantine rocks. Lunatic fatuity is what that 
 is, surely, for the stron<j foundations of our houses arc 
 liere — and if these foundations should be moved to any 
 purpose, then topples down the edifice he complaisantly 
 claims as his, and too fondly gazing at while his eyes grow 
 dim, and his brain is addled. I am sick, almost to death, 
 of the man and his ways. While saying this, however, 
 and that he has cast us on our own resources, I do not 
 wish it to be understood that we have broken or mean to 
 break with him, still less with the force he directs. This, 
 though worthy of the insane fatuity we wot of, would be 
 quite unworthy of us. What I wish to impress, unmis- 
 takeably impress, on our friends is that, till God knows 
 when, we have nothing to expect from the business 
 yonder. I also wish it to be clearly understood that I 
 attribute this to John's incapability, or, if you wish it, 
 to that policy, that involves on the one hand, the assump- 
 tion that we require but little, that it would be unwise to 
 entrust us with much ; and on the other, that whatever 
 our requirements, he is not bound, could not be expected, 
 to try and furnish them. On this policy he prides him- 
 selfi deeming it, if not God inspired, at least the golden 
 fruit of human wisdom, ripened by magic dews and the 
 stellar influences. To us it has been the barrenest of 
 toadstools, one made loathsome by the dung of Puck. 
 Lord, how sick I am of the man and his ways." 
 
 Here Stephens gives a false account of the result of a 
 demand for money. It was a demand which O'Mahony 
 did not refuse. He merely required to know the uses to 
 which it was to be put, and to receive guarantees that it 
 
14 TJie Fenia7i Co7ispiracy\ 
 
 should be used as stipulated. Stephens, for reasons of his 
 own, never would give either such specification or pledge. 
 
 In another letter to a correspondent, O'Mahony speaks 
 thus of Stephens on the occasion of his visit. " Mr 
 Stephens is never excited, and he can talk and reason 
 as long as he can stand. He must be met by coolness 
 equal to his own. It is possible he may inHuence Scanlan 
 and Sherlock to come into his measures. He may also 
 have a successor for me already in his eye. I feel that 
 the gentleman in question docs not care into what straits 
 he may fix us, if he can only bring a large pull of money 
 with him on his return." 
 
 A third letter, penned by O'Mahony at this period," 
 discusses the character and pretensions of Stephens at 
 greater length — "Why did I give my personal influence to 
 James Stephens, and set him at the head of my followers 
 in Ireland .? * Was he a man of influence himself.'* No ; 
 all his influence was derived from his being the authorised 
 representative of the Irish Revolutionists in America ; 
 outside this, and without being able to point to some 
 known man or known organisation in foreign parts, I do 
 not believe that with all his talents, perseverance, and so 
 forth,. he could have organised one company of Revolu- 
 tionists even in his native city, were it not that he had an 
 Irish American organisation, and certain well-known Irish 
 American leaders at his back. 
 
 " Whatever has been done in Ireland, then, in the 
 way of organisation, owes its origin to the Fenian 
 
 * Elsewhere O'Mahony admits tliat it was Stephens wlio placed him 
 (O'Mahony) at the head of American Fcnianism. 
 
Stephens Visit to A77ierica, 1864. ^5 
 
 Brotherhood here. Nay more, my firm belief is that 
 if the Fenian Brotherhood were to break up, the Irish 
 organisation would go to smash m a short time, not- 
 withstanding its numbers. The hY^iian l^rotherliood is 
 then necessary to IreLand's regeneration. Hence arose 
 the question — am I, John O'Mahony, necessary to the 
 F. V), ? To this, either my judgment or my vanity caused 
 nie to answer — yes ; it would split up into factions here, 
 without me. A large proportion of the men at home, 
 who know only me, would fall off without me. The 
 walk-easy nationalists, any one of whom has more personal 
 weight with the general community than the C. E. 
 (Stephens) would hail my withdrawal as the harbinger 
 of the dissolution of the I. R. B. This is a sad fix to be 
 in with a Central Council that would make me a sign post 
 of a policy that the majority of its members do not under- 
 stand. Ought I to remain in it ? 
 
 "Again the Central Council expects me to approach 
 O'Gorman, Judge Daly, and other prominent and educated 
 Irishmen, with a view of getthig their co-operation. What 
 can I say to these men ? Am I to ask them to allow 
 themselves to be dragged tacitly after the car of the C. E. 
 (Stephens again), whether they know it or not .? What does 
 the Central Council know of the way things are carried on 
 in Ireland.'^ What will it do when it does know — \( it 
 ever does ? Is it not a fact, that no body of intelligent 
 educated men, of any position in society, would allow 
 themselves to be hoodwinked, as the conduct of 
 the C. E. (Stephens once more), for nearly three 
 months seems to promise ? Are O'Gorman, Daly, O'Conor, 
 
1 6 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 &c., likely to submit patiently to a system of this kind ? 
 Could I have the barefaced hardihood to ask them ? In 
 popular esteem and position they are infinitely superior 
 to the C. E. (Stephens still). In education and mental 
 qualities they may claim to be his equals, for all the 
 public knows to the contrary. Will they submit to bow- 
 down blindly to the godhead of some great unknown, 
 whom, however, some of them know very well .-* It would 
 be perfectly ridiculous to ask these men's co-operation 
 while our present status continues. 
 
 "Again, I asked myself, are Kenyon, Martin, Smyth, the 
 O'Donoghue, to be blamed for not joining a man (Stephens 
 again) who would convert them into such blind tools of his 
 will, as he (Stephens) seems to wish to convert the Central 
 Council and the F. B. 1 At least, that such is his wish, his 
 protracted silence respecting its address is strong evidence. 
 The O'Donoghue, as soon as he places himself at the head 
 of the Irish revolutionists, can sweep a third of Ireland 
 after him, in spite of the C. E. Smyth, Martyn, Ken- 
 yon, can influence the patriotic middle class. MacHale 
 can lead the patriotic portion of the priesthood as he will. 
 Are these men, with such great and latent powers around 
 them, ready to spring to action at their call, to place it all 
 at the disposal of a man who will give them no more 
 satisfaction than he seems inclined to give to the 'Head 
 Centre and Central Council of the ¥. B. i^ — a man intro- 
 duced at first to their own partisans by Michael Doheny 
 and John O'Mahony, and backed by an organisation 
 three thousand miles away, of which he claims to be the 
 representative, but whose counsel and suggestions he 
 
Stephens Visit to AmeiHca, 1864. 17 
 
 ignores ? Who is John O'Mahony, and who was Michael 
 Doheny, that the leaders of the Irish people should blindly 
 follow their mysterious nominee ? 
 
 " This is the thing in a nutshell, however it may be 
 Scanlanised and Dunnised when the Council meets. It 
 were easily met, did not the fact stare us in the face that 
 this great organisation, which is our country's only hope, 
 depends on there being no split in the F. B. How to avoid 
 that, and save my honour and conscience, I do not clearly 
 see. Dunn and Scanlan, and perhaps Bannon and Griffin, 
 may think the thing would hold together without me. I 
 have seen enough, even since Congress, to know that it could 
 not under the present system. Not one of these gentlemen 
 can give a reason for the faith that is in them (their belief 
 in Stephens), if they discard my testimony and my in- 
 fluence at home and here. These men (Messrs Dunn, 
 Bannon, Scanlan, and Griffin) are at foolish work in 
 getting me run down through the country. A word from 
 me would blow them sky-high ; but, unfortunately, it 
 would blow the organisation up with them. 
 
 " I have been also asking myself, Is there another body of 
 intelligent men of character and position in society that 
 would submit to be treated as the Central Council has been 
 treated by Stephens since its last session.? How silly 
 it would look to the O'Gormans, &c., had they a glimpse 
 of us behind the scenes ! I mean, we would look silly if 
 we got no satisfaction from beyond the water ; for if we 
 do — but I scarcely hope it — all will be well. Then, if 
 you want these men, will you tell them lies } 'Tis not 
 easy to put a skin upon a lie for some of them. How to 
 
 II. B 
 
1 8 The Fenian Consph^acy. 
 
 remedy this is the rub. By striving to make the F. B. an 
 independent body— what I have striven to make it since I 
 first found out where its weakness kiy, and what it has 
 really been made upon paper at my suggestion, but what 
 the trick-o*-the loops * would fain ignore to practise — in- 
 dependent action once established according to the 
 Chicago resolutions, our charter, and according to our 
 bye-laws, we can then approach any party whatever with 
 clean hands and clean consciences. Will this independ- 
 ence be vindicated by the Council ? Will we, notwith- 
 standing our resolutions and our bye-laws, be still the 
 cat's-paw of a man (Stephens for the fifth time) who has 
 derived his power solely from me ? 
 
 " But I have given you enough of my reveries. This 
 morning's post has just come in, and I must attend to 
 it. Pardon me for troubling you with these incoherent 
 ramblings of my thoughts. There are few I (are to 
 communicate with as freely, or to show how foolish I 
 think myself. The thimble-riggers are striving to make 
 me out a man of no ability and less account. The 
 enemies of the F. B. will have it that I am a madman. 
 Others will have it that I am a knave. If any of these 
 are true, the F. B. is in a pretty fix. Time will tell." 
 
 Stephens was at work immediately on his arrival in the 
 United States, openly, that is, so far as the conspirators 
 were concerned, in promoting the purpose of the con- 
 spiracy ; in secret, in perfecting his intrigues for the over- 
 throw of O'Mahony. In the former character he bore the 
 name of " Captain Daly." How he worked is shown in 
 * ** Trick-o'- the loops." O'Mahony's equivalent for " thimble-Hggers. " 
 
Stephens Visil lo America^ 1864. 19 
 
 the following passages of a letter written at St Louis, May 
 the 3d, 1864: — " Monday night I attended a meeting of the 
 F. B., and a very extraordinary meeting it was. No less 
 a personage than the great originator and founder, under 
 the assumed name of Captain Daly, was present ; and the 
 full quota of members attended. After the minutes were 
 disposed of, the secretary read a letter of credentials from 
 John O'Mahony, stating who our distinguished visitor was, 
 and the nature of his visit. Captain Daly, otherwise 
 Stephens, was then introduced to the meeting, amidst loud 
 and prolonged applause. The Captain is about my height, 
 with a full whisker all round his face, and a head of very 
 fine proportions. His face is handsome, but his eyes 
 looked sore, probably from intense study and many a 
 sleepless night. His voice has a very mild tone, and his 
 accent is somewhat provincial. He speaks with rare 
 fluency and clearness, and his generalisation of facts struck 
 me as being remarkably forcible. I would say he is a man 
 of great nerve, clear comprehension, irrepressible persever- 
 ance, and undoubted honesty. His forehead is very like 
 Shakespeare's. 
 
 " He commenced his speech by saying that six years 
 ago, when the organisation was first started, it was 
 universally proclaimed that the spirit of Irish nation- 
 ality was extinct, and the corpse laid on the dissecting 
 table. Many mourned over the event, — many rejoiced, 
 and many predicted that, after fifty or a hundred years, 
 Ireland might at last get her freedom. She might come 
 to something in the long run, and there was no use mak- 
 ing any noise about her. The great majority of the people 
 
20 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 had sunk into a kind of apathy ; nationahty was sneered 
 at by all, and a striking indifference to their fate seemed 
 manifest in the people. For twelve months before the 
 I. R. B. was started, he (Stephens) had travelled on foot, 
 through Ireland, 3700 miles ; he mingled with all classes 
 of people ; slept in the most wretched of mud cabins at 
 times, and occasionally dined at the tables of the wealthy 
 and influential." 
 
 The writer of the foregoing letter gives rather a flatter- 
 ing description of the C. E. ; but then he was an enthus- 
 iastic admirer. Other people less prejudiced are not quite 
 so favourable. The reporter of The Freeman sketches the 
 C. M thus, as he appeared before the police magistrate in 
 1865: — Stephens looks about forty-five years of age ; he 
 is bald on the top of the head ; has long fair curly hair, 
 and a long fair beard. His height is about five feet seven 
 and a half inches ; he is broad shouldered, stoutly built, 
 and muscular looking. His eyes are small, and are slightly 
 sore, the expression is sharp and observing. Occasionally 
 he indulges in a furtive glance. His general aspect 
 indicates a man of some ability, with much resolution and 
 coolness." TJie Express, of the same date, is a little more 
 diffuse. " Stephens is rather below the ordinary stature, 
 and stout and thickset, evidently possessing great vigour 
 and powers of endurance. He appears about forty-five 
 years of age, with a face that is at once pleasing, if not 
 handsome, and a head indicating intellectual powers of no 
 common order. It is for the greater part bald, the light 
 almost auburn hair remaining thickly curled, and falling 
 behind his ears, which, with his pointed beard, gives him 
 
Stephens Visit to Ameriea, 1864. 2r 
 
 a peculiarly Yankee cast of feature. His eyes are small 
 and restless, either from natural weakness, or the temporary 
 excitement arising from the position in which he found 
 himself placed. While apparently preserving the manner 
 of a person of superior rank, there could still be discerned 
 a determination and resoluteness of character in his face 
 that quite accords with his antecedents." TJie Irish Times 
 of the same period was as terse as The Freeman. ** Stephens 
 is a man, fairhaired, clear complexion, bald on the head, 
 with a large beard and moustaches, and his os frontis 
 altogether betokening a man of good intellect and super- 
 iority of character. His eyes, however, are small and 
 weak, and from the furtive glance he threw about him, he 
 did not at all seem to be in any easy position." 
 
 This furtive glance was habitual to Stephens, as we find 
 from the descri[)tion given of him by General Cluseret. 
 " Little, furtive, blinking eyes, the expression of which 
 continually escaped one," writes the General, "were the 
 dominant features of Stephens's physiognomy, giving him 
 a feline and altogether unsympathetic aspect." Again, 
 Cluseret says, — " He was very clear and very explicit in his 
 statements. He was an organiser to the finger ends, and in 
 this respect he was undoubtedly a man of superior merit ; 
 but he was vain, despotic, and overbearing beyond any 
 man I ever saw." " Stephens was no more an orator than 
 he was a writer ; he was, \{ possible, less of one. But in 
 those vast human oceans, the waves of which have been 
 lashed into tumult by passion, spoken words signify little; 
 what the people want is a spectacle, and the sight of the 
 idol of the day is always the thing that delights them, 
 
22 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 even if the idol be dumb or idiotic. Stephens, however, 
 was far from being either the one or the other." So far 
 Cluserc t. Add to these various descriptions, that tlie I lead 
 Centre for Ireland has a large strong nose and a powerful 
 jaw, and that his eyes are dark blue, that his hands 
 and feet are remarkably small and well shaped, and that 
 his voice is shrill and unmusical, and we shall have his 
 portrait complete. 
 
 As to certain statements in the St Louis letter, we have 
 already proved that the Irish portion of the conspiracy 
 began long previous to '58. Concerning the walk of 3700 
 miles that is said to have preceded it, ourselves were in- 
 clined to accept, and indeed did accept it, when beginning 
 to write this book, as an event that really occurred. Since, 
 however, we have seen reason to doubt it. We have no- 
 where met with any confirmation of the story ; nobody, 
 far as our enquiries have extended, has been able to men- 
 tion to us a single individual who saw Stephens during 
 that year of peregrination. The thing may be true, but 
 Stephens was not a man who cared for truth. Two years 
 later he repeated the statement, in the words here given, at 
 Jones's Wood. It is just as likely as not that the story 
 was invented for the sake of effect. Had it been true, we 
 should have expected to find some variation between the 
 versions. 
 
 Mention is made, in the St Louis letter, of the creden- 
 tials supplied to Stephens by O'Mahony. One of these 
 letters, addressed to Daniel Keane, State Centre, Ottawa, 
 Illinois, runs thus: — "Brothers, I introduce to you, by 
 these presents, a friend and representative of the Irish 
 
Stephens Visit to A^nerica, 1864. 23 
 
 Republic, who comes to us accredited by our fellow- 
 workers in Ireland, and armed with ample authority to act 
 and speak on their behalf to the friends of Irish freedom 
 in the United States of America, Mr Daly's services in 
 the cause of Ireland have been prominent ; his attention, 
 talent, and indomitable perseverance, claim for him a 
 foremost place among Irish patriots. You will listen to 
 his counsel, receive him with the highest honour and 
 respect ; consider him the truest representative of the 
 I lead Centre in all its relations. Ireland can badly spare 
 him at present, even for his short sojourn in America 
 —John O'Mahony, H. C. F. B." 
 
 A copy of the foregoing letter got immediately into the 
 hands of the British Government ; so also did many other 
 documents. O'Mahony staled, in 1865, that he believed 
 his treasurer, Killian, to have been in the pay of T. D. 
 Magee ; and Mr Hefferman, his chief secretary, testified 
 before the investigating committee, in the same year, to 
 one damnatory act on the part of a very prominent member 
 of the Brotherhood. " I once found fault with Mr Rodgers 
 interfering and whispering to my clerk on several occasions 
 during business hours. I suspected that he had an ulterior 
 object in view, — that Mr Rodgers desired to effect some 
 object with which the H. C. was not conversant. Mr 
 Kodgers took up the address book containing the Post 
 Office addresses of all the circles in the United States. I 
 was jealous that anyone should have the address book, be- 
 cause I had, on a former occasion, unsuspectingly per- 
 mitted this book to go out of my hands, and it had been 
 used to the injury of the cause by the enemies of our 
 
24 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 organisation. I also found on one occasion one of tlie 
 clerks copying the address book. He was copying it, he 
 stated, by the authority of J. J. Rodgcrs." We shall have 
 the occasion to give other instances of the ease with which 
 the secrets of the F. B. could be got at by any one who 
 had an interest in getting at them. 
 
 During his stay in America, Stephens visited various 
 military circles in the Northern and Southern armies. 
 To enable him to do this he was supplied with passes 
 by officers in high command. Thus wrote General 
 Vi, F. Mullen of the Southern army — a member of the 
 Brotherhood — to Major-General Rousseau, commanding 
 in Nashville, under date of May nth, 1864: — "I take 
 great pleasure in commending to your kind atten- 
 tion Mr J. Daly, a gentleman connected with the present 
 movement to restore Irish nationality. I have assured 
 Daly, as long ago I assured myself, that your sympathies 
 are with poor old Ireland in her present state of national 
 degradation and oppression. My friend will explain the 
 object of his visit. Presuming on old kindness, I venture 
 to ask for Mr Daly your kind courtesies. Any favours 
 shown to him will be gratefully appreciated by your 
 friend." A similar letter was addressed by Mullen to 
 Major J. P. Duffisy, Centre of the Wolf Tone Circle, and 
 commanding the 35th Indiana Volunteers ; and a third 
 was sent by the same hand, and to the same effect, to 
 Major-General Stanley, commanding the army of the 
 Cumberland. At Memphis Stephens received the follow- 
 ing pass :— " Pass the bearer, Daly, for two days. — George 
 E. Williams, District Marshal. This pass is not trans- 
 
Stephens Visit to America, [864. 25 
 
 fcr.'iblc." Another pass, dated the 19th of May, ran thus : 
 *' Pass the bearer, J. Daly, through our lines to Cairo, by 
 river. By order of Brigadier-General Granger. Good for 
 five days." The last pass was given to enable Stephens 
 to visit Fenian circles in the Southern armies, where, 
 however, his stay was very short, and his presence un- 
 suspected by the chiefs. 
 
 Strange things have been done at various times by 
 modern Governments in accordance with what they ca 1 
 national purposes, but it may be questioned if through 
 the whole course of the nineteenth century, even under 
 the unscrupulous rule of the first Napoleon, there was 
 anything so glaringly perfidious as the conduct of the 
 Government of the Northern States with respect to the 
 I^^cnian conspiracy and the friendly Government of Kng- 
 land. 
 
 How successfully Stephens intrigued against O'Mahony 
 may be gathered from the following letter. It was ad- 
 dressed to the C. O. I. R. by James Gibbons, State Centre 
 for Pennsylvania, the very man to whom O'Mahony penned 
 the confidential letters already cited, one of the very few 
 with whom, as he stated in one of these confidential letters, 
 he cared to " communicate freely." 
 
 " I trust you will be able to get off on Saturday. I sent 
 off a letter to Mr O'Rourke, calling his attention to the 
 articles of the constitution regarding the appointment of 
 the Council. I think there will be satisfactory men in the 
 Centres of New York. The men to be State Centres should 
 be of some standing. Therefore there would be less risk 
 to any cause. There are some State Centres that might 
 
26 The Feiiian Conspiracy. 
 
 be dangerous. We have a Centre in this State that can 
 hardly write his name. In the country places, our poor 
 countrymen are hardly fitted for any but the hardest 
 work ; men having communication with Ireland should be 
 reliable and intelligent. We had a Centre in this State 
 who stopped working when the bishop denounced us. If 
 this man had communication with Ireland, where would 
 be our safety ? With regard to Mr O'Mahony going to 
 Washington, it is too late, and it is bad to have men led 
 by the nose. I respect no man that becomes a rccruiting- 
 serjeant for Abraham Lincoln. The Irish cripples in New 
 York, and all over the world, will do good for Ireland. I 
 am opposed to Kings and Queens except that of England. 
 If I can serve Ireland, that is all I desire. I love my 
 country and all her chidren, and I have no taste to see 
 our strength wasted in a cause not our own. I hope Al- 
 mighty God will send you safe to our people," &c. 
 
 Concerning this visit to America, Stephens himself made 
 a statement, in a speech delivered at Jones's Wood, May 
 the 15th, 1866. That statement we cite. Generally, Ste- 
 phens is little to be trusted. But here, speaking in the 
 face of men well acquainted with facts, he was compelled 
 to be truthful. *^ The Chicago Fair was announced, and 
 shortly after an Irishman, who did good service in the 
 cause of Ireland, was deputed to go from Chicago to Ireland 
 to represent the state of affairs to us. Ostensibly, he went 
 to buy goods for the fair and receive what we contributed ; 
 but in reality he came and represented that nothing could 
 save the organisation from ruin but my presence in America, 
 and the committee in Chicago were anxious I should come 
 
Stephens Visit to America, 1864. 27 
 
 else the organisation would fall to the ground. ... I 
 came to the States. The gentleman alluded to is Mr Henry 
 Clarence McCarthy. I asked him, among other things, if the 
 whole proceeds of the fair would be placed in my hands for 
 service in the cause of Ireland, and on his representations 
 and piomiscs T came a second time to the States. 
 
 " I promised my friends in Ireland, on my arrival in New 
 York, to send them i^ioo, on my arrival in Chicago another 
 ;^ioo, and a week after my arrival in Chicago ^1000. 
 The ;^ioo was sent from New York, according to promise, 
 then another ^100 and ;^iooo from Chicago. For a con- 
 siderable time I could receive no more money. 
 
 " There was a State Convention held in Chicago at that 
 time, and Mr O'Mahony attended it, as well as the Centres 
 of the Western States. Mr O'Mahony, on being called on 
 to say what was the strength of the Fenian Brotherhood at 
 that time in America, stated that he could not claim more 
 than ten thousand in it.* As my object in coming to the 
 States was to collect money and receive arms, in order to 
 bring the movement to a close, as soon as possible, I felt 
 that, with so small a basis, I could not effect my purpose. 
 I felt that in Chicago that night, and I continued to feel 
 it for eight or ten days as I went through the States — 
 through the towns of Illinois — and it was only when I got 
 to St Louis, that I began to see my way, and felt that, if 
 put in proper working order, the organization would realise 
 all my expectations in a short time. 
 
 "And here I may say that we never required much. 
 
 * O'Mahony explained this as exclusive of an equal number in the army of 
 the United States. 
 
2 8 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Those people who told you that I came over for two 
 hundred thousand, or fifty thousand, or twenty thousand 
 men, or half that number, knew very little about me, and 
 still less about Ireland. At that time we would have been 
 perfectly satisfied with a few men. All we then wanted was 
 war material. 
 
 "On my return to New York, I had certain changes 
 to propose which were in my opinion essential to 
 success. First, I deemed it necessary that Mr O'Mahony 
 should have a Deputy Head Centre, an able business 
 man, who could make good certain defects in Mr 
 O'Mahony, for Mr O'Mahony was always opposed to 
 making direct appeals for money, and it was absolutely 
 necessary that these appeals should be made. He was, 
 also, not disposed to go to strange parts of this continent 
 when invitations were not forthcoming. The invitations 
 did not come. Certain other changes I deemed necessary; 
 and these changes effected an extraordinary improve- 
 ment which very soon became visible in the organisation. 
 
 " That which had real effect on the people of this con- 
 tinent was, I believe, the statement I made to them in 1864. 
 That statement was to the effect that the organised force 
 at that time in Ireland was sixty thousand men — ^just six 
 times the force of your legal open organisation in America; 
 and I made the engagement that — if England ivent to ivar 
 t licit year on the DanisJi questiori, zve sJiould take tJie field ; 
 but tJiat^ wJietJicr England zvent to 2var or not, we sJioidd 
 take tJie field in 1 865. IV/iat the people tuanted here, as well 
 as in Ireland, 7vas a fixed time for action, and not to be 
 dragged on as they had been for years, -ioithout knozving 
 
Stephens Visit to America ^ 1864. 29 
 
 ivJicn the time for action would come. To the statement 
 tlicn made, much of the progress since made is to be 
 attributed." 
 
 The Chicago fair realized some 50,000 dollars, at least 
 so it was announced. Of this sum Stephens admitted 
 that he received ^3000. From time to time he wrote to 
 his lieutenants in Ireland, to the effect that all differences 
 between himself and O'Mahony were nearly at an end ; 
 this was merely to deceive them. Had the American 
 Head Centre been a shrewd man, he could not but have 
 foreseen the issue of the conspiracy. During this visit, 
 Stephens actually told him — what he afterwards repeated 
 in writing — that he intended to have himself arrested by 
 the Irish police, if it were only to show how easily he 
 could get out of prison. He meant it to be understood, 
 that so many of the Irish prison officials were members of 
 the I. R. IV, that not one of the gaols in the island would 
 continue to seclude such a prisoner as himself beyond a 
 very few days. 
 
 During this visit to America, Stephens formed two ac- 
 quaintances who afterwards attained much note. Against 
 both he was strongly warned ; but, in spite of all warnings, 
 he would persist in taking them into his confidence. 
 These men were — John Joseph Corydon and Godfrey 
 Massey. At the same time he renewed his acquaintance 
 with another celebrity who was then a refugee, Pierce 
 Nagle. These three were the leading informers of after 
 days. Corydon, for a time, displayed great trustworthi- 
 ness as a messenger between Ireland and the States. 
 Massey was a man whose origin has been designedly 
 
30 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 wrapped in an obscurity which we hardly care to penetrate. 
 He may have been, as he stated at one of the trials — a 
 private in the Land Transport Train during the Crimean 
 war. That he had been in the English service during 
 that war is certain. He fought in America in the war of 
 secession, proving himself a good and an able soldier. 
 Indeed, as a military chief, there were few of the Irish 
 Americans so highly reputed as Massey. 
 
CIIArTER II. 
 
 EVENTS IN 1864. 
 
 During the absence of Stephens in America, matters 
 went on in Ireland much as usual in many respects. 
 O'Donovan Rossa continued to obstruct all meetings held 
 by Irish nationalists who did not belong to the Brother- 
 hood. This led to a good deal of rioting within and 
 without the places of meeting. Often the platforms 
 were cleared and the meetings dissolved ; and as often 
 the redoubtable Rossa and his band wcfe expelled after 
 stubborn fighting. Tht Irish People continued its in- 
 flammatory style of writing with nuich effect. And the 
 I. R. B. became singularly daringv Little or no attempt 
 at concealment was made by them during drill. More 
 than once large bands of them assailed and swept over 
 passengers who refused to make way for them, when 
 marching in military order and in broad day-light. This 
 daring conduct had its effect on the more hot-headed. A 
 good many concluded that the I. R. B. would never 
 venture to act thus without very good reason ; that it 
 was insolent indeed, because conscious that it was over- 
 whelmingly powerful ; hundreds and thousands, therefore, 
 hastened to join it, on the principle of adhering to the 
 stronger side. 
 
32 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Early in the year, the O'Leary, known as the " Pagan/* 
 was arrested in Mullingar. His first trial was resultless, 
 owing to the disagreement of the jury. He was again 
 brought to trial in July; and while the trial was in 
 progress, a blatant orator of the Ih-othcrhood, speaking 
 in America, actually proclaimed the real name of the 
 prisoner who had been arraigned as "John Murphy." 
 No apparent notice was taken of the folly by the British 
 government. The Pagan was tried as "John Murphy," 
 and the jury agreeing this time to find him guilty, he was 
 sentenced to seven years transportation. This was a 
 heavy blow to the Brotherhood in Ireland, for with all his 
 faults and eccentricities, Pagan O'Leary was about the 
 best man that could be found for seducing the soldiery. 
 His successor, Roantree — a gentleman of very similar 
 spirit — one who delighted to have himself photographed 
 in "rowdy" costume, with a bowie knife in one hand, and 
 a revolver in the other — lamented the Pagan's fate in this 
 elegant strain. " Well, the high-minded, spirited, Milesian 
 Pagan is riffed at last in a rigg that should be made for a 
 cowardly, sneaking, slavish, beggarly, convict, Papist cur- 
 dog. I look upon the brave Pagans as lions and tigers ; 
 and I look upon the Papists as mere cur-dogs." Roantree 
 was a fair specimen of the Yankee Irish adventurers, who 
 ultimately took such large share in the doings of the 
 I. R. B. 
 
 Stephens reached Cork in August 1864. That part of 
 Ireland was then in fierce excitement. Various collisions 
 had occurred between ultra-Catholics and ultra-Protes- 
 tants, in which life had been lost on both sides ; and there 
 
Events in 1864. 33 
 
 was a wldc-sprcad feeling of alarm that these riots were 
 but the prelude to an insurrection on the part of the 
 ultra-Catholics. The affrays, indeed, were known already 
 as the " Fenian Riots." The apprehension was not with- 
 out good grounds. There is reason to believe that these 
 riots were promoted by members of the acting Executive 
 of the I. R. B., notably by Rossa. There was no doubt 
 that the Celtic bands were headed by the leading mem- 
 bers of the I. R. B. in Cork and its neighbourhood. 
 Those riots wore proofs of the impatience with which the 
 mass of the 1. R. J), saw action deferred. They were doing 
 their best in this way to precipitate the crisis they desired. 
 It is probable that, had Stephens delayed a fortnight 
 longer in America, a rebellion, powerful in numbers at 
 least, would have burst forth. As it was — he experi- 
 enced the greatest difficulty in restraining his followers. 
 It was only by hastening on to Dublin, assuming there 
 his old despotic sway, and taking a number of strong 
 measures that he succeeded. The whole thing displeased 
 him much ; but there was another thing that displeased 
 him more — there was not a single penny in the Irish 
 treasury. The money he had sent from America, and 
 the sums collected at home during his absence, had dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 There were dissensions, too, between the members of 
 the executive. Luby was in London, lodging somewhere 
 near Red Lion Square, under the name of Thomas Clark. 
 For the time he had ceased to write for The Irish People, 
 a circumstance which, and most unfortunately for that per- 
 son himself, caused the engagement of O'Keefe. The 
 
 II. C 
 
34 T^he Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 latter, as already stated, was not a member of the Brother- 
 hood, though none of them wrote so ferociously as he. So 
 fierce, indeed, were his papers, that iQ.\M of them could be 
 inserted without a good deal of " cutting down," and many 
 were far too atrocious to be published at all. 
 
 Still Stephens pushed the extension of the organisation 
 
 with all his old energy — visiting all parts of the country, 
 
 and being attended on at every turn by a government agent. 
 
 A specimen of the way in Avhich this was done, Detective 
 
 SmoUen gave as a part of his evidence in the trials at 
 
 Cork, towards the end of December '65. " We had a 
 
 watch on him (Stephens) from the 23d of August 1864. 
 
 That was when he returned from America. We reported 
 
 every second day about his movements. We watched 
 
 The Irish People office and reported them. We also 
 
 watched and reported the drilling. Was doing so from the 
 
 23d of August 1864. On the 13th of March last I followed 
 
 Stephens from Dublin to Cork. I traced him to Myrtle 
 
 Hill Terrace. I pointed him out to Constable Maher 
 
 (of the Cork police). I knew him to be James Stephens." 
 
 Mr Smollen was not alone during this trip, lie had 
 
 an able coadjutor in Detective Launcelot Dawson. The 
 
 latter, alluding to the same event, gave the following 
 
 evidence : — " Remember having traced Stephens from 
 
 Dublin to Cork. He lived on the Rathmines Road 
 
 and left that on the morning of the 29th of March, at 
 
 eight o'clock, in company with his wife. Got into a cab 
 
 and went to the railway." Here Dawson made some 
 
 discovery which induced him to apply again for the 
 
 assistance of Smollen, who had by this time returned to 
 
Events in 1864. .35 
 
 the metropolis. Smollcn accordingly returned to Cork on 
 the 30th of March, expressly to watch Stephens. 
 
 The Cork coadjutor of the Dublin pair gave the following 
 evidence : — " Remembers going to a place called Myrtle 
 Terrace in the month of April last, to the house of Mrs 
 Thompson. James Stephens, the head centre, was 
 pointed out to me by Acting Inspector Smollen, standing 
 in Mrs Thompson's window. Saw the same man there 
 several times. . Afterwards identified Stephens in Rich- 
 mond prison as the same person. Saw a number of persons, 
 like country farmers and Americans, going to the house. 
 Saw Stephens at Mrs Thompson's from the 31st of March 
 to the 4th of April. I saw him three times ; I saw him 
 twice in the drawing-room without his hat, and I saw 
 him returning in a car from town. During the time he 
 stayed in Cork, I was watching him and watching the 
 house." Dawson added — " Made Stephens' acquaintance 
 on the 23d of August 1864. Paid him more attention 
 than another did. It was my special duty to watch him." 
 
 Thus, wherever he went — whether to the west of Ire- 
 land (as with Duffy in the winter of '64), or to London, 
 Liverpool, Glasgow, etc., — he was still under the supervi- 
 sion of the police. He was very well aware of the fact 
 also. Nevertheless, though perfectly acquainted with 
 their futility, he persisted in maintaining more ostenta- 
 tiously than ever in the eyes of his lieutenants, all his 
 elaborate precautions against detection. Never did he 
 use so many disguises, or so many aliases, as between 
 his return from America and his temporary arrest in 
 November '65. 
 
36 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 But In maintaining tlicir cspionaf^c tlic detectives were 
 not always allowed impunity. Smollen himself received a 
 beating while watching Kickham and one or two others 
 at a race-course. These attacks on the police, however, 
 were trifles compared with those that took place after the 
 fmal escape of Stephens. 
 
 Shortly after the return of the C. O. I. R. to Ireland, 
 O'Mahony expressed an intention of following him, which 
 Stephens opposed with success. 
 
 This year Stephens wrote from England as follows : — 
 ** There is an immense and plastic material here. Had I 
 been able to give it proper attention, it might have proved 
 quite as important as the Transatlantic branch. They 
 must work very well as it is to be able to keep ahead of 
 our English House." 
 
 The C. O. I. R. was again in London early in April 
 1865. On this occasion he left directions with Hayes, the 
 London Centre, to give the names of his (Hayes') subor- 
 dinates to nobody but Stephens himself. 
 
 So he continued visiting all quarters, and exceedingly 
 active everywhere. Shunning attention, however, beyond 
 the circle of the conspiracy, and leaving small trace of 
 his footsteps behind him ; above all, never penning ex- 
 planations or narratives of his doings, as was always 
 being done by his American colleagues. But by this time 
 the I. R. B. wanted something more than his activity to 
 prove to them that he meant seriously. Pike-making, 
 therefore, was set on foot vigorously. As to other weapons, 
 it does not appear the Stephens ever made a serious effort 
 to procure them. All this he left to the various district 
 
Events in 1864. 37 
 
 centres, or, if applied to personally, referred his inquirers to 
 such men as Brophy. His principal pike-maker was a 
 young man named Michael Moor, by professsion a black- 
 smith, really a very skilful artificer in iron. He was in all 
 respects, except his connection with the I. \\..\\.^ an estimable 
 person. He had been sent over from America in 1 863 by 
 John O'Mahony. With some assistance he produced some 
 three or four hundred pikes a month. There was a similar 
 armourer cn)ployed at Cork — one who afterwards turned 
 informer. There were others occasionally employed else- 
 where. JUit the results of their united labours were of little 
 value in the way of armament. In fact, the pikes which 
 Stephens was sending away every day in small lots, to all 
 parts of the country, were just devices to blind the I. R. B. 
 He did not arm the I.R.B. ; he never meant to do it after 
 the meeting of the Congress of Chicago ; and in this, 
 perhaps, lies his only apology. He prepared the elements 
 of mischief, and at the same time took full precautions that 
 these elements should remain in a great measure harmless 
 to the rule of England at least. 
 
 In the speech already (juoted Stephens dismisses the 
 remaining events of 1864 in a very few words : — "On my 
 return to Ireland I found the work in a very good state, 
 and the report that I brought back from America set the 
 people at work still harder. But, still, the war did not take 
 place, luigland fought shy, as she has often done since the 
 establishment of our organisation. She did not go to war 
 on the Danish question, and we had then one year more 
 to wait." 
 
 Short as is the foregoing extract, it is of sufficient 
 
38 The FeJiiaii Cojispiracy. 
 
 importance, especially that part of it which we repeat : — 
 *^ England fojigJit sJiy, as sJie has often done shice the 
 establishment of our organisation^ Stephens was perfectly 
 right in thinking that the conspiracy he headed exercised 
 much influence over the conduct of the statesmen, then 
 directing the policy of England. It was not, however, of 
 the kind suggested in his speech. His conspiracy caused 
 little apprehension with regard to its success. But it was 
 exceedingly useful to the economical personages then in 
 power. No better argument for inducing a Cabinet to 
 disregard treaties, and abstain from war in defence of these 
 treaties, could have been desired than the existence of this 
 wide-spread Irish conspiracy. It enabled our ministers to 
 disregard continental complications from one eventful 
 period to another, down to the close of the Franco-German 
 war. It strengthened them in their policy with respect to 
 American affairs, and it provided them with resistless 
 arguments for such bold acts as the disestablishment of 
 the Irish Church. Mr Stephens may have been aware of 
 this ; his more intelligent followers saw it clearly — after 
 the event. He, however, does not allude to it. But there 
 is one thing in the phrase given in italics, which he hardly 
 intended to say. He admits that England was sufficiently 
 well acquainted with his organisation and its extent, to 
 allow it to influence its policy very materially. 
 
 If Stephens was reticent concerning events after the 
 Chicago Fair, John O'Mahony was not so. Thus the 
 latter continues his narrative of the conspiracy : — " Soon 
 after the departure of Stephens for home I sent thither 
 Captain Philip Coyne, of St Louis, a tried and well-known 
 
Events in 1864. 39 
 
 patriot, as my delegate, and postponed the convention, 
 from November till the following January, in order to give 
 him ample time to collect full and correct information as 
 to the state of revolutionary preparedness there, for the 
 use of the Fenian representatives, to whose judgment I 
 proposed to leave the decision of the question at issue.* 
 
 " I should have stated that, previous to the departure 
 of Stephens for home, I had, at his request, appointed II. 
 O'C. McCarthy as Deputy Head Centre. I did this in 
 order to satisfy the * Men of Action ' here, on the one 
 hand, and on the other, to show to Stephens that I meant 
 to act squarely with him, in all things, by my readiness in 
 taking a partisan of his own into my office. I hoped to 
 find McCarthy a means of warding off the mischief that 
 was then impending over the organisation from the con- 
 flicting opinion of the leaders. I felt the less difficulty in 
 appointing him as in conversations he professed to coin- 
 cide in my views, and to deplore the unjust and hasty 
 action which Stephens was pursuing in my regard. 
 
 " Almost immediately after the promulgation of the 
 summons for the General Congress to be held in January 
 1865, the first open attempt at disorganisation was made 
 by Michael Scanlan, of Chicago, who issued, in the name 
 of the Brotherhood, without any authorisation from either 
 tlic Head Centre or the Central Council, a certain printed 
 circular, which he designated ' A Final Call,' demanding 
 of the Circles to make a final effort to collect money and 
 send it to the approaching Congress by their several 
 delegates. A copy of this document having been brought 
 under my notice, I denounced it at once in another 
 
40 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 circular, which I forwarded to all the officers of the Brother- 
 hood without delay. My denunciation had the desired 
 effect in most instances, but I have had reason to believe 
 that large sums of money were realised, notwithstanding, 
 by Scanlan and his accomplices from some of the Western 
 Circles. These sums were never sent to the Central 
 Treasury. They were retained in Chicago, where they were 
 afterwards employed with telling effect, in sowing the 
 seeds of disruption. 
 
 "By the middle of December ('64), Captain Philip 
 Coyne, our envoy, returned from Ireland and reported to 
 me. His representation of the home organisation was far 
 more favourable than I expected ; but yet it did not, in 
 my judgment, justify Stephens in having declared that 
 * he would either fight or dissolve the Ihotherhood, in 
 1865.' 
 
 " Its effect upon me was to confirm me in an intention 
 which I had secretly been resolving for some time. Hav- 
 ing felt that open discord was inevitable between Stephens 
 and myself, convinced that our only chance of success 
 lay in United Counsels, and that any one programme, 
 however desperate, if honestly worked out, was better than 
 two conflicting ones ; I had resolved to resign, and thus 
 allow Stephens and the Men of Action, who were now to 
 bring with them the impatient and unreasonable rank and 
 file in any case, a clear field for their operations. 
 
 "While thus disposed, I received a letter from F. P. 
 Sherlock, of Chicago, wherein having first personally de- 
 nounced Stephens, he proceeded to inform me of the forma- 
 tion of a conspiracy for my overthrow and ruin, which had 
 
Events in 1864. 41 
 
 been devised by him while sojourning in the above named 
 city, in conjunction with my deputy, H. O'C. M'Carthy, 
 Micliacl Scanlan, P. N. Dunne, and others. Having read 
 his letter, I went straight to M'Carthy and showed it to 
 him. I said to him, " I know that the greater part of this 
 letter is true. It is only the first few sentences which re- 
 late to the private life and habits of Stephens that I believe 
 to be false, and even these arc not the invention of Sher- 
 lock, lie but believes what he has been told of him by 
 others. Wherever he states facts of his own knowledge 
 he is strictly truthful.* The Deputy Head Centre could 
 not gainsay me. ' Now,' I continued, ' this man can smash 
 you, Stephens, Scanlan, and the rest of you. If I listen 
 to this friendly warning the Brotherhood will be broken 
 up, for you have not another man amongst you, here or 
 at home, that can meet and repel this attack. I meant to 
 resign at the coming Congress. I will not do it in the face 
 of this dangerous onslaught on our organisation. This 
 man is my friend.' Thus P. T. Sherlock's letter had upon 
 me an effect quite the opposite of what he intended. It 
 consigned me for another year to the tender mercies of the 
 Men of Action." 
 
 I Icre we interrupt O'Mahony's more carefully considered 
 narrative to fill in various blanks from various sources. In a 
 retrospective speech, delivered in January 1866, O'Mahony 
 speaks thus of the year 1864: — " In 1864 the activity and 
 energy of the Fenian Brotherhood were redoubled. The 
 number of circles was increased from about sixty-three to 
 
 * O'Mahony had not long to wait ere being fully convinced of the truth of 
 these slalciucnts respecting the luxurious and licentious habits of Stephens. 
 
42 TJie Feniaii Co7ispiracy. 
 
 three hundred, and with a correspondinfj increase in its 
 financial resources. This enabled our friends in Ireland 
 to spread the organisation of the I. Iv. V>. over a larger 
 area. The C. E. visited us in person during this year, and 
 inspired confidence and earnestness into every true Irish 
 heart that came within the range of his influence. 
 
 "Early in the following month (June), the late Central 
 Council of the Brotherhood was convened by me, in the 
 city of New York, for the purpose of taking immediate 
 steps for carrying out the policy proposed at the Con- 
 gress, and that of effectively complying with the require- 
 ments of the C. E. I. R. towards securing a successful 
 uprising of the Irish people within the year then current. 
 However, when assembled, the great object of the Council 
 seemed to be the passing of a series of rules to regulate 
 the details of business, even to the most minute points. 
 They appeared desirous of usurping and infringing upon 
 all the prerogatives of your executive department. 
 
 This was the first manifestation of the result of a secret 
 conspiracy which I have since learnt to my cost had been 
 for some time covertly corroding the heart of the organisa- 
 tion. It had its origin in Chicago, and was founded by a 
 man (H. O'C. McCarthy) now no more, though the evil he 
 did has lived after him. Mr Scanlan was one of its most 
 active members, and soon rose to be the guiding spirit of 
 it. As such he has risen to the unenviable notoriety of 
 the evil genius of the Fenian Brotherhood. The method 
 of attack upon me by the members of this was dastardly 
 and mean in the extreme. They began by corrupting the 
 paid organisms of the Brotherhood, and converting them 
 
Events in 1864. 43 
 
 into itinerant calumniators of their superior officer." . . . 
 "At this session was also passed a resolution in reference 
 to sendini^ military envoys to Ireland. At it also was 
 adopted an address to the C. E. I. R. Both gave offence 
 to him, and both aggravated a misunderstanding that had 
 been growing up between myself and Mr Stephens, a mis- 
 understanding that had been increased by the mischievous 
 intermeddling of malicious talebearers, who could not 
 comprehend either of us, and who perhaps envied and 
 hated us.* The originals of these documents are in the 
 handwriting, and I believe are the composition of Mr H. 
 O'C. M'Carthy, late President of the Central Council. 
 Much stress is laid uj^on the difference of opinion be- 
 tween Mr Stephens and myself, at this time." . . . 
 '* I do not believe that any bad result has come of 
 it, inasmuch as it has never prevented me from sending 
 to my colleague all the funds I could raise in the Brother- 
 hood." 
 
 If O'Mahony really believed, as he stated, that no evil 
 came of his misunderstanding with Stephens, it is clear 
 that he was not the man for the position he filled. As to 
 his co-operation, in the way of despatching funds to 
 Ireland during 1864, the account given by other people — 
 an account which is evidently to be trusted — does not 
 speak very favourably of the Mead Centre's doings. The 
 following passage occurs in the " address " of the Chicago 
 Fenians — by far the most powerful branch of the organi- 
 
 * It must be remcmbercil that in January 1866 O'Maliony was fi^liting for 
 Ills position; Stc|)li('ns was sfill very powerful; he dared not, therefore, speak 
 of the latter as he really thought. 
 
44 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 sation — published in January 1866. "The financial report 
 of the F. B. was made before the Cincinnati Convention. 
 From the report it appeared that the aggregate fund col- 
 lected, from the time of the Chicago Convention to that 
 assembled in Cincinnati, was 16,000 dollars. Of this sum 
 only 6000 dollars were sent to Ireland, the balance was 
 expended in this country in salaries, &c.' You can now 
 plainly see what little practical aid was rendered by this 
 supposed powerful society to * the men in the gap ; ' you 
 can account for the chagrin and dissatisfaction that was 
 felt by the C. E. in Ireland against the head quarters in 
 America." 
 
 This short extract hits off the situation exactly to a 
 certain extent. Money, money, " dollars, and plenty of 
 them," as Mitchell truly wrote, was the incessant de- 
 mand of the C. E. He measured the value of the various 
 circles at home and abroad by the amount of their con- 
 tributions. 
 
 In quoting the official report, the Chicago men were 
 accurate, but still unfair. They admitted that the sum 
 raised at the Chicago Fair was very large, that the 
 greater portion was handed over to Stephens on the 
 spot, and that the remainder was soon after remitted ; but 
 they did not take this sum into account when mentioning, 
 as a signal instance of O'Mahony's incompetence, that 
 he sent but 6000 dollars to Ireland in '64. Counting the 
 Chicago Fair takings — not less than 55,000 dollars — 
 Stephens received over 60,000 dollars from America 
 during that year. What did he do with it .'* The manu- 
 facture of pikes did not exhaust the sum, for Stephens 
 
Events in 1864. 45 
 
 seldom sent a weapon from Dublin to any district without 
 receiving the price (2s. 6d.) of the article. 
 
 We shall now return to O'Mahony's narrative. "The 
 Convention assembled in due time at Cincinnati. Captain 
 Coyne was on hand with his report. It was full, and far 
 more satisfactory than 1 expected ; but yet it was not 
 deemed to be altogether such as would justify the assem- 
 bly in making a fmal call upon the Brotherhood so soon. 
 A tax was imposed upon the organisation at large for the 
 purpose of meeting the immediate exigencies of * the men 
 in the gap,' as they were called, and ample power was 
 given, by an unanimous vote, to the incoming Head 
 Centre and Central Council to make a * final call,' and to 
 issue bonds of 'the Irish Republic' as soon as they should 
 feel convinced that the time for action had come. 
 
 "It is important here to state that William Sullivan, ?. 
 Bannon, James Gibbons, P. W. Dunne, and Michael 
 Scanlan, all of whom became leaders of the subsequent 
 secession, were among those that were nominated and 
 became members of the Central Council on this occasion. 
 From their position, and from the nature of the trust con- 
 fided to them, they became as fully cognisant of all the 
 facts relative to the state of Fenian affairs at home, as I 
 was myself, they were virtually participant in all my offi- 
 cial acts." Thenceforward up to the time when they 
 seceded from and denounced me. Hence I could not 
 deceive them. 
 
 "The Men of Action, under Michael Scanlan, and P. 
 W. Dunne, had evidently intended to make a fierce 
 onslaught on the Fenian Constitution and myself on this 
 
46 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 occasion. P. S. Sherlock had got his above-mentioned 
 letter printed, and had forwarded a copy thereof to nearly 
 everyone of the four hundred and odd delegates.* As 
 Stephens, M'Carthy, and the leaders of the Men of Action 
 were the parties at whom the document was specially 
 levelled, this threw the whole clique into consternation. 
 The Central Council was completely nonplussed also. 
 Meanwhile, for two days, the independent delegates, who 
 knew nothing of our internal disputes, were canvassing the 
 document and holding caucuses on all sides. A fearful 
 storm was evidently brewing. 
 
 To put an end to this state of things I brought 
 the matter privately before the Central Council. It was 
 there resolved that one of the Councillors should lay 
 the whole letter before the delegates assembled, and 
 propose an investigation into the truth of its several 
 allegations. This course was adopted. The document 
 was introduced formally, and it was agreed " that it be 
 disposed of by paragraph," and witnesses examined upon 
 the truth of each of its charges in succession. As I was 
 the only person that knew anything about the truth, or 
 falsehood of the opening paragraph, which related to the 
 private life of Stephens in Paris, I was the first witness 
 that was called. I was able to contradict them flatly, as 
 I knew their origin, and was perfectly cognisant of the 
 source from whence they had emanated several years 
 before. Hereupon there was a general cry of indignation 
 throughout the assemblage, and it was unanimously voted 
 
 * This could only have hecn done by the direct aid, or the connivance of 
 the Head Centre, who alone had the addresses. 
 
Events in 1864. 47 
 
 that the production should be "cast under the table," as 
 unworthy of further consideration. This was lucky for 
 Scanlan, McCarthy, and the rest of the Stephens men ; for 
 had the following paragraph been read, where Sherlock 
 spoke of matters that had occurred within his own know- 
 lodge, 1 would have been forced to declare that 1 believed 
 his statements to have been true in every particular." 
 
 On the incident thus cautiously related, we have to 
 remark that Sherlock's letter, and all the proceedings with 
 respect thereto, were dictated by O'Mahony. He meant 
 it not only to destroy some of his opponents, but also to 
 win himself a repute for magnanimity. The first para- 
 graph was inserted in the letter with the latter object. 
 How O'Mahony could excuse himself for contradicting — 
 for it was true and he knew it — we cannot understand. Of 
 all the men connected with the conspiracy O'Mahony bore 
 and continued to bear, among honourable men, perhaps 
 the highest character. Ikit whoever joined this conspiracy 
 was more or less demoralised by it, and more rather than 
 less. O'Mahony did not escape the curse. His device 
 was worse than useless ; that fatal first paragraph and his 
 denial thereof saved the conspirators in America, exalted 
 the character of Stephens, and destroyed that of O'Ma- 
 honys tool for ever in Fenian opinion. The thing did 
 more ; it still further exasperated Scanlan, Dunne, and the 
 rest against their chief. 
 
 So much for the most curious circumstance attending 
 the Cincinnati Convention. For other information respect- 
 ing the doings thereat we must refer to its published pro- 
 ceedings. It was held on January 17th to 19th, during 
 
48 The Fenia7i Conspiracy. 
 
 three days, and was opened by O'Mahony in an address, 
 in which the delegates were reminded that they were sur- 
 rounded with liritish spies, and therefore bound to be 
 cautious, and, as much as possible, secret. They were 
 reminded also "that tlie Brotherhood was virtually at war 
 with the British Oligarchy, and that while as yet there was 
 no Fenian army openly in the field — such an army, never- 
 theless, existed, preparing and disciplining itself for Free- 
 dom's battles, ambushed in the midst of its enemies, 
 watching steadily its opportunity, and biding its time." 
 
 The last sentence being published in full, with a good 
 deal more to the same effect, shows how admirably well 
 O'Mahony was qualified to lead a conspiracy — secretly and 
 cautiously. 
 
 This exordium was followed by a vaunting sketch 
 of the prosperity of the Brotherhood, and of its vast 
 progress since the former convention. Previous to that 
 assemblage the Brotherhood had lost largely in conse- 
 quence of the numbers who joined the American armies, 
 and were destroyed on the field. 'In consequence no less 
 than fifty branches became extinct or dormant.' 'At the 
 Chicago Congress sixty-three circles were represented, 
 with a constituency of fifteen thousand men, one half of 
 whom at least were in the armies of the Union.' 
 
 " I see around me to-day," said O'Mahony in his 
 opening address, " the centres, delegates, and proxies of 
 somewhere about three hundred, making an increase of 
 about two hundred and thirty-seven circles. The increase 
 of our financial receipts has been in proportion to our 
 increased extension. I can safely say that it has exceeded 
 
Events ifi 1 864, 49 
 
 the sum of our receipts during the seven years that have 
 elapsed since the Fenian Brotherhood was first estabHshed." 
 
 O'Mahony went on to wish for a few blockade runners to 
 prey on Enghsh commerce, &c. ; he did not, however, want 
 the United States to declare war against England, consider- 
 ing that the Brotherhood was quite equal to the task before 
 it, and that a victory, aided by the United States, would be 
 too cheaply won. Still, such a war he considered certain, 
 and no less certain the s[)eedy and utter ruin of England. 
 
 Then he spoke of the ease wherewith an army of veterans 
 could be raised in America for service in Ireland ; but 
 put it strongly that Fenianism was destined to be merely 
 auxiliary to the I. R. B., in providing it with money and 
 material. 
 
 Then comes a paragraph referring to other revolutionists 
 in Ireland, apart from the I. R. B., whom O'Mahony derides 
 and denounces. " These gentlemen ignore Fenianism 
 and I^^cnianism ignores them," declares the Head Centre, 
 adding, however, " for my part, I would be glad to unite 
 with them in working out Ireland's freedom, if they would 
 give up public agitation and commence to organise an 
 Irish army of deliverance in Ireland, after a business- 
 like revolutionary fashion," After this address, really 
 meant for Messrs O'Donoghue and John Martin, whom 
 he takes care to name, O'Mahony goes on to recommend 
 the forms which the Congress should observe to secure 
 secrecy in its deliberations. 
 
 " We must avoid saying more than is absolutely necessary 
 of our allies in Ireland. Their names should never be 
 mentioned except in select committees, where they cannot 
 
 II. D 
 
50 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 be avoided. You will immediately proceed to propose the 
 appointment of these preliminary Committees. A Com- 
 mittee on Credentials at first. The duty devolving upon this 
 Committee is exceedingly grave. It will have to examine 
 accurately the credentials of every applicant for admission, 
 so as to prevent British spies from coming in here, during 
 our session, and not only British, but the spies of any other 
 country. We had British spies and secret agents in 
 Chicago, at our first Congress, though then weak com- 
 pared . with our present strength. We are now a real 
 power in the community, consequently there will be a host 
 of spies after and around us." 
 
 He then enlarged on the necessity of organisation and 
 discipline. He dwelt once more on the recent extension 
 of the Brotherhood, stating, however, that many of the 
 new circles were far from self-supporting, and consequently 
 a drain on the general treasury, but that they gave a great 
 acquisition of moral force to the F. B. 
 
 The proceedings of the Congress, after the considera- 
 tion of Sherlock's letter, included the approval of the 
 report of the " Central Envoy to Ireland," V. Coyne ; the 
 adoption of the Report of the Committee on Fol-eign 
 Affairs, which was to this effect — That they had carefully 
 examined the able Report of the Envoy from Ireland, and 
 the documents pertaining to other organisations, and 
 earnestly invited the attention of the Congress to the 
 suggestions and recommendations submitted by them. 
 
 They declared their most implicit confidence in the 
 integrity and ability of the C. E. I. R., and recommended 
 all members of the F. B. to aid in giving the widest circu- 
 
Eveuls in 1864. 51 
 
 lation to The IrisJi People newspaper, whose continuance, 
 in their estimation, was of vital importance to the national 
 cause ; they gave it as their opinion that, considering the 
 unparalleled emigration of the people from Ireland, and 
 the present condition and past exertions of the organisa- 
 tion at home, they could not, in the event of failure of the 
 movement then in progress, hope for another with any 
 prospect of success, but counselled that the H. C. be em- 
 powered to despatch envoys to ]uirope, as soon and as 
 frequently as possible; and they reprobated the practice 
 of communications between unauthorised members of the 
 F. B. and their friends in Ireland or elsewhere, on matters 
 pertaining to the organisation. 
 
 The Report of the Finance Committee was adopted and 
 unanimously accepted. 
 
 Among the resolutions passed on the fourth day of 
 meeting were these — 
 
 " \st. One of imjilicit confidence Mn the distinguished talents and 
 honourable character of the C. E. I. R.' to whom they tendered their 
 earnest and undivided support. 
 
 " 2(1. That it was the duty of every member of tlie organisation to 
 respond promptly and liberally to the call of the Congress, according 
 to the recommendation of the Finance Committee. That — 'In. view 
 of the pressing and well-supported call of the I. R. 15., an immediate 
 levy of five dollars for each member of the various circles be made, 
 that each circle should be pledged to make up a sum equivalent to 
 five dollars ]>cr member in the organisation, and that no cessation of 
 dues should follow this call.'" 
 
 Then followed various other resolutions, one only being 
 deserving of notice. It was proposed by F. W. Duime, 
 and adopted unanimously with acclamation, " that it is 
 the sense of this Congress that the next annual Congress 
 
52 TJie Fenian Co7ispiracy. 
 
 be held in our NATIVE LAND." Finally, addresses " to 
 the Irishmen in America" and to the " Irishmen in Ire- 
 land," were ad<)i)tcd. In these the organisation of Stephens 
 and O'Mahony, under its various names, were recom- 
 mended as the only hope of Ireland, and all other forms 
 of association were denounced. " Treat all such move- 
 ments with contempt," ran the address, " and by every 
 proper means discourage and suppress them." We know 
 that this was done, and how. We shall now return to 
 O'Mahony's narrative. 
 
 " Immediately after the Cincinnati Convention, the New 
 Central Council adjourned to New York, where its first 
 regular meeting was held. There P. J. Meehan, of The Iiish 
 American, was admitted to the Central Council, and elected 
 one of its members, and sworn in a i'\:nian, by the influence 
 of H. O'C. M'Carthy.* William R. Roberts was elected and 
 sworn in on the same occasion. Meehan, the first of the 
 new recruits for the Brotherhood, had been one of the 
 most envenomed opponents of the Fenian movement since 
 1859, nor had any journalist on either side of the ocean 
 done more than he to vilify its leaders and obstruct its 
 progress, with the exception of his friend and confrere 
 Alexander M. Sullivan, of TJic Dnbli}i Natioji. lie had 
 more especially shown himself to be on all occasions, pub- 
 lic and private, a malignant personal enemy of mine. I, 
 nevertheless, most unluckily consented to his admission 
 among us, at the unanimous request of the Central Council, 
 
 * This was equivalent to saying that Median was really the nominee of 
 Stephens. We shall place Meehan's version of the matter before the reader 
 directly. 
 
Events in 1864. 53 
 
 conveyed to mc in the shape of a formal vote of that body. 
 1 did so for the sake of reconcih'ation ; for, in the actual state 
 of the organisation, we needed the aid and goodwill of all 
 sections of the Irish National Party. Roberts I only knew 
 as a rather successful dealer in dry goods, who had already 
 made himself some name in New York as a rather fluent 
 deckumer. Of his antecedents I knew nothing." 
 
 Here it is right to place Mr Median's account of this 
 matter. We have aheady given his relation of the 
 reconciliation between himself and O'Mahony at the 
 M'Manus funeral. "About the end of January, 1865, I 
 was waited on by the members of the Central Council 
 in a bod}^, who desired to know why I, whom they 
 regarded as a Nationalist, like themselves, had so long 
 stood aloof from tlie ]^>nian Brotlierhood, while agreeing 
 in principle witli its members. I told the council of the 
 existence of Mr O'Mahony's decree,* which, while it 
 remained unretracted, was of itself a sufficient barrier 
 against my joining the organisation. The information 
 surprised them, and they declared their intention to in- 
 vestigate the matter and see that. justice was done. 
 
 " In reply I told them I had lived down the calumnies 
 uttered against me, as their presence that day showed, and 
 that I did not desire the humiliation of Mr O'Mahony, 
 wliich must ensue if he were compelled to place on record 
 the condemnation of his own act. More than that, I stated 
 that I would not join the organisation if my admission 
 had to be procured by such an humbling of Mr O'Mahony, 
 
 * Tliis, the reader will remember, was issued in i860, on occasion of llic 
 squabble concerning the I'hoenix Defences Fund. 
 
54 ^^^^ Fenia7i Conspi7'acy. 
 
 as I thought the accession of any one to the ranks would 
 be dearly purchased by an act which might, with good 
 cause, shake the confidence of the members in the sound 
 judgment and sense of justice of the man they had placed 
 at their head. The President of the Council again re- 
 peated that justice should be done, let the blame fall 
 where it might ; tJiat the BrotJierJiood was noiv a representa- 
 tive organisation^ freed from the errors and trammels that 
 had reta7'ded its action and driven good 7nen from its ranks 
 in the days zvhen it 7vas as * a one man poiver affair ; ' and 
 thaty if any one party, for personal motives or quarrels, sJionld 
 attempt to crush ont or keep out good men, such obstructor's of 
 the onward march of the body should be sivept azvay and 
 their places supplied by men who would recognise but one 
 interest and one object, — the liberation of Ireland.'^ 
 
 The following day I received a message requesting me to 
 meet the council at 22 Duane St.* I went thither and found 
 eight of the members in session. John O'Mahony was 
 there also. Mr McCarthy, the president, stated to me that 
 the council had investigated the circumstances of my 
 alleged expulsion from the Brotherhood, had heard Mr 
 O'Mahony's explanation of the case, and now begged to 
 present me with the declaration of their unanimous 
 decision in the shape of a resolution signed by all the 
 members of the council. The resolution stated that in 
 the issue and publication of the damnatory decree of the 
 Head Centre against Patrick J. Meehan, a gross wrong 
 
 * The reader is requested to observe tlie passaf^e we liave put in italics. It 
 summarises the policy which the Central Council intended to [)ursue, — that 
 policy was to secure the overthrow of O'Mahony. 
 
Events in 1864. 55 
 
 and injustice had been done aj^ainst a true and sterling 
 Irishman, whose whole career proved his loyalty to the 
 national cause, and merited for him the confidence of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood. This resolution was officially signed 
 and attested by John O'Mahony as Head Centre. It may 
 be that the venom with which he now assails me owes 
 some of its bitterness to his recollection of the censure 
 with which he thus stamped his own deliberate act. If 
 such be the case, he had the tact to conceal it under an 
 appearance of candour, to which his late reiteration of a 
 charge acknowledged by himself to be false gives a 
 strong colouring of hypocrisy. 
 
 " The council also presented me with a second resolu- 
 tion stating that, as the calumnies uttered against me had 
 been circulated through the PJicenix and other newspapers, 
 I should be allowed tlie choice of any medium I might 
 name for making public the act of reparation and justifica- 
 tion they had just passed. I told them I was more 
 than satisfied, and that all I should ask was that the 
 matter should go no farther than that room and those then 
 assembled in it. And there it should have rested had not 
 the man from whom I thus averted the public exposure 
 his act merited shown, by his present course, how un- 
 worthy he was of the forbearance I evinced in his regard, 
 and how incapable he is of appreciating the generous for- 
 giveness of injuries, which is the noblest characteristic of 
 manhood, as it is the test of true Christianity." 
 
 We shall make but few remarks on this circumstance. 
 It is clear from it that the Central Council hated and con- 
 temned the Jlead Centre, and as clear that the Head 
 
56 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Centre deserved the contempt at least. Apart from the 
 conspiracy, O'Mahony was, we bcHeve, an honourable 
 man ; within it, we believe, his main object was the welfare 
 of Ireland, as he understood it ; but he was at once weak, 
 haughty, intemperate, and injudicious. He could not 
 bend ; he could not resist ; he could not even restrain his 
 tongue. His greatest weakness — fondness for power — led 
 him into positive error, — made him, to a certain extent, 
 hypocritical, cunning, and untrustworthy. lUit if we 
 despise O'Mahony, what shall we think of the Central 
 Council .? That they were not yet prepared to accept his 
 resignation we shall shortly see. Why, then, did they 
 gratuitously consult him, and to such an extent 1 If they 
 did it of their own accord, they were mean ; if, as we may 
 conclude, their action in this case was dictated by 
 .Stephens, they were still meaner. What could come of a 
 conspiracy, however formidable in other respects, directed 
 by such men 1 
 
 We return to O'Mahony's narrative : — "At this meeting 
 an address to James Stephens was drawn up, in which 
 were set forth the particular points on which we required 
 to be satisfied, previous to taking final action. It was 
 sent to him in charge of a brave and devoted man, who 
 faithfully executed his mission. It was resolved to send 
 one military officer to Ireland with as little delay as pos- 
 sible as our special representative, as soon as a competent 
 one should be found. Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, on being 
 recommended by me, was summoned from Washington, 
 where he held a lucrative Government situation, and, on 
 presenting himself, was examined by the council and 
 
Events in 1864. 57 
 
 approved without a dissenting voice. lie was accordingly 
 instructed to settle his personal affairs in this country, and 
 to put himself in readiness for his mission by the middle 
 
 of March. 
 
 " It was also voted that other military officers should be 
 sent home after him, to aid in preparing for the Organisa- 
 tion of an Irish army. The selection of those was left to 
 me, subject to the approval of a standing committee, 
 composed of H. O'C. McCarthy, President of the Council, 
 William R. Roberts, and \\ J. Meehan, which three were 
 then residents of New York. 
 
 " It was further voted that a circumstantial report 
 should be furnished each week to every member of the 
 Council, specifying all monies received and expended at 
 the central office, and all important matters occurring 
 within the intervening time. 
 
 "Again, William R. Roberts and P. J. Meehan were 
 appointed a supervision committee for the weekly inspec- 
 tion of my financial accounts. 
 
 " All my subordinate officers, wath one exception, were 
 chosen by the same council. Thus, it was utterly beyond 
 the range of possibilty that either Mr Roberts, Meehan, or 
 any other member of that body, could have been thence- 
 forward deceived by me in any respect whatever. 
 
 "On this occasion, also, the staff of " Paid Organisers " 
 was first constitutionally established as one of the regular 
 institutions of American Fenianism, though it had been 
 introduced some time previously by McCarthy, Scanlan, 
 and the party of ' War or Dissolution,' ivith the sanction of 
 James Stephens. A batch of their officers was appointed 
 
58 The Feniafi Co7ispiracy. 
 
 at this session, and their salaries were then and there 
 determined by a vote of the Central Council. 
 
 " The roll of the Central Council stood as follows : — 
 Henry O'C. M'Carthy, late of Chicago, president ; Wil- 
 liam Sullivan Tiffin, O. ; P. W. Dunne, Peorea, Ills. ; Wil- 
 liam Griffin, Madison, Ind. ; P. Doodey, Holyoke, Mass. ; 
 Michael Scanlan, Cliicago, Tils.; P. Pannon, Louisville, 
 Ky. ; P. J. Mcchan, N.Y. ; J. (Hh])()ns, IMiiladclphia, 
 Penn. 
 
 "Of these M'Carthy, Dunne, and Scanlan belonged to 
 the party of 'War or Dissolution in '65,' and professed a 
 blind and uncompromising worship of James Stephens in 
 all things. Gibbons pretended to hold the same opinions 
 that I did, and subsequently gained no small share of my 
 confidence, which he afterwards betrayed. Bannon was an 
 ardent admirer of H. O'C. M'Carthy, whose lead he fol- 
 lowed. Roberts and Meehan were untried men. The 
 rest were seemingly in favour of caution and circumspec- 
 tion. William Sullivan was the only man that I esteemed 
 as a personal friend. With the exception of M'Carthy, 
 Griffin, and Doodey, all of them subsequently got them- 
 selves dubbed senators at the ill-omcncd Congress of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 " Colonel Kelly was ready for his voyage to Ireland by 
 the middle of March. I impressed upon him the serious 
 nature of his duties to his country and the Organisation, 
 and gave him written instructions to inspect professionally 
 with his own eyes the state of military preparedness of 
 the men in Ireland, and to report the same fully to me, 
 without consulting Mr Stephens, or any other party in 
 
Events in 1864. 59 
 
 that country.* Messrs Median and Roberts also had a long 
 conversation with him. His first report came to us in due 
 time. It represented matters in a most satisfactory 
 li-ht." 
 
 In other words, Kelly obeyed other instructions than 
 those given by O'Mahony. From the time of his first 
 arrival in Ireland until Stephens quitted the country 
 Kelly was the humble and devoted servant of the latter. 
 His report was virtually the report of Stephens. Thus 
 Kelly accepted an employment dishonourable in its 
 nature, from O'Mahony, however qualified in terms it was 
 neither more nor less than that of spy ; and while pre- 
 tending to discharge that office, he betrayed the man he 
 affected to serv^e. A little later we shall find him similarly 
 betraying Stephens, to take the place of the C. E. But 
 when the antecedents of the man are known, not much else 
 could be expected from him. 
 
 He was born in Galway in 1833, being the son of a small 
 farmer, who meant to make a priest of him. The thing 
 was not difficult to effect in those days; we have ourselves 
 seen a mendicant by profession, whose boast it was that 
 he was " rearing his son for the Church ! " Such boasts 
 were not unusual forty years ago — provided the subject 
 were a suitable one. Such, however, was not the case 
 with Thomas John Kelly. But thanks to his father's pur- 
 pose, he, though found eventually to have " no vocation " 
 for the priesthood, received a better education than other- 
 
 I 
 
 * This means that O'Mahony intended Kelly to play the part of spy, and 
 would lead us to infer that Kelly accepted the office. The thing enables us 
 to judge of the keenness of the sense of honour in both. 
 
6o The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 wise would have fallen to hirru lie became a printer, and 
 distinguished himself by ability in his craft. We have 
 heard that he distinguished himself even more in another 
 craft, that of illicit distiller, and showed marked ability in 
 evading and baffling the officers of the revenue. This 
 part of his career, we need hardly say is not one on 
 which John Savage, the panegyrist of such worthies, en- 
 larges in his " Fenian Heroes and Martyrs."* At the out- 
 break of the war of Secession Kelly, who had emigrated a 
 little earlier, joined Corcoran's Legion. He fought gal- 
 lantly, and displayed much intelligence. lie was in con- 
 sequence promoted rapidly. He became signal officer 
 in the army of General Thomas, with the rank" of Cap- 
 tain, the highest he attained in the armies of the north. 
 Mustered out of the service towards the close of the war, 
 he obtained an appointment in the arsenal of Washington, 
 which he resigned to serve the I. R. B. But to resume 
 with O'Mahony. 
 
 " After an interval of somewhat more than a month, 
 General F. 1^. Millen, of the Mexican army, was sent over 
 with instructions, nearly similar. I le was also approved 
 of by the Central Councillors — iVlCarthy, Roberts, and 
 Meehan." 
 
 Concerning Millen, O'Mahony gave the following account 
 on a subsequent occasion : — " General Millen, who was then 
 an officer in the Mexican army, opened a correspondence 
 with me in my capacity of H. C. F. B., in i860. He soon 
 
 * The value of this work may be appreciated by comparing its notice of 
 Stephen J. Meany with more authentic notices, as tliose of the police in 
 more than one country, of the same individual. 
 
, Events m 1S64.. 61 
 
 after became an enrolled member of that organisation, and 
 proffered his military services thereto, whenever and 
 wherever they should be required. He remained in 
 rei^ular communication with me, and was rcc^ardcd by mc 
 as a brother "in good standing," and ready for activx' duty 
 up to his arrival in this city, in the spring of 1865, when 
 the Irish revolutionary project, then in course of prcpara^ 
 tion, seemed to be approaching to its culmination. ' He 
 was not many days in New York, when he reported to mc 
 for active duty ; and by me he was soon after sent to 
 Ireland, with the concurrence of the Central Council. His 
 instructions were to place himself immediately under the 
 orders of James Stephens, who then held the office of 
 C. E. I. R. B. 
 
 " He was not long in Ireland when he was appointed 
 by Mr Stephens, I'residcnt of the Irish Military Council, a 
 body composed of Irish-American officers, principally 
 veterans of the late civil war. He acted as such to the 
 satisfaction of his comrades, till near the close of the year, 
 when he was sent back to this country, with orders to aid 
 in the military organisation of the Fenian expedition to 
 Ireland, which was then in the course of preparation here. 
 The unfortunate discussions and treachery which rendered 
 that undertaking abortive, caused the resignation of 
 General Millen, and he returned to the Mexican army, 
 where he resumed his former rank and position of 
 brigadier-general of artillery." 
 
 How Millen was treated by Stephens, is told by the 
 former. Stephens evidently did not find Millen so easily 
 to be gained as Kelly. ** The first time I saw Stephens," 
 
62 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 writes Millen, "was in Dublin, in May 1865. Instead of 
 being utilised, I was kept in complete ignorance for a long 
 time of everything that was passing. Complaining of 
 idleness to Sle[)hens, I got an order to draw up a plan of 
 a corps d' armee of 50,000 men in order of battle, with 
 ammunition and baggage, every man in his place. Any 
 military man will see the absurdity of such an order. 
 Eventually I was named president of the Military 
 Council, which Stephens thought fit to name ; its only 
 duty being to find lodgings for the American officers. But 
 while depriving the Council of the power of being useful, 
 he circulated the fact of its existence, and thus drew money 
 from the people. Many officers were disgusted in conse- 
 quence, and returned to America. I told Stephens there 
 could be no successful rising, unless England were engaged 
 in war. Stephens excluded from his confidence, and from 
 all influence in the I. R. B., every Irishman of good sense 
 and ability. When O'Mahony's commissioners asked him 
 in 1865, how the money remitted was spent."* * Oh, in 
 organising!' was his rei)ly. 'Was there nothing further 
 done with it.**' 'No; I spent that and four times as 
 much raised at home.* Stephens never would give any 
 details. He actually wrote to O'Mahony that he would 
 get himself arrested after a certain time, in order to show 
 how easily he could escape from prison." 
 
 There is much of the real history of the I. R. 11 in the 
 above short citation. 
 
 As to Millen, he is identical with the General JMiillcii, 
 who was, for a time, O'Mahony's War Minister, and who 
 did a number of dubious things in that post. Whether he 
 
Events m 1S64.. ^3 
 
 belonged to the Mexican army or not, he certainly had 
 served in the army of the Confederate States. It was he 
 who SLippHcd Stephens, then traveUing as "Captain Daly," 
 with letters of introduction to various officers. 
 
 The Central Council, under the presidency of Mr R. 
 Roberts, held its second session in May '65. M'Carthy 
 had left New York in ill health, and died shortly after- 
 wards. He took with him important documents be- 
 longing to the I. R. B., which were never recovered. 
 Respecting them, we find the following passage in 
 O'Mahony's message to the Congress of Philadelphia in 
 1866 : — " Important documents, the original minutes of the 
 Chicago Congress, are still nn'ssing from your archives. 
 Rumour has it that these minutes are in the- possession of 
 a certain Mr J. W. O'Brien, now a reporter on the Herald 
 newspaper, lie is said to have found them among the 
 papers of the late Mr H. O'C. M'Carthy. Means should 
 be at once taken to recover them, whether in his possession, 
 or in the possession of Mr M'Carthy's relatives. They are 
 worth money at present." What secresy or success, we 
 ask, could be expected from an association, whose minutes 
 were hawked about and mislaid in this way .-* 
 
 But the principal disadvantage consequent on the de- 
 mise of Mr M'Carthy, "arose from the fact that he did not 
 acquaint me," continues O'Mahony, "with a certain 
 address in Paris, v/hich Stephens had left with him, to be 
 used in the transnn'ssion of all sums of one thousand 
 pounds sterling, and over. My ignorance of this private 
 arrangement eventually led to the seizure of six thousand 
 and odd pounds sterling in the British post-office. 
 
64 The Fenian Co7ispiracy . 
 
 " At this session a series of dcspatclies were read from 
 Stephens, IVJiller, and Kelly, of so urgent a nature, that it 
 was determined to send over as many officers as we could, 
 without further delay. 
 
 " It was at this session that the stipends of all officers 
 detailed for service in Ireland were fixed definitely, 
 according to rank, by the Central Council, and it was there 
 also, that it was voted to give each of them three months' 
 pay in advance on entering on his duty. This was but 
 just and reasonable. It was judicious, also, considering 
 the nature of the service. It was the joint act of the Cen- 
 tral Council and myself" 
 
 Mere we interrupt O'Mahony, to let some of the Irish 
 officers alluded to, speak for themselves, as to the treat- 
 ment they received, their statement being dated at New 
 York, January the 20th, 1866: — "Our hopes for active 
 assistance from this country were founded upon the Cen- 
 tral Council, and raised high encouragement from the 
 increase of power given them, under the name of Senate 
 at the Philadelphia Congress, looking upon it as the har- 
 binger of success. To remain in Ireland we have the 
 alternative of living, or rather of starving, upon the 
 organisation, without being of any practical assistance to 
 it, or of going into a slaughter of the Irish people in a fight 
 with sticks and stones. O'Mahony's unpopularity among 
 the Fenians in Ireland, was most positive and extensive. 
 He was blamed and denounced for refusing the necessary 
 assistance to the movement in Ireland, when applied to 
 by O'Donovan Rossa in person, when that gentleman 
 was commissioned as a special envoy, to press upon Mr 
 
Events in 1864. 65 
 
 0'M«ihony the absolute necessity of immediate assistance 
 and siij)plics. Tlicrc arc many of the men who left here 
 for a flight, bringinj^ with them their famiHes, confident of 
 innncdiate action, some of whom are now in poverty and 
 at the door of the poorhouse. 
 
 "We also state that we were told by the Military 
 Council in Dublin, that this General Millen, that is now 
 in New York, purporting to be the General-in-Chief of the 
 Irish Republican army, and to be sent here to command 
 an expedition, was expelled from the organisation in Ire- 
 land, and compelled to leave the country. We are aware 
 that, upon the arrest of Mr Stephens, Millen, without 
 authority, assumed the supreme government of the I.R.B. 
 and issued an order to that effect, a copy of which was 
 read to us by the Centre for Cork. 
 
 " We feel that it is our duty to speak out and tell the 
 truth. We have no hope in the practicability of the plans 
 of General Sweeney, as supported by President Roberts, 
 and the Senate, if properly sustained by the people. The 
 connection of S. J. Meany in any capacity with the 
 Brotherhood, gives the greatest dissatisfaction to the 
 Brotherhood at home, and has done it much damage ; 
 Mr O'Mahony knew James M'Dermott' to be specially 
 obnoxious to Mr Stephens. Mr Stephens complained to 
 us that his objections to a man seemed to be the best re- 
 commendation Mr O'Mahony required ; that Mr O'Ma- 
 hony made it his policy to draw around him the personal 
 enemies of himself (Stephens). Mr Stephens said that 
 we were not fit for revolutionists, not to have thrown 
 
 II. E 
 
66 The Fenian Co7ispiracy. 
 
 O'Maliony overboard at Cincinnati, that he was our drag, 
 stumbHngblock, and curse." 
 
 The foregoing statement is an excellent commentary 
 on the relations between the branches of the conspiracy. 
 
 The immigration of such a crowd of Irish American 
 officers could not but give great encouragement to the 
 I. R. B., had they come as Fenians and nothing more. 
 They did not do this. In nearly every instance they 
 announced themselves, and were accepted by their country- 
 men at home, as merely lent for a time to the conspiracy 
 by the rulers of the United States, who, it was declared, 
 favoured that cons[)iracy in every Avay, and would ])e 
 certain, not only to recognise its adherents as belligerents, 
 but to afford them substantial aid when they should appear 
 in arms. There was not so much misrepresentation here 
 as might be supposed. The following, we have been 
 assured, is the substance of a conversation which took 
 place between Mr Secretary Stanton and one of these 
 officers, when the latter was taking leave of the former 
 previous to embarking for Ireland : — 
 
 Fenian, Good-bye ; I may not see you again. 
 
 Secretary. Why not ? Are you not coming back to 
 Washington .-* 
 
 F. Oh, as you are aware, I am Adjutant-General of the 
 Fenian army, and may sail at any moment. 
 
 5. Then let me see you before you go. I'll fill your 
 canteen and your cartridge box, and give you the prettiest 
 pair of silver-mounted pistols in the country. 
 
 F. Many thanks for your kindness. 15ut could you 
 only persuade Uncle Gideon Wells to lend or sell us a 
 
Events in 1864. 67 
 
 few iron-cl.ids, just to keep a port open for landing arms 
 and brini^ing in prizes ; that would be all wc want. 
 
 5. Now, seriously, until you are belligerents, in the 
 British sense of the word, we can do absolutely nothing 
 for you here. The moment your people are belligerents, 
 either come or send to me and I shall have much to 
 suggest and offer. England has taught us a lesson 
 concerning belligerent rights which we have learnt at 
 bitter cost and mean to profit by. We shall be as strictly 
 neutral in your fight as she was in ours, and perhaps a 
 little more so. Therefore, don't forget to tell your friends, 
 sir, that while wc, official people here, don't want them to 
 become belligerents against Great Britain, we cannot give 
 them any material help until they are. 
 
 This and things like it were carefully reported among 
 the I. R. B. to meet with implicit trust. The consequence 
 was that — what between the confident demeanour of the 
 Irish Yankee adventurers, the reports they carried with 
 them of American goodwill, and the countenance given to 
 the adventurers, and their boasts by the Irish heads of the 
 conspiracy — never did the conspiracy appear so hopeful 
 and so popular, and never did it gain so many recruits as 
 when it had reached the verge of failure. 
 
 O'Mahony continues his narrative thus : — 
 
 " A report from our representative was received in time 
 for a session held in June. It was as pressing as those of 
 General MiUen and Colonel Kelly. Jeremiah O'Donovaii 
 Rossa was sent to urge us on to hasten the fight, and to 
 impress upon us the necessity of our issuing our ' Final 
 Call.' But he did not convince the majority of the Cen- 
 
68 The Fenian Conspwacy. 
 
 tral Council that the time had yet come for taking- a step 
 so extreme and irrevocable ; neither did he fully convince 
 me. It was here that we resolved to send two members 
 of the Central Council home, as * Plenipotentiaries/ for 
 the purpose of deciding the question finally. The nomi- 
 nation of these resting with me, I selected P. W. Dunne, 
 as the most rabidly impatient and violent of advocates for 
 'immediate war or dissolution;' and P.J. Mcehan, the 
 most obstinate of its opponents. 
 
 " liy this time a large number of American officers 
 had gone to Ireland, many of them at their own ex[)ense 
 and unasked. 
 
 " I call attention here to a most remarkable fact in 
 reference to the cause which has been falsely assigned, by 
 the ' Genuine Dublin Centre,' as the immediate motive 
 Avhich brought about the secession of W. R. Roberts and 
 his accomplices, namely, of the deception practised upon 
 them by myself, James Stephens, and Col. Thomas 
 Kelly, with respect to the state of armament and general 
 preparedness of our associates in Ireland. Both P. J. 
 Meehan and P. W. Dunne, the plenipotentiaries com- 
 missioned by me, on this occasion, to decide finally the 
 question of an immediate fight or the further postponement 
 thereof, soon after became most conspicuous ringleaders of 
 the senatorial movement against me. ' Senator ' Meehan 
 is to-day notoriously the guiding spirit of the Roberts 
 faction. * Senator ' Dunne is still one of the most 
 thoroughly obstinate and unscrupulous leaders in Illinois. 
 Both have proved themselves upon all occasions to be 
 bitter and unscrupulous enemies of mine. 
 
Eve7its in 1864. 69 
 
 "These * rienipoicntiary Agents.' of the American 
 Organisation departed for Ireland towards the end of 
 June, with a mission of the most serious and awful re- 
 si)()nsibih*ty towards tlieir country and their race that was 
 ever borne homeward across the seas by representative . 
 Irislmien. To them was confided the decision of the 
 whole question of ' War or dissolution in '65.' To them 
 was entrusted the affamation or denial, after a strict and 
 conscientious investigation of the series of official state- 
 ments which had been presented to the Head Centre and 
 to their colleagues of the Central Council from that of 
 Captain rhilip Coyne, which had been read at the last 
 General Convention in the preceding January, to those of 
 O'Donovan Rossa, which had just been laid before them. 
 The amount of arms and ammunition reported in the 
 possession, or in any way within the reach of what were 
 called the ' Men of the Gap,' was to be verified by them, 
 as also the reported extent, numbers, discipline, and 
 determination of the organized revolutionary masses in 
 Great Britain and Ireland. They were charged to calmly 
 and discriminately examine into the position, character, 
 and general capability of the home leaders of the move- 
 ment, central and local, as far as ascertainable, previous to 
 their final fiat. 
 
 By the end of July the report and decision of these two 
 investigating commissioners, plenipotentiary "agents," and 
 extreme arbitrators, the aforesaid, P. J. Median and P. 
 W. Dunne, reached me at the central office of the 
 Brotherhood, which I then held in 22 Duane Street in 
 this city (New York). It came in the shape of a letter 
 
yo TJie Feiiian Coiispiracy, 
 
 from P. J. Median, dated at Dublin, Ireland, and addressed 
 to W. R. Roberts. It purported to have been written 
 after due examination of the position of the Irish Revolu- 
 tionary Brotherhood. The principal Dublin centres, or 
 "As," and such Irish American officers as were then 
 resident in Dublin and its vicinity, had, in the first place, 
 received Meehan and his colleagues at a general meeting 
 which had been specially called by James Stephens, for 
 the express purpose of satisfying them, and which was 
 held at the house of one of the oldest and truest 
 members of the organisation, who resides at present 
 at Saratoga, States of New York.* Your "genuine 
 Dublin centre" might perhaps have been present there 
 himself 
 
 In the second place, James Stephens, the Central 
 Executive, and the chief officer of the whole Irish branch 
 of the organisation, had held an important consultation with 
 the said plenipotentiaries, somewhere among the mountains 
 of Wicklow. The patriot martyrs, John O'Leary, Thomas 
 Clark Luby, Charles J. Kickham, D. D. Malcolm, and 
 Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, were among those present of 
 the leaders of the "men at home." General V. V. Millen.f 
 Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, Colonel Kirwan, Captain Condon, 
 with others, were there on the part of the resident Irish 
 American officers. These names, however, were not in 
 Meehan's official missive, nor is it relevant to my present 
 
 * This was a person of the name of Joyce, then residing in Grantham 
 Street, Dublin. 
 
 + The name of this man is variously written B. F., B. E., E. F., etc., 
 Millen and Mullen, by the conspirators. 
 
Events i?i 1864. 71 
 
 object to have it known who were there or who were not, 
 tlioii^Hi the purport and bearing of the decision of Mechan 
 and Dunne undoubtedly is. 
 
 Tlie missive above mentioned, which conveyed their 
 decision, justified in the fullest extent all the representa- 
 tions that had been made to me and the Central Council, 
 by James Stephens, during the preceding twelve months. 
 It corroborated him and sustained him in the most extreme 
 of his demands. It completely verified the consecutive 
 and unanimous reports of Captain Coyne, Colonel Kelly, 
 General Millen, and O'Donovan Rossa. 
 
 " From the time when Central Executive Stephens had 
 first promulgated his edict for 'war or dissolution in '65/ 
 I never made one single statement regarding the condition 
 of the revolutionary movement in Ireland to my con- 
 stituents in these States, that was not in strict and 
 scrupulous accord with the facts officially reported to me 
 by these gentlemen. If they were guilty of deception, I 
 was myself the most basely deceived of them all, while 
 Plenipotentiary and Senator Meehan and Plenipotentiary 
 and Senator Dunne — the one the bosom friend of 
 President Roberts, the other the most truculent and 
 destructive of the plotters of the P^enian Secession — 
 capped the long climax of the * deceivers.' 
 
 " The report of these men conveyed furthermore, most 
 urgent demands for the sending of three hundred ex- 
 perienced officers from here to Ireland, money to buy 
 arms, etc. — the arms to be got elsewhere. This was said 
 to be all that was needed to begin the fray with good 
 auspices. In order to procure the requisite money, we 
 
72 The Fenian Coiispiracy, 
 
 were recommended to promulgate our ' final call ' Im- 
 mediately, and to issue the bonds of the Irish Republic as 
 soon as ever we got them in readiness." 
 
 Here we again interrupt this important document, 
 as it reaches its most inlcrestinj,'^ j)()iiil, to give a fcvv^ 
 extracts from letters of O'Mahony, wrillen during 1865, 
 and previous to the final crash, letters which illustrate the 
 narrative and fill up various gaps therein — 
 
 '' Neiv York, Marcli 2W1, 1865. — There is no falling off 
 in our receipts, and if we are satisfied by the Man at 
 home, we may calculate on an immense increase. I 
 lament those feelings to which you refer as much as you 
 do. I do not think, however, this will culminate in any- 
 thing permanently detrimental to the F. B. An attempt 
 may probably be made to oust Messrs Roberts and Median 
 from the Central Council, after the Irish fashion adopted 
 by Messrs Sherlock, Sullivan, and others in Chicago ; but 
 that can scarcely be tried with impunity upon the pre- 
 sident of the Knights of St. Patrick and the editor of the 
 IrisJi America, the latter being as well posted upon the 
 general status of Ireland, Fenian, etc., as any of us, and 
 far better than at least five out of the nine members of the 
 Central Council. In truth, but veiy few of us know much 
 of that country as she now stands ; yet wc need full 
 information upon all her political and social bearings. A 
 parrot repetition of Mr Stephens's dicta will not do for 
 men of intellect and information. In line, it will be a 
 dangerous experiment to try to Sherlock these men. It 
 would affix an indelible stigma upon our whole organisa- 
 iton, set loose the tongue of calumny, and confirm all the 
 
Events in 1864. 73 
 
 suspicions of foul play, false pretence, and even swindling, 
 that our enemies have been trying to raise against us. It 
 would make the name of ' Fenian ' an abomination to all 
 honourable men now outside our ranks. For myself, I 
 would rather run the risk of splitting up the F. B. than 
 sanction it. Since L(uby's) advent to this country, a dis- 
 position to come in contact with the clergy has been 
 manifest. They (the I. R. B.) have got into a quagmire 
 themselves in this regard, and want to stick us equally 
 deep in the mud." 
 
 ''May.i^th, 1865. — I enclose a letter from (Capt. 
 
 Coyne), the first of our military envoys. It was addressed 
 to Mr McCarthy. You will see by it that matters over 
 there are very hot. But why not answer the address of 
 the Central Council yet.'* Are the Council and myself to 
 be thimble-rigged in so important a matter } Was the 
 Convention (at Cincinnati) a make-believe, the constitu- 
 tion a fraud, and the address of the Council a hood- 
 winking machine for all Irish Americans.'* Be calm, my 
 friend ; the matter will come right of itself More than 
 ever it is necessary that we should send over independent 
 conunissioners. Who will go } They must be men of 
 weiidit and intelligence, who can sec all parties favour- 
 able to our cause. Who will sound men like Doctor Mac- 
 Male, Father Kenyon, Smyth, Martin, and Moore, if need 
 
 be. Think it over. arrived safe. I have had a 
 
 paper from him. 
 
 " Did you see TJie Irish People s article on President 
 Lincoln's death } Luby must have written it in his cups. 
 I have issued an order suppressing the obnoxious 
 
74. The Fenian Co7ispiracy. 
 
 paragraph In such copies of the paper as shall be dis- 
 tributed through this office. 
 
 "'Brean' is again attacking Median. This must be 
 stopped. ICnough of Sherlocking has l)een ventured upon 
 already. The pitcher sent to the well too often — even 
 though it be for moral poison — may get broken at last. 
 When the Council meets the poison question must come up, 
 one way or other. In truth, I am in an unenviable position. 
 If I kick against the poisoners yet awhile, 1 may dash the 
 whole of this incongruous and badly-jointed machine to 
 pieces. 
 
 " I saw McCarthy on Friday. Poor fellow ! he is very 
 far gone, I fear, in consumption. His recovery will be 
 a miracle. He intends going north ; but I dread it for 
 him, as he is not strong enough to go alone. However, 
 he seems determined on it. I am very sorry for him, and 
 he will be a very severe loss to the organisation ; for he, 
 at least, had good sense, and could manage those Western 
 men. His mediation would be also most useful with the 
 men at home, and would prevent the split that is likely 
 to occur between myself and Stephens. He has also very 
 many excellent and loveable qualities. 
 
 " I am sorry to see The Irish People continues harping 
 at the priests and the nationalists. The priests have some 
 reason to dread its influence. It is well known to them 
 that there are few Catholics connected with it. Kickham 
 is the only sincere one on its editorial staff. The priests 
 need some guarantee from men like Luby and others, who 
 have repeatedly, in clerical company, contested points of 
 Catholic belief. The fact that many of its writers are 
 
Events in 1864. 75 
 
 anti-Catliolic \w opinion — coupled with these denuncia- 
 tions of priests — does not look well. Besides, we should 
 consider whether the paper is yet a paying concern." 
 
 Here we see O'Mahony as he was. In another extract, 
 this time from Median, we shall show him, as he was 
 also, thoui^h hardly as he wished to be seen. 
 
 " My first official act in the Council was to aid Col. W. 
 Roberts in averting- a rupture between that body and 
 O'Mahony, who had insultingly flung his resignation in 
 their faces, because they refused to vote his henchman 
 into an office with a salary of 800 dollars a year." 
 
 Thus there was unlimited distrust, intrigue, faction, and 
 imbecility in the ]''enian Brotherhood ; nor were things 
 much better on the other side of the water. There the 
 dissensions which had marked the close of 1863 ^^^^^ been 
 renewed. The Dublin leaders were dissatisfied with 
 Stephens on many accounts. There was plenty of 
 "organisation," they admitted; but there was nothing 
 else. They had men in abundance ; men were joining by 
 hundreds and thousands in England and Scotland, where, 
 for some months past, the conspiracy had been pushed 
 forward with great vigour ; men were joining in such 
 numbers that Stephens was embarrassed, as he admitted, 
 by the glut of recruits ; but there were no arms. Above 
 all, there was no prospect of speedy action — the thing 
 for which the masses sighed. 
 
 Then suspicion was at work among them. It was 
 plain to the clearer-sighted that the Government was 
 not quite so ignorant of their proceedings, or so utterly 
 unprepared to frustrate their purpose, as the C. E. would 
 
76 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 fain have them believe. There was also that question 
 of questions — the money question. Ireland had given 
 its utmost ; ICnglantl was bci;inninL;- to [)ay lavishly ; the 
 newspaper paid ; and vague report — and here the i)eople 
 had nothing but the vaguest of reports — raised the re- 
 mittances from America to an enormous sum in the 
 aggregate. 
 
 The habits of the chiefs, or of the greater part of 
 them, were pretty well known. Duggan, one of the 
 principal centres for Cork, was probably the most pro- 
 fligate man in the county. O'Donovan Rossawas riotously 
 intemperate ; Luby was intemperate ; the " Organisers " 
 were mostly debauchees ; in fact a capacity to indulge 
 in all sorts of sensuality was a prime recommendation 
 for the place of such a one. Men were best won over 
 to the cons[)iracy when the restraints of prudence and 
 principle 4^vere flung aside. The more thoughtful saw 
 these things, on the part of the native officials, and they 
 saw things as bad, or worse, on the part of the Irish- 
 American adventurers. The majority of the latter richly 
 deserved the character given of them by " President 
 Roberts" in 1867. He describes them as "fast living 
 men, who dined in first-class hotels, and who kept fast 
 horses and faster women." 
 
 But profligacy and extravagance were not the sole 
 things in the leaders that attracted attention. There 
 was peculation. It was seen that there were men in 
 Ireland who well merited such a retort as the Irish-Ameri- 
 can officers flung back at President Roberts, and with good 
 cause. " What was W. R. Roberts two years ago ? " writes 
 
Events in 1864. 77 
 
 one of these gentlemen in reply to the censure cast on 
 liimsclf and his companions in the President's message. 
 " He was a proprietor of a dry goods store in the Bowery, 
 with a presumed capital of 5000 dollars. What is Mr 
 Roberts now t He is the head of his branch of the 
 ]5rothcrhood, and has three stores instead of one, with a 
 declared capital of a cpiarter of a million of dollars ; one 
 store in the Bowery, one in Broadway, and one in Eighth 
 Avenue." There was something similar to l)e seen in 
 Dublin. Men who had been nothing in years gone by, 
 had prospered marvellously since joining the Brotherhood. 
 How men had become master builders ; journeymen, 
 merchant tailors; penniless "doctors" had purchased 
 paying businesses ; barmen were transferred into tavern 
 keepers, and so on. The discontented were numerous. 
 They had long been murmuring in no measured tones ; 
 they met, as in '61, in truculent numbers, to arrange for 
 action against their leaders, and especially against the 
 leader ; in short, they deliberated about deposing Stephens 
 and his clique, and establishing the long projected directory 
 in their stead. 
 
 There were some desperate spirits who went much fur- 
 ther. Foremost among these was a Cork man, — one of the 
 " Doctors," — who has borne an infinity o{ aliases in his time. 
 He was emphatically a "ne'er-do-well," as the Scotch 
 phrase it. Of good family, well educated, and with first- 
 rate opportunities, he never could get on. By the time 
 the conspiracy had attained its most threatening phase, in 
 1865, he, an early member thereof, after occupying fifty 
 different positions in his profession, had fallen so low as 
 
78 The Feiiian Conspiracy. 
 
 to be a chemist's assistant in an obscure London suburb. 
 He held, liowever, large sway over the London members 
 of the fraternity, by whom he was elected to represent 
 them in the Central Council sitting in Dublin. Here this 
 particular "Doctor" manifested himself one of the fiercest 
 opponents of the chief organiser. While others merely 
 spoke of deposing, he suggested that the C. O. should be 
 put to death. Nor did he content himself with suggest- 
 ing. He actually formed a conspiracy to effect that (\iZQ(\, 
 and would have carried it out too, had Stephens given him 
 an opportunity. The Head Centre for Ireland, however, 
 penetrated the design. He took care to run no risk from 
 the Doctor or his merry men during the remainder of his 
 stay in Ireland. And when he (Stephens) was about to 
 return to Europe, towards the close of 1866, somehow or 
 other this particular Doctor was put out of the way of 
 doing much personal injury to any one for a long period 
 by confinement. 
 
 As the summer of '65 went on, Stephens and his lieu- 
 tenant were at their wits' end to pacify their men. All 
 the blame of unpreparedness was thrown on the leaders in 
 America, — on O'Mahony in particular. The latter was 
 maligned and denounced without stint, while excuses, very 
 plausible in appearance, were given for short comings at 
 home. Finally, the cry of "war or dissolution in '65," 
 was raised again, and louder than ever. 
 
 A day for the outbreak was fixed ; it was to take place 
 on the anniversary of the execution of Robert Emmet, — 
 that leading idol of the modern Celt, — the 20th September. 
 
 How well prepared the conspirators were for an out- 
 
Events in 1864. 79 
 
 break at that date is shown in the following short report 
 made then by the Centre of the Southern Circle. " I have 
 seven ])s., fifty-four Cs., and about four hundred rank and 
 file, witli (mark this) five revolvers, fourteen rifles, and three 
 hundred pikes." In this circle there was one revolver, or 
 rifle for every twenty-third man, while more than one hun- 
 dred and forty men were totally unarmed. And yet this 
 particular circle was one of the best armed in the Brother- 
 hood ! 
 
 Nor was America prepared to make good the deficiency. 
 In May 'GG we find Colonel Thomas J. Kelly reporting 
 officially to the investigating committee, then sitting in 
 New York, that he had on hand 2,200 stand of arms of all 
 patterns, 1309 bayonets, 1624 cartridge boxes, 3784 knap- 
 sacks, 1 107 sabres, 3 officers' sabres, 131 revolvers, 420 
 cross and waist belts, with a totally inadequate supply of 
 other essentials, not enough indeed to equip 500 men 
 partially. To this account was to be added, for 1865, 750 
 bayonets, muskets, and knapsacks, sent on the expedition 
 to Eastport, and captured by the officers of the United 
 States, and which had not been returned up to the date of 
 the Colonel's report. With such an armament it was 
 manifestly absurd to think seriously of insurrection. There 
 were many plans, indeed, for obtaining arms from the 
 ]Miglish enemy, partly by surprise, and partly by treachery; 
 but nobody knew better than James Stephens that none 
 of these plans could be carried out with any effect. He 
 saw that he had conspired, and organised, and drained his 
 dupes to the utmost ; that in this direction it was impos- 
 sible to advance another step ; that his task was now to 
 
8o The Fenian Co7isph^acy, 
 
 break up the whole thing with as Httle injury, in person or 
 character, to himself as possible, and with as much injury 
 as possible to his personal enemies on both sides of the 
 Atlantic. How he did this we shall now recount. Here 
 we must return to O'Mahony's narrative. 
 
 " Such was the reading of the Meehan-Dunne report. 
 It felled the already tottering ' drag-chain ' policy to the 
 earth, apparently to rise to life never more. With so 
 great an accumulation of testimony against my individual 
 opinion, I had no alternative left, save to promulgate the 
 * final call' without further delay, and to throw my whole 
 energies into the * immediate war policy ' of Mr Stephens. 
 I felt that the Fenian organisation was about to barter a 
 system of action which promised certain victory in the 
 future, for what was almost a forlorn hope in the present. 
 The odds were then fearfully against the success of an 
 immediate uprising in Ireland. But my voice in opposi- 
 tion to immediate action would no longer be listened to 
 by my associates. Not one of them would look at the 
 situation as I did. 
 
 Ever since the spring of 1864, the secret and sworn con- 
 spiracy founded by H. O'C. M'Carthy, and lately directed 
 by Central Councillors Scanlan and Dunne, had been 
 covertly poisoning the organisation against me, sometimes 
 assailing me on the ground of incapacity, sometimes 
 on the desertion of James Stephens and the men in the 
 gap, their real motive being, because I would neither tell 
 falsehoods, nor make rash promises for the purposes of 
 inflating the movement, according to their notions and 
 those of Stephens. They worked in the dark, and by 
 
Events in 1864. Zi 
 
 some cliicancry got command of the secret fund in 
 Chicago, whereby they were enabled to send out emis- 
 saries on all sides to undermine and calumniate me. 
 Their effect on the Brotherhood had been so to raise its 
 liopes, by exaggerated representations of the talents of 
 James Stephens, and the numbers, courage, and resources 
 of the men in the gap, that its members would no longer 
 listen to reason. Falsehoods had been scattered round 
 wholesale, and indiscreet disclosures had been made by 
 a good many of the ' paid organisers,' who had been 
 appointed by the Central Council to praise up James 
 Stephens and his work, and to belittle me and mine. 
 Whenever I discovered them at their base tricks — for most 
 of this was done underhand — and brought them to account 
 therefor, my interference was represented through the 
 secret machinery, manipulated by Scanlan and Dunne, as 
 * pusillanimity,' 'incompetence,' 'treachery,' or 'deser- 
 tion of Stephens and the men in the gap,' the use of 
 whose names did effective service in the work of disin- 
 tegration for a considerable time, and subsequently 
 furnished their rallying cry to the * Senatorial Seceders.' 
 Some of these stealthy poisoners of my reputation I dis- 
 covered and dismissed ; but they were taken up by the 
 Chicago conspirators, and maintained by them out of the 
 above-mentioned 'secrcl fund,' which 'Senator' Michael 
 Scanlan had irregularly and corruptly retained in that 
 city, so that their career of mischief and demoralisation 
 went (Ml, in spite of me, with scarce an interruption. 
 
 "Thus surrounded, it was, as far as my feelings were 
 concerned, a relief to me to be able to issue the * Final 
 
 11. F 
 
82 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Call,' and the * Bonds of the Irish Republic,' without con- 
 scientious scruples, and without personal responsibility. I 
 had done my utmost, not to be 'deceived' myself, as to 
 the state of things in Ireland. I knew that I had never 
 wilfully deceived the Fenian ort^anisation in America. To 
 the crushing accumulation of evidence in favour of an im- 
 mediate fight, my reason could oppose nothing equivalent 
 in contradiction. The revolutionists were reported * Ready.' 
 Here we interrupt O'Mahony to remark, that all this 
 apology for his own conduct amounts to nothing. For 
 him to have remained the ostensible Head Centre, after all 
 controlling power had departed from him, was criminal. 
 It was the criminality of weakness, we admit; but, under 
 such circumstances, a weak man is more mischievous than 
 a vile one. Had O'Mahony abdicated, as he ought to have 
 done, immediately after the Cincinnati Congress, and his 
 discovery of his own helplessness, he would have prevented 
 a multitude of evils. But, by remaining the nominal 
 Head Centre, until he was expelled from the post under 
 circumstances that involved him, the weak tool, in the 
 same disgrace as the deliberately culpable, he enabled 
 swindlers and desperadoes to fleece the Irish race, in 
 America and in Europe, and to carry on the conspiracy to 
 the very last gasp, until it sank into utter helplessness, 
 making it a pretext for buccaneering and assassination, 
 and rendering its name a term of odium. We have heard 
 ardent Irishmen repudiate the name of " Fenian " as 
 fiercely as they would have repudiated that of reprobate, 
 and its memory is a lasting disgrace to the country it 
 pretended to serve. 
 
Events in 1864. 83 
 
 O'Mahony made the " final call " under circumstances 
 eminently shameful to the "plenipotentiaries," and espe- 
 cially to James Stephens and his lieutenants. A circum- 
 stance had occurred in Ireland which must have rendered 
 the conspiracy something like desperate even in their 
 eyes. This circumstance was carefully suppressed ; nothing" 
 but what was glowing was allowed to enter the reports — 
 until the "call" had been made. Then the evil was dis- 
 closed — to O'Mahony's consternation. What the circum- 
 stance was, and how it happened, wc leave the principal 
 actors to relate — beginning with O'Donovan Rossa. 
 
 "On the 24th of June '65, I left the Cove of Cork for 
 New York. I took with me despatches from James 
 Stephens to John O'Mahony. When I arrived on the 5th 
 of July, I learnt that Mr P. J. Meehan and Mr P. W. Dunne 
 were going to Ireland on business connected with the 
 organisation. They were to examine into things on the 
 other side, and were to report faithfully. A meeting of 
 the Council of the P^enian Brotherhood was held at the 
 house of Mr W. R. Roberts, at which I attended, and 
 heard read the despatches I had brought. This is not the 
 place to tell what passed there. 
 
 " Mr Meehan and Mr Dunn were to sail on the 12th, and 
 as I had my business done, I determined to sail with them. 
 John O'Mahony wanted to keep me in New York, as he 
 said many inquiries were made about Ireland which he 
 couKl not answer, and my being in the office would do much 
 good. I told him I would not stay for any consideration, 
 as I had no instructions on that head. lie asked me to 
 remain for a month, during which time he would write to 
 
84 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Stephens and have a reply ; but this I would not do. I 
 was strongly of opinion that there was to be a fight in 
 Ireland. Now, I do not say that I was mad to be first in 
 that fight ; perhaps in cool blood I might think myself 
 safer out of it ; but I was anxious to stick up to my own 
 expressions and to what people expected from me, and 
 that was not to be safely out of the way when there was 
 any danger around. I have not extraordinary fighting 
 courage, nor would I feel warranted in rushing into dangers 
 because my friends may think I would {sic) do so ; but 
 when I commit myself to a thing I like to act up to it. I 
 knew I had committed myself to be in the fight in Ireland, 
 and I would not give it to any one to say that I was safe 
 in America while it was going on. 
 
 "John O'Mahony told me that, as I would not stay, he 
 would give me a note that would send me- back as soon 
 as I handed it to Stephens. But I told him that I would 
 not be the bearer of any note complimentary to myself, 
 and refused to take it. 
 
 "■'Then,' said he, 'I will send it by the others, and 
 Patrick will take it down.* 
 
 " I was on board the Cuba when Patrick J. Downey 
 came alongside on the tender and handed me the note, 
 which I handed to P. J. Median.* 
 
 " Something has been said of John O'Mahony having 
 refused to pay my passage back to Ireland, and that it was 
 P. J. Mechan paid {sic) it, part of which is true and part false. 
 
 * This note was preserved and served as an in)i)orlanl i)ieee of evidence to 
 connect Kossa willi the consi)iracy, and secure iiis eunviclioa. lis tenor was 
 enough to make Stephens suspect Kossa. 
 
Events in 1864. 85 
 
 John O'Mahony did not refuse to pay my passage, but it 
 was stated to me by P. W. Dunne, in O'Mahony's presence, 
 tliat the party going to Ireland liad engaged one passage 
 more than they wanted, and that I would fit in there. And 
 after I gave Colonel Downing's message to P. J. Meehan, 
 he took me to the purser of the ship and paid for my 
 passage. This money, of course, I looked upon as Fenian 
 money, for I knew that Mr Median was the bearer of 
 funds to Ireland. 
 
 *' Going into the Cove of Cork, I told Mr Meehan that, 
 as I left Ireland in a troublous state, not knowing but 
 that there may (sic) be a rigorous search on landing, it 
 would be well for him to give those papers he had to his 
 sister, or to Mrs Dunne, who accompanied us. He told 
 me that they were all right, that he had them sewed up 
 between the .soles of one of his carpet-slippers. Next 
 day he lost these papers in Kingstown, where he went to 
 deliver them to James Stephens. Pursuant to the caution 
 given him, and to his own promptings, he thought it 
 better not to have those papers in any pocket of his, and 
 he fastened them with a pin, as he told us, inside the 
 waistband of his drawers. The pin slipped out, and the 
 letters slipped away from him unknown to him. The 
 charge has been made against him that he lost these 
 documents intentionally, and much contention has, I 
 understand, been in America about them. All I say is, 
 that the malter was discussed at a Council meeting in 
 Dublin, that he lost them honestly, and that I have no 
 evidence since to warrant me in changing that opinion. 
 Parties may say what they please of Mr Meehan on other 
 
S6 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 matters; it is only right for mc to say so much of him 
 on this." 
 
 Now we sliall see wliat Steplicns lilmsclf says about 
 this affair, and indeed of the whole of '65, so far. 
 
 " You held your Cincinnati convention " — Stephens is 
 speaking in America in '66 — "and about that time I 
 wrote, asking, for the months of January, February, and 
 March, ;^iooo. I stated I would require for the month of 
 April alone ;^ICX)0, and for the months of May, June, 
 July, and August, about ;{^2 500 a month. The money for 
 January, February, and March was sent to me — about 
 ^1000. Another ^1000 was sent to me in April; but I 
 did not get the second instalment till the middle of May ; 
 and of the money for May, June, July, and August, I got 
 none. Instead of getting the money I asked for, and 
 which would have enabled me to take the field last year, 
 two gentlemen were appointed here to go to Ireland to 
 investigate our work. They were perfectly satisfied with 
 the state of affairs in Ireland. They sent over a very 
 favourable report, and asked for money to be sent back to 
 us. It was agreed on at that time, that the bonds of the 
 Irish Republic should be issued on their return. It was 
 calculated we should have all that was requisite by 
 the close of the year. 
 
 " It so happened that one of the delegates, while in 
 Ireland, lost certain documents. This was Mr Meehan. 
 Now, I don't wish to say one word disparagingly of 
 him to-day ; neither do I wish that any friend of 
 mine should do so ; but while desirous of not saying 
 anything against him, it is necessary that the fact should 
 
Events in 1864. %"] 
 
 be known, that the loss of these documents was the 
 immediate occasion of the arrests in Ireland. I have 
 myself written against him, and if I have wronged him I 
 would be very happy to make him ample reparation — if 
 he will only favour me with a visit. I have sent invita- 
 tiojis to all those gentlemen — General Sweeney, Mr 
 Roberts, and Mr JMeehan — to all those gentlemen to come 
 and see me ; but very few of them have come, I am sorry 
 to say. Well, the arrests were m.ade." 
 
 After his speech Stephens submitted to be questioned ; 
 and among the questions put and the answers given were 
 these : — " Was it through your influence that V. J. Meelian 
 escaped assassination from the Irishmen in Ireland?" " I 
 have to say that, on three different occasions, he was saved 
 from a traitor's death by my influence. There is not a man 
 in Ireland who does not believe that Mr Meehan knew 
 when and where he lost these documents. The documents, 
 simple in themselves, were the immediate cause of the 
 arrests." " Please to explain the nature of the documents 
 lost by Meehan, and the people compromised } " " That 
 is as easy as A, B, C. The nature was that I was 
 addressed as the C. O. I. R. The British Government 
 acknowledged that they could not have taken any step but 
 for the discovery of those documents." In reply to 
 another question, Stephens stated that he had received 
 ;^30,ooo from America in eight years. 
 
 Next, let us see what Meehan has to say for himself 
 concerning this matter : — 
 
 " I now come to the charge that I was * the sole and 
 primary cause ' of the arrests in Ireland. The contents of 
 
88 The Fejiian Co7ispiracy . 
 
 these 'important' documents have been pul)h*shccl, and it 
 may surprise to find that there is not a word" in them 
 referring to any one but myself and P. W. Dunne, against 
 whom Mr O'Mahony's enmity is only little less bitter 
 than that he displays towards myself Here are the * im- 
 portant documents' z^^r^rt//;;/, as they were produced at the 
 trials in Dublin, among the mass of letters and papers not 
 * lost by P. J. Meehan : — 
 
 "'New York, Head Quarters Fenian Brotherhood, 
 " ' 22 Diiam Street. 
 " ' Brothers — I beg respectfully to present to you Messrs P. W. 
 Dunne, of Peoria, 111., and P. J. Median, of New York, both worthy 
 and trusted members of the C. C. 1''. 15. They are delet^aled to you by 
 the II. C. and C. C. F. B., with full power to treat of and arrange all 
 existing relations between the organisation they represent and the 
 I. R. B. They will present you with copies of the resolution, in 
 virtue of which they are sent to Ireland. They will also fully explain 
 to you, verbally, the objects of their mission. For many reasons I 
 will confine myself to bespeaking for them a cordial and fraternal 
 reception. 
 
 " ' P.S. — I enclose /500 sterling. 
 
 '"John O'Mahonv, II. C, F. B.'" 
 
 "With this was coupled another document which John 
 O'Mahony knows he did not commit to my keeping ; but 
 it tells even less than the former one, for there is not a 
 single name in it of any of the parties connected with the 
 organisation. 
 
 " ' TV? ya/fu's Power, Esq. (one of Stephc?is' aliases). 
 "'Brother, it is with extreme reluctance I let our friend O'Donnel 
 (Rossa) leave me at this crisis. It is absolutely necessary I should 
 have a man here like him, in whose honour I have implicit confi- 
 dence, and in whose lidelity antl friendbhip towards yourself your 
 faith is unshaken, send him back at once in view of prompt and cor- 
 dial work. "'James Mathews.'" 
 
Events in 1864. 89 
 
 Mr Median then j^oes on to show how groundless was 
 the cry got up by O'Mahony, and afterwards reiterated 
 by Stephens — that he was the sole cause of the arrests — 
 by demonstrating, as we have done already, that the Eng- 
 lish Government was in no lack of evidence concerning 
 the conspiracy. 
 
 The documents we have cited, together with the draft 
 for ;^5oo, were found close together, in Kingstown, near the 
 railway station, by a boy employed in the Telegraph 
 Office. This boy's evidence, given on vSaturday, Septem- 
 ber 30, 1865, runs to this effect: "Two months earlier 
 (towards the end of July) when going one evening to the 
 Telegraph Office about half past four o'clock, when just 
 near the railway station, he found three papers — two 
 * lying on the balcony and the third in the channel of the 
 balcony ' — two of the papers were shaped like letters, the 
 third was a long, narrow slip of paper, partly written and 
 partly printed, and bearing upon it the words 'New York,' 
 in capital letters." Witness put the documents into his 
 pocket, and gave them to Miss Charlotte Mitchell, a young 
 lady employed in the Telegraph Office. 
 
 We return to O'Mahony's narrative. " Certain things 
 no less important than disastrous occurred. * Plenipoten- 
 tiary ' P. J. Meehan ' lost ' (?) certain documents and 
 monies wherewith I had unfortunately trusted him for J. 
 Stephens. These had been in the hands of the British 
 authorities ever since the first week of their arrival in 
 J)ul)lin. Their acquisition put the bloodhounds on the 
 track of the Irish Revolutionary leaders. Plenipotentiary 
 Meehan was meanwhile allowed to remain unmolested in 
 
90 TJie Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Ireland, disporting himself within a * Circle of Fire,' as he 
 afterwards styled it, up to the 8th of October, that is, three 
 weeks after the arrests, and more than three months after 
 the acquisition of his ' lost ' documents by the English 
 Crown Officials. Then, and not till then, did he step on 
 board a Cunard steamer which landed him in America, 
 just in time to take part in the Convention of Phila- 
 delphia." 
 
 So much for the notorious 'lost' documents. In them- 
 selves their loss would have done little harm. It was 
 when taken in conjunction with a multitude of other 
 things that they acquired value as evidence, in the hands 
 of the English Crown officers, who had already sufficient 
 information, and who were soon to acquire masses of fur- 
 ther and very specific information. The " loss," how- 
 ever, was of the greatest value to Stephens ; it came most 
 opportunely for his purpose. The documents were found 
 towards the middle of July, three or four weeks previous 
 to the date fixed for the outbreak of the insurrection, and 
 enabled him to take very effectual measures for preventing 
 that outbreak, without compromising himself with his 
 followers. From the day of the loss he taught his lieu- 
 tenants to look upon their early arrest as certain. He 
 taught them also to expect as certainly a speedy release. 
 They trusted him and were ])repared for the arrest when 
 it came. Therein and therein alune he had not deceived 
 them. 
 
 On the night of the 15th of September the office of The 
 Irish People was taken possession of by the police. At 
 the same time a posse of police surrounded the house of 
 
Events in 1864. 91 
 
 T. C. Luby. After waiting outside for a considerable time 
 — arresting two of his messengers the while — they entered 
 and arrested Luby himself. In his house a large number 
 of treasonable documents were found — a still larger num- 
 ber having been seized in the office of TJie Irish People — 
 though the latter were by no means so important as the 
 former. For Luby, anticipating the raid on the newspaper 
 office, had selected the principal documents deposited 
 therein and carried them off, with the view of destroying 
 such as could be spared, and of secreting the rest. It is clear 
 from this one fact, that the police had received good 
 information, better than any accessible to Nagle the osten- 
 sible reformer — and that they had timed their visit well. 
 Luby, by his selection, merely spared the Crown lawyers 
 a good deal of trouble. The documents were already 
 sorted to their hands — or nearly so, for he was surprised 
 at the work. 
 
 Rossa was arrested under different circumstances — he 
 will tell us himself: "On the evening of the 15th of Sep- 
 tember, as I was talking to some friends in 82 Dame 
 Street, Dublin, Mr Patrick Kearney rushed in and said 
 The Irish People was seized — exclaiming, * What are we to 
 do.?' lie had fight in his eye, and I saw that the most 
 welcome words to him would be instructions to resist the 
 police. But, with very few arms, I knew we could not 
 fight that night ; and I told Pat Kearney, who had a 
 number of fighting men at his command, that we had 
 nothing for it but to keep quiet, and that I would go up 
 to the office. I was expecting that this swoop would be 
 made, and, always taking precautions to keep on papers 
 
92 The Fenia7i Consph^acy. 
 
 about me, I searched my pockets and gave a few business 
 receipts and a small pistol to Mike Moynahan. 
 
 I lived across the' street, and when I left my residence an 
 hour before, I left my wife packing her trunks. I was 
 under orders from Mr Stephens to go to America, and I 
 was taking my wife to the South of Ireland next morning. 
 I had always given her instructions to destroy any papers 
 connected with the organisation that she might find about 
 the house, but there was one document that I told her to 
 preserve, and this she sewed into the leather lining of 
 her pocket-book. The thought struck me that it was 
 l)ctter to destroy that too. T told the ])oys about me, 
 that I would run over to speak a word to my wife, and 
 then go up to TJie Irish People office ; but, as I was 
 going across the street, two detectives pounced upon 
 me, and I was their prisoner. Each had clutched a 
 shoulder of me, and they were so excited that their 
 nervous tremour kept shaking me." 
 
 So Rossa was captured, and similarly some twenty more, 
 most of them of small account — Cieorge Hopper, brother-in- 
 law of the C. O. I. R., being among the number. All these 
 were secured by twelve o'clock. Next morning O'Leary and 
 Luby were handed into the same receptacle. So far the 
 raid was complete and successful. Admirably timed, too, 
 for a few hours more would have seen an cw^ to the more 
 damning documents, and placed Rossa out of reach. 
 
 George I Topper being among the number of the prisoners, 
 averted suspicion from Ste[)hens as being the author of 
 the swoop. And that astute gentleman took a number of 
 elaborate precautions for his own security which were 
 
Events in 1864; 93 
 
 meant only to deceive his dupes. On the night of the 
 15111 he was at a lioiise in Denzil Street (that of Mr 
 Deniffe, "merchant tailor"), in consultation with Nagic 
 and some others. Nagle left the house somewhat earlier 
 than the rest, and was proceeding to the Castle to inform 
 the police of Stephens' whereabouts, when he was met by 
 a detective, and himself arrested. In vain the informer 
 warned the detective that there was a mistake, that he 
 was on his w^ay to the Castle to give important informa- 
 tion, and that he was in Government employ. But all 
 protestations were in vain. The detective insinuated that 
 his information would be just as valuable at anotlier time, 
 and Nagle was taken into custody, while Stephens quietly 
 walked home. The informer was astonished at the 
 opacity of his captor ; but the latter knew what he was 
 about. Stephens had a purpose to serve at large — simply 
 to " set " the remainder of his most trusted lieutenants 
 in a l)ody for the police. 
 
 On the day following the seizure of The Irish People 
 office Stephens limped down Dame Street, with one leg 
 tied up, and otherwise apparently disabled. In this 
 manner he tramped about Dublin for several days, 
 passing the police at pleasure, and now and then 
 begging a penny from a bystander. Thus he con- 
 tinued to act until the time for making the ultimate cap- 
 ture arrived. Before we relate that, we had better give a 
 few sentences to another of his devices for throwing dust 
 in the eyes of his dupes — his refuge, and the provisions 
 and precautions taken thereanent. 
 
 In the month of July preceding, much about the time 
 
94 The Feniait Conspiracy. 
 
 of the " loss " of the documents by Mcehan, he had 
 taken a house known as Fairfield House, near Sandy- 
 mount, on the river Dodder, at a rent of £60 a year. 
 Here he was known as " Mr Herbert," and was under- 
 stood to be a retired merchant. " Retired " indeed he 
 was, in one sense, for he refused to make acquaintance 
 with his neighbours, seemingly occupying- himself ex- 
 clusively with his garden. Iksides himself, the place 
 was occupied by his wife, his sister-in-law, Kickham, 
 Duffy, and Brophy. A large stock of provisions of all 
 kinds had been laid in — enough to last the occupants for 
 six months at least. A show, too, was made of sustaining 
 a state of siege in other respects. JCach of tlie men 
 kept his revolver always capped and loaded. The twenty- 
 four hours of the day were divided into eight vigils of 
 three hours each, during which Stephens, Kickham, Viw'iiy, 
 and Brophy alternately kept guard. To aid the sentinels 
 on their watch, there was a supply of binocular glasses, 
 one in each window commanding the approaches. 
 
 After all these elaborate precautions, the capture of the 
 redoubted conspirator was one of the easiest things in 
 the world. On the night of the lOth of November, the 
 heroes got tipsy, or rather more than tipsy, so at least 
 asserts one writing of the event as an "Eye-witness" of most 
 of the things he related, and who therefore ought to know. 
 He, be it observed, is the ardent worshipper of everything 
 Fenian in general, and of James Ste[)hens in particular. 
 Well, the usual strict watch was not observed towards the 
 morning of the nth of November, and during the ward- 
 ship of Brophy, the police drew up unnoticed to the door. 
 
Events in 1864. 95 
 
 It was partly opened before the dazed and bemuddled 
 sentry, and his companions, in the like state, knew what 
 they were about. The police, with their commander, 
 (>)l<)nel Lake, were witliin the stronf^liold before a blow 
 could be struck. roliceniau Hughes must tell the 
 rest. 
 
 " I went to the back-door about seven o'clock and 
 knocked. At the third knock, a person inside cried out, 
 * Who's there } ' I answered that I was a constable, had 
 come to examine the house, had a magistrate's warrant, 
 and they, the inmates, had better open the door. The 
 person said, *I am naked.' I said to him, 'Have you a 
 night-shirt on V He said, * Yes.' I told him he need 
 not be ashamed, and that if he would not open the door, I 
 would open it for him. The door was then opened, and I 
 saw the prisoner James Stephens going up the stairs. I 
 went after him. In the room there was a female, who he 
 said was his wife. I asked him who was the landlord of 
 the house } He said * Mr Herbert.' I said, ' What is your 
 name."** He said, * James Herbert' I then sent for 
 detective Dawson, who knew him, recognised him in- 
 stantly, and called him by name. Dawson said, * How 
 are you, Stephens } ' who replied, * Who the devil are 
 you } ' Dawson said, * I am police-constable Dawson.' 
 He replied, ' Dawson, be damned ! ' and became very ex- 
 cited. I told him that I arrested him for high treason. 
 He said, 'Yes, I will now be quiet.' " 
 
 In this way Stephens kept the resolution so often an- 
 nounced by him during the preceding two months, " to 
 shoot down as many of the hirelings {anglice^ policemen) as 
 
96 The Fenia7i Conspiracy. 
 
 possible, just as they entered the garden, and then manage 
 to escape during the consequent confusion." 
 
 However, if Mr Stephens did not distinguish himself 
 on the morning of his capture, by strong actions, he did 
 distinguish himself, according to his worshippers, by strong 
 words — things which they seemed to consider very nearly 
 if not quite as heroic. " I learned from sources which I 
 need not divulge," writes the Eye-witness, who there is 
 reason to think penned his brocJmrc under the dictation of 
 Stephens — the said hrocJiurc making its appearance in the 
 States in '6G^ simultaneously with the C. O. I. R., and 
 being couched in a style much resembling that of the 
 C. O. I. R. — ** that the excitement of Stephens on being 
 arrested was something fearful to contemplate. His face 
 became livid with suppressed passion ; his eyes (those sore- 
 looking, furtive, blinking eyes) fired, with a fierce unnatural 
 brightness ; his voice became hoarse and tremulous as a 
 winter wind ; and his whole body shook and shivered with 
 volcanic emotion. It was as if a sudden sirocco had passed 
 over his soul, withering with a poisonous tempest all his 
 hopes for the rehabilitation of Ireland." In short, the 
 C. O. I. R. sought to persuade his dupes that on this 
 occasion at least his pose was all that they could have 
 desired. Unfortunately, however, for his repute, the ex- 
 pressions recorded of him, by those whom we can trust, 
 do not agree with this magniloquent description. " Who 
 the devil are you.'*" " Dawson, be damned!" and that 
 admirable climax, " I will now be quiet," are not, the last 
 especially, precisely the interjections of a hero. 
 
 Seeing his hopes for the rehabilitation of Ireland 
 
Events in 1864. 97 
 
 baffled, Stephens, who was then hi his nightshirt, pro- 
 ceeded to dress himself. Himself and his three lieu- 
 tenants were soon safe within four walls. So ended the 
 I'^enian farce, so far as Ireland was concerned. It was 
 soon to become wretchedly tragic therein. And what did 
 ^dl this mean t 
 
 The first arrests in Dublin, followed as they were, 
 by, or rather simultaneous with, other arrests in Cork 
 and elsewhere, had rendered a rising on the 20th of 
 September impossible. The thing had to be postponed 
 until fresh arrangements could be made. All this might 
 have been done before. Measures might have been taken, 
 before the arrests of September, to secure a rising with some 
 sort of eclat, a little earlier or a little later, had Mr Stephens 
 really meant that there should have been a rising at all. 
 We have stated these arrests were no surprise to him. We 
 have shown that they were no surprise to Rossa. Indeed, 
 they had been expected by those deepest in the secrets of 
 tlie organisation for weeks. In a letter found at O'Lcary's 
 lodgings — read at the trial of that person — it was stated 
 that they (the chiefs) expected shortly to serve some time 
 in Mountjoy prison, but that they were prepared for it. 
 Prepared to be imprisoned they certainly were, though 
 hardly for the results that followed. They expected to 
 be released, either by the measures which Stephens 
 had so often declared he had taken to secure escape 
 in case of arrest, or by the success of the revolution. 
 'I'he latter, the success of the revolution, was always, for 
 the first two years, the confident hope of those members 
 of the Brotherhood who happened to be convicted. Not 
 
 ]I. G 
 
98 The Fenimi Conspiracy. 
 
 one of them heard his sentence without feeh'ng convinced 
 that the penalty must soon be remitted ; and numbers, 
 expressed tin's conviction before quittin^^ the dock. 
 
 Stephens, however, took no measures whatever, for pro- 
 curing the escape of any of the prisoners. On the contrary,. 
 he sternly forbade the making of any such attempt. lie did 
 not even satisfy themselves or their friends by his proceed- 
 ings with respect to their defence. Much discontent,, 
 indeed, was manifested at his conduct. Thus wrote Ste- 
 phens on this point, a {c\\f days before his capture — 
 
 " I learn that some of the prisoners are discontented and 
 greatly annoyed at what they call my interference with Mi- 
 Lawless. This has either arisen from a personal dislike to 
 me, which I cannot credit, or from my having been mis- 
 represented to them by Lawless. 
 
 " I have already sent memoranda of the result of my 
 interview with Lawless, so I need not repeat ; but I may 
 add, Mr Leslie accompanied me on my first and last visit,, 
 and can vouch for the correctness of my report. T under- 
 stand the prisoners are fmding fault with me for two things- 
 which I did not report; firstly, for saying that the ;^500 paid 
 by the bank did not belong to Mr O'Leary. This I did say to 
 Lawless, when he complained that Mr O'Leary had made 
 a strange demand upon him to hand over the money, and 
 I admit it was indiscreet, but if it was the truth, I cannot 
 see why it is sought to magnify it into a crime. I am 
 accused of recommending a Mr Nolan, a solicitor, to 
 Messrs Luby, Rossa, and Ilaltigan, whom it now appears 
 Mr Luby (the only one Nolan saw) did, or does not think 
 trustworthy. Now, in explanation of this, I beg to say that 
 
Events in 1864. 99 
 
 on Tuesday, after the arrests, I did give Nolan a letter to the 
 gentleman named, which was also signed by G. W. Cush- 
 man,* and we did it, after mature consideration, and as the 
 only hope of being able to be of service to Mr Luby or 
 the others. We selected Nolan, because he promised us, if 
 he was retained, to give us charge of the case, and that, 
 after a fust interview between him and the i)risoner, cither 
 he or both of us might rei>rcsent him in the prison. Both 
 Cushman and myself acted in good faith, and used 
 Nolan as the only means by which we could communicate 
 with the prisoners, which he felt to be a duty under the 
 circumstances ; and I think it is too bad that our well- 
 meant efforts to serve the prisoners and be a medium be- 
 tween them and their friends outside should be turned 
 into a fault. It is very painful to me that I should be 
 deemed by the prisoners and their friends as a mischievous 
 meddler, or be the means of causing a misunderstanding 
 between those who have hitherto been more than mere 
 friends, much less to be a bone of contention. Therefore 
 1 shall take it as a favour if I can be released from the 
 duty assigned to me as to the defence ; not that I shrink 
 from my duty, but I am fearful of doing a great deal of 
 harm in pursuit of a little good." 
 
 From this letter it is evident that any command which 
 Stephens pretended to exercise over Irish prisons and prison 
 officials did not exist so far as the parties arrested in 
 September were concerned. Apart from his conduct, with 
 respect to the defence of the prisoners, there were other 
 things in Stephens during the period that elapsed up to 
 * G. \V. Cushman, an alias for T, J. Kelly. 
 
lOO The Fenian Co7ispiracy, 
 
 his own arrest whicli gave deep dissatisfaction. He had 
 been waited upon by a deputation from the deserters in 
 Dubhn, which was accompanied by a deputation from the 
 centres of the regiments in the garrison, and was en- 
 treated to give the word for an outbreak. These men felt 
 that every instant was diminishing their chances of success, 
 and they represented the position very forcibly, but 
 Stephens would not accede to their request. Others 
 wanted him to allow men who were very willing to make 
 the attempt, to force the Dublin prisons, but here he was 
 more obstinate still in refusal. His position had become 
 very embarrassing and was becoming dangerous ; the only 
 way to escape from it was to become a prisoner himself, 
 and he became a prisoner. 
 
 Stephens and his companions, when arrested, were found 
 very much better provided with money than any of the 
 former cai)tives. Stephens c.irricd the sum of ^26 ; Kick- 
 ham had ^"40 in coin, ^33 in notes, and a cheque for ^40; 
 while Duffy was in possession of an order, dated New 
 York, 22d Steptember 1865, for;£"i525, 8s. 6d., payable to 
 George Hopper. The house was well furnished, upwards 
 of ^300 having been paid for its fitting to a Dublin 
 upholsterer but a short time before. Everything was of 
 the best kind. The revolvers, which had not been used, 
 were beautiful weapons. There were books ; there was a 
 wardrobe superbly fitted up ; and there were plenty of 
 papers relating to the I. R. \\. 
 
 Let us see, now, what Stephens said himself about these 
 arrests and current events. " The arrests (September) 
 were made and the Government said triumphantly that 
 
Events in 1864. 10 r 
 
 all was over in Ireland ; but so far from it, never was 
 harder work and more work done in Ireland than immedi- 
 ately after the arrests. I was free myself, and while free 
 r am not used to be idle. Immediately afterwards the 
 (Government saw the necessity of proclaiming every 
 county in Ireland one after another, because they felt 
 the work was going on stronger than ever, and that the 
 only thing we wanted was arms and munitions of war, and 
 these were coming into the country and they could not 
 prevent their coming in. They saw that the men who 
 were serving the cause of Ireland were able to baffle them, 
 and that the men got in what they required. 
 
 "What they were able to do then they are able to do now, 
 (Stephens was speaking in New York, 1866.) Don't allow 
 yourselves to be blinded upon that subject, nor let your- 
 selves be persuaded by any one that we can't get the means 
 into the country. It has been all a question of money. 
 With the requisite funds we can get in whatever materials 
 we wish, and men too, if we require them. My opinions on 
 this subject ought to be more than the opinions of the 
 people who have not seen Ireland since the greenness of 
 their youth, and who know next to nothing of Ireland. 
 
 **My friends were arrested, and you know how they con- 
 ducted themselves. The bearing of those prisoners lias 
 not been surpassed by the bearing of any men in history 
 under similar circumstances, and they bore all this because 
 they still had faith, — faith in the organisation which they 
 knew to be so powerful at home, and also faith that the 
 [)romises so often made to them, and so solemnly made 
 upon this side, would be kept. 
 
1 02 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 "When the counties had been proclaimed, the l^ritish 
 press — how am I to designate that press ? — I beHeve it 
 to be the vilest press in the world, unless it be that 
 foul press of Ireland which may fairly be designated 
 the journalistic excrements of England — that vile press, 
 then, began openly to boast that the organisation was 
 suppressed in Ireland. But, only a few weeks after- 
 wards, the Lord Lieutenant wrote the precious letter which 
 you must all of you have read calling on the Govern- 
 ment to suppress the Habeas Corpus Act. You know the 
 wholesale arrests that were made after the suspension of 
 the Habeas Corpus Act. They thought to make the 
 world believe that we were suppressed then at least, and 
 that was their third attempt. But I can tell you 
 that the organisation in Ireland is stronger than it ever 
 has been, in numbers, discipline, and in all the require- 
 ments of an army, save only war material. The organisa- 
 tion in Ireland, towards the close of last year, numbered 
 two hundred thousand men, and of that force fifty thou- 
 .sand were thoroughly drilled, with a large proportion of 
 men who had seen war and smelt powder on the battle- 
 field, a large proportion of veterans, in short, fifty thousand 
 were partly drilled men, and the other hundred thousand 
 quite undrilled. But, if there be a man among you who 
 thinks that fifty thousand Irishmen thoroughly drilled, 
 with fifty thousand others partly drilled, would not make 
 a force sufficient to meet anything that ]uigland could 
 bring against us, then, indeed, he is wofuUy ignorant of 
 the resources of England. , 
 
 " What army could be brought against Ireland by 
 
Events in 1 864. 1 03 
 
 ICngkmd ? What is the mihtary force of England at 
 present ? There are some twenty thousand English troops 
 in Ireland at present, and it would take England from 
 thirty to forty days to concentrate a force of thirty to 
 forty thousand men in Ireland. It would take her 
 three months at least to concentrate a force of seventy 
 thousand, and it is not likely she would ever be able to 
 concentrate a larger force. Of our forces we could con- 
 centrate in Ireland, at four or five given points, one hun- 
 ilred thousand men in twenty-four hours. All we wanted 
 in Ireland, from the middle of September to the end of 
 December, was arms to put into the hands of our men. 
 The men were there and only wanted the arms. 
 
 "But in thcveryhourof our strength came the melancholy 
 news of your disruption here. Still we held on. We did not 
 think it possible that any body of men on this continent 
 could be found that would withhold from Ireland, in that 
 supreme hour of her need, the succour which they had pro- 
 mised to give us ; and it was because I could not bring 
 myself to believe this that I had made up my mind to get 
 jnyself arrested, even if the English authorities had not 
 tsucceeded in doing so (Stephens meant in arresting him) ; 
 for I felt myself bound to action last year, and I thought you 
 would feel bound to it here, if I devoted myself so far as 
 to accept a prison voluntarily, and that by going into 
 prison you, on this side, would be driven to give us what 
 we wanted. However, before the time I had decided for 
 putting it in execution, 1 heard nothing favourable from 
 this side, and the government found out my residence, and 
 I was arrested." 
 
1 04 ^>^^ Faiiaii Conspiracy. 
 
 It is well to notice the number of condemning' admis- 
 sions in this extraordinary extract There were plenty of 
 men in the I. R. B., but they were virtually unarmed. 
 They had neither weapons nor the means of procuring 
 them. Then the first arrests were followed immediately 
 by the proclaiming of every county in Ireland, and by the 
 suspension of the Habeas Corpus, things showing that the 
 government of a powerful country was fully alive to the 
 extent and objects of the conspiracy, and determined to 
 frustrate it. How any man in his senses could think of 
 rebellion under such circumstances is astonishing. That 
 Stephens thought seriously of anything of the kind we 
 cannot believe. And yet, we know that he had pledged 
 himself to "war or dissolution of the Brotherhood in '65,'*" 
 and we know that he even fixed a day for the outbreak,, 
 that day being precisely one by the arrival of which it was; 
 utterly impossible to supply the deficiency of arms and 
 ammunition under any circumstances. That he could ex- 
 pect such a deficiency ever to be supplied to any formid- 
 able extent, with the counties proclaimed, — the authorities^ 
 everywhere on the alert, and the English fleets watching 
 the coast, is also impossible. And he could have had ncv 
 real hope of success even if these difficulties had not lain 
 in the way, of any considerable importation of wcapon.s 
 from America. The quantity of arms and equipments 
 collected there at this period we have already summarised. 
 
 Perhaps the most extraordinary of all his statements is^ 
 the one in which he declared his purpose of procuring his- 
 own arrest. We know that a year before he had stated 
 the same thing to O'Mahony. But that might have been 
 
Events in 1864. 105 
 
 looked upon as an idle boast, or more probably still, as 
 a preparatory excuse for the thing, a device to divert sus- 
 picion from himself when it should occur. The flimsiest of 
 devices it looks to us. Nor does the reason he gives in 
 his speech for taking such a course appear at all convinc- 
 ing. Why should his arrest make the Fenians of America 
 more willing to provide what he asked } One would have 
 supposed such an occurrence about the most likely thing to 
 damp and destroy all enthusiasm rather than excite it. 
 Probably Stephens introduced this paragraph into his 
 speech, because among his hearers, or among many of 
 them, there would be an unpleasant remembrance of his 
 singular boast. 
 
 There is not, however, in this speech, or in any of his 
 speeches, one single attempt to excuse one circumstance, 
 the fact that not one word of the " loss " of the documents 
 by Meehan was ever conveyed to O'Mahony, or to any 
 of the leading Fenians in America, until the arrests 
 of September had taken place. This suppression of an 
 important fact enabled the British Government ta 
 intercept over ;^6ooo remitted by O'Mahony. It was 
 precisely the amount which Stephens himself particularised, 
 in the speech so often quoted, as that which he required to 
 commence the rebellion. The money was not eventually 
 lost to the Brotherhood ; but it was locked up until the 
 emergency had passed away. The " loss " of the Meehan 
 documents did, indeed, prevent the outbreak projected for 
 Sei)tember, but not in the way explained by Stephens 
 and accepted by O'Mahony and so many others. 
 
 We must now resume O'Mahony 's narrative : — " When 
 
io6 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 the final call had been issued (August 5th, 1865) I felt 
 disembarrassed of the more serious portion of my moral 
 responsibility. My duty appeared to have become all at 
 once exceedingly simple. It was, first, to forward to the 
 Executive of the I. R. 11 the immediate financial product 
 of the said "call," as fast as it came in, so that the arms 
 and ammunition which could, according to all our ofiicial 
 reports, be purchased in the United Kingdom, might be 
 made available without delay ; and, next, to see to the 
 fitting out of a military and naval expedition from 
 America to Ireland. As soon as the latter could be ready 
 for sea, I had made up my own mind to resign the Head 
 Centreship, and join it as a volunteer. I rejoiced at the 
 near prospect of being able to throw off the official mantle 
 which had so long clung to me — burning into my soul and 
 poisoning my existence. With respect to the general con- 
 duct of the movement, no power of independent volition 
 had been left to me. To have attempted to exercise any 
 now would have been a betrayal of my trust. The whole 
 programme having been laid down by James Stephens 
 and his military and civil councils in Dublin, any diver- 
 gence therefrom, however well conceived in itself, might 
 obstruct and defeat the whole movement. I, therefore, 
 ceased to reason or to plan from that time up to the 
 "' Secession," devoting all my energies to the literal fulfil- 
 ment of the requirements of the home organisation, with- 
 out question or demur. 
 
 " Some days after the receipt of the report of Meehan 
 and Dunne, and after the promulgation of the 'Final 
 Call,' I received a long and circumstantial despatch from 
 
Events in 1^6^. 107 
 
 James Stephens, Informing me of the now notorious ' loss* 
 of 'Plenipotentiary' Meehan's official documentary, and 
 Avith them of ^500 sterling, the money of the Brother- 
 hood. The despatch Informed me, also, that Meehan's 
 life had been saved with difficulty by Stephens himself, 
 from the indignant centres of Dublin, upon their learning 
 of his criminality, and tliat Important arrests were expected 
 hourly * in consequence thereof. Plenipotentiary Median 
 had given no intimation whatever of this misfortune In his 
 own report, at least not in the one that I saw ; but, as his 
 official missive had come under cover to W. R. Roberts, it 
 might, or might not, have been accompanied by another. 
 
 ** Meanwhile the ' Pinal Call ' was promptly and en- 
 tliuslastlcally responded to by the Brotherhood. Within 
 llie space of one fortnight from its Issue, I was enabled to 
 forward several drafts to Ireland, amounting in all to 
 ^bout six thousand pounds sterling. The crisis admitting 
 of no delay, I was forced to risk them through the British 
 post, and to send them to addresses In Dublin, previously 
 furnished to me by James Stephens. I learnt afterwards 
 that Stephens had left another address for Paris, with his 
 right-hand man, H. O'C. M'Carthy (who was now dead) ; 
 but, as before stated, I did not know of the existence of 
 any such arrangement. 
 
 "About the 2 2d of September, ' Plenipotentiary ' P. W. 
 Dunne returned to New York. He was big with the 
 perfection of the home organisation, and expressed himself 
 
 • And yet at this very crisis, when arrests were expected hourly, Stephens 
 summoned to Dublin Flood, the Englisli Head Centre, wlio was b.agged with 
 the others. 
 
io8 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 highly hidignant witli mc for not having sent home an/ 
 money to Stephens, during his (Dunne's) sojourn with 
 him ; but he had to curb his indignation when he wa>t 
 shown the dupHcatc draft for six thousand pounds sterhng, 
 together with a long list of officers sent to Ireland during 
 the interval. The fact was, that through Tlcnipotentiary 
 Median's double treachery in losing his documents, and 
 concealing the loss from me, the Ih-itish authorities were 
 enabled to seize the drafts in the post-office, and conse- 
 quently even the loss of the ^500 confided to himself was,, 
 under the circumstances, a cause of serious embarrassment 
 and injury to the movement. 
 
 "On the 24th of September, the news of the seizure- of 
 The Irish People, and the arrest of its editors and other 
 important parties, reached me. It was followed by another 
 despatch from Stephens, detailing the extent of our losses^ 
 including the " drafts," and requesting that an immediate 
 supply be sent by hand, and that a trustworthy man be 
 selected, without dehiy, and sent to Paris as our financial 
 intermediary for the future. He attributed the immediate 
 cause of the entire misfortune to the loss of his documents 
 by Plenipotentiary P. J. Median. There can now be no- 
 doubt that it was so." 
 
 Here is the despatch last referred to : — 
 
 « Saturday Night, September 16. 
 
 (" Strictly private and confidential.) 
 
 *' My Dear Friend, — Communicate the following at your earliest 
 convenience. On last night, about nine o'clock, the office was sur- 
 rounded by the police, acting under the order of the Privy Council. 
 The office was gutted, and ten arrests made. You will learn the 
 details from the public prints. To-day several other arrests have 
 
Events in 1864. 109 
 
 been made — of the Council among tliem. Immediately after the 
 forcing of the door last night (they broke open the door, and carried 
 •off everything), we heard what had happened — and that much, I may 
 say, extreme feeling had been stirred up among our friends. They 
 sent a party in search of me to know what should be done. Had wc 
 been prepared last night, we would have marked an epoch in our 
 history. But we were not prepared, so I issued an order that all 
 should go home. We have news by this day's mail that numerous 
 arrests have been made in Cork. No further intelligence has yet 
 reached us from the country. I would add the authorities took pos- 
 session of the telegraph offices last night. This, of course, has made 
 our communications slow. From what I have already written — 
 detailed writing is out of the question, if I am to catch this post — and 
 what you can learn from the public prints, you will see that the enemy 
 is in a rage, and striking like a madman. Like a madman, for I can 
 see he is much in the dark still he is furiously \\\ earnest, and every 
 suspected person is certain of being })ickcd u[). Tell our friends that 
 their scepticism, inquisition, hesitation, and not imprudence on our 
 part, have brought us to this. Mr Meehan, especially, is uni- 
 versally blamed — of course, I cannot say how much he may 
 have injured us ; but I know his affirmed knowledge of men and 
 things has been calculated to do us serious injury. It is much to be 
 regretted that our friends at your side saw the necessity to examine 
 into what we were doing, or to tell us what to do." 
 
 It was this letter that suggested to O'Mahony the cry 
 which he took up so eagerly against P. J. Meehan. It 
 was a clever device of the C. O. I. R. lie knew the 
 enmity of the 11. C. V. V>. towards Meehan ; he knew the 
 character of the former — weak, passionate, and injudici- 
 ous ; lie knew that the cry would be taken uj) on both 
 .sides of the Atlantic ; he knew that few or none among 
 his countrymen would pause to think the matter over 
 carefully ; he knew that they would place the loss of the 
 documents by Meehan side by side wilh the arrests, as 
 •cause and effect ; and he knew that suspicion would thus 
 be diverted very effectually from himself. 
 
no The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 To us, who have no prejudice on cither side, it is very clear 
 that the loss of those documents, — whether that loss was by 
 design or the work of chance — and there is no reason to 
 blame chance — was not the fundamental cause of the failure 
 of the conspiracy. As Meehan pointed out, there was 
 nothing in them calculated to reveal any particular 
 secret. 
 
 As to the money afterwards intercepted, how could the 
 British Government guess that the I. R. W. and its chiefs 
 would be so stupid as not to notify the loss to the Head 
 Centre in New York } How could they know of the 
 extraordinary conduct of the chiefs of the conspiracy in 
 both hemispheres, between the end of June and the date 
 of the descent on the office of TJic Irish People in Sep- 
 tember, unless they had received some more special 
 information than the documents supplied } That they 
 possessed such special information is plain. And though 
 Nagle had been already for some months in communica- 
 tion with the Castle authorities, it is quite clear that he — 
 a mere messenger and papcr-foldcr in the office of The 
 Irish People — could not have obtained access to any of 
 the more important documents and secrets of the I. R. 1). 
 The Government officials in Dublin must have obtainctl 
 precise information of what was going on. Ask the cir- 
 cumstances that we have related ; ask those circumstances 
 we are about to relatej; they will tell who the informer 
 was. 
 
 We have said that the arrests made in Cork were 
 hardly less important than those made in Dublin. ICvery 
 man captured was a leader. The most important of them 
 
Events in \Z6i\, 1 1 1 
 
 escaped conviction for the time. This was Captain John 
 M'Caffcrty. lie sailed for IrcLind \\\ September 1865, in 
 the City of Limerick steamer. On the arrival of the 
 vessel at Quecnstown, M'Caffcrty was arrested before he 
 could step ashore. This act, coupled with the subsequent 
 career of the prisoner, shows how accurate was the infor- 
 mation in the possession of the British Government, and 
 that it must have been supplied by no ordinary informer. 
 Indeed, the authorities were perfectly aware of the name, 
 rank, etc., of every American Irish officer that sailed for 
 Ireland, from the beginning- of the crisis to the end ; they 
 l<new the date of their sailing, and knew the ports at which 
 they were to land ; consequently they were prepared to 
 arrest them at once, or to establish a watch upon their 
 movements. 
 
 M'Caffcrty had served in the Confederate army during 
 the war of secession. In his possession were found 
 a number of military manuals. He was tried under 
 the Special Commission at Cork, in December 1865. 
 At his trial, a letter was read by his counsel which 
 tlirows a good deal of light upon the way in which such 
 men as M'Caffcrty tried to escape the punishment 
 attached to their conduct. They were all bitterly inimical 
 to England. They stopped at nothing that occurred to 
 them as likely to promote their purpose. At the same 
 time they really seemed to think that their naturalisation 
 in the United States, ought to place them beyond the 
 reach of English law. On his arrest M'Caffcrty claimed 
 the Interposition of the American Consul, who made the 
 following reply : — 
 
1 1 2 The Fcjiian Conspiracy, 
 
 " UNITKD S'JA'IKS' Consui-atk, Queenstown, 
 " October ^th, 1865. 
 "J. M'Cafferty, Esq. 
 
 " Sir, — I am in receipt of your communication of the 7th instant, 
 and in reply I beg to inform you that upon examination of your case, 
 I find Jirsfy that you were born in Sandusky, State of Ohio ; second, 
 that you dehberatcly entered the rebel army during the war ; third, 
 that you took the amnesty oath in the month of May last ; fourth , 
 that you left New York in September to go to Paris, to get permis- 
 sion for Southern men to go to Mexico ; fifth, that you were arrested 
 at (2ueenstown with revolvers and trcason;ible documents,* involving 
 you in suspicion of complicity with treasonable movements in Ire- 
 land. Now, whether your statement is true— that you were on your 
 way to Paris to consult with men still disloyal to the United States ; 
 or whether, as suspected, you arc an agent from America, combined 
 with the P'enian organisation to raise a rebellion in Ireland — in either 
 case you have entirely forfeited all claims to cither sympathy or sup- 
 port from the United States Government. 1 return you your oath of 
 allegiance, and am, your obedient servant, " E. G. Eastman." 
 
 This letter was carefully disseminated among the Brother- 
 hood, who meant that the offence it contained against 
 their brother conspirator .should be remembered for suit- 
 able punishment when the proper time should come. 
 
 The trial resulted in nothing, as the presiding judges 
 directed the acquittal of the prisoner on points of law with 
 which we have no concern. Immediately after his release 
 M'Cafferty went to Dublin and ''placed himself in com- 
 munication with the PYMiian Government \\\ Ireland," — 
 tliese are the words of his biographer Jolin Savage, lie 
 was just in time to take part in a remarkable event, — the 
 escape of Stephens, — which we shall now relate. 
 
 It may be remembered that on his arrest at Sandymount 
 
 * Several of these documenls — procl.im.ilions of the I. R. B. — were in 
 French and German. We shall soon see an organiser at work in Paris. 
 
Events Z7^ 1864. 113 
 
 Mr vStcphens acted his part of high-hearted patriot to 
 admiralion. I lis wife, ncc Miss Hopper, the daughter of a 
 tavern-keeper of Sandymount, on parting with him en- 
 quired whether she might not visit him in prison. " No," 
 reph'ed the patriot; "you cannot visit me without asking 
 permission of British officials, and I do not think it becom- 
 ing in one so near to me as you are to ask favours of 
 British dogs. You must not do it, — I forbid it ! " 
 
 When he appeared for committal before the magistrate, 
 liis bearing and Language were equally melo-dramatic. He 
 was artistically attired, and took care to make full display of 
 lu's well-shaped hands. "I have employed no lawyer," he 
 observ^ed, " nor have I put in any plea in this case, neither 
 do I intend to do so. By so doing I should be recognising 
 l^ritisli law in Irehind, and I scorn and C[ii{y any punish- 
 ment it can inflict on me. I have spoken !" 
 
 Yes, he had spoken — for his dupes, and his words had 
 the effect intended. For a while enthusiasm in his favour 
 resumed its old strength. His last speech, too, had its effect 
 also with others than his dupes. The NatioJi made a good 
 deal of fun of them, and there was much smiling at them 
 in all quarters where their full value was perfectly well 
 understood. Mr Strong, the presiding magistrate, for ex- 
 ample, managed to keep his countenance for the time, as 
 did also the other crown officials present. Care was 
 taken, indeed, by the prosecution to do nothing that 
 might impair the effect of the dramatic attitude assumed 
 on this occasion by the C. E. It dwells to this day in the 
 memories of his admirers. Here the narrative of the 
 escape of James Stephens by one wk.o describes himself 
 11. H 
 
1 14 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 as an " eye witness " of the whole matter comes into 
 place : — 
 
 "Precautions, unheard of since 1848 in Richmond 
 prison, were taken to provide for Stephens' safe keeping. 
 He was lodged in the top storey of the most central part 
 of the building, the only other prisoners lodged in the 
 same corridor being Kickham and Brophy, who were both 
 arrested wilii him, and a latl named M'Leod, about whom 
 I shall have something to say presently. The prison 
 staff was reinforced by twenty-five of the metropolitan 
 police. There might be Fenians in the force, — rumour 
 positively said there were, — and in this case who could 
 say what might become of Stephens t V\\\\ of this idea, 
 and of a profound belief in their own wisdom, the governors 
 of the prison excluded every one by night from the cor- 
 ridor on which Stephens' cell was situated, confident 
 that complicated locks and massive bars were better 
 security than could be afforded by the presence of the 
 police. But the prison authorities had yet another string 
 to their bow, — another very deeply laid plan for prevent- 
 ing Stephens' escape, which they conceived to be a very 
 knowing dodge indeed. In the cell next to that occupied 
 by Stephens they placed the boy M'Leod, who had been 
 sent to jail on some petty larceny indictment, promising 
 him his liberty and £20 on the ct)ndilion that he would 
 pull a wire in his cell, which sounds a large gong placed 
 at the end of the corridor, in case he heard any unusual 
 noise in Stephens' cell during the night. M'Leod, who 
 gladly consented to the arrangement, was allowed numerous 
 privileges, and was permitted to sleep during the greater 
 
Events in 1864, 115 
 
 l^irt of the (^wyy in order tli.it he mi^dit be the better 
 qualified for the duty of watching and Hstening at niglit." 
 
 Here we pause in our citation to remark that the prison 
 .system of watch and ward was apparently too perfect to 
 allow of an evasion, provided that it were fairly kept. 
 This was how it was done. The watchman, on starting 
 upon his rounds, had to perform an operation called 
 ■" pegging the clock." This showed the time he entered 
 on his duty. Several such clocks were placed at various 
 points of the round, and each of these had to be similarly 
 pegged, the round occupying an hour and a half. The 
 watchman was required to try every lock, examine every 
 door, and satisfy himself that every cell was occupied by 
 the person assigned to it. On ordinary occasions a single 
 watchman on duty at a time was considered sufficient; but 
 now there were three or four enq)loyed together, and in- 
 <leed placed peri)etually in the corridor into which the cell of 
 the C. IC. opened. These extraordinary precautions lasted 
 for some time, and during that time the imprisoned con- 
 .spirators were treated with severity in some respects. None 
 but those enjoying the entireconfidence of the prison officials 
 were allowed to converse with them, and they were locked 
 <'dtogether in their cells, with the exception of two hours 
 a day allowed for exercise. In other respects, as they 
 themselves admitted, they were treated with tolerable 
 kindness and courtesy. 
 
 *' While his jailors were thus devising means for keeping 
 liim in custody (here we resume the narrative of the eye- 
 witness), Stephens, on his part, was taking extraordinary 
 aneasures to lull them into a sense of security. He 
 
ii6 The Feman Conspiracy. 
 
 refused from the day he entered to the morning- of hi.s 
 escape to see anybody from the outside world, wife, friend, 
 or lawyer. Mrs Stephens produced the necessary * pass,' 
 and visited the prison a few days after the arrest to sec 
 lier husband, but Stephens declined an interview, declaring 
 that ' he would never see his wife within the walls of a 
 prison.' Several old friends called, but he would see no 
 one ; he wanted, he said, ' to l)e left alone with his cares.' 
 In pursuing this course Stephens had an object in view ; 
 lie knew that the apparent absence of all communication 
 between him and the world without would render the sur- 
 veillance to which he was exposed less strict. The correct- 
 ness of the latter assumption was proved by the fact that 
 the Board of Superintendence, believing that the twenty- 
 five policemen were, under all the circumstances, an 
 unnecessary addition to the prison staff, sent twenty-two 
 of them back to their regular duties, retaining but three of 
 them within the prison, to watch in the corridor, which a 
 door always locked divided into two parts." 
 
 The watchmen were also reduced to one at a time on 
 duty. One of these watchmen was a man of the name of 
 15yrnc, a member of the Ihotherhood. Seven years earlier 
 he had formed one of the Dublin police force, which he 
 left to join the Papal Ihigade. On his return to Ireland, 
 after the defeat at Castelfedardo, he was elected warden 
 of Richmond Bridewell. Twice over had he been sus- 
 pended for inattention ; indeed, previous to the arrest of 
 the C. O. I. R., he held his office by a very feeble tenure. 
 He was a member of the I. R. B., and the fact was more than 
 suspected. All things considered, the antecedents of the 
 
Events in 1 864. 117 
 
 man, his character, and his proclivities, he was about tlic 
 worst guardian that could have been placed in charge of 
 such prisoners. Whether he was allowed to retain his 
 position at this period through the negligence or design 
 of the authorities our readers must say for themselves. 
 
 " On Mondays, Wednesdays, and J^^ridays, l^yrne acted 
 as warder, and on any of these days, therefore, he could 
 communicate with Stephens undetected, by using ordinary 
 caution, during the time the Head Centre was taking 
 exercise. The alternate days being at his disposal, from 
 two until eight o'clock P.M., he had of course ample time 
 to communicate with the Fenians without. On Tuesdays 
 and Thursdays he acted at niglit in the capacity of a 
 sentinel, but was at no time allowed access to the prisoner's 
 cells, though he could have gone there at the hours of 
 exercise without detection, as the cell doors were then 
 open." 
 
 Without the prison, numerous plans were devised for 
 the release of the great chief, and from various motives. 
 The mass of the Brotherhood wanted him at large on 
 account of his supposed indispensability to the conspirators. 
 Others, who had begun to know him better, wanted him 
 out of the way to prevent mischief. And some who, while 
 suspecting him, wished at the same time to take his place 
 added to the purpose of rendering him innocuous, the 
 equally strong one of satisfying their personal ambition. 
 Iwentually all plans were thrown aside for one contrived 
 by Colonel Kelly, Captain M'Cafferty, John Flood, and 
 John Kirwan, the last being a man who rendered himself 
 notorious subsequently by an escape of his own from 
 
1 1 8 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 prison. Kirwan, like Byrne, had been in the Police and 
 in the Papal Brigade. Like Byrne, too, he had been a 
 Avarder in various Dublin prisons. At this time, being- 
 well known as a centre, he was keeping out of the way. 
 Flood was a Wexford man, about thirty, a fine-looking 
 fellow, of large proportions, full of energy and daring. Tic 
 had been a fisherman. 
 
 " As Byrne possessed all the necessary keys except two, 
 two only had to be manufactured— viz., a pass-key, and a 
 key to the cell door. Of these two moulds in wax were 
 taken. The writer (the Eye-witness) has reasons for know- 
 ing that these moulds were taken on the h>iday before the 
 escape. Who took them need not here be stated." 
 
 This praiseworthy reticence, however, is not imitated by 
 the author of a Memoir of Stephens, published in New York 
 in 1866, and described by the subject of the narrative a^> 
 containing, indeed, a few erroneous statements, but in the 
 main quite trustworthy. This writer says, " he who ren- 
 dered the most important service was a British official 
 high in office, who, for a stipulated sum of money, furnished 
 to Colonel Kelly wax impressions of the various locks of 
 of the prisons." This points to one person whom we shall 
 not name. The Eye-witness, without mentioning the posi- 
 tion of this person, gives a bit of description which, coupled 
 with the account of the biographer, all but fixes the 
 identity of the individual meant. " On Saturday, a gentle- 
 man of tall military proportions might have been seen 
 entering the precincts of a small, rather dilapidated-looking 
 building where he met several confederates. The wax 
 models were passed over into the necessary hands. These 
 
Events in 1864. .119 
 
 impressions," says the biographer, " were taken to a skilful 
 workman, still (1866) in Dublin, and from them he was 
 ciiablecl to construct skeleton keys, so deftly made, that 
 when the occasion came to use them, it was found that 
 the prison bolts yielded as easily to them as they did to 
 those in the hands of the officials. The keys, which I 
 have seen," states the Eye-witness, "were of beautiful 
 workmanship, and were evidently the handicraft of an 
 expert in the business. 
 
 " On Monday, by a system of signs in use among the 
 Fenians, Stephens was apprised of the fact that move- 
 ments were on foot for his liberation. Accordingly, 
 on that evening he requested that he might have a 
 second suit of clothes from his wardrobe, and was sup- 
 plied with a suit of black, in which he was dressed 
 when he left the prison. He was evidently aware that 
 the clothes he had on (being the same which he had 
 worn at the time of the arrest and during the examina- 
 tion) would expose him to the danger of re-arrest. 
 In this he showed remarkable shrewdness ; and in 
 so supplying him, the officers in authority showed remark- 
 able stupidity. On Wednesday, Stephens was notified by 
 signs when the attempt would be made, and what the 
 preparations were." 
 
 The "signs" were tolerably loud ones according to 
 O'Donovan Rossa. " The day before that of his 
 (Stephens') escape," writes Rossa, "one of the prison 
 officers, on passing my cell, whispered to me, * The 
 little man will be out to-morrow night.* 'Arc you 
 sure of it.?' asked I. 'Certain,' replied he — and added, 
 
T 20 . The Fenian Consph^acy. 
 
 * Have you any message to send him ? ' to which I 
 answered, 'No.' Next day our attorney, Mr Lawless, 
 visited us, and as tlic time of trial was approaching, il 
 was deemed necessary that Mr Stephens and Mr Duffy 
 would meet Mr O'Leary, Mr Luby, and me. The solicitor 
 made the application to the governor of the prison, and the 
 governor allowed Mr Duffy to be brought to our con- 
 sultation room, which was Mr Luby's cell ; but Mr 
 Stephens Avould not be allowed to approach us. We 
 remained in conversation for half-an-hour. Duffy whis- 
 pered to me that Stephens was going out that night. 
 I whispered it to John O'Leary, and as we were parting, 
 Mr Lawless said he would renew his application for an 
 interview between us and Stephens next morning. We 
 said the meeting was absolutely necessary, as our trials 
 were to come off on the following Monday. We shook 
 hands and parted. In my cell I could not help dwelling 
 on the meditated escape. I thought I could keep awake 
 all night and keep my ears open for the least noise, but 
 the powers of sleep stole a march upon me." 
 
 SoRossa heard nothing of the escape until the morning. 
 That escape was originally intended to include all the 
 members of the L R. 15. in Richmond Bridewell as well as 
 James Stephens. This wholesale release, however, the C. IC. 
 opposed, and carried his point ; according to his showing, 
 the attempt to rescue so many would prevent the rescue of 
 any. He was afterwards openly charged with sacrificing his 
 lieutenants in order to secure his own safety ; but to resume 
 with the eyewitness. 
 
 "On Thursday night (24th November), fifteen minutes 
 
Events in 1864. 121 
 
 after midnight, six men might have been seen standing 
 at the wicket gate of the gloomy mansion which held 
 the Fenian Head Centre, muffled to the eyes, as if to 
 l)rotect their faces from the pelting of the storm which 
 furiously raged, as if all the demons of the tempest 
 Jiad been suddenly let loose upon devoted Dublin. 
 'J1ie gate yields as if by magic to the efforts of these 
 men, and one by one they glide within the prison 
 which holds the l^^Miian leader. Meanwhile the authori- 
 ties are slumbering in fancied security, not dreaming of 
 the marvellous developement which awaits them for the 
 morning ; and no one (save the three policemen who, with 
 singular fatuity, have been placed where they should not 
 be,* and Byrne, who is patrolling up and down), is stirring 
 within the prison. These forms, which one by one glide 
 stealthily through the gate, are Irish Americans. A 
 loaded revolver is grasped by the hand of each ; and they 
 arc prepared if necessary to overpower any police force 
 Avhich can be aroused within the prison. A hurried con- 
 sultation ensues there amid the pelting storm ; the wicket 
 gate is closed, and no one passing without would suspect 
 that six men, armed to the teeth, were standing within. 
 Six desperate men prepared for any emergency — six 
 men who will fight their way out, with Stephens among 
 them, if to fight becomes necessary. 
 
 "Meantime the Fenian leader may be seen pacing 
 stealthily up and down his cell, awaiting with an anxious 
 expectation while every instant seems an hour, the muffled 
 
 * That is on the ivroiig side of tlie door in the corridor. Stephens's cell 
 was on one side ; they were posted at the otlier, behind the locked door. 
 
122 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 tread of footsteps \\\ the dreary corridor, and the creakin<;- 
 of the undoing bolts. And now a single form glides along 
 the corridor. It is not l^yrne ; but who is it } A slight 
 dark man, with broad brow, and face indicativ^e of des- 
 perate energy and courage, moves along the corridor in 
 his stocking feet, shadowily and silently as a ghost. Holts 
 and bars have yielded to him like magic thus far ; up the 
 dark staircase he has come, making his way, as if by 
 intuition, and now he stops before the door of Stephens' 
 cell. Could the authorities have got a glimpse of his 
 face, they would have seen one who had been in the 
 * Bridewell before,' one whom, next to Stephens and 
 O'Mahony, they would have delighted to lay hands upon. 
 "The clock strikes one; the muffled form, with a 
 revolver in hand, stands at the door ; the door is at the 
 back of the corridor, near the head of the stairs ; inside 
 stands Stephens, waiting breathlessly for the undoing of 
 the bolts ; it is evident that he had not suffered his eyes 
 to close during the night, thus far ; he is dressed in black, 
 as if for a funeral ; and the tempest moans without, as if 
 playing a dirge, and while now and then its shadowy 
 wings beat wildly against the prison walls. Such is the 
 inisc en scene. The storm howls more fearfully for an 
 instant, and the form before the door proceeds to perform 
 its work — the undoing of the bolts. The howling of the 
 blast prevented the creaking of the bolts from saluting the 
 cars of the three policemen, who are standing precisely 
 where they should not stand. The door revolves in its 
 rusty hinges, and the creaking is absolutely tremendous. 
 ]5ut the storm drowns it, and the form glides from within. 
 
Events /;/ 1864. 12;; 
 
 " * Stephens, how are you ? ' 'Is that you ? ' arc the 
 only words that pass between the prisoner and his de- 
 hVerer ; and the two glide out, Stephens in his stocking 
 feet Stealthily down stairs they proceed, and through the 
 different passages leading to the boundary wall ; one 
 heavy door they lock behind them, and pursuit is cut off. 
 ft is twenty-five minutes past one, and seven forms pass 
 through the wicket gate where only six had entered. The 
 i'scape of Stephens, Head Centre of the I. R. B., is 
 effected." 
 
 Six persons in various parts of Dublin and its outskirts 
 had been warned individually to expect James Stephens 
 that night. All six remained on the watch. Other 
 measures, too, were taken to baffle pursuit — and all with- 
 out the slightest necessity. Somehow or other — our readers 
 may speculate how, for themselves — the proceedings of 
 the officials inside were precisely of the kind to facilitate 
 the proceedings of the conspirators outside. The extra- 
 guards and extra watchmen were withdrawn at the right 
 time; Stephens was supplied with a dress of the proper 
 kind wherein to escape; the three policemen still retained 
 in the prison were posted, on that eventful night, precisely 
 where they should not have been posted ; and a turnkey 
 notoriously inattentive, of more than suspicious antece- 
 dents, and known to be fav^ourable to the revolutionists, if 
 not one himself, was allowed to retain his post. All this 
 tells the real story of the escape as plainly as possible. 
 There are other circumstances, also, pointing quite as 
 strongly to the same conclusion which we shall now 
 notice. 
 
124 The FcnicDi Conspiracy. 
 
 M'LcocI, the young prisoner who had been trusted to 
 give the alarm on hearin<^ any sound indicative of an 
 attempt at escape, [^ave the following account to the 
 governor next morning — that, on the previous night, he 
 distinctly heard a man coming cautiously up the stone 
 ,stairs — heard the door of the corridor open — heard the 
 key turning in the padlock attached to Stephens' cell 
 door — heard the door open — heard the steps of two going 
 towards the door leading into the corridor where Duffy 
 was confined, and then, turning back again, recede the way 
 the first man had come. 
 
 Here let us remind our readers of a fact not mentioned 
 already, that behind the door in that part of the corridor 
 where Duffy was confined, a policeman kept watch. 
 The thing is sufficiently remarkable. He, a mere youth, 
 known indeed to have bci-n in the confidence of Stephens, 
 but of small importance otherwise, was under extra 
 surveillance, while Stephens was left to the care of Byrne. 
 We can understand why Stephens forgot for an instant 
 his intense regard for his own safety, to think a little 
 of his devoted instrument. The weakness, however, was 
 but momentary ; the tread of the sentinel in the adjoining 
 corridor recalled the Head Centre to himself, and he 
 hastened to withdraw. 
 
 M'Leod stated that he knew Stephens was escaping, 
 but dreaded to sound the gong. He knew that the key 
 which opened Stephens' door would open every door in 
 the corridor; and he feared, if he gave the alarm, that the 
 men would enter his cell and put him to death. " It is 
 worthy of remark," writes a Dublin journalist, and we 
 
Evaiis in 1864. 125 
 
 ([uilc a{;rcc with him, " that the same keys which let out 
 Stephens would also liave given freedom to Kickham and 
 l^rophy, who slept on the same corridor, but no attempt 
 was made to liberate them." 
 
 At four o'clock in the morning — Stephens having 
 escaped about half-past one — the governor was roused by 
 the warder Byrne and apprised of the escape. The doors 
 leading to the cell lately occupied by the C. O. I. R. — no 
 less than six in number — were found open ; and a duplicate 
 Icey was found in the lock of the cell itself — that door of 
 course being open also. In one corner of the cell was the 
 bed, which evidently had not been slept in that night. It 
 was tossed and creased, however, and a railway rug lying 
 near it, showed that Stephens had lain down for awhile in 
 his clothes. In another corner was a pile of newspapers^ 
 which Stephens had asked for, as essential to the prepara- 
 tion of his defence. The clothes worn on the day of his 
 examination lay here and there on the floor; his portman- 
 teau was open, and various articles therefrom scattered 
 about. 
 
 After all the doors found open had been passed, the 
 prisoner would still have been within the bounds of 
 the prison. The high outer wall, and the massive iron- 
 studded, heavily-barred outer gates would still have been 
 between him and liberty. Here the course of the escaped 
 prisoner could no longer be traced by the prison officials. 
 Two huge tables, taken from the lunatic department of 
 the prison, were found one atop of the other, close against 
 the wall. To have moved them into this position must 
 liave been the work of several strong men. But there was 
 
126 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 no evidence that the tables liacl been used for the purpose 
 of climbing the wall. There were no footmarks on the 
 tables. The top of the boundary wall was examined. It 
 was covered with old loose mortar/ which even a rope 
 flung across it would bring down by its weight and friction; 
 but there was no trace of a rope having been flung over, 
 no trace of anything having crossed it ; it remained 
 exactly as it had been for years before. There was no 
 tokens of escape in this direction ; and there were no traces 
 of footmarks towards any of the outer gates, nor any traces 
 of any of these gates having been opened. This, however, 
 could be accounted for. It was clear, and remains clcar^ 
 tliat James Stephois did not break prison in any zuay, but 
 walked as quietly oat of the place as if he had been released 
 ly order of the authorities. 
 
 How was the news received by the prisoners whom 
 Stephens abandoned "i Let Rossa tell. In spite of his 
 determination to keep awake and listen, he fell asleep and 
 dreamt confusedly of " soldiers, jailors, and united Irish- 
 men until the real jailors came to my cell, about three 
 o'clock in the morning, and woke me uj) by the noise 
 they made opening my door to see if I was safe. 'Hie 
 alarm was given, and the question with me now was, 
 * Did he escape, or was he caught in the attempt } * The 
 noise, and the bustle, and the continued running of jailors 
 about the wards could not enable me to decide one way 
 or another, and, knocking violently at my iron gate, 1 
 told the officer who was passing by that this noise was 
 preventing me from sleei)iiig, and that 1 should report it 
 to the governor in the morning. One word borrowed 
 
Events in 1864. (27 
 
 another ; my keeper's observations told me that something 
 terrible had liappened, and I concluded tlie bird had 
 flown. At eight o'clock next morning, Mr Lawless visited 
 and informed us of the terrible news of Mr Stephens's 
 <jscape, at which I opened my eyes and mouth in amaze- 
 ment." 
 
 Rossa had to open eyes and mouth again, through the 
 doings of his superior, and that very shortly, but on the 
 latter occasion the amazement was perfectly real. It was 
 when he received intelligence in prison that no attempt to 
 rescue himself or any of his comrades should be attempted. 
 I lope, indeed, was still held out to them that they must 
 soon be released by the revolution ; how much of this 
 they took to their hearts we do not know. But this kind 
 of conduct on the part of the C. O. was no novelty to the 
 prisoners. Stephens had already shown that he preferred, 
 when his most efficient agents fell into the hands of the 
 authorities, to leave them therein, rather than countenance 
 any attempt to release them. See how he acted with regard 
 to Pagan O'Leary. 
 
 ** The Pagan," writes Rossa, " did not cease his work 
 in prison ; he made friends there too ; and some of 
 them proposed to Edward Duffy and myself to effect 
 liis escape, if we would desire it. We communicated 
 the i)roi)osal to ' the Captain,' and he decided that * it 
 would bring the strength of our organisation too much 
 under the notice of the Government, and that it was 
 better policy to leave one man to suffer, than to make an 
 akirm, and give the Government grounds for adopting 
 repressive measures, which woukl interfere with the steps 
 
128 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 we were taking to relieve the national suffering." Thl.s 
 lesson, however, went unheeded by the lieutenants of 
 Stephens until their own bitter experience forced it upon 
 them. Then, as we have already seen, they understood 
 their chief at last, and did not hesitate to express this 
 final conviction — " O'Leary, Kickham, Rossa, Luby, and 
 the rest could have escaped with Stephens," declared 
 Kinneally, one of the Cork chiefs long afterwards, but the 
 Captain thought they might endanger his chances. That 
 was a strong opinion quietly expressed. 
 
 Denis Dowling Mulcahy says the same thing, but far 
 more energetically. We have already given that portion 
 of his letter addressed to the editor of TJic IrisJiman, and 
 appearing in that journal i ith May 1872, wherein he states 
 that Stephens was "a leader who was ever ready to sacrifice 
 his best men, and did sacrifice them, to cover his own 
 bungles and blunders, and afterwards left them in prison, 
 whoi he could have released them, that he alone might have 
 the sole honour of escaping, and the entire controul of the 
 Organisation, and who was not ashamed to rob his com- 
 patriots and fellow-workers of the reward due to their 
 merits, their labours, and their devotion, — claiming for 
 himself the whole merit of revolutionising Ireland, and, 
 I may add, of running away from the ' rising,' or, at least, 
 of not returning according to his abundant promises and 
 pledges to ' raise the standard of revolt.' " 
 
 We had better go on with Mr Mulcahy's remarks 
 in this place ; they fit it well, and will form a suitable 
 preface to the after-story of the connection of Stephens 
 with the conspiracy he took such a leading part in 
 
Events in 1864. 129 
 
 creating — "But prudence is a precious virtue even 
 when penal servitude only stares one of Mr Stephens's 
 stamp in the face. This gentleman was ignorant of 
 nothing but liis own arrogance, ambition, and want 
 of pluck. It was sickening to hear this man boast 
 of what he would do, when the time came. His dis- 
 criminative knowledge of character was so profound and 
 thorough, that it led him to select for his private confi- 
 dants the three most notorious informers tliat figured 
 during the trials, viz., Nagle, Corydon, and Massey, each 
 of whom he entrusted with important documents, and sent 
 on secret missions of the most serious nature, to the exclu- 
 sion of better and abler men whom he had known for years, 
 and could liave trusted with his life. Had he from the 
 first been left to himself in the selection of men to organise 
 the conspiracy, we would have had a rare sprinkling of the 
 Nagle, Massey, and Corydon class. That we had so few 
 informers was not ^wa to the discrimination of Mr 
 Stephens, but to the true and tried men he had 
 been introduced to by Mr John O'Mahony and others. 
 
 " He did not regret that his best and ablest colleagues 
 were all swept from him in one night. He rather re- 
 joiced that they were removed from his path, and 
 wrote and spoke as if he, and he alone, could rouse the 
 world by one word. He was not the chief to meet the hour 
 and lead the masses onwards." . . . 
 
 "Jn violation of all the fundamental principles of 
 the organisation, Mr Stephens selected the notorious 
 and infamous informer, Nagle, to carry instructions, 
 which I, and I alone, while 1 remained centre, should 
 
 II. I 
 
1 30 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 have earned to my men in Clonmcl,* and in this way 
 gave to Nagle not only a knowledge of my principal 
 organisers, which subsequently led to many of their 
 arrests and imprisonment, but what he swore he so long 
 and so anxiously looked for, and without which TJie Irish 
 People could not possibly have been seized, or the arrests 
 made so soon, a letter in Mr Stephens's own handwriting. 
 
 " Tt is not now my intention to go into the disasters that 
 followed. T was not blind to many of Mr Stephens's 
 shortcomings ; I diil not recjuire })cnal servitude or 
 failure to see them ; I believed, however, that the good 
 he might accomplish would more than compensate for the 
 evil he could do, and I was therefore silent, though I was 
 aware how assiduously he laboured to damage my charac- 
 ter, which was quite characteristic of the man, when any 
 one differed with him. But his dissimulation, and other 
 kindred qualities and virtues, have left him without either 
 the support or sympathy of his ablest advisers and best 
 friends. While I doubted his veracity, I had some little 
 faith left in his courage and capability. I believed, when 
 the time came, he would fight and die rather than not 
 redeem his promise, but time and circumstances have 
 fully convinced me that he is no braver than * Bob 
 Acres,' and that his capal)ilities fit him rather for an agi- 
 tator than a rebel ; for he lacks the courage, the daring, 
 the decision, and the resolve of a revolutionary leader. 
 He loves his head too much ever to lose it for Ireland." 
 
 While dwelling upon very evident defects in the cha- 
 
 ■ Our readers will remember that it was the rule to approach and commu- 
 nicate witli the circles, only through their respective Centres. 
 
Events ill 1864. 131 
 
 ractcr of Stephens, Mr Mulcahy attributes to him another 
 which we thinic he did not possess — cowardice. The tes- 
 timony of Colonel Doheny, given at the outset of this 
 hook, shows sufficiently that Stephens had no lack of 
 ])hysical courai^e. Mulcahys error, however, is one 
 i,(Mieral amon<j the surviving members of the I. R. B, 
 They will not perceive, what an impartial looker-on 
 cannot help perceiving, what, indeed, every circumstance 
 in the conduct of James Stephens, from the publication of 
 the Chicago resolutions onwards — points to most unmis- 
 takably — that, from the period mentioned, the C. O. I. R. 
 was working patiently and skilfully for the destruction of 
 the conspiracy. He would not have it die suddenly ; 
 every measure was calculated to give the catastrophe the 
 appearance of springing from events beyond the control 
 of the Chief ICxecutive. He meant to destroy the con- 
 spiracy, for the time, and his enemies within the conspi- 
 racy for all time, and simultaneously maintain In's charac- 
 ter with the mass of the I. R. B. Did he ever speculate 
 on the probabilily of reviving the thing under his own 
 sole control at a future period } We may answer the 
 question ere we close. 
 
 Here we give another extract — this time from Kinneally, 
 the Cork chief, which will show how coolly Stephens 
 accepted what appeared to be the stroke of fate, and 
 pretended to provide for the contingencies it threatened. 
 We shall make the citation rather longer than is absolutely 
 necessary for the particular purpose we have expressed, 
 because thereby we shall throw a little more light on the 
 doings of the section of the American Fenians, who were 
 
132 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 working in conjunction with Stephens for the deposition 
 of O'Mahony. Speaking of the loss of the documents, 
 of which so much was made, Kinneally says — "There 
 was a private meeting held where the matter was 
 discussed, and where it was proposed to do aivay 2vith 
 Meehan, but Stephens would not allow it without 
 full proof. Meehan's antecedents did not recommend 
 him very highly to us, and we were of opinion that Mr 
 O'Mahony might have made a better selection ; but he 
 was the representative of the F. B., and as such should 
 receive the consideration due to his official position. 
 
 "The envoys made their arrangements and returned, 
 Dunne going two days before the seizure of The Irish People 
 and the arrests and Meehan shortly after. Before leaving, 
 in Oueenstown Dunne told us that all was ready and that 
 the F. B. would land thirty thousand men. I said that we 
 never expected so many ; that if five thousand, with arms 
 for forty or fifty thousand, could be landed, it would be 
 all we required. 'Oh,' said he, 'wo can land thirty thou- 
 sand.* I had been for a little while accustomed to 
 American exaggeration, so I gave the matter no thought. 
 Two nights after The Irish People was seized, Luby, 
 O'Leary, Rossa, and others were arrested in Dublin, and 
 the same night Brian Dillon, John Lynch, myself, and 
 two or three others were arrested in Cork. 
 
 " You may think we were taken by surprise, but it was not 
 so, though it was thought it might not occur for two or three 
 weeks more. A few days before the arrests I was in Dublin 
 spending a week with the captain. It was agreed that we 
 would soon have trouble, and it was considered advisable 
 
Events in 1864. 133 
 
 to appoint sub-centres, so as to meet any emergency. 
 When I returned I gave the other centres the information, 
 and each at once called a meeting of his Bs. and told them 
 to elect one, in case of necessity, to take the place of the 
 centre. Fearing that these might be arrested also, wc 
 had three to fdl the places as the others were removed. 
 This would avert confusion, and, as it happened a few 
 days afterwards when the centres were arrested, other men 
 were ready to step into their places, recognised, and fully 
 obeyed by all. The night before the arrests J. J. Geary 
 asked me not to sleep at home, as I would most certainly 
 be arrested ; but, for several reasons, I would not change. 
 Under the circumstances, my plan was to remain at my 
 post and give- no other person an excuse to shirk duty. I 
 was certain we would fight in a few months, and that, 
 come what would, wc might remain as wc were. With the 
 same prospects and under similar circumstances, though I 
 have tasted something of British prisons, I would do the 
 same again." 
 
 Immediately after the escape of Stephens, Richmond 
 Bridewell was regarrisoned by a body of policemen, and 
 every possible precaution taken to prevent the escape of 
 the remaining prisoners. There was an elaborate official 
 investigation into the whole circumstance, whereby nothing 
 was discovered. Byrne, the warder concerning whose 
 complicity in the matter there could be no doubt, was 
 committed for trial, and the governor of the prison was 
 dismissed. The latter disregarded the animadversions 
 liberally cast upon him, and made no defence, unless a 
 very guarded letter to one of the journals, which made no 
 
134 T^h^ Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 particular statement, can be termed a defence. Byrne 
 accepted his fate with evident gratification. Whatever 
 came or went he was sure to be regarded thenceforward 
 as a martyr, lie was eventually sentenced to seven years' 
 penal servitude. 
 
 Two or three days after the evasion of the Chief 
 Organiser, a proclamation appeared in TJie Dublin Evening 
 Mail offering a reward of one thousand pounds for such 
 information as might lead to his arrest, and a further 
 reward of three hundred pounds for* information that 
 might lead to the arrest of any one harbouring or conceal- 
 ing him, or aiding his escape in any way. Neither of 
 these rewards was ever claimed. This has astonished 
 very simple people, who, having noticed that the I. R. W. 
 in Great Britain and Ireland and the Fenians in America 
 were invariably forestalled and frustrated in every move- 
 ment, and were deprived by arrest of their more formid- 
 able leaders precisely at the proper time, cannot conceive 
 how here, and here alone, the h^nglish Government was 
 altogether at fault. The very fact that here, and here 
 alone, the English Government ai)peared at fault ought to 
 show that there was something behind, especially when 
 this apparent failure is coui)led with the circumstances 
 which we have designated. To these circumstances we 
 may add the additional one that sufficient time was 
 allowed Stephens to make his hiding place and his dis- 
 guises secure before the final rewards were offered. In short 
 it seems to us pretty clear that those who conducted the 
 escape were — the greater part of them at least — the uncon- 
 scious tools of the astute Head Centre. Whose tool was he.^* 
 
Events in 1864. 135 
 
 Many people have attributed the immunity of Stepliens 
 sul)se(]uent to his walk out of prison to the extraordinary 
 devotion of the brotherhood in the first place to their 
 chief, and to the precautions taken against treachery by 
 Kelly and others in the second place. Now the former 
 did not exist to any extent amon^^ the Dublin leaders at 
 this period. 
 
 The chief precaution af^ainst treachery — one which had 
 tenible effect in after days, but which in no instance re- 
 strained a dani^crous traitor — in fact, the most dan[;"crous 
 traitors a[)pcared after this precaution wa*s taken, and did 
 their work in spite of it — the org-anisation of the "Assassi- 
 nation Committee," known as the " Committee of Public 
 Safety" — had not yet been perfected. Neither was it 
 designed with any special regard to the safety of James 
 Stephens. In fact, the " doctor " already mentioned would 
 have found small difficulty in making it the means of 
 destroying the C. O., had the latter come in his way. 
 James Stephens, indeed, was much more troubled during 
 the next three months in concealing himself from such 
 people as the "doctor," than from the emissaries of the 
 J^ritish Government. He opposed the establishment of 
 this Conmiittee from the hrst, though not on principles of 
 honour or humanity. 
 
 It was merely because he considered it likely to lead to 
 the awkward reprisal of the general proclamation of martial 
 law. His opinion was disregard, and the Committee was 
 formed. It was composed, officers and crew, of ruthless 
 men, some of them iron enthusiasts, but the greater portion 
 mere sanguinary ruffians. In addition to the usual oath of 
 
136 The Fe7i{an Conspiracy. 
 
 the I. R. B., these men took another running as follows : — 
 
 " I^ , hereby solemnly swear and make oath, before 
 
 the Most High God, before whom I expect to be judged, 
 that 1 will seek out and leave no means untried utterly to 
 exterminate as enemies of Irish liberty any person or 
 persons who shall be guilty of perfidy, or of giving to our 
 foes — the British authorities — any information which 
 shall lead to the arrest or sentence of members of the 
 I. R. B." Of this oath writes one of the I. R. B. 
 
 "Nor can any decent objection be urged against the poetic 
 justice of it — a species of justice decidedly in vogue with 
 the Irish people, and one especially adapted to the fiery, 
 ardent, impulsive spirit of the true-born Celt." 
 
 Stephens remained in Ireland for three other months. 
 The trials at length began. Against the prisoners there 
 was a terrible amount of documentary evidence, but of 
 personal evidence not much which, standing alone, would 
 have exercised weight with honourable nu'iuKs. The earlier 
 informers were of the meanest and most insignificant type. 
 There was Timothy Ilegarty, a blacksmith of Cork, who 
 became pike-maker to the l^rotherhood in that quarter, 
 who fled to London when the first arrests were made, and 
 who turned informer partly out of a desire to make money 
 by the craft, and partly because the Brotherhood did 
 little or nothing for him in his necessity. 
 
 There was " Colonel " Warner, another Cork informer, 
 who had changed his creed from time to time to please his 
 employers, and who simultaneously joined the I. R. B. and 
 the Roman Catholic Church out of disgust at a " heretical " 
 master who had dismissed him — the excellent Warner — \\\ 
 
Events in 1864. 137 
 
 spite of his puritanic bearing. This fellow for a time was 
 very devoted to the cause of the revolution, but being 
 reduced to take shelter in the workhouse because the 
 ]5rotherhood refused to maintain him, he became con- 
 verted to the cause of law and order, and quite as devoted 
 thereto as ever to revolution, as he showed by his informa- 
 tion. 
 
 There was Herman Schofield, a German, who had 
 figured in Great Ihitain and Ireland as a lecturer on the 
 cause of freedom in general, and of Polish freedom in par- 
 ticular, and who, during that particular period of his life, 
 used to appear on the platform having at his side one or 
 two victims of Russian tyranny, each cleverly got up for 
 the occasion, and each with a doleful story of suffering to 
 relate. Herman Schofield had found his way to the 
 United States, and there, entering into the service of a 
 British consul, managed to obtain admission to the Fenian 
 head-quarters in Duane Street, New York, and to acquire 
 such knowledge of the handwriting of O'Mahony and 
 others as enabled him to identify these handwritings in a 
 court of justice. 
 
 There was Power, a low-lived scoundrel from Clonmel, 
 who was entrusted with a " mission " to " the Captain," 
 and entrusted with a second mission by " the Captain," 
 receiving "money in hand the while." This gentleman 
 got gloriously drunk with some part of said money, lost 
 the rest, fell into the hands of the police, and, finding 
 himself therein, thought the best way of escaping from 
 the scrape was by turning informer. 
 
 There was Petite, a pensioned soldier from Manchester, 
 
138 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 who, as he described it, accepted an enf^agcmcnt as drill- 
 master with the I. R. B., and came to Dublin in that 
 capacity, havinf^ previously come to an understanding with 
 the British authorities. Petite would fain have had his con- 
 duct regarded as purest matter of duty. Unfortunately 
 for this pretence in the course of the trials, a witness de- 
 posed how Petite proposed that they two should become 
 informers against the Fenians ; how he — the witness 
 against Petite — observed that the thing would be rather 
 difficult, since neither of them was personally acquainted 
 with P^enianism ; and how Petite overruled the objection 
 with the remark, that, as anything they might say would be 
 sure to be accepted, personal knowledge was unnecessary. 
 Petite was a representative witness in his way. 
 
 George Gilles was another representative witness. Like 
 one or two others, he volunteered to give evidence in the 
 terror that took possession of him on his arrest. JUit the 
 greater terror of the vengeance of the L R. B. overcame 
 the lesser terror of any punishment the Government could 
 inflict, so he retracted when placed in the witness-box, was 
 transferred to the dock, convicted, and sentenced to penal 
 servitude, thanking the judge with unmistakeable grati- 
 tude for his sentence. 
 
 The most remarkable of the first batch of informers, 
 however, was Pierce Nagle. He having been much 
 trusted by Stephens, we shall say something about his 
 antecedents, as showing the kind of people whom the 
 Chief Organiser was most disposed to trust. His father 
 was a farm-labourer near Clonmel, himself a pupil in the 
 national school of Kilrush, whence, showing some ability, 
 
Events in 1864. 139 
 
 he was transferred to the model school at Clonmel, where 
 he was trained as a teacher. When about nineteen he was 
 appointed teacher of the national school at Coolmoyne, 
 where he showed some enert^y and ability in his profession. 
 Here he remained eii^ht years, strongly manifesting two 
 characteristics, — vanity and love of money, so stron^^ly, as 
 to become the laughing-stock of the neighbourhood. 
 When about to quit Coolmoyne he kept the matter to him- 
 self, and goiiig round among the i)arcnts of his puj)ils, suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining a number of small sums from them, 
 on account of future tuition, and also for books which, 
 according to him, the pupils required. With these sums, 
 and also with various portable articles belonging to the 
 school, he disappeared. 
 
 He returned some fourteen months afterwards in 
 miserable plight, but managed once again to obtain 
 an appointment as national school teacher, this time at 
 Powerscourt. Here he was very successful, particularly 
 as he added ostentatious patriotism to his other recom- 
 mendations. He joined the Brotherhood of St Patrick, 
 the most conspicuous of the " legal organisation " with 
 which Ireland was then plagued, and the one by means of 
 which, and under cover of which, the I. R. B. made such 
 amazing progress. Naglc became one of the presidents of 
 this order. Thence it was but a step to the I. R. ]5., a very 
 easy stc p, one almost inevitable, and that step was taken 
 by Nagle, who lent the association much of his time and 
 the use of his schoolroom. In his evidence he told that 
 various reports of the I. R. B. were written on his official 
 desk, hardly the use for which it had been intended, but 
 
140 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 still a use to which such pieces of furniture were frequently 
 put, especially by "Jack" Ilyland, national schoolmaster 
 of Balla^hadereen, and with Edward Duffy, joint Head 
 Centre for Connaui^dit, and by Mr Duj^xjun, of Ballincollig, 
 Cork. 
 
 Nagle's connection with the I. R. B. led to his neglect 
 of his more legitimate duties, his censure by the 
 school inspector, and his consequent resignation of his 
 appointment, at the desire of the parish priest. This 
 was in 1863. He quitted the place when this occurred, 
 leaving behind his wife, — a woman possessed in her own 
 riMit of a few acres of land, — and a number of debts. He 
 then became a book hawker for Messrs Virtue, publishers, 
 residing the while at Cork. This appointment he aban- 
 doned in December '6'}^, because, as he explained, the 
 remuneration was insufficient for his maintenance. Ob- 
 taining a letter of introduction to John O'Mahony from 
 Denis Dowling Mulcahy * he went to America, where he 
 did not long remain. 
 
 He returned to Ireland in January 1864 along with a 
 number of Irish-American officers, after O'Mahony had 
 refused to pay his fare across and settled in Dublin, 
 where he obtained an appointment as chapel keeper, 
 and a second and more lucrative one, as folder in the 
 office of Tlie Irish People. There are stories told of 
 petty larcenies committed by him in the former office, 
 of the disappearance of silver candlesticks, and the 
 
 * This is a fact of some importance as sliowing that O'Maliony was in direct 
 communication with tlie piinci[)al Irish Centres. \\y the rules of the consj)iracy 
 he should have had no comumnication with the I. R. 13., except through 
 Stephens. 
 
Events in 1864. 141 
 
 transformation of vestments into handkerchiefs, &c., but 
 these have neither been proved nor disproved. From 
 The Irish People he received 7s. 6d. a-week, only a retain- 
 ing fee, as, having acquired the confidence of Stephens, he 
 was often in motion, with messages to the various circles in 
 the Soutli. This, as we have seen, excited the indignation 
 of Mulcahy, and was denounced by " six pieds," the I. R.B. 
 sobriquet of Mulcahy, as a most unwarrantable interference 
 with his (Mulcahy's) rights. On these occasions Nagle 
 was sup[)lied liberally with " travelling expenses," and his 
 wife was paid ;^i a-wcek during his absence. Not content 
 with these various emoluments, Mr Nagle found another 
 source of gain. Shortly after his return from America, — 
 early in 1864, —he formed a connection with the Dublin 
 police, from whom he received twelve shillings weekly, and 
 various gratuities from time to time. 
 
 At this period, be it understood, Mr Stephens had, 
 according to his boast, oiganised a body of detectives of his 
 own, which, as he likewise boasted, kept him well informed 
 of the doings of the rival detective force. He boasted, too, 
 that he had contrived a system of espionage over the 
 authorities at the Castle themselves ; nor was this latter 
 boast altogether groundless. This latter espionage, as we 
 happen to know, — a lady admitted to the castle, Mrs P., 
 the daughter of an American naval officer of distinction, 
 and the near relative of a certain "obstructive" Irish 
 M.l\, being one of the spies, — did obtain him various 
 curious [)ieces of information. Then a number of post- 
 masters belonged to the 1. R. 15., and the latter acquired 
 a good deal of information by tampering with the letters 
 
142 The Fenimi Conspiracy. 
 
 passing through the hands of the former. The same 
 may be said of the telegraph clerks. With these aids, and 
 having Nagle under his own eye, it is hard to conceive it 
 possible that a man so jealous, so keen, so watchful, and 
 so active as Stephens, could not have detected the treachery 
 of the informer Nagle at an early date. 
 
 The trials came on, we repeat ; they had been looked 
 forward toby all classes, the I. R. B. and their antagonists, 
 with intensest interest. All through the day preceding 
 the 2d of December Dublin was filled with rumours of all 
 kinds. It was confidently stated that the prisoners would 
 be rescued on the way to the court ; that there were ten 
 thousand men well armed collected for the purpose ; that 
 Stephens himself was to lead the attack, and that its suc- 
 cess was to be the signal for universal rebellion. As we 
 have shown Stephens never contemplated anything of the 
 kind. 
 
 The American chiefs, now all powerful, did form a plan 
 for releasing the prison.jrs, and something more. The 
 government officials were perfectly aware of this ; they 
 were aware also of the character of the people with whom 
 they had to deal. They knew that the valiant fiery Irish 
 masses would not pause to calculate chances, that any at- 
 tack whatever would be sure to be joined in l)ytens of thou- 
 sands. Certainties also were the failure of the onslaught, 
 and the sanguinary defeat of the multitude. In mercy to 
 the crowd, such a force was collected and such disposition 
 made of it as showed to all but the utterly reckless that 
 attack would be madness. 
 
 On the morning of the first day the prisoners and 
 
Events ^;^ 1864. 143 
 
 tlicir escort marched to Green Street uiKllstur1)e(l. Tlic 
 c^re.it in.iss of the soldiery had been kept out of si<;ht. 
 Jii consequence, when the procession took its way towards 
 Richmond Bridewell in the cveninf^, the mob became dar- 
 ing;, and stone-throwing began, which threatened for a 
 time to grow into a formidable riot. Next morning the 
 avenue between the prison and the court was lined with 
 soldiers, while batteries of artillery were placed in position 
 along it. It was wisely done ; but for this stern demon- 
 stration the second day would have been one of bloodshed. 
 The view of the powerful force, and the consciousness that 
 the authorities meant to use it vigorously if provoked, 
 coupled with the exertions of their leaders, kept the mul- 
 titude within doors ; the streets along the route were 
 comparatively deserted. At night, indeed, they were 
 thronged once more ; but the mob confined itself to yells, 
 hoots, and groans, all very passionate in their way, but all 
 exceedingly powerless to aid the prisoners, or to intimi- 
 date the authorities. Such was the scene which Dublin 
 presented while these trials lasted. 
 
 Certainly the most remarkable thing about these trials 
 was the invariable conviction of the accused. The 
 prisoners were Irish every man ; their cause was intensely 
 Irish ; their crime one to commend them to all Irish 
 hearts ; and their fate was committed to Irish juries. Still 
 the verdict was given, " Guilty " — " Guilty on all the 
 counts " — to the very last, with startling monotony. Hie 
 thing was incomprehensible to the Irish masses ; and 
 appalling, too, as were the sentences. 
 ' Luby and O'Leary were sentenced to twenty years' 
 
144 ^'^^ Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 penal servitude ; Kickham to fifteen ; others to shorter 
 terms, varying- from ten to two years. Among the first 
 batches — for the next two or three years the Special Com- 
 mission was as regular in its sittings as a baker in steady 
 business is with his bakings, trying its prisoners in batches 
 — were Byrne, the warder ; Moore, the pike-maker ; and 
 the insolently daring Haltigan, drill superintendent and 
 printer of TJie Irish People. 
 
 But the only one of these trials which deserves particular 
 notice is that of O'Donovan Rossa, and this rather for the 
 bearing of the man therein, and for the picture it furnishes 
 of the large section of the I. R. B., of which he was the 
 representative, than for anything important,which it brought 
 to light. 
 
 The trial began on Saturday, December i6th, 1865. 
 Through the whole of the day the wife of the pris(Mier 
 was allowed to sit by his side, or close by him at the 
 dock-bar. When, however, proceedings were resumed 
 on Monday, this permission was withdrawn, because, as 
 the judge stated, Mrs O'Donovan had taken advantage of 
 the courtesy extended to her, to pass to her husband 
 something forbidden by prison regulations. This matter 
 disposed of, the prisoner had his say, or rather attempted 
 in vain to say something, since the judge declined to hear 
 him, save through the medium of his counsel. It soon 
 appeared, however, that Rossa had some right to be heard 
 — what he had to communicate being, that he meant to 
 dispense with counsel, and conduct his defence himself 
 
 * Mr P. J. Smyth offered himself to the members of the I.' R. B. who managed 
 the trials, as counsel for Luby, O'Leary, etc., but his services were declined. 
 
Jivents in 1864. 145 
 
 Tcrsisting In this purpose, his counsel, consisting of Messrs 
 liiitt, Dowse, Sidney, ;incl O'Loghlen, rose .'ind quitted tlie 
 court — Mr Lawless, the solicitor for the defence, taking his 
 place by the prisoner's side. 
 
 To those who knew Rossa this act caused no surprise. 
 In dispensing with his counsel, he had two purposes in 
 view — one being to insult Judge Keogh as often and as 
 deeply as possible whenever he could snatch or make an 
 opportunity ; and the other to spin out the time until the 
 evening of the following Wednesday, when, as he knew, the 
 court would be compelled to adjourn, in order to proceed 
 to Cork. Allowing these objects to appear very clearly — 
 chuckling openly, too, over the device which he thought 
 ■could not fail to succeed — he read, in monotonous tones, 
 for long hours at a time, every document that he could 
 fmd any pretext for reading. There were pamphlets and 
 newspaper articles — miles of the latter — every column of 
 The IrisJi People in which Judge Keogh had been maligned 
 being carefully included in Rossa's selection. Rossa, how- 
 ever, was mistaken in thinking that he could force the 
 judge into any display of temper. "The more the 
 prisoner tried to excite or offend him," wrote a journalist 
 by no means favourable to the judge, " the more careful he 
 seemed to be to exhibit towards the prisoner dignity, 
 generosity, and forbearance." 
 
 With one exception, Rossa's defence of himself was a 
 great mistake. That exception was his cross-examination 
 of tlic informer, Nagle. To a certain extent no l)arrister 
 ■could have done the thing so well, for none had the ad- 
 vantage of knowing the ex-schoolmaster, as Rossa knew 
 
 II. K 
 
146 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 him. Everybody present saw that it was, from the first, a 
 duel between the two, that the prisoner had set himself to 
 smash Nagle; and that Nagle was just as determined to 
 destroy the prisoner. The pair seemed well matched ; for 
 Nagle was quite as well acquainted with Rossa, as Rossa 
 was with Nagle. "Both of the men looked a hell of hate 
 into each other's eyes," remarks a spectator. ICach put 
 forth his best — the prisoner trying to entrap the informer ; 
 the latter doing his best to foil the effort, or, better still, to 
 turn it to the injury of the prisoner. When the advantage 
 seemed with Rossa he would hiss to the (Uher that he 
 would "give him more of it by-antl-by." 'i'o this Nagle 
 would reply that he was " ready for him," and defy him to 
 "come on." The cooler-headed informer, however, as the 
 contest lengthened, began very evidently to attain the 
 superiority. Then Rossa began to question at random, 
 with the view of prolonging the cross-examination ; but 
 here the judge interposed, and Nagle was removed from 
 the table. 
 
 Though Rossa showed some dexterity in cross-examin- 
 ing Nagle and one or two others, it was only that kind of 
 dexterity which consists in what is known in Ireland as 
 '^ cross-haclduigy Otherwise, he did not display the 
 smallest knowledge of the laws of evidence. More than 
 once his random questions elicited answers very damaging 
 to himself On this day (Mo!ulay) there was other 
 amusement for the audience besides the combat between 
 Rossa and Nagle, in the cross-examination of the detec- 
 tives, but here Rossa unquestionably received by far 
 the worst of it. 
 
Events in 1864. 147 
 
 On Tuesday came the most singular exhibition of all 
 this extraordinary trial ; there is nothing like it on record. 
 The prisoner began reading from an enormous printed 
 brief all the articles in the Dublin newspapers adverse to 
 himself and other prisoners of the I. R. B. " There was a 
 score of articles and letters from TJie Daily Expi'css',' 
 describes the reporter of The Nation, " a great many from 
 Saunders, a great many from The Irish Times, several 
 from TJic Freeman, the Pastoral of Dr Cullen, also articles 
 from the London Times, The Telegraph, The Herald, etc. 
 He hardly cared to pretend that he had any serious pur- 
 pose in reading them beyond getting over two or three 
 hours of time. 
 
 "Then, to the horror of the judge and the despair 
 of the jury, he began at the very title-page of 'The 
 Chicago Pamphlet' (of eighty pages of closely printed 
 matter), and with great fun in his face, observed that 
 he meant to read it carefully from cover to cover! The 
 jury groaned audibly, the audience tittered, the judges 
 frowned. A juror calls on the judge to interpose, but the 
 judge hrmly lays it down that the prisoner has a legal right 
 to read the whole pamphlet, and he shall do so if he pleases. 
 Then, for three mortal hours, the prisoner goes on mono- 
 tonously reading away. 
 
 "After three o'clock he fmishes the pamphlet, and 
 the jury think their torture is over; but no; but the 
 prisoner very pertinently remarks to the effect that 
 they are going to shut him up for twenty years, and 
 he will spend his few free moments as best he can. 
 lie now takes up the bound volumes ol llie Irish 
 
148 The Fenian Co7ispi7'acy. 
 
 People newspaper, and, with malicious mirth, announces 
 that he will leave some of the articles for reading on to- 
 inorroiu (laughter in court, misery in the jury-box, indig- 
 nation on the bench), he will read the paper from its first 
 to its last number! Here, however, he has a check put 
 upon him. The judges decide he may read the twenty 
 articles noted in the indictment, and all others relating 
 thereto and qualifying them, but none other than these. 
 
 "Three hours more reading away, chiefly articles ripping 
 up ' Keogh and Sadlier,' * Cawtholic Judges,* * Agitators 
 and Perjurers,' and so forth ; the prisoner observing, on 
 these occasions, that the judges on the bench are the cul- 
 prits alluded to ! Six o'clock has come and gone, and the 
 prisoner thinks he has succeeded in killing one day. ' We 
 will now adjourn, I suppose, my Lords!' 'Proceed, sir, 
 proceed,' is the stern response. Rossa expostulates, it is 
 no use, he is foiled. The judges have decided to sit till 
 morning rather than allow his plan to succeed, and he has 
 not been prepared for this. Seeing the game up, he 
 suddenly collapses, and announces that he will go no 
 farther! Then, a work of supererogation, the Solicitor- 
 General sums up, and the Court adjourns at twenty nn'nutes 
 past seven." 
 
 Wednesday closes this extraordinary trial. The jury 
 retire at half-past one, deliberate for an hour, and find the 
 prisoner *' guilty on all the coiuitsy It is the usual verdict 
 on these occasions, and therefore the most astonishing 
 thing in connection with this conspiracy, which embraced 
 nearly the whole of the race to which the jury no less 
 than the convicts belonged. The verdict delivered, the 
 
Events in 1864. 149 
 
 Attorney-General stands up and calls attention to Rossa s 
 conviction, on pleading guilty, to a similar charge in 1859. 
 Rossa attempts — a very feeble attempt — to parry the 
 stroke; he utters a passionate denunciation of judge, jury, 
 and prosecutors ; the fust is a second Norbury, the second 
 is [lacked, and the third has taken every means that is 
 foulest to procure his condemnation. Then sentence is 
 pronounced — Penal Servitude for Life — the heaviest sen- 
 tence awarded to any of the non-combatant lieutenants of 
 Stephens. 
 
 Now that the principal trials were over, it was time for 
 Stephens to quit the country. He had remained therein 
 long enough to prevent any attempt at rescue, and quite 
 long enough for his own safety. He had become obnoxious 
 to most of the members of the Committee of Public Safety 
 and specially obnoxious to one of its most desperate mem- 
 bers, M'Cafferty — the man who had taken such conspicuous 
 [)art in his escape from Richmond Bridewell only three 
 months before. Ireland, Stephens felt, was getting far too 
 hot to hold him. His dignity, however, demanded that 
 he should remain until he could obtain a reasonable ex- 
 cuse for quitting the country. Such an excuse came early 
 in March 1866, in the shape of an invitation — very press- 
 ing in its terms — to visit the States, in order, if possible, to 
 arrest by his influence the disruption fast in progress n\ the 
 Fenian organisation. He accepted this invitation, hurried 
 his preparations, and quitted his native country, to which 
 he has never since returned, in company with Colonel 
 Thomas J. Kelly, on the eleventh of March, 1866. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE ARM FACTORIES OF THE I. R. 15. AND SOME DOINGS 
 OF TIM': ASSASSINATION COMMITTEE. 
 
 Kelly and M'Caffcrty, who assumed the lead In the I.R.I), 
 after the capture of Stephens, took instant measures to 
 make it, as far as possible, independent of aid from else- 
 where. They had men in abundance; and England, so 
 long neglected by Stephens, was beginning to take the 
 place of America in the amount of its remittances. In a 
 short time, thanks to the energy of the new chiefs, and 
 especially to the promise which their conduct held out, 
 the Irish in England entered at least as heartily into 
 the conspiracy as their brethren at home and in America. 
 How much they contributed will never be known. Some 
 idea may be formed of the amount when we find it boasted 
 by the I. R. B. themselves, in 1868, that 100,000 shillings 
 or ^5000 sterling, were gathered weekly for the cause in 
 the metropolis, where the number of paying members 
 of the I. R. \\. was set down at 100,000. This was perhaps 
 an exaggeration. Allowing, however, that one-half the 
 amount was collected, and making a proportionate allow- 
 ance for the sums raised in Glasgow, Liverpool, Manches- 
 ter, and other large manufacturing towns, where not less 
 than a third of the population is Irish, we shall certainly 
 
The Arm Factories of the I. R. B. 151 
 
 be within the mark, if wc set clown the revenues of the 
 I. R. V). under Kelly, at from twelve to fifteen thousand 
 pounds sterling weekly. 
 
 Much of this money was misused. Chiefs, organisers, 
 agents, and adventurers, were with few exceptions, men 
 who lived to enjoy as well as to conspire, and who 
 flung away large sums daily on their pleasures. Still 
 there was much left to be used for the purposes of 
 the Conspiracy, and it was so employed with skill 
 and judgment. Stephens, as we have stated, did little 
 except organise. A few hundred pikes manufactured 
 weekly during the last two or three years of his predomi- 
 nance ; a few hundred rifles stolen from the volunteer 
 magazines in England by men encouraged to join the 
 iMiglish volunteer battalions with this very purpose ; and 
 a miscellaneous collection of fire arms of all sorts — rusty 
 old muskets, anticpiated pistols, with here and there a 
 better weapon, — the whole number being perhaps less than 
 5000 — obtained by individuals according to their taste and 
 means, made up the armaments of the 1. R. B. when Kelly 
 acceded to the command. It would have been sheer 
 folly to attempt to open a campaign under such circum- 
 stances. How could men thus equipped encounter a force 
 armed with good weapons of an uniform pattern ? How 
 was ammunition to be provided for such an endless variety 
 of firearms } The thing was absurd to think of And yet 
 some of the I. R. 13. pushed absurdity to its utmost 
 extreme in their provision of weapons. Some years after 
 Kelly had disappeared from the scene, and all danger of 
 insurrection in Ireland was at an end, there was dug up 
 
152 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 on a farm near Cork, once occupied by a Centre, a wooden 
 canon, carefully bound round with iron hoops and evi- 
 dently intended for service in the field. 
 
 The new chiefs gave a principal portion of their atten- 
 tion to arming their followers efficiently. Wherever in 
 England firearms were to be procured, there agents were 
 established. Decidedly the ablest of these agents was 
 ** Colonel " Ricard lUnkc — so well-known in connection 
 with the ClerkenwcU explosion. A good deal of romance- 
 has been written about this man by himself and others. 
 He has been credited with high birth, great and varied 
 acquirements, and stirring adventure in many lands. The 
 simple facts of his story are these. He was the son of a 
 small farmer of Macroom, County Cork. He enlisted in 
 the South Cork Militia, wherein he attained the rank of 
 sergeant, and from which he deserted in May i860. We 
 next find him serving in the 15th New York Volunteers 
 during the war of Secession, and winning his way to the 
 rank of captain. Here he was a prominent member of the 
 Fenian Circle, known as " the Brothers Shears Circle." 
 Whether he had joined the I. R. B. while in the South Cork 
 Militia, or not, we cannot say. But it is probable that he 
 had, and that his desertion was the consequence. He was 
 one of the numerous adventurers who left the United 
 States for Ireland in 1865. Here he first rendered himself 
 remarkable among the I. R. B. by his connection with "the 
 Committee of Safety." Of this Committee Burke was, for 
 a period, president. 
 
 He left Dublin for Birmingham in December '65. In 
 the latter place he took premises at 64 George Street 
 
The Arm Factories of the I. R, //. 155 
 
 Parade, which he used as warehouse and office. He 
 represented himself as the agent of certain American 
 Hrms for the purchase of arms and munitions of war, 
 i^nVing his name as Winslow. This was a cleverly chosen 
 alias, for there was a Winslow connected with the 
 I. R. Vi. who resembled I^urke much in personal appear- 
 ance, but whose duties, such as they were, confined him to 
 the South of England. 
 
 In Birmingham Ikuke was assisted by one Casey, who 
 eventually was arrested in his company, and by Shaw, or 
 Mullady, who was executed in Manchester, for his share in 
 the slaughter of Sergeant Brett. Burke remained in Bir- 
 mingham until the end of February, '65 — little more than 
 two months — during which he purchased guns," pistols, and 
 other war material to the value of ^2000. These things he 
 sent in parcels to Liverpool, where they were shipped as 
 drapery goods in the name of Messrs Cook and Townsend, 
 a firm of drapers in Liverpool, and consigned to Messrs 
 Daly and Company, drapers, Cork. 
 
 By the end of February '66 the informer Corydon was 
 fully at work, and 15urke*s agency was among the things he 
 disclosed. A descent was immediately made on the ware- 
 house, but Burke had received an intimation of what was 
 about to take place, and in consequence disappeared. The 
 place, too, was cleared of everything. Not even a cat 
 was found on the premises. How Burke received his in- 
 formation is variously told by those who ought to know. 
 I le was winning in person and manners, genial tempered, 
 lively, fertile in fancy, overflowing with anecdote, which he 
 could tell gracefully, had a good voice, and sang with 
 
154 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 taste. On the whole, there were few more pleasing com- 
 panions than he. We have heard it asserted that Corydon 
 liimself apprised him of what was coming. Again, we 
 liave been informed that notice of the intended visit of the 
 police was conveyed to him by a female connected with 
 one of the policemen. The latter kind of thing was not 
 unusual during the fiercer period of the Fenian conspiracy. 
 ** General " Bourkc, alias Beecker, used to tell how well he 
 was served in this way by the wife of an Irish policeman, 
 Avho, on one occasion, handed him a copy of the " Hue and 
 Cry," containing his description, which had been sent to 
 her husband. "Thaire Giniral, Jewell," said the female, 
 ** the paper will be of more use to you than to him." 
 
 These rollicking adventurers, indeed, made great way 
 Avith the softer sex. More than one romantic story is told 
 •of their love. " Colonel " O'Connor, while evading pursuit, 
 was secreted for some days by the niece of a Protestant 
 -clergyman. The lady accompanied the " Colonel " to 
 America as his wife, and this furnished the late Charles 
 Lever with matter for one of his novels, " Lord Kil- 
 gobbin." Captain Mackay married shortly before his 
 arrest, and thus drew a good deal of sympathy to 
 what was otherwise a case of deep interest. Massey, 
 one of the two leading informers, made a love match 
 immediately prior to the outbreak projected for the 7th 
 of March, '67. It was the opinion of Cluseret and 
 others, and stated by himself, that attachment to his wife, 
 and that alone, was the motive that induced him — who 
 had really distinguished himself as a soldier — to play the 
 wretched part in*which he last appeared before the world. 
 
The Arm Factories of the L R. B. 155 
 
 M'Caffcrty, too, had his bonnes fortunes, and many of 
 tlicm. Pcrliaps the only redeeming point in his stern, 
 ferocious character, was the anxiety he displayed after his 
 
 final arrest concerninp^ a Mrs of Birminj^ham, and a 
 
 baby recently born, which he had never seen, and which he 
 was not allowed to see, prior to his departure from America, 
 after his release. 
 
 From Birmingham we trace Bourke to Liverpool, Glas- 
 gow, Sheffield, London, and eventually to the United 
 States, which he visited towards the end of 1866, just in 
 time to take part in a very important Council, of which 
 we shall have occasion to speak shortly. lie returned to 
 Europe with Kelly early in January 1867. Thenceforward 
 ]us story is a portion of the general story of the 15rothcr- 
 hood. 
 
 But the new chiefs of the L R B. did not rely on pur- 
 chase for a suitable provision of war material. In Dublin 
 they established a number of manufactories of arms and 
 ammunition. Prominent among these were the places 
 where the stuff known as " Greek hire " was compounded. 
 Great reliance was placed on it ; in fact, the mass of the 
 Brotherhood looked upon it with a sort of superstitious 
 reverence. Supplied with it, they considered themselves 
 invincible. They were always craving for it, and oc- 
 casionally using it, sometimes involuntarily, and to their 
 own consternation. The thing was stored in glass bottles, 
 which, being broken in any way, exposed it to the air, 
 whereupon it would burst into a fierce flame. hVom 
 'G6 onwards there were several instances wherein it was 
 flung at individuals, never, however, to injure them 
 
156 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 seriously. Now and then, too, it exploded in the pocket^> 
 of those who carried it, when the latter hastened to 
 throw off the burning garment and fly. In this way 
 an overcoat was abandoned in the streets of Cork, from 
 the remains of which the police contrived to extract a 
 number of valuable documents. 
 
 The principal manufactory of Greek Fire was situated in 
 Ballybough Road. It was superintended by one of the 
 many " Doctors " who were affiliated to the Brotherhood. 
 This gentleman, who had studied chemistry at one of 
 the Queen's Colleges, and passed a good examination 
 in the science, and who, therefore, was fully competent 
 for his post, bore the imposing title of " Chief of the 
 Scientific Department." Under him were several other 
 " doctors," and a number of artificers who had been decoyed 
 from the laboratories of the English Government. The 
 place in Ballybough Road was his central office, as 
 well as his central manufactory. He had the general 
 superintendence of all the arm factories in Dublin, those of 
 pikes excepted. 
 
 One of these factories was established in ]51ackhall 
 Row, off Patrick Street. The said row consists prin- 
 cipally of butchers' stalls. Of one of these, which 
 had long been vacant, the I. R. B. obtained posses- 
 sion, still keeping it shut up. Here pikes were fitted 
 with handles, bullets were cast, and percussion caps 
 manufactured. Here also the manufactured articles were 
 stored previous to distribution. The raw material, as 
 copper, etc., was kept elsewhere, as, in most similar cases, 
 in the house of the foreman, who was generally the 
 
The ylrin Factories of the I. R, B. 157 
 
 nominal tenant of the workshop. There was a similar 
 factory in Frances Street, another in North Anne Street, 
 and numerous others in various parts of the city. Far more 
 important than any of these, however, was the factory in 
 South Earl Street. It was elaborately fitted up. There 
 was a valuable lathe for turning metal; there were fur- 
 naces, smelting pots, whitesmith's tools, a carpenter's 
 bench and tools, — everything, in fact, requisite for manu- 
 facturing pikes, rifles, pistols, and cartridges, including 
 •explosive bullets. 
 
 One more remarkable still, especially for the circum- 
 stances connected with it, which give us a view of the work- 
 ing of the Committee of Safety, that is the Assassination 
 Committee, as well as of the "Scientific Department of the 
 1. R. P).," was situated \w Loftus Lane, at the back of the 
 house number 20.I Great Ihitain Slreet. The building, 
 which had been used as a stable, was two stories high, 
 and there were extensive vaults beneath, entered from 
 the outside. The place was shut up from observation ; 
 it stood in a garden, was surrounded by high buildings, 
 and could only be approached through a narrow passage, 
 which was closed by a heavy iron door, keys of which 
 were in the possession of two persons of trust. 
 
 On the 3d of January '66, this place was taken by a per- 
 son giving the name of Thomas Barry. He stated that he 
 wanted it for a cabinetmaker's shop. He resided at 80 
 Capel Street — where, as was customary in those cases, the 
 raw material for use in the factory was stored. Having 
 obtained possession of those " desirable premises," the 
 I. R. 13. proceeded to fit them up immediately. The first 
 
158 TJic Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 thing was to block up the windows in the upper story and 
 to open others in the roof ; thus all risk of being over- 
 looked from the outside was averted. A bricklayer, a 
 member of the l^rotherhood of course — one George Clark 
 — was then introduced, and he built a furnace for smelt- 
 ing. The necessary carpenter's work was done by Tracy,, 
 the foreman of the Blackball Road establishment. After- 
 wards was smuggled in the plant, including a lathe 
 imported from Birmingham, worth not less than ^^40. 
 
 The place was at once in full blast. Hand grenades and. 
 Orsini shells were manufactured by the score ; great 
 quantities of fulminating bullets were turned from brass 
 rods to fit rifles of American construction, .specimens of 
 which were kept on the premises. Common bullets, too, 
 were cast in heaps ; and military belts, with bra-ss clasps 
 bearing the Irish harp, were manufactured. So were pike 
 heads of a new and elegant pattern. So busy were the 
 hands — some fifteen or twenty — that they slept and ate 
 on the premises. By the 7th of February following the 
 furnaces were burnt out and required reconstruction. 
 Clark was named to do the woilc, and at once received 
 his commission from the chief of the Scientific Department 
 
 The latter was a plausible man of loose habits, in- 
 sinuating manners, much fluency, plenty of humour, and 
 a good deal of seeming generosity, which he never hesi- 
 tated to gratify at the expense of other people when his 
 own means failed. With his jauntincss, his show of 
 hearty frankness, and his readiness to drink with every- 
 body, he was exceedingly popular with the I. R. 35. Of 
 the many " doctors " in the plot, and most of whom bore 
 
The Ann Factories of the L R. B. 159 
 
 much likeness to him in character, he was, with two 
 exceptions, ''the Doctor." The exceptions were, "Dr" 
 
 Power — the double of Stc[)hens — and Doctor K . 
 
 This j.iinUy, pleasant ^i;cntlcinan, with his racy Cork 
 brogue, and his winning salute — " Delighted to see ye, be 
 gorra ! ! come and take a dlnink" — this thoroughly re- 
 presentative man — that is within the conspiracy — was a 
 thoroughly cool, calculating scoundrel, who cared for 
 nothing but himself and his pleasures, which last were of 
 the grossest kind. He was deep in the confidence of the 
 chiefs of the I. R. B., and lavishly remunerated by them. 
 He was also deep in the confidence of the police, ever 
 since the arrest of Stephens, and remunerated by them also. 
 In nothing did he display the special cunning with which 
 he was gifted, more than in his dealings with the police. 
 He took good care that no information given by him 
 should betray the giver to his associates ; and he was 
 careful never to tell the police too much. He gave them 
 valuable hints from time, but never once said anything 
 likely to be fatal to the I. R. ]^>. That would have de- 
 stroyed his double profession of spy and " Chief of the 
 scientific department." 
 
 Well, after due deliberation, the "Doctor" made up 
 his mind to sacrifice the establishment in Loftus Lane 
 to the police. The workmen were cleared out, lc\avi ng 
 the place just as it was, full of plant, manufactured 
 articles, and raw material. Clark was expected in a few 
 miiuites, when, the place being altogether tenantless, the 
 police walked in. The seizure was a valuable one; property 
 to the amount of over £Zqo sterling fell into their hands. 
 
i6o The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 It was the heaviest blow that had befallen the cause since 
 the raid on the office of TJie Irish People. 
 
 The news spread fast over the city, filling- the Brother- 
 hood with consternation and wrath. There was a general 
 cry of treachery, and a demand for vengeance quite as 
 general. " Now was the time for the Committee of Safety 
 to show its value," was the exclamation of the masses ; 
 and coupled with that exclamation were significant hints 
 of what would happen in case the duty were neglected. 
 A meeting of the chiefs was held that same evening in a 
 brothel, Street. It was presided over by an Ameri- 
 can, and was largely composed of brother adventurers. 
 Courtesans and conspirators alternately sat round a large 
 table covered with bottles, glasses, &c., while the matter 
 was discussed in slang impenetrable to the frail sisters. 
 
 Here " the Doctor" demonstrated that Clark, the brick- 
 layer, Avas the traitor. For the other men employed he 
 could answer. Not one of them had quitted the i)lace 
 during the previous forty-eight hours ; none had held 
 communication with the outside ; none anticipated the 
 cessation of work at that particular time ; he had marched 
 them from the stable to the tavern, where he kept them 
 hard drinking and well in sight, until news of the police 
 invasion reached him. The Doctor's anMunents were 
 considered conclusive. It was unanimously voted that 
 the " tool " was worse than useless, and must be " de- 
 stroyed ; " that is to say, Clark was sentenced to death, 
 and the " Doctor " was commissioned to superintend the 
 execution. 
 
 A few hours later an order, written on the curl-paper 
 
The Ar7n Factories of the I, R. B, i6t 
 
 of a courtesan, was carried to the President of the 
 Assassination Committee, directing him to select men 
 for the deed. One of these men was to commit the 
 nuirdcM' ; llie others were to shoot their comrade should he 
 show any token of faltering-. The men were selected by- 
 lot ; one o( them was shortly afterwards arrested as a con- 
 spirator, and sentenced to a long term of penal servitude ; 
 another was sent across to England, where in less than 
 six months he met a terrible death by accident. 
 
 But the execution could not take place at once ; there 
 were reasons for such a course on which we need not dwell. 
 Meanwhile, it was whispered that the traitor had been 
 discovered, and would be duly dealt with. Half Dublin 
 remained in terrible expectation for the next ten days. 
 
 At length, on the evening of Friday, the 17th of 
 February, the deed was done. Farly that evening 
 Clark was met by the " Doctor," as if by chance, at the 
 corner where Capcl Street joins Abbey Street. The 
 ]J)oclor, after a few words, and the usual drink, inquired 
 whether Clark could assist two other men whom he named 
 in removing a couple of boxes from the Circular Road 
 into the city. Clark agreed to do so. The pair then 
 walked forward to Bethesda Church, Dorset Street, where 
 they met the other men. Thence the party went on by 
 the Black Church, Dominic Street, over the drawbridge 
 by the Broad Stone, thence along the Grand Canal to the 
 next bridge, and so on until they reached the large mills 
 called " Mallet's Folly." Here they found the way blocked 
 up, so that further advance in that direction was impos- 
 sible. 
 
 II. L 
 
1 62 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 They paused a moment to deliberate as to what was 
 to be done next. While they were talking, poor 
 Clark heard the rapid but stealthy tread of two others 
 coming up. It was then quite dark. By this time the 
 Doctor and his companions had decided to go back, and, 
 indeed, had turned to do so, when one of the new-comers 
 rushed up to Clark and dealt him a heavy blow with a 
 bludgeon on the back of the head which stupified him. 
 He staggered against the wall, from which he rebounded, 
 still wavering. Recovering a little, he exclaimed, " Good 
 God! what have I done.? Murder! murder!" Hardly 
 was the last word uttered when a shot was fired full in his 
 face, taking effect in his neck, and striking him senseless 
 to the ground. The others then ran. This was about 
 ten o'clock at night. 
 
 Close at hand is a row of houses called " Margaret's 
 Place," on the south bank of the canal. One of those 
 houses was in charge of a policeman, then off duty, 
 who heard the report. Running out, he made in the 
 direction from whence it came. As he approached, 
 lie heard some whispering, but could see nobody. Imme- 
 diately after a pistol was discharged so close, that, to use 
 his own expression, " the smoke blinded him." Clearing 
 his eyes he pursued the assassins, but had not gone many 
 yards before a second shot was fired at him by another, 
 who ran in the same direction as the first. The two were 
 immediately joined by a third, who kept pace with them 
 as they fled, the policeman still pursuing. The chase ter- 
 minated at Prospect Terrace, where the fugitives crossed 
 the garden wall of a lady named Waters, and disappeared. 
 
The Arm Fado^^ies of the I. R. B. 163 
 
 Finding furtlier pursuit useless, the officer hastened 
 to the nearest — the Glasnevin police station — and 
 related what had happened. He was accompanied 
 to Mallet's Folly by a sufficient force. At the mill 
 they found Clark lying on his back, and apparently 
 dying from loss of blood. They carried him to the Mater 
 Misericord iie Hospital, where his case was at once pro- 
 nounced hopeless. The bludgeon wound on the back of 
 the head was an ugly one, — dangerous at least had it 
 stood alone ; but the wound dealt by the pistol shot was 
 mortal. Having been aimed from above downwards, it 
 had struck the neck, cutting the jugular vein and inflicting 
 a wound four inches long where it entered ; then it had 
 passed through the body, injuring the spine, and making 
 its exit at the back. 
 
 When brought to the hospital Clark was very weak 
 through loss of blood. He retained his consciousness 
 until late on Saturday night. His depositions were 
 taken ; he spoke with reluctance and would not say 
 anything to fix the crime on anyone ; what he told was 
 valueless as evidence. He mentioned no names, desig- 
 nating his slayers as "the doctor" and "the men," 
 and making no allusion whatever to the surprise of 
 the armoury in Loftus Lane. On Saturday night the 
 spinal injury produced paralysis. The murdered man fell 
 into a stupor which lasted till Sunday morning, when he 
 died. 
 
 A reward was offered for the apprehension of the 
 murderers, and some search was made after them, but 
 without result. No word was breathed in public concern- 
 
1 64 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 ing the cause of the deed, beyond a whisper of suspicion 
 that " Fenianism was at the bottom of it." The members of 
 the Brotherhood, however, knew very well that the surprise 
 of the armoury was the crime laid to the charge of Clark, 
 and that he had paid the penalty — dcatli. The body that 
 gave the award was well known among the fraternity, and 
 was thenceforward dreaded. The murder gave unlimited 
 power over the I. R. B. to the new chiefs. It showed that 
 they were fearfully in earnest. It was followed by many 
 another, though it was in one respect the most appalling 
 of any, for it is now acknowledged that the man was no 
 traitor. We have been thus diffuse because the crime is 
 in all respects a specimen of its class. For the same 
 reason we shall give a little space to tracing the after 
 career of **the doctor," as we have no wish to mention 
 him again, and indeed shall have no occasion for doing 
 so. 
 
 He continued to play his double part until December 
 ^66 ; then, seeing that the game of Fenianism was near its 
 end, and wishing to escape from its ranks, as a safe way 
 he directed the police to the establishment in Ballybough 
 Road, and procured his own arrest much about the same 
 time, in the character of a very minor conspirator. In 
 prison he remained for a considerable time, without trial, 
 proving very useful to his employers as a spy on his fellow 
 prisoners. Released at length, in a way not calculated to 
 arouse the ire of the Brotherhood, he crossed to England, 
 with a considerable sum in his possession. It was soon 
 dissipated in licentious indulgence ; but the doctor was a 
 man of resources. The leading chiefs, baffled and pursued, 
 
The Arm Factories of the I. R. D. 165 
 
 were continually In motion, partly to secure their own 
 safety and in part to get up some desperate enterprise or 
 other, whose execution should still enable them to main- 
 tain their sway over their followers. There was no end to 
 their moving to and fro and to their disguises. It was an 
 c)p[)ortunity which rogues of a certain class among the 
 I. R. B. did not neglect to turn to their own advantage. 
 A perfect swarm of Kellies, Daceys, M'Cafferties, and even 
 of Stei)henses sprang up all over the empire and reaped a 
 rich harvest from the dupes, who were eager in aiding them 
 with money to baffle the English officials, and to promote 
 "the good cause." 
 
 The doctor took to personating the great Head 
 Centre himself, to whom he bore some resemblance, 
 among the brotherhood and sisterhood of Lancashire. 
 From one enthusiastic lady he extracted ;^I5; other 
 persons he mulcted in smaller sums ; and an earnest 
 patriot, whom we shall not stigmatise as a fool, — because 
 there was a something high and admirable in the self- 
 sacrifice he displayed, — having nothing of his own to give, 
 actually enlisted and handed over the bounty he received 
 to the soi-disant Stephens. 
 
 This kind of thing, however, could not last witliout 
 bringing him who practised it into much peril. The 
 doctor, therefore, made his way to London. Here 
 he looked up the leading brethren, whom he laid under 
 contribution. He was employed, too, though not so 
 lucratively as when he was " Chief of the Scientific 
 Department." To eke out his funds he placed himself in 
 communication with Inspector G , a personage very 
 
1 66 T J le Feniari Conspiracy. 
 
 well known to the London l''cnians of that period. lu)r 
 six months the doctor continued to denounce his brothers 
 of the I. R. B. to such an extent that three-fourths of the 
 arrests then made among them are set down to his credit. 
 At length suspicion began to attach to him ; so the doctor 
 made up his mind to abandon the trade of secret informer. 
 This he did in characteristic fashion. 
 
 He wrote a letter to his friend the inspector, asking 
 an interview "at the clock pillar, near the Angel, Isling- 
 ton." The inspector met him as appointed. Here 
 the doctor informed him that the chiefs of the I. R. B. 
 were about to meet in Council in Paris under the 
 presidency of Roberts.* He added that he himself 
 had been summoned to attend, but that he was desti- 
 tute of funds. The tale was plausible in itself and 
 very plausibly told. The inspector advanced ^20, and 
 with the sum the doctor betook himself to New York. 
 Here our informant paused, to conclude with a significant 
 look and in a meaning tone, " He is not likely to trouble 
 the English Government afiy inoreT 
 
 * Roberts, president of one of the Fenian "Wings," met seven delegates of 
 the I. K. 15. in Taris, in the smnnicr of 1868, and formed a treaty witli them, 
 which neither party observed. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ORGANISERS, ETC. 
 
 The system of paid organisers was formally adopted in 
 Ireland sometime early in 1863. In reality it had always 
 been in practice there. Stephens himself is supposed to 
 have received ^1500 a-year for his services. When the 
 Brotherhood became flourishing, that was his nominal salary. 
 His lieutenants, all needy men, lived on the society, as 
 Ivossa, Duffy, and others. And there were payments con- 
 tinually being made, which, while assuming to be in the 
 interests of the I. R. B., were really gratuities to those who 
 received them. 
 
 Paid organisers were first appointed in the United States 
 after the Congress of Chicago. O'Mahony's own salary 
 was fixed at 2000 dollars a-year. Doran Killian, the 
 financial secretary ; W. Griffen, treasurer ; C. H. Chatter- 
 ton, chief clerk ; P. J. Dowring, secretary for civil afifairs ; 
 General B. E. Mullen, secretary for military affairs, received 
 each 1 500 dollars yearly. There were an Inspector-General, 
 an Adjutant-Cjcneral, a Chief of Artillery, and eight other 
 officials, eleven in all, each having 1200 dollars yearly ; 
 there were seven receiving 800 dollars, one 720 dollars, 
 three 624 dollars, two 520 dollars, and one 400 dollars 
 yearly. All these were connected with head quarters. 
 
1 68 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Then the members of tlie Central Council received each 
 5 dollars a-day and expenses. One of the officers already- 
 mentioned, General Mullen, received the additional pay of 
 his rank in the American service, and two permanent 
 officers, Colonels Kelly and Mulcahy, who had 1200 dollars 
 a-year, the one as adjutant-general, the other as inspector- 
 general, received the additional pay of 2 dollars a-day each. 
 Then there were eighteen organisers, each receiving 70 
 dollars a-month and expenses ; and one special organiser, of 
 whom we shall have something to say, at the same salary. 
 These too were permanent officers. 
 
 But the sums we have specified, large as they were, by 
 no means covered the total drawn by these officers. We 
 find, by the official report for the first four months of 1866, 
 the sum drawn by ordinary organisers to amount to 8885 
 dollars, and that drawn by special organisers, most of 
 whom were otherwise employed by the F. B., and only re- 
 ceived these missions as special organisers, by way of 
 relaxation and reward, at 5045" dollars. The whole account 
 for organisation during these four months amounted to 
 13,930 dollars. 
 
 During the same period the postage and telegraph 
 account came to 1242 dollars ; the printing and stationary 
 account ran up to 5028 dollars ; the contingent account, 
 or moneys disbursed for i)urchasing copies of friendly 
 newsi)apers, and for occasional exi)enses, reached 6.128 
 dollars. In the last account a certain W. V. Meehan 
 is mentioned twelve times, and had a total attached to his 
 name of 1270 dollars, as "petty cash disbursements." 
 Military expenses, being salaries and expenses attending 
 
Organisers^ etc. 169 
 
 the miserable Campo Bella affair, reached 35,336 dollars. 
 J n what was called "secret service," were spent 13,336 
 tlolhirs. The sahiries of subordinates reached a total of 
 12,948 dollars, this includes O'Mahony's stipend for other 
 duties than those discharged by him as Head Centre, a 
 thing in which he was imitated by many another. There 
 was an expense account, monopolised by Doran Killian, 
 and William Griffin, amounting to 439 dollars. The Con- 
 gress and Central Council account came to 4752 dollars, 
 and there was a bond account reaching 7018 dollars. 
 
 The total disbursements of the F. B., from January to April 
 the 23d 1866, was 104,401 dollars. To this must be added 
 65,728 dollars despatched to Europe, 10,823 dollars dis- 
 tributed among refugees, and 30,000 dollars paid for a 
 privateer. There were besides large sums which were 
 never accounted for, and in several instances clear cases of 
 swindling were brought home to various members of the 
 Ihotherhood. We give a specimen or two. JkTore the 
 committee appointed to investigate expenditure, &c., in 
 1866, the following little bit of evidence was given among 
 much of the like sort. General Mullen, speaking of the 
 purchase of the privateer, "Shibley, first asked 40,000 dollars 
 for her, but was willing to take 37,500. Mr Killian told 
 me to buy the vessel as cheap as I possibly could. I saw 
 Mr Peercc Skeehan and asked him to take the ownership 
 of the vessel. He wanted first to consult a lawyer, one in 
 our interest. I ordered him to buy the vessel. Mr Skeehan 
 desired to fee the lawyer ; 1 granted him (Mr Skeehan) 
 500 dollars to indemnify against all loses of a personal 
 character. The vessel was bought foi; 29,500 dollars ; 
 
1 70 The Fenia7i Conspiracy. 
 
 I drew a draft for 30,000. Mr Skcchan claimed that he 
 had saved 500 dollars for the Brotherhood, stating that he 
 had purchased her for 29,000 dollars. Mr Skechan desired 
 to give me, and then to Colonel O'Mahony, this 500 dollars 
 balance, but we told him to tender it to the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, the proper party to receive it. Here 
 we find the following minute interplaced in the report 
 of the books of the ¥. B., — "Show the price paid for 
 the vessel as 30,000 dollars, whereas she actually cost but 
 29,000, — the 1000 dollars difference not being paid back 
 to the treasury." 
 
 Another minute states that a certain Mr Wynne gave 
 General Mullen 500 dollars as a gift to the cause on 
 the representations of Mullen (which have since proved 
 false) that he had several war vessels and twenty 
 thousand stand of arms." Again, it was stated that 
 " General Mullen borrowed 500 dollars from this Mr 
 Wynne, which the F. B. paid back." Mullen also 
 announced officially that he had various armed steamers 
 stationed on the Pacific coast of America, prepared 
 to move on "an objective point" — a statement which 
 was totally false. On one occasion "a military con- 
 vention," which sat four days, cost the F. 11 " about 
 7000 dollars." (3'Mahony, an unwilling witness, admitted 
 that " there were too many organisers on pay — some were 
 a?i ifictibns ; they were very expensive." General Mullen 
 he denounced as a traitor. An organiser named Jeremiah 
 Kavanagh married and made a wedding trip — the expenses 
 of which he set down to the account of the F. B. He 
 travelled repeatedly with Stephen Joseph Meany, who, 
 
Organiser Sy etc. 171 
 
 as an organiser, was a still more remarkable curiosity, 
 and who is thus sketched by a writer in The Ulster 
 Observer — " Who is this Stephen Joseph Meany ? He 
 was a rebel in 1848. He was one of the fortunate few 
 wlio enjoyed an easy and luxurious confinement, which 
 gave them ever afterwards a sort of relish for arrests, 
 and a longing for the inside of her Majesty's prisons. 
 He made his terms with the Government, and was 
 released, wearing all the honours of martyrdom a\ iLhout 
 any of the traces of its sufferings. If we mistake not, 
 Belfast was the scene of his first operations in his new 
 character of ransomed rebel, and there is many a dole- 
 ful creditor who tells to the present day how he was 
 duped out of his money and goods by the plausible 
 jiatriot, who recited the fiction of his miseries in 
 ]<.ichmond jail. He was employed as a reporter on 
 The WJiig, and soon disqualified himself by his mis- 
 conduct, for any position in that or any other respect- 
 able establishment. His career after he left Belfast, 
 was a continuation of the swindles he perpetrated 
 here, and which are too notorious to need recapitula- 
 tion. He tricked his creditors, deserted his wife, aban- 
 doned his children, and fell to the lowest depths of degra- 
 dation. He was in the poorhouse, came out of it, and at 
 length had his course of villany (there is no other word for 
 it) cut short by being arrested for frauds committed in the 
 London exhibition. He was tried, found guilty, and sen- 
 tenced to imprisonment with hard labour. On the expira- 
 tion of his term of confinement, the printers of Liverpool 
 made up a subscription and sent him out of the country." 
 
172 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Mr Meany has a whole chapter devoted to him in Mr John 
 Savage's " Fenian Heroes and Martyrs." The said chapter 
 covers twenty-three pages, while but a single chapter of 
 thirty-one pages is allotted to John O'Mahony, Michael 
 Doheny, and James Stephens, the three celebrities of 
 l^'enianism. Savage says not a single word of Meany's 
 escapades, or of the troubles in which they involved him. 
 lliey were matters of which an intimate, who was also a 
 professional journalist, could not have been ignorant, and 
 yet Savage used to be known among the Ihethren as 
 "honest John." How Mr Meany organised may be 
 gathered from a few notices concerning him in the 
 " Official Report of the Investigating Committee," printed 
 in 1866, page 72. 
 
 " F. B. to J. Kavanagh and S. J. Meany, D.R. 
 
 " To expenses Special Organizing to Baltimore, 75 dollars. 
 
 (Signed) "J. Kavanagh and S. J. Meany." 
 
 " The voucher above shows that 75 dollars was drawn to pay- 
 expenses of trip to Baltimore, but received while there 500 dollars 
 bond money, to be handed to the Secretary of the Treasury on their 
 return. They presented bills for expenses, incurred by public meet- 
 ings, &c., of 320 dollars, leaving a cash balance for the Brotherhood 
 of only 180 dollars. Admitting the expenses were legitimate, neither 
 Mr Kavanagh or {sic) Meany Iiad authority to appropriate any por- 
 tion of the 500 dollars bond money for any purpose whatever." 
 
 On page 27 of the report we find Mr Meany mentioned 
 
 thus :— 
 
 " Stephen J. Meany, District Cenlrc of Ohio and Orf^aniscr, received 
 318 dollars for organising expenses. Letter from M. Devine Bond, 
 agent of Philadelphia, read to Committee, requesting Mr Meany to 
 pay the 100 dollars borrowed of him, and taken from the bond account. 
 Letters from Ohio, received at Head-quarters, requesting the removal 
 of Mr Meany, as he was bringing disgrace on the Brotherhood there. 
 
Organisers, etc. ■ 1 73 
 
 Article read to Committee from a Cincinnati paper, stating ' tliat Mr 
 Mcany bad given, in payment for board, a cheque to the Bcnnet 
 House on a Toledo Bank when he had no deposit.'" 
 
 The borrowing of tlie money from Devine is mentioned 
 attain on ]»aj^c 29, with the following remark applyint^ to 
 all the officials of the V. ]x, as well as to Meany : — "These 
 men, in their official capacity, borrowed and used Fenian 
 funds for their own private use." 
 
 Meany was himself examined by the Investigatinc^ Com- 
 mittee. It is only fair to cite his evidence: — "I have 
 never received, directly or indirectly, any money from the 
 F. B. but my expenses. The total amount I have received 
 will probably reach about 400 dollars, or 500. In making 
 out my vouchers for expenses in the West during January 
 and February 1866, I accidentally made an error in the 
 total amount of 100 dollars — an arithmetical error. The 
 bill was presented with the error. It was signed by Mr 
 Killian, and endorsed by the II. C. Mr Griffin made his 
 warrant for the erroneous amount (all unknowingly). On 
 presentation of warrant to Mr Meelian, assistant-treasurer. 
 I called his attention to the fact as per original warrant. 
 I refused Ihc additional lOO dollars, erroneously charged, 
 and the extra money was returned. My action was en- 
 dorsed by Mr Griffin, who remarked, in the presence of 
 several parties — * If we had many such honest men as you 
 in this organisation, our finances would be in a better con- 
 dition.' I cast myself into the organisation at a sacrifice 
 of business, and great inconvenience, and made the tour 
 West at tlie request of Colonel O'Mahony and Mr Killian, 
 in order to counteract certain agitatory movements there 
 
I 74 The Fe7tian Conspiracy. 
 
 inaugurated by the Robcrts-Swccny party. With Mr 
 Cronin, a paid organiser, I agitated the Brotherhood 
 there; I had interviews with friends and foes; called two 
 public meetings at an expense of hall hire, of ten dollars 
 each night ; I paid printing and advertising, as per 
 vouchers, on each occasion. The hall was packed by 
 our opponents with an armed force who threatened 
 assassination. Still Mr George Francis Train was listened 
 to, and I succeeded in reading the report of the Conven- 
 tion. During my tour for the Brotherhood in Chicago, I 
 paid each and every expense called forth by public meet- 
 ings, such as hall hire, printing, &c. ; and none of the 
 money received or expended was for individual purposes. 
 I also visited Milwaukee, where we had a public meeting, 
 and after which the Circle there ordered all their funds to 
 be sent to these headquarters, amounting to five hundred 
 dollars, and an endorsement of Colonel O'Mahony. The 
 sisterhood also sent their funds on. At Cine innati we 
 had a crowded meeting highly enthusiastic and successful. 
 I visited Drayton, Columbus, Steubenville, Lavittsburg, 
 and thence to New York. I never charged to the organ- 
 isation any money but absolute legitimate expenses for 
 travelling, and such as were really necessary. 
 
 "About January I2th, I received lOO dollars from the 
 treasurer in anticipation of my visit to the West. In 
 Cincinnati I telegraphed to the Civil Department and Mr 
 Killian for money to meet expenses. It was not sent. 
 Mr M'Caffrey, Centre of the Cincinnati Circle, received an 
 order from Downing to pay me lOO dollars, which would 
 have taken us away from Cincinnati. The Centre stated 
 
Organisers y etc. 175 
 
 he had not so much at his disposal, but he gave mc 25 
 dollars, for which he is credited in my vouchers. Our 
 hotel bill (Mr Cronin and myself) was then 89 dollars 50 
 cents, being for nearly three weeks. The proprietor of the 
 Burnet House* took my acceptance as security for his 
 bill on March ist, ten days hence. I never gave a draft 
 on a bank in Toledo. I returned to New York, received 
 money, and forwarded 1 00 dollars to Mr T. C. Bartlett, of 
 the Toledo Commercial, to take up the note. Mr Bartlett 
 was then, by some strange mischance, on a visit to this 
 city, unknown to me, and in no way did I learn that the 
 note had not been taken up, until March 19th, when on 
 my way to Philadelphia, Mr Bartlett drove up and handed 
 me back the money, it being mailed to this city to him 
 from Toledo. I then promptly refunded the money, and 
 have since sued the proprietors of the newspaper, charging 
 me with fraud. 
 
 (" An apology from the paper shown as follows) : — 
 " * We some time ago stated that a prominent O'Mahony 
 Senator, from the northern part of this State, had left the 
 proprietor of a hotel in this city, in the lurch, to the ex- 
 tent of a board bill of 89 dollars. The bill has since been 
 paid, and the public is informed that the reason of its 
 non-payment was simply because of a slight misunder- 
 standing.' 
 
 "As District Centre of Ohio, I have never drawn a cent 
 as salary, and have only been paid my actual travelling 
 expenses. On my oath as a man, a Fenian, and a Chris- 
 tian, I have never received from the local organisation of 
 
 * rrintcd elsewhere ^^ Bcnnei House." 
 
1 76 TJie Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 the State of Ohio a single penny as salary, expenses, or 
 otherwise." 
 
 In the foregoing testimony concerning himself given by 
 Mr S. J. Meany, there are several things worthy of notice. 
 It is an outline which applies to all the paid organisers as 
 well as to himself. We see how they worked, sometimes 
 in the face of stern opposition, for the American Fenians 
 did not form a very happy family. That these organisers 
 did not fare altogether as Spartans while at work, appears 
 from the modest hotel bill **for nearly three weeks," amount- 
 ing to very nearly 90 dollars. But by far the most curious 
 bit in this evidence is that which concerns the bill containing 
 the "arithmetical error" of 100 dollars — :s.\\ o^xxox against 
 the Brotherhood, though Mr Meany omitted to say so. 
 We find it passed by three different officials without 
 detection, which is the more remarkable, since the bill 
 itself was about as short as it could well be. 
 
 Such oversights, however, were not uncommon with 
 Fenian officials — quite as common, indeed, as such 
 " arithmetical errors," which last were common enough. 
 Here is a sample (given page 71, Report) : — 
 
 " F. 15. to Wm. Nagi.k, Dr. 
 "(]eor(ji:'1()WN Circij:, Wasuinoton, 13. C. 
 '■'■January 12, 1866. — 12 clays' board, at 3 dollars per 
 
 day, 60 dollars. 
 
 Fare to and from Washington, and incidental ex- 
 penses, 24 „ 
 
 84 „ 
 Approved, John O'Mauony, II. C. F. 13. 
 B. DORAN KiLLIAN, Secretary of Treasury." 
 
 The following remark is appended in the Report :— 
 
Organiser's, etc. I77 
 
 " The above voucher shows 24 dollars drawn illegally by 
 inserting 60 dollars instead of 36, yet received the signa- 
 ture of O'Mahony and Killian." 
 
 Another little bill (given page 73, Report) shows a little 
 more in detail how the organisers " lived and moved " 
 while organising : — 
 
 " January 21, 1866.— James J. ROGERS, M. C. C. 
 " Expenses in going to, remaining at, and returning from Washing- 
 ton, from the evening of January 17th to the morning of January 21st, 
 viz. : — 
 
 "Car fare, 12 cents; refreshments, i dollar; supper, 
 
 1 dollar 50 cents ; fare, 8 dollars 40 cents, 
 Sleeping car, i dol. 50 c. ; blacking boots, 10 c. ; coach, 
 
 2 dols. ; refreshments, 3 dols., 
 
 Car fare, 48 c. ; coach, 7 d. ; ferriage, 60 c. ; hotel, 1 1 d.. 
 Fare to Philadelphia, 5 d. ; on the way, 60 c. ; Gerard 
 
 House, I d. 25 c., 6 85 
 
 Refreshments, i d. 40 c. ; fare to New York, 2 d. 50 c. ; 
 waiters, 50 c. ; 
 
 d. 
 
 c. 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 60 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 47 
 
 70 
 
 50 
 
 
 By cash received January 17th, 
 
 Balance due F. B., . . . . . 2 30 " 
 
 Another bill presented by the same worthy, which 
 appears on pages 74 and 75 of the " Official Report," is 
 still more cmiously characteristic of these paid organisers. 
 It contains also an "arithmetical error" against the 
 ]5rothcrhood, which the officials did not detect ; — 
 
 " F. B. to James J. Rogers, Dr. 
 " March i. — For expenses in connection with celebration at Jones' 
 Wood, Sunday, 4th March 1866, viz.: — d. c. 
 
 " March i. — Car fare, &c., to and from Jones' Wood, . o 44 
 H. M 
 
d. 
 
 c. 
 
 I 
 
 50 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 9Q 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 57 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1 78 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 " March 2. — Expenses attending lecture 26th Street and 
 
 7th Avenue, 
 
 „ 3. — Visiting guests, coach hire, .... 
 „ Dinner with Major Goodwin, 
 
 „ Refreshments, 
 
 „ Car fare, 
 
 „ 4.— At Jones' Wood, 
 
 „ 5. — To and at Philadelphia — fare, 3 d. ; dinner, 
 
 I d. ; supper, 2d., 9 
 
 „ Car fare and coach to cars, . 
 ,, 6. — Fare to Washington, .... 
 „ Sleeping car, i d. 50 c ; baggage, 35 c. . . i 85 
 „ 7. — At Willard's, Washington, stage, 50 c. ; re- 
 freshments, 50 c. ; papers, 20 c. . . i 20 
 „ 8.— Hotel bill, 6 d. 25 c. ; car fare, 18 c. ; re- 
 freshments, 40 c 6 83 
 
 „ „ Fare to Alexandria, 45 c. ; refreshments i d. 
 
 10 c. ; buggy, 3 d. ; hotel bill, 4 d. . . 855 
 „ 9.- -Fare to Washington, 25 c. ; boots, 10 c. ; 
 newspapers, 50 c. ; car fare, 6 c. ; refresh- 
 ments, 50 c 141 
 
 Fare to Baltimore, i d. 50 c. ; refreshments for guests, 2 d. 
 
 50 c. ; car fare, 50 c. 4 5° 
 
 Messenger, 2 d.; hotel bill (two fires), 6 d. ; fare to Washing- 
 ton, I d. 50 c. 9 50 
 
 Car fare, 48 c. ; refreshments, 75c.; secret service (Arm- 
 strong), 6 d 7 23 
 
 Hotel bill (including Armstrong), 12 d. ; with General 
 M'Dougal, 45 c. ; room hire for 13th, 2 d. ; postage 
 
 stamps, 50 c. ; to Baltimore, i d. 50 c '3 95 
 
 Telegrams, 2d. 35 c. ; car fare, 40 c* 525 
 
 Car fare, 30 c. ; refreshments, i d. 10 c. . . . . 1 40 
 
 Car fare ... o 06 
 
 Hotel bill, including expenses of guests, 20 d. 70 c. ; fare to 
 
 New York, 6 d. 35 c 27 5 
 
 Meals on the way (with ), i d. 35 c. ; newspapers, 10 c. i 45 
 
 * "It will he noticed tlu;sc items fool up 2 d. 75 c; yet 5 d. 25 c. was 
 
 charged hy Mr R and paid by the 11. C. and the Secielaiy of the 
 
 Treasury." 
 
Organisers, etc. i 79 
 
 For services and time spent from July 13th, 1865, to March d. c. 
 i6tli, 1866, inclusive, 35 days, during which three lectures 
 and ten addresses were delivered, twenty meetings at- 
 tended, and Head Quarters supervised, at 5 d. per day. 160 o 
 
 285 29" 
 
 Tlicre arc other bills presented by the same gentleman 
 cited in the Report, all being of the like kind. We need 
 hardly say tliat those we have given are not exceptional. 
 Mr Rodgers, it may be added, was a member of the 
 Central Council, for which he drew five dollars a day, con- 
 triving to add also a number of items, — as " paid for 
 meals for members of the C. C," "apples," etc., — which 
 considerably more than doubled the amount. 
 
 Nor were the members of the C. C, the paid organisers, 
 and so forth, content with such liberal allowance for them- 
 selves. A good many of them took care to (juarler needy 
 relations on the treasurer. The " Official Report," page 43, 
 makes the following statement: — "John Killian (cousin of 
 13. D. Killian) told us (the members of the Investigating 
 
 Committee) that B. D. K ordered his wages raised 
 
 from ten dollars to twelve dollars weekly. He was placed 
 not used <\o\\x\ stairs. His services were unnecessary." Mr 
 Killian had a reason for doing this, which is worth quoting. 
 •* Mr B. D. Killian told me," testifies Mr M. J. Hefferman, 
 " that the F. B. was not doing much any way, and that 
 the best it could do was to help a poor man's family. 
 John Killian was put on duty to assist a man, in place of 
 
 one who was discharged by Mr B. D. K • a few days 
 
 previous, because said man's services were useless. 
 
 " I saw that business was being neglected," continues 
 
1 80 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Mr HefTcrman, " by men whom Mr Killian employed, — 
 Mr Russcl for one. He was a decent man, but his ser- 
 vices were unnecessary, and for this he was paid 100 
 dollars a month. Mr John H. Rogers, brother of Mr 
 J. J. Rogers, was unnecessary — salary 100 dollars per 
 month. Mr Charles Timon's services were unnecessary 
 and superfluous {sic) — 8cK) dollars per year. James M'Nery, 
 Bond Department, services unnecessary. I considered the 
 Assistant Treasurer unnecessary; and the Treasurer (Mr 
 Griffin) was a mere ornament. I think there was a good 
 deal of superfluous help in the Civil Department under 
 the charge of Colonel Downing. One good man and two 
 boys would have done the work of that department." 
 
 Then there were officers employed and paid by the F. B., 
 for whose employment there was not the shadow of a 
 pretext. Turning to page 69 of the Official Report we 
 find the following passage : — 
 
 " Voucher 112. " New York, December 1 1///, 1865. 
 
 " F. B. to four officers of I. R. Navy, Dr. allowed, . 20 dollars. 
 
 " B. DoRAN Killian. 
 Approved "John O'Mahony, II. C. F. B. 
 " No Irish Navy in cxislencc at this time. No officers' names sub- 
 mitted in voucher." 
 
 ]kit the Ileatl Centre and his lieutenants were not 
 merely reckless, negligent, and given to employing useless 
 officers ; they were something more. One can hardly 
 understand how such a thing could liave occurred as is 
 related (with a good deal of softening, it may be fairly 
 presumed) by John O'Mahony to the Investigating Com- 
 mittee. It is given on page 10 of the Official Report. 
 
Organisers, etc, i8i 
 
 " Captain Gaynor and his company were the men wlio 
 demanded from me the Eastpool money. They did not 
 jtsc tJicir pistols^ but locked the door and forced nie to give 
 then I money!' 
 
 We shall sh< >rtly have occasion to mention other extra- 
 ordinary inst;tiices of misappropriation of Fenian funds. 
 For the present, however, we have done enough to show 
 what kind of men organised and managed this unique 
 conspiracy. And in showing this much, we show also 
 what sort of government would have been instituted in 
 Ireland, had the conspiracy achieved success. 
 
 The organisers of the I. R. B. were not a whit better 
 than their fellows west of the Atlantic. They kept their 
 secrets better, however, for the most part. It is only in- 
 directly that we obtain a view of their conduct, save 
 in rare instances — as in the case of " Doctor " Bell. What 
 sort of man he was, it is easy to surmise from the data 
 which we intend to lay before our readers. He is the 
 author of the following letter : — 
 
 " Thursday, loth April 1865. 
 " Dear Doctor (Doctor Power, the double of Stephens)— I sent 
 you something yesterday, which was miserable enough in all con- 
 science ; but if you were short of ' copy,' it might help to fill a 
 vacuum which newspapers, like nature, are unable to endure. I am 
 glad that you returned in time to be with your good lady during her 
 illness. I earnestly hope that she is out of all danger. Your uncle 
 held a ' prayer meeting' in Westminster last night, I was not pre- 
 sent during the devotional exercise, nor have I seen him to-day to 
 learn die result. I find a letter from Sheffield this morning, in which 
 it is staled that the * knife-grinding' business is rapidly and steacHly 
 increasing in and around that capital of cutlery. I shall be there on 
 Monday next, and if you have any instructions to give mc, you can 
 address me in care of Mr James M'Kay, 16 Dorking Street, Si)ittal 
 
1 82 The Feniaji Conspiracy. 
 
 Hall, Sheffield. I have read the forty-page despatch ; it is very 
 miserable. I wish to God, or ' to the other buffer,' that somebody 
 would * hang a calf-skin round the recreant limbs' of those peddling 
 poltroons in New York. What in hell do they mean .? These meti 
 
 ivill never do the necessary work. It is out on them, G d 
 
 them. No ; in one form or another, yon must do it yourself. Ever 
 your attached and sanctified friend, J. RoiUNSON, a relative of the 
 world-renowned Jack." 
 
 The author of the foregoing pretty letter was specially 
 recommended by Stephens to the I. R. \\. of London, who 
 wanted an editor for a paper started in the interests of the 
 fraternity towards the end of 1864. Here Mr David Bell 
 did not give satisfaction. Indeed, the London Head 
 Centre, Thomas Hayes, who invested a considerable simi 
 in TJie Irish Liberator, the journal referred to, and lost it, 
 accused his editor of swindling himself and the other 
 proprietors. Mr Bell therefore ceased to conduct The 
 Irish Liberator, even before the paper ceased to exist, and 
 subsided into his old trade of lecturer. When, however, 
 Mr Stephens saw that the end was at hand, he dealt with 
 Mr Bell as he dealt with a good many more, stopped the 
 remittances. This drew from the gentleman in question 
 a letter which we quote, for a good many reasons. 
 
 ^''Jlotel de I'' lores, 12 Rue Lacipede, 
 Paris, Friday, ^ist October 1865. 
 " Dear John— Your letter of Saturday, the 14th of October, came 
 here all right. In it you kindly stateil that, in a very short time, 
 assistance would be sent to me. How far this promise has been 
 kept, you know as well as 1 do. Perhaps you do not know, and 1 hope 
 you never will, what it is to be without a friend or a franc in a strange 
 land. The question is, Arc we to be helped, or to be left to perish. 
 For the latter is the only alternative left myself, and to others whom 
 the bearer will na?ne, if the present course of treatment is much 
 longer persevered in. At great risk and sacrifice every way we have 
 
Organisers^ etc. i83 
 
 induced one of our unfortunate number to represent the state of our 
 affairs. He will return here immediately, if successful on his mission. 
 If not, it matters little what becomes of any of us. Will you be good 
 enough to inform our friend \\v.\\. a sum of about ;^34 is the pay due 
 to me alone, and that if it, or any part of it, be at once forwarded, it 
 will indeed be a welcome deliverance. Perhaps you <:ould get some 
 trustworthy person to call on 'Mrs Ward, 4 Talbot Place/ Talbot. 
 Street, near the Droglicda Railway terminus. There are two port- 
 vuuilcnus of mine and a hat-casr. Affix cards on them with the 
 enclosed address, put them on the railway, and send them here. — I 
 am, dear John, your obliged and faithful servant, J. B. J. Harris." 
 
 The foregoing- doleful letter contrasts curiously with 
 the documents which we have given respecting the 
 American organisers. The latter were always promptly 
 and liberally paid ; nor was there ever any particular 
 scrutiny of their bills, so that "arithmetical errors" fre- 
 quently passed unnoticed. Messrs Rogers and Company 
 had a pleasant time of it. Not so the organisers employed 
 by James Stephens. He paid those who were devoted to 
 himself tolerably well — so long as they were useful ; but 
 when they ceased to be useful, then, devoted or not, they 
 were abandoned to be dealt with as fate inclined. Ste- 
 phens was not " penny wise and pound foolish" in any of 
 his doings. Conduct like this just noticed procured him 
 bitter enemies ; he knew well that such would be the 
 result. That he, therefore, pursued it in every instance, 
 — for as Bell was treated, so were all his lieutenants 
 treated, notably Edward Duffy — is strong proof that he 
 considered the conspiracy at an end. 
 
 But all the organisers were not of the stamp of Rogers, 
 Meany, and Bell. Among them were men thoroughly 
 devoted to the cause — men of high principle and high 
 
1 84 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 talent too, overflowing with courage, and unquestionably 
 and purely patriotic. To have taken part in such a con- 
 spiracy — to have associated with such companions— and 
 to have served under such leaders as the conspiracy gave 
 them — these were something more than indiscretions. An 
 excuse, liowever, for the folly and the guilt of their course 
 as I'enians, may be found in the circumstances under 
 which their characters were formed. These circumstance s 
 were such as to render hatred of English domination ;i 
 leading sentiment in them ; and to make them look upon 
 active hostility to England as the first of duties. 
 
 Conspicuous among the nobler organisers was Thomas 
 Francis Bourke. He was only twenty-five Avhen he accepted 
 the post, early in '65. He had but just been mustered out 
 of the Federal army, where he had served with distinction. 
 Of humble origin — the son of an Irish emigrant, and him- 
 self born on Irish soil — a working house-painter, clever at 
 his craft, remarkable for industry and filial afi"ection, he 
 had contrived to educate himself — or at least his senti- 
 ments — to a remarkable extent. Not one word was ever 
 whispered in America against his character. J lis employ- 
 ment as an organiser in the States was lucrative, and gave 
 him high influence among the l^rotherhood, but in spite of 
 the entreaties of the Head Centre, he threw it up to take 
 part in the fighting which, in common with so many 
 others, he anticipated for 1866 in Ireland. Here he was 
 appointed "paymaster" to the American officers, with 
 the rank of " Colonel " — and discharged his duties to the 
 satisfaction of his comrades, until his capture in arms a 
 year later. 
 
Organisers, etc, 185 
 
 Even more distinguished than Bourke, was " Captain " 
 Michael O'Rorkc. He was a year younger than the 
 former, and was well-known, under the name of /^r^r/'r;-, as 
 paymaster of the Fenian organisation in England. Born 
 in Ireland, he emigrated at an early age to the United 
 States. In 1859 he joined the Phoenix Brigade. In 1862 
 this body offered its services to the Federal government ; 
 by this O'Rorke had attained the rank of lieutenant. 
 Later in the year he received his commission as captain. 
 He fought through the war, and saw his father killed by 
 his side at Spottsylvania in 1864. A few months later he 
 was himself taken prisoner. Released by exchange in 
 February 1865, he returned to his regiment, with which 
 he remained till the close of the war. About the ist 
 of July 1865, he returned to New York. He was at once 
 informed that the F. B. required his services in Ireland, 
 and within a fortnight he was on his way thither, reaching 
 his destination July 27th. Here he spent three months in 
 visiting various parts of the country, principally the west. 
 After the seizure of The Irish People, and the numerous 
 arrests that followed, O'Rorke was peculiarly busy ; he 
 had to discharge the duties of many of those arrested in 
 addition to his own. Some of these duties led him, 
 almost daily for months, to visit houses most noted, and 
 whose inmates were already under police supervision. 
 But S(; cleverly did he evade the vigilance of the detectives, 
 such an adept was he in adopting disguises, that the police 
 never gained sufficient knowledge of his person to enable 
 them to identify him. 
 
 When the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, it was the 
 
1 86 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 duty of Captain O'Rorke not only to see every officer not 
 yet arrested almost daily, but to visit the lodgings of those 
 who had been arrested, to look after their effects, and to 
 settle any claims against them which might have been left 
 unpaid. When Stephens left Dublin, in March 1866, he 
 commissioned O'Rorke to send all the officers yet at large 
 into England. This was done, and funds being placed in 
 his hands for their support, he received the appellation of 
 "paymaster." With these officers he crossed the channel, 
 where he remained for some time ; the number under his 
 charge being seldom less than fifty — often more. A little 
 later other and more important duties were added to those 
 of paymaster. These compelled him to visit every district 
 in England once a month. Once a month also had he to 
 cross to Dublin to make his official report as Inspector- 
 General of the English branch of the I. R. B. During these 
 peregrinations he had many hair-breadth escapes. It was 
 a matter of rivalry between him and Corydon, as to which 
 of the two should vanquish the other — the one in escaping, 
 the other in baffling attempts at escape. On one occasion 
 the Liverpool police received very accurate information 
 concerning the whereabouts of this formidable conspirator. 
 They surrounded the house, arrested all its inmates, and 
 seized every article in the place. Among these articles 
 was a trunk belonging to O'Rorke ; as to the captain him- 
 self, he had sailed the day before for Dublin. The cir- 
 cumstance excited his suspicions, though he had not the 
 remotest idea as to the person who had given the informa- 
 tion. Thenceforward he took even more precautions ; 
 avoiding the larger towns as places of residence for any 
 
Orgamsei's, etc, 187 
 
 length, and communicating his dwelling to those only on 
 whom he could rely. His official visits, too, were made 
 more irregularly than formerly. Four times over within 
 as many months, he was arrested on suspicion, but always 
 released for lack of evidence. The chase, however, was so 
 hot, and the police so eager to capture one who seemed to 
 set them at defiance, that O'Rorke was compelled to quit 
 the country for a time, being entrusted with a mission for 
 New York in June 1866. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES OF THE ARRESTS IN '65. 
 
 One of the most significant of the consequences of the 
 seizure of TJie Irish People office — or rather of the events 
 wliich led thereto — events which were very well known to 
 the Roman Cathohc clergy — was the decided tone taken 
 thenceforward with regard to the I. R. 1^. and the F. 1^. by 
 the papacy. As we have shown, there was previously a 
 good deal of uncertainty here. There were prelates who 
 condemned the conspiracy without reserve, as did the 
 great body of the Irish prelates ; and there were other 
 prelates, especially in America, who encouraged the con- 
 spirators with various degrees of approval. There were 
 priests, too, who laboured to show that the Celtic con- 
 spiracy against luigland was not included among the 
 secret associations which the Church anathematised. 
 From the middle of 1865, all this was altered. The 
 Church condemned the I. R. 13. and the F. B. unequivo- 
 cally. Thenceforward there was no coquetting with 
 either by prelates in America or in England, and no 
 attempts to apologise for the conspiracy by parish priests. 
 On the 19th of August 1865 (Meehan's documents had 
 been lost three weeks earlier, and the leaders of the I. R. \\. 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 189 
 
 were then cxpcclin^ arrest hourly), the following para- 
 graphs appeared in the l^altimorc Mirror: — 
 
 " The Right Reverend Dr Wood, of Philadelphia, has 
 sent us the following missive from Rome, in relation to 
 the position of the Holy See towards the Fenians, in 
 which it will be seen that the decision attributed to that 
 august tribunal, by certain Fenian journals of this country, 
 is pronounced to be utterly false : — 
 
 Translation. 
 
 "The Sacred Cong, Inq. has desired me to signify to your Lord- 
 sln'p, that the assertion made in certain newspapers, to the effect that 
 thee following decision had been given by the Holy See, to wit. 
 Fenianos no7i esse ifiquietandos — TJic Feniajis are not to be disturbed 
 — is utterly false. I communicate this at the request of the aforesaid 
 cont;regation, lest it should be sui)posed by any one that a!iy thing 
 in favour of this society has emanated from the Holy See. In the 
 meantime, c(c:. 
 
 Right Reverend J. V. Wool), Al.KX. Cakdinaf, liARNAliO. 
 
 JJishop of JMiiladeli)hia. H. Capitali, Secretary. 
 
 "The Holy See is slow in its deliberations. Before 
 sanctioning or condemning this Society, great care is taken 
 by the duly authorised tribunal to inquire into its cha- 
 racter, motives, the means it employs to accomplish its 
 objects, and its strict conformity with the teachings and 
 discipline of the Church. The hierarchy in those coun- 
 tries where such society may have existence, are consulted 
 and upon their opinions and counsel the judgment of the 
 sacred Tribunal mainly rests. As the bishops of Ireland, 
 with very few excei)tions, and several prelates on this 
 continent have openly disapproved of the ]''enfan Society, 
 it seems improbable that that organisation will obtain the 
 sanction of the I loly See. The anti-Catholic spirit and 
 
iQO The Fema7i Conspiracy. 
 
 tendencies which the Fenians have of late frequently and 
 everywhere exhibited, cannot tend to enhance the estima- 
 tion in which they are held at Rome." 
 
 Much about the same time the Archbishop of St. Louis 
 took occasion of the pompous funeral of a leading Fenian 
 (that of IT. O'C. McCarthy), to denounce Fenianism in 
 still stronger terms in a published address, which closes 
 thus : — 
 
 " I liave furthermore directed the superintendent of the Calvary 
 Cemetery not to admit any procession of men or women, bearing the 
 insignia of Fenians within the gate of the cemetery. I use this occasion 
 to state pubhcly, what I haveuniformally stated in private conversation, 
 that the members of the Fenian brotherhood, men or women, are not 
 admissible to the Sacraments of the church as long as they are united 
 with that association, which I have always regarded as immoral in 
 its object — the exciting of rebellion — and unlawful and illegal (sic) 
 in its means, a ciuasi-military organisation in this country while at 
 peace with England, to be made effective in the event of war with 
 that power. 
 
 "t Peter Richard, Archbishop of St Louis. 
 
 "St Louis, August 1865." 
 
 More significant still of the attitude now taken up by 
 Rome towards the conspirators, is the following document 
 which was circulated privately among the I. R. B. during 
 the closing months of 1865. It was designed to excite 
 the animosity of the people against the higher classes as 
 their deadly enemies, the priests being included in a body 
 among these enemies for the fnst time. 'JMie document is 
 so full of the spirit of the conspiracy as it aniinated the 
 great mass of the I. R. B. at this period — it throws such 
 light on their motives and their aims, on their vengeful 
 temper and sanguinary purpose, on the sweeping changes 
 
Immediate Conseqiieiices of the Arrests in '6^ 191 
 
 they contemplated, and on the confidence they still 
 reposed in their conspiracy and its chief organiser, that 
 we give it at length : — 
 
 " Against our cause a portion of the clerics of all dis- 
 tinctions {sic) are arraigned, ikit let it be understood that 
 these men are well paid by the English Government, they 
 arc well fed and well housed. They can have the best 
 things which the world can give them ; they live in luxury 
 and ease ; they are the Father Mahers, and the Bishop 
 Trenches, the Cullens and the Plunketts. And these men 
 preach poverty to the people. But we fear them not ; 
 their power is fast fading away. We then have what is 
 called the * aristocracy,' which means * robbery.' These 
 are the favoured few, and they crush our country down 
 and trample upon our children. A few of these indivi- 
 duals hold the entire of our country and claim it as theirs. 
 They claim the right of doing what they please with the 
 people who dwell upon their estates — to turn them out or 
 let them remain. And they are styled 'lordship,' and 
 ' worship,' and * highness,' and * his honour.' And these 
 men are profligates and devils, a scourge and a curse to 
 Ireland. But their day is coming to a close. Ere long 
 the lands of Ireland will be divided amongst her honest 
 toiling sons. From their grand mansions, where the 
 villains live in luxury and profligacy, they preach subser- 
 viency to Irishmen. They tell them to be content — have 
 they not got mud houses to live in, pigs' food to live on, 
 straw beds to lie on, and rags to cover their nakedness } 
 And this, white serfs of Ireland, is sufficient for you in the 
 opinion of the ' aristocracy ' and those * rulers.' But this 
 
192 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 aristocracy and those rulers will be hunted from the face 
 of Ireland. It is by force they hold what they have 
 robbed, and by force it must and shall be regained 
 from them. There is no other hope for you, men 
 of Ireland. Upon Revolution — that great harbinger of 
 liberty and hope of the oppressed — your cause depends. 
 The men who murder and starve, and aid in starving our 
 people, will call you cut-throats and assassins for being 
 revolutionists. They know the insecurity of their tenure 
 in this country just now, and they try to ridicule the cause 
 and the men of Ireland. They call you a set of wild 
 enthusiasts, who have got no proper way of living. You 
 are socialists and everything but what you ought to be — 
 good, loyal, craw-thumping, willing serfs of the wicked 
 men who by their enactments have withered and deso- 
 lated our fair land. The way you stand with regard to 
 these men and their Queen may be summed up in a very 
 few words. They have entered your land and taken it 
 by force and fraud ; therefore they are robbers. You want 
 to regain your birthright ; but you must not fight for it. 
 You are Republicans ; do not acknowledge subjection to 
 any one. You are preparing to be citizens of a free land. 
 Thousands of your countrymen on the other side of the 
 Atlantic are prepared to render the cause of their native 
 country every assistance. The whole of Ireland is in this 
 cause ; and they shall not be short of either money or 
 arms. See your countrymen who return from America, 
 and who left Ireland in poverty. They return with the 
 appearance of men who know themselves. They have 
 got independence without bravado ; manliness without 
 
Im mediate Consequences of the A rrests {n%^. 193 
 
 subserviency. They arc Republicans. If you wish to be 
 like these men and to live in your native country, you 
 must win your independence. We command you 'to pre- 
 pare for any emerijency. Let us prepare ourselves for 
 the great day which is near at hand, when we shall be 
 called upon to aid in the liberation of our country. Those 
 wJio ma)f oppose iis^ wJicihcr clerics or laymen, will pass 
 azuay ; and, if they be remembered, it will be with detes- 
 tation. Those who oppose independence know not what 
 they do. They are opening a door for their ruin. Let 
 all who love Ireland offer up this prayer in their places of 
 worship, instead of invoking- blessings for their alien 
 government and its rulers : — * Praise be to thee, O, Lord, 
 for the escape of our noble countryman, James Stephens ; 
 glory and honour to Thy name. Protect under thy 
 Almighty shield our countryman, Stephens ; guard him 
 from the snares of our enemies. Grant him a speedy 
 return to his native land under happy auspices. Pour 
 down blessings upon our dear country. Grant her a 
 speedy relief from the bondage of the oppressor. May 
 our exiled countrymen, O Almighty Lord, soon return to 
 the land of their nativity, and may the blessing of inde- 
 l)cndence be soon enjoyed by our people.' " 
 
 The rank and file of the I. R. B., it is clear, entertained 
 no thought of failure. Up to the last Stephens continued 
 to preach to his dupes that his system was impenetrable. 
 And at the last, even when he was about to leave the 
 country, he asserted that it was never so formidable. He 
 was trusted by all, save the more intelligent of the three 
 hundred and odd Irish-Americans (see the statement of Sir 
 
 II. N 
 
1 94 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 George Grey in the House of Commons, Feb. 1 6th 1866) 
 at large in the country. As we have already stated, his 
 lieutenants heard their sentences pronounced almost with 
 levity, so firmly did they confide in the speedy outbreak 
 and complete success of the " Rising." Kelly, M'Cafferty, 
 Halpin, O'Rorke, Bourke and others were not so sanguine. 
 But let us see what Stephens himself said on these points, 
 when speaking in America in 'GG. " All we wanted in 
 Ireland, from the middle of September to the end of 
 December, was arms to put into the hands of our men. 
 The men were there, and only wanted the arms. But in 
 the very hour of our strengtli'^' there came to Ireland the 
 melancholy news of your disruption here. Still we held 
 on. We did not think it possible that any body of men 
 on this continent could be found that would withhold from 
 Ireland, in that supreme hour of her need, the succours 
 which they had promised to give us ; and it was because 
 I could not bring myself to believe this that I made up 
 my mind to get myself arrested, even if the English 
 authorities had not succeeded in doing so ; for I felt 
 myself bound to action last year, and I thought you 
 would feel bound to it here, if I devoted myself so far as 
 to accept a prison voluntarily, and that by going into 
 prison you, on this side, would be driven to give us what 
 we wanted. However, before the time I had decided for 
 putting it in execution, I heard nothing favourable from 
 this side, and the government found out my residence and 
 I was arrested. 
 
 * That is, after the seizure of The Irish People and the multitudinous 
 arrests, Stephens calls this "the very liour of our strength." Impudence 
 could hardly go further. 
 
Immediate Consequences of the A ripest s in '65. 195 
 
 " I suppose you would all like to know how I got out 
 of prison. Well, it did not require any extraordinary 
 effort on my part, for with the force of true hearts that 
 were around that prison in Dublin, it would not have been 
 possible for the Government, though the walls had been of 
 adamant, and though it liad regiments stationed within 
 these walls, to keep me there. 
 
 " That ivas the time of our greatest power in Ireland, and if, 
 at any time between the 24th of November and the end of 
 December, you had sent to Ireland a small force, or only 
 a few superior officers, with the necessary war material, 
 I do believe, as firmly as in my own existence, that Ire- 
 land would be an independent country to-day. But you 
 know what took place. However, my mind was made up not 
 to leave Ireland, and so I remained for nearly four months 
 in Dublin city after my escape from prison. At length 
 I had an invitation from Mr O'Mahony and others to come 
 to this country, for the organisation, it was said, required 
 my presence here. The evening after the reception of this 
 invitation, I called some of my most trusted friends around 
 me to hold a council to see, before we determined on 
 starting for America, if something might not be done at 
 home, even without your assistance. It was determined 
 on that night, even without asking for my voice, to defer 
 action yet awhile. It was then, and then only, that I de- 
 termined on coming to the States." 
 
 In another part of this speech he alludes to his 
 lieutenants, as follow : — " The bearing of these prisoners 
 has not been surpassed by the bearing of any men in 
 history under similar circumstances." In the very next 
 
196 The Fcnia7i Co7ispiracy. 
 
 sentence, however, Mr Stephens does his best to destroy 
 the heroic look of the " bearing " by giving a reason 
 for it. "And they bore all this because they still had 
 faith — faith in the organisation which they knew to be 
 so powerful at home, and also faith that the promises 
 so often made to them, and so solemnly made upon this 
 side, would be kept." 
 
 Mr Stephens is not a man whose unsup[)orted assertions 
 we would care to accept anywhere else. Here, however, 
 we see no reason to doubt him. Luby, Kickham, and 
 the others posed themselves then, a la Emmet, knowing 
 very well that no gibbet was prepared for them ; on the 
 contrary, trusting that their prison gates would soon be 
 broken. And O'Donovan Rossa took every opportunity 
 of insulting his judges, because he supposed the thing 
 ♦was to be done with comparative impunity. A few 
 weeks or months of imprisonment at the most was all 
 these gentlemen expected. That over, they anticipated 
 to reign as " heroes and martyrs " over the hearts of their 
 countrymen. How much, or rather, how very little credit 
 they merit for this bearing, which "was not surpassed by 
 the bearing of any men in history, under similar circum- 
 stances," we thank Mr Stephens for showing us. The said 
 " bearing," in short, was neither more nor less than rank 
 imposture. 
 
 In the passage wc have quoted Stephens attributed the 
 failure of the conspiracy to the break-up among the Ameri- 
 can Fenians, which took place late in 1865. He forgot to 
 state, what was the fact, as we have shown elsewhere, that 
 this rupture was altogether his own work. He had pre- 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 197 
 
 pared for it very carefully and skilfully ever since the pub- 
 lication of the Chicago proceedings, two years earlier. 
 And the news of the events in Ireland, in September, 
 merely precipitated it. 
 
 The rupture, as one of the prime consequences of the 
 seizure of llie Irish People, and the subsequent arrests, 
 we shall now describe. 
 
 Intelligence of what had happened in Ireland reached 
 America by mail a fortnight afterwards. It caused intense 
 excitement in all, consternation in some, and fierce anger 
 in many. One set of l^Y*nian sympathisers, however, were 
 not at all displeased. They were the American politicians, 
 who had found Fenianism exceedingly useful so far, and 
 who immediately saw how it might be made still more 
 useful. These gentlemen got hold of their tools among 
 the leaders of the conspiracy and gave them fitting instruc- 
 tions. As these instructions coincided with the wishes of 
 the tools, and with the wishes also of the great majority of 
 the Brotherhood in America, it was easy to carry them 
 out. The Head Centre, who looked exclusively to action 
 in Ireland, and who would not listen to projects of assault 
 on the l^ritish provinces in America, was to be deposed or 
 intimidated into acquiescence with the policy which the 
 rulers of the United States would dictate, and that policy 
 was to be carried out while the passions excited by the 
 civil war were yet fierce. Nobody of sense among the 
 rulers of the States expected that the Fenians would 
 achieve any success in America. But they would be 
 menacing to England and very annoying, therefore a 
 power in the hands of men who had an interest in taking 
 an attitude hostile to England. 
 
198 The Fenian Conspii'acy. 
 
 A general Convention of the Brotherhood was summoned 
 to assemble on the i6th of October 1865 in Philadelphia. 
 It was numerously attended. The delegates to a man 
 were as hot-headed as the coolest of poh'ticians could de- 
 sire. Action was the desire of every heart, and the cry 
 for "action " was on every lip. John O'Mahony opened 
 the proceedings with the following speech : — 
 
 " Gentlemen and Brothers, the third paragraph of the 
 fifth section of the bye-laws of the Fenian Brotherhood, as 
 amended at Cincinnati in January 1865 consists of the fol- 
 lowing proviso : — * The Central Council shall have power 
 to call a Convention of State Centres, or a General Con- 
 gress, whenever they may deem it necessary, for the transac- 
 tions of extraordinary business ; such Convention of State 
 Centres, or such General Congress, shall have the power of 
 'impeaching and removing any officer in the organisation.' In 
 accordance with this clause the following resolution was pro- 
 posed at a session of the Central Council, held in the city of 
 New York', on the 3(1 day of the present month (October), on 
 motion of Mr Bamiion, and seconded by Mr Doody : — 
 * That this council call a convention, to meet at Philadel- 
 phia, on Monday, October i6th, 1865, at nine o'clock, A.M., 
 delegates to be sent as laid down in the constitution, and 
 the expenses of State Centres to be paid by the general 
 organisation ; and all credentials to be endorsed and 
 approved by the respective State Centres at Philadelphia.' 
 Whereupon was based the call which I shall proceed to 
 read to you, and which has been issued by the President 
 of your Central Council, with my approval as your Head 
 Centre. 
 
Immediate Conseqiceitces of the Arrests in '6^. 199 
 
 "It is true that I saw several objections to its issue at 
 the present moment. I tliought it calculated to interrupt 
 the more important business of the organisation, and 
 cause a state of inactivity and suspense throughout our 
 circles, at a time when all their energy ought to be 
 directed to other objects. The notice also I considered 
 too short for the attainment of a full representation of the 
 Ikotherhood ; besides this, I held it to be bad strategy to 
 show any ap[)carance of a desire to change our front in 
 the face of the recent aggressive movement of our enemy. 
 I assented to it for two reasons — for the sake of harmony 
 in the Hrst place, choosing the lesser of two evils ; in the 
 next, because I am resolved never to shrink from meeting 
 my constituents, however summoned together, and render- 
 ing to them an account of my stewardship of their affairs. 
 An event that has occurred since the promulgation of the 
 call, has reconciled me to it— namely, the arrival of an 
 accredited envoy from the Irish Republic, with an import- 
 ant and cheering communication to myself and to you. 
 This I shall read when you are regularly organised in 
 session. The call reads thus — (a mere form not necessary 
 to insert). 
 
 " The objects of the Congress I can understand to be, 
 in the first place, the creation of financial and military 
 bureaus adequate to the increased development of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood, and the political crisis wherein it is 
 now placed ; and, in the second place, the granting of 
 more unrestricted powers to your Central Council than 
 what are vested in that body at present 
 
 " The good which, in my opinion, may result from this 
 
200 The Fenian Co7ispiracy. 
 
 Congress, consists in the increased ^<"/<7/ wliicli it will give to 
 the issue of our bonds, specimens of which will be presented 
 to you for your inspection, before you adjourn. The address 
 from the Irish Republic, which has for some time been in 
 my keeping awaiting completion, may also be more 
 authoritatively endorsed and approved at a General 
 Congress than it could be at a session of the Central 
 Council. The General Congress reigns supreme over all 
 branches and departments of the Fenian Brotherhood in 
 America. 
 
 "The chiefest and best result that can accrue from 
 your meeting is the authoritative and unmistakable 
 promulgation of the assurance that the most complete 
 concord exists between your Head Centre and the 
 C. O. I. R. You will learn from the envoy of the I. R., 
 that, through your Head Centre alone can any authentic 
 communication reach you from your allies in Ireland, 
 that no action taken by any party in the United States, 
 without his sanction, will be recognised by the authorities 
 of the Irish Republic — that he alone is entitled to speak 
 as its representative here. You will learn that all parties 
 who pretend to be in direct communication with the Cen- 
 tral Executive, through channels independent of your 
 Head Centre, are impostors and sowers of discord in your 
 ranks. The spirit of the following paragraph of the six- 
 teenth section of your bye-laws, is strictly adhered to by 
 our friends on the other side of the Atlantic : — 
 
 " ' No correspondence whatever can be held with Ireland 
 or Europe, on the business of the Organisation, except 
 through the Head Centre. No communication on that 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests /;^ '65. 201 
 
 business can be received in the United States, except 
 through the Head Centre. Any member or officer dero- 
 gating from this law shall be condemned as a traitor.' 
 
 " This, gentlemen, will, I trust, be effectually disposed 
 of at the present Congress, so that no man will henceforth 
 have the opportunity to assert that he represents ' the 
 men in Ireland,' without subjecting himself to the well- 
 merited charge of being a false pretender. That delusion, 
 if any have been led astray by it, must be disregarded 
 henceforth and for ever. It has already been the mother 
 of numerous evils to the Organisation, at home and 
 abroad. 
 
 " Though this is a special Congress, and though but 
 little time was given to the officials at head quarters 
 to i)rcpare documents, still 1 am in a position to inform 
 you that full and minute reports will be laid before 
 you of all that concerns the progress, the numerical in- 
 crease or diminution, the financial receipts, and the ex- 
 penditure in America since your last Congress, together 
 with our remittances to our allies in another place. No 
 items will be found unexplained, notwithstanding the 
 short and sudden notification given us. I call your special 
 attention to the accurate and creditable reports which 
 have been furnished by the Central Secretaries for your 
 information and satisfaction. The most prejudiced minds 
 must pronounce them unexceptionable, all circumstances 
 considered. 
 
 " Ju)r myself I return my heartfelt thatiks, both officially 
 and personally, for the honest, able, and complete manner 
 in which they have discharged their intricate and laborious 
 
202 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 duties. The Central Treasurer also will be found to have 
 deserved the marked gratitude of the Congress, and of the 
 Brotherhood at large, for his zealous, honest, and diligent 
 attention to the duties of his position. 
 
 " Your Central Council has held four sessions since 
 January last. As this body will present you with its own 
 reports, and as the minutes of all its proceedings will be 
 subjected to your examination, I shall confine myself here 
 to returning its members my thanks for the diligence and 
 promptitude wherewith they have at all times responded to 
 the summons of the Head Centre, and for the scrutinising 
 exactitude wherewith they have scanned and canvassed 
 every act of your executive corps. Under the supervision 
 of such watchful guardians, it was all but impossible that 
 your financial affairs could be mismanaged or your money 
 misused. 
 
 "You will find by our reports that the Fenian circles 
 in the United States have been multiplied more than 
 once and a half during the last eight months ; that the 
 number of individual members in good standing has 
 increased fourfold ; and the weekly receipts at Head 
 Quarters more than fiftyfold. The call for increased 
 donations recently made upon our circles has been pretty 
 generally and liberally responded to thus far. 
 
 " In fine, the organisation is in a flourishing and growing 
 condition ; its influence and its workings are at present 
 making themselves felt over half the globe ; our enemies 
 are beginning to acknowledge its power by the persecution 
 of all who are suspected of wishing it success whenever 
 they can lay their hands upon them. 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arr.sts in '65. 20 
 
 .> 
 
 "The effects of the late hostile movement of the British 
 Government ai^^ainst Fenianism, or so-called Fenianism, 
 in the dominions of Queen Victoria, have had excellent 
 results in these States. It has convinced the doubters 
 and the despondent that there is still some hope for 
 Irishmen in Ireland, and that ours is no sham, but a 
 real bona fide working and live organisation. Already 
 it has gained as many adherents among those classes 
 in Ireland also. The present persecution has so far 
 tended to intensify the zeal of our allies and friends. 
 The mission from the Central Executive, which I have re- 
 ceived by the envoy here present, will convince you of 
 this fact. It may be true that a few of our more advanced 
 skirmishers have fallen into the enemies' hands, among other 
 * suspects,' but it is also true that our line of battle still re- 
 mains imbroken, and that its onward march is unchecked. 
 
 "With respect to the arrests of our friends made by the 
 myrmidons of ICnglish tyranny, I must say that a great 
 portion of the blame thereof rests upon the shoulders 
 of some of our American Fenians. In their zeal to gain 
 adherents to our cause, many of our propagandists disclose 
 facts that are calculated to put the British bloodhound 
 upon the track of our patriot brothers at home. This 
 thing must be put an end to henceforth and for ever. 
 Any man found disclosing special facts or particulars re- 
 specting the Home Organisation should be at once and 
 ignominiously expelled from our body ; the man who is 
 not convinced by this time that a great and extensive 
 organisation exists within the British dominions is not 
 worth taking further trouble with. 
 
204 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 "There is one consoling fact, however, connected with 
 the disclosures made by certain parties in their blatant and 
 bombastic harangues. There is so much which is unreal 
 and unfounded, — so much of the nonsensical claptrap 
 mixed up so closely with a few grains of truth in their 
 discourses, — that it will tax all the ingenuity of the British 
 lawyers to sift the corn from the chaff 
 
 " Now with respect to the exaggerated and inflated 
 assertions to which I allude, I must here state, for the 
 hundredth time, that I never countenanced one of them. 
 Neither in public nor in private have 1 ever to my know- 
 ledge given sanction to one single false statement con- 
 nected with our organisation. Whatever my other short- 
 comings may be, no one can truthfully charge me with 
 having deceived him byword or deed. From the remarks 
 just made you will understand that our progress has been 
 immense and unprecedented during the time that has 
 passed since we last met in congress. 
 
 "As happened during the period immediately preceding 
 our session in January last, when we lost General Corcoran 
 and so many other tried and trusted supports of the 
 Brotherhood, so within the interval between January 
 and now, we have lost Henry O'C. McCarthy, the President 
 of our Central Council, one of the ablest and most 
 energetic of our civilian brothers. Oin* military corps 
 has been deprived of General Thomas A. Snu'th, our 
 greatest loss since the fall of the gallant Corcoran and 
 the brave Colonel Matthew Murphy, a man scarcely 
 inferior to either in soundness of judgment and hiilitary 
 ability. Both of these long tried and steadfast Fenian 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 205 
 
 chiefs fell nobly before Richmond in defence of the 
 integrity of their adopted country. What a power these 
 three men — Corcoran, Smith, and Murphy — would be to 
 us now ! How sadly we miss them from our ranks ! 
 How proud would they be to witness our high position to- 
 day, after the long and toilsome struggle during which 
 they helped us to bring the Brotherhood through its early 
 difficulties ! All miss them, but I deplore their fall with 
 more than a brother's grief. 
 
 " Gentlemen and Brothers, before proceeding to the 
 business of appointing committees or permanent officers 
 for this Congress, and for examining the credentials of the 
 delegates that are to compose it, allow me to impress 
 upon you the awful responsibility you are about to incur. 
 This will be a far more important Fenian assemblage 
 than any you have yet attended. In your hands will rest 
 the salvation or destruction of the Fenian ]5rotherhood, 
 and with it the cause of Ireland's regeneration; for, out- 
 side of the Fenian Brotherhood and its allies there is no 
 hope of Ireland's future. Be courteous and urbane in your 
 relations to one another. However warmly you may feel 
 upon points in dispute between you, learn to deny your- 
 selves, to curb the warmth of your passions, and to bear 
 with even contumely for your country's sake. Beware 
 of " finality" assertions. Name no hour nor place for a 
 rising of your countrymen, but lose not a day in doing all 
 in your power to ],)ut them in readiness for it. Remember 
 always our Fenian maxim, as adopted at Chicago, in I<S63, 
 at our fust Congress — 
 
 " ' The patient dint and powder shock 
 Can bkist an empire like a rock.'" 
 
2o6 The Fenian Co7tspiracy. 
 
 O'Mahony having concluded his speech — one remark- 
 ably suggestive in every respect— the remainder of the 
 sitting was devoted to settling points of order. Another 
 day was given to the verification of credentials ; on the 
 third the real business of the Congress began. The most 
 important portion of this business was the adoption of a 
 New Constitution for the Brotherhood. It was intended 
 to withdraw all power from O'Mahony and his adherents 
 and to bestow it on the Men of Action, who, for the present 
 at least, were ardent admirers of James Stephens. Accord- 
 ingly O'Mahony opposed its adoption with all his energy, 
 but ineffectually ; it was carried by the vote of a large 
 majority of the Congress. This constitution was formed 
 of four articles. The first of these articles re-affumed 
 matters respecting the general organisation already in 
 practice. The second article made an important change 
 in the government of the Brotherhood. We must, there- 
 fore, quote it at length : — 
 
 " Sec. I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be 
 vested in a Congress of the Fenian Brotherhood of the 
 United States and other portions of America, which shall 
 consist of a Senate and a Representative body. 
 
 " Sect. 2. The Representatives shall be delegates chosen 
 every year by the Ih'otherhood in good standing of the 
 several States and Districts which may be included within 
 the Union and other portions of America, according to their 
 respective number of circles, each circle being entitled to one 
 delegate for every hundred members more or less, but not 
 less than ten, and one additional delegate for a fractional 
 part of one hundred members exceeding fifty of such circle." 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in%^. 207 
 
 Sees. 4-6 made arrangements for the election of 
 officers and the conduct of business of no general interest. 
 
 The remaining sections (7-13) conferred various powers 
 on the Senate : J Is president was to be ex officio vice-presi- 
 dent of the V. 11, and was to take the place of the president 
 of the Jhotherhood, in case of his " death, impeachment, 
 inabihty to act, or removal ; " it was to have the power of 
 impeaching any officer whatever ; sentence was to be 
 awarded by a vote of two-thirds of its number, and was to 
 be ' final and at its discretion ; ' it was to sit in perpetual 
 session ; it was to fix all salaries and originate all proposi- 
 tions for raising money ; it had the power of carrying any 
 measure against the president of the I. R. B. by a vote of 
 tw^o-thirds ; none of its members w^as to be a salaried 
 official ; and no appropriation of money was to be made 
 save by its vote. 
 
 The third article of the new constitution made an im- 
 portant aUerati(Hi in the position and powers of the 
 head of the Jhotherhood. His title, too, was altered from 
 Head Centre to President. He was to be elected yearly 
 by a general Congress of the Senate and House of Dele- 
 gates ; his stipend was to be fixed at his election for his 
 term of office ; and, on entering on his duties, he was to 
 take the following oath : — " I do solemnly swear (or aflirni) 
 that I will faithfully execute the duties of the office of 
 President of the Fenian Brotherhood of the United 
 States and other portions of America, and wall, to the best 
 of my ability, preserve, protect, and defelid the constitu- 
 tion of the F. B." He was to have the power of nominating 
 the principal officers of the F. B. ; but in every case, his 
 
2o8 The Fenia7i Consph-acy. 
 
 nomination had to be confirmed by the Senate, which, in 
 case the president failed to nominate to any vacancy with- 
 in a reasonable time, had the power of making- such nomi- 
 nations itself. To the president was given the power of 
 making treaties and sending envoys, with the consent of 
 the Senate. He might summon a Congress on extraordi- 
 nary occasions ; he was to receive envoys ; and generally 
 to administer the affairs of the F. B. 
 
 Article IV. adopted the organisation of circles already 
 in existence. Finally, the new constitution designated 
 the mode of appointing, and defined the powers of the 
 principal officers, besides the president. These officers 
 were, the secretary of the treasury, the treasurer, the cor- 
 responding secretary, the subscription agent, who looked 
 after the bonds of the Irish Republic, and the agent of the 
 Irish Republic who was to sign these bonds, and generally 
 to manage finances in relation to Ireland. 
 
 O'Mahony was still sufficiently influential to be elected 
 president. His vice-president, however, was " Colonel " 
 W. R. Roberts, the Boweiy store-keeper ; and his war 
 secretary was a certain " General " Sweeny, who held the 
 rank of major in the army of the United States. Both 
 these men were strongly adverse to O'Mahony and his 
 poHcy. So also were most of the senators, prominent 
 among whom were Meany, Median, and Dunne. 
 
 Having adopted their new Constitution, the Philadelphia 
 Congress discussed the despatches from Ireland. These 
 were glowing in* the extreme, painting all things coulciir du 
 rose, re[)resenting the rising as to take place immediately 
 \\ ith every prospect of success, and urgently demanding 
 
Iii lined laic Conseq7ic7iccs of the Arrests in '65. 2c9 
 
 money. These despatches were greeted with vehement 
 applause ; Ste[)hens's poHcy was unanimously accepted ; 
 and all that he asked was i^ranted. Among his requests 
 was one for the release of John Mitchell, who was then in 
 prison for his share in the war of Secession. Stephens 
 wanted a trustworthy financial agent in Europe ; and he 
 fixed upon perhaps the only man in whom the F. B. 
 and the I. R. 11 had implicit reliance. A deputation to 
 the President of the United States soon procured the 
 release of Mitchell ; it was one of the most significant cir- 
 cumstances of the day, and filled the F. Ix with vast hopes 
 of further and more substantial aid from the same quarter. 
 Remembering how Mitchell dealt with Stephens in 1858, 
 when the latter Avorthy attempted to persuade him 
 (Mitchell) to join his conspiracy, our readers, no doubt, 
 will be curious to learn how it was that this not very con- 
 sistent patriot was eventually induced to take part 
 therein. Such reasons for this course as Mitchell could 
 give, he stated at length in a letter to John Martin, penned 
 in 1868: "Just after the close of the successful war 
 waged against the Confederate States, it was quite natural 
 that in the flushed intoxication of triumph, and with many 
 thousands of Irish soldiers and officers trained in camp, 
 and eager to use their weapons and their skill against their 
 hereditary foe — it was very natural, I say, that an immense 
 iml:)etus should be given to the Fenian organisation, and 
 that, under the exciting appeals of certain leaders, our 
 highly impressionable people should be worked up to the 
 point of resolving upon instant battle. There was also, at 
 the same time, an apparently well-grounded expectation 
 II. O 
 
2 1 o TJic ]'\nian Conspiracy. 
 
 lliat the United States having- subdued the Confederacy, 
 ^\'ould take an early opportunity of requiting to Engkmd 
 the humiliating affair of Mason and Slidell, and the ravages 
 committed on American commerce by cruisers built and 
 fitted out in I^ritish ports, llie moment was exciting ; 
 and many who up to that time held aloof from these 
 organisations joined them. I, myself, was one of these ; 
 but when the break-up occurred here, and when I could no 
 longer tell to which 'Wing' I belonged, I quietly with- 
 drew myself from both. Many excellent Irishmen in the 
 United States acted as I did." 
 
 Mitchell's reason for becoming a I'enian, it will be seen, 
 was a purely Irish reason ; the high excitement of the 
 l)eriod seized him, and lie could not resist the impulse it 
 impressed. His better sense, however, (luickened by the 
 " break-up," soon acquired the supremacy over his mind, 
 and he quitted the V. 11 As he remarks, many others did 
 precisely the same. 
 
 Joining the Brotherhood, Mitchell consented to become 
 its agent in Paris, for which city he departed at once, and 
 for some months no man was busier in promoting the 
 conspiracy than himself. 
 
 The rhiladelphia Congress dissolved after a few days of 
 session, and the Irish envoy returned to the Chief LLxecu- 
 tive of the I. R. 11, delighted with what had j^assed. Within 
 a month of his departure — that is, about the time of the 
 arrest of Stephens — an event as yet unknown in America 
 — O'Mahony received another despatch from Ireland, 
 apprising him that the Rising was fixed for the last week 
 in December. O'Mahony at once summoned his cabinet, 
 
Iniincdiate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 211 
 
 showed tlicm liow cfrcimislaiiccs slood, and urged the issue 
 of the bonds at once. The Senators refused to entertain 
 the proposition, chiefly because they had embraced other 
 ])rojects than those advocated l>y O'Maliony. lie wanted 
 fighting to be confuied to Ireland ; they intended to begin 
 on tlieir own continent by an invasion of Canada, to which, 
 as they asserted, they had obtained the approval of Presi- 
 dent Johnson and Mr Secretary Seward. So time went 
 on for a few weeks, nothing whatever being done in 
 America. At length came the news of the capture of 
 Stephens. And hard in its track came communication.s 
 from Millen and Kelly, announcing that in spite of the 
 arrest, the insurrection was still to take place. It was 
 added that Kelly had apian foi'the rescue of the C. 0. 1. R. 
 'i'hese despatches w^ere carried by Corydon, then one of 
 the trustiest agents of the conspirators. 
 
 O'Mahony now resolved to act without the concurrence 
 of his Scnalois and issue his bonds. 'J'hese bonds were 
 elaborately engraved, after the manner of bank notes, 
 with various Irish devices, and bore the following inscrip- 
 tion : — " It is hereby certified that the Irish Republic is 
 
 indebted to , or bearer, in the sum of dollars, 
 
 redeemable in six months after the acknowledgment of the 
 independence of the Irish nation, with interest from the 
 date hereof inclusive, at six per cent, per annum, payable 
 on presentation of this bond at the Treasury of the Irish 
 Ivepublic." These bonds were for various amounts. Some 
 of them were as low as five dollars ; others w^ere for a 
 lumdred or more. 
 
 No sooner had O'Mahony acted thus decisively than 
 
2 12 TJic Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 Ills Senators assembled and vetoed the act, summonlnc^ 
 the President himself to appear before them, and justif)' 
 his conduct if he could. O'Mahony met this high-handed 
 proceeding with another quite as high-handed. He pro- 
 claimed the Senators factious and corrupt, and excluded 
 them from I lead-quarters. Then came the deed on the 
 part of the Senators, which fixed the schism. They de- 
 posed O'Mahony from the presidency, and elected VV. ]v. 
 Roberts in his place. 
 
 The very curious secret liistory of the rupture, which we 
 have thus shortly summarisetl, we must borrow from 
 The IrisJi-Amcrican, the journal conducted by Mr P. J. 
 Median : — "At the Congress of the Fenian Jirotherhood, 
 held at Cincinnati, in January, it was found that the 
 organisation had so far outgrown its original proportions, 
 that some sort of representative government was neces- 
 sary for its direction, in place of the ' one man power,' under 
 which its years of minority had been prolonged until 
 they threatened to end only ^\ith the existence of the 
 ]5rotherliood, as an available agent in the work of Ire- 
 land's liberation. Up to that lime the control of the 
 affairs of the ]hotherhood had been in the hands of the 
 Head Centre, Colonel John O'Mahony; but, as the 
 progress of the body under his management did not 
 appear to be equivalent to the efforts expended in its pro- 
 pagation, it was determined to atld to its government a 
 Council composed of representative men from different 
 portions of the Union. This Council numbered ten 
 members, and, as events proved, was well designed ; but, 
 unfortunately, its powers were too loosely defined to stand 
 
Iniincdiaie Conscqitcnces of iJic Arrests tJi^G^. 213 
 
 tlic test of tliosc collisions which arc inevitable in every 
 body which undertakes to represent the interests and the 
 wishes of large masses of men. At the very outset of its 
 career it was found that the policy of Colonel O'Mahony 
 and that of the Central Council were diametrically oppo- 
 site on the very fnst (j[uestions which came before them for 
 discussion — those questions, singularly enough, generally 
 turning on the appointment to positions of trust and 
 emolument of the personal friends and adherents of 
 Colonel O'Mahony.* The moderation of I he members 
 of the Council, however, prevented any ru[)turc in the 
 earlier conferences ; but the issue though avoided was 
 only postponed. 
 
 The ideas of Colonel O'Mahony were soon found 
 to be entirely behind those of the party with whom 
 lie professed to labour for the accomplishment of the 
 Irish Revolution ; his colleagues were too far in ad- 
 vance of him ; and rather than be compelled to yield to 
 the demands of the Council, he asserted the sui:)eriority 
 which his nominal position gave him, declared that the 
 Cincinnati Congress had only constituted the Council as 
 an advisory commillce, whose suggestions he might 
 accept oi" reject, as he saw fit; and referred the differences 
 between himself and the Central Council to the decision 
 of the Brotherhood at large. This issue was accepted by 
 the Council. 
 
 A General Congress of Representatives of the V. V>. 
 
 * \n this admission may be read consideral)ly more than the writer in- 
 tended to be read. We read therein the altemi)t to overthrow O'Mahony, 
 iiiid, as a necessary preliminary, to overthrow his friends. 
 
2 14 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 Avas held at Philadelphia, and, after nine days' close 
 deliberation, decided emphatically in favour of the more 
 advanced views of the Council. Recognisinc^ the evils 
 that had flowed from the arbitrary exercise of the 
 powers supposed to be vested in the Head Centre, the 
 Congress adopted a constitution, placing that officer on 
 nearly the same footing as the President of the United 
 States, and creating a Senate, to whose ratification 
 all appointments should be sul^mittcd, and with whom all 
 appropriations of money for the purposes of the Brother- 
 hood, should originate. This Senate, furthermore, was 
 empowered to pass any ordinance, even over the Presi- 
 dent's veto, by a vote of two-thirds of its members ; and 
 its decision, in all cases of appeal or impeachment, was 
 declared final and binding on all members of the organi- 
 sation. And, as if to stamp the approval of the Brother- 
 hood on the conduct and policy of the Central Council, 
 all the members of the Council, with three exceptions 
 (one of these exceptions being the personal friend of the 
 Head Centre), were elected members of the new Senate, 
 which, to render it still more indei)endent, was declared 
 by the constitution to be a perpetual session. 
 
 " The very first session of the Senate developed the fact 
 that the provisions of the new Constitution were not 
 favourably regarded by Mr O'Mahony and his part}-,, 
 which includes most of the men who, directly or indirectly, 
 have been deriving pecuniary advantages from the exist- 
 ence of the Brotherhood. The initiatory move of what 
 we may call this administration party was an attempt to 
 divide and distract the Senate. The first nominations 
 
Immediate Consequenees of the Arrests in '65. 215 
 
 submitted by Mr O'Mahony for the position of heads of 
 bureaux were those of the only three members of the 
 Senate who were regarded as doubtful on the question of 
 carryinc^ out the pohcy of the old Central Council, and 
 pushiiii^ the proi^ramme of the Ih'otherhood to the trial of 
 battle as ra[)idly as possible. The nominations were re- 
 jected, ^lrstl}^ because the majority of the senators believed 
 that it was contrary to the intent of their election that the 
 represcntatix c character of their body should be destroyed, 
 by the appointment of its members to the administrative 
 offices ; and, secondly, because they saw through the 
 attempt to sow discord among them by exciting the cupid- 
 ity of individuals. 
 
 Other nominations of a similar character followed, 
 the nominees in most cases being men who had drawn 
 largely on the funds of the Brotherhood, while returning 
 little or no benefit thereto. In one instance Mr 
 ( )'Mahony went the length of nominating, for the head 
 of one of the most important bureaux, a personal 
 friend of his own, who not only was not a member of 
 the I'VMn'an Ihotherhooil, but who a few days previously, 
 in conversation with the eminent officer who holds the 
 position of Secretary of War (Sweeny), had repudiated 
 the idea that there was anything feasible in the plans or 
 aspirations of the organisation. 
 
 " Of course the Senate could not ratify such appoint- 
 ments ; and after confirming two heads of departments — • 
 an agent for the Irish Republic, and a few minor officials 
 — the body was compelled to adjourn, most of the mem- 
 bers being men of business who could only give their time 
 
2 1 6 ■ The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 to the afifairs of the Brotherhood at a considerable personal 
 sacrifice ; while Mr O'Mahony, in the enjoyment of his 
 salary of 2000 dollars a year, could well afford to play the 
 waiting- game and tire out the unremunerated senators. 
 
 " The regular meeting of the Senate was fixed for the 
 1st of January 1 866, but by a special resolution passed 
 (nine out of the fifteen senators being present), the Presi- 
 dent of the Senate was authorised to call the body to- 
 gether whenever, in his judgment, he might deem their 
 reassembling necessary. 
 
 "Scarcely had the Senate adjourned, than Mr O'Mahony 
 placed his rejected adherents in the offices for which the 
 members of that body had refused to confirm them. He 
 liad already refused to place the moneys of the F. B., 
 received subsequent to the Philadelphia Congress, in the 
 hands of the Treasurer of the Organisation, Mr O'Rourke, 
 who only held that office until his successor should be 
 appointed and confirmed. With those moneys the man- 
 sion in Union Square, which has excited so much com- 
 ment, was hired, as we understand, in the name of Mr 
 ]5ernard Doran Killian, Mr O'Mahony's nominee for Secre- 
 tary of the 'J'reasury. A sum of jS.ooo dollars was paid 
 down in advance for eighteen months' rent of this brown 
 stone palace, notwithstanding that no appropriation of 
 such sum had been made by the Senate, with which body 
 the Constitution declares all appropriations shall origi- 
 nate. The sum of 5000 dollars more was deposited with 
 a company in Wall Street — again in the name of Mr 15. 
 D. Killian — again as a guarantee to the owner of the 
 building against possible damages. A further sum of 
 
Ininiediatc Consequences of the Arrests in%^. 217 
 
 several thousands was expended in furnishin^^ the house, 
 tlie interior fittings of the business department oddly 
 cnoui^h being- composed of a lot of second-hand desks, 
 while the private apartments were sumptuously garnished 
 with new bronz chandeliers, ricli Brussels carpets, hand- 
 some sofas and easy chairs in walnut-wood and broca- 
 tellc ; while tables and secretaires to suit filled up the 
 elegant complement. Sleeping rooms on a scale of simi- 
 lar magnificence were furnished for the * ruling powers;* 
 iind tlie cost of the whole cannot have swallowed up much 
 less than 30,000 dollars of the money subscribed by the 
 hard-working members of the Brotherhood for a very 
 <.lifferent purpose. 
 
 One item of the expense is worth noticing. The 
 t;as-fittings of the house are of a costly description, 
 and the job of putting them in (which in the language 
 of the ring would be termed a fat one) was given to 
 a prominent leader of the American Protestant Associa- 
 tion — that natural heir and offspring of Irish Orange- 
 men to which body this patriotic gas-fitter is also un- 
 dersto(3d to be affiliated. Probably the fact that Mr 
 O'Mahony's right hand man, who has been most profuse 
 in abuse of the members of the Senate, is a resident in 
 the family of this A. P. A. Orange gas-fitter, may account 
 for the fdling into his dish of this rich morccau, as it may 
 also account for the circumstance that Ogle Iv. Gowan, 
 the Grand Master of the Canadian Orangemen, seems to 
 be better posted in the doings in Union Square than most 
 of the Centres in the United States. 
 
 "The report of these expenditures, not less than the other 
 
2 1 8 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 exciting news received almost daily, naturally made the 
 members of the Senate desirous to convene for the purpose 
 of enquirini^- into the manaf^cment of affairs, and accord- 
 ini^ly a memorial from six of the Senate was served on the 
 president of that body, asking him U) summon that bod}v 
 pursuant to the adjournment of Nov. 7th, to meet in New 
 York as quickly as the more remote senators could come 
 on. The call was accordingly issued, and in obedience to 
 it a majority of the members appeared in New York on 
 the 4th instant. It proceeded at once to business in spite 
 of the formal protest of one of its members, S. J. Mean)-. 
 In explanation of his conduct it is stated by Meehan that 
 Meany was devoted to O'Mahon}^ that he was then 
 drawing "a handsome sum from head-quarters under the 
 title of ex[)enses," and that he was smarting under the 
 sense of recent disappointment, his nomination for the 
 control of a bureau having been rejected by the Senate. 
 The latter, we may add, soon afterwards repaid this act of 
 Meany by " impeaching him for conduct derogatory to 
 the Senatorial office." 
 
 " The first act of the Senators thus assembled was to 
 apprise the President of the V. V>. that they were in session 
 and prepared to receive communications and transact 
 business. The notice was handed to Mr O'Mahony by the 
 Clerk of the Senate, who brought back a verbal reply to 
 the effect that Mr O'Mahony declined to recognise or 
 communicate with the Senate. A special committee of 
 three was then aj)pointed to wait on Mr O'Mahony and 
 ascertain from him whetlur such message was to be re- 
 garded as his defmite answer to their communication. The 
 
. Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 219 
 
 committee fared no better than the clerk, Mr O'Mahony 
 again refusing to communicate with the Senate and turn- 
 ing his back contemptuously on their representatives. The 
 committee reported the result of their mission, and the 
 matter was finally settled by Mr O'Mahony notifying 
 Colonel W. R. Roberts, President of the Senate, by letter,. 
 that he would not, in any wa}-, recognise or communicate 
 with that body. 
 
 " The standing Committee on Finance then proceeded to 
 the palatial mansion in Union Square to examine into the 
 condition of the financial system there pursued, and 
 ascertain the actual state of the receipts and expendi- 
 ture. To their surprise, howt^ver, Mr Killian refused to 
 exhibit any vouchers, or to allow them to examine the 
 books of account, and stated further that he regarded the 
 application of \\\v. committee as originating in personal 
 hostility to himself. The committee, having again formally 
 demanded to be allowed to see the books and being still 
 refused, withdrew and notified Mr O'Mahony in writing 
 that his secretary had prevented their inspection of the 
 accounts of the Finance Department. They also reported 
 the same to the Senate. 
 
 " A letter was subsequently received by the Senate front 
 the President of the Continental Bank Note Company, 
 informing that body that they had printed and delivered 
 68,000 dollars worth of bonds of the Irish Republic, with the 
 name of John O'Mahony engraved thereon as agent of the 
 Irish Republic. As Mr O'Mahony had never been confirmed 
 for this position, but, on the contrary, as his name had 
 been rejected by the Senate at its previous session, wheiv 
 
2 20 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 olTcrcd by liimsclf ; and, as a gentleman well known had 
 subsequently been nominated and confirmed for that 
 position, of whose retirement it had no information, — this 
 assumption of Mr O'Mahony to appoint himself to an office 
 of such importance called for immediate action, and was 
 met by the adoption of the annexed resolution : — 
 
 " 'Resolved, that the IVesident of the F. B. be, and is 
 liereby notified, that no bonds of the I. R. shall be issued 
 without the signature thereto of the agent of the I. R., 
 properly nominated thereto by the President of the F. B., 
 and duly confirmed therein by the Senate of the F. B. ; 
 and, if any bonds be issued Avithout the signature of such 
 duly appointed agent, such issue will be illegal and uncon- 
 stitutional, and the Senate will feel bound to treat such 
 issue as a fraud on the organisation of which it is the re- 
 ])resentative, and whose character and interests the Senate 
 feel bound to protect' 
 
 " This resolution was signed by all the Senators present 
 (ten in number, being two-thirds of the whole body) and 
 was transmitted to Mr O'Mahony on the 2d instant. Not- 
 withstanding this, the Senate received definite information 
 that the bonds liad been issued to the Circles of New 
 York, on the evening of the 5th, and were then being cir- 
 culated in this city. The Senate at once adopted a notifi- 
 cation to the members of the l^rotherhood and the public 
 at large, which was ordered to be published through the 
 medium of the press. 
 
 •' An address to the members of the Brotherhood was 
 also prepared and ordered, with the foregoing resolution, 
 to be forwarded by mail to the various circles." 
 
Iinviediaic Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 221 
 
 This address, purportini^ to issue from the " Senate 
 Chamber of the Fenian Brotherhood," and dated December 
 7, 1865, exphiined the resolution as having been necessi- 
 tated by the conduct of O'Mahony and his adherents who 
 "disregarded the Constitution," and were impeding the 
 action of better men, notably of the new War Secretary, b)' 
 their "imbecility and dishonesty." The refusal of the 
 president to allow his accounts to be examined — was dwelt 
 upon ; and pointed allusion was made to the simiptuous- 
 ness of head-quarters, and to its numerous useless and 
 greedy "hangers on." It closed with these paragraphs : — 
 
 " We ask of you to look at facts, — to listen to the truth. 
 We ask you to support that man whose appointment to 
 the direction of military affairs was hailed by all of you as 
 a pledge that business was meant, that we were no longer to 
 lemain inactive, while our brethren at home were lying in 
 a J5ritish dungeon, awaiting their summons to the scaffold. 
 
 "All remittances of money for the purposes of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood should be made in drafts payable to 
 the order of the Treasurer, Patrick O'Rourkc, and be 
 directed to box 5,141, Post Office, New York. An account 
 of the money forwarded by each Circle, since the date of 
 the Philadelphia Congress, should be sent by the Treasurer 
 of the Circle to the address of the Treasurer in New York 
 as above. The names of those members who have paid 
 the ' final call' should also be sent on, in order that these 
 members may receive the bonds therefor, when properly 
 signed and issued. We remain, Brothers, yours in fra- 
 ternity, James Gibbons, P. Bannon, J. W. Pltzgerald, W. 
 Sullivan, P. O'Rourke, W. Pleming, Fd. L. Carey, P. J. 
 Mechan, Michael Scanlan, W. R. Roberts. 
 
^2 2 2 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 " Tlic state of affairs wliicli tlic Senate found on con- 
 vening, not only justified the language in which in the 
 above address the)' have characterised the proceedings of 
 the Union Square rcginiC\ but would have left the members 
 of the Senate in the position of accomplices of a heartless 
 swindle had they held their peace for a single day, or 
 neglected to put their countrymen upon their guard. Not 
 alone was the money of the organisation being rapidly 
 .squandered, in a manner and on persons never contem- 
 plated by the honest and patriotic masses who subscribed 
 the funds, but other sources of drain have been revealed, 
 sufficient to shake the confidence of the most credulous in 
 the professions of those who could countenance or screen 
 them." 
 
 J Icre follows a long account — rather si)iteful it must be 
 admitted — of a little jobbery with resi)ect to a bill of 
 exchange between Mr D, Killian and a friend who was at 
 once the editor of a newspaper and the exchange agent of 
 an lilnglish commercial house. It was intended of course 
 that the incident should be accepted as one of daily occur- 
 rence. The agent mentioned applied to the Senate, offer- 
 ing to procure them any foreign bills of exchange they 
 might need, and at the same time to allow his commission 
 *' to be reserved for the advancement of the cause." The 
 offer was declined chiefly because most of the Senators 
 were business men, and could effect such transactions for 
 themselves. Shortly afterwards, it being necessary to 
 send sixty thousand dollars to Europe, this very agent was 
 employed by Killian to effect the necessary exchange, and 
 the commission — some twelve hundred dollars — was not 
 
Iiinncdiatc Conscqttcnccs of ike Arrests in '65, 223 
 
 ^' reserved for the advancement of the cause," but pocketed 
 by the pair. 
 
 " ]')ut there remanis yet another little figure of the trans- 
 action to be summed up. Previous to the adjournment of 
 the Senate, that body had instructed the treasurer to con- 
 vert 50,000 dollars of currency into gold, with a view to 
 the purchase of exchange, as there Avere symptoms of a 
 rise in the rates of specie. The gold was procured at a 
 j)rcmium of 46?/^, and came to the sum of 34,275*192 
 dollars. This gold was handed to Mr Secretary of 
 the Treasury Killian, and was by him or his rhiladelphia 
 agent sold on the 9th of November, the day on which the 
 draft was purchased, for the hrm alluded to to testify 
 again that the draft was paid for entirely in greenbacks. 
 Now the premium on gold on that day was 46J/J to 465^, 
 an advance in the value of the gold of from seven-eighths 
 to one and an eighth i)er cent., — about 400 dollars more. 
 Will not some other Fenian brother, who has the entry of 
 the ' Moffat Mansion,' kindly enquire whether the financial 
 records of the 9th of November show this sum credited to 
 ' Savings,' as an enduring monument of the economy of 
 * Brother' Killian 1 Or has it gone to keep company with 
 that 2 per cent, to which it would make such a handsome 
 addition } 
 
 "With such facts staring them in the face, and ihc 
 additional one that from the moment of their Hrst assem- 
 bling comi)laints poured in from the country ciiclOs stat- 
 ing that large amounts, which had been sent on to Head 
 Quarters, had not been acknowledged or receipted for for 
 several weeks past, — with such a case before them, coupled 
 
2 24 ^^hc Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 with the refusal to allow the books to be examined, the 
 Senate has no other course left, \\\ justice to the Brother- 
 hood, but to speak out, and speak at once. They had 
 been denied lists of the circles, and could only reach a 
 large portion of them throu<;h the press. 
 
 "The next proccedin<^ of the Senate was to receive articles 
 of impeachment against JohnO'Mahonyand Bernard Doran 
 Killian for * perfidy and malfeasance ' in office. These were 
 handed in on the 7th instant, and copies served on the 
 parties indicted next day, with notice to them to put in a 
 proper pica in response within twenty-four hours, under 
 penalty of having judgment by default recorded against 
 them if they failed to appear. This was in accordance 
 with the Constitutional provision which makes the Senate 
 the sole tribunal to try impeachments and renders their 
 decisions in such cases final. 
 
 "The Senate, having gone into Judiciary Session, b}' 
 the election of James Gibbons as temporary president and 
 J. W. Fitzgerald as judge-advocate, proceeded to try the 
 cases." 
 
 The indictment against O'Mahony we shall not quote 
 at length. In addition to the charges already mentioned 
 of which he was accused were these, — of having read a 
 certain communication from Ireland at open meetings, 
 mentioning also at these meetings '* the proper name of 
 C. E. I. R. ; of having calumniated, by writing and other- 
 wise, the said C. K. I. R. ; of having made speeches incit- 
 ing the F. B. against the Senate ; and of having attempted 
 the overthrow of the Constitution, — " his whole policy 
 tending to sow discord and distrust in the organisation^ 
 
Immediaic Consequences of the Arrests in '6^. 225 
 
 and impeding the attainment of the objects for which it 
 was formed." 
 
 Tlie charges against Killian were mainly these, — of re- 
 fusing to produce his books ; of refusing to pay over 
 money to the treasurer; and of withholding certain sums 
 from the Secretary at War. 
 
 Two hours wei*e spent in investigating the charges, no 
 inconsiderable portion of the time having been occupied 
 in reading them. Both of the accused were found guilty 
 on all the counts, and sentenced to be removed from their 
 offices. 
 
 "Judgment in both cases having been recorded and 
 signed by the members present, the Senate resumed its 
 session, and the several proceedings were ordered to be 
 placed on the minutes, and notice of them to be issued to 
 all whom it might concern. 
 
 "It was then unanimously resolved that. In order that 
 the organisation might not be left without a recognisetl 
 head at such a crisis, the President of the Senate, Vice- 
 President of the 1\ B., Colonel W. R. Roberts do qualify 
 for the office of President of the F. B., now vacant, and 
 enter upon his duties as such, according to the constitu- 
 tional provision. 
 
 " Senator Roberts declared his unwillingness to assume 
 the duties this imposed upon him, until the office of P. of 
 the 1\ B. w^re first divested of the former salary and of 
 all emolument. This was accordingly done, and Mr 
 Roberts was duly sworn and installed as P. of the V. B. of 
 the United States and British America. 
 
 " The Senate was in session all day on Monday, having 
 
 II. P 
 
2 26 The Fenian Consph'acy. 
 
 elected James Gibbons of Tliiladelpliia as its permanent 
 president, in room of President Roberts. To fill the 
 vacancy created in the Senate by the elevation of Colonel 
 Roberts, P. W. Dunne of Peorea, 111., was nominated and 
 unanimously confirmed. J.J. Geary, late of Cork, whose 
 value to the national cause the English Government has 
 stamped by putting a price upon his head of ^200, was 
 appointed assistant-treasurer. In view of the difficulty of 
 providing a permanent treasurer (owing to the large 
 security, 500,000 dollars, required by the Constitution), 
 P. O'Rourke, the old general treasurer of the organisation, 
 Avas appointed treasurer till further notice, and gave bonds 
 in the sum of 40,000 dollars for the faithful performance of 
 his duties. Three trustees, W. Sullivan, of Liffm, Ohio ; 
 James Gibbons, of Philadelphia ; and Edward I>. Carey, of 
 New York, were appointed trustees of the funds, and the 
 signatures of at least two of these will be necessary should 
 t4ie treasurer ever need to draw a larger sum than his 
 securities will cover. 
 
 " Diu'ing the day the Senate received many letters of 
 encouragement and support from country districts ; and 
 numerous delegations from the best working circles in the 
 vicinity of New York waited on the Senate to declare 
 their concurrence in the action taken by that body, and 
 their determination to stand by it in its efforts to purify 
 the Brotherhood from the corruption that threatened to 
 invade its high places." 
 
 O'Mahony was thus deposed, but he had still a power- 
 ful following, who would recognise no other chief By 
 the more prominent members of this following, addresses 
 
Innurdiafc Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 227 
 
 and explanations, counter to those of the Roberts party, 
 were issued in numbers. ]5ut, perhaps, the most striking 
 of these retorts was the placard posted up at " Moffat 
 Mansion," of which we i^ivc a copy : — 
 
 "It beini^ deemed advisable to keep dishonest persons 
 from the offices of the Head-quarters of the Fenian 
 Brotherhood, as well as the enemies of the Brotherhood 
 from its immediate valuables, the following persons are 
 excluded for perfidy until further notice. Per order, 
 John O'Maiiony, President, F. B." 
 
 I Then followed the names of the senators who had 
 deposed him in the order in which they had signed his 
 sentence of deposition. 
 
 As his best stroke, however, O'Mahony lost no time in 
 convening the " P'ourth National Convention of the i^'enian 
 Brotherhood." It was to meet in New York on the 3d of 
 January 1866. The great mass of the Organisation was 
 taken completely by surprise by recent events. No man 
 knew w hat opinion to form of them, or which side to take ; 
 but all were anxious for explanation, and doubly anxious 
 for the restoration of unity among their heads. This Con- 
 gress therefore, proved the most numerous gathering of 
 the kind that had yet taken place. P^rom the first it was 
 evident that the O'Mahony partisans largely outnumbered 
 those of the Senate. Nor was the deposed president con- 
 tent with the unmistakeable manifestation of opinion in 
 his favour. Pie took a measure which was unquestionably 
 intended to overawe his adversaries, posting a com[)anyof 
 the 69th New York Militia — the regiment of which he 
 was colonel — to keep the doors of the building in which 
 
2 28 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 the Congress assembled. TJie company was in full uni- 
 form — a fair token of the estimation in which the F. B. 
 was held by the rulers of the United States. 
 
 Having done their utmost to prevent the meeting of the 
 Congress, by the issue of proclamations couched in fit official 
 style, and by the exercise of all their influence in the 
 Brotherhood, and having failed utterly, President Roberts 
 and his senators absented themselves altogether from the 
 assemblage. Only one prominent mcniber of their party, 
 General Sweeny, made his appearance therein. He spoke 
 boldly in favour of schemes projected by himself, including 
 the " Conquest of Canada." The general, volunteering 
 to give any explanations required, was asked one very 
 awkward question — " Was he a Fenian .? " With this he 
 fenced for a while, but was eventually compelled to admit 
 that he had never been regularly enrolled in the Brother- 
 hood. He said he attended a circle at St Louis, which 
 had given him credentials. " But did you take the Fenian 
 pledge, answer that t " continued his examiner with perti- 
 nacity. 
 
 General Sweeny (after a pause) " T sympathise with the 
 movement, and I am ready, if necessary, to sacrifice my 
 life for it." 
 
 A voice — "Why don't you answer if you are a Fenian 
 — If you took the I'^enian pledge ? " 
 
 General Sweeny — " I did not take the pledge ; but it 
 is needless to state that 1 am in favour of the movement." 
 
 (This remark called forth some disapprobation). 
 
 A delegate here stood up, and gave it as his most de- 
 cided opinion, that the General had no right to address 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 229 
 
 the Convention, that he was merely there by courtesy ; 
 according to his own showing, he was not a Fenian, and 
 should not be heard. There were other objections raised ; 
 eventually, General Sweeny, though with no very good 
 will, took the pledge, which, however, did not improve 
 his position. His pr()[)ositions were all rejected. 
 
 A different reception awaited the two delegates from 
 Ireland, one being General Millen, and the other the 
 notorious Corydon. The latter had then an aspect in 
 the eyes of the Brotherhood very different from that 
 which he was soon to wear. He is described by one who 
 saw him at the Congress as " a fine-looking military man, 
 with the soldier indelibly printed on his handsome face." 
 The delegates were enthusiastically cheered. " War in 
 Ireland, and Ireland alone," was declared to be the policy 
 of the 1". B. The senators were dei)osed from office, the 
 recently-framed constitution was repudiated, and the 
 Chicago Constitution re-adopted. O'Mahony was unani- 
 mously accepted as " Head Centre," his old title, and a 
 " Central Council " was given him, selected from among 
 his most devoted adherents. 
 
 The Roberts party was nothing daunted by these 
 events. It had a following ; it held firmly to the position 
 to which it had raised itself; and it set to work vigorously 
 to realise its Canadian conquest plans. On the 1 6th of 
 January it issued a " war circular," which bore the sig- 
 nature of General Sweeny, directing the military members 
 of the J''. B. to hold themselves \\\ readiness for immediate 
 action ; appealing for necessary funds, and explaining that 
 the Brotherhood needed " a spot on which to raise our flag 
 
230 The Fe7iian Conspiracy, 
 
 and obtain a recognition of our riglits as belligerents. We 
 cannot have it within the United States," continued this 
 circular ; " we need a port from which our vessels can sail, 
 and to which they can bring their prizes. Do not believe 
 that we mean side issues. Ireland must and ever will be 
 our grand objective point. Trust to the experience of men 
 who, for long years, have studied war's secrets in anticipa- 
 tion of a day when they could strike the foe of their race 
 and country. Respond to my call as freely as your means 
 will allow, and within three months we shall have fought 
 our first battle, gained our first victory, and Ireland will 
 liave made her first step towards the throne of Liberty." 
 
 The recognition of the circular of which the above is an 
 extract, was the principal work of a Congress which was 
 called by President Roberts, and which met in considerable 
 number at Pittsburg, on the 19th of February. It was in- 
 tended as a reply to the New York Congress. It endorsed 
 the action of the senators in every particular, recognised 
 the new officers, and adopted their policy. 
 
 Precisely three days after, "a military convention," sum- 
 moned by O'Mahony, met in New York. The day, the 
 2 2d of February, was the anniversary of the birth of 
 Washington. Here a series of fiery resolutions were 
 adopted, one of Ihem to the effect that all the energy of 
 the association was to be concentrated on warfare in Ire- 
 land. In another, full confidence in O'Mahony and 
 Stephens was expressed. 
 
 Seeing as we have done, how intensely hostile were 
 these two, it may excite surprise that a meeting called 
 by O'Mahony should thus glorify Stephens. But, In the 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 231 
 
 view of the f^reat body of the American Fenians, Stephens 
 was still a " liero and a martyr," — a hero, on account of 
 liis successful "organisation;" a martyr, because of his 
 capture and imprisonment ; and again and doubly a 
 hero on account of his mysterious escape from prison. 
 O'Mahony felt the dangers of the crisis in America to 
 liimself and to the conspiracy ; power was slipping fast 
 from his hands ; effective strength was slipping as fast 
 from the organisation. It was necessary to patch up 
 peace with the C. E., and he tried to do so. Stephens 
 appeared to fall in with him. With O'Mahony Stephens 
 condemned the action of the Roberts faction as utterly 
 useless to Ireland, and absolutely ruinous to the con- 
 spiracy. Letters in the highest degree complimentary 
 were written by him to the Head Centre, and read by the 
 latter at various meetings and " demonstrations." For at 
 this period both sections of the F. W. were eternally meet- 
 ing ami "demonstrating;" the latter, for the most part, 
 being done in the fashion of absolute lunatics, and de- 
 nouncing one another also as all that was infamous ; such 
 choice epithets as "swindlers," "perjurers," "traitors," 
 " impostors," being exchanged daily between the rival 
 chiefs, and, it must be admitted, fitting only too well in 
 many instances. The Roberts party denounced these 
 letters read by O'Mahony as forgeries, but there can be no 
 question that they were genuine. And, to a large extent, 
 they served their purpose. Thanks to them the following 
 of O'Mahony continued greatly to outnumber the following 
 of Roberts for a few months more. 
 
 Of course the resolutions of the military convention 
 
232 The Fenia7t Conspiracy. 
 
 condemned the secession in strong terms. An address to 
 the Brotherhood was adopted. It was couched in earnest 
 language, but did little more than rehearse the substance 
 of the Resolutions. 
 
 Meanwhile things were going badly with the I. R. B. in 
 Ireland. Clever as were its organisers, the agents of the 
 government managed to keep every one of them in sight, 
 stepping forward and arresting them invariably at the 
 right time. Still the conspiracy continued ah've and active ; 
 there was no knowing in what machicss it might not cul- 
 minate. At this period, it must have been sufficiently 
 obvious to every person of sense, who had any fair know- 
 ledge of its position, that it was utterly hopeless. Its 
 plans were disclosed ; its leaders were arrested ; the foe 
 was well prepared to meet it at every point ; it was un- 
 prepared to meet the foe at any point. Leaders, wise and 
 patriotic, would have dissolved the organisation at once, 
 especially after the schism in America. But there was no . 
 wisdom and but little patriotism among the leaders. 
 What the latter cared for most was to retain their position 
 in the conspiracy, and therefore to continue its activity as 
 long as possible. To attempt something, however despe- 
 rate, was felt to be absolutely necessary by them every- 
 where. 
 
 Giving evidence before the investigation committee, 
 at this period, Mr Killian said (Report, page 15), "/// 
 viy opinion, the real reputation of the F. B. in A nierica can 
 only be revived by strikiiig a bloiv and making a fight. I 
 know of no man who could be placed at the head of the 
 Brotherhood in America who can revive us unless there be 
 
Immediate Coiisequeiices of the Arrests in '65. 233 
 
 a fight." So felt the Roberts party. Both factions knew 
 that they could make no serious fight themselves. Their 
 efforts then were directed, as many of them stated openly, 
 towards doing something which should involve the United 
 States in war with England. In these efforts they were 
 countenanced by American statesmen of both parties. 
 Vo\'y and this is a fact that deserves special notice, the rival 
 factions of Fenianism, adhered to opposite political parties 
 in the States. O'Mahony was a democrat ; the Roberts 
 party were nearly all Republicans. 
 
 In Ireland there was no plan and no preparation ; but 
 there was an abundance of headlong conspirators — there 
 was fierce enthusiasm ; and there was an ardent desire for 
 battle. The great risk was tliat the thing would break 
 forth any day in rebellion, after the style of '98 ; that is, 
 in a number of unconnected risings, marked by a good 
 deal of dash and valour on the part of the insurgents ; 
 marked also by an infinity of outrages, leading to no suc- 
 cess on their part, but closing in their slaughter by the 
 thousand, with great loss to the country in particular and 
 to the empire in general ; with the addition of newer, 
 fresher memories of hate, to the immense mass of such 
 memories already accumulated by the Irish, and the con- 
 secjuent protraction of the old-progress-opposing spirit in 
 the Irish for another century. To prevent any .such 
 insane rising was now the principal object of the British 
 Government. And, the more effectually to do so, the 
 habeas corpus was declared suspended in Ireland from the 
 17th of February 1866. The bill authorising this act was 
 passed with unprecedented rapidity. This, however, was 
 
234 l'^^ Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 expected by the authorities in Ireland ; and in anticipa- 
 tion thereof, some six score of the principal leaders were 
 pounced upon simultaneously in Dublin. Every day 
 added to the number of captives, until, by the 31st of the 
 ensuing March, there had been no less than 670 arrested 
 under this act. 
 
 These decided measures had the effect intended. They 
 did not kill off the conspiracy in Ireland ; but, in a great 
 measure, paralysed it. It was impossible for any move- 
 ment of the smallest consequence to take place ; impos- 
 sible, indeed, for any important meeting of the leaders to 
 be held. Many of the more timid abandoned the associa- 
 tion ; many who aspired to lead therein threw away the 
 insignia of rank with which, more through vanity than 
 patriotism, they had provided themselves. For months 
 after the proclamation of the act suspending the habeas 
 corpus, bundles containing gaudy and expensive uniforms 
 — garments of green, heavily laced and ornamented with 
 gold — were picked up in the fields and along the byways, 
 where they had been thrown away. It was necessary for 
 the leaders, or as many as could be spared, to quit Ire- 
 land for a time. O'Rourke and Mackay, with some sixty 
 or seventy other American Irish officers, betook them- 
 selves to England ; while others of greater name, as 
 Kelly and M'Cafferty, found plausible excuses for visiting 
 America. 
 
 Perhaps the strangest circumstance in connection with 
 the conspiracy at this period, was the release of Edward 
 Duffy on bail. He was known to be deep in the con- 
 fidence of Stephens, the one, indeed, whom the latter 
 
Immediate Consequences of the Arrests in '65. 235 
 
 trusted more than any or all of his lieutenants — the one 
 whom, as it was also known, he had flattered with the 
 prospect of succeeding himself (Stephens) should he be 
 removed from the scene, in command of the I. R. B. One 
 by one the colleagues of Duffy had been brought to trial 
 and convicted — convicted — to the consternation no less 
 than the astonishment of the mass of thel.R.B. — withhardly 
 an exception ; convicted with such regularity and certainty, 
 that more than one desperado, feeling his case hopeless, 
 pleaded " guilty," in the view of obtaining a milder sen- 
 tence. But Duffy — high-placed as he was in the I. R. B., 
 and trusted as he was of his leader — was admitted to bail. 
 There was a pretext — he was then far advanced in con- 
 sumption. But the pretext did not avail when it was 
 found necessary to arrest him once more — this time to 
 bring him to trial and conviction. 
 
 No sooner was Duffy at large than he went on conspir- 
 ing and nursing revolution, even more earnestly than 
 before. He was allowed to do so for a year. 
 
 Having seen his favourite pupil and subordinate at 
 liberty, Stephens made up his mind to quit Ireland on the 
 nth of March. Before doing so he issued an order, that 
 no movement was to take place in Ireland until his arrival 
 in America. This statement we make on the authority of 
 Captain M'Cafferty. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MOVEMENTS OF STEPHENS AFTER IIIS ESCAPE. 
 
 The following letter, written by Colonel T. J. Kelly, 
 shows how he reached France : — 
 
 " Paris, March list, 1866. 
 
 " My Dear . — When I parted from you on Tuesday night, 
 
 you hadn't much idea of the heavy task before me. Yet now that all 
 is over, it appears to be only a dream. Although you thought Mr 
 Stephens had left the country, he was in Dublin until that night, 
 and, spite of all the vigilance of British spies, he left his lodgings on 
 an outside car, got on board a vessel in the Liffcy, and sailed for an 
 English port. 
 
 " It was amusing to me to see him pass several policemen on the 
 quays, and walk deliberately on board. We were three days in the 
 Channel owing to bad winds. We ultimately reached a port in Scot- 
 land, slept all night in Kilmarnock, rode in the mail train next day 
 from there to London, slept in London (in the heart of the enemy's 
 city), and in the morning, after sleeping all night in a hotel across 
 the street from Buckingham Palace (the Palace Hotel), started by 
 the morning train from the Victoria Station for Dover. 
 
 " We got on board the French mail steamer there about eleven 
 o'clock on Sunday, and started for Calais, which we reached in 
 safety. Wasn't my mind happy when I touched French soil, and 
 saw the Chief Organiser of the Irish Republic in a position to laugh 
 at the blindly mad, childlike efforts of the British to capture him. 
 
 "After all the searches of ships and steamers outside of the Irish 
 coast, so well were we informed of their every movement, that the 
 affair was comparatively easy. The next time th;it James Stephens 
 touches the Irish soil, he will show the British that their barbarous 
 treatment of Irish patriots but added fuel to the national flame 
 already kindled all over the island, instead of * stamping it out,' as 
 
Movements of Stephens after his escape. 237 
 
 they propose to do. Sir Hugh Rose will find, when he attempts to 
 commit such devilish barbarities * as tliose of which he was Ruilty in 
 India, (hat he has not sepoys to d< al with. Let him order his 
 soldiers to butcher women and children and grey-haired old men (as 
 he threatened to do), and blow our soldiers from the cannon's 
 mouth — let him dare carry out his black-hearted intentions towards 
 the women of Ireland, and there will be such a retribution, not alone 
 in Ireland, but in the heart of the British Empire, as will not be 
 paralleled in history. The enemy left no stone unturned to make us 
 fight before we were ready; they played a desperate card and lost. 
 Just wait and see the effect of the arrival of Mr Stephens in America, 
 and you will See I speak correctly. All is well for Ireland yet. Next 
 Christmas I have confidence I will dine with you as a free and inde- 
 pendent citizen of the Irish Republic. THOMAS J. Kelly." 
 
 "Paris, i\st. 
 
 "Dear Miss . — I have been remiss in not writing to you 
 
 before this. Mr Stephens and myself arrived here on Sunday last. 
 We were enabled to make our trip with great ease. Just think how 
 horribly stupid the enemy's agents are when we were enabled to 
 travel in the open day through Scotland and England, and to em- 
 bark at eleven in the day from the harbour of Dover. 
 
 "After all the ship-searching, we started from the quays in the City 
 of Dublin. Mr Stephens left his lodgings in an open car, and, on my 
 honour, undisguised. We had no easy time in the Channel, as we 
 were kept there for three days owing to adverse winds. We were 
 driven to Carrickfergus Bay by stress of weather, and it was amusing 
 to think how much the Mayor of Belfast would give to know what a 
 distinguished guest he had. However, as the wind changed after 
 being anchored all night, we did not make a call, or leave our cards. 
 
 "T.J.Kelly." 
 
 In these letters Colonel Kelly speaks very strongly of 
 the " stupidity " of the English agents, in permitting such 
 an audacious escape. We ourselves are struck by the 
 seeming audacity ; but we do not, like the Colonel, attri- 
 buted the success of the attempt to the "stupidity" of the 
 
 * This from the man who organised the Assassination Commillcc, and 
 who directed tlie murder of Clark to begin with, from a brothel ! These 
 patriots had one moral code for themselves and another for their opponents. 
 
238 . The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 English agents. It is a fact that the pair, Stephens and 
 Kelly, were recognised at Kilmarnock and at other places 
 on their way to Dover. On the whole, we see in the escape 
 from Dublin a remarkable resemblance to the escape from 
 Richmond Bridewell. In both cases the police were care- 
 fully absent from the precise quarters from which the 
 escapes were effected ; and in both cases Mr Stephens 
 took his departure exactly as other people — through the 
 door of the Bridewell, and in the open day, and by the 
 usual routes from Dublin in the first place, and from Eng- 
 land in the second place. 
 
 A passage of the first letters deserves special attention — 
 "There will be such a retribution not alone in Ireland, but 
 in the heart of the British Empire, as will not be paralleled 
 in history." Here not merely London, but the great com- 
 mercial and manufacturing centres are meant by "the 
 heart of the British Empire," and here the gallant 
 " Colonel " alludes to the plan, which he had already formed, 
 and which a little later he attempted to carry out — that is, 
 to give up the " Heart of the British Empire," as we have 
 explained the phrase, and especially the metropolis, to sack 
 and slaughter. The Chester affair, which so many of the 
 I. R. B. assert to have been intended as a preliminary to 
 Irish revolution, was really intended to arm the I. R. B. in 
 England against the heart of the British Empire. 
 
 At Paris Stephens found suitable occupation and 
 amusement. " In Paris," writes General Cluseret: {Frasers 
 Magazine, July 1872), "the Marquis de Boissy enter- 
 tained him. Whilst in that city he entered into close 
 relations with those scandalous Boulevard papers, from 
 
Movements of Stephens after his Escape, 239 
 
 which a man who respects himself ought to accept 
 nothing but abuse." The quotation is a short one, but 
 it means much. Here is the C. E. hob-nobbing with 
 de Boissy, who in his Hfe was only remarkable for his 
 rabid hostility to everything English, with the very curi- 
 ous exception of the mistress of an Englishman, which 
 mistress he made his wife. Here he is too in close 
 and confidential communication with Rochefort, Pyat, and 
 people of that stamp. 
 
 Cluseret, however, should not have spoken so con- 
 temptuously of the journalists of the "Boulevards." It 
 was in consequence of the relations which Stephens formed 
 with these people on this occasion that he conceived a 
 design respecting Cluseret, the execution of which enabled 
 the General to write to the paper from which we have 
 quoted. 
 
 Immediately on his arrival in Paris, Stephens hurried 
 Kelly forward to America with despatches full of the 
 usual lavish promise. He himself continued to abide in 
 the French capital for "some weeks longer. During this 
 period it is asserted that he had at least one interview 
 with the Emperor. Here also he indulged that taste for 
 luxurious living which had grown upon him since his 
 conspiracy had begun to pay, and which by this time had 
 attained something of royal dimensions. Some of his ad- 
 herents considered these five weeks wasted; not so himself 
 In delaying thus, he knew very well what he was about; 
 he gave time for things in America to develop — time 
 enough as he calculated, for the F. B. to become wearied 
 of both their Chiefs, and eager to accept himself as the 
 
240 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 reconciler of all differences and the restorer of union — 
 time in short to enable him to appear as the master of the 
 situation, and to assume a position which should be secure 
 •and beyond all approach among the F. B. He arrived in 
 New York on the lOth of May 1866. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 • STEPHENS IN NEW YORK. 
 
 The C. O. I. R. found the Head Centre and his party in 
 difficulties. O'Mahony had engaged in rivalry with 
 President Roberts, more eagerly and energetically, and 
 passionately, we may add, than he had ever engaged in 
 anything before. Immediately on receiving intelligence 
 of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, he 
 issued a circular directing the Centres to summon their 
 Circles, and display the situation, which he persisted in 
 painting as hopeful in the extreme, and which his dupes 
 would persist in thinking all he painted. Just the same 
 course was pursued by Roberts. " Send us all the aid in 
 your power," wrote O'Mahony, " and in God's name let us 
 start for our destination," meaning Ireland. " Send us all 
 the aid in your power," wrote Roberts, " and in God's 
 name let us start for our destination," meaning Canada. 
 And the Circles — whom the conduct of the British 
 government pleased, though it exasperated, since it showed 
 that something was being done at last — the Circles re- 
 sponded liberally. Money came into both treasurers in 
 heaps. O'Mahony's party convened a monster meeting 
 at Jones' Wood, which was attended by myriads. Here 
 a vast number of bonds of the I, R. were disposed of for 
 cash. Other meetings followed nightly. In vain did the 
 II. Q 
 
242 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 successor of Archbishop Hughes in the See of New York 
 denounce the association. Misfortune and denunciation 
 only seemed to render its members the more ardent. Both 
 factions declared that the period of * words ' and mere 
 * organisation ' had passed away, that the period of achieve- 
 ment had come. It was a struggle between them which 
 should be first in the field, and O'Mahony's party prevailed 
 therein. 
 
 The Head Centre was by this time, though so boasting 
 and apparently self-asserting in public, a mere cypher in 
 the hands of his own party. No one man among them 
 could say that he alone manipulated the Head Centre. 
 He vacillated from one opinion to another, and from one 
 purpose to another, hourly ; always agreeing with the last 
 who tried his persuasive, or rather bullying, powers upon 
 him. At last Mr Dorran Killian won him over to assent 
 to a scheme which was borrowed from the rival party. 
 
 Killian, we should state, had obtained an interview with 
 Mr Secretary Seward, on the occasion of the release of 
 Mitchell, and he declared, and his declaration never having 
 been authoritatively contradicted, is deserving of some 
 weight, that Mr Seward was favourable to an attack on 
 the British possessions in America by the Fenians. Kil- 
 lian formed the idea of taking possession of the island of 
 Campo Bello, province of New Brunswick, and hoisting 
 the flag of the Irish Republic thereon. What the flag was 
 would be hard to decide. Stephens had selected one pat- 
 tern, O'Mahony another, Roberts a third ; indeed, there 
 was hardly a leading member of the fraternity who had 
 not a notion of his own concerning this flag. 
 
Stephens in New York. 243 
 
 Killian thought it would be an easy thing to obtain 
 possession of the island, and that once in possession of even 
 this small spot, of no importance in itself, the government of 
 Ihc United States would find no difficulty in recognising the 
 Brotherhood as belligerents. Indeed, it was industriously 
 reported among tlie J^rotherhood that the members of the 
 United States government had pledged themselves to take 
 this course whenever the F. B. should provide them with 
 something like an excuse. M'Cafferty and Ilalpen were 
 then in New York, the former had been despatched 
 by the Irish Council after the escape of Stephens from 
 prison, and the latter had commissioned himself as envoy, 
 after the suspension of the Habeas Corptis Act, in order to 
 avoid the consequences — both supported the views of 
 Killian. 
 
 On the 31st of March O'Mahony issued a circular 
 •calling for men and war material to be sent at once to 
 head-quarters. Men and money were sent, and more 
 were promised. Mr P. A. Sinnott, of the Central 
 Council, promised that he would send 10,000 men from 
 Massachusetts without costing the organisation a penny. 
 Mr Sinnott did not even attempt to keep his word. 
 Other people followed his example. Ultimately this great 
 expedition, which was to raise the Brotherhood to the 
 position of belligerents, dwindled down to a handful of 
 men in a small steamer. And the equipment of the one 
 and the purchase and outfit of the other, were marked by 
 gross fraud and incapacity. 
 
 Seeing the state of things some of the more sober 
 of the party attempted to stop the folly. General 
 
244 ^^^ Fenian Co7ispiracy, 
 
 Mullen, O'Mahony's war secretary, wrote a letter ta 
 his principal, in which we find these passages : — " Mi^ 
 Centre, do you know the condition at present of the 
 vessel ? A target for artillery practice could not be 
 more successfully painted — black hull and straw-coloured 
 wheel-house. Some buckets were furnished that have light 
 brass or copper handles ; the first dash over, the bucket 
 is lost, the rope remaining in the man's hands. Her 
 rigging is in a miserable condition ; her sails in a worse 
 Doubtless full of bilgewater. Her bilge should be pumped 
 out, and white-washed. She had, when last heard from 
 by me, no hammocks, no cooking utensils, in fact was a 
 mere shell. Her machinery and steam-generating powers, 
 untested ; coal-bunkers and magazines empty. Seriously, 
 is it intended to put this shell upon the ocean as the 
 representative of the Fenian Navy." 
 
 The warning was disregarded. Mr Killian was allowed 
 to carry out his plan, even though the Head Centre thought 
 him in the pay of the Canadian Government. And 
 M'Cafferty and others pressed the expedition forward, 
 although they spoke, and loudly too, of manifold swindling 
 connected with it. More, a captain, one Barbot, formerly 
 of the Confederate navy, was appointed, whom O'Mahony 
 characterised as "a real buccaneer." The expedition sailed 
 early in April — not on the most suitable day however, the 
 first, came in sight of Campo Bello, and surrendered to an 
 American force in order to escape capture by the English. 
 Not a single shot was fired. The only effect of the expe- 
 dition was to empty the exchequer at " Head-quarters,'* 
 and to throw disgrace and ridicule on the O'Mahony fac- 
 
Stephens ui New York. 245 
 
 lion, in sliort to ruin It, for it never recovered the blow, 
 whicli indeed went far towards inflicting a fatal wound on 
 the F. B. 
 
 President Roberts and his party rejoiced in the fiasco — 
 one of the most pitiable on record up to. that date — raised 
 their own vaunts in still louder tones than before, and 
 pressed forward their own preparations. A good many had 
 fallen off from them as from O'Mahony. The exposure of 
 the doings at Moffat Mansion, of its weakness, incompetence, 
 prodigality, and corruption, made about this time by a Com- 
 mittee of Investigation, which was called for in consequence 
 of the Campo Bello failure, was accepted by all sensible 
 men as applying to both parties. Thenceforward all 
 sensible men saw that Fenianism was just what John 
 Mitchell described it a little later, " an enormous sack of 
 gas," and ceased to expect anything from it save deception. 
 F.ven the American newspapers took courage for the first 
 time to denounce the whole thing in precise terms. 
 
 Still President Roberts and his party were unconnected 
 with the Campo Bello affair, and, in the eyes of their fol- 
 lowers, undamaged by it. The President and his Senate 
 then came to the front among the Brotherhood, and the 
 Head Centre and his Council were completely eclipsed, 
 ;dmost effaced. 
 
 It was at this juncture that Stephens reached New 
 York. A letter from John Mitchell, however, had 
 reached that city before him. It ran thus: — ''My 
 dear O'Mahony, — James Stephens is going to Ameriea; 
 in God's name, under no condition, permit him to obtain 
 control of, or ride the Fenian Organisation in America^ 
 
246 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 That meant that John Mitchell quite understood the 
 secret connected with the strange escape of Stephens 
 from Richmond Bridewell, and with his impunity after- 
 wards during his long stay in Dublin, and during his 
 journey to France. 
 
 The warning was published at once and widely. 
 O'Mahony, though receiving the C. O. I. R. with open 
 arms in public, neglected no opportunity of injuring him 
 in private. Not only did he circulate Mitchell's letter 
 himself, but contrived that it should fall into the hands of 
 the Investigating Committee who included it in their 
 report. It had its effect, but that was altogether the fault 
 of Stephens. 
 
 For a man of commanding qualities — a man of sincerity 
 and earnestness — in the position of Stephens, there was 
 now a splendid opportunity. The great mass of the con- 
 spirators in both hemispheres still believed — more than 
 believed — in him. With the rank and file recent events, 
 as they saw them, had made him a hero. The chiefs knew 
 him better, but their opposition would have been swept 
 away by popular enthusiasm had he known how to take 
 advantage of it. In America, however, the cool, dexterous,, 
 and subtle moulder of conspiracy subsided at once into a 
 commonplace demagogue. If he understood the situation 
 he could not rise equal to it } Was he paralysed by the 
 consciousness of treachery.? It looks like it. However 
 that may be, his conduct at this period was miserable. 
 Such attempts as he made to extinguish faction, reunite 
 the Brotherhood, and restore its confidence, were about the 
 weakest that can be conceived. New circumstances must 
 
Stephens in New Yo7'k. 247 
 
 be met with new measures, but with him all was stale. 
 As he had done in '58 and in '54, so he attempted to do in 
 '66, and — nothing more. 
 
 Obviously his first care should have been to win over 
 the Roberts wing, which included the abler and more 
 energetic members of the F. B. Nor does it seem that 
 tiiincf would have been difficult. All that these men had 
 done had been advised by Stephens ; and all their success 
 in effecting changes in the constitution of the F. B., and 
 eventually in deposing O'Mahony, had been achieved only 
 because their adherents had been persuaded by them that 
 the interests of the I. R. B. and of its Chief Organiser 
 demanded these things. Stephens, indeed, was the creator 
 of the Roberts wing ; and it would have given itself up to 
 him unreservedly on his landing in America, had he taken 
 a judicious course. But he gave full swing to his worst 
 qualities. He was despotic and jealous ; he hated inde- 
 pendent action, and he regarded everyone who ventured 
 to act independently as his rival. The conduct of Roberts 
 and his colleagues had been very decided and independent 
 in many points. Stephens was duly jealous, and attempted 
 to reduce them to submission, after the fashion he had 
 been accustomed to practise in Ireland, by browbeating 
 and overbearing. He could not or would not understand 
 that a course which had served very well in a country 
 where secrecy was essential to the success of his conspiracy 
 would not serve at all in America. Instead of recognising 
 the services rendered him by the Roberts wing, and con- 
 ciliating its chief, he denounced them and their measures 
 without reserve. In a short time the men of action were 
 
248 The Fenian Consph^acy. 
 
 as openly and bitterly adverse to Stephens as they had 
 ever been to O'Mahony. 
 
 The opposite wing had given itself to the C. O. I. R. the 
 moment he set foot in America. Its aims were identical 
 with his own ; he had nothing to condemn therein but its 
 chief and his errors, especially the glaring one culminating 
 in the Campo Bello disaster. But. even over this section 
 Stephens could retain no permanent sway. The opinion 
 of him entertained by Mitchell and O'Mahony was common 
 to its abler members. They were overborne, indeed, for a 
 while, by popular clamour. But Stephens soon lost his 
 hold of the mere mob of the wing, and as he did so all that 
 was intellectual and honest therein arrayed itself against 
 him. 
 
 One thing, however, Stephens did, and did it well — 
 while his popularity lasted — he befooled the rabble to the 
 top of its bent. There were meetings of all sorts, in halls 
 and in the open air — especially at Jones's Wood. And 
 wherever he opened his mouth, it was to describe the I.R.B. 
 as flourishing, their plans as infallible, and their success 
 certain, if the F, B. would only supply them with inojiey 
 to purchase war material. Stephens was supplied with 
 money, but he made no attempt to purchase war material. 
 Neither did he send any remittances to Ireland, of 
 which Duffy, among others, complained bitterly. He 
 did not even attempt to repay a sum of ;^i87, which he 
 had borrowed from Corydon previous to quitting Ireland. 
 Nor does it appear that Corydon ever asked for repay- 
 ment, even though he happened to meet the C. E. in 
 Anierica about this period. Corydon found a means of 
 
Stephens in New York, 249 
 
 repaying himself; how much of this was then known 
 to James Stephens — how much of the treachery which 
 Corydon was then meditating, we shall not pause to guess. 
 Stephens, however, made a very manifest use of the 
 ]^\Miian funds. His habits became more luxurious than 
 ever. His expenditure, indeed, was so lavish, as to be 
 seriously felt by the F. B. For this he attempted to make 
 amends by a promise — which he reiterated at every oppor- 
 tunity for the remainder of the year — to take the field in 
 Ireland before that year should reach its close. Nothing 
 could be more solemn than the form in which he shaped 
 those promises — "As surely as I address you to-day, we 
 shall take the field in Ireland this very year," were the 
 words he used on one of these occasions. 
 
 Meanwhile the Ivoberts party prepared and precipitated 
 \.\\dx fiasco also. They had announced that they would 
 enter British territory with not less than ten thousand men. 
 At least thrice that number of the F. B. volunteered for 
 the service. On the night of the 31st of May, six hundred 
 men crossed the Niagara river, not far from Buffalo. 
 It was a wretched force in all respects wherewith to 
 attempt the conquest of the Canadas. Its equipment 
 was even more contemptible than its numbers. There 
 was no provision of ammunition, no artillery, no commis- 
 sariat, nothing that could be called a military chest, — 
 indeed, the last was considered superfluous by all con- 
 cerned, as they expected to supply the deficiency in 
 Canada, how, we need not pause to speculate. 
 
 The raiders had not even a leader. When the moment 
 of serious action arrived, the General designated to the 
 
250 The Fetiian Conspiracy. 
 
 command was not to be found, and John O'Neil was 
 appointed by his fellows on the spot to the command. He 
 was a young man, then thirty-four years of age. An Irish 
 immigrant of low grade, he joined the Federal army, fought 
 through the war of Secession well and valiantly, and attained 
 the rank of lieutenant. He was a soldier neither better nor 
 worse than the average of Irish soldiers — a man whom acci- 
 dent flung into the position to which he owes notoriety. 
 
 "At 3.30," writes John Savage, "the men and arms and 
 ammunition were put on board four canal boats at a point 
 called Little Black Rock. They were towed across the 
 Niagara river, and landed at Waterloo. At four o'clock 
 in the morning the Irish flag was displayed on British 
 soil by Colonel Starr, who commanded the two first 
 boats. On landing, O'Neil ordered the telegraph wires to 
 be cut down, and sent a party to destroy the railway 
 bridge leading to Port Colborne. Starr, with the Ken- 
 tucky and Indiana contingents, proceeded through the 
 town of Erie to the old fort some three miles up the 
 river, and occupied it. G Neil then demanded assistance of 
 the citizens of Erie, assuring them that no depredations 
 would be permitted, and his request zvas cJiccrfnlly complied 
 with. At ten o'clock he moved into camp at Newbigging's 
 Farm, on Frenchman's Creek, four miles from Fort Erie, 
 down the river, and occupied it until ten r.M. 
 
 "Some of his men on a foraging expedition on the 
 Chipewa Road had come up with the enemy's scouts, and 
 towards night O'Neil received intelligence that a large force 
 (said to be 5,000) with artillery, was advancing in two 
 columns — one from Chippewa, the other from Port 
 
Stephens in New York. 2 5 \ 
 
 Colbornc ; also that troops from the latter were to attack 
 him on the Lake side. At this time, owing to straggling^ 
 and desertion, O'Neil's force was not more than five hundred 
 men. The odds were terrible, but the commander was 
 schooled to danger. At ten I\M. he broke camp, and 
 marched towards Chippewa, and at midnight changed 
 direction, and moved on the Lime Stone Ridge Road,, 
 leading towards Ridgeway. His object was to meet the 
 column crossing from Port Colborne — to get between 
 the two columns, and defeat one before the other could 
 render aid. 
 
 "At about seven o'clock in the morning of the 2d of 
 June, within three miles of Ridgeway, Colonel Starr, com- 
 manding the advance, came up with the advance of the 
 enemy mounted. lie drove them within sight of their 
 skirmishing line, which extended half a mile on both sides 
 of the road. O'Neil immediately advanced his skirmishers,, 
 and formed a line of battle behind temporary breastworks 
 made of rails, on a road leading to Fort Erie, and parallel 
 with the enemy. The skirmishing was briskly kept up 
 for half an hour. The enemy was attempting to flank 
 O'Neil on both sides, and he failed to draw their centre,, 
 which was partially protected by thick timber. In this 
 exigency he fell back a few hundred yards, and formed a 
 new line. The British, seeing how far the invading troops 
 were off, became adventurous ; they supposed O'Neil had 
 retreated and advanced to pursue. Now was O'Neil's 
 chance, and he did not fail to take it. The British came 
 on rapidly after the Irish, who ' retreat * not so rapidly. 
 They come nearer and nearer — now they arc near enough 
 
252 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 for CNeil's purpose. He gives his orders with decision ; 
 a volley stops the career of the British ; it is their turn 
 to retreat, but they retreat in earnest with the Irish after 
 them, in earnest too ; driving them for three miles, and 
 through the town of Ridgeway. In their retreat, the 
 British threw away knapsacks, guns, and everything likely 
 to retard their speed, and left some ten or twelve killed, 
 nearly thirty wounded, with twelve prisoners in the hands 
 of the Irish. O'Ncil gave up the pursuit one mile beyond 
 Kidgeway. 
 
 " Although victorious, O'Neil's position was very criti- 
 cal. The reported strength of the enemy he had engaged 
 was 1400, embracing the Queen's Own, the Hamilton 
 Battalion, and other troops. A regiment from PoVt Col- 
 borne was said to be on the road to reinforce them. The 
 ■column from Chippewa would also hear of the fight, and 
 move on his rear with all celerity. Thus situated, he 
 decided to return to Fort Erie and learn if reinforcements 
 for the invading army had been sent across at any other 
 points. Seeing after the dead and wounded, he divided 
 his command, and sent Starr with one half down the rail- 
 road to destroy it and the bridges, and lead the rest on 
 the pike road to Fort Erie. They united at the old fort 
 at 4 P.M. O'Neil next had a skirmish with the Wellend 
 Battery, which had arrived there from Port Colborne in 
 the morning, and had picked up some stragglers and de- 
 serters. The enemy fired from the houses. Three or 
 four men were killed, and twice that number were 
 wounded on both sides. Here the Irish captured forty-five 
 prisoners. 
 
Stephens in New York, 253. 
 
 " Taking precautions against surprisal, O'Neil put himself 
 in communication with his friends in Buffalo, stating his 
 desperate position. He was willing, if a movement was 
 going on elsewhere, to hold out, and, if necessary, make 
 the old fort a slauglitcr-pen sooner than surrender. Mis 
 men were without food or supplies, and had marched 
 forty miles, and had two conflicts. When, therefore, he 
 learned that no crossing had been made in his aid, he 
 promptly demanded transportation, which was furnished 
 about midnight of the 2d of June. They were all on 
 board by 2 A.M., and when on American waters, they were 
 arrested by the American authorities. So ended the in- 
 vasion of Canada." 
 
 Here wc have given the most favourable account — 
 the Fenian account — of this affair. We must qualify 
 it. Savage would lead his readers to suppose that the 
 troops encountered by O'Neil were regular troops of the 
 Juiglish army, when in reality they were Canadian volun- 
 teers. He overrates their numbers also enormously. In 
 the two skirmishes they were fewer than their opponents. 
 O'Neil and his men, we allow, behaved fairly ; but the 
 whole thing, with its useless bloodshed, was something 
 worse than a folly — it was criminal. No honest man 
 would have directed such an enterprise — no true soldier 
 would have dreamt for a moment of executing it. There 
 was not the remotest possibility of even temporary suc- 
 cess. These six hundred Fenians crossed the Niagara to 
 destroy a little property — their scanty strength would not 
 allow them to destroy more — and to slay and wound some 
 fifty or sixty Canadians who had turned out in defence of 
 
2 54 T^^^ Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 their homes against a band of raiders whom they had 
 done nothing whatever to provoke. 
 
 We do not blameO'Neil for "retreating" to the American 
 side after his second skirmish, and when he saw something 
 more formidable than vohmteers coming up rapidly. The 
 said volunteers had not been particularly well handled, but 
 they had fought a stubborn fight against veterans ; nor 
 liad they been so badly beaten in the first affair as to 
 hesitate to assail again. Old soldiers as they were, how- 
 ever, it is not to be presumed that the Fenians would have 
 stood for an hour against an equal number of British 
 soldiers. There everything would have told against them. 
 Such soldiers possessed all that they lacked — officers 
 whom they were accustomed to respect and obey, arma- 
 ment, and all the superiority which moral force can 
 confer. 
 
 " O'Ncil was released on his own recognisances, to 
 answer the charge of violating the Neutrality Laws," adds 
 Savage, " and returned to Tennessee. He said to a 
 friend lately that his services to the cause, thus briefly 
 recounted, have damaged his fortunes to the amount of at 
 least thirty thousand dollars." IIow this could have 
 happened Mr Savage has not condescended to explain. 
 General O'Neil, according to Mr Savage's showing, 
 •joined the Federal army as a private soldier — after 
 failing as a stationer in a small way. On leaving the 
 .army in 1865, "he opened an office" at Nashville — though 
 what business was transacted in the office we are not in- 
 formed. Mr Savage says, it was "very successful;" 
 nevertheless the " General " abandoned it to become a 
 
Stephens in Nezv York. 255 
 
 Fenian organiser in the same year. He certainly did not 
 possess more than a small fraction of those thirty thousand 
 ■dollars on quitting the American service. He was too 
 short a time in business to have made even as small a 
 fraction thereof in addition. And mere Fenian organisers, 
 however grasping, had none of them an opportunity of 
 accumulating 30,000 dollars in a single year. General 
 O'Neil, it seems to us, was about as truthful as the majo- 
 rity of the Brethren, who have attracted public notice. 
 
 While these things were going on, throwing disgrace 
 and ridicule on the rival chiefs, and on the conspiracy 
 also in the eyes of all but fanatics, Stephens was pursuing 
 his own course in his own way. One of his first acts was 
 to make arrangements with General Cluseret, to take the 
 command of the Irish Revolutionary army, in accordance 
 with an agreement which he had entered into at Paris 
 with the revolutionary chiefs in that quarter. 
 
 The son of an officer in the French army, Cluseret com- 
 menced his career as a subaltern in the same service. He 
 won the rank of captain in Africa, and commanded his com- 
 pany in the Crimea. But he had two faults which unfitted 
 liim for service in' the French army ; he was notoriously 
 intemperate and intensely republican ; he was, in conse- 
 quence, compelled to resign his commission. Wc next 
 find him serving under Garibaldi m 1859-60. There was 
 then an interval of peace, during which Cluseret did a 
 good deal of work for those journals of the Boulevards, 
 which at a later period he denounced so strongly. Tiic 
 outbreak oi the war of Secession in America offered ]iim 
 an opportunity for gratifying his military tastes, which he 
 
256 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 did not neglect. Volunteering his services, he was placed 
 on the staff of General Fremont. Here he distinguished 
 himself, and was in consequenee raised to the rank of 
 brigadier-general in a few months. As to character, 
 Cluserct was a clever, clear-sighted man, and a thoroughly- 
 trained soldier ; he had no lack of courage, firmness, or 
 second-rate military ability ; but his principles were loose 
 on most points, and altogether wanting on many. He 
 was a mere soldier of fortune, of even a lower type than 
 that drawn so admirably by Sir Walter Scott in " Dugald 
 Dalgetty," much the same sort of personage, indeed, as 
 those condotticri who desolated Italy in the 13th, 14th,. 
 and 15th centuries. 
 
 After a few preliminary meetings between Cluserct and 
 Kelly — the latter acting as the agent of Stephens — the 
 Frenchman and the C. O. I. R. met at last at the house of 
 a friend of the former, one Pelletier — heretofore a repre- 
 sentative of Lyons in the French Assembly (in 1848), but 
 at that time a trader in New York. Pelletier, we need 
 hardly remark, was a political refugee. Cluserct being a 
 physiognomist, had made a careful study of the photo- 
 graph of Stephens, of whom, therefore, he had formed no 
 very favourable opinion. We shall let the General tell 
 what passed : — 
 
 " He was very clear and very explicit in his explana- 
 tions. He was an organiser to the fingers* ends, and in 
 this respect he was undoubtedly a man of superior merit ; 
 but he was vain, despotic, and overbearing beyond any 
 man I ever saw. As regarded action, he was worth 
 nothing. I left the house much disturbed in my mind. 
 
Stephens in New York, 257 
 
 Stephens had explained to me, at great length, and in 
 much detail, the resources of the Fenian organisation. 
 He had given nic a key to his organisation, which did not 
 leave out a single man in all Ireland ; everything had 
 been scrupulously and carefully visited and organised. 
 As far as men were concerned, there no longer seemed 
 need that any should be brought over. The whole of 
 Ireland was enrolled in the organisation, either actually 
 or standing well affected towards it ; and as this was his 
 strong point, he was careful to furnish me with the most in- 
 dubitable material proofs of the truth of the facts he stated. 
 
 " I was present at the meeting of the various represen- 
 tatives of the most important Irish Centres. The report 
 Avas made for the whole of Ireland, as is done for a regi- 
 ment, each sergeant-major reading the report of his com- 
 pany to the colonel. I was really astonished. 
 
 " But," remarked Cluseret, " men were not everything," 
 money and arms were also requisite. Of money they had 
 some ; as to armament, the Frenchman confesses, what we 
 have already pointed out, that they were miserably defi- 
 cient therein. " They tried to dazzle me with representa- 
 tions of their further resources," adds Cluseret, which was 
 a characteristic proceeding on the part of Stephens and his 
 subordinates. Cluseret, however, was not to be deceived ; 
 he was determined to search the whole thing to the bot- 
 tom, which he succeeded at last in reaching. Then he 
 found "that the arms and ammunition existed only in 
 imagination, or" — what was much the same — "in the 
 arsenals " — of the enemy. 
 
 After going over the receipts and expenditure of the 
 11. R 
 
2^^ The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 organisation — meaning that part of it which adhered to 
 O'Mahony's policy of "war in Ireland only" — and which, 
 therefore, acknowledged Stephens as an authority — 
 Cluseret found that, deducting the expenses in which 
 the cost of the sojourn of Stephens at the Metropolitan 
 Hotel, the lesser though still considerable amount spent 
 on the maintenance of Headquarters, and the sums neces- 
 sary to the transport of the numerous envoys between 
 the two hemispheres, formed the principal items — the sum 
 remaining was altogether insufficient to provide war 
 material. As to the weapons and ammunition already 
 procured, these had passed into the hands of Roberts and 
 his senators, who insisted on making war in America, and' 
 who, therefore, would have nothing to do with Stephens 
 and his schemes. 
 
 After several interviews between Stephens and Cluseret 
 — interviews at which wine enough to float the " Fenian 
 navy" was imbibed — to be paid for by the "penny of the 
 maid-servant," at which Cluseret does not forget to sneer — 
 after obtaining all the information he could concerning the 
 resources of the I. R. B., and of the English government — 
 after calculating all the chances — Cluseret, and with him 
 Stephens, came to the conclusion that England could not,, 
 "for ninety days," oppose to them more than thirty 
 thousand men. 
 
 Here we cannot help pausing to remark on the phrase,. 
 " ninety days," and its equivalent phrase, " three months." 
 Both had been perpetually in the mouths of the politicians 
 of the Federal States. They were perpetually promising 
 to put down the rebellion in that precise time. Every new 
 
Stephens in New York. 259 
 
 army and every new leader sent into the field was to 
 vanquish in "ninety days." And the Fenians had bor- 
 rowed the language, as well as the airs, which Messrs 
 Seward and Company had rendered ridiculous. " Presi- 
 dent " Roberts, when despatching the Ridgeway expedi- 
 tion, promised to achieve great things in " ninety days." 
 And now, Cluseret and Stephens were adopting the same 
 limit for their prospective deeds. 
 
 During this period wherein it was estimated that 
 England would not be able to concentrate more than thirty 
 thousand men in Ireland, Stephens and Cluseret calculated 
 that ten thousand men, resolute and acting on their own soil, 
 " would be able to seize upon the most important points 
 for embarkation and the principal roads of communica- 
 tion." These two lines sum up the system of strategy 
 which Cluseret, and after him Kelly, resolved to adopt. 
 In addition to seizing the strategical points it was thought 
 that these ten thousand men, moving rapidly, would draw 
 after them the sympathising multitude, and, with the aid 
 of the latter, crush the English army in the field, before 
 aid could arrive. Having crushed the army, of course 
 there was nothing more to be done. " So," said Cluseret, 
 " raise me ten thousand men and I will command them." 
 It was his ultimatum. When ten thousand men should be 
 raised, he was prepared to lead them. Until then he 
 refused to do more than draw up a plan of campaign, 
 based on the data we have given. On no other terms 
 than these would Cluseret take service with the I. R. B., 
 and on these terms Stephens consented to form an engage- 
 ment with him. 
 
26o The Fenia7i Conspiracy, 
 
 But if Cluseret would not take one single step without 
 the following of ten thousand men, he was quite of 
 another mind as to emolument. He insisted on re- 
 ceiving a large sum to begin with, and to be paid his salary 
 from that very day forward, as it should become due. 
 With his terms the Chief Organiser complied. To obtain 
 the money Stephens sold the Campo Bello steamer, which 
 had been returned to the F. B. by the government of 
 the United States. Cluseret at once engaged two brother 
 adventurers, who, like himself, had served in the Federal 
 armies. One of them, Fariola, an Italian officer of 
 engineers, who had been educated at Brussels, he named 
 his Adjutant-General. The other, Vifquain, a Frenchman, 
 was to be his Lieutenant-General. 
 
 As we wish to say as little more of Cluseret as we 
 can, we shall here sum up, in a very few words, his after 
 career as " Commander-in-Chief of the I. R. B." He 
 obtained a commission from the state of New York, to 
 visit England, with a view to reporting on the constitution 
 of its arsenals, to his employers. With this commission in 
 his pocket, Cluseret started for England. Why he took 
 this course he has not explained. This, however, we 
 can say, that had he played the same game with any 
 European government save that of England, he would 
 have been arrested and executed as a spy, and deservedly. 
 He states that he never once attempted to discharge the 
 duties he had undertaken, that he never saw the inside of 
 a single English arsenal. How much truth there is in 
 this we do not care to enquire ; neither is it necessary. 
 Whether he visited the arsenals or not, Cluseret was in 
 
Stephens in New York, 261 
 
 England under false pretences — about the falsest of pre- 
 tences. As to his duties as Fenian Commander-ifi-Chicf, 
 he discharged them thus far — he drew up a plan of cam- 
 paign ; he accepted his pay, so long as it was forthcoming ; 
 he attended various meetings of the chiefs in London ; he 
 never once set foot in Ireland ; when urged to take the 
 field his response was — " yes, when there are ten thousand 
 men in the field for me to lead ; " finally, when the only 
 serious attempt at insurrection made by the I. R. B. ended 
 in d^ fiasco even more signal than those of Campo Bello and 
 Ridgeway, General Cluserct quitted England and all con- 
 nection with the I. R. B. 
 
 Why Stephens engaged with Cluseret we have partly 
 shown ; he had pledged himself to do so before quitting 
 Paris. But, at least as a conspirator, Stephens never did 
 anything with a single motive. The C. O. was tired of 
 Kelly, — tired of all the American Irish officers ; he wished 
 to get rid of them as he had rid himself of O'Donovan 
 Rossa, etc. Of Cluseret and his associates, being foreigners, 
 he had no jealousy. They were foreigners and could not 
 hope to oust him from his place in the heart of the Irish 
 nation. Having done the work for which he wanted them, 
 he thought it would be easy to retain them in perfect 
 subordination, or dismiss them as he might think fit. And 
 here another consideration forces itself upon us. We have 
 seen Stephens deliberately destroying the conspiracy on 
 both sides of the Atlantic, in order to destroy his rivals 
 with it. These rivals were destroyed, but the conspiracy 
 breathed yet, — breathed strongly, too, under the feverish 
 impulse which recent events had communicated. Was 
 
262 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 Stephens deceived by appearances ? Did he hope to re- 
 store the conspiracy and carry it on to his own sole advan- 
 tage ? It looks like it ; but, if he were thus deceived and 
 thus dared to aspire, he was to be soon undeceived and 
 bitterly disappointed. 
 
 For the present, however, all went gloriously with 
 Stephens. Feeling himself completely superseded in the 
 confidence of that part of the Fenian Brotherhood which 
 advocated the "war in Ireland" policy by the C. O. I. R., 
 the Head Centre brought himself, or was compelled by 
 others, to resign in favour of the former. " My resigna- 
 tion," wrote O'Mahony in a letter to the editor of The 
 Irish People^ " was not altogether voluntary on my part, 
 but I had resolved on that step for some months before it 
 actually took place. My principal reasons were because, 
 after the ist of January 1866, I could not understand Mr 
 Stephens' perseverance in his war programme in Ireland, 
 and because I felt that there was no prospect of an tmited 
 Fenian Brotherhood in this country (the United States), 
 which I believed to be an indispensable requisite to 
 success whilst I held my office in it, surrounded and 
 undermined as I had been for some time by treacherous 
 and wily opponents and personal enemies of all kinds." 
 
 There was a good deal of querulous complaint in this 
 letter, which is a crowning proof that no man was less 
 fitted than O'Mahony to direct a conspiracy. He was 
 weak, irritable, and vacillating ; he allowed his lust of 
 power in too many instances to impel him into question- 
 able actions and contradictory assertions ; he saw that his 
 part was played out ; and yet he persisted in forcing him- 
 
Stephens in New York, 263 
 
 self into prominence on the stage, until he was absolutely 
 kicked off. 
 
 Stephens continued his usual career after his recognition 
 by the "war in Ireland" section of the Fenians as Head 
 Centre. He spoke at numerous meetings, always declar- 
 ing that he would fight in Ireland within the year, and 
 always demanding fresh supplies of money, which he still 
 obtained, though not so abundantly as O'Mahony had 
 obtained it during the latter part of 1864 and the opening 
 months of 1865. So lavishly did the brethren then con- 
 tribute, that the Head Centre boasted of having sent for 
 these months an average of 1000 dollars a day to the agents 
 of the I. R. B. How much was contributed by the Fenians 
 in America will never be known, but the amount is far 
 larger than is suspected. One thing is certain, an amount 
 was sent to the agents of the I. R. B. far in excess of 
 that acknowledged by these agents. 
 
 By this, however, Roberts and his senators had regained 
 some portion of the popularity they had lost by the 
 Ridgeway failure. There was no prosecution of O'Neil 
 and his men ; moreover the arms which had been taken 
 from them by the official of the United States were 
 returned. This was recognising the Roberts section 
 as the Fenian Brotherhood ; nor were the steps we 
 have named the only ones taken in the same direc- 
 tion by the same parties. From that time forward, 
 Roberts and his section became mere tools in the hands 
 of American statesmen, who manipulated them very 
 adroitly during the discussion to which the deeds of the 
 Confederate cruisers gave rise, but only to throw them 
 
264 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 overboard altogether when they had no further use for 
 them. 
 
 Favoured as they were by the powers west of the 
 Atlantic, Roberts and his followers flourished for a time, 
 and diverted large sums from the clutches of Stephens and 
 his gang. Of course the old vituperation was continued 
 between the rival bands with more than the old bitterness, 
 and with the application to individuals of all the old harsh 
 epithets, — as " swindler," " pirate," etc., etc. 
 
 On the 28th of October Stephens made his last appear- 
 ance in public in New York before a monster meeting at 
 Jones's Wood. Here he repeated his old promises and 
 his usual exaggerations. " I speak to you now for the last 
 time," said he, "before returning to my country. There 
 are two thousand men in Ireland as brave as you are, who 
 want to fight more than you do. My last words are that 
 we shall be fighting on Irish soil before the ist of January, 
 and that I shall be there in the midst of my countrymen." 
 Great enthusiasm was displayed, the last declaration of 
 Stephens being received with acclamation. Cluseret adds 
 that there was an enormous amount of whisky-drinking 
 also, and that internal rioting was just as abundant. "The 
 amount of liquor drunk is inconceivable," is the French- 
 man's statement. "What fortunes in liquor then dis- 
 appeared down the throats of Irishmen ! " 
 
 News of this being transmitted to Ireland had due 
 effect therein. The dupes of the conspiracy became as 
 enthusiastic and presumptuous as ever, and the govern- 
 ment more than ever vigilant, llie arrests, which had 
 almost ceased during the summer, were resumed with all 
 
Stephens in New Yo7'L 265 
 
 the rapidity and to the same startHng extent as a year 
 carhcr. In the month of December '66 no less than ninety- 
 seven leaders were seized and imprisoned. This decided 
 course produced a powerful effect. The great mass of the 
 conspirators were awed ; weapons and uniforms were 
 again cast away in heaps, or placed in positions where the 
 police could not fail to find them ; and the leaders slunk 
 out of sight. Up to February 1867 things subsided in 
 peacefulness enough in Ireland. 
 
 Meanwhile the leaders in New York pushed their pre- 
 parations for the outbreak. But as the time drew nigh for 
 embarkation, Stephens — he who had been so boastful of 
 the powers of his organisation and so lavish of promises to 
 fight — began to manifest symptoms of shrinking. This 
 was enough to produce his ruin. And here, as we always 
 prefer to do when we can, we borrow a passage from one 
 connected with the affair, our old acquaintance Cluseret : 
 — " Stephens, who, as it would seem, had by no means 
 deceived himself about his material resources, began to 
 blow cold as he had hitherto blown hot. So long as it 
 was a matter of going onwards, the American-Irish had 
 been tolerably obedient to the despotic requirements of 
 their Head Centre ; but the moment they imagined they 
 saw symptoms of coldness in him, and as month succeeded 
 month, and the end of the year approached, and yet no 
 announcement had been made of the campaign, they be- 
 came indignant and enraged ; in short they deposed 
 Stephens, and his life was even threatened. K(elly), through 
 whom I had become acquainted with Stephens, and who 
 had been the means of assisting him to make his escape 
 
■266 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 from prison, H(alpen), B(ourke), M'(Cafiferty), C(ondon), 
 and several others, were at the head of the movement." 
 So far we transcribe Cluseret, who- gives only the initials 
 (to which we have supplied the remainder of the names) 
 of those who deposed Stephens. Concerning that deposi- 
 tion we must be a little more diffuse. 
 
 Stephens saw what was going on, nor could he help 
 seeing it. There were few of his colleagues who did not 
 treat him with coolness ; most of them went much further. 
 He whose word used to be law so recently, was brow- 
 beaten and overruled in council, often insulted and as 
 often menaced. The last three months of 1866 were 
 spent by him in constant apprehension. Early in Novem- 
 ber he disappeared suddenly from the hotel where he had 
 been living in ostentatious luxury, and betook himself to 
 new quarters, 308 Thirteenth Street. His residence here 
 was known only to his most intimate friends. So careful 
 of his safety was he at this period that pickets were con- 
 stantly posted in the streets leading to his hiding-place. 
 Even now, however, he could not cast off the sensuality 
 that had grown upon him. In Thirteenth Street, where 
 he remained until his departure from America, his weekly 
 bill for board and lodging was forty-five dollars. 
 
 On the 20th of December '65 a meeting of officers was 
 held at New York. The officers above mentioned were 
 present with one or two more, among them being a man 
 then known as Patrick Condon, but who was afterwards to 
 be better known as Godfrey Massey. Formerly an officer 
 in the Confederate service, he, while acting as commercial 
 traveller to a New Orleans firm, joined the Brotherhood, 
 
Stephens in New York, 267 
 
 and rapidly attained high place among them. Stephens 
 presided at this meeting. High words arose between him 
 and the more fiery gentlemen present ; more than one of 
 them denounced him there and then as a traitor, and 
 M'Cafferty, the fiercest character present, drawing a 
 revolver, would have pistolled the Head Centre on the 
 spot, had he not been restrained by his cooler friend Kelly. 
 Here the last did not act out of love towards Stephens ; 
 by this time he had lost all confidence in him ; nay, more, 
 hated him as fiercely as M'Cafiferty himself. But he saw 
 that Stephens's death would have been, in every sense, a 
 catastrophe at the particular time and by that particular 
 hand. At a later date, indeed, and under different circum- 
 stances, the founder of the Assassination Committee did 
 not conceal his opinion that it might become expedient to 
 " do away with " (the euphuism for piurder) Stephens. 
 The latter heard of the remark, and knew the temper of 
 the men he had to deal with ; he took good care never to 
 place himself within their reach. The meeting broke up 
 in disorder. 
 
 The next evening a second meeting was held by the 
 same parties minus Stephens. Here the Head Centre was 
 formally deposed as " a rogue, an impostor, and a traitor." 
 There was an end of the Fenian conspiracy under James 
 Stephens, but not yet of the conspiracy itself. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EVENTS AFTER THE DErOSITION OF STEPHENS. 
 
 From this time, the 21st of December forward, the con- 
 spiracy was evidently in desperate case. By far the most 
 powerful portion of the American branch — that branch 
 which was to have supplied the sinews of war — was devoted 
 to purely American projects. As to the Irish branch, it 
 had no war material, no military experience, and now no 
 head in whom general confidence could be reposed. 
 Worse still, the English government, already well ac- 
 quainted with the conspiracy in all its ramifications, and 
 always kept thoroughly well acquainted with its projects 
 by the blatant failures in America, as well as by American 
 traitors, had, in September '66, obtained the aid of an 
 informer who has had few rivals in his peculiar calling, 
 the now notorious Corydon. 
 
 The man has been much abused by Fenian writers, 
 according to whom himself and all his relatives were 
 persons guilty of all that is infamous. Among those 
 writers there is but one exception, John O'Mahony, 
 and he gives very different testimony. According to 
 him Corydon had done honourable service in the 
 Fenian armies, and trusty service to the Fenian Brother- 
 hood. For many months, indeed, he was the favourite 
 
Events after the Deposition of Stephens, 269 
 
 messenger between the chiefs of the conspiracy, and dur- 
 ing these months, it is admitted, that he did his work well 
 and faithfully. His conduct as an informer shows that he 
 was a man of courage, unwavering firmness, plenty of grasp 
 of mind, and a good deal of skill and general ability. Wc 
 do not mean to justify this person, but we cannot help 
 thinking that there was some truth in the assertion which 
 he frequently repeated at the state trials, to the effect that 
 he turned informer and did his best to break up the 
 conspiracy, because he looked upon it as neither more nor 
 less than just "a swindle." He took the most effectual 
 means, too, for effecting his purpose. Never would he 
 denounce little conspirators ; " I wanted to catch the big 
 ones," was his remark. Another object with him was to 
 .shape his information at the outset so that it should not 
 interfere with his future usefulness, by designating him as 
 a traitor to the Ih-otherhood, until the conspiracy ceased to 
 be formidable. Again, and this we consider a point in his 
 favour, he never attempted to deny that he looked for 
 large reward. He considered that his services deserved 
 such reward ; and so do we. Spies and traitors are neces- 
 sities begotten of conspiracy, especially when that con- 
 spiracy is no less useless than formidable ; and they de- 
 serve their reward. Corydon did great service in frustrat- 
 ing the " Chester " project, which we shall have shortly to 
 notice, service of such importance that it has not yet been 
 appreciated, because it has not yet been understood. This 
 man supplied the British government with exactly what it 
 wanted. He knew every one of the more dangerous con- 
 spirators ; he was deep in their confidence ; he was ac- 
 
270 The Fenia7t Co7isph^acy, 
 
 quainted with all details ; he was the one thing required 
 by the British government to render the final attempts of 
 the conspirators' failures as miserable and complete as had 
 been all their earlier attempts. 
 
 Such being the state of the case — the fate of the con- 
 spiracy being predetermined beyond recall — it is unneces- 
 sary to dwell upon its story with that fulness which we 
 have given to its earlier stages. 
 
 Having despatched Massey the day before with ;^25o — 
 the utmost sum they could spare to Ireland — the three 
 military chiefs, Kelly, Cluseret, and Vifquan, sailed on 
 the nth of January for Paris. They arrived in Europe 
 hardly in time. M'Caffcrty and others had preceded 
 them; and these hot-headed men, finding the other 
 American Irish officers who had not left Europe much 
 discontented with recent management, set to work and 
 formed a Directory which at once took command of the 
 I. R. B. These men were eager for action, and indeed 
 were then taking measures for an immediate outbreak, 
 whose principal scene was to be in England. Kelly, Clu- 
 seret, and Fariolo, were after some difficulty admitted 
 members of the Directory. The existence of this Direc- 
 tory was of course at once made known to the I. R. B. at 
 large, but no more than its existence. Who its members 
 were, was a secret confided to very few. Still the Direc- 
 tory commanded unlimited obedience. 
 
 Immediately after the arrival of, the three, a plan 
 was determined upon. It is one which was known in 
 its fulness only to its projectors, by whom it has been 
 much misrepresented. It happened that at this time 
 
Events after the Deposition of Stephens, 271 
 
 — ^January '6^ — there was a large quantity of arms 
 stored in Chester Castle, which was very scantily garri- 
 soned, and rather carelessly watched. The Directory pro- 
 jected to seize these weapons by concentrating some 
 thousands of Fenians from various northern counties in 
 the city. Manchester, Sheffield, Leeds, all the large 
 manufacturing towns, were to supply contingents who 
 were to travel by rail. Thus, while the numbers conveyed 
 by any one line would be too small to attract observation 
 and excite suspicion, the whole number, when united in 
 Chester, would be formidable enough. These men were 
 provided with revolvers and ammunition. A forlorn hope 
 of thirty was to enter the castle as visitors and seize the 
 gate, mastering, of course, the guard on duty, which it was 
 anticipated would be an easy task. Then the masses 
 behind were to be admitted, and, overpowering the re- 
 mainder of the garrison, possess themselves of the arms. 
 It was a clever plan, and, had the secret been kept, 
 we think it would have succeeded. History abounds- 
 with narratives of attempts at surprise as daring, and much 
 more daring, the vast majority of which were entirely 
 successful. 
 
 Having won Chester Castle, the I. R. 13. were to " Carry 
 off the arms," as say the leaders, "seize the first train to 
 Holyhead — having first cut the telegraph wires and broken 
 up the railways behind— and, arriving at Holyhead, seize 
 one or more stcamiers, cross to Dublin, commence the 
 rising in Ireland." 
 
 But the plan, as revealed by the leaders, was not the 
 whole plan. There was something behind which was not 
 
272 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 revealed. Had success attended the Chester enterprise, 
 Dublin was only one of the objects in view. A portion 
 of the mass accumulated in Chester was to be sent off to 
 London, other portions were to be despatched to other 
 great towns in all parts of the country. Their arrival at 
 each destination was to be the signal for an outbreak 
 therein. Then these cities were to be given over to the 
 tender mercies of the lowest of the mob. It was not ex- 
 pected that they could be held for any length of time. 
 But, in the first place, it would be an act of vengeance on 
 England which would be grateful to the I. R. B ; and, in 
 the second place, it would create consternation in England, 
 and cause the concentration of her strength at home.- 
 Thus Ireland would be denuded of soldiers, and the suc- 
 cess of insurrection therein rendered certain. Such was 
 the full plan ; a most formidable one it will be seen — 
 very terrible as to Ireland, but infinitely more terrible 
 with regard to England — for those who know the Irish 
 mob of our great cities as we know them, cannot but feel 
 that a sudden outbreak on their part, under such circum- 
 stances as those of February '6jy would have been followed 
 by appalling events. The threat in Kelly's letter will 
 be remembered. 
 
 So far as the directors were concerned, there was no 
 failure. The contingents designated were duly sent from 
 their respective localities, all duly provided. They reached 
 Chester according to arrangement. The leaders, of whom 
 M'Cafiferty and Halpen were the principal, were there to 
 •meet them. So far all had gone well for them ; but when 
 they proceeded to effect the rest of their purpose, it was 
 
Events after the Deposition of Stephens. 273 
 
 found that the Castle had been stripped of its weapons 
 some days before, and that the garrison were on the alert. 
 There was nothing for it but to send back the men to 
 their homes, which was done. Thus the great Chester 
 plot, from which so much was anticipated, when it came 
 to be realised, took the appearance of a hoax. It was 
 more ridiculous than O'Neil's campaign at Ridgeway. 
 
 The Chester plot failed, because Corydon had obtained 
 information, not complete, but still sufficient for his 
 purpose, and communicated that information to the 
 British Government, which took the necessary precau- 
 tions. Considering the good service he did England 
 In this instance, who will assert that the informer over- 
 rated his claim for reward t Had the Chester plot suc- 
 ceeded, who can calculate the loss that would have 
 followed to England .'* 
 
 The Government might have captured the directors, or 
 the greater portion of them, at this period, had it 
 thought fit to do so. Their persons and their hiding places 
 — which were not hiding places, since they were situated 
 in the centre of London — were all well known. But it 
 would not have been good policy to do so. Experience 
 had shown that the arrest of the chiefs would not now 
 check the conspiracy ; it had grown too large for that. 
 Obviously it would be better to leave them at large ; to 
 let them proceed to action ; and then to crush them and 
 the conspiracy at once and for ever. One of the direc- 
 tors, however, was a man too dangerous to be dealt with 
 in this way ; it was M'Cafferty. On the 23d of February, 
 5ome twelve days after the Chester failure, M'Cafferty 
 
 II. S 
 
2 74 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 was arrested in Dublin just as he stepped out of a White- 
 haven coHier. He was tried in the following May, found 
 guilty on every count, by an Irish jury — almost the inva- 
 riable fate of those ultra- Irish conspirators — and sen- 
 tenced to death — a sentence which shows the estimation 
 in which he was held by enemies, as well as friends. It 
 is needless to say that the sentence was never intended to 
 be executed. It was commuted to penal servitude for 
 life — a commutation which was further commuted for re- 
 lease in 1 87 1. For four years, then, this desperate man,, 
 who had been trained in a desperate school — he had 
 been one of Morgan's guerrillas — was to be a prisoner. 
 
 The Chester attempt was frustrated, thanks to Corydon; 
 whose part in the affair was yet unknown, but nothing 
 else. The Government had given no indication of know- 
 ledge of the projected rising in Ireland, and preparations 
 for that rising went on as if nothing had happened. It was 
 looked forward to with eager enthusiasm by the I. R. B.^ 
 and not the less so, since it was countenanced by Stephens. 
 
 Here it is time to say a word of the deposed Head 
 Centre — the last we shall have occasion to say of him for 
 many a day. His deposition had been communicated to 
 him immediately; but this he regarded as a thing of small 
 consequence, a mere temporary affair which would soon 
 be forgotten, and which could not affect his standing in 
 Ireland. He was the more disposed to think so, since 
 Kelly, the unquestionable leader of the Irish Americans,, 
 still spoke him fair. Kelly even sent Stephens a ticket 
 for passage by the same steamer as himself— for Kelly 
 was now treasurer and paymaster Some say that the 
 
Events after the Deposition of Stephens, 275 
 
 ticket, by design on the part of the sender, reached 
 Stephens too late ; others, with at least as much probabi- 
 lity, assert that the Head Centre designedly neglected to 
 avail himself of it. As it happened he did not sail with 
 Kelly, but a few days later, for the same destination, 
 France — with the purpose of fixing himself in Paris. Pre- 
 vious to his own departure, he hurried a devoted member 
 of the I. R. B. by steamer to Ireland, with the last 
 despatch which he ever wrote to his dupes. It was 
 couched in fiery language, abounded in hatred to Eng- 
 land, and wound up by proclaiming immediate war — 
 " war to the knife with the tyrants." " Should Kelly 
 arrive before me," wrote Stephens, " and call on the men 
 of Ireland to rise, let them as one man, and make war to 
 the knife. I will be with them, for I will go by the 
 next steamer." This despatch was directed to the 
 Cork Centre — was duly received, and had much to 
 do with what followed. The Chester failure had shaken 
 the confidence of the Munster men in the Directory; 
 and as those who fail are always in the wrong, their 
 conduct to Stephens, which however was not known to 
 the full extent, but some inkling of which had got out 
 among the I. R. B., was much blamed. Blame in such a 
 case was but the prelude to disobedience, which again 
 would very certainly lead to assertion of independence. 
 Such consequences, however, were prevented by this 
 despatch. It seemed to show that the Directors were 
 acting in unison with Stephens, and men were content 
 to follow the Directors a little longer. As to Stephens, 
 he never quitted Paris for years, and exercised no further 
 influence over the I. R. B. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE RISING OF THE 5TH OF MARCH. 
 
 The rising had originally been fixed for the nth of 
 
 February, but the Chester failure had changed all that. 
 
 By some means or other, not necessary to investigate, 
 
 the leaders had managed to transmit information of the 
 
 change of date to the 5th of March, to most quarters. A 
 
 few country districts, however, had not been warned, 
 
 and here some paltry attempts at insurrection were made. 
 
 Down in Kerry a coastguard station was surprised and a 
 
 single policeman wounded. This unfortunate was rather 
 
 strangely treated. Several shots were fired into his body 
 
 after he had been brought down ; and then, by a singular 
 
 revulsion of feeling, his assailants raised him carefully, 
 
 with expressions of sorrow, bore him lo a neighbouring 
 
 hovel, and left him with the promise to send him a priest 
 
 and a doctor — a promise which was faithfully executed. 
 
 This was the amount of mischief done and of success 
 
 attained in Ireland on the nth of February 1867. 
 
 For the rising itself there could have been but small 
 hope of success in the breasts of even the most sanguine 
 leaders. In anticipation thereof Massey, one of the fore- 
 most leaders, had been despatched to Ireland by the 
 Directors, then sitting in London ; the principal scene of 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March, 277 
 
 meeting being the lodgings of Kelly in Clunes Street — to 
 investigate the state of affairs. His report concern- 
 ing the two principal centres of conspiracy — the two in 
 which by far the most activity had been displayed and 
 the greatest enthusiasm excited — Dublin and Cork — will 
 show how exceedingly ill prepared were the I. R. B. for 
 war. Massey stated that in Dublin there were 15,000 
 effective men and in Cork 1 8,000. But to arm these 
 bodies there were only 1500 pikes in Dublin, and about 
 double the number in the capital of the south. As to 
 rifles, bayonets, pistols, equipments, etc. — the amount was 
 trifling, while there was absolutely no artillery — with the 
 exception of a few wooden models, such as the one after- 
 wards dug up in a field near Middlcton, county Cork. 
 
 Massey accomplished his mission by the 24th of Feb- 
 ruary, when he returned to London to report, and to 
 receive fresh funds and final instructions from Kelly. 
 Massey, we may observe, was the man whose duty it was 
 to " mobilise " the army of the Irish Republic ; and he, 
 the incipient informer, had actually been appointed com- 
 mander-in-chief until Cluseret could be persuaded to take 
 the post. As to the Frenchman he resolutely persisted in 
 taking no step whatever until the ten thousand men he 
 specified should be in the field. In vain Kelly — who con- 
 fessed that he was not sanguine of success — pressed him 
 to lower his standard, and move with five thousand men ; 
 Cluseret was not to be persuaded. Cluseret's two com- 
 panions were not quite of the same mind. One of them, 
 Fariola, told him that he was determined to see the affair 
 to the end. But he did not tell him what, however, Clu- 
 
278 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 scret soon learnt from other quarters, — that he (Fariola) 
 was himself intriguing to oust Massey from his post. 
 
 I quote here from Eraser's Magazine — which printed a 
 remarkable paper on the subject by Cluseret in 1874, and 
 which has never been controverted — 
 
 " During all this time," writes Cluseret — the period 
 between the 20th of January and the 24th of February — "I 
 had both thought and enquired a great deal in London, 
 especially from Mazzini, one of my most faithful friends, 
 although we were not of the same mind on the social 
 question, Ledru-Rollin, Bradlaugh, Karl Blind, and others. 
 By Mazzini I was introduced to P., F. & C, and many 
 other influential members of the Reform League.* I saw 
 at once that I was upon the wrong tack, and that the 
 Irish question could only be settled by English co- 
 operation. 
 
 " I met with sympathy as warm with Ireland and her 
 federal enfranchisement amongst old Chartists to whom 
 I had brought letters of introduction, as I did amongst 
 the members of the Reform League. I had even a 
 nocturnal interview with members of the Executive Com- 
 mittee, in the course of which I was assured that, if the 
 Irish desired to join hand in hand with them, they would 
 certainly be welcome, and that they would make a plat- 
 form which should be acceptable to both parties. I com- 
 municated these proposals to the most influential members 
 of the Provisional Fenian Government. The most intelli- 
 gent amongst them were of opinion that it would be well to 
 
 * We could fill up every one of the names of which Cluseret only gives the 
 initials, but refrain, for various reasons. 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March. 2 79 
 
 come to an understanding; others, the more narrow- 
 minded, would listen to nothing except the " Irish Centres." 
 I was cut short, and, taking with me these men, the most 
 influential, as well as belonging to the highest class in the 
 Fenian hierarchy, I repaired with them to the house of 
 one of the most important members of the Committee of 
 the Reform League, and there the basis of an agreement 
 betwcci Fenian ism and the Reform League was agreed 
 upon. 
 
 " It vas at the close of these negotiations that the 
 meeting in Trafalgar Square took place, and certainly, if 
 the polic; and army had chosen to oppose it, I can assure 
 them that on that day all the Fenians in London, who arc 
 many, wculd have withstood them like one man, and a 
 good maiy resolute Englishmen would have aided them. 
 Governnrnt was well advised to let them alone and take 
 their cou-se. In France it would have been a revolu- 
 tion." 
 
 To retirn to the insurrection. On his arrival in London, 
 Massey \Aas apprised that the night of Shrove Tuesday 
 had been determined upon for the momentous outbreak. 
 According to the principles of Cluseret, the insurgents 
 were to mister at the strategical points in order to prevent 
 the conceitration of troops. Here they were to mass as 
 strongly is possible, collect provisions, and throw up 
 defences. Meanwhile other bodies — in no case to number 
 more thai five hundred — were to scour the country, each, 
 however, :onfining itself to its own district. The move- 
 ments of these flying columns were to be based partly on 
 the five Q* six detached mountain systems of Ireland, and 
 
28o The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 partly on the strategical points. They were to hold to. 
 the one for defensive purpose, to the other in order to give 
 'iem' aid and also to receive supplies. Their warfare was 
 to be in a great measure that of guerrillas. In all quarters 
 their positions and districts were assigned so as to flank 
 the great roads, and thus to render the movement of the 
 English columns difficult and dangerous. The plan was a 
 shrewd one. It shows that Cluseret understood his trade,, 
 and had studied the physical geography of the cointry to 
 some purpose. These detached mountain systims — in 
 Antrim, Donegal, Connaught, Kerry, Cork, and Wcklow — 
 with the great central depression and the lateral valleys 
 branching out therefrom, as the fingers branch )ut from 
 the palm when the hand is extended, have deternined the 
 whole history of the country. In the earlier ^es they 
 divided it as certainly into separate states, as if thtse states 
 had been fixed in so many islands. The plutardiy found 
 existing in Ireland at the period of the conquest was the 
 natural result of its conformation. So also was the con- 
 quest. A powerful invader seizing Dublin, the outlet of 
 the central plain, and occupying that plain itelf, could 
 not fail to split up the Irish race into fragments,and over- 
 whelm it in detail. And while the invader held the 
 central plain and its outlet, all rebellion must bedetached 
 and futile. It was precisely what happened. Cluseret 
 planned a war of posts. His only hope lay in polonging 
 rebellion until some foreign power should ntervcne. 
 England, powerful as she was, and holding tie central 
 position, could keep the rebellion in check everywhere, 
 while directing the mass of her army on its varias centres 
 
The Rising of the 5 th of March. 281 
 
 in succession, and thus crush it out. How this plan was 
 carried out we shall soon see. 
 
 Before we speak of what occurred it will be as well to 
 mention some of the leaders, with the districts to which, 
 they were assigned. Massey was to mobilise the army 
 along with Fariola ; " General " Halpen, alias " Thomas," * 
 along with a deserter from an English cavalry regiment,, 
 one Lennon, was to command in Dublin ; in Tipperary — 
 the fighting county />ar excellence — one of the best of the 
 American Irish officers was to command ; " Captain '* 
 John Edward Kelly, — a printer, like his namesake, and • 
 the man whose accidental death in London, in 1869, when 
 he was known as " Farrel," caused so much excitement 
 among the I. R. B. and so much speculation as to his 
 identity with the public in general, — this Kelly was to 
 lead " the forlorn hope " in Cork. With him were con- 
 joined Captain M'Clure, another Irish American, and 
 Peter Crowby. One Colonel Leonard was to lead in 
 Drogheda; Colonel Ricard Burke was posted at Macroone ; 
 Captain Mackay was to head the rising in that part of Cork 
 which surrounds Bally Knockan, etc. 
 
 "On the evening of the day on which M(assey) and 
 F(ariola) ought to have commenced their campaign," 
 writes Cluseret, "I chanced to meet the former about 
 eleven o'clock at night, completely drunk, and smoking- 
 expensive cigars and making a display of his money." As 
 Massey was on that critical night, so was many another 
 " Fenian Hero " leader. Such were the men who were to 
 revolutionise Ireland ! " I went immediately to" rouse up 
 K(elly)," continues Cluseret, " in order to entreat him by 
 
:282 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 ;all means to have M(assey) put into safe keeping, and to 
 deprive him both of authority and money. Unfortunately 
 I was too late; I could not find K(elly)." The last Head 
 Centre for Ireland — such was now the position of Kelly — 
 was absent for a very good reason, — he was himself pretly 
 much in the condition of Massey. 
 
 Such being the conduct of the chiefs on the eve of an 
 insurrection, otherwise promising very little, Cluseret saw 
 that it was quite time to break off all connection with it. 
 He therefore started at once for France. Kelly remained 
 in London. 
 
 The leaders of the rising congregated at a public house 
 near Beggars Bush Barrack, Dublin, on the 2d of March. 
 The place was kept by a man named Brady. Corydon 
 was one of those present. Here final arrangements were 
 made, while the informer drank in every word and trea- 
 sured them carefully in his memory, to repeat them before 
 many hours were over to the authorities. Due precautions 
 ■were taken by the latter. On the night of the fourth, 
 Massey was arrested at Limerick junction when he was on 
 the point of assuming command in probably the most 
 important centre of rebellion. Vifquan, another leader, 
 appointed to a command hardly inferior in importance, 
 that of Connaught, did not appear at all. Several other 
 prominent chiefs, among them Fariola, were arrested, like 
 Massey, at the critical moment. In consequence, great 
 numbers of the I. R. B., finding nobody to lead them, 
 broke up without a blow; Connaught did not move at all ; 
 in short, the whole plan was dislocated. The little fighting 
 that took place was of no consequence and soon ceased. 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March. 283 
 
 We arc shown how desperate were the circumstances 
 under which this rcbelHon was undertaken, in a letter 
 penned shortly afterwards by one of the Munster chiefs. 
 He was writing in vindication of his character, for after the 
 failure everybody distrusted his neighbour, and many were 
 stigmatised as traitors without the smallest cause. 
 
 " I. myself was expected to be in two places at the same 
 time. While I was looked for in one quarter, I was actu- 
 ally two miles off in another, committing a felony on a 
 trade society that my very traducers might have means of 
 subsistence, and therefore have no pretence for plundering 
 during the anticipated march to Limerick Junction. I 
 and my companions were on the road when we were met 
 by an aide-de-camp from the chief, and ordered to fall back. 
 He had received information of the arrest of Massey, and 
 suspected treachery. I myself ran much greater risk from 
 friends than foes. I was denounced as an informer. 
 Shortly afterwards my wife overhearing a conversation 
 respecting me, we took refuge in Liverpool Workhouse, as 
 a precautionary measure." 
 
 The outbreak was arrested in like manner in many other 
 quarters. Like the writer of the foregoing letter, most of 
 the local chiefs fled to England as the safest refuge. 
 
 The insurgents were completely disappointed in their 
 principal trust, the promised disaffection of the soldiery. 
 Not a man quitted his colours. This was owing to the 
 facts — that the majority of the disaffected had deserted 
 already, and that the regimental centres had all been 
 arrested. As it happened, the rebels and the soldiers 
 never came into serious collision. The constabulary did 
 
284 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 all the fighting, and for the most part did it well, although 
 they fought in every case one against a hundred. The 
 I. R. B. were not cowards ; they were simply unarmed, or 
 nearly so, and reposed just as little confidence in their 
 leaders as the latter deserved. 
 
 In the Dublin districts three police barracks were 
 attacked. None of them held a strong garrison. Two 
 them were captured, one of them by a manoeuvre which 
 deserves all reprobation. Having captured the first 
 Step-aside Police Station after a short defence, the insur- 
 gents marched on to Glencullcn. Here the police were 
 more stubborn, manifested an intention of resisting to 
 the last, inflicted some loss on the rebels, and were evi- 
 dently prepared to inflict more, when they were apprised 
 that the prisoners taken at Step-aside wjould be placed in 
 front of the assault should they persist in making further 
 fire. 
 
 It is but justice to the commander, Lennox, to state 
 that he opposed the proposal with all his authority. That 
 however, was small. Halpen did the same, and very 
 narrowly escaped slaughter for his temerity. The rank 
 and file were determined to have their own way. This pro- 
 duced the surrender of Glcncullen. At Tallaght, another 
 police station, the results were simply disastrous to the 
 insurgents. The police resisted stoutly, until another 
 body of police coming up placed the rebels between two 
 fires, whereupon the latter ran, to fall — or such of them as 
 were worth capture — into the hands of the military, who 
 had left Dublin some short time before for the scene of 
 action. In fact, the soldiers in this quarter had nothing 
 
The Rising of the "^th of March, 285 
 
 to do but make prisoners, of whom they secured two 
 hundred and fifty. 
 
 Everywhere else events were much the same. There were 
 attacks on police patrols and police barracks, which led to 
 nothing save the loss of life, and the defeat, immediate or 
 nearly so, of the rebels. 
 
 At Middlcton, in Cork, a body of the I. R. B. meeting 
 a police patrol, slew one of the number. Its next pro- 
 ceeding was to attack a police barrack, from whence it 
 was soon driven with the loss of its leader. At Bally- 
 knocken, five policemen were captured, but only when the 
 roof was set on fire above them. At Ardagh, in Limerick, 
 the assailants met with a valiant resistance and were 
 thoroughly well beaten. The rebels met with the like 
 fortune at Kilfeach, in Tipperary ; at Emly and Gurtover, 
 in the same county ; and at Kilbalin in Kerry. 
 
 The most remarkable of these affairs, between insurgents 
 and policemen defending their barracks, took place at 
 Kilmallock. There were fourteen men within and half as 
 many hundreds without. It was a repetition of the affair 
 at Tallaght, except as to its length ; here the fight went 
 on for three hours. Then eleven other policemen coming 
 up in relief, sent a volley into the mob, which, totally 
 unprepared for such an attack, was thrown into confusion. 
 Seeing this, the policemen within the barracks and those 
 without lowered their- bayonets simultaneously, dashed 
 at the mob, and drove the whole mass in headlong flight 
 before them. 
 
 In the open but one affair worth notice took place — 
 that at Kilcloney Wood. Here a number of men, including 
 
286 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 many of the fugitives from the assaults on Kihnallock^ 
 etc., had taken refuge. A flying column being directed 
 upon them from Waterford, the wood was surrounded and 
 penetrated. The rank and file of the rebels were allowed 
 to filter through the cordon, the leaders only — M'Clure, 
 Kelly, and Crowley — were wanted. The three were found 
 cowering in the centre of a thicket. Dashing away in 
 flight, M'Clure was pursued and captured by a, 'civilian, 
 Mr Redmond, a local magistrate, who had some difficulty 
 in saving his prisoner from the bayonets of the military. 
 The latter were exasperated by the stigma which had 
 been cast upon the service by the conduct of certain com- 
 rades, and by the insolent vaunts made of their treasonable 
 inclinations by the I. R. B. It was well for the latter that 
 they had much more to do with the police than with the 
 military. Kelly, who was discovered crouching in a ditch, 
 surrendered on being summoned to do so. Crowley, out- 
 pacing both his companions, had reached a stream, and 
 was in the act of leaping across, with his back to the foe 
 of course, when several bullets struck him and he fell, 
 mortally wounded, into the river. He was drawn to the 
 bank. All that could be done for him was done by his 
 captors, during the short time he survived. Such was 
 the affair of Kilcloney Wood, of which so much has 
 been said and sung by the I. R. B. 
 
 The Irish Rebellion of the 5th of March 1867 was even 
 a greater Y QVAs^n fiasco than any that had preceded it. 
 
 Its immediate results were a multitude of state trials, 
 169 prisoners, selected from those made on and after the 
 5th, were placed at the bar. Of these 1 10 pleaded guilty. 
 
The Rising of the 5 ///- of March. 287 
 
 52 were found guilty, only 7 were acquitted. It was the- 
 usual end of such trials — the one striking feature of this 
 conspiracy, which boasted of having all Ireland with it. 
 Of the 169 about one half were punished with im- 
 prisonment or penal servitude — punishment subsequently 
 remitted in most cases. 
 
 In America the Irish Rising was awaited with deep- 
 interest and extravagant hope. The latter was converted 
 into deepest depression when the news of the event arrived.. 
 Nevertheless this was the moment selected by the O'Ma- 
 hony wing, now under the command of" General Gleeson'^ 
 — the man whose conduct while in the Federal army had 
 attracted the attention of the House of Commons — ta 
 perpetrate its last fiasco. Gleeson's wing purchased a 
 small vessel, variously known as the " Jacknel " and the 
 " Erin's Hope," of only 115 tons burthen, placed on board 
 a quantity of rifles and 115 adventurers, and sent it to sea 
 on the 1 2th of April. After a good deal of ainlless cruising, 
 which at one period led them so far south as the West 
 Indies, the voyagers sighted Ireland on the 2 1st of May. 
 They anchored in the Bay of Sligo two days later. The 
 Directory, sitting in London, forewarned of the expedition, 
 had deputed one of its members, Ricard Burke, to meet 
 this vessel on the west coast of Ireland. Establishing his 
 head-quarters in Sligo, Burke hired a fishing-boat, and 
 spent many days in cruising in vain in search of the "Jack- 
 nel." He was absent on one of these excursions when the 
 brig arrived. Instead of awaiting his return, those in the 
 " Jacknel" set off in search of him ; thus 'more time was. 
 lost. It was not until the twenty-fifth that the boat and 
 
288 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 the brig met. Burke had a long interview with the adven- 
 turers, two of. whom, "Colonels" Warren and Nagle, he 
 took with him to Sligo. The " Jacknel" then shaped her 
 course for Dungarvon, but there was nobody there to 
 receive her. By this time the party on board were weary 
 of their trip, which seemed to have neither aim nor end, 
 and grew mutinous. Three of them insisted on landing, 
 and were captured the very same day. The rest remained 
 in the vessel, which returned with all speed to New York. 
 
 Warren and Nagle met with the fate of their friends set 
 ashore at Dungarvon within a week, being arrested on the 
 1st of June. They were brought to trial, but released on 
 condition of returning to America. There Nagle ended 
 his life by throwing himself from a window, in September 
 1869, as some say, or as others maintain by being stabbed 
 in a drunken brawl. The Jacknel expedition compelled 
 the resignation of Glceson, who was succeeded by John 
 Savage, the literary man par excellence of the F. B., and 
 the gentleman whom the courteous rulers of the States 
 attempted to force upon England not long before as Consul 
 for Leeds. 
 
 By this time the I. R. B. was split up into a greater 
 number of wings than the F. B. ; in fact, it was all wings 
 and no body. It would be exceedingly difficult to give 
 anything like an accurate picture of it in June 1867. The 
 Chester failure and the issue of the rising of the 5th of 
 March had disgusted the more Irish members of the home 
 branch of the conspiracy with their Irish - American 
 leaders. The Dublin, Cork, and Connaught circles, broke 
 away bodily from them; but, at the same time, broke 
 
The Rising of the ^th of Alar ch. 289 
 
 away from one another also. There was a directory 
 established in DubHn, which exercised a good deal of 
 authority in Leinster, and which was obeyed by detached 
 •circles in the other provinces, as well as by circles here and 
 lliere in England. There was another directory in Cork, 
 which controlled Minister, with a few isolated circles else- 
 where. And there was the original directory in London, 
 with Kelly as Head Centre, which was recognised in Eng- 
 land, while it pretended to govern the whole of the I. R. B. 
 This last was by far the most formidable of the fragments. 
 Kelly was doing his best to carry out the ideas of Cluseret 
 by amalgamating his branch of the I. R. B. with English 
 Democracy. 
 
 Meanwhile the Roberts Wing took a fit of common 
 sense, and set itself to work to reunite the various frag- 
 ments of the conspiracy on both sides of the Atlantic. It 
 began with the I. R. B. After a good deal of preliminary 
 negotiations, in which two persons — O'Donoghue and 
 Cook, the latter a near relative to an O. I. R. — took much 
 part, Daniel O'SuUivan, " Secretary for Civil Affairs " to 
 the Roberts Wing was sent as a plenipotentiary to the 
 I. R. B., sailing from New York on the lOth of May. He 
 visited the principal centres, was well received in Ireland, 
 and variously received in England, where he was firmly 
 opposed by Kelly, a strong partisan of the Savage-Mahony 
 wing. Still he managed to persuade a respectable number 
 of circles to elect delegates who were to meet President 
 Roberts in Paris and arrange matters. Roberts arrived in 
 l\'iris about the middle of the July following, met the dele- 
 gates of the I. R. B., or of that part of it which consented 
 
 II. T 
 
290 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 to send delegates, and came to an agreement with them. 
 To that covenant — formally drawn and duly signed and 
 sealed by the President of the Roberts Wing of the F. B- 
 on the one side, and by those delegates representing a 
 portion of the I. R. B. on the other side — was given the 
 magniloquent title of "The Treaty of Paris." It stipu- 
 lated that the Roberts Wing of the F. B. was to supply 
 the I. R. B. with all they required to prepare rebellion ; 
 and at the same time, to prepare themselves an invasion of 
 Canada. On their part, the delegates agreed to recognise 
 this wing as the only legitimate organisation of the F. B.„ 
 and to act in harmony with it on all occasions. They 
 agreed also to procure the election of a " Supreme Coun- 
 cil," which was to control the I. R. B. and to ratify "the 
 Treaty of Paris." 
 
 Having effected this much, Roberts returned to America, 
 leaving O'Sullivan behind him to labour at the construction 
 of the Supreme Council. On his return to America Roberts 
 found that a great change had taken place in the ranks of 
 the F. B. There was a wide demand for union, for the 
 abdication of the rival presidents, and for the election of 
 John Mitchell as President of the whole Brotherhood.. 
 Roberts and Savage gave way to the general cry, agreed to- 
 abdicate, and united in convoking a Congress of the F. B. 
 at Cleveland, to discuss the whole matter. This Congress. 
 met on the 3d of September 1867. Herein it was decided 
 that the Constitution of Philadelphia should be re-adopted,, 
 and that John Mitchell should be invited to take the pre- 
 sidency under its provisions. A deputation accordingly 
 ■was commissioned to wait on him and make the offer. 
 
The Rising of the %th of March. 29 1 
 
 But before his reply could be received, events occurred in 
 England which must now be noticed. 
 
 While labouring at the scheme originated by Cluseret^ 
 and at the same time doing all he could to frustrate 
 O'Sullivan in setting up a Supreme Council over the 
 I.R. B. — tasks which kept him constantly in motion — 
 Kelly was arrested at Manchester, on the nth of Septem- 
 ber, a week after the opening of the Congress of Cleveland. 
 He was then in company with "Captain" Dacey, or 
 Daisy, a desperado of the M'Caffcrty type, who was made 
 prisoner likewise. This Dacey was said to have been 
 originally a working tailor. His portrait shows about one 
 of the most repulsive faces that one w^ould care to see. 
 This event was immediately communicated to the directors 
 in London, who, despairing of his release, immediately 
 elected Ricard Burke to the post they considered vacant. 
 Burke did not long enjoy his pre-eminence — "Captain" 
 John ICdward Kelly, a printer, like the other Kelly, and a 
 near relative — knowing well that it would go hard with 
 the organiser of the Assassination Committee — that indeed 
 nothing could save his neck should he remain in duresse^ 
 determined to rescue him, cost what it might. In a mar- 
 vellously short space of time his plan was formed, and all 
 the necessary arrangements made. Manchester abounded 
 in members of the I. R. B. of the true resolute type. There 
 were hundreds among them ready, at any moment, to peril 
 life and more than life, in " the cause," and for the security 
 of the leaders who represented the cause. 
 
 The night after Kelly's arrest was a busy one in the great 
 manufacturing city. The morning came, and Kelly and his 
 
2Q2 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 companion were brought before the magistrate. The plan 
 of rescue was fourfold ; but owing to the precautions of the 
 police the first part — an attempt within the court itself — had 
 to be abandoned. So had the second — an attempt at the 
 spot where the prisoners were transferred from the court 
 to the carriage which was to convoy them to prison. 
 Along the route to the prison, at suitable points, two other 
 strong parties, every man of which was armed to the 
 teeth, were ambushed. The first of these ambuscades 
 was successful. The van was surrounded, the guards 
 were overpowered, the door was blown open by a pistol 
 shot which slew the police sergeant, Brett, who kept guard 
 inside, and the prisoners were released amid demonstra- 
 tions of wild delight from their deliverers. " Kelly, I'll die 
 for you," exclaimed one youthful enthusiast, kissing his 
 manacled hand ; and so he did. He was one of the three 
 who paid for their share in this — the only real success that 
 the I. R. B. ever achieved — with their lives. 
 
 Two of these unfortunates were not principals ; they 
 were merely actors, as forward as their fellows, where all 
 were forward. The third, Mullady or Shaw, was the com- 
 mander of the band, and the only one wlio should have 
 suffered the extreme penalty. Whether that penalty would 
 have been inflicted at all under other circumstances is more 
 than doubtful. We can see no difference between the 
 slaughter of a police officer in effecting the rescue of Colonel 
 Kellyand Captain, and the slaughter of a police officer in the 
 attempt of Captain Mackay to escape arrest. Of the two 
 there was more to be said in favour of the slaughterers in 
 the first than in favour of the slayer in the second ; for 
 
The Rising of the ^th of Mai'ch, 293 
 
 the death of Brett Vvas much of a misadventure. But the 
 doings of the I. R. B. and of the F. B. abroad, their crimes 
 and folHes, their assassinations and their fiascos^ their 
 manifest wish to involve us in foreign warfare as well as 
 civil commotion, their insolence on all occasions, and a 
 dread not altogether ill-founded of certain incendiary in- 
 tentions, had alarmed the whole English nation. The 
 Manchester affair gave that alarm a tinge of ferocity. 
 Another event was to raise the anger of England to a 
 dangerous height. But before we treat of that circum- 
 stance we must return to the Congress of Cleveland. 
 
 The deputation empowered to offer John Mitchell the 
 presidency of the Fenian Brotherhood met with a stern 
 and uncompromising refusal. He would have nothing 
 more to do with the F. B. A few months later he saw fit 
 to give his reasons for this refusal in a letter addressed to 
 his friend John Martin, but really intended for publication, 
 and which was published accordingly. The resume which 
 it contains of Fenianism is somewhat rhetorical, but still 
 so admirable that wc give it : — 
 
 " In the United States Fenianism is still in confusion 
 and disarray, so that the force of the great Irish element 
 here is completely neutralised, and for any Irish purpose 
 utterly unavailable. This is not because of the disunion 
 about which so much lament has been made, but because 
 of the original vice of the organisation itself; it was 
 established upon a wrong and false basis by that wretched 
 Stephens, namely, upon the project of immediate insurrec- 
 tion in Ireland, while England is at peace, that insurrec- 
 tion to be aided by forces and arms from this country. 
 
294 1^^^^ Feniaji Conspiracy. 
 
 contrary to the laws of the United States. The project 
 was in itself wild, and could only be made to look feasible 
 by systematic delusion and imposture. Our people are 
 credulous, enthusiastic, impatient, — a tempting material for 
 the charlatan. 
 
 " False pretences have been the main machinery 
 
 of the organisation from the first ; people in Ireland have 
 been deluded by false representations of the power and 
 resources of the Irish-American * nation ' here ; and the 
 Irish-Americans here have been grossly deceived as to the 
 power and resources of the revolutionary element in Ire- 
 land. Yet it would not be true to say that our country- 
 men were deliberately cheating each other from the two 
 opposite sides of the Atlantic. No ; one man cheated 
 them both, and created a system, and trained a school of 
 delusion, which is only now beginning to be completely 
 blown. 
 
 " Nine years ago, to my knowledge, young men settled 
 in western cities, wound up their business, sold everything 
 they had, and started for Ireland on the faith of assurances 
 that the insurrection was to break out that year. And so 
 it has been every year since ; Mr Stephens's Fenian army 
 in Ireland was for ever on the point of fighting the British 
 army, and as our bold young men here have naturally 
 been desirous to be counted in for that promised fight, the 
 stream of Irish-Americans still continued setting towards 
 Ireland, until, after our great war, the stream almost 
 became a torrent. All those people were deceived by 
 systematic falsehoods about the ' Men at home.' 
 . " And the men at home were carefully taught to believe 
 
The Rising of the ^ih of March, 295 
 
 that here in America was a great powerful Irish nation, 
 with unlimited resources and an army and navy, both 
 wilh'ng and able to give them important material aid in 
 troops and arms, with the connivance or even in spite of 
 the United States government. So they prepared for im- 
 mediate fight, and wondered that this American army was 
 not yet landed. And in all this there was no empty 
 bravado on the part of the deluded people at either side 
 of the ocean. They were ready ; they are always ready 
 and eager ; they crave, they thirst and hunger for but one 
 chance of fighting that same British army. Thousands 
 upon thousands of stalwart men now on this continent 
 would give their last dollar freely if they could but make 
 .sure of seeing themselves face to face with Queen Victoria's 
 redcoats. Moreover, it is quite true that there is here in 
 America (not counting the people in Ireland at all) the 
 material of a force, a force of soldiery trained in the Con- 
 federate and Federal armies, strong enough to free Ireland 
 — that is to destroy the British Empire, which means the 
 .same thing." Here Mr Mitchell dwells, in the same strain, 
 for several sentences on Irish military material in America. 
 *' The force is great," he continues, " but it is at one side 
 of the Atlantic, and its * objective point ' is another. And 
 why not go, then, where its work lies all ready for it ? 
 Simply because the government of the country we reside 
 in will not suffer that, and is able to hinder and bound to 
 hinder that. In any force which would be at all worth 
 counting, an expedition to Ireland would be morally and 
 physically impossible, and the original vice of Fenianism 
 lay in telling credulous innocent people that they could not 
 
296 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 get the length of fighting at all while England is at peace, 
 and in exhorting them to pour out their money under 
 that false pretence. 
 
 "To heighten and stimulate the delusion still more, the 
 assumption was made that the Irish race on this continent 
 is a nation, has a right to declare itself a republic, to con- 
 stitute a government, with secretaries of state, army, and 
 navy, government bonds, and so forth ; and these grand 
 pretensions and fine phrases were not without their effect 
 on an imaginative people like ours. But all this was 
 excessively repugnant to the American people, or else 
 ridiculous in their eyes. The Fenian Inipcriiint in ImpC7'io 
 was an anomaly ; and though the Americans very well 
 knew that it was powerless to effect its avowed object,, 
 and though they were fully resolved not to allow it to 
 complicate their relations with England, yet they felt it as 
 an affront and laughed at it as a farce. The American 
 Government has its hands firmly fixed on the whole 
 movement, and has made use of it to hold up i)i tci'rorcvt 
 before the eyes of England, by way of inducing her to be 
 more compliant in the diplomatic discussions which are 
 going on between London and Washington ; just as a man 
 holds a bull-dog by the collar, sure that he can let him 
 slip against his enemy, or else driv^e him back to his 
 kennel. Neither has the Government by any means done 
 with the Fenians in that capacity ; it expects more of the 
 same kind of service ; and so deals very gently with 
 them — (for in fact these Irish have votes, and your poli- 
 tician must deal with them 'as though he loved them.*) 
 Eut the Government most intimately knows all their pro- 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March, 297- 
 
 ceedings; knows where it can lay its hands again upon 
 the restored arms ; has arranged with the Canadian 
 Government for a joint defence of that frontier ; and in 
 every seaport keeps so vigilant a guard that not even a 
 ship of considerable size, to say nothing of a fleet of trans- 
 ports, can possibly go out, or get ready to go out. So, 
 you see, the trouble with these poor Fenians is not dis- 
 union — it is just utter impotence — impotence to do any- 
 thing arising from the nature of the case and the funda- 
 mental vice of the organisation. 
 
 " But when, \\\ addition to the original error, there came 
 on them the curse of factious disunion — when in 1865 their 
 society split up into parts, and these immediately began 
 to vilify one another, then it became more clear that the 
 movement in that form was wholly useless for any good 
 purpose. Our good people here cry out for Uftion, 
 earnestly pray for union ; and seem to think that if the 
 two factions would only unite, the problem would be 
 solved ; Ireland would be liberated. Now it is certainly 
 desirable that these factions should come to an end, and 
 that the Irish element here should at least be harmonious ; 
 because then they would cease to abuse one another 
 through newspapers and resolutions of * circles ; ' but they 
 would no longer afford to the Americans the amusement,, 
 to the English the deep gratification, of seeing them ex- 
 pending all their zeal and enthusiasm in tearing one 
 another to pieces. But what would be all the good of 
 'union.**' If these two wings were united to-morrow (as 
 they will not be), they would then be able to do nothing ; 
 able to take no single step in advance in the direction of 
 
298 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 their object. That union would be only an agreement 
 of two 'wings' to help one another in doing nothing, 
 instead of hindering one another to do nothing, as at 
 present. They would then be more conspicuously doing 
 nothing than even now. In short, the whole concern has 
 run right up against a wall, and cannot take one step 
 further. 
 
 " This fatal impasse has been, I imagine, painfully 
 apparent to the leaders of these two factions ; I mean Mr 
 Roberts and Mr Savage. They found themselves at the 
 head of two distinct organisations, each striving to outvie 
 and outbid the other in bold promises and professions, 
 and the respective adherents of each eagerly and angrily 
 demanding some speedy action, while they were sadly 
 conscious that they could do nothing whatsoever, and the 
 people, worn out by delay and disappointment, and dis- 
 heartened by the long continuance of mean and senseless 
 attractions, were rapidly falling away from them both. 
 Those two * Presidents ' felt themselves in the position of 
 two men, each of them holding a wolf by the ears. 
 
 " In this position of affairs, you are aware that negotia- 
 tions for tmion were held with a very sincere desire, I 
 believe, on the part of the * Presidents ' to effect their com- 
 bination, and withdraw themselves from under the heavy 
 responsibility that weighed upon them. A * basis of 
 union ' was drawn up, and the two * Presidents ' pursuant 
 to that preliminary arrangement, came and offered to me 
 the presidency of the joint and united brotherhood. Why 
 to me } I have had nothing to do with them or their 
 organisation for two years, and very little before that 
 
lite Rising of the ^th of March. 299 
 
 time. I was not responsible for any of their doings or 
 misdoings. I had not approved of any one of their enter- 
 prises, either on the side of Canada or on the side of 
 Ireland. Whenever I had ventured to offer them any 
 advice or give them any warning, it had been uniformly 
 disregarded. I had, for example, warned them that the 
 hints and intimations of underlings of this Government, to 
 the effect tliat their invasion of Canada would be winked 
 at and permitted, were intended to cheat them, and that 
 the Government would be sure to turn upon them at the last 
 moment and defeat any such invasion, as indeed it was 
 bound to do ; but they tried, nevertheless, to invade 
 Canada. I had warned them against any attempt at 
 insurrection in Ireland while England was at peace ; but 
 they persisted in making their wretched attempt at insur- 
 rection in Ireland. I had begged of them not to place the 
 government of their organisation in the hands of Stephens; 
 but they did this very thing almost the moment he 
 appeared. And now, when blunders, failure, and faction 
 have brought their affairs to the lowest ebb, and the 
 impatient and justly indignant people are insisting upon 
 action, action, those leaders who are holding the wolf 
 by the ears politely invite me to take charge of these two 
 wolves, of these two packs of wolves ; request me, in the 
 most complimentary manner, to take and knit up the two 
 ragged fag ends of an organisation originally rotten, and 
 now all tattered and torn, and to wear the patched up 
 things as a robe of honour. Of course I respectfully 
 decline. 
 
 "You arc to recollect the presidency was tendered to me 
 
300 The Fenian Conspiracy , 
 
 specifically, under a written * constitution,' which was to 
 <^overn the organisation and govern me ; and with a set 
 of * senators * or * councillors ' who were to have the 
 power of controlling all my actions. Half of these 
 councillors were to be furnished me from the fraction 
 which believes the salvation of Ireland lies in Canada ; 
 the other half from the party which is always professing 
 to aid the ' men at home ' to complete the revolution 
 which they pretend is already in progress of accom- 
 plishment there. If I had accepted the office, and had 
 thereupon undertaken (as I certainly should have under- 
 taken), to explode both of those delusions, and to bring 
 the association within the bounds of reason and of law — 
 thcHi at once, would have arisen a conflict ; constitutional 
 questions would have raged around me ; and a new 
 division would have broken out immediately. Then, the 
 instrument they call a 'constitution' is in itself ridiculous; 
 and I, being actually sensitive to ridicule, would feel 
 ashamed of occupying a position in which I shoukl be 
 expected to carry on the sham of a provisional govern- 
 ment, and to commission * generals ' for an imaginary 
 army. All this, even if it were not illegal, is still 
 ludicrous. So I would have begun by abolishing that 
 
 * Constitution,' by dismissing all ' Secretaries of State,* 
 disbanding all 'paid organisers,' cancelling all pretended 
 
 * commissions ' to officers, exhorting the * circles ' every- 
 where to keep their money within their own power until 
 there should arise an opportunity for using it with effect ; 
 and exhorting the people to attach their military com- 
 panies to the militia services of their respective States — 
 
The Rising of the ^th df March. 301 
 
 nnd to wait. Then wliat a wild outcry! Treason! — 
 abandoning our brothers ! — British gold in his pocket ! 
 
 "Now as for abandoning our brothers, those men in 
 ]''ngland and in Ireland, who get up absurd and mis- 
 chievous 'scares,' may be very brave and patriotic, but 
 they are extremely unwise, and have no right to expect 
 that they are to be encouraged in their folly by loud 
 promises of assistance from this side, which promises 
 cannot be realised to any greater extent than might 
 enable them for a while longer to frighten and exasperate 
 the middle class of Englishmen, and of English-Irishmen ; 
 for they arc not frightening the government at all. In 
 truth, the Ih'itish Government is much indebted to those 
 desperadoes who make the big scares and little riots; and 
 ought to pay them in Hrilish gold. They form, it seems, 
 one division of the Irish Republican army under Mr 
 Savage's section. 
 
 "The other wing itself is a shade more rational than 
 this. It professes to make Canada its first object ; and 
 certainly a blow struck in Canada would' seriously injure 
 English prestige and English power, and would employ 
 a large British force ; also, it must be said that it looks 
 easier to carry an armed force across that frontier than 
 across the Atlantic — it looks much easier; yet it is im- 
 possible — impossible I mean to bring over any force at all 
 adequate to the service. Head Centres and organisers 
 can go, it is true, to Buffalo and to Cleveland within sight 
 of the Canada shore, and can bluster and threaten and 
 talk of an army of a hundred thousand men, an army 
 which exists in the air only ; but all this while they 
 
o 
 
 02 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 know well that they cannot take one single step towards 
 the invasion of Canada — no more than their rivals can 
 make the first beginning of an invasion of Ireland. Thus 
 the trouble at either side is merely impotence. Having 
 been directed on a wrong course, they find at last that 
 they have come to one impassible barrier. Why not come 
 back} What is the use of prancing and tearing there 
 against that wall ? Let them all come back to where 
 they started from, and then there will be some chance of 
 combining the powerful Irish element of this Republic, 
 with rational aim and in a legitimate form." 
 
 The refusal of the presidency by Mitchell flung the 
 almost reunited F. B. into greater confusion than before. 
 The Savage-Mahony wing became the one, headed by 
 Savage, bitterly hostile to the Kelly party in luigland^ 
 and supporting the Supreme Council ; another supporting 
 the Kelly party, and opposing the Supreme Council ; and 
 a third calling for reconstruction. The other wing became 
 two — one adhered to the principal portion of the Roberts 
 programme, the invasion of Canada, and was led by 
 " General " O'Neil, the hero of Ridgeway. The other, 
 claiming to maintain home interests and the Supreme 
 Council, fell under the control of M. Scanlan and Dr Bell, 
 the lecturer whom Stephens had left to starve in Paris in 
 1865. Roberts retired into private life. 
 
 O'Sullivan was still at work in ICngland, being now aided 
 by a skiful conspirator, one Power — not the "Doctor"" 
 Power — the latter was still under lock and key — but one 
 of hardly less note in the I. R. B., who had attended the 
 Cleveland Congress, and been deputed therefrom to his 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March. 303 
 
 present occupation. The Manchester affair removed a 
 j^reat obstacle from their course ; for Colonel Thomas J. 
 Kelly, seeing, as he phrased it, that " the game was get- 
 ting far too risky," took ship on the first opportunity for 
 America, where, much to his own satisfaction, he arrived 
 safe and sound, ere the year of grace 1867 came to a 
 close. Nor was " Secretary " O'Sullivan much annoyed 
 by the antagonism of Kelly's successor, "Colonel" Ricard 
 Burke. Before this worthy could gather up the reigns of 
 such power as had been committed to him, he too fell 
 into the hands of the police. He was arrested in London 
 on the 28th of November, and committed to prison (the 
 House of Detention, Clerkenwell), from which he, like his 
 predecessor, was not so fortunate as to escape. It was no! 
 that his followers lost heart and abandoned him to his fate. 
 On the contrary, they tried as strenuously and even more 
 desperately than \x\ the case of Kelly, to place him at large. 
 
 Dacey — here known as " Captain Murphy," was the 
 contriver of the plot — that is without the prison ; for 
 Burke contrived to have a share in putting it together from 
 within. It consisted in placing a barrel of gunpowder 
 against the wall of the exercise ground of the prison and 
 firing it, while the prisoners were at exercise, in the hope 
 that — the wall being shattered to pieces — Burke would 
 succeed in making his escape during the confusion. The 
 plan was desperate in the extreme — a piece of veritable 
 insanity. It is difficult to conceive how men who had 
 seen service, like Burke and Dacey, could have thought of 
 such a thing. 
 
 The first attempt, made on the 12th of December, failed.. 
 
304 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 The barrel was duly deposited, indeed, and the match fiiirly 
 placed and lighted ; but the explosion would not come 
 off. Thereupon the tub of powder was replaced on its 
 truck and wheeled away — all this, be it remembered, taking 
 place in broad daylight. Next day the attempt was repeated 
 and with fearful effect. The wall was shattered to atoms. 
 Burke, however, did not escape. The authorities had 
 received a hint of what was intended ; and that day the 
 prisoners were not exercised at the usual time. We have 
 been informed that the failure of the explosion on the first 
 occasion was intentional ; that the person to whom the 
 failure was due was commanded — 0)1 pain of death — not 
 to fail a second time ; that, placed thus in a dilemma — if 
 the term can be applied to the position in which he 
 found himself — threatened with death on three sides— -by 
 the explosion itself ; by the law, should he escape the ex- 
 plosion ; and by the I. R. B., should he fail in performing 
 the task allotted to him — he tried to escape, not by 
 turning absolute informer, but by giving such a hint as 
 might cause the police to arrest him before the deed 
 should be done. 
 
 The precaution taken by the prison authorities saved 
 many lives, perhaps that of Burke among the rest. Had 
 the prisoners been in the yard when the wall was de- 
 stroyed, hardly one would have escaped. Others, how- 
 ever, suffered. On the other side of the street, of which 
 the prison wall formed one side, was a row of humble 
 tenements which was shattered by the explosion, and 
 several of the inmates, mostly women and children, 
 killed, or seriously injured. The deed was as atrocious as 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March. 305 
 
 it was insane. For it one person, bearing for the occasion 
 the name of " Michael Barrett," was executed. And here 
 it would be unjust not to notice the extreme care taken by 
 the Government, in the midst of intensest national excite- 
 ment and indif^nation, to avoid punishing tlws man, unless 
 on the clearest evidence. An alibi was pleaded for him 
 and strongly sworn to. Nor was it until all the swearing 
 in his favour had been laboriously sifted and clearly 
 proved a mass of perjury that he was sent to the scaffold. 
 
 The Clerkenwell explosion exasperated all England 
 against the I. R. B. It required very little more provoca- 
 tion to have produced a .general onslaught on the lower 
 classes of the Irish in all the larger towns. Indeed, such 
 a thing was attempted, and with difficulty restrained, in 
 more places than one, and not without some damage done 
 to houses and Roman Catholic places of worship. 
 
 The Clerkenwell explosion blew to pieces the influence 
 of the Irish-American directory over the I. R. B., or what 
 remained of that influence. O'Sullivan would now have 
 succeeded but for the treachery of his agent, Power, in 
 conjunction with his own fears. Power, — instructed, we 
 have been informed, by Stephens,— played a double game, 
 and played it well. Penetrating the character of his prin- 
 cipal, he kept him in perpetual fear of the English police, 
 even in Paris. As to England, O'Sullivan only ventured 
 to visit it now and then, and with extreme precaution. 
 At the same time Power took O'Sullivan's money. He used 
 it, also, as O'Sullivan intended he should use it, — in procur- 
 ing the election of the Supreme Council. The members 
 were seven in number ; one for each of the Irish provinces, 
 
 II. U 
 
3o6 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 two for England, and one for Scotland. Most of these 
 were the. merest nobodies ; two only — the members for 
 England — deserve mention. One "Doctor" Keenan, as- 
 sistant to a druggist in Whitechapel, afterwards dis- 
 tinguished himself in America by pistolling Mr P. J. 
 Meehan and inflicting a serious wound, for which he was 
 sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. The other 
 was an ex-priest, dissenting preacher, hack-writer, and a 
 hundred other things beside. 
 
 This Supreme Council met at length in February 1868. 
 O'Sullivan paid their travelling charges to the place of 
 meeting. When he himself applied for admission he was 
 refused, under the pretence that he represented no con- 
 stituency and had no right to sit with them. Power, 
 however, was admitted, and in accordance with his 
 advice, the Supreme Council came to the resolution 
 to repudiate all American interference with the internal 
 affairs of the I. R. B. O'Sullivan returned to America to 
 relate his failure, and immediately after him appeared an 
 agent commissioned by the Supreme Council of the I. R. 15. 
 to demand help from all the wings of the F. B. The 
 Savage wing paid some attention to him ; so did that 
 headed by Scanlan ; the O'Neil-Roberts wing disdained 
 to recognise him and denounced the unparalleled in- 
 gratitude and impudence of his employers, whom from 
 that moment it did its utmost to overthrow. By the 
 last-mentioned body a number of proselytizers were sent 
 to Ireland, well supplied with money to work against 
 the Supreme Council, and met with a good deal of 
 success so long as their money lasted. The rivalry 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March, 307 
 
 seemed to give new life to the conspiracy, and while it 
 continued much activity was manifested in holding meet- 
 ings and distributing arms, with the inevitable result, — the 
 suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, — which again took 
 place about the time of the first meeting of the Supreme 
 Council in 1868. 
 
 ]5ut the rivalry between the O'Neil-Roberts wing of the 
 F. B. and the Supreme Council of the I. R. B. soon came 
 to an end. O'Ncil was too busy with his preparations for 
 resuming the invasion of Canada to pay much attention 
 to Ireland, and the result of that invasion gave a mortal 
 wound, for the time, to the conspiracy on both sides of the 
 Atlantic. One of O'Neil's preparations was the murder of 
 Thomas D'Arcy M'Gee, which was deliberately planned 
 and executed — after the manner of Kelly's Assassination 
 Committee. As a political device, it was most unfortunate 
 for the Fenians. Canada was exasperated by the deed, 
 and all honest men alienated for ever from those at whose 
 bidding it was done. Taken along with so many other 
 similar deeds, it rendered the Brotherhood universally 
 odious. 
 
 ^ in this one thing only — the use of assassination — did 
 the leaders of the various sections of the conspiracy now 
 agree. While M'Gee was slaughtered by order of the 
 Fenian chiefs, the Supreme Council of Ireland directed 
 the murder of the policeman, Talbot. He had won the 
 hatred of the whole body by the daring and effect with 
 which he had played spy in their midst for two years ; and 
 he had confirmed their vindictive purpose by the contempt 
 with which he treated their threats. Pensioned for his 
 
3o8 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 services, he would not quit Dublin. A giant in strength 
 and utterly fearless, he went about in the very centre of 
 the conspiracy as he had been accustomed to do, and for 
 months with impunity. At length he met his doom. One 
 of thq party of executioners was arrested and brought to 
 trial. The line of defence adopted by his counsel was 
 remarkable. The bullet struck him on the head, but did 
 not penetrate the skull. It lodged in the muscles near 
 the temple, and was only to be extracted by an operation 
 so delicate and doubtful that the surgeons shrank from 
 attempting it ; consequently it was left where it lay. 
 Inflainmation of the brain supervened, and the man died. 
 In cross-examination, the doctors admitted that there was 
 a possibility — the very smallest of possibilities — that the 
 man's life might have been preserved had the operation been 
 performed. On this the counsel for the prisoner pleaded, 
 and with complete effect, that death was really due to the 
 hesitation of the surgeons, and not to the act of the 
 assassin. Certain national journals went much further, 
 denouncing the doctors as incompetent, and suggesting 
 that it was they and not the assassin who ought to have 
 been brought to trial. The latter was acquitted on the 
 capital charge, but convicted immediately afterwards of a 
 minor offence, and sentenced to penal servitude. The 
 whole thing was Irish in the extreme. 
 
 Nearly as notable as the murder of Talbot in Dublin 
 was the murder of the guardsman in London, shortly 
 afterwards. Like one or two others done by these people; 
 it was altogether a mistake. The shot — intended for 
 Corydon — was discharged by one of no less than five 
 
The Rising of the 5 th of March. 309 
 
 different parties of assassins stationed in the vicinity of as 
 many of the supposed haunts of this most consummate of 
 traitors. 
 
 At this period the assassination committees did not 
 confme their attention to dangerous antagonists, traitors, 
 and spies. They resolved to establish a Reign of Terror, 
 from which they expected great thing.^, by shooting down 
 leading personages one after another. It was intended 
 that these deeds should be committed in the most impres- 
 sive manner. There was to be no dogging footsteps, no 
 lying in ambush, no secrecy. All was to be done openly, 
 and by men who could not hope to escape the penalty 
 attached to their deeds. The excitement of the period — 
 the " hero worship " lavished on the " martyrs " of the 
 conspiracy — had not been without effect on Celtic enthu- 
 .siasm. There were men among the I. R. B. fully prepared 
 to emulate those who sacrificed themselves in. other days 
 to slay William the Silent and Henri Quatre — under the 
 influence of similar excitement. And there were those 
 among the chiefs who did not scruple to use such 
 enthusiasts. 
 
 The first of these victims and the scene of his execution 
 were carefully selected, to show that no rank, however 
 exalted, and no distance, however vast, could interfere with 
 the vengeance of the I. R. B. — that it could strike down a 
 prince as easily in Australia as a policeman in Dublin. 
 The Duke of Edinburgh, then at Melbourne, was severely 
 wounded by one of the* Brotherhood named Farrel ; but 
 the main attempt failed, and it was the last, as well as the 
 iirst, of its kind. Not even the hardened adventurers who 
 
3 1 o The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 directed it, could withstand the reprobation which the 
 crime called forth, and within the Brotherhood, as well as 
 without it. Beyond the adventurers and their tools, the 
 act found no favour with the I. R. B. ; they would have no 
 more like it. In consequence the promoters did their 
 utmost to disavow the assassin, asserting that his act was 
 altogether his own, and himself insane. 
 
 It was admitted that 100,000 dollars had been received 
 by the O'Neil wing in 1868. Of this sum not 20,000 
 dollars was spent in war material ; the rest was appro- 
 priated by officials. Consequently, that year flew by with- 
 out the promised invasion of Canada. The same thing 
 happened in 1869. By this time O'Ncil had become as 
 obnoxious to his Senate as O'Mahony had ever been to 
 his ; its members thwarted him in every way. O'Neil 
 was unable to do anything until the month of May 1870 
 was well advanced. On the 25 th of that month he 
 attempted his raid. He expected to march with 2000 
 men at least ; his following numbered less than 200. 
 Still he moved across the border. The Canadians, ready 
 for him and admirably posted, received him with a sharp 
 Inc. His men turned and ran like rank cowards, in spite 
 of all he — who was not a coward, but a right good 
 soldier, to give him his due — could do to stop them ; so 
 ho was obliged to fly with them. Both " General " and 
 •* army " ran full butt into the arms of the United States 
 Marshal and his men, who held them fast, though not to 
 keep them long. Thus the last attempt of the conspirators 
 ended in a failure more signal than any. 
 
 From this time the conspiracy languished in both 
 
The Kising of the ^ih of March, 311 
 
 hemispheres. Thcnccforvv«ird it was confined to dolts and 
 swindlers. In 187 1 there seemed, for a while, some 
 chance of its revival in America. In that year, the more 
 formidable of the conspirators, hitherto detained in 
 English prisons — O'Donovan Rossa, M'Cafferty, &c. — 
 were released, and emigrated immediately — the majority 
 to the United States. Their arrival roused the F. B. to a 
 semblance of its ancient enthusiasm ; there were addresses, 
 mass meetings, fervid speeches, and so on, after the old 
 style. ILxprcssion was given to old aspirations for 
 Ireland, and to more than ancient hatred of England. 
 Unfortunately Stephens appeared in America simul- 
 taneously with his former lieutenants. Somehow or other, 
 Stephens always seemed to be playing into the hands of 
 the English Government. He seemed to do so at every 
 period of importance while he controlled the conspiracy ; 
 he seemed to do so while directing Power how to foil' 
 O'SuUivan ; and he seemed to do so now. 
 
 The chief organiser had been leading an obscure life in 
 Paris during the preceding five years. Mixing with the 
 lowest French demagogues and the foulest French 
 journalists, we see little of him previous to the Franco- 
 German war. When the surrender of Sedan deposed the 
 P2mperor, and made a republic of France, Stephens ac- 
 quired some consideration. His republican friends found 
 a post for him, and he was appointed inspector-general of 
 the northern fortresses. The advance of the German army 
 on Paris, however, deprived him of his occupation, and 
 drove him to take refuge in Bordeaux. Here he subsided 
 into a wine merchant, entering into partnership with a 
 
3 T 2 The Fenian Conspiracy, 
 
 person named Carvalho. When the Fenian prisoners were 
 released in 1S71, and were enthusiastically feted in 
 America, Stephens, who noticed all with due cogitation, 
 persuaded his partner that they ought to open a house in 
 New York, with himself (Stephens) at its head. Carvalho 
 acceded. Accordingly Stephens made his appearance in 
 New York immediately after his ex-lieutenants as a wine- 
 merchant. It was evident, however, that he cherished 
 other thoughts besides those of trade. He attempted to 
 resume his old position, but none of his former subordin- 
 ates, not even Rossa, would have anything to do with 
 him. He appeared ^t several meetings, to be fiercely 
 denounced by Luby and others among the speakers, 
 and to be. hooted and execrated by the audience. One 
 or two of these occurrences was enough for him, and he 
 soon disappeared from among the Fenians, but not from 
 America. 
 
 The refugees would join no party, but attempted to 
 unite all the Fenians under their own lead. They were 
 successful with other refugees in numerous bodies, but no 
 further. They disgusted the Americans by putting up 
 for state offices, and, in many instances, by their con- 
 duct, as for instance that of " Doctor " Keenan, ex-mem- 
 ber of the Supreme Council, who pistolled Mr J. P, 
 Meehan at a public meeting, inflicting a dangerous but 
 not a mortal wound, and who suffered the consequences 
 of his deed. Similar occurrences sickened most people 
 with Fenianism in general, and with the Fcnianism of the 
 immigrants in particular. The thing loSt its princi- 
 pal leaders, and most of its more respectable followers in 
 
The Rising of the ^th of March, 3 1 3 
 
 a very short space. It is now confined to the lower classes, 
 and it is strongest in the Western States. O'Donavan Rossa 
 is the present Head Centre of a few very narrow Circles, 
 who still meditate American invasion, and treasure up a 
 small quantity of rusty weapons with which the raid is to 
 be accomplished. 
 
 Such is the story of this remarkable conspiracy. It was 
 formidable, in the number of its members, in their spirit, 
 and in their devotion to the cause which they adopted ; 
 the organisation — the system of circles and centres — was 
 admirable. Its failure lay in these. things — its division 
 into two branches which could, not but come Into collision 
 with one another, sooner or later, and in the character and 
 standing of its directors. It was true, as O'Mahony stated, 
 that great numbers without the organisation sympathised 
 with it. It was true also that many most influential per- 
 sonages were perfectly acquainted with its growth and 
 extent, and were ready to join, had it only been under 
 respectable control. What the chiefs were we have 
 shown. The third thing which went to defeat the 
 conspiracy was its secresy. Now secret conspiracy, 
 embracing or attempting to embrace a whole nation, 
 never yet succeeded. The history of all successful con- 
 spiracies is the history of the success of a few conspirators. 
 
 When, however, we say that the plot was a failure, our 
 meaning must be limited to the avowed object of the 
 conspirators. That apart, it was anything but ineffectual. 
 It was the main instrument in the hands of the ministry 
 which really revolutionised Ireland, by enacting those 
 measures which the existence and extent of the conspiracy 
 dictated as absolutely necessary. 
 II. X 
 
3 1 4 The Fenian Conspiracy. 
 
 A recent event has shown that Fenianism has revived 
 somewhat on both sides of the Atlantic. While this 
 volume was going through the press, John O'Mahony died 
 in New York. His remains were hardly cold when it was 
 proposed to give them such a funeral as had been given to 
 M'Manus. The proposal was accepted everywhere and at 
 once. Within a month, and after imposing demonstrations 
 in both hemispheres, the body was interred at Glasnevin. 
 It was a repetition, indeed, and as such lacked the strength 
 and impressiveness of the original. Still it should not be 
 undervalued. There was grave meaning in the rapidity 
 with which the plan was accepted and carried out, and in 
 the masses which mustered in the various processions. 
 Nearly every individual prominent therein figured in the 
 State trials of 1865 and subsequent years. 
 
 The conspiracy has been recast and renamed ; it is now 
 secret everywhere. It is in close connection with the 
 secret associations of the continent, and has come to an 
 understanding with English democracy, urban and rural. 
 Indeed, the upheaval noticeable of late among the English 
 peasantry was suggested by the I. R. B. — we mean by the 
 great though indirect success which it attained. The 
 English peasant looks with envy on the position of the 
 Irish peasant, which is in many respects superior to his 
 own. The Irishman may be poorer, but he is not sub- 
 jected to certain things which the English cottar feels very 
 keenly. There are things done in England by petty shop- 
 keepers, by employers among the farmers, and by certain 
 magistrates — gentlemen who because they reside at home 
 all the year, and do all the drudgery of the bench, are 
 allowed to monopolise it and misuse their position thereon 
 
The Rising of the S^h of March. 3 1 5 
 
 — there arc things done by such people which Ireland 
 would not tolerate for a moment. 
 
 The views of the new conspiracy are much more 
 advanced than when it was directed by Stephens ; its 
 numbers are fewer, but they understand one another 
 better. A recent election in Tipperary, wherein a Home 
 Ruler defeated a Nationalist, gives a fair indication of their 
 strength and standing. The Nationalist — a person well 
 known in the days of the I. R. B. as " the Galtee Boy" — 
 polled one-third of the number polled by the Home Ruler. 
 But the latter, as he avowed, was the humble servant of 
 the Roman Catholic clergy, who used all their influence in 
 his favour. As the older form of the conspiracy grew up 
 under the shadow of legal associations; so is the newer 
 form growing up under the shadow of nationalism. All 
 conspirators arc essentially nationalists ; but all national- 
 ists are not conspirators. 
 
 And Irishmen will continue to conspire thus until the 
 term " Irishman," like the term " Lancashireman," be- 
 comes a mere designation of birthplace, and ceases to 
 signify, as it does now, a person whose aims and interests 
 are' not imperial but local — until, in short, the patriotism 
 of Irishmen is expanded beyond the narrow limits of their 
 island by that which effected a similar change in Scotch- 
 men, the influence of manufacturing and commercial 
 prosperity. 
 
 Turnlmll dr" Spears, Printers. 
 
a-zoi '3 
 
This book is a preservation photocopy. 
 
 It was produced on Hammermill Laser Print natural white, 
 
 a 60 # book weight acid-free archival paper 
 
 which meets the requirements of 
 
 ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper) 
 
 Preservation photocopying and binding 
 
 by 
 
 Acme Bookbinding 
 
 Charlestown, Massachusetts 
 
 m 
 
 1995 
 

 DATE DUE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i ' ■ 
 
 ^■' . J 
 
 
 
 HM 
 
 1 m 
 
 J/ 
 
 
 FEB 
 
 1 7 7m 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 UNIVERSr 
 
 FY PRODU 
 
 CTS, INC. 
 
 #859-5503 
 
BOS I ON COLLEGE 
 
 "l;iir'lll:|l! I 
 
 3 9031 025 18868 1