VIEWS 
 
 OF 
 
 IRELAND, 
 
 MORAL, POLITICAL, AND 
 RELIGIOUS. 
 
 By JOHN O'DRISCOL, Esq. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 9459 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR 
 
 LONGMAN, HURST, UEES, ORME AND BROWN, 
 
 PATERNOSTER-ROW. 
 
 1823. 
 
LONDOK : 
 
 Printed l)y A. & R. Spottiswoode, 
 
 New-Street-.Square. 
 
TO THE MOST NOBLE 
 
 THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I BEG leave to present my 
 speculations upon Ireland to Your Lord- 
 ship. Descended from a family connected 
 for ages with its history and fortunes, you 
 are also able to comprehend its interests, 
 and to appreciate its importance. 
 
 I know that Your Lordship deplores 
 the fatal policy of past times, and the cala- 
 mities which have followed it ; and that you 
 ardently desire to see L^eland released from 
 the lingering remnant of that unhappy 
 system. To this end, it has been my object 
 to contribute my humble means ; and it will 
 
IV DEDICATION. 
 
 be a high gratification to me, should tlie 
 effort be sanctioned by Your Lordship's 
 approbation. 
 
 But, my Lord, should you consider 
 some of my views erroneous, you will yet, 
 I trust, value my book for what constitutes 
 its chief merit — purity of motive, and zeal 
 in the cause of truth, country, and human 
 kind. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 My Lord, 
 
 With great respect, 
 Your Lordship's most obedient 
 
 And humble Servant, 
 
 J. O'DRISCOL. 
 
 Lisnabrinny Lodge, 
 Nov. 1822. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Fame iand Fortune are the slaves which obey 
 the master spirits of our time, whose choice it is 
 to dwell in the enchanted regions of the imagine 
 ation. To delight and amuse the leisure and 
 indolence of our age, demands genius of the 
 first order : and in the path of such a genius, 
 roses are strewed ; crowns of honour are pre- 
 sented by the fairest hands, and places of dig- 
 nity and rich reward await his acceptance* 
 
 Every thing tempts him to flee away from the 
 dull realities of life ; and to take refuge from 
 the crimes, and sorrows, and perplexities which 
 surround them, in the shining castles, and the 
 blooming gardens, and the sweet repose of fairy 
 land. 
 
 We are not surprised that so many powerful 
 minds have been tempted into this happy region. 
 
 A O 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 Here you encounter no enemy. You interfere 
 with no man's interest, or monopoly, or power. 
 The Whig, the Tory, the Radical, and the 
 Orange-man, can be pleased with the brilliant 
 fictions of the imagination. Men in place, and 
 out of it, and men of all professions, submit 
 willingly to the wand of the enchanter, which 
 has power over the airy visions of the fancy 
 only. 
 
 But when an unlucky wight, whom no spell 
 has charmed beyond this world's dismal disk, 
 comes to deal with the realities about him — 
 what a sad piece of work ! If dull, he will be 
 deservedly despised; if timid, his labours will 
 be in vain. If with the spear and spirit of 
 Ithuriel, he go forth in the service of mankind, 
 touching those cowering interests which, in 
 unreal shapes, plot the ruin of the species, and 
 forcing them to assume all their original and 
 evil forms, he will have done a good work; but 
 he must prepare for no ordinary encounter. 
 
 There is no country upon which so much has 
 been written, and so badly and imperfectly, as 
 Ireland. Few writers have understood the sub- 
 
PREFACE. Vll 
 
 ject thoroughly, and been perfectly impartial. 
 There is much ignorance in Great Britain re- 
 specting Ireland j and much also in the latter 
 country amongst large classes of the people con- 
 cerning great bodies of their countrymen. There 
 has been in Ireland, for ages, an intercourse of 
 dissimulation carried on between considerable 
 denominations of the people ; a communion of 
 necessity, and sometimes of courtesy ; but with- 
 out confidence or cordiality : and seeming 
 friends and neighbours could in a moment take 
 their places in opposite hosts, and join in deadly 
 combat. They are hardly yet aware of the good 
 qualities they possess in common. There are, 
 unhappily, on both sides, bodies of men of great 
 influence and power having an interest in this 
 unnatural state of things. There are men who 
 misrepresent the people to each other, and 
 perpetuate the delusion and the calamity of their 
 enmities. 
 
 It was our purpose to make the people of 
 England acquainted with tlieir fellow subjects of 
 Ireland, and the people of the latter country 
 with each otlicr ; to exhibit a sketch of Ireland, 
 rapid, irregular, but faithful ; a view of what it 
 
 A i 
 
Vm PREFACE. 
 
 was, what it is, and what it might be ; to suggest, 
 to urge changes which have become indispensable, 
 and at the same time, to expel, if it were possible, 
 the fierce demon of radical change from its abode 
 in the tormented bosom of the populace. We need 
 great improvements in Ireland : but we have 
 had enough of revolutions in that tortured 
 country. 
 
 All are agreed that changes are necessary : 
 upon this point there is perfect unanimity. The 
 bare-footed peasant upon the mountain, and the 
 citizen who is employed at his trade ; the 
 country gentleman, and the professional man, 
 and the farmer ; all are agreed, that things can- 
 not remain as they are. This is a kind of in- 
 stinctive feeling which belongs to our species, 
 intunating w^hen great changes are at hand. It 
 is something of that kind by which the lower 
 animals foreknow the changes of the weather, 
 and are warned to provide for their safety. 
 
 The destiny of Ireland has been singular. 
 Voltaire thought she was fore-doomed to slavery : 
 but this brilliant writer was mistaken. This 
 fate is reserved for the willing slave only, or the 
 
 14 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 inferior classes of human intellio:ence5. Never 
 were there more turbulent and reluctant slaves 
 than the Irish. Nations, like indi\-iduals, have 
 their times of affliction : but a few hundred 
 years is not so long a period with a nation, as 
 it is in our imagination. Nations have long 
 Hves. 
 
 In the critical situation of Ireland, it appeared 
 to us inchspensable that tlie truth should be 
 spoken. But we have not greatly regarded ar- 
 rangement ; nor taken much heed of small 
 faults in style, which it would have required 
 time to correct : not because we considered 
 these undeserving of attention ; but, circum- 
 stances having delayed our publication, and 
 obhged us, frequently, to lay aside our work tor 
 a period, the question now was, whether we 
 should send it to press, or postpone the publi- 
 cation, until, perhaps, the interest which passing 
 events had collected upon Irish affairs might 
 have been dissipated and lost. We were in- 
 duced to prefer the former course ; and we 
 have sent our book into the world, not without 
 some hope that it may work some good lor our 
 country. 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 We have not valued numerous references, nor 
 extensive details, nor a voluminous appendix. 
 These might have had their use ; and we have 
 not wholly neglected them. But our chief ob- 
 ject was, to convince — to persuade — to give 
 to the cause of Ireland, if we could achieve it, 
 that interest, which is created, not by cold de- 
 tail, and barren documents, and a cheap parade 
 of learning; but, by those warm and living 
 pictures which, as they can be painted only by 
 him who feels, are calculated to seize upon the 
 feelings of others, and to convince the under- 
 standing, while they possess themselves of the 
 heart. We do not say we have done this ; but 
 that we would have done it. 
 
 In dealing with the great church establish- 
 ments of Ireland, we have disguised our opinions 
 in nothing. Our respect is as sincere, and as 
 undisguised, for a great portion of the ministers 
 of both churches. We admire the Protestant 
 church as singularly pure, and almost perfect ; 
 and we can love the ardent piety, and simpli- 
 city of heart, which we have met with in the 
 Catholic communion. But the abuses of both, 
 and the obstacles they present to the im- 
 
PREFACE, XI 
 
 provement of Ireland, called for our observ- 
 ation. 
 
 We do not pretend to be of no party. But 
 our leaning to party is without enmity or acri- 
 mony. We can value merit, and admire genius, 
 and love goodness wherever we find it. We 
 are not w ithout some political partialities ; but 
 we profess to have no prejudices ; and we 
 happen to have some valued friends, among 
 those from whom we differ in important 
 points. 
 
 Some late transactions in Dublin make it 
 necessary to say a word here on the subject of 
 the Union. The Union was, in our opinion, a 
 bad measure. Any measure effected by such 
 means could be no other than evil. It should 
 have embraced a final, a complete and conclusive 
 adjustment of every thing which required adjust- 
 ment, in Ireland. But it stood alone, in all its 
 naked deformity — odious and miserably im- 
 perfect; and such it has remained. Yet the 
 repeal of tlie Union is an absurdity to be 
 contemplated only by fools or knaves. There 
 are steps which are not to be retraced ; which. 
 
XU PREFACE. 
 
 however we may regret having taken, must re- 
 main for ever. There are acts, which to do is 
 evil ; but to undo would be the consummation 
 of wickedness and folly. 
 
 Such is the Union. We can imagine a scheme 
 for the total separation of the two islands, such 
 as was contemplated by the heads of the United 
 Irishmen. Whatever may be the character of 
 such a scheme — it may be bold, or wicked, or 
 impracticable ; but it does not wear the aspect of 
 miserable and drivelling folly, which the other 
 does. If the projectors of separation were 
 thoroughly acquainted with the elements of so- 
 ciety, as they exist in Ireland, they would enter- 
 tain no such project ; not, at least, until they 
 had rooted out from their hearts all the weak- 
 nesses of humanity, and become content to 
 realise their theory of government at an ex- 
 pense of private and public calamity, which 
 no theory is worth. 
 
 It should be the object of every good man, in 
 England and Ireland, to make that union per- 
 fect, which is now so incomplete : without this 
 there will be, not a repeal of the Union, but a 
 
PREFACE. XIU 
 
 constant recurrence of those disastrous attempts 
 at separation, which, in their success or in their 
 defeat, cannot fail to be destructive of the best 
 interests of both countries. 
 
 It would be for ever to be lamented, if the 
 present precious season of peace were permitted 
 to pass by without a final settlement of the affairs 
 of Ireland. Already many years have elapsed, 
 and we know not how many remain. If the 
 evil genius of the Bourbons should lead that 
 family to commit France and Spain in a new 
 war — in what will it result ? Will these great 
 nations shed their blood for the private satis- 
 faction of this family? They cannot be ma- 
 naged like Naples ; and once in motion, and 
 upon such a question as the form of government 
 and the rights of the people — the issue is 
 hardly doubtful. We may see these nations, 
 driven by the folly of their rulers, starting 
 afresh in a new career of revolution. He who is 
 acquainted with the past history of Ireland, and 
 her ancient connections with France and Spain, 
 could not view her, powerful and discontented 
 as she is, without apprehension ; if France 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 again in arms, and Spain aroused from the leth- 
 argy of despotism and driven to great exertions, 
 were, by some unhappy combination, again 
 united against Britain. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 or 
 
 THE FIBST VOLUME, 
 
 Page 
 
 Ireland 1 
 
 National Character 16 
 
 Irish Women , 32 
 
 Policy of England 39 
 
 Penal Laws 67 
 
 Religion 87 
 
 Established Church. — Tithe 105 
 
 The Church of Rome in Ireland 138 
 
 Presbyterian Church of Ireland. — Socinianism... 160 
 
 Population. — Mr. Malthus 176 
 
 Subsistence 202 
 
 Mr. Owen's Plan 211 
 
 Manufactures » ,. 224 
 
 Appendix 247 
 
VIEWS OF IRELAND. 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 Ireland claims attention for the singularity 
 of its past history, and its present situation* 
 There is about Irish affairs the interest of 
 uncertainty j nothing is fixed ; we discern that 
 changes are inevitable, but we cannot ascertain 
 their character. 
 
 While Great Britain sits in the brightness of 
 the glorious age which she has almost created j 
 Ireland is stiU in the dimness of antiquity. 
 She has had her shining spirits, not few nor 
 inconsiderable. But they have been unable to 
 dispel the darkness of an antiquity that is with- 
 out pomp, or beauty, or chivalry ; not elevated, 
 not dignified, not polished ; preserving only the 
 fierce passions, the feuds and the barbarism of 
 ancient times, without the generous attachments 
 of clanship, without the, oftentimes, noble fidelity 
 and high honour of feudal obligations. The 
 
 VOL. X, B 
 
2 IRELAND. 
 
 lumber and the dross, and the deadly weapons of 
 antiquity are scattered over the land ; but 
 whatever was brilliant or beautiful is gone for 
 ever. We walk as upon a stage where the 
 pageant has been withdrawn, and the lights ex- 
 tinguished, and some coarse and vulgar materials, 
 strown in the darkness, suggest an indistinct 
 idea of what might have been performed. 
 
 The fate of nations is like that of individuals, 
 now mingled in storms, now reposing in sun- 
 shine, and partaking of every vicissitude. When 
 darkness was upon the face of all Europe, and 
 the fearful successes of the Othmans, and the 
 crumbling of the Roman Empire, had shaken 
 the foundations of society, Ireland preserved in 
 peace and purity the lights of religion and let- 
 ters ; here, when happier days returned, the 
 other nations trimmed their lamps, and having 
 performed her task and preserved the sacred 
 fire, then came the time of her own visitation, 
 and in her turn, she was involved in darkness and 
 in blood. The Danish and the British invasions 
 overthrew her civil institutions, and the invasion 
 of the Roman pontiff Adrian destroyed the 
 liberties of her church. 
 
 The Danish invasions, though defeated and 
 repelled, broke the strength of the nation, and 
 
 21 
 
IRELAND. 3 
 
 involved it in civil dissension. The current of 
 this northern aggression had rolled broken and 
 murmuring away ; but it had left the rock upon 
 the sea shore shattered in all its length and 
 thickness. 
 
 It v/ould seem as if the collision and mingling 
 of the fierce tribes and various people, which 
 have, from time to time, invaded, and subdued, 
 and domesticated with each other, were at length 
 completed. The storms which every where 
 accompanied these mighty operations of nature 
 have been hushed, and we now enjoy the advan- 
 tages, of what kind soever they are, which were 
 no doubt contemplated, in this portion of the 
 divine economy of the world. 
 
 In England the Saxon, the Norman, and 
 British people were brought together in the pro- 
 gress of events, and of these mixed materials was 
 formed the solid and consistent mass of the Eng- 
 lish people. In Ireland the currents of popula- 
 tion have met and combated, but hardly have 
 they mingled. There has been a mighty dis- 
 ruption and displacement. The Saxon flood 
 forced its way through the multitude, like some 
 great current in the ocean, preserving its dis- 
 tinctness in the midst of surrounding waters. 
 This unhappy distinctness was preserved in two 
 
 B 2 
 
^> 
 
 4 IRELAND. 
 
 ways : first, and chiefly, because the ancient 
 famiUes of rank were swept away, in the long and 
 frequent wars of the country, by too general and 
 complete a destruction ; there were not left suffi- 
 cient materials of this class to form the elements 
 of a new race, different from, and perhaps supe- 
 rior to, both new and old. Religion, and the 
 penal laws, formed another broad line of division, 
 which forbade the mingling of the people,. 
 
 Tliese causes contributed to give a double 
 character to the nation, and a double aspect to 
 every thing Irish, singularly wild, strange, and 
 *^ unprecedented. The serious, persevering, and 
 business-like character of the English invaders, 
 bowed in process of time to the genius of the 
 country; but it borrowed more frequently the 
 vices* of the peasantry, than the virtues of the 
 Milesian chief. It grew fierce in its fearlessness, 
 and thoughtless in its hospitality, and the extent 
 of its purposes, and the insufficiency of its 
 means, and the levity of its demeanour ; its con- 
 tempt for religion and its intolerance, formed an 
 amazing compound. If the Irishman of ancient 
 race was tainted with some of these vices, he had 
 yet a mantle of surprising beauty, which he 
 threw about him with so much ease and graceful- 
 ness, that nothing met the eye to hurt it. He 
 wore a kindliness of disposition, a depth of 
 
/- 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 feeling, a disdain of petty considerations, and a 
 devotedness of heart, which covered every defect. 
 There is a true and rare generosity which neither 
 calculates nor hesitates, when a kind or noble 
 deed is to be performed ; a gem which is seldom 
 to be met with upon the smooth and crowded 
 highways of the world ; but we have sometimes 
 marked it glittering amongst the sharp flints 
 which strew the dark and stormy paths trodden 
 by the children of poverty. 
 
 We may divide Ireland, generally, into por- 
 tions, north and south of Dublin, and east and 
 west of the Shannon. In the north are placed 
 the Scoto-Irish population, busy with their manu- 
 facture, prudent, industrious, and rich ; injielli- 
 gent, independent in their principles,'*'and Pro- 
 testant dissenters in religion. In the soutft we 
 find an agricultural peasantry, purely Irish, or 
 nearly so, with a gentry of English race, tlie 
 latter, for the most part, of the church of Eng- 
 land, the former Roman Catholics. Along the 
 line of the eastern coast, stretching from Cork 
 to Dublin and farther northward, we mee.t a 
 mingled population of English and Irish descent. J' 
 As long as Ireland continued unsettled, there 
 was throughout this extent a constant influx of 
 adventurers from every point of the opposite 
 coast of England, vScotland, and Wales. TJiis 
 
6 IRELAND. 
 
 infusion of new blood from the other island pro- 
 duced a new population of a very fine character, 
 but of an unquiet spirit ; fierce almost to 
 savageness, despising the sword as a restraint, 
 regardless of the gibbet, delighting in conflict 
 though hopeless, and meeting death with uncon- 
 cern, or with satisfaction, if it be paid as the price 
 of vengeance. This is a mine, not indeed of 
 gold or silver, but of a more valuable metal, — 
 iron, and of the best quality, capable of the 
 highest polish, and fit to be tempered to every 
 great and useful purpose of life. But the mere 
 legislator, the speculator in acts of parliament, 
 will do little here, unless he be preceded by the 
 moral and religious operator. Upon this imprac- 
 ticable people, the terrors of the law have failed 
 of effect ; nothing less than Gospel heat will fuse 
 these *' hearts of steel."* 
 
 Upon the eastern shore of the island, washed 
 by the waters of the Atlantic, dwell a more un- 
 mixed people. These are of old Irish race. 
 They differ from their countrymen of the east, 
 in being less turbulent, more patient, and easy 
 to be led ; bearing a great deal of oppression be- 
 fore roused to resistance, frugal, qUiet, indolent, 
 
 * An appellation synonymous with White-boys, and first 
 assumed in the north of Ireland by these disturbers of the 
 public peace. 
 
IRELAND. 7 
 
 and contemplative, passing from melancholy to 
 mirth, pious, and less fit for the business of the 
 world than the mingled people behind them. 
 With less activity of mind, they possess more 
 of the elements of what is called genius, more 
 imagination, more feeling, more thoughtfulness, 
 and tenderness of heart. 
 
 During all the distractions of Ireland, this was 
 comparatively a region of peace and tranquillity. 
 It was remote from the scene of the principal 
 action, and was moreover defended by the great 
 waters of the Shannon. This mighty river bent 
 his huge arm round the remnant of Irish race, 
 and repelled the invader. If the people abode 
 here in safety, while the rest of the land was 
 ravaged by the civil storm ; if in this quarter 
 there are still to be found some gentry of the old 
 Milesian stock, dwelhng in peace upon the 
 estates of their ancestors ; they owe it to the 
 Shannon. This was their great protector, and 
 the quiet and security they enjoyed, made this 
 region the depositary of Irish feeling, as it was 
 the refuge of the race. There is something in 
 the serene magnificence of the Shannon, rolling 
 his long line of waves in splendid continuity, and 
 spreading occasionally into vast lakes, and ex- 
 hibiting in the bosom of his great waters a thou- 
 sand beautiful islets, like the expansions of some 
 
 B 4 
 
8 IRELAND. 
 
 mighty mind in the stillness of deep thought, or 
 the flowing of a rich imagination, wave tumbling 
 over wave, until at length it displays its fairy 
 formations, sparkling upon a calm and sunny 
 surface. — There is something in the grandeur 
 and solitude of the Atlantic, and in the singu- 
 larly wild scenery of the country which these 
 waters enclose, calculated to soothe and to 
 <^herish that disposition of the mind, and that 
 arrangement of the feelings which lead away from 
 the world we inhabit, fixing our affections upon 
 the past, or involving us in airy visions of the 
 future. The spirit of this busy world walks upon 
 the east coast of the island, with his head full of 
 rumours, and his hands full of employment. But 
 on those shores that look over the great Western 
 Ocean, stillness and though tfuln ess take their 
 way, and impress upon the people a widely dif- 
 ferent character. Here we meet, at every step, 
 a wild and fantastic luxuriance of imagination, — 
 the literary genius of the bog, and the poet of the 
 glen and the mountain : rude, and often ludi- 
 crous, indications of the native richness of the soil. 
 
 South of the Shannon, where it bends to meet 
 the Atlantic, and stretching into the counties of 
 Kerry and Cork, the same moral character is 
 preserved, and the same physical aspect is main- 
 tained. The country, however, mingles here 
 
IRElAND. 9 
 
 more beauty with its wildness, until at Killarney 
 Nature throws aside her veil, and triumphs in 
 her loveliness. As we approach her in this her 
 glorious dwelling, in the midst of woods and 
 waters, we are made to feel the littleness of hu- 
 man concerns, and experience that low and 
 quick pulsation, that sinking of the spirits, so 
 distressing, so delightful, which nature produces 
 upon man, when she draws near to him in the 
 power and splendor of her revealings, touching 
 him as it were with her finger, and awaking him 
 out of the disturbed trance into which the spirit 
 of the world lulls its slaves, to see and to feel 
 that she alone is worthy of all his love and all his 
 admiration ; and claiming, like the God whose 
 faithful servant she is, the homage of a pure and 
 undivided heart. 
 
 We pretend not to describe the wonders of 
 Killarney ; they must be seen and felt. Nature, 
 indeed, keeps her court in Cumberland, and in 
 a thousand other favoured places upon the globe, 
 and as we tread these delightful seclusions, we 
 discern that we walk in her footsteps, and in 
 places made glorious by her presence. But we 
 meet her in Killarney as in her most loved retreat, 
 in the shrine where she is ever present, in the 
 temj)le erected without hands, capacious, im- 
 mense, whose columns are the eternal moun- 
 
10 IRELAND. 
 
 tains, where a thousand wondrous echoes hymn 
 her praise, and the great waters Hft up their 
 voice, and the red deer guard with their large 
 antlers, her tabernacle in the midst of the groves 
 of arbutus, and the winding woods of oak. 
 Those who would worship Nature in her own 
 temple must seek her at Killarney. 
 
 Traversing southward through the wooded 
 Glen of riesk, we meet the sea in the great 
 estuary at Kenmare. The little town of Ken- 
 mare is finely situated at the top of this great 
 arm of the ocean, and the bold and beautiful 
 scenery reposing here, in utter loneliness, upon 
 the bosom of the Atlantic, would well repay to 
 the pilgrims of Killarney, the trouble of a short 
 drive through the woods of Glen Flesk. 
 
 South of Kenmare lies Bantry, at the head of 
 its great bay, and surrounded by its fine moun- 
 tains, placed like huge centinels to guard the 
 passes of the land against the assaults of the 
 ocean. These outposts of the western island 
 have been skilfully planted, and they are worthy 
 of the land they protect. Firm in their strong 
 positions, and clothed with beauty, they look as 
 it were calmly upon the multitudinous enemy 
 which seeks them at every opening, and is never 
 weary of its warfare. 
 
IRELAND. 11 
 
 From Bantry to Baltimore, the land puts out 
 a sharp angle, encountering the whole force of 
 the southern Atlantic. This was a point that 
 required adcUtional defences ; and accordingly 
 we find the coast surrounded here with a clus- 
 tering guard of small islands, some of them of 
 great beauty, and all interesting from the im- 
 portant positions they occupy, keeping firm foot- 
 ing in the midst of those waters which, from the 
 south pole and the coasts of the new world, have 
 broken their strength upon no other enemy. 
 
 There is a pomp and splendour in all warfare ; 
 there is something grand and impressive in every 
 great exertion of strength. When man goes forth 
 to combat with his fellow mortal, he surrounds 
 himself with a dazzling arrayment; we are 
 struck with the brilliancy of his equipment, and 
 the power wliich he collects about him, and the 
 sweet and stirring sounds that accompany his 
 march. A deep interest rests upon the strug- 
 gles of even our feeble species. 
 
 But when Nature puts on her armour, and pre- 
 pares for the combat of the great elements, we 
 survey the wisdom of her dispositions ; her 
 power, that is beyond calculation, and the beauty 
 and the glory she displays in her every move- 
 ment ; and we are filled with admiration. Stand- 
 
12 IRELAND. 
 
 ing at this point, upon the extreme verge of 
 Europe, we see the Atlantic rushing upon the 
 bended arm of Ireland, while she receives him 
 upon her seven-fold shield of islands, and the 
 land and the ocean tremble, and the sound of 
 the conflict is carried afar upon the broken 
 waves. 
 
 In the rocky basin of Loch Eyne, in the beau- 
 tiful bay of Baltimore, in the secluded loveliness 
 of Castlehaven, we find Nature engaged in works 
 of grandeur and importance. Throughout the 
 whole of this coast, she has disposed the land 
 and water in every possible form and variety of 
 sublimity and beauty. 
 
 Those who are acquainted with this interesting 
 part of Ireland must be struck with its singular 
 beauty, and the singular fact of its being so little 
 known. Furnished with an amazing number of 
 noble harbours, looking towards both Americas 
 and the south of Europe, this, it might have 
 have been thought, was the very spot which 
 Trade would have chosen for her dwelling. 
 But she has never been here. A few fishing 
 villages lying upon these great bays, contrast 
 in a strange manner with their grandeur and 
 commodiousness. The spirit of commerce has 
 frequently passed by those seats which Nature 
 
IRELAND. IS 
 
 seems to have intended for her to indulge a 
 wayward humour, and fix herself in some dark 
 and inconvenient nook of the earth. But in this 
 instance she left these fine positions with good 
 reason, to place herself upon the opposite coast, 
 as near as possible to the great emporium she 
 had established in the other island. The eastern 
 coast lying opposite that of England, became 
 the seat of commerce. The great western har- 
 bours were neglected. Until lately there was 
 hardly any passable approach to them by land ; 
 and by sea they were only known to mariners as 
 Ireland's great and numerous arms stretching far 
 into the ocean, and offering a hospitable shelter to 
 the distressed of all nations. The bay of Bantry, 
 indeed, obtained some report in the world in 
 consequence of the attempted invasion of France 
 at this point in 1797« 
 
 But before the English connection, thoroughly 
 established, gave a local importance to the eastern 
 shores of the island, the west and south-western 
 coast appears to have enjoyed its natural pre-emi- 
 nence. It is circled with a line of ancient castles 
 on the main land and on the islands, which shew 
 that these fine positions were at one time valued 
 and used as nature intended. The old Irish, how- 
 ever, appear to have had an indisposition to trade. 
 
14 IRELAND. 
 
 which could hardly be expected in the descend- 
 ants of the celebrated traders of Tyre, " the 
 mart of nations, the crowning city, whose mer- 
 chants are princes, whose traffickers are the ho- 
 nourable of the earth." That the Irish were an 
 Eastern colony admits, we think, little doubt, and 
 this too will account for the degree of knowledge 
 and refinement which they possessed at a very 
 early period, and which were lost in the over- 
 whelming calamities of the country. 
 
 Ireland is admitted to have possessed an early 
 knowledge and love of letters ; to have received 
 Christianity with readiness, and to have imbibed 
 its spirit with a zeal and devotion which entitled 
 it to the high appellation of the ** Island of 
 Saints." That few memorials remain of that 
 eminence which was the theme of her bards and 
 annalists is not surprising, when we consider 
 that she has enjoyed no peace " that could be 
 called peace" for the last thousand years ; that, 
 during this period she has been three times a 
 wooded wilderness, and three times the plough 
 has passed over, even her high hills. Her archi- 
 tectural antiquities are of no very remote date, 
 frequently overturned and renewed in haste, and 
 sometimes of necessity abandoned in the build- 
 ing, they furnish proofs only of the efforts and 
 
IRELAND. 15 
 
 the exhausted state of the country. And Ire- 
 land comes before us now still engaged in strug- 
 gles, far behind Great Britain in the race of 
 power and prosperity, and yet her eldest sister. 
 The Ogygia of the ancients, the oldest and the 
 newest country in Europe, 
 
16 
 
 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 JNIoTHiNG is more real, or better understood, 
 than national character, and yet it is an abstract 
 idea of no little complexity. The general and 
 loose notions which prevail every where, con- 
 cerning the characters of nations, are for the 
 most part founded in truth, because founded 
 upon the consent and experience of mankind* 
 But though true at bottom, and though this con- 
 sent and experience be the surest guides we can 
 trust to ; it often happens that there is a con- 
 siderable mixture of error and prejudice to be 
 found mingled with these popular notions. So it 
 is of individual character. If we could collect the 
 general sense of society, we should find, that upon 
 the whole, individual character is pretty accurately 
 ascertained; and we should obtain nearly the pure 
 and unadulterated truth, strained through so many 
 coarse mediums. The public judge from the 
 whole tenour of life, and a whole series of actions; 
 they are impartial observers ; and standing afar 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. 17 
 
 off, are less likely to form erroneous judgm^Jits, 
 tlian those who, by their near approach to the 
 object, may be affected by its influence, and, as 
 they are themselves composed, be drawn within 
 its circle, or repelled from its orbit ; and their 
 admiration or aversion may be the result, as well 
 of their own characters as of those which are tlie 
 subject of their observation. There is a po- 
 sition too close, as well as too distant for accu- 
 racy. 
 
 It may be a small thing, if an individual suf- 
 fer from prejudice or mistake — time will do him 
 justice, or will find a grave for the calumny as 
 for its object. There is a term for the indi- 
 vidual and for his sufferings, but a nation lives 
 always, and its wrongs arc perpetuated from age 
 to age. 
 
 The value of good character seems generally 
 well understood in private life , and though it is 
 thought that the rich and powerful arc more in- 
 dependent of it, yet even in their case, it is felt 
 to be of inestimable value. The good name of 
 a nation is not less worthy of care ; and he is a 
 paltry politician who would sacrifice it for a small, 
 or for any, consideration. 
 
 Great nations have done great wrongs, and have 
 
 VOL. I. c 
 
18 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 thought themselves justified in the power of per- 
 petration. But this was when there was no hght 
 upon the earth; — when the spirit of the uni- 
 verse had yet no eyes, and saw not the crime, or 
 in the darkness of its perception marked not its 
 enormity. 
 
 But even in those days, some justification was 
 sought for, when power and oppression went 
 forth to deeds of violence and rapine. And this 
 was generally found in the imputed character of 
 the injured party. That portion of the human 
 race which has been devoted to slavery, has 
 been devoted to obloquy too. Servitude and 
 slander have been the portion of the African. 
 Those nations which have been less wronged, 
 have been, perhaps, less maligned; but their 
 share of misrepresentation has been generally in 
 proportion to the wrong. 
 
 The character fixed by the oppressor upon his 
 victim, and in which he sought his justification, 
 has not only frequently remained the pretence 
 of continued injustice, but it has often of its own 
 working done the will of its author, and gene- 
 rated a family of woes, to complete and per- 
 petuate the ruin it had prepared, — to sting the 
 v/retched sufferer to madness, and probably, at 
 length, to realize its own fiction, by making him 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER, IQ 
 
 tlie degraded and brutal being it had at first but 
 feigned him. 
 
 Character is to nations, as to individuals — 
 protection, wealth, and power. The good and 
 the evil that is in character, is, in a great degree, 
 the result of circumstances solely, over which 
 Providence alone has control. But, independent 
 of this, there is a national genius which pre- 
 dominates over all ; like the hereditary peculi- 
 arities of some families, distinguished for taste or 
 talent, for probity or folly. In our acquaintance 
 with families, it is well to ascertain not only the 
 individual character, but the family bias. In 
 treating of nations we should try to discover the 
 original peculiar character, independently of 
 those modifications impressed by evil or by for- 
 tunate events — that character to which a nation 
 may be raised, and towards which it may by 
 calamity decline. Without this the statesman is 
 working in the dark, and the philanthropist wastes 
 his efforts. 
 
 True, there arc those who think such enqui- 
 ries vain and frivolous; — that all mankind are 
 to be acted upon by the same means, and con- 
 sist of the same materials. Thinkers of this class 
 are but vulgar politicians, and very superficial 
 
 c S 
 
so NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 pliilosopliers, and we shall not stop to combat 
 an assumption contrary to the common sense 
 and experience of mankind. There is a peculi- 
 arity even in the vices and villanies of men, and 
 those most hacknied in the corruptions of the 
 world will admit, that in this wide field there 
 is an infinite diversity. 
 
 There is a character peculiar to the different 
 races of men, which is not entirely eflfaced even by 
 ffreat intermixture. There is also a character 
 which appears in some mysterious manner inci- 
 dent to the soil. The northern Irish, who still 
 presene much of the colour of their Scottish 
 original, and even the Irish of Cromwellian race, 
 who are hardly yet Irish in feeling, are strongly 
 marked with the great lineaments of the nation. 
 As the Saxons communicated to the Normans 
 the great features of their character, so the old 
 Irish race have impressed upon their British in- 
 vaders the outlines of their lineage. The tri- 
 umph of character has surpassed the triumph of 
 arms. 
 
 The popular writers and orators of any nation 
 furnish a good exemplification of its character ; 
 they are the embodied spirit of the nation ; 
 they are the voice of the people, uttering the 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. 21 
 
 deep and sublime things shut up in the bosom of 
 the populace. Nations, sometimes for a long 
 period, lose their power of utterance, and they 
 suffer, and are deeply afflicted under the dread 
 privation ; for they delight in the faculty of 
 speech, and of holding converse with the world. 
 Providence can bestow no greater blessing upon 
 a nation than to give it a multitude of tongues 
 to speak its thoughts and feelings. It is revived 
 by the melody of its own voice — the echoes of 
 its favourite strains speak upon every hill, and 
 fill every valley with pleasure. The people are 
 roused as one man by the conscious community 
 of feeling ; they are enlightened by their own 
 musings as they ponder upon the things they 
 themselves have uttered ; and, led by tlie myste- 
 rious faculty of speech, they find their way to 
 greatness and prosperity. 
 
 If then we would know the genius of a peo- 
 ple, we must attend to what they have said, and 
 how they have spoken. When Ireland revived, 
 after a short breathing, from the state of wretch- 
 edness and exhaustion, in which her civil wars 
 had left her, and had shaken off, in her first 
 rousings, a portion of the penal and disabling 
 laws which oppressed her, the spirit of the na- 
 tion found utterance, and spoke with the mouths 
 of Burke, and G rattan, and Curran, and Swift. 
 
 c 3 
 
22 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 Like one who had long been dumb, and in de- 
 spair, she spoke rapidly, and with great power. 
 A crowd of mighty minds were filled with her 
 new found energy. The spirit of her sweetest 
 muse dwelt in the simple and amiable Gold- 
 smith. His poetry, as polished as Pope's, has 
 infinitely more of tenderness and feeling. In 
 Pope we see the art and the artist ; in Gold- 
 smith we discern nothing but the subject that is 
 before us, and the simple sweetness of the strain. 
 His verse seems the natural flowing of the feel- 
 ing, like the melody of some gentle stream in a 
 sunny valley. We cannot congratulate the ge- 
 nius of the discoverer who found out that Pope 
 was no poet ; neither do we do this great man 
 any dishonour, in placing Goldsmith by his side 
 as his equal in all things. The lights of a glo- 
 rious age, different, but equal. Pope had more 
 cultivated dignity of style — more manner. His 
 verses bore evidence of great labour, and the 
 effect was striking. His poetry was like his 
 nation, powerful, cultivated, excellent ; but all^ 
 in some degree, the effect of a laborious and 
 thi'ifty spirit, sparing no pains, and making the 
 uttermost even of the least things. 
 
 Goldsmitli was the opfioSfe of all this; theffe 
 is a facility in his verse that looks like careless- 
 ness — something like the negligence of his na- 
 
 13 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. Q3 
 
 tion in the management of his subject ; but its 
 precious glow of feeling, its touching tenderness, 
 and its power over the heart. There is no 
 poem in the English language that can be 
 placed before the " Deserted Village," but there 
 are many that show more skill, and thought and 
 attention bestowed upon them. Nature had 
 done all for Goldsmith : study did much for 
 Pope. The former hardly knew he was a poet ; 
 the latter learned his powers in the severity of 
 his studies. 
 
 Moore, though very different from Goldsmith, 
 is not less national. The genius of this brilliant 
 poet is in all respects Irish ; his beauties, his 
 blemishes, his sins, and his atonements, all be- 
 long to his nation. There are poets that have 
 offended less, but there is, perhaps, but one, — 
 and his offences are of a deeper die, — who hath 
 equal brilliancy and pathos. The melancholy, 
 the gaiety, the plaintive sweetness, and the al-r 
 most riotous exuberance of mirth are all his own 
 and his country's. Since the days of remotest 
 antiquity, no lyre has ever made so sweet a me- 
 lody as Moore's. He stands, in this age, alone 
 and unrivalled, the master of the sweetest and 
 only minstrelsy. 
 
 The ancient music of Ireland was a rich and 
 
 c 4 
 
S4 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 long neglected mine of melody. The genius of 
 Moore possessed itself at once of all its treasures, 
 and in the inspiration of its deep caves, resound- 
 ing with the spells and enchantments of for- 
 gotten ages, he was filled with the " Soul of 
 Music.'* The music of Ireland was exquisitely 
 pathetic and plaintive, it was wild and unequal, 
 passing, but always with skill and feeling, through 
 every variety of note and modulation, and from 
 one strain to another -, from the deepest melan- 
 choly to the gaiety of a spirit resolved to shake 
 off its weight of care, and to forget its sorrows 
 in excess of merriment. 
 
 The harp of this skilful minstrel was true 
 to the ear and the heart of the nation, for 
 which he touched its chords. Moore's melo- 
 dies are not confined to the drawing-room and 
 the saloon ; they have had the merit to please 
 the vulgar, and have been sung in the streets 
 to admiring crowds ; an eulogy at once upon the 
 poet and the people. They must be true to 
 nature, or they could not please the crowd, and 
 it evinced no mean taste in the populace which 
 could be pleased with compositions so po- 
 lished. 
 
 Ireland abounded with orators good and bad j 
 but her first race were giants. Of this mighty 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. ^5 
 
 race, Burke might be considered first, and 
 Grattan the last. Between these stood many a 
 glorious name, resplendent with important pub- 
 lic services. It is not our's to call forth the 
 spirits of the mighty dead ; the two we have 
 named will serve to illustrate the genius of their 
 country. The brilliancy, the splendid magnifi- 
 cence of Burke, the grandeur and variety of 
 his dazzling imagery, the rushing torrent of his 
 thoughts, flowing and spreading into a bound- 
 less amplitude of illustration. His flight was 
 with the eye and the wing of the eagle of his 
 own hills, and the plumage of the bird of para- 
 dise. 
 
 In a British House of Parliament, his rich and 
 copious eloquence contrasted finely with the 
 lofty declamation of Pitt, and the simple and 
 vehement appeals of Fox. These two great men 
 were worthy to stand by the side of Burke and 
 Sheridan ; but, if eloquence alone gave emi- 
 nence, these latter would, perhaps, have de- 
 served the first place. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's style is like Burke's, but pos- 
 sessing, perhaps, more strength and point. 
 Grattan was more fortunate than Burke, he was 
 more at home in the scene of his labours ; these, 
 too, were concerned about the destiny of his na- 
 
26 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 tive land ; a subject grander and coming more 
 home to the heart, than the trade or foreign po- 
 licy of any nation. Burke poured around his 
 subject the splendour of the noon day ; Grat- 
 tan often invested his with the dazzling brillian- 
 cy of the liglitning's flash. His vehemence was 
 sublime ; Burke's was magnificent. The latter 
 was the hill of Lebanon, crowned with its great 
 cedars ; the other was the scorched summit of 
 Sinai. 
 
 It requires but to mention Curran, to add his 
 wit, his pathos, his burning sarcasm, Iiis playful 
 and elegant humour, his unrivalled facility, cloth- 
 ing every thing he touched with beauty, and 
 strewing flowers over the barrenest heaths of 
 the law ; it requires but to mention this favourite 
 of all the world, the orator of the heart, and 
 feelings, and imagination, in conjunction with 
 those we have already named, to obtain a clear 
 idea of what is the genius of Ireland in this high 
 department of human excellence. These spread 
 before us the fervour, the sentiment, the deep 
 thought and deeper feeling, the fine imagination 
 and exquisite fancy, which belong to the national 
 character. 
 
 Such materials, however, are not the fittest for 
 the ordinary business of life ; they belong to its 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. ^7 
 
 great occasions. War, politics, poetry, philo- 
 sophy are, accordingly, the subjects which chief- 
 ly attract Irish ambition, rather than the more 
 safe and profitable pursuits of trade. Hence much 
 of that disease called Irish pride — a distaste 
 for little things, and a longing after such ob- 
 jects as by their grandeur or importance furnish 
 food for the imagination, and fill a mind which 
 has travelled out of itself, and its little con- 
 cerns, and made another home in its wide spe- 
 culations. 
 
 The genius of these great men re-acted upon 
 its kindred spirit in the nation, and produced a 
 crowd of imitators. Those who felt the stir- 
 rings of a congenial mind, fancied themselves 
 inspired with the same genius, and because they 
 could copy the style, imagined they also breath- 
 ed the spirit of the great masters. Hence the 
 mock Irish style of which there are so many 
 instances. There is no style so easy to imitate j 
 none so difficult to succeed in. This miserable 
 falsetto can never be mistaken for the voice of 
 the muse. 
 
 But even all this imitation is an evidence 
 of the beauty and grandeur of the originals. 
 Demosthenes spread a swarm of sophists over 
 
28 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 Greece ; and the " statue that enchants the 
 Avorld," has made thousands of unlucky artists. 
 
 The prevaiUng quaUties of the great minds we 
 have mentioned, and their defects, are those 
 also which abound in the bosom of their country : 
 they form the great mental strata of the land. 
 It was this deep and fervid feeling, tliis enthusi- 
 asm which, at the first preaching of the gospel, 
 drank the sublime doctrines of Christianity with 
 delight, and then sent forth from the saturated 
 soil a mighty torrent of piety and zeal, to en- 
 rich and bless other lands. The devotedness of 
 this people as Christians, in the early ages, was 
 the effect of that spirit which in war leads them 
 into the hottest of the battle ; in politics makes 
 them ever ready to have recourse to extremes ; 
 in trade, and in the common concerns of life, 
 makes them prodigal and unthrifty ; makes them 
 always generous, and sometimes unjust. 
 
 It is a trite observation to say, that the best 
 things when perverted become the worst ; but 
 it is true generally. The calamities of Ireland had 
 a more unhappy effect upon that country, than 
 liiey would, perhaps, have produced upon any 
 other nation. High qualities of mind, when 
 turned to evil, ever occasion the most disastrous 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. ^9 
 
 results. The unconquerable zeal which disdains 
 all selfish considerations, which no force can 
 subdue, or danger appal, which, in the midst of 
 peril and suffering, spreads its broad wing of 
 benevolence over all mankind, may be tortured 
 into sin, and dragged down into wickedness; and, 
 changing its character, but not its energy, in 
 its fall, may rise from its overthrow, foul, fierce, 
 and polluted, and, in its debasement, adding 
 cunning to its strength, may clothe itself with 
 crimes. The high and heroic devotedness, 
 which in a good cause, and directed by virtuous 
 principle, is the admiration of the universe, 
 when sorrow and suffering blind its faculty of 
 perception, and it mistakes evil for good, may 
 become the scourge of the world ; and men may 
 be incredulous that it ever could have been en- 
 gaged in a good cause ; and benevolence itselfj 
 wearied and^ disgusted with an obstinacy which 
 no kindness can conciliate, or perseverance sub- 
 due, may turn away in despair, as from some- 
 thing which God and nature had cursed with an 
 impracticable obduracy. 
 
 Something of this kind is to be found in Ire- 
 land. There is an evil spirit in the lower classes 
 of the people, and an intractable obstinacy ; and 
 there is often a want of sufficient zeal for the 
 
30 NATIONAL CHARACTER. 
 
 task they have undertaken, amongst those who 
 would morahse and improve them. Tliat the 
 spirit we refer to was not originally evil, may 
 be discerned from this — that it is accompanied, 
 even in its fallen state, by virtues of such high 
 character, as never consort with what is de- 
 cidedly and naturally wicked — kindness, gene- 
 rosity, good humour, fidelity, and goodness of 
 heart. Its original character is seen also in 
 those of the same race who possess the advan= 
 tages of cultivation, and having been redeemed 
 from the ruin which had fallen upon their less 
 fortunate countrymen, escaped the fearful per- 
 version of their fine qualities. 
 
 Not many Irish gentlemen of ancient blood 
 remained in the country after the surrender of 
 Limerick, in 1691 ; but there were a few, and 
 the odd and awkward circumstances by which 
 they were surrounded, presented to the world 
 that character, which has been sketched in the 
 " King of the Black Islands," a strange and real 
 romance ; the mock dignity, which was yet 
 never assumed, and was imposing because con- 
 ferred by a multitude ; the claims that were 
 laughed at as absurd, and yet were not liked, 
 because felt to have a kind of reality j the respect 
 that could not be withheld, the aversion which 
 
NATIONAL CHARACTER. 31 
 
 could not be entirely concealed, the visionary 
 importance, the personal power, and at the 
 same time the weakness of this personage, were 
 all circumstances of such incongruity, as added 
 much to the wildness of the moral scenery of 
 Ireland. 
 
3^ 
 
 IRISH WOMEN, 
 
 The women of Ireland represent the national 
 character better than the other sex. Like an 
 Italian landscape in the moon-light, we see its 
 beautiful outline softened, but yet more distinct- 
 ly, than when the sun poured upon it his fierce 
 and burning splendour. In the soothing softness 
 of this picture, we discern all that gave value 
 to the deeper tint of the noon-day radiance ; the 
 kindness and goodness of the Irish heart, without 
 its depravity ; its faithfulness and devotedness, 
 without its fierceness. 
 
 All its original gentleness and truth, such as 
 was before yet calamity and oppression had dis- 
 figured and corrupted it. Its playfulness and 
 gaiety, touching every subject of thought and 
 taste, and feeling and fancy ; fearlessly because 
 pure, and freely because above suspicion. Gen- 
 tleness is civilization — woman, is therefore, na- 
 turally more civilized than man. Full of the 
 
IRISH WOMEN. 33 
 
 natural genius of the country ; the acuteness, 
 the bright intelHgence, the lively fancy, the 
 fine imagination, without the pretension which 
 so frequently in the other sex spoils and disfi- 
 gures these precious gifts of nature. We have 
 seen these brilliant, dangerous talents, in all their 
 richness and glow^ and glory, like the lambient 
 flame that girt the head of Anchises' son, the 
 the delight and wonder of the surrounding cir- 
 cle, without a thought or consciousness of their 
 existence disturbing the mind of the possessor. 
 
 The women of England, if they possess the 
 talent which belongs to their sex in the sister 
 island, have not the courage to use their brilliant 
 stores ; or use them awkwardly, or give them- 
 selves up to a taste so refined as to approach 
 the last shade of insipidity. The strength and 
 freedom of Irish intellect, and of the Irish heart 
 in its large and warm pulsation, woidd look 
 something like vulgarity in England. 
 
 We have heard it said, that an English woman 
 would not be safe in treading the path which 
 would be firm and secure to the foot of an Irish 
 female. We do not think this : we think more 
 highly of the women of England. We would 
 not, if we could, rub out the shades of character, 
 or efface, in the least degree, the superior refine- 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
34 IRISH WOMEN. 
 
 ment of that country, or the truth and freedom 
 of nature, which charms, perhaps, still more in 
 the women of the other island. 
 
 In France we have all the freedom without 
 the truth of character, and all the gaiety w^ithout 
 the steadfast principle which makes it innocent, 
 and gives it all its sweetness. The Irish woman 
 is more cultivated than the French, with less 
 pretension to knowledge, and gay with less of 
 effort and manner. The French w^oman dwells 
 and delights in mystery ; the Irish woman in the 
 light. In France the sex has approached nearer 
 to the male, in manners and habits, and has lost 
 much of its charm in its approximation ; in Ire- 
 land the sex has stooped to none of this pro- 
 miscuous mingling, but has preserved all the 
 freshness and delicacy of nature, with all its 
 frankness and freedom. 
 
 The form and countenance ever corresponds 
 to the character of the mind. The women of 
 Ireland possess great softness and variety of fea- 
 ture, and a power of expression, arising from 
 the absence of constraint, which gives to beauty 
 more than the grace of loveliness. There is 
 upon the human face a mysterious emanation of 
 the mind which is past our comprehension, 
 though it forms the delight and happiness of our 
 
 18 
 
IRISH WOMEN. 55 
 
 world. Restraint clogs its evanescent and inex- 
 plicable action. Dissoluteness destroys it in its 
 source, and substitutes one coai'se and unvarying 
 expression, which soon tires and disgusts. 
 
 In England, perhaps, women have — in France 
 they certainly have, — a more independent exist- 
 ence than in Ireland. In the latter country the 
 sex leans more upon their male relatives, and 
 have less of a separate being. In married life a 
 woman loses more entirely her individuahty in 
 her love, and if repulsed by unkindness, or 
 repelled by an uncongenial spii'it, she has less 
 resource in herself or in society. The very 
 warmth and goodness of her nature, deprived of 
 its natural object, instead of giving her more 
 entirely to the world, takes her out of its circle. 
 A delicate and amiable woman can by no art be 
 raised into a standard ; the beautiful leaves and 
 the gay and clustering tendrils of a pure affec- 
 tion will rather wither and rot upon the earth. 
 
 The female character in all nations, is ^ 
 softened and improved representation of the 
 male ; it shows the virtues of the people, 
 even their courage without its sanguinary shad- 
 ing ; their generosity and hospitality, their 
 faithfulness and talent, and peculiar genius. 
 Even their love of country is more fully deve- 
 
 D ^ 
 
36 IRISH WOMEN\ 
 
 loped hi the female sex, and wears a more- 
 decided and nobler aspect. Women, in their 
 happy seclusion, are less exposed to have their 
 finer feeling depraved or destroyed in the miser- 
 able traffic of low and sordid interests which 
 engage the life of man. They yield themselves 
 more easily to kind and generous affections, and 
 sooner free themselves from the trammels of 
 party prejudices and sectarian antipathies. 
 
 Hence it is that in Ireland, though there are 
 thousands of men, who, since the days of Crom- 
 well, have been born, and fed, and have flourished^ 
 and been happy with the fulness of the soil, 
 and are yet foreigners in the land of their fathers- 
 and of their children, and without one kindly 
 or generous feeling towards the beautiful island 
 of their nativity, or the fine race of men wha 
 claim them as their countrymen and fellow- 
 citizens ; though there are such men, there are 
 few such women. The natural love of country, 
 so amiable, so valuable, could not be so long in 
 making its home in the female heart. The 
 women of Ireland are all Irish. 
 
 History has made but little note of the female 
 sex, but that little has been, for the most part, a 
 record of excellence. The beautiful lines of the 
 •* weary and worn traveller," might be applied to 
 
IRISH WOMEN. 67 
 
 the pilgrimage of mankind, from his first outset 
 in the wilderness of the world. Even in their 
 vices they have not always been depraved ; nor 
 have sin and seduction been always able to 
 darken entirely the brightness and purity of a 
 nature, deriving a mysterious energy from its 
 delicacy and gentleness. From Esther to Portia 
 and Aspasia, the sex has shown its devotedness, 
 and talent and redeeming virtues. In our day it 
 has assumed the rank it is entitled to ; the bril- 
 liant genius of De Stael and a long line of illus- 
 trious females, have done more than the argu- 
 ments of Godwin, to give the sex its proper 
 place and value in society, without withdrawing 
 them from their happy and privileged seclu- 
 sion. 
 
 Christianity accomplished for the sex, what 
 neither the fine genius of Greece, nor the elevated 
 intellect of Rome could achieve. The mild and 
 gentle spirit of this religion gave strength and 
 power to whatsoever was mild and gentle. The 
 sex rose into importance, as ferocity and cruelty 
 ceased to be virtues ; and like most bodies, 
 while yet their proper place was unfixed, they 
 shot upwards in their ascent, and passed into a 
 region of strange and almost ludicrous elevation ; 
 this was the region of chivalry. 
 
 D S 
 
38 IRISH WOMEN. 
 
 In their declension from this uncomfortable 
 height, the sex has almost found its true level; 
 and perhaps nowhere is this more correctly 
 ascertained than in Ireland. The genius of the 
 nation fixed it so, that nothing should be lost of 
 female delicacy, as in France : and that nothing 
 should be sacrificed, as in England, to an ex- 
 treme reserve. 
 
 We have touched the character of the women 
 of Ireland, merely as it serves to illustrate that of 
 the nation of which they form part. Like their 
 nation, they hold an intermediate place between 
 the French and the English w^omen, and are 
 possessed of some of the best qualities of both. 
 
39 
 
 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 1 HE policy of England, with respect to the sister 
 island, has been strikingly consistent up nearly 
 to the age we live in. It presents us with one 
 unvarying exhibition of harshness, neglect, and 
 injustice, and with a constant succession of weak 
 and temporary expedients. 
 
 Down to the reign of Elizabeth, the English 
 government in Ireland, extending over no more 
 than a portion of Leinster, and a few towns on 
 the eastern coast, was wholly occupied in a 
 struggle to preserve this small territory, or, occa- 
 sionally, in efforts to extend it. Elizabeth ac- 
 quired the sovereignty of the whole island. She 
 appears to have been aware of the importance of 
 her Irish dominions ; and her vigorous councils 
 did not wholly disregard the claims of justice 
 and humanity. 
 
 D 4 
 
40 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The vanity of James the First was to be gra- 
 tified by extensive schemes of colonization. The 
 sweeping magnificence of these projects brushed 
 away the petty obstacles of humanity and justice. 
 Charles involved Ireland in the misery of his 
 unsteady and insincere policy. Cromwell came 
 to apply the usual remedy of blood. The hand 
 of destiny went before this conqueror, and re« 
 moved the accomplished General O'Neil. The 
 kingdom was opened to Cromwell, and the 
 danger of separation, which then threatened, was 
 removed. There has been, on many occasions^ 
 something like this special interference of Provi- 
 dence in the affairs of Ireland. 
 
 The Restoration brought new calamities, and 
 the Revolution again poured out its vial of wrath 
 upon this devoted island. At length the star of 
 William rose in peace and splendor above the 
 horizon, and made promise of happy days ; but 
 it was the destiny of Ireland that she should not 
 have peace, as long as the perfidious race of the 
 Stuarts held dominion in Britain : until Anne 
 expired there was no respite for Ireland. Nor 
 did the baleful influence of this high and un- 
 happy family wear itself out entirely, even under 
 the healthful ascendant of the Hanoverian line., 
 for one or two generations. 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 41 
 
 In the reign of the thh'd George, Ireland was 
 cheered and invigorated witli the warmth of a 
 genuine paternal kindness in the crown. A 
 sense of the benefits conferred upon the country 
 by this good and excellent monarch, has sunk 
 deep into the hearts of the people ; and, even in 
 the heat and violence of the Insurrection in 1798, 
 they could not be wholly detached from their 
 allegiance to their sovereign. This prince has 
 left to his son and successor, the rich inheritance 
 of a people's love. A crown is a vulgar thing 
 compared with this truly royal diadenL And we 
 are bound to say, that his present Majesty wears 
 it with the grace and the dignity of an undis- 
 puted title — it sits gloriously upon a head able 
 to comprehend the value of this bright inherit- 
 ance, and to preserve it. 
 
 The Irish have been ever a faitliful people, and 
 from their fidelity, much of their misfortunes 
 have flowed. Faithful to their native chiefs 
 and institutions — faithful to the religion of their 
 ancestors — faithful to the House of Stuart 
 even in its despair, — they have, in all these in- 
 stances, been sufferers. Yet is faithfulness the 
 rarest and most precious of virtues : few nations 
 or individuals wear it long, for this splendid gem 
 is a mark at which calamity ever aims her arrow, 
 and death and woeful destruction have been the 
 
,42 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 price exacted, and too oflen paid, for this most 
 glorious gift of Heaven. 
 
 The Anglo-Irish transferred their allegiance 
 with great facility, from Charles to the parli- 
 ament, and from the parliament again to the 
 second Charles, and afterwards from James to 
 William. Without taking much concern in the 
 matters which led to these changes in England, 
 they took up, generally, whatsoever cause pre- 
 vailed in that country, and found their account 
 in their versatility. The Irish of ancient race 
 pursued an opposite line of conduct, and^ were 
 ruined by their fidelity. 
 
 The English cabinet having found a party in 
 Ireland, whose allegiance to the crown was of a 
 transferable quality, and whose attachment to 
 the constitution was of a manageable kind, 
 whose uniform policy was that of the good 
 old " Vicar of Bray," were not slow in dis- 
 covering the advantages to be derived from so 
 accommodating a principle and so convenient a 
 party, sure that whatsoever measures were pur- 
 sued in England, would, provided they were suc- 
 cessful, have the approbation of their friends in 
 Ireland : they were relieved from the painful ne- 
 cessity of considering them, with a view to the 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 43 
 
 opinions which might be formed of them in that 
 country. Treason, therefore, hatched in secu- 
 rity her plots against the throne, or directed, in 
 full confidence, the designs of a deceived and 
 unhappy prince against the constitution. The 
 moral control of Ireland was taken away. 
 
 There was but one condition which this party 
 insisted upon. They required that the ancient 
 population of the country should be put under 
 their feet ; that they should be indulged with a 
 monopoly of power, or, at all events, with a 
 monopoly of emoluments ; and that their deal- 
 ings as to this power and these emoluments, 
 should not be too strictly enquired into. These 
 conditions w^ere generally complied with : and 
 pretty nearly upon these principles has the go- 
 vernment of Ireland descended down to a pe- 
 riod not far removed from us. 
 
 The enormous abuses to which this disgrace- 
 ful compromise surrendered the country, could 
 scarcely be imagined. The Anglo-Irish deter- 
 mined to make the most of their compact, and 
 while yet there was time to reap the full harvest 
 of this rich field of ruin, pushed their fbr- 
 times to the utmost. They were led into acts of 
 unheard of injustice and violence, which were 
 
44 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 retaliated with as little regard to humanity, un- 
 til the country became utterly brutalized. The 
 English government of that time, on the other 
 hand, secure of the country in every event, by 
 means of the convenient understanding they had 
 established, were tempted to perpetrate acts of 
 the most flagitious wickedness, which, provided 
 they did not bear directly upon the contract- 
 ing party, they considered themselves free to 
 commit. It was a contract of tyranny upon the 
 one hand, and of rapine on the other ; and in 
 process of time the dealings of these two par- 
 ties became as open and regular as any ordinary 
 traffic whatsoever. The great undertakers for 
 the Protestant ascendancy, waited in form upon 
 the agent of the British cabinet, at the castle of 
 Dublin, and the terms of the bargain, by which 
 one was permitted to misgovern, and the other 
 to plunder the country, were adjusted in due 
 form. Of the dreadful working of this system 
 we have abundant evidence j its effects are all 
 around us. 
 
 Lord Strafford, in the reign of Charles the 
 First, conceived himself at liberty to practise all 
 manner of enormities. He destroyed the woollen 
 manufacture, which he found beginning to flou- 
 rish in the country, because it was thought likely 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND, 45 
 
 to interfere with that of England.* He estab- 
 lished an mqiiisition into titles, which, proceed- 
 ing upon the assumption that the title o£ all the 
 land in the kingdom is in the King, those who 
 could not shew a grant from the crown were de- 
 clared to forfeit their estates, though they might 
 have derived them from ancestors in possession 
 for ages before the connection of the two coun- 
 tries. Those whose titles were not deemed to be 
 clear, were compelled to take new grants from 
 the crown, for which they paid excessive fines. 
 And when juries could not be induced to find 
 against titles, contrary to evidence and their 
 oaths, they were heavily amerced and sent 
 to prison. Such was the government of Ireland 
 in those days. Such the protection afforded to 
 the subject by the boasted constitution of Eng- 
 land : and such was Lord Strafford, the Jaithful 
 and eulogized servant of Charles. 
 
 This was not merely the character of the go- 
 vernment under Charles. Lord Strafford found 
 the government of the island bearing this charac- 
 ter of shameless wickedness. But before his 
 time, the " mere Irish" had been exclusively the 
 objects of state enormities. Tliis able man, 
 
 * He established the linen manufacture in its place, as 
 some compensation. It was by no means an equivalent. 
 More decided steps were afterwards taken in the reign of 
 William III. to destroy the woollen manufacture of Ireland. 
 
46 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 keeping a single eye to his master's interests, ad- 
 ministered injustice and oppression with an equal 
 hand to all parties. He scorned and derided the 
 distinctions which would have taken a class of 
 persons, whom he despised, out of the scope of 
 his measures, and made them sharers in a nar- 
 row and circumscribed plunder; when his aim 
 was to make them victims. He would not stoop 
 to be an oppressor, to serve the purposes of a 
 contemptible party ; but he would be any thing 
 to serve the prince he loved. He deserved praise 
 for his impartiality; he deserved death for his 
 oppressions. And the prince who deserted him 
 in his extremity, deserved execration. 
 
 The equal and indifferent despotism of Lord 
 Strafford was infinitely to be preferred to the par- 
 tial tyranny of other governors ; or to the dread- 
 ful system of ruling by means of a party which 
 has been the bane of Ireland. Under such a sys- 
 tem, there was no peace for the country. Nor 
 was peace possible. An Irish rebellion was the 
 mine in which every man worked out his fortune ; 
 and happy was he who could open a new vein of 
 insurrection. The tools of the miners were in- 
 sults, oppressions, religious persecutions, and ficti- 
 tious plots. We do not say that every insurrec- 
 tion in Ireland was brought about in this way ; but 
 we are sure that the greater number were. The 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 47 
 
 miners were sometimes blown up unexpectedly 
 by an aukw^ard explosion ; for there was no 
 "safety lamp" to meet the perils of this dark 
 adventure. But the bold spirits of that day 
 w^ere not easily frighted from the pursuit of gain. 
 Other and readier hands were soon found. 
 
 The confiscations and grants of land which 
 followed every defeated insurrection, were the 
 golden ore which consoled the adventurers. Irish 
 confederates and allies, though sometimes found, 
 were reluctantly admitted, for they narrowed the 
 field of confiscation. The Lord President of 
 Munster, in the reign of Elizabeth, refused to 
 admit a man of rank into the peace and service 
 of the Queen, until he had connnitted murder 
 upon some person of consequence, of his own 
 kindred and party. These were the terms of 
 his acceptance ; and, more wonderful still, 
 they were complied with. And in the reign of 
 Henry VII., Lord Gorman ston, after a victory 
 over the Irish, turned to tlie Earl of Kildare, and 
 exclaimed, *' We have slaughtered our enemies, 
 but, to complete the good deed, we must now 
 cut the throats of those Irish of our own party.*' 
 
 Of the wickedness of this svstem there can be 
 no question. Of its impolicy we have to say a 
 word or two. It utterly destroyed the gentry 
 
48 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 of old Irish race. The uninterrupted working 
 of five or six hundred years had accompHshed 
 their ruin. They were rooted out of the land 
 of their fathers ; but the memory of their race 
 has not perished. New families have taken their 
 places, but as yet are far from having acquired 
 their privileges. Between the new race of gen- 
 try and the people there is no sympathy or 
 confidence yet established. 
 
 The government is in the perilous and awful 
 situation of being entirely without a medium by 
 which they could communicate with the people. 
 The gentry, for all political purposes, are a non- 
 conductor. The state cannot act upon the bulk 
 of the people. And the lightning may circulate 
 fearfully in the dark mass of the population, and 
 the government may sit in its place in woeful 
 security, unconscious of the impending storm. 
 
 This uselessness of the gentry and helplessness 
 of the government have been often unhappily 
 demonstrated in Ireland. Every event has 
 tended to enlarge the wide and void space 
 which separates the people from the upper 
 classes in that country — like the desolate fron- 
 tiers of the German tribes of old, whose pride 
 and safety lay in the extent of the desert which 
 surrounded them. The gentry, separated by 
 
POLICY OF EJ^GLAND. 49 
 
 blood and prejudice, were further removed from 
 the people by the Reformation. 
 
 Scotland was more fortunate in this portion 
 of her history. Her gentry were not exter- 
 minated, but were wisely preserved by the 
 crown. Hence that nation presents us with one 
 uniform structure of society — one firm and 
 solid mass of well-arranged materials, built up 
 in power and in happiness. Hence it was that 
 the reformed religion succeeded so extensively 
 in Scotland. Adopted by the gentry after the 
 example of the crown, the people in their turn 
 took up the religion of their natural guides and 
 leaders, and this great work was easily and 
 -quietly effected. 
 
 The unhappy policy pursued in Ireland threw 
 insuperable obstacles in the way of the Re- 
 formation in that country. The gentry, indeed, 
 adopted the religion of tlie state, but the 
 people would not follow them, for they were 
 strangers in the land. If the rage for confis- 
 cation and a wiser policy could have spared the 
 ancient gentry, these too, would have embraced 
 the religion of the crown, as did the O'Briens, 
 and a few others, whom an extraordinary for- 
 tune preserved ; and the people would have fol- 
 lowed their leading. 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
50 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The descendants also of the bold and liir" 
 bulent chieftains, who brooked impatiently the 
 dominion of a foreigner, would in our time be 
 found as complaisant to the government, and as 
 faithful to the British throne as any Scotch or 
 English peer in parliament. And from them 
 would have descended to the people a true 
 knowledge and just impression of the king 
 and the constitution. The father of his peo- 
 ple — their most precious inlieritance. The 
 people would have sent back, through these 
 natural channels, the full tide of their warm 
 affections. 
 
 The king w^ould have found hands by which 
 he could have reached his people, and mouths 
 by which he could have spoken to their hearts. 
 He is now without either. There are hands, 
 indeed, but they are only grasped in deadly 
 strife — and there are mouths, but they speak a 
 foreign and often unknown tongue. The per- 
 verse policy of England has cut in pieces the 
 living body of the nation. Every thing is broken 
 and disjointed. And she has hardly yet put off 
 the fatal delusion of her former system. While 
 she has trifled, and delayed, and hesitated, the 
 people have grown up into an immense and 
 almost hostile power, menacing the gentry with 
 anew struggle, and the state with a fierce and 
 
 IS 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND* ol 
 
 formidable insurrection. She should at length 
 be decided. 
 
 To get rid of the enormities of the ascendancy 
 system, Mr. Pitt proposed the Union. Then, 
 and not till then, these enormities were confessed 
 and exposed in the parliaments of both nations* 
 Mr. Pitt carried his measure ; but the system 
 has continued to drag on, an odious and annoys 
 ing existence. 
 
 The Union had the effect proposed. It un- 
 tied the hands of government. It loosened its 
 dependence upon party, and restored to the 
 state the privilege of good government. But 
 no essential change followed. The country had 
 now to endure all the evils of the Union, and 
 they were many and formidable, in addition to 
 the evils of the old system. There was some 
 mystery involved in the transactions w^hich 
 followed the Union. It was not surprising, 
 perhaps, after the deadly contest which took 
 place at that period, between the parties 
 which had so long divided the power and the 
 profits of government in Ireland, that there 
 should be some memory of past affection, some 
 lingering kindness, some returning good-will, to 
 bring them together again. 
 
 E 'r2 
 
52 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 It is true, that in moments of irritation the 
 green was seen blended with the orange, and 
 the old party of the undertakers talked big, and 
 threatened to hoist this formidable standard of 
 rebellion. But the minister had them in a di- 
 lemma, and long intercourse made him to know 
 them well. He sootlicd them with the price 
 of the boroughs, and when all was finished, he 
 tendered the terms of a new contract. They 
 were no lono-er to be masters, but as servants 
 they miglit hope for much. Whiat could they 
 do ? They could not appeal to the people, — 
 their past conduct had made them odious to the 
 country. They could not take up arms against 
 the state and fight their own battles. They did 
 what was more congenial to their habits. They 
 accepted the humiliating conditions offered them^ 
 and were content to feed upon the crumbs which 
 fell from that table where they used to preside^ 
 and carve so gloriously the first portion of good 
 things for themselves, and the second and last 
 for the government. 
 
 Since the Union, the old principle of the 
 Irish government has struggled for existence, 
 and not vmsuccessfully. It had been an old and 
 fav^ourite servant of the Castle. Occasionallv 
 kicked and abused, it had crouched and fawned 
 upon the chastiser, and been again caressed and 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 58 
 
 received into favour ; but though fawning upon 
 its master, it was fierce to its victim, and impa- 
 tient of controuL 
 
 It was this principle which tore up the earth 
 under Lord FitzwilHam, and precipitated him 
 from his seat at the moment he was dreaming 
 of plans of beneficence and wisdom. Many 
 good men liave contended with it, and have not 
 succeeded ; for it unites the strength and ferocity 
 of the tiger with the cunning and lubricity of the 
 serpent. Mr. Peel was said to be the patron of 
 this principle ; but he had the address and the 
 humanity to keep it in check. It overturned 
 Mr. Grant, as it had done Lord FitzwilHam. The 
 Marquess Wellesley would disdain to be its patron. 
 He will be its master. The ablest man of his 
 family, one of the ablest men of our day, we 
 hope much from the vigour, the policy, and the 
 humanity of his government. We rely strongly 
 upon the kindness and good feeling of the mo- 
 narch, which the noble marquess has wisely and 
 properly displayed, as the new principle of his 
 government. 
 
 The people feel all the confidence which they 
 ought in their king ; but they distrust the coun- 
 teracting principle of the Irish government ; not 
 the noble viceroy, but the tainted air of the 
 
 E 3 
 
54 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 castle. Time, as well as wise measures, are ne- 
 cessary to give to government the confidence of 
 the people. 
 
 We do not think that all the evils of Ireland 
 are summed up in the Catholic question. When 
 this measure shall be carried, much will yet re- 
 main to be done for the safety and tranquillity 
 of that country. Its effects will, no doubt, be 
 eminently beneficial. After some time it will 
 subdue the tone of insolence assumed by igno-- 
 rant and vulgar Protestants, as a privileged 
 party. It will, perhaps, induce the Catholic 
 gentry to take a greater interest in public affairs.. 
 And alluring them, by degrees to come forth 
 from out of the mke of mere personal indul- 
 gences, it may teach them, that there are higher 
 enjoyments in Hfe than luxurious living, and 
 the quiet and safe sensualities which wealth 
 affords. It may rouse them from their state of 
 Epicurean carelessness and contempt for the 
 general weal ; and this morbid mass may yet 
 blush with a new and heathful circulation. 
 
 But it is to the poor and the peasantry that 
 a wise system of policy must direct its measures.. 
 Here is the seat of the disease. We do not say 
 that the repeal of the disqualifying laws will have 
 ao effect upon it. We think it will have a very 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 55 
 
 salutary one. As far as it goes it is a wise and 
 necessary measure ; but it is not sufficient ; the 
 gangrene is too deep ; and as it was produced 
 of old by the combined action of a great num- 
 ber of pestilent causes, so it will yield only to 
 the application of various and powerful reme- 
 dies. 
 
 The condition of the peasantry must be in- 
 quired into. They must be relieved from the 
 oppression of tithes and churcli rates ^ care 
 must be taken for the cheap and efficient admi- 
 nistration of justice ; the utmost attention must 
 be paid tliat the poor be educated by such in- 
 struction in letters, and in moral and Christian 
 truth, as may be communicated by a cheap but 
 sound and efficient form of teaching. Industry 
 should be promoted, emigration facilitated, and 
 manufactures encouraged. All this is wanting 
 in Ireland. And without this the solid strata 
 of society will be exposed to frequent and violent 
 shakings, if not mingled by some dreadful ex- 
 plosion in one awful mass of ruin. 
 
 It is also of the first necessity to promote, by 
 every means, the intercourse of the two united 
 nations. What can be thought of that incor- 
 porate union which permits a system of duties, 
 and custom-house officialitiCvS, and exactions, to 
 
 i: 4 
 
56 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 subsist between two portions of this incorporate 
 empire as between any two foreign states or 
 governments ? Is it possible that his Majesty's 
 ministers can be ignorant of the moral effect of 
 this system ? Or do they choose to incur the 
 evil consequences for the sake of the revenue ? 
 The pretence, we know, is the protection of the 
 Irish manufacturer. But the Irish manufac- 
 turer had twenty years' notice. This was long- 
 enough. He had no right to calculate upon 
 such a- piece of impolicy as has occurred ; nor 
 did he calculate upon it ; both nations were pre- 
 pared for tlie change which was expected to 
 take place, and arrangements had been made with 
 a view to it. The continuation of these duties is 
 now injurious to both nations. The manufactures 
 which could be protected by them are too few 
 and inconsiderable to deserve notice ^ judgment 
 had been done upon them, and the protection 
 which was now offered was a new injury. The 
 terms of the Union ought not to have been de- 
 parted from in any particular ; they should have 
 been observed with the utmost strictness ; and 
 where there was a doubt as to the construction, — 
 in every such case the interpretation should have 
 been in favour of that party which had the 
 double claim of being the weaker, and of havings 
 been the only sufferer by the contract. 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 5^ 
 
 But in the two cases in which the terms of the 
 Union came in question, the interests of Ireland 
 found no favour. We allude to the miserable 
 higgling upon the spirit trade. 
 
 We were told that the county of Cork was to 
 be like the county of Kent or Suffolk ; so com- 
 plete was to be the union of the two countries. 
 But the trader who ships his w^ares at Cork for 
 Bristol, or the gentleman who goes for business 
 or pleasure from one town to the other, will find 
 to his cost and annoyance, that this imaginary 
 unity is no more than a name. He will be able 
 to discern no distinction in the formalities he 
 has to encounter, whether he come from Cork 
 or Dublin, or Brest or Bordeaux. 
 
 All this has a tendency to prevent people's 
 minds from settling into any thing like a feeling 
 or recognition of the reality of the union they 
 have heard of. The Irishman sees nothing in it, 
 but the extinction of the parliament which sat in 
 Dublin ; and this naked fact he feels to be a 
 great evil. The Englishman has no evidence of 
 it whatever. There was, in the minds of the 
 mass of the people of both countries towards 
 each other, something that was far from being a 
 friendly or cordial feeling. To remove this 
 called for all the powers of legislation. But the 
 
5S POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 measures of ministers not only do not remove it, 
 but they throw obstacles in the way of whatever 
 tendency it might have to run off and dissipate 
 itself in mutual intercourse. The custom-house 
 regulations on both sides the channel, not only 
 keep alive the sense of distinctness, but they 
 prevent intercourse, and reduce this, which would 
 be the greatest possible national advantage, to its 
 smallest point. It may be thought that these 
 duties and custom-house regulations have but 
 little effect upon the intercourse of the two 
 nations. AVe are convinced they have a very 
 serious influence ; and the worst is their moral 
 effect upon the minds of the people. 
 
 We should advise that this paltry revenue 
 be sacrificed, to the great object of promoting 
 the union of the two islands, in fact as in name. 
 We would suggest too, that it will be found to 
 be wise as well as just policy, to afford to Ireland 
 every advantage and favour that can be conferred 
 upon her. She it is that has suffered by the 
 Union. Every means ought to be employed to 
 compensate the evils that have come upon her. 
 It is pitiful to see England, with all her great 
 advantages — the seat of boundless wealth, and 
 commerce, and manufactures, the seat of govern- 
 ment and legislation, and, by means of the Union, 
 and the profit she makes of Irish absentees. 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND, 59 
 
 draining the little blood that remained in the 
 veins of the sister country — in the midst of her 
 great possessions and wonderful accumulations, 
 devising special pleas upon the act of union. 
 
 This is a policy full of peril. In our days, no 
 partial or injurious system of government can 
 endure. If it is thought safe, because of tlie 
 weakness of Ireland, this too is a mistake. Ireland 
 is not weak. She is poor ; but poverty has some- 
 times the strength of desperation. She has been 
 disciplined by her own defeated insurrections ; — 
 she has been trained in the wars of the French 
 revolution ; — and she is now full of veteran 
 soldiers, the conquerors of Spain and Portugal, 
 and the field of Waterloo. 
 
 The perils wliich beset misgovernment, are 
 not, as is imagined, accidental or contingent, 
 the effect of particular circumstances, or the 
 work of particular incUviduals. They rather 
 spring up in the fulness of time, from the deep 
 and rapid current of popular opinion, like genii 
 from some enchanted lake, armed with irresist- 
 ible power, and commissioned to change the 
 forms and relations of all things. 
 
 There is a moral power which in our age has 
 assumed the government of the world, and will 
 
60 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 henceforth rule over the kings of the earth. 
 They will struggle against this obnoxious domi- 
 nion for a period, then yielding to irresistible com- 
 pulsion, the crowns and sceptres of the nations 
 will be lowered before the throne of the univer- 
 sal Monarch, who will confirm their vice-regency, 
 and there will be peace in the world. 
 
 A wild democracy has indeed sometimes gone 
 before this principle, as in France, like the rush- 
 ing of the tempest, which precedes the sun, and 
 announces that he has set his throne in the equi- 
 nox, and is about to dispense equal favour and 
 impartial influence over all his kingdoms. But 
 these are storms which pass away, while the 
 power of just principle remains for ever. It will 
 not endure the despotism of democracy, nor the 
 despotism of monarchy, nor the despotism of mi- 
 litary ascendancy. We have full proof of this 
 in the progress of the French revolution, its 
 commencement and its result. In this great 
 experiment it was established, that in this age 
 there can be no despotism, and that no go- 
 vernment is enduring, which is not adapted to 
 the genius and condition of the people for whose 
 benefit it is established. To kings and governors 
 splendour and honour are due, but the people 
 have an equal title that their liberties be re- 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 6l 
 
 spected, and that the utmost care and diligence 
 be employed for their welfare. 
 
 These obvious and simple principles are now 
 recognised and understood throughout Europe, 
 and the means by which they are leducible to 
 practice are also known. All the nations seek 
 a representative system. They have for ages 
 been perusmg the lesson which Great Britain 
 placed before their eyes. From this they have 
 all learned. France afforded them, in the errors 
 and mistakes which she made, an almost equally 
 instructive example. With England upon one 
 side, and France upon the other, the path of 
 rational liberty is pretty accurately traced out. 
 All the people of Europe will walk in this path ; 
 there is no power which can stay their progress, 
 or turn them out of their course. 
 
 There is a degree of suffering too, which can- 
 not be borne, and of which government may 
 be almost wholly innocent. It is amazing what 
 a degree of wretchedness the people will bear 
 with patience. But when they are utterly borne 
 down, and pressed beyond all endurance, then 
 come great changes, or great conflicts. The 
 people rise up in fierce insurrection, not because 
 they are disposed to do so, but because they 
 cannot help it. They seek, perliaps, to justify 
 
62 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 themselves, and they discover grievances they 
 had hardly tliought of before. 
 
 Such insurrections as these may take place 
 at the very time governments may be best dis- 
 posed, and most anxious to do their duty. They 
 become astonished at the perverseness and in- 
 gratitude of the people. But these commo* 
 tions, like the earthquake at Lisbon, or Carrac- 
 cas, are not the work of the inert matter which 
 we see in motion, but the effect of deep and 
 irresistible causes. We must not blame the po- 
 pulace, they will subside into quietness, if we 
 remove the power which impels them. What- 
 ever we may say of the philosophy, or the dema- 
 gogues of France, famine, and want of employ- 
 ment, were the chief agents of the revolution in 
 its commencement. vSo many causes are neces- 
 sary to concur in great political changes, that we 
 are apt to overlook many, while we are employ- 
 ed in considering those which happen to engage 
 our attention. 
 
 Ireland is nearly in the situation in which 
 France was previous to the revolution, or per- 
 haps in a worse one. A population crowded to 
 excess, without employment, and almost without 
 food. It seemed to be the policy of the state 
 til at war and agriculture sliould form the staple 
 
POLICY OF ENGLAND. 6S 
 
 of that kingdom. It is dangerous to tamper 
 with the staple of any country. But the peace 
 has utterly destroyed the twofold staple of Ire- 
 land. What will the government now do with 
 this people for whom they first provided a staple, 
 and then took it away ? 
 
 The highlanders of vScotland and the Irish 
 peasantry, as they are one race of men, so they 
 are alone and above all in the day of battle. 
 There is a hardiness of sinew, and firmness of 
 heart, like the living rock of their own moun- 
 tains, which belongs to them alone. The soldiers 
 of England possess a moral power, and an un- 
 bending steadfastness which places them above 
 the warriors of the continent ; but thev do not 
 rush to battle with the keen delight of the Irish ; 
 they do not shed their blood as water ; they 
 do not mock at death. The Highlander has been 
 disciplined into more sobriety of feeling than the 
 Irishman ; but both display in the field of bat- 
 tle a power which rises into grandeur and sublim- 
 ity in its scorn of human eflbrts, and its con- 
 tempt of danger and suffering ; — a power be- 
 forewhich, when well led, there is nothing on 
 this solid globe which must not bend and be 
 broken. 
 
 Such men are fit for soldiers. But this is a 
 vocation which lias its periods o[' intermission. 
 
64 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 These are periods of great danger. Buonaparte 
 pushed his mihtary system, until it went on of 
 its own motion, and bore him away to destruc- 
 tion who had given the impulse. Agriculture 
 is ruined, and war is at an end, and every thing 
 in Ireland indicates by a tremulous and uncer- 
 tain vibration, that clianges are at hand. 
 
 We would advise, that government guide, and 
 go before these inevitable changes, rather than 
 oppose them. The system of policy, with re- 
 gard to Ireland, must be changed. It is well that 
 the first important change originated with the 
 monarch himself, and was the spontaneous 
 movement of a kind and generous feeling in the 
 royal bosom. The king's visit to Ireland was a 
 new measure, undertaken in kindness. But it 
 was as wise and as important as it was kind. We 
 should be glad to see it established as a settled 
 habit of the crown, that the king should fre- 
 quently, and at stated times, hold his court in 
 Dublin. The city of Dublin is worthy of the 
 royal presence. 
 
 The effect of the occasional residence of the 
 crown, would be to promote, in a very great 
 degree, the intercourse between the two islands. 
 It would make many acquainted with Ireland 
 whom no other occurrence would be likely to 
 bring to her shores ; it would bring back, at 
 
. POLICY OF ENGLAND. 65 
 
 least for a season, many Irisli absentees, whom 
 fashion or association appeared to have fixed 
 permanently in England ; it would give such 
 persons a motive to improve their estates and 
 their family mansions. The royal example 
 would give an importance to the country, which 
 it had not yet possessed, in the minds of weak 
 and fastidious persons of wealth and rank. Led 
 by these inducements, and rehing upon the 
 frequent \isits of royalty, many would, perhaps, 
 tix ultimately their residence in that country, 
 which was the proper scene of their duties and 
 obligations. 
 
 These are great and important advantages, and 
 would tend materially to consolidate the union 
 of the two islands, and to diminish the evils at- 
 tendant upon the mere legislative measiu'e. But 
 this is not all : if the measure we recommend be 
 viewed as affecting the minds and imaginations 
 of the Irish people, it will not appear to be less 
 important. They are a people won by slight ex- 
 hibitions of kindness : they are fond of pomp, 
 and parade, and distinction. A measure so new, 
 and so flattering, and attended otherwise by be- 
 nefits so considerable, would not fail to knit the 
 hearts of this facile people to the throne and go- 
 vernment of England. 
 
 VOL. J. F 
 
66 POLICY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The people of Ireland are indebted to the 
 British nation for ages of calamity — to the 
 British throne, from the second Henry to the 
 last of the Stuarts, for no one good measure, 
 but for every aggravation with which weakness, 
 violence, and duplicity, could load an evil des- 
 tiny. They received from the father of his pre- 
 sent Majesty, the first measure of good things ; 
 and, from the inheritor of that father's throne, 
 and generous feeling, new and strong intimations 
 of paternal consideration. The affections of the 
 Irish people have never yet been round the Bri- 
 tish throne in all their fulness and power. High 
 and splendid as this throne is, there was a void 
 and darkness about it, which he, who can fill up 
 and [^illuminate with his peoples' love, will be 
 worthy of a place beyond all conquerors and 
 legislators. The vulgar triumphs of the sword, 
 and the more odious achievements of corruption, 
 may form the laurels of common-place heroes 
 and statesmen ; but the trophies of the throne 
 should be the love of the people. 
 
67 
 
 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 1 HE Religion which has mingled itself so much 
 with the affairs of the world and with the pas- 
 sions of men, cannot be the Christian religion. 
 This disowns the world, and expressly disclaims 
 its kingdom ; it would not, therefore, contend 
 for any temporal profit or dominion, nor w^ould 
 it overthrow error by violence and injustice. 
 Good is often effected by evil agencies, but 
 those agencies remain evil ; they do not change 
 their nature, and the best effects which follow 
 from their working, are tainted with the impu- 
 rities of their original creation. Evil is never 
 necessary for the production of good — the same 
 results may, in all cases, be obtained by a process 
 liable to no objection. 
 
 Those who rely upon the sword, and upon per- 
 secution, direct or indirect, as means of upholding 
 the power of the state or the truth of religion, 
 are bad politicians and worse Christians. A time 
 
 F 2 
 
68 PENAL JLAWS. 
 
 must come when the sword will be broken, and 
 the strongest spear of the tyrant w^ill be shat- 
 tered. If we could suppose religious truth as- 
 sociated with violence and injustice, sharing in 
 their triumphs, and partaking of their spoil ; 
 sitting in high places, stained with blood, and 
 surrounded wdth fierce passions and polluted 
 hands, there could not be a more humiliating 
 spectacle, nor a more horrible vision. 
 
 Christianity disowns the penal code of Ire- 
 land. It could have no connection with laws 
 which sought their object through every variety 
 of moral tui-pitude — which offered premiums for 
 the blackest pei'fidy, and rewards for the basest 
 of passions ; and when it had raked together, 
 from out the vices and the villanies of mankind, 
 a mass of the foulest pollution, applied it to 
 adorn the edifice of the state, or dragged it as an 
 acceptable sacrifice into the house of God. It 
 was not Christianity which tempted the unhappy 
 son or brother to the plunder of his parent or 
 kinsman, and led him to perdition with a bribe. 
 
 It was not Christianity which threw its shadow 
 over the whole land, filling the hearts of the 
 people with horror and fear of each other, in the 
 darkness of which crime walked abroad with an 
 assured and authorised step, visiting with im- 
 
PENAL LAWS. 69 
 
 partial assiduity, the mansions of the rich and 
 the cottages of the poor. It was not Christianity 
 that followed the weary victim of civil dissension 
 into the privacy and retirement of his house- 
 hold, warring with the confidence and kindness 
 of his domestic circle, banishing the light laugh 
 of innocence, and the smile of sympathy from 
 his board, making his hearth cold and desolate, 
 forcing the heart of the parent to shudder in 
 the presence of his child, and to mingle anguish 
 with his love. 
 
 It was not Christianity, which, after invading 
 and polluting the sanctity of private life, after 
 tearing to pieces all the charities and obligations 
 of kindred, went forth upon the high-way to fill 
 the measure of its brutal ra])acity with the 
 plunder of the passengers ; that robbed the tra- 
 veller of his horse, if its value exceeded five 
 pounds, and made the robber its appraiser ; that 
 levied contributions upon the piety of the people, 
 taxing them for worshipping God according to 
 the custom of their fathers ; that persecuted the 
 priest as a felon, and made his ministration a 
 crime, asserting that his religion had its root in 
 ignorance, and nourishing that root with all the 
 assiduity of legislation. 
 
 It w^as made penal to keep school and to teach 
 
 F 3 
 
70 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 the rudiments of knowledge. Reading and 
 writing were to be discouraged as incompatible 
 with the Protestant religion. And w^hile the 
 people were racked by a ferocious persecution, 
 because of the alleged errors of their faith, the 
 light was anxiously withheld, in which alone 
 those errors, if they existed, could be discerned. 
 
 These laws disarmed the people, that they 
 might not resist oppression ; took away the 
 means of instruction, that in their ignorance they 
 might not know^ their rights; provided with a 
 deep and anxious policy for the ruin of private 
 families, by offering a bounty for ingratitude 
 and crime, and for the destruction of private 
 property, by regulating its descent with a view 
 to its destruction ; and having accompHshed 
 their purposes, in the poverty and the misery of 
 the people, they made sure of their work by 
 carefully guarding and blocking up every avenue 
 by w^hich property in land might be acquired. 
 Having done this, they proceeded to slander and 
 stigmatise the prostrate people for the very 
 wretchedness, the deep and woeful ignorance, 
 and the brutality which they sought wdth so much 
 skill and earnestness to accomplish. 
 
 The penal code presents an awfully perfect 
 system, wonderfully adapted to its end. It 
 
PENAL LAWS. 71 
 
 was more cruel and detestable, because more 
 cold and calculating ; because it sought its ob- 
 ject with greater circuity, and with a more 
 managed regard for the opinion of the world, 
 than the massacre of Bartholomew's, or the 
 slaughter of the Waldenses, or the more dignified 
 barbarity of the Inquisition. The two former 
 were naked and hideous atrocities; they exhibit 
 the fierce passions of the barbarians of that day, 
 rushing upon their enemy with undisguised and 
 unpretending cruelty. The Inquisition was a 
 priestly and fanatical institution, built up by the 
 plausible wickedness of churchmen, but it pro- 
 ceeded at once against its victim, and exliibited 
 the dungeon, and the torture, and the flame, 
 without reserve or pretence. Its object was to 
 prevent tlie introduction of a new doctrine, not 
 to eradicate an old one. Its courts and officials, 
 and all its polished machinery, were greatly in- 
 feriour, in depth of design and extent of oper- 
 ation, to the penal code of Ireland. The Inqui- 
 sition had not a whole nation for its object ; nor 
 did it, while it shunned the odium and the scandal 
 of the auto da Je, and solitary imprisonment, — 
 while it left its victim at large, yet surround him 
 with a net- work of cruelty, and set a brand upon 
 him, which embarrassed and disgraced him in 
 private and in public, which consumed his pro- 
 perty and destroyed his comforts, and though 
 
 F 4 
 
7^ PENAL LAWS. 
 
 guiltless of his blood, yet visited him with a more 
 complex, perplexing, and disastrous ruin ; meet- 
 ing him in all his dealings with his neighbours, 
 in the bosom of his family, in the management 
 of his property ; pursuing him with a teasing 
 and relentless persecution, in court, and in par- 
 liament, in his own household, and on the high- 
 way, and preserving his life only to make it 
 insupportable. 
 
 The Inquisition, satiate with blood, slumbered 
 at times. The penal laws executed themselves, 
 but not fully. The Inquisition blazed out occa- 
 sionally in all its horrors, and was endured. Civil 
 society was not burned up in these conflagrations ; 
 but if the penal laws had been always rigidly ex- 
 ecuted, society could not have subsisted. The 
 Protestants of Ireland satisfied, generally, with 
 a monopoly of power and profit, shrank, for the 
 most part, from the execution of the more odious 
 provisions of the law\ 
 
 It is not always in human nature to execute all 
 the barbarities which the imagination can con- 
 ceive, or ingenuity devise ; but this neither im- 
 proves the condition of the victim, nor relieves 
 the character of the tyrant. It were better if 
 bad laws were strictly executed. They could 
 not long subsist if deprived of the support which 
 
PENAL LAWS. 79 
 
 they derive from a managed lenity and affected 
 moderation. He is not the less a tyrant who in- 
 sists only on the power to persecute, if he shall 
 think proper; and furnished with this, abstains 
 from persecution. Nor is he less a miserable 
 slave who holds his life and property at the will 
 of his neighbour, though he incur no loss of 
 either. It were more merciful to execute the 
 sentence of the law in its utmost rigoiu', than con- 
 demn the wretched victim to the unutterable tor- 
 ment of a perpetually-suspended condemnation.. 
 
 It is a mistake to think that the penal laws 
 were never executed in their utmost severity and 
 barbarity. They were, frequently. And we 
 could fill our paper with details of the most hide- 
 ous enormities perpetrated under the authority 
 of these laws. We could present such a phan- 
 tasmagoria of liunted priests, and ruined families 
 — wretches wailing for their lost subsistence, or 
 grasping in agony at perjury and sacrilege to save 
 them from beggary, and protect their inlieritanee. 
 We could exhibit the profaned and polluted altar, 
 surrounded by the tortured victims of persecu- 
 tion, swearing to a falsehood, and avowing their 
 conformity to be a lie — invoking the Deity to 
 Avitness their guilt and their misery, and drink- 
 ing the cup of the New Testament in the midst 
 of horror, agony, and imprecations. 
 
74 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 The law required only the external act of con- 
 formity, and disregarded the inward motive. But 
 we turn from such scenes. The pen of the his- 
 torian must treat them with the grave indig- 
 nation they deserve. We would rather dwell 
 upon those bright, though rare and scattered in- 
 stances of the goodness and dignity of our nature, 
 which are liappily to be found illuminating, at 
 intervals, the dark mass of vice and wickedness, 
 which adds its w^eight to the woes of nations, and 
 lies heavily upon them in the season of their suf- 
 fering. In the tranquillity of ordinary life, the 
 higher virtues do not appear ; it is only when 
 the storm bloM^s and the heavens are darkened, 
 that the light of a glorious magnanimity invests 
 the gloom with its brightness, or the ray of a fine 
 and steadfast integrity reconciles us to life. 
 
 There were few Catholic estates that were not 
 vested in those times in Protestant trustees ; and 
 there are instances upon record of the highest 
 honour and the most exalted generosity in the 
 management of these important trusts. There 
 were friendships that could not be broken, and 
 hearts which could not be corrupted by the bar- 
 barity of the laws. The memory of these things 
 is fading fast away, and will soon be past. It 
 were desirable that some memorial should re- 
 main, to prove how little human laws can effect 
 
PENAL LAWS. ?5 
 
 when they outrage human nature, and to show, 
 notwithstanding the bitter conflicts which Pro- 
 testant and Cathohc have \vaged in Ireland, how 
 many claims each has upon the other for love 
 and admiration. 
 
 In the tempest of civil commotion, the humblest 
 of mankind finds space for the exercise of feeling 
 and faithfulness ; the general calamity raises his 
 level, andhe feels hispow^er to injure or to save; his 
 good or evil affections shoot into sudden maturity, 
 and become strong in the rude visitations to 
 which they are exposed. A great portion ^of the 
 estates of one of the largest counties in Ireland 
 was conveyed to a Protestant barber, whose 
 whole property did not exceed a few pounds in 
 value, and whose self-importance was never raised 
 by the great extent of estate which he held in fee. 
 This man was faithful as he was humble and un- 
 assuming, and died as poor and as honest as he 
 lived. 
 
 Even at this distance, we might envy the feel- 
 ings of this good man, who, without pretending 
 to be wise, had in his simplicity done for him- 
 self all that the most perfect wisdom could ac- 
 complish. He had surrounded himself with a 
 tide of kind and cordial affections ; he had pro- 
 cured a luxury which wealth and power have in 
 
76 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 vain essayed to purchase, and there can be no 
 doubt that he possessed the capacity to enjoy the 
 rich and rare repast of tlie heart, which he had 
 prepared for himself. Such characters as these 
 reconcile us to our species, when we turn away 
 with disgust and loathing from the wretched 
 contests and the mean ambition of rank and 
 power, and the treachery and venality which 
 cover the earth. 
 
 The penal laws were a violation of the treaty 
 of Limerick ; this has been denied, but we think 
 it admits of no question. And, indeed, what 
 treaty has ever been observed between the wolf 
 and the lamb — the armed and the unarmed — 
 the powerful and the prostrate ? These laws 
 have been attempted to be justified also on the 
 ground of necessity. They were necessary, it is 
 alleged, for the security of the new* order of 
 things established at the Revolution. This is, 
 at best, under the circumstances, a very suspi- 
 cious plea. We have never seen it proved. We 
 are of opinion there never was a case where such 
 a plea could be urged with less reason. 
 
 The war had put the Protestants in possession 
 of all the lands of the country ; the govern- 
 ment was in then: hands ; they w'ere in posses- 
 sion of unHmited power j Great Britain lay close 
 
PENAL LAWS. 77 
 
 to their shores, ready to support them with her 
 whole strength ; she had been successful m the 
 w^ar ; her general, Marlborough, had his hand 
 upon the throat of France, and all the pow ers of 
 Europe knelt at his feet, or stood at his back his 
 devoted allies. 
 
 It was at this period, when England w^as 
 clothed in all her might, and in all the splendour 
 of her triumphs ; when she had no enemy that 
 dared meet her in the field ; when all her depen- 
 dencies reposed securely beneath her impenetra- 
 ble shield; when all danger was remote and impos- 
 sible ; — that the greatest and most objectionable 
 portion of the penal laws w^as enacted in Ireland. 
 
 Not only was the power of England paramount 
 at this period, but the conquering party in Ire- 
 land had no longer an enemy to contend with. 
 The Irish military had enlisted into foreign ser- 
 vice. The heads of Irish families of rank found 
 an honourable asylum in Spain, France, and 
 Austria. They, perhaps, foresaw that the treaty 
 they had concluded would not be observed, and 
 they offered their services to the great powers of 
 the continent, and found fortune, fame, and 
 honour, far from the lands of their nativity. 
 Nothing remained in Ireland, but a few ruined 
 collateral branches of tliese once high and distin- 
 
78 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 guislied families, and the mere peasantry. These 
 latter were httle to be feared ; their numbers 
 were not formidable ; their poverty and wretch- 
 edness were extreme ; they were without leaders, 
 without money, without arms, and utterly sub- 
 dued. The war had left the country almost de- 
 populated, and almost a desert. — Where, then, 
 was the necessity, to justify these enactments ? 
 It existed, it has been said, in the apprehensions 
 of the predominant party, and the prudence of 
 guarding against future events. We can easily 
 imagine the effect of fear, and the violence of 
 apprehensions, which would not be quieted until 
 heaven and earth had been outraged and abused. 
 We can understand wliat would be the feelings 
 of men, who, having come out of a long and 
 doubtful contest with large possessions, and, 
 perhaps, questionable titles, were willing to sa- 
 crifice every principle of humanity — to offer up 
 human nature itself bound and bleeding, to ap- 
 pease the threatening spectres of their own ima- 
 gination. But after all, this plea of necessity is 
 the very worst that could be used ; — it is the 
 oppressor's plea at all times ; it is the robber's 
 plea when he murders ; it is employed to excuse 
 every enormity ; and, if admitted, it sweeps 
 away every defence which humanity can oppose 
 in the conflicts of the passions, and leaves her 
 utterly defenceless. 
 
PENAL LAWS. 79 
 
 It has been said, that the worst part of the 
 penal code owes its existence to a mere poUtical 
 juggle. But this, we think, is a still more 
 humiliating view of the case, and exhibits the 
 rulers of nations in a light so odious and con- 
 temptible, that we incline to think it cannot be 
 true. Not that we deem highly of this class of 
 men, or are unacquainted with the low manoeu- 
 vres to which they can descend ; but we can ac- 
 count for the penal laws without this : and 
 though the story of this horrible and ignomini- 
 ous juggle were true, yet these enactments must 
 have found a support in the spirit of the times, 
 or they could not have continued. 
 
 Looking into the penal laws as they were first 
 enacted, w^e find such as it w^oidd be an indig- 
 nity to our nature to suppose capable of defence 
 or excuse, in any possible or imaginable concur- 
 rence of circumstances. They cannot be de- 
 fended or excused ; nor is there now living any 
 one interested in their justification. The Pro- 
 testants of Ireland, of our day, are guiltless of 
 the penal code ; tliey are called upon for no de- 
 fence of it ; no one imputes to them its iniquity. 
 All that was most intolerable and shocking to 
 our nature has passed away long since ; and that 
 which still lingers on the Statute Book, though 
 deriving its prolonged existence from the spirit 
 
%0 PENAL LAWS* 
 
 of the ancient law, yet presents us with another, 
 though not more sound, defence for its con- 
 tinuance^ 
 
 We say that the Protestants of Ireland are 
 wholly guiltless of the penal code ; but they are 
 not, by reason of their innocency, set free from 
 the obHgation of atonement. Untainted, as we 
 may be, with the guilt of our fathers — to satisfy 
 for their errors, and make reparation for the 
 wrongs they have done, is a duty which presses 
 itself strongly upon the heart and feelings of 
 every good man. It is a condition, descending 
 with the blood and property of our ancestors, 
 that we do all in our power to satisfy for their 
 offences. 
 
 We are not called upon to argue for the cor- 
 rectness of this view of our obligations. It is 
 enough if it sustain itself in the common sense 
 and common feelings of mankind. It is a prin- 
 ciple acted upon every day when men pay debts 
 of their fathers, which no legal process could 
 enforce. It is a principle recognised by the law 
 of the land, which makes obligations created by 
 the ancestor to descend with the land, and at- 
 tach upon his remote representative. It is a prin- 
 ciple enforced by the Divine law, which calls 
 
 16 
 
PENAL LAWS. 81 
 
 upon the children for the penalty of offences 
 committed by fathers far removed. 
 
 We are heu's to the good and evil of our sires, 
 and in some respects we stand in their places to 
 answer for their doings. The good they leave 
 to descend to us, whether character, constitu- 
 tion, form, or fortune, we use freely, and no one 
 disputes our title. If we admit the reasonable- 
 ness of this law, neither can we dispute that 
 which loads us with the errors of our ancestors, 
 and makes us to bear in our persons, the con- 
 sequences of their trangressions. It seems to 
 be a fixed law of Providence, that crime must 
 be punished or atoned for, and though for a long 
 series of years, the penalty may not be exacted ; 
 yet, will it surely not be remitted. Like some 
 hereditary disease which disappears for a few 
 generations, only to seize with greater and more 
 sudden violence upon the persons of an inno- 
 cent and unconscious posterity. 
 
 In the wars of Charles and Cromwell — in 
 the wars of William and James, if the Protestants 
 were right, the Catholics were not wrong. The 
 latter war closed the account in Ireland. It 
 was never pretended to treat the brave de- 
 fenders of Limerick as rebels. Subsequent to 
 the peace of Limerick, no event had occurred 
 
 VOL. I. G 
 
8^ PENAL LAWS. 
 
 to call for the monstrous abomination of the 
 penal code. It would be a grievous injustice to 
 rely upon transactions long antecedent to that 
 treaty. What is the character of the long wars 
 of Ireland, but the struggles of a brave and im- 
 patient people to preserve the power and the 
 property transmitted to them by their ancestors. 
 A people driven to despair by the changeful and 
 unsteady policy of England, whose history is 
 constantly presenting us with junctures where, 
 while we must lament that they fell off from their 
 allegiance, we are forced to admit, that fre- 
 quently, if they had stood, they must have been 
 something far above, or much below human na- 
 ture. In the whole story from Henry the Second 
 to the peace of Limerick, there is enough of 
 guilt and cruelty on all hands to make us close 
 the account with this conviction, that there is 
 nothing in this dark volume to which any party 
 ought to appeal ; that the lesson it reads is one 
 of oblivion of the past, and that it counsels 
 strongly the adoption of a policy which shall 
 l)lot out the memory of the deadly feuds of an- 
 cient times, by uniting the people in a commu- 
 nity of rights, as they are already united by a com- 
 munity of interests, and a community of blood. 
 
 It is time that the people of Ireland be con- 
 sidered as no longer distinct races. The blood 
 
 13 
 
PENAL LAWS. 83 
 
 of the Saxon, and the Milesian, which had so 
 often mingled in the field of battle, has now also 
 found a common channel in the veins of every 
 Irishman. 
 
 It is time to do away with all disqualifications, 
 and all privileges on account of religious opi- 
 nions. Religion has been too long the badge of 
 party ; a thing by w^hich the aggregation of se- 
 cular interests could be more completely grouped 
 and arranged ; by means of which, those persons 
 who were ranged against each other in fierce 
 contention for powder or property, might more 
 easily recognise a friend, or discern an enemy. 
 Religion was not, in most cases, hardly in any 
 case, the cause of the quarrel. It was some- 
 times the pretence ; but more generally, it was 
 carried merely as the standards of opposing hosts, 
 w^hich, like the ensigns of armies, are looked 
 upon with some mysterious kind of respect and 
 veneration, but are known, after all, to be no 
 more than painted silk or canvas ; and as to 
 the real cause of the contest, are like the idle 
 wind in which they flutter. 
 
 The cause of the quarrel in Ireland never was 
 religion. If it be the cause of quarrel at the 
 present day, it is a most singular phenomenon ; 
 and if it be not, what is the cause ? The wars of 
 
 G 2 
 
84 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 former days had for their object the soil of the 
 country. Never was a land more hardly won or 
 more bravely defended. In the long procession 
 of its wars, the original invaders became natural- 
 ized ; and the descendants of the brave com- 
 panions of Strongbow, were themselves, in their 
 turn invaded, and overthrown by a new race of 
 adventurers. 
 
 The Strongbonians had never slept in peace ^ — 
 never sheathed the sword from the day of their 
 debarkation, till a new influx of spoilers charged 
 them with the crime of their religion, and their 
 relationship to the " Irish enemy," and sum- 
 moned them to turn and defend themselves. 
 They were not only now of kindred and religion 
 with the Irish, but they shared largely also in 
 the great Irish delinquency, the crime of large 
 possessions. Tliis was a process which took 
 place in Ireland repeatedly ; new adventurers 
 swept away the old, as wave bears down wave 
 with continual succession. 
 
 What security is there that this should not 
 again be the case ? Suppose another change in 
 the government, or religion of England, Ireland 
 would again be deluged with a flood of eager 
 adventurers ; and the Fitzgeralds, the Barrys, 
 and others, would plead their descent and their 
 
PENAL LAWS. SS 
 
 loyalty in vain. We propose the union of the 
 people as one nation, as the best defence of the 
 landed property of the country. The remnant 
 of the penal code has been of no use to the great 
 proprietors, either for influence or profit, since 
 the Union : but it opens a division, which, in the 
 event of any great national struggle in the other 
 island, could hardly fail to be fatal. Through this 
 gap a host of bold adventurers would pierce, 
 determined to have no peace with the rich, and 
 to find all those in the wrong who had lands and 
 property to lose. 
 
 The gentlemen of Ireland are not now as their 
 ancestors were ; these had lands to acquire — 
 those have lands to lose ; and the policy which 
 might have been expedient in their acquisition, 
 and immediately after, may be very unwise in 
 the circumstances in which they are now placed. 
 In the perils which are impending over the 
 united empire, new measures are necessary to be 
 adopted, not only by the state, but by every 
 man who has an interest in the country. The 
 politicians of England have abandoned the old 
 policy, to which many of the gentlemen of Ire- 
 land are still willing to adhere, and which yet 
 lingers almost without ministerial support or 
 public countenance, to be a nuisance and dis- 
 grace in the land. 
 
 G 3 
 
86 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 We should hope that we touch the time when 
 little more need be said or written upon the 
 penal laws of Ireland, in the spirit of serious- 
 ness, indignation, or advice. It was said of 
 one of the Stuarts that he lost three kingdoms 
 for a mass, and he became the ridicule of Europe. 
 Those, who, in our time, would put their coun- 
 try or their property in peril, to secure the pre- 
 eminence of any sect or creed, must be still 
 greater drivellers. 
 
87 
 
 RELIGION. 
 
 Human nature, in its short sojourn upon earth, 
 touches another world at so many points ; and 
 the interests of that other world, to which we 
 are journeying, are so mingled with the affairs of 
 this, and bear so powerfully upon them, that we 
 can have but an indistinct and imperfect view of 
 any country, or people, if we are not let in to a 
 knowledge of their connections with the region 
 of spirits, and the agency by which those con- 
 nections are maintained. 
 
 Every where the religion of the people is of 
 the utmost importance ; not merely as it refers 
 to an hereafter, but as it bears upon this world 
 we inhabit. Our business is chiefly with the 
 latter view of the subject. 
 
 Those who think that it matters little in a po- 
 litical and social view, what superstition prevails 
 among the people, are greatly mistaken. Error 
 
 G 4 
 
88 RELIGION. 
 
 can never obtain without injury. If we look 
 closely into the characters of individuals, who 
 are the slaves of falsehood, we shall find them, 
 however naturally strong, yet weakened and de- 
 formed in points of the utmost importance, and 
 this unsoundness and unsightliness eating in, 
 gradually, to the very core of the character. 
 
 The character of any people is very much de- 
 termined by their views of eternity, and profes- 
 sion of faith. We are just what we think and 
 believe. The fatalism and voluptuousness of Ma- 
 homed's creed have made the Turkish people the 
 fierce and sensual barbarians which we find them. 
 The obscene and cruel superstition of the Hin- 
 doos, has bowed down that people to the dust, a 
 timid profligate race of slaves ; and the dark and 
 ferocious divinities of Africa and America have 
 stamped their own images on their miserable 
 worshippers. The link which binds man to 
 another world, is the chain of his destiny 
 in this. 
 
 The civilization and humanity which have 
 followed in the path of Christianity, and have 
 walked in that alone, are the bright evidences of 
 its divine original; but even in the luminous 
 domain of Christianity, thcr^ are degrees of 
 light and shadow, and a comparative obscurity 
 
RELIGION. 89 
 
 falls upon some places. We find the moral and 
 intellectual complexion of every Christian people 
 taking its tinge from the degree of shade or sun- 
 shine in which they dwell. 
 
 Our opinions of Deity and futurity enter into 
 the composition of our thoughts upon all sub- 
 jects, and give to the mind its prevailing tone 
 and character ; whatsoever be the matter of con- 
 sideration, it presents itself to our cognizance 
 clothed with certain moralities, and bearing the 
 impression of duty and obligation : in this con- 
 nexion we are forced to consider it. All the 
 employments and relations of our moral and 
 social existence, however large the circumfer- 
 ence they describe, point steadily to the wide 
 prospect which lies beyond the grave. 
 
 Every thing in nature calls us to this view, so 
 interesting, so appalling. The short measure of 
 human life, its quick and unceasing progression 
 to a termination, which we can see distinctly, 
 and which is ever near us ; the changefulness of 
 all around us ; the shadowy nature of all human 
 affairs, passing away in the very act and instant 
 of their being ; all remind us that we ourselves 
 are but as a passing shadow, and that the realities 
 of existence have no enduring place upon this 
 rolling globe of living and lifeless dust. 
 
90 RELIGION. 
 
 l^he idea of Deity is for ever present with the 
 mass of mankind ; it is the most intimate and 
 constant of human associations ; if that idea pre- 
 sent to the mind the image of a cruel, capricious, 
 and voluptuous tyrant, what will be the result ? 
 Who can withstand the example of him who is 
 lifted up above us, and adds to the dignity of 
 his position, and the authority of a father, su- 
 preme and irresistible power ? Hence the cruel, 
 abominable, and impure character of the Pagan 
 nations of antiquity, and of our own times ; it 
 may be said that some of the former were emi- 
 nent for arts, for letters, and for arms ; and with 
 what more has a statesman to concern himself? 
 
 We are ready to admit every thing which can 
 be urged in favour of the ingenious barbarians 
 of Greece and Rome ; but their vices stood not 
 in the way of this species of excellence. The 
 most profligate of mankind may excel in painting 
 and sculpture, skill in arms, and literary taste ; 
 if such things could have saved Rome from the 
 hands of the northern spoilers, and Athens from 
 the grasp of the tyrant, these cities would not 
 have fallen. We are willing to give the utmost 
 value, which the most devoted admirers of ge- 
 nius can contend for, to whatever embellishes 
 and adorns society, and adds to the pure enjoy- 
 ments of mankind ; but we conceive that it is the 
 
IIELIGION. ' 91 
 
 great business of the statesman to render nations 
 good, happy, and secure. 
 
 Other and abler pens have shown the deplor- 
 able condition of the nations of antiquity, in the 
 midst of the splendour that surrounded them ; 
 other hands have drawn aside the glittering 
 veil which the genius of their great men flung 
 over the hideous features of their social state ; 
 we have seen the boasted wisdom of their laws 
 leading to frightful oppressions ; their private 
 lives hardly to be looked into ; the inhumanity 
 of their wars ; their religious worship absurd and 
 obscene ; their priests and philosopliers steeped 
 in horrid impurities ; and w^as not the natural 
 reason of man as vigorous and as profound in 
 those days as at present ? Was not his heart as 
 naturally tender, and his compassion as sponta- 
 neous and free ? 
 
 The vice and misery that covered the earth, 
 arose from false ideas of the Creator and of fu- 
 turity ; these, acting upon the characters of in- 
 dividuals and nations, produced the wide demo- 
 ralization of the universe, as deep and profound 
 in the half-civilized and philosophic states of 
 Greece and Rome, as amongst the unlettered 
 barbarians of other portions of the globe. The 
 philosophers and great men of those nations sat 
 
9^ RELIGION. 
 
 on high in the star-light of their own speculations, 
 while the same darkness covered the mass of the 
 people around them, as was spread over the rest 
 of the universe ; it was reserved for Christianity 
 to break through this darkness ; it is the only 
 religion that was in the first place preached to 
 the poor. 
 
 If pictures, statues, conquest, poetry, or phi- 
 losophical speculation, were the objects of a 
 statesman's ambition in our days, he might, per- 
 haps, well afford to look down with contempt and 
 disregard upon every form of popular belief or 
 superstition, and while the great mass of the 
 people lay immersed in ignorance, wretchedness, 
 and vice, he might obtain a high degree of suc- 
 cess and renown in those admired pursuits of 
 genius and ambition. 
 
 But, happily, the statesman of our time has a 
 wider field to cultivate ; it is not his to unfurl 
 the gaudy standard of fame, and set up his 
 country as a beacon amongst the nations to be 
 gazed and wondered at and abhorred : it is his 
 more glorious task, to bring peace and safety and 
 abundance to the cottages of the poor, and hap- 
 piness to all the people. When he has done this, 
 he may leave genius free and unfettered to her 
 own rich resources j she will not fail to adorn 
 
RELIGION. 93 
 
 the land where freedom dwells, and humanity is 
 cultivated, with her most sumptuous garniture. 
 
 With such objects as a statesman of our day 
 has before him, he must turn his attention to 
 enquire by wiiat process the character of the 
 mass of the population was depraved in past 
 times ; and by wiiat means that character may be 
 purified and improved. If he shall find that the 
 errors of the popular belief, the monstrous ima- 
 ginations of futurity and deity, were at the root 
 of all the abominations of Paganism, he will have 
 made some progress in the path of his enquiry. 
 li\ as he proceeds a little further, he shall dis- 
 cover that the corruptions of Christianity in the 
 middle ages, gave rise to the moral pestilence 
 which, at that period, blackened and deformed the 
 fairest portion of the globe, he will be led to ap- 
 preciate religious truth amongst the number of 
 those means which may be applied to render 
 nations powerful and happy. 
 
 It has never been denied that Christianity 
 raised and reclaimed the moral character of its 
 votaries, at its first promulgation ; and it would 
 probably have gone on to build up again the 
 ruined and prostrate empire of the Romans, if 
 Constantine had not interfered by the most un- 
 happy measures to prevent such an accomplish- 
 
94 RELIGION. 
 
 ment. He deserted the ancient city and thus 
 sealed its fate; and he corrupted Christianity 
 by placing it upon the throne, and shut out 
 all hope and aid from this quarter. 
 
 From this period, to the reformation, the moral 
 and political history of the world affords little to 
 delight, but much to instruct us. The influence 
 of religion was not wholly lost ; corrupted, how- 
 ever, as it was, by its connexion with power, and 
 disfigured by forms and superstitions, it had lost 
 much of its proper effect upon the people. From 
 what we know of the state of society in the mid- 
 dle ages, we know also what was the Christianity 
 of that period. 
 
 The age of the reformation was an age of light 
 and enquiry, as well to those who remained in 
 the church of Rome as to those who left it. The 
 convulsions of that period, calamitous as they 
 were, and attended with evils which have flowed 
 down almost to our day, yet led to the establish- 
 ment of a principle which has fixed for ever 
 the destinies of mankind — The right of private 
 opinion. 
 
 It is from the time of the establishment of this 
 right, that we are to date the commencement of 
 
RELIGION. 95 
 
 an improved state of society in the world. This 
 principle let loose religion from the chains which 
 bound her for so many ages. Perhaps she is not 
 yet wholly free ; but she enjoys much liberty, and 
 we have all around us the effects of her moral 
 and purifying influence ; and in the power, 
 wealth, and happiness of tlie European nations, 
 we see the fruits of her labours, most abundant 
 in those nations in which she has enjoyed most 
 freedom. 
 
 In individuals, character is wealth, in nations, 
 virtue is power. Moral principle is the only se- 
 cure basis of national prosperity ; it is the great 
 spring of industry ; it is the fountain of riches. 
 Moral principle can only be formed under the 
 influence of correct notions of deity and futurity; 
 high and solemn sanctions are necessary to it. 
 No deductions of expediency or refined self-in- 
 terest will be sufficient to create such a principle 
 in the minds of the mass of mankind ; nor will 
 the mingled matter of a corrupt Christianity 
 suffice for this purpose. Moral principle, which 
 will endure, must be built upon the truth. 
 
 If it be asked what means are to be taken, in 
 order that religious truth may prevail? We 
 answer. That in this matter we would apply the 
 principle of the political economist ; we would 
 
96 RELIGION. 
 
 leave truth to make its own way ; we would con- 
 fine our efforts to removing all impediments and 
 obstructions in its course ; we would give it no 
 bounty ; but we would take away all bounty 
 from error and from idleness ; and we would 
 commit it without fear to a free and unembar- 
 rassed competition. 
 
 Religion, like the other interests of mankind, 
 has suffered exceedingly by the multiplicity of 
 interferences. The tendency of these has been, 
 by direct or indirect means, to promote the 
 cause of error, and to injure society in its most 
 material concerns. Perhaps no species of hu- 
 man industry ought to be promoted by bounty ; 
 still less should any opinions be upheld by such 
 unwise and injurious encouragement. We may 
 be confident that the truth will be able to sustain 
 itself; and if it be not the truth, why should any 
 opinion be sustained ? 
 
 But if truth need no legislative support, it 
 may be asked, does error require no legislative 
 discouragement? We think not; it will perish 
 if we do not touch it ; but if we cut it down 
 with the scythe of the law, it will shoot more 
 vigorously from the roots ; and the law has no 
 plough-share wherewith to plough the mind of 
 man, and bring up the roots of error. Nothing 
 
RELIGION, 97 
 
 can be more plain than the folly of legislating 
 with respect to opinion. 
 
 Legislation ought to limit itself to the actions 
 of men ; it travels out of its proper sphere 
 when it undertakes to deal with their opinions : 
 this is apparent by the miserable failure of all 
 such attempts. Whatever is most beautiful or 
 productive for the ornament or support of 
 life, lies open and exposed to the unhappy med- 
 dling of ignorant or interested politicians ; but 
 opinions, true or false, escape from the grasp of 
 the oppressor, and laugh at the foolishness of 
 persecution. The British government in Ireland 
 destroyed the woollen manufacture of that coim- 
 try, to appease the jealousies of English trade ; 
 but its utmost efforts failed against the religion 
 of Rome : the rage of an excessive and inhuman 
 frenzy, served but to attach the people more 
 strongly to the faith of their fathers. 
 
 It is consoling to think, how few and simple 
 are the principles which need be applied in the 
 management of human affairs. The task of go- 
 vernment, once thought so complex and incom- 
 prehensible, seems to resolve itself into the mere 
 duty of keeping peace amongst the various in- 
 terests and the conflicting opinions of mankind : 
 but simple and obvious as this may seem, and as 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
98 RELIGION. 
 
 it really is, yet is it the result of much investiga- 
 tion ; neither can it be comprehended, even in 
 our day, by a large class of politicians. The 
 vulgar of this class are still employed, as they 
 have ever been, in adding to the terrific heap of 
 legislative provisions ; and, instead of doing away 
 with former accumulations, by a gradual and 
 cautious process, we find them still thick in the 
 bustle of new and unintelligible regulations. 
 New churches are to be built against the will 
 and the wants of the parishioners ; and it is well 
 if we escape being regimented, and formed into 
 hollow squares and parallelograms, upon a new 
 system of educational, manufacturing, agricul- 
 tural, and moral tactique. Now, to all this we 
 should merely say, that it is unnecessary : no- 
 thing more need be done than to take away all 
 bounty from bad systems, and to remove every 
 impediment in the way of improvements. 
 
 It is impossible to value religion more highly 
 than we do : religion and education are above 
 all other things, in our estimation, as they are 
 the sources of all that is valuable in life. To 
 promote them, we would use all persuasion ; we 
 would remove every obstacle ; we would supply 
 funds from the public purse, if needful, with but 
 ,one condition, that no tyranny be exercised 
 over the people by the agents of the public 
 
 18 
 
RELIGION. 99 
 
 bounty. It should not be the object to uphold 
 the sect, but the principle. With this view we 
 would promote the circulation of the Scriptures, 
 because in these there is nothing of the sect, but 
 all of the principle : we would not force the Scrip- 
 tures on the people, but we would not suffer 
 them to be forcibly withheld; all should be 
 free. 
 
 Christianity is the only civilization of the po- 
 pulace ; and it is possible to be instructed in the 
 dogmas of the Church of England, or the Church 
 of Rome, or any other church, and know no- 
 thing of Christianity ; we would therefore pro- 
 mote that which will insure a knowledge of 
 religion, without reference to the dogmas of any 
 church. 
 
 All attempts to push the cause of any parti- 
 cular system of rehgion, must be injurious to 
 that which is invaluable — religious principle. 
 The general principle is forgotten in the strug- 
 gle about the dogmas of the sect ; hence the 
 irreligious contests for religion. It has been said, 
 that the parties in these fierce and uncharitable 
 contests, have frequently been unbelievers, or 
 indifferent about the things which afforded pre- 
 text for the struggle ; and this, no doubt, is true 
 of many ; but the majority were faithful believ- 
 
 H 2 
 
100 RELIGION. 
 
 ers and zealous partizans : the influence of the 
 sect overcame the influence of the principle ; 
 under the former, men became savages, and ex- 
 ceedingly wicked ; the latter would have softened 
 and civilized them. 
 
 The zeal of the sectarian is associated with 
 the ideas of men fallible, passionate, and evil like 
 himself, and with creeds of human devise, and 
 ordinances of human contrivance ; his mind is 
 carried away from the calm, soothing, and sub- 
 lime contemplation of Deity, as revealed in the 
 Gospel, to be mingled, and deformed, and de- 
 based, among human passions and human in- 
 ventions. It may be said, that he believes these 
 to be of divine institution ; he may, but not im- 
 mediately, and they will fail to tell upon his consci- 
 ence with power ; and, though he had the fullest 
 convictions upon this head, the effect upon his 
 character would be injurious. 
 
 The heathen bows to the image he has made, 
 and believes firmly in the divinity of his idol ; 
 but it is this belief which has darkened and 
 degraded his character ; he is reduced to the 
 level of the stone, or the reptile he worships; 
 this appears to be the moral law of the species ; 
 and when Christians set up their own imagin- 
 ations to be worshipped, or to be associated in the 
 
RELIGION. 101 
 
 worship of tlie Supreme Being, the darkness and 
 the degradation wliich follows, is too marked 
 that we should mistake it. 
 
 The history of Christian contests, and the pro- 
 fligacy, rapacity, and abuses of churches, is a 
 fearful evidence in support of our position. If 
 you set up the dogma to be worshipped, the prin- 
 ciple will be forgotten, for we cannot combine 
 things, in their nature not capable of combin- 
 ation ; the dogma will eat up the principle j the 
 latter only, can civilize tlie populace ; those who 
 are in easy circumstances, may be kept in their 
 path by a power of less force ; but the mass of 
 the people are never in easy circumstances ; 
 with them life is a struggle, a long continued 
 struggle, in the path of which, every temptation 
 is strewed, and every passion is roused from 
 its lair to add to the violence of the conflict. 
 The poor man finds nothing in the dogma of his 
 sect to direct or restrain him, and to the dog- 
 ma and the form only, he attaches himself; 
 you will try in vain to bring him back to the 
 principle after you have set up the dogma 5 he 
 will not leave it, neither will he be convinced 
 by your discourses upon expediency and moral 
 obligation. 
 
 The hungry man, and he who works hard and 
 
 H 3 
 
102 RELIGION. 
 
 earns rags and wretchedness, would stare at the 
 folly of the argument, which tells him to be con- 
 tent, because there must be poor and miserable 
 persons, and some must labour severely, and 
 reap want and sorrow. The truth is, that the 
 poor themselves reason much more accurately 
 upon their own condition than the philosophers; 
 they know that some in the world must be poor, 
 and perhaps in want, but they would rather 
 throw the burden of want and poverty upon 
 other shoulders than keep it on their own, and 
 they think the chance of such a riddance well 
 worth any risk attending the attempt. 
 
 The poor, who labour hard, and are badly fed 
 and clothed, and housed, are little deterred by 
 the risk of life ; with them, life has little value ; 
 they are restrained, rather by the little chance 
 of success : shew them that they can succeed, 
 or let any change take place which will open 
 such a prospect to them, and observe how they 
 will act ; say that they perish — what then ? Is 
 it so great an evil ? How many perish in the 
 army and navy of all nations, as it were, without 
 a motive ? 
 
 It is evident, that with the populace, force 
 alone, or religious principle, can sustain society, 
 except in periods of much national prosperity. 
 
RELIGION. 103 
 
 when all is smooth upon the surface of this deep 
 ocean ; tranquillity, at such a time, may be pre- 
 served at less cost. You may increase the pressure 
 of misery, you may succeed in laying burden 
 upon burden on the shoulders of the poor, and 
 from the force of habit, they may continue, also, 
 to endure them patiently for a period, but not 
 always ; after a season, you will overcome the 
 despair of success, and remove the apprehension 
 of danger, and then you will have insurrection 
 or rebellion. 
 
 We do not say that religious principle will en- 
 able the people to bear all things, or that even 
 this may not sometimes give way under the 
 weight of suffering ; but it will do much ; it will 
 do more than any thing else can do ; and it is 
 chiefly valuable for this reason, that it will not 
 fail, where it prevails, to improve the condition 
 of the people. Religious principle will surely 
 create those habits of industry and sobriety, 
 which are the bases of private and of national 
 prosperity. 
 
 Our attention has been called to the subject of 
 religion, because it appears to us to have more 
 influence upon society, and to mingle itself more 
 with the interests and the moral constitution of 
 mankind, than has generally been thought or 
 
 H 4 
 
104 RELIGION. 
 
 allowed ; he who writes upon Irish affairs espe- 
 cially, cannot neglect it. Religion was to Ire- 
 land, in her early days, her chief honour and 
 brightest glory ; in her latter years, her reproach 
 and shame. Hailed by the nations, in the dawn 
 of Christianity, as the '* Island of Saints, *' she 
 has become in this age, for her religious feuds, 
 the barbarity of her laws affecting religion, and 
 the unhappy singularity of her situation touching 
 this great point, — an object of scorn and abhor- 
 rence to all mankind. Yet her zeal and faithful- 
 ness deserved a better fate, and ought not to 
 have exposed her to the calamity and reproach 
 which have been her lot. 
 
105 
 
 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. — TITHE, 
 
 No church in the world is so singularly placed 
 as the Protestant Established Church of Ireland. 
 A priesthood, but in many parts of the country 
 no hearers. Churches built or building in nume- 
 rous places, in which there is to be, perhaps, 
 sometimes service, but never congregations ; and 
 where it has happened that a military force has 
 been occasionally necessary to protect tlie build- 
 ers from the assaults of the flock. Meek flock ! 
 Happy shepherds ! 
 
 There are two circumstances connected with 
 this subject, which here call our attention. It is 
 astonishing that the established church has made 
 so little progress with the people j considering, 
 too, that hardly any modern church can boast a 
 greater number of able and pious men. It is 
 surprising, also, that this church has paid so little 
 attention to this important subject. The clergy 
 seem generally to have preferred slumbering 
 
106 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 quietly upon their livings to any exertion of this 
 nature. Perhaps they despaired ; but if they 
 did so, they must have doubted that the truth 
 was with them ; or, what was more unpardonable, 
 they must have doubted the power of the truth 
 — or, without doubting either, they must have 
 regarded the thing as not desirable. 
 
 We know, it has been said, that if the peo- 
 ple were converted to Protestantism, there 
 were danger that they would join the ranks of 
 the dissenters, rather than embrace the open 
 arms of the establishment; and in this case, 
 it is concluded, they are safer where they are. 
 This, however, is a humiliating view of the pre- 
 dicament in which the establishment is placed, 
 and we think too highly of its members to be 
 content with it. Yet it is certain that the church 
 as a body, has not only done very little upon 
 the ground of this first of her duties, but has 
 resisted those measures which appeared neces- 
 sary in order to open the way for her exer- 
 tions. 
 
 It is known that the Church of Rome in Ire- 
 land is powerfully sustained by legislative dis- 
 couragements. Without giving any opinion here 
 of the truth or purity of the doctrines of that 
 church, we are safe in saying, that these dis- 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 107 
 
 couragements are a strong support. So, the first 
 churches of Christianity, whose doctrine was 
 without blemish, and whose excellence was yet 
 untarnished in the world, derived not a little 
 aid from the cruel persecutions of the heathen. 
 The first effort, therefore, of the Protestant 
 establishment ought to be, to take away this 
 support from their adversary, and this bar to 
 their more successful and extensive ministration. 
 This church should open for itself the field 
 which is now closed against it, by acts of Ca- 
 tholic disqualification. 
 
 But when we see this clergy opposing every 
 attempt which is made to remove these disqua- 
 lifications, and coming forward in all their dig- 
 nities and ranks, and with the whole weight of 
 their influence and power, to resist every effort 
 made to give them free access to the people, 
 and to remove those obstructions of prejudice 
 and disgust, which have been heaped up against 
 them ; what can we think of their confidence 
 in the truth of their doctrine, or their zeal in 
 the sacred cause to which they stand pledged 
 by sanctions sufficient to shake the nerves of 
 the best and boldest of human kind ? 
 
 Those disqualifications because of religion, 
 which deprive a large portion of the people of 
 
108 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 Ireland of valuable civil immunities, have ne- 
 cessarily accumulated upon the establishment a 
 great mass of odium and reproach. This church 
 has been too much known to the people as a heavy 
 and oppressive burden ; a cause of disunion and 
 discord, and of civil exclusion and grievous in- 
 jury and injustice in the land. Those of the 
 clergy who are sincerely devoted to their duties, 
 struggle in vain against the obstacles which are 
 thus opposed to them ; and yet it is abundantly 
 evident, that not all the piety, nor all the learn- 
 ing, which is to be found in the bosom of the 
 establishment, will give it strength or security, 
 unless it clothe itself with the affections and 
 opinions of the people. Nothing can be en- 
 during in this age, which is not supported by 
 public opinion ; still less can that continue to 
 exist which shocks and wounds it. The esta- 
 blished church of Ireland must clothe its bare 
 bones with the flesh of the people ; or though 
 it wore the crown of England upon its head, and 
 wielded the sword of the Russian Autocrat, the 
 day is at hand when rottenness and dissolution 
 will claim it as their own, and lay it, without a 
 struggle, in the grave. 
 
 This church must remove from itself the 
 double reproach of lending its weight to the 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 109 
 
 civil exclusion of the people upon the one 
 hand; and upon the other, grasping, as the 
 people think and believe, their substance and 
 the fruits of their labour, without equivalent or 
 requital. This is too much ; we know that the 
 case can be argued with much ingenuity, and 
 their right to tithe, and to political opinion of 
 whatever kind, maintained with great plausibi- 
 lity. But after all the argument, we know how 
 the thing is felt. The specious reasoning passes 
 away, while the facts remain, and come home 
 with all their strength and power to the feelings 
 and the pockets of the people. 
 
 Is there any body of men of whom so im- 
 mense a majority have so steadily and persever- 
 ingly opposed the removal of civil disqualifica- 
 tions, on account of religion, as the clergy of 
 the established church. Look at the divisions 
 in the House of Lords ? Compare the propor- 
 tions on each side, amongst ministers and their 
 adherents, and the Opposition and their friends, 
 with the proportions amongst the Bishops. If 
 the whole body of Irish Bishops were in the 
 House, would the proportions be different ? We 
 fear not. 
 
 The establishment, unhappily, incurs much 
 odium, and casts away, too lightly, the sympa- 
 
110 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 thies of the people, or assists to bind these pre- 
 cious sympathies round the brows of their bre- 
 thren of the Roman faith. Dearer and more 
 glorious than all the wealth of the establishment 
 are the hearts, and the unpurchasable affections 
 of the people. For these, what would not the 
 devoted Apostle of the Gentiles give? — or the 
 beloved Disciple ? He whose bosom glowed with 
 unconquerable zeal — he whose soul was love. 
 But we are fallen upon other times, and have 
 to deal with apostles and disciples of a differ- 
 ent class and character. 
 
 The repeal of the remnant of the penal code, 
 will be necessary to open the door to the exer- 
 tions of the established church in Ireland. It 
 will be asked, would we also, in order that she 
 may labour more effectually with the people, re- 
 quire her to forego the tithe ? We answer, that 
 the church must submit, at least, to a commuta- 
 tion. * This is necessary. But we have heard 
 of more than one clergyman of the establishment 
 
 * It has been said that a commutation would be more 
 burdensome than the tithe, because it should be an equiva- 
 lent not for what the Clergy receive, but for what they 
 ought to receive. We cannot imagine why a commutation 
 should be any more than a full equivalent for tithe, as it 
 has been usually paid and received in the country. The 
 custom of the country is the law of tithe. 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. Ill 
 
 in England giving up his tithe, to secure the 
 hearts of his parishioners, and throwing himself 
 upon their voluntary bounty, lest the shadow 
 of a mercenary motive should darken his minis- 
 try, or the reproach of a hireling should be 
 cast upon his labours of love. And we know 
 that there are men in Ireland capable of this 
 sacrifice. 
 
 But we must say, that tithe ought not to be 
 taken, without a strenuous effort to make some 
 return to the people. A thousand ways lie open 
 by which they may be served. But, surely, it 
 is not requiring too much, that this clergy, who 
 reap so largely of the labour and the substance 
 of the people, should abstain from opposing or 
 injuring them, when they look for restitution of 
 civil rio'lits. 
 
 ^&' 
 
 We know, that the clergy do not admit that 
 they take the substance of the people ; they 
 take, it is contended, nothing that is not their 
 own. This brings us to say a few words upon 
 the subject of tithe ; a subject which has been 
 too much and too w^ell debated to require any 
 more than a very rapid notice from us. The 
 claim to tithe is mentioned, either as a religious 
 obligation or as a legal right. 
 
112 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 That the clergy are entitled to a sufficient 
 support cannot be questioned. They have a 
 just claim, like all other men, to live by their 
 labours. This, therefore, is not the matter to be 
 considered, for the clergy of the Catholic church 
 in Ireland live, and are provided for, without a 
 legal establishment ; so also do the clergy of the 
 Protestant dissenting churches. We are rather to 
 enquire, what right any clergy, of any church, can 
 have to tithe under the Christian dispensation. 
 
 Tithe was a Jewish ordinance, and was ex- 
 pressly given to the tribe of Levi^ as compensa- 
 tion for their tentli portion of the land, which 
 they gave up and threw into the common stock 
 of the country, in order that they might devote 
 themselves more entirely to the service of the 
 temple. This tribe were, therefore, purchasers 
 for full consideration of their tithe. The tithe, 
 in their case, was not merely a remuneration for 
 ecclesiastical services; they had a right to it 
 independently of any service of this nature, 
 upon the ground of their having given to their 
 nation a full equivalent and satisfaction in land. 
 We must, therefore, consider this tribe as having 
 a claim to tithe upon quite another ground 
 than any which can be mentioned in our day, by 
 any Christian clergy in Europe. 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 113 
 
 We know of no clergy which have given to 
 their nation an equivalent of this sort ; nor have 
 we heard of any individual churchman, how- 
 ever large his revenue from tithe, making a 
 cession of his private property in favour of the 
 public. Though many, holding rich livings, are 
 also in possession of great private fortunes. 
 
 The church of Ireland, on the contrary, holds 
 not only the tithe, but immense estates in land 
 also ; to the amount, it is said, of several hun- 
 dreds of thousands annually. The tribe of Levi 
 were not properly the priesthood, these were the 
 descendants of Aaron exclusively ; and these re- 
 ceived not tithes in remuneration for their bur- 
 densome services at the temple, but hundredths ; 
 that is, tenths of the tithe. All this is well 
 known to those who have paid any attention to 
 this subject ; and we have but adverted to it as 
 it lay in our way. 
 
 The clergy, or their advocates, do not rest 
 their claims in our day upon any Jewish ana- 
 logies ; but upon that which is a more solid 
 foundation, — the law of the land. Upon this 
 ground, their title is unquestionable. But the 
 law touching this subject has been frequently 
 debated, has been sometimes changed, and may 
 again be altered. It is the fashion, however, to 
 
 VOL. L I 
 
114 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 meet every proposition of this sort with loose 
 and sounding declamations about the ** sacred 
 rights of property.*' Landholders have been 
 warned to look to themselves ; and the right of 
 the church to its possessions has been exalted far 
 above that of landlords to their estates. The 
 country gentlemen, who are to be scared away 
 from meddling with church income, are told of 
 the longer possession and of the fairer title by 
 which this is held. 
 
 In reply to all this, we shall only ask. How 
 did the church acquire this property in Ire- 
 land ? Were not these lands partly the estates of 
 the old Irish gentry, and partly the property of 
 the Catholic church, derived by a pure title from 
 grants of the ancient lords and princes of the 
 country, and appropriated, we will not say how, to 
 the use of this church, which has such a " sacred 
 right of property." Now, if the prince or the 
 parliament could strip one church of its property, 
 which came honestly by it, and confer it upon 
 another, may not the same power interfere for 
 the public good, to modify the tenure of its 
 grantee ? Where was this sacred right of property, 
 when the Romish clergy were expelled from their 
 parishes, and the bishops driven from their lands, 
 while the people clung round about them and re- 
 fused to quit the pastors of their choice? 
 
 SI 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 115 
 
 We are unwilling to remember these things, 
 but when such lofty claims are made, we must 
 refer to the truth of history. It will be said, that 
 if an imputation can be cast for such reasons as 
 these upon the possessions of the church, they 
 might be found also, in many instances, to shake 
 the title of those land-owners, whose ancestors 
 acquired property in the civil wars. We answer, 
 that these things do not furnish any ground for 
 imputation upon the title of the church to its 
 possessions, or the land-owner to his estate. It 
 would be woeful indeed, if these accounts of for- 
 gotten calamities and enormities were never to be 
 closed; and we were perpetually to be driven back 
 into the crimes and recriminations of past ages. 
 But there is still some difference between the case 
 of the land-owner and the case of the church. The 
 former acquires the absolute property ; it is his 
 sole right and inheritance ; it will descend to his 
 heir ; he can sell and convey a title as absolute 
 as he possesses. Time, according to the usages 
 of all nations, removes all taint from his title, and 
 makes that perfect, which in its creation might 
 have been incomplete. 
 
 In the church there is no inheritance. The 
 clergy, for the time being, have rights annexed 
 to their possession which are unquestionable, their 
 right of property for their lives is undoubted j 
 
 1 2 
 
116 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE, 
 
 but they have no more than a life e&tate ; the 
 fee, if we may so speak, is in the pubHc, and 
 though it would be highly unjust to touch the 
 life estate which has been carved out for the 
 benefit of the present possessors, it is no way 
 improper at any time for the owner to make a 
 new settlement out of the fee* 
 
 Suppose a law were made, that after the de- 
 mise of all the present holders of livings and 
 benefices, and of all persons at present in orders, 
 there should no longer be any tithe taken in Ire- 
 land, and that all church lands should be applied 
 to the public service. Who would be injured ? 
 Who would have a right to say, my property is 
 taken from me ? 
 
 The ultimate right to all cburch property and 
 tithe appears to us to be in the public. The 
 clergy take the profits for their lives, in remune- 
 ration for certain services supposed to be per- 
 formed. But it is said, if the right of property 
 be in the public, what reason is there that the 
 land-owners and their tenants cry out so vehe- 
 mently against the payments they are compelled 
 to make? They do so for the same reason that 
 they cry out against the property-tax, the win- 
 dow-tax, the salt-tax, or any other. These 
 taxes were the property of the public^ and 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 117 
 
 applied to the public service. The people paid 
 them, but when they became burthensome and 
 inexpedient, the people got rid of some of them 
 also. Tithe is a tax, ancient no doubt, but we 
 know its commencement; its antiquity, in our 
 opinion, is nothing in its favour, and the mode 
 in which it was first introduced, is far from 
 giving it authority or credit. Neither is tithe, 
 now, what it was when first introduced and for 
 ages after. Those who rely upon its antiquity 
 are bound to its original shape and form. 
 
 Originally, tithe was taken from the congre- 
 gation only ; there was no such thing, as in our 
 time in Ireland, of millions of people paying- 
 tithes to a clergy they disowned. Tithe, also, 
 though paid to pastors acknowledged and revered, 
 was not paid, as in our enlightened days, for 
 the sole use and private emolument of cliurch- 
 men ; rectors received for their support but one 
 fourth part of the tithe, the bishop was entitled 
 to another fourth, and the remaining two parts 
 were applied to building and repairing churches, 
 and maintaining the poor. 
 
 The public of this generous age give the 
 whole tithe to the clergy, and take upon them- 
 selves, also to build and repair their churches, and 
 to feed their poor ; and yet that age, and that 
 
 I S 
 
118 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 church in which tithe was first introduced, is 
 called superstitious, and their devotion to the 
 clergy is held up to scorn and derision as exces- 
 sive and absurd ! 
 
 This tax was imposed originally as a mainten- 
 ance for the poor, as a fund for building and re- 
 pairing churches, and as a remuneration for cer- 
 tain services to be performed ; such as public 
 worship and religious instruction. Now, have 
 not the people of Ireland a right to demand the 
 repeal of this tax, when it is notorious that not 
 one of these objects are attended to or attained ? 
 Where is for them the religious instruction or the 
 public worship ? It has been said, sometimes, 
 that the church is open and the sermon is 
 preached ; but this observation is too contempt- 
 ible to deserve an answer. 
 
 The enormity of compelling those to pay who 
 disown the pastor and reject his services, is, we 
 believe, peculiar to the Christian churches, or 
 some of them. The Jewish priesthood did not 
 take tithes or offerings from any people not of 
 their religion, and worshippers in their temple ; 
 they took nothing towards their support from 
 the heathen, nor even from the Samaritan, either 
 by force or under colour of law; they would 
 have considered any thing of this nature as an 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 119 
 
 abomination, and as profaning the service of 
 the Most High. It was reserved for Christian 
 churches to be fed by violence, and for Christian 
 pastors to strip the fleece from a flock not their 
 own. 
 
 Even the heathen was not guilty of this mon- 
 strous injustice. The priest of Jupiter, trium- 
 phant in the Roman capitol, levied no contribu- 
 tions for his support, or the maintenance of his 
 dignity, upon the subject worshippers of the 
 German or Egyptian divinities ; he derived his 
 revenue solely from the devotees of his own su- 
 perstition. We consider tithe, as it exists in our 
 times, to be an unreasonable burden, even when 
 taken from the members of the establishment ; 
 but when forcibly taken, under colour of law, 
 from those who conscientiously dissent from that 
 church, we must consider it as a great injustice, 
 and a most crying grievance ; one unheard ofi 
 and unknown in the darkest ages of the world, 
 a thing that would have been abhorred by the 
 Jews, and that would not have been tolerated 
 even by the heathen ; and we boast that these are 
 times of political wisdom, of enlightened justice, 
 and of pure Christianity. 
 
 We shall advert shortly to some of the de- 
 fences made for taking tithes from Roman 
 
 I 4 
 
120 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 Catholics, and from Protestant Dissenters. It is 
 said, that nothing is taken from the farmer ; he 
 took the land with a full knowledge of this bur- 
 den, and his rent is measured with a full allow- 
 ance for it. True ; but is the tenth of the 
 produce of his labour and industry nothing ? — 
 his expenditure, his improvements, are these 
 nothing ? But suppose they are nothing, you 
 only remove the argument to the landlord ; and 
 here we are told, that the land-owner purchased 
 his estate with a knowledge of this burden also, 
 and therefore with an allowance for it, in the 
 consideration which he gave. 
 
 But there are, even in Ireland, land-owners 
 who derive their inheritances from a period more 
 remote than that of the introduction of tithes in 
 the island ; these, nevertheless, are not exempt. 
 In our apprehension, it matters not in what way 
 land may have been acquired, or what may have 
 been paid for the purchase ; the owner of the 
 fee is the representative of all the rights of the 
 most ancient acquirers of the soil. His title over 
 the land is paramount to that of priests, or parlia- 
 ments. The old legal notion of the king's title 
 to the soil was imagined in barbarous times, and, 
 considering the king as a trustee for the benefit 
 of the nation, might have its advantages ; but 
 when he parts with those riglits by grant, or other- 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 121 
 
 wise, he gives a title as valid as he possessed. Nei- 
 tlier has parliament any title, nor does it pretend 
 to have any, to the inheritances of the people. 
 This high court may burden the ground with 
 heavy impositions, but it lays no claim to the soil, 
 nor interferes with the rights of the owner. 
 
 We have said that tithe is in the nature of a 
 parliamentary tax for the maintenance of the 
 church ; the clergy can plead the law of the land 
 in support of their demand, and their right upon 
 this foundation is undoubted. The law must 
 and ought to be obeyed, as long as it remains the 
 law ; but we may question its policy or expe- 
 diency. Tithe is in the nature of a rent-charge 
 imposed by parliament. If the tax be repealed, 
 or if the rent-charge cease by any means, the 
 land-owner enters at once into the enjoyment of 
 this benefit, though he might have acquired his 
 estate by purchase, when this tax was deemed 
 to be perpetual, or while it was supposed the 
 rent-charge could never terminate. The 
 church cannot mention a claim paramount to 
 the landlord's title, nor take away from him the 
 advantages that are inherent in his possession. 
 Why has not this defence been set up for other 
 taxes ? Why has the window-tax been repealed, 
 while so many houses were built and purchased, 
 and leases taken during its existence ? Why 
 
12^ ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 have those who struggle for the continuance of 
 taxes not thought of this argument? How 
 many purchases have been made since the land- 
 tax was imposed in England? Who then can 
 complain of the land-tax, when they purchased 
 with a knowledge of, and an allowance for, this 
 imposition ? We would recommend this sensible 
 argument as a conclusive plea for the perpetuity 
 of taxes ; let a tax be imposed, let land be taken 
 or purchased, or contracts be made during the 
 continuance of the tax, and when you come to 
 ask for its repeal, it can be answered, — Did you 
 not make your bargain while the tax existed ? 
 what right have you to complain of it ? Let the 
 tax be eternal, for this argument remains for 
 ever, and gathers strength with time. 
 
 Under the law as it stands, the clergy have a 
 legal title to their tithes: but have they an 
 equitable right ? A just man will hesitate to take 
 the property of another, unless that other will 
 consent to take value in return. The Protestant 
 Dissenter, or the Roman Catholic may justly ask, 
 why, in this age of the world, he is compelled to 
 share his property with him from whom he cannot 
 receive any thing in return? The poor can under- 
 stand why they pay rents, they can imagine a rea- 
 son for paying taxes to the state j but tithe appears 
 to them a naked and arbitrary oppression, for the 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 123 
 
 profit and pleasure of a set of men, with whom 
 they have no connexion. Arguments about the 
 sacred right of property may have weight in 
 parhament, but they will have none with the 
 peasantry. * 
 
 Tithe is a tax of the very worst kind and charac- 
 ter; in its nature it is more vexatious and oppres- 
 sive than any other tax whatever ; it is unfixed, 
 and requires to be ascertained anew every year ; 
 it is a tax levied for the profit of private persons, 
 and the tax-gatherers are the owners of the tax ; 
 it is impossible to imagine a more grinding and 
 objectionable machinery. The clergy are some- 
 times looked upon as in the nature of state 
 pensioners, turned over by the government to 
 collect their pensions themselves from the people. 
 If government must have a favourite priesthood, 
 it were well that it should, itself, collect the tax, 
 and pay with its own hand its own-favoured de- 
 pendants. No pensioner ought to be permitted 
 to levy his own pension on the public ; in a well- 
 regulated commonwealth, the state should be the 
 only collector of taxes; the powers of government 
 should be instrusted to no private hands for pri- 
 vate purposes. 
 
 * Captain Rock, in his proclamation, denounced tithe al- 
 together, but he demanded only a reduction of rents. All 
 the captains of this numerous family have acted in the same 
 spirit. 
 
154- ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 Any burden upon the land not created by the 
 owner or his ancestor, but imposed by authority 
 of law, and which leaves the right to the soil 
 and the possession untouched, can be no other 
 than a tax, for whose benefit soever such a tax 
 may be created ; but it is said, how will this 
 affect the lay impropriator ? We answer, he may 
 have a property in the tax, but it is still a tax. 
 Was it never heard, that private persons have 
 had property in taxes? Had not the Ormond 
 family until very lately, a property in the 
 prisage of wines in Ireland ? and was not this 
 a tax ? 
 
 Government purchased the prisage of wines 
 from the Ormond family, for the benefit of the 
 public, and the same course ought to be taken 
 with regard to lay proprietors of tithes. It is 
 not necessary to purchase from the clergy, be- 
 cause these have never more than a life-interest, 
 which may be suffered to run out. 
 
 Views of this kind have been treated as revo- 
 lutionary, and something like a threat has been 
 held out towards those who should dare to enter- 
 tain or avow them. As to the imputation of re- 
 volutionary views, we ask. Was not the Reform- 
 ation a great revolution j and yet upon this oc- 
 casion the property and ownership in tithe was 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 1^5 
 
 completely changed ? Have not the legislature 
 and people of England been ever proud of their 
 *' glorious Revolution ?" We would treat argu- 
 ment upon this or any other subject with proper 
 respect ; but mere hard words deserve little re- 
 gard. 
 
 So far do we deem these considerations from 
 being revolutionary, that we are persuaded such 
 views must be speedily entertained and acted 
 upon, if government or parliament would pre- 
 vent a series of disastrous occurrences in Ireland, 
 which, we will not say must lead to revolution, 
 but will be of that character which usually pre- 
 cede those fatal events. 
 
 As to the danger with which private property 
 is said to be threatened, we ask, Is not private 
 property safe in France ; and yet tithe has been 
 abolished in that country ? If indeed no redress 
 could be obtained for the grievance of tithe, unless 
 the people were to redress themselves, private 
 property might be in danger, as in France dur- 
 ing the progress of the revolution. But that 
 country was not blessed with a government capa- 
 ble of keeping pace with the progress of the 
 times; and wise enough to adopt those measiues, 
 and effect those changes, which the course of 
 
126 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 events, and the improved state of the pubUc 
 mind, called for and made indispensable. 
 
 Changes must come when the times are 
 ripe for them : we have lately seen some of 
 the utmost importance quietly effected in par- 
 liament — changes at which our ancestors would 
 have been greatly startled. The folly of those 
 who would not meet this necessity for change, 
 by any adequate measures, and the wicked- 
 ness of those who would run before the times 
 and overturn every thing, are pretty nearly 
 equal. 
 
 It is said that the church is not oppressive in 
 the collection of its tithe. We are aware that 
 there are many who exact less than the law 
 would permit them. We have always said, that 
 there are as good men in the church as there are 
 in the world ; but we know there are some also 
 who obtain more than the law permits. There 
 are some who exact the uttermost from those of 
 the Roman communion in their parishes, but deal 
 very leniently with their Protestant parishioners ; 
 with the latter, as they compose their congrega- 
 tion, and come in contact with them in various 
 ways, it is necessary to observe the forms of 
 decency and moderation. 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 127 
 
 In poor parishes, the people are frequently m 
 debt to the rector or proctor, and are unable to 
 discharge their arrears ; they are not therefore 
 at liberty to dispute the price he puts upon the 
 tithe ; if they do, they will probably be called 
 upon to pay up their arrears. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, they are compelled to submit to 
 whatever price is imposed, and it often exceeds 
 the fair value of the tenth. Let it be considered 
 too, that the rector may be the most important 
 gentleman in the parish, perhaps a magistrate, 
 whose displeasure is not to be incurred by a small 
 exaction upon his tithe, and whose favour is worth 
 purchasing at some expense. 
 
 We conceive the bearing of the laws respect- 
 ing tithe to be as unkind towards the church as 
 oppressive towards the people. If there must 
 be a sort of state monopoly of religion, the odium 
 of collecting the tax by which this is to be main- 
 tained, ought not to have been thrown upon 
 the clergy ; and still less when it is considered 
 that this odium went, in substance, to defeat 
 the monopoly. We have heard state monopo- 
 lies of religion in some countries compared to 
 the Spanish King's monopoly of snuff. We 
 think, however, there are some essential points 
 of difference. 
 
1^8 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 The King of Spain was the sole dealer in the 
 article. He permitted no otlier person to sell 
 snufFby wholesale in his dominions, and of him 
 only were you permitted to buy ; but then, if 
 you did not like the article or had no taste for it, 
 the King was too just to compel you to purchase ; 
 you were permitted to abstain altogether from 
 this luxury ; and the King, though he might re- 
 gret your w^ant of taste for the commodity, never 
 thought of charging you for what you did not use. 
 
 So much equity is not observed in the case of 
 state monopolies of religion; an extensive con- 
 traband trade is allowed ; the dealers in this trade 
 are permitted to sell their preparations where 
 they can. They are at liberty to make a better 
 article, if they know how, and, in fact, if they 
 have skill and industry enough to supply the mar- 
 ket fully. After this comes the patentee of the 
 state commodity ; and without troubling himself 
 whether you use his wares, or whether you hold 
 them in abhorrence, or whether you are already 
 supplied by some one more expert or intelligent 
 in the trade — about all this he cares nothing ; 
 for the law having foreseen that you would un- 
 doubtedly want a certain supply of the article, 
 requires not that you should take it from the 
 person legally appointed, but that, whether you 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 1^9 
 
 do or not, you shall pay him the full price of the 
 commodity. 
 
 Now this appears extremely unjust ; for, pos» 
 sibly, the man may have paid a high price al- 
 ready to his own merchant for that sort of ma- 
 nufacture which suited his taste and constitution ; 
 nevertheless, the patentee of the authorised pre- 
 paration sends in his bill as for goods sold and 
 delivered, and you are not permitted to dispute 
 the demand in a court of justice. If you plead 
 that you have received no value for the money 
 demanded, and if you prove the allegation, the 
 court will nevertheless award judgment against 
 you ; it will be admitted that the charge in the 
 claimant's bill is not true ; it will be granted, 
 that, in point of fact, you received no value ; it 
 will even be conceded, that you are so cir- 
 cumstanced that you could not make use of the 
 authorised article ; and that it would be an in- 
 tolerable tyranny to compel you to use it ; and 
 after all these admissions, you will be coldly 
 commanded to pay the bill, or tliat execution 
 shall issue against your goods and effects. This 
 is the law in some countries ! They manage snufF 
 and religion better in Spain. 
 
 It will strike any one that the state preparation 
 must soon come to be very carelessly and clum- 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
130 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 sily made up. Those who are sure to be paid, 
 let the commodity be what it may, will not give 
 much attention to make it fit for use ; those who 
 must be paid their demand, as for a full supply 
 of the very best article, though they may furnish 
 a very inferior kind, or though they may furnish 
 nothing at all, will, in a short time, furnish no- 
 thing, or worse than nothing. The monopoly 
 may grind the poor, but it will also destroy the 
 manufacture ; and, after a while, the monopoly 
 also must decay : nothing that is irrational can 
 exist long in our time. 
 
 The tendency of the tithe system is to injure 
 the establishment, by bringing into the church 
 persons wholly unfit for the ministry, and whose 
 only objects are the ease, the idleness, and the 
 wealth it affords. All establishments are full of 
 such persons ; and this evil might have been en- 
 dured in past times, when power might have 
 laughed at principle, and set common sense at 
 defiance ; but this can be done no longer ; and 
 it will be well if some remedy can be devised 
 for this inveterate disease, which threatens to 
 devour the church. 
 
 It is said that it is necessary to induce gentle- 
 men to enter into the ministry, because the 
 church ought to <* raise her head in courts and 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 131 
 
 palaces," and the rich should have spiritual com- 
 forters as polite as themselves. 
 
 What then ? Were the fishers of Galilee sent 
 out to teach the vulgar only, and not all man- 
 kind? There was not one gentleman amongst 
 the twelve apostles : Paul, perhaps, might have 
 claimed that appellation. But certainly his 
 ministry was not very successful with the philo- 
 sophers, and the polite of the world. We doubt 
 very much, whether the rich are best instructed 
 by rich persons like themselves : riches are very 
 apt to spoil the teachers. The Christian doc- 
 trines of humility, and mortification, and self- 
 denial, sound strangely in the mouths of our 
 wealthy and luxurious prelates, whose magnifi- 
 cent fortunes out-top the nobility of the land. 
 There is, in fact, such a wide discrepancy 
 between the doctrines of the gospel, and the out- 
 fit of the higher orders of the church-establish- 
 ment, that it is almost ludicrous; and the 
 rich, who are furnished with such magnificent 
 pastors, cannot avoid seeing the ridicule of the 
 thing. 
 
 We rather think that the higher orders of 
 society would be better instructed by men of 
 moderate fortunes, and a little removed from 
 their own sphere: such men would be likely 
 
 K 2 
 
13^ ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 to be better teachers than those who are encom- 
 passed with the snares, and loaded with the 
 w^eight of the world's wealth ; the doctrines of 
 Christianity would sit better upon them; their 
 principles and motives would be less liable to 
 suspicion ; and as to politeness and learning, 
 we think a man of five hundred a-year may be 
 as polite and as learned as one of five thousand, 
 or fifty thousand. 
 
 There are in society certain circles of associ- 
 ation, formed pretty much upon the scale of pro- 
 perty. Perhaps this is right, or unavoidable ; 
 but the scale of politeness and learning is not 
 graduated in the same manner. To a certain ex- 
 tent, both these measures may agree ; extreme 
 poverty will neither be learned nor polite ; but 
 after we come to a certain point of ease and com- 
 petence, and polished intercourse, the scale of 
 wealth may extend to any excess of power or 
 luxury ; but the scale of politeness and learn- 
 ing goes no further. At this point the numbers 
 show the highest amount that is to be obtained 
 in society. 
 
 We w^ould give all the good-breeding that is 
 in the church for a little more spiritual-minded- 
 ness ', the wealth of the establishment fills its 
 ranks with polite gentlemen, but invites not the 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 133 
 
 humble and devoted servant of the gospel : to 
 the latter, this wealth would be no inducement ; 
 but the crowd of venal expectants, whose only 
 object is a living and preferment, beset the gates 
 of the establishment, and close the way against 
 those whose sole concern is the ministry. 
 
 If we could consider the establishment as a 
 mere secular machine, useful for certain ordinary 
 purposes, we should be quite ready to admit its 
 value. It supplies the country with a resident 
 gentry, often of great use ; for the most part, more 
 moral than tlie country gentlemen around them : 
 it furnishes a numerous corps of well-informed, 
 and, frequently, well-intentioned magistracy ; and 
 though we think it generally wrong that tlie 
 clergy should be in the commission of the peace, 
 yet, situated as Ireland is, with a vast proportion 
 of her proprietors living out of the country, witli 
 an established clergy, possessing large benefices 
 and small cure of souls, and, from their extraor- 
 dinary situation, almost wholly secularized, we 
 think it is gaming something, ii\ in such a case 
 as this, we obtain a good magistracy ; and we 
 know there are many instances where it would 
 be a serious evil if the country were deprived 
 of the valuable services of these gentlemen a>s 
 
 magistrates. 
 
 K 3 
 
134f ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 
 
 We are ready to admit the great value of the 
 clergy of the establishment generally, as country 
 gentlemen, magistrates, and individuals: we 
 should be glad if we could bear testimony also 
 to their usefulness as ministers of the gospel. It 
 will be said, what have they to do, but with the 
 members of their own communion? and we would 
 readily admit the reasonableness of this plea, if 
 they limited their demand of tithe to the mem- 
 bers of their communion also ; but, while they 
 claim tithe from all, without distinction, we can- 
 not exonerate them from the obligations which 
 they thus voluntarily incur. 
 
 We think too, that, whatever may be the ad- 
 vantages to the country of having such a number 
 of magistrates and useful country gentlemen, 
 the tithe system is a highly objectionable means 
 of obtaining them. If they are to be a kind 
 of resident estated gentry, let them have estates 
 in good earnest ; let lands be assigned them ; 
 but if they are to continue to have estates in 
 the labour and industry of the people, we 
 would not give much for their title. Again, if 
 they are to be merely country gentlemen, 
 what is the Protestant population to do for 
 pastors ? The poor of the Protestant persuasion 
 are almost without religion : in the country 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. -— TITHE. 185 
 
 they speak with more derision and contempt 
 of their own clergy, than the poor of the 
 Catholic persuasion think it decent to do. In 
 the towns they become Roman Catholics or 
 Dissenters. 
 
 We have one word to say upon the subject of 
 church rates. This is frequently a very severe 
 tax, and it is one levied upon the public of the 
 Roman Catholic communion in a very unjusti- 
 fiable manner. Is a new church to be built, 
 — who is to determine whether the old one is 
 insufficient, or a new one necessary ? Perhaps 
 there are no Protestants in the parish. — Whoso- 
 ever is to determine this point, the Catholics are 
 to pay for building the church, if it be to be 
 built. Funds are easily obtained from the Board 
 of First- Fruits ; but the Board must be repaid : 
 this is done by a tax levied on the parish for, 
 perliaps, twenty years after. This is a heavy tax, 
 without representation, and in which the people 
 have no voice. What becomes in this case of 
 the argument about notice ? Did the farmer 
 know, when he took his farm and calculated his 
 rent, that he should have to pay this extrava- 
 gant tax during, perhaps, the whole of his term ? 
 Is it right, that a whole parish should be taxed to 
 build a church lor, possibly, two oj* three indi- 
 
 K 4 
 
136 ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHEe 
 
 viduals ? — that the poor should build places of 
 worship for the rich, in order that these may 
 pray commodiously and at free cost, while the 
 impoverished peasantry worship in buildings re- 
 sembling barns ? Surely the established church 
 of Ireland, the richest church in Europe, might 
 afford to relieve the poor of the Roman Catholic 
 persuasion fi'om this infliction 1 It is not right 
 that Catholics should be compelled to build 
 churches for Protestants. It is not right that 
 those who live upon potatoes and sour milk, 
 should be called on to build elegant churches for 
 those who fare sumptuously and drink wine every 
 day. 
 
 It is astonishing what fraud and imposition 
 are practised by means of this power, which the 
 few possess, of taxing the many at pleasure. 
 A few Protestants, collected at vestry, have the 
 power of voting the property of the Catholic 
 parishioners to themselves or their friends, in the 
 shape of money for repairs of the church, for 
 music, for sextons, * &c. &c. 
 
 * We have known 20/. charged for washing a surplice, 
 which was proved to have been washed three times in the 
 year. In the parish where this was an annual item, the 
 whole ordinary charges for the service of the church was 
 nearly 1000/. a year, exclusive of repairs. 
 
ESTABLISHED CHURCH. TITHE. 137 
 
 It is time to look into these abuses, by which 
 the country has been impoverished, and the 
 people made desperate, and the establishment 
 rendered odious. 
 
138 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. 
 
 Most writers who profess to treat of the 
 churches of Ireland, or other countries, present 
 us with an account of the number of bishops 
 and bishops' sees, their revenues, the number of 
 parishes, the profits of the parish clergy, and 
 other interesting matter of this nature, with all 
 which we have nothing to do. We have no con- 
 cern with the emoluments or enjoyments of the 
 clergy ; neither are we deeply affected by hard- 
 ships or privations which are voluntarily incur- 
 red. It is our business to consider them in con- 
 nection with the duties they have undertaken to 
 perform. We judge of the shepherd by the con- 
 dition of the flock : — ** By their fruits ye shall 
 know them ;" an infallible rule, and laid down 
 by an infallible authority. 
 
 Ireland is the only country which presents us 
 with the singular spectacle of two great and per- 
 fect national church ei^tablishments ; an establish- 
 
 15 
 
CHURCH OF ROME IN IRELAND. 139 
 
 ment tor the rich, and an estabhshment for the 
 poor. There are some poor Protestants and 
 some rich Roman Cathohcs ; this, however, is 
 the leading distinction ; but the poor support 
 both estabHshments. 
 
 Persecuted with worse than the spirit and more 
 than the zeal, which distinguished the family and 
 followers of Mahomet, in their sanguinary war- 
 fare against Christianity, the church of Rome 
 was borne unhurt through the storm, by the de- 
 voted and unconquerable mind of a people, ac- 
 quainted, indeed, with defeat, but never used to 
 submission. If ever a people had claims upon 
 their pastors, and made their national church 
 their debtor, for services beyond all things pre- 
 cious, — the uncompromising services of the heart 
 and affections ; such claims have this people, 
 and in such relation stands their church to them. 
 
 This church owes to the people an infinite 
 debt of gratitude. Tlie persecution suffered in 
 common by priest and people, brought them into 
 more intimate connection, and gave to the sacred 
 bond which united them, a more holy and 
 hallowed character. We feel kindness and affec- 
 tion for the companions of our pleasures ; but for 
 the partners of our sorrows and our sufferings 
 we have the warmest love. Nature weaves not 
 
140 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 a chain more powerful than this of affliction, 
 to bind together human hearts ; but when he 
 who suffers with us is a father, or clothed with 
 the character of one, and adds to the dear- 
 ness and fondness of that relation, something 
 high and holy in his office ; — the sacred and 
 mysterious claims of his church, nothing abated 
 in his misfortunes, and only deriving strength 
 from that abasement which is submitted to for 
 conscience sake and the love of the poor ; — has 
 he not gathered up the hearts of the people and 
 made them all his own ? 
 
 These were means more than sufficient for the 
 mightiest achievements of church power ; but 
 these were not all. The civil wars, and the 
 rage for confiscation, had swept away the old 
 heritors of the soil ; few of the ancient families 
 remained, and the new proprietors succeeded to 
 none of that influence or authority with the 
 people, which had been the precious prerogative 
 of their former lords. 
 
 These waste affections flowed into the bosom 
 of the church, and added to the weight and 
 power of her ordinary authority. The priest- 
 hood, in most parts of Ireland, stood, as it were, 
 the representatives of the ancient families of the 
 country ; they were invested with a new and ex- 
 
IN IRELAND. 141 
 
 traordinaiy power, which the laws as they have 
 been, and as they still are, tend to confirm and 
 continue to them. In the north-west of Ireland, 
 and some few other places, where a remnant of 
 ancient proprietary families are to be found, the 
 power of the priesthood has never been consider- 
 able. But these instances are not many ; and the 
 general proposition is beyond all question, that 
 never was there a priesthood supplied with such 
 abundant and mighty means, for operating what- 
 ever effect they might think proper upon the 
 people. What have they accomplished ? 
 
 We might answer this question, by drawing a 
 picture of the Irish peasantry ; ferocious, artful, 
 idle, sanguinary. We might point to a long list of 
 dread enormities, — we might exhibit their fierce 
 feuds, and rustic and deadly enmities ; their ven- 
 geance appeased with blood only, — their deceit- 
 fulness, except only in those compacts w^here the 
 laws are to be violated, and crimes are to be perpe- 
 trated, — and when we had drawn such a picture, 
 we would ask, w hat has been the working of the 
 two establishments in Ireland? Have these 
 people been really Christianized by the expensive 
 machinery ostensibly applied for this purpose ? 
 
 • And when it is considered, also, that the 
 natural qualities of the Irish peasantry are un- 
 
142 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 commonly fine ; that they are kind, affectionate, 
 zealous, devoted, generous, faithful, intelligent, 
 and brave ; we shall be called to mourn over 
 ruins more melancholy than those of Palmyra. 
 It is true, that many of the excesses of this 
 people can be traced to the pressure of various 
 calamities with which the priesthood are no way 
 concerned ; and that, perhaps, hardly any know- 
 ledge of their duties would wholly restrain the 
 violence which flows from these sources. 
 
 But we do not think that we are extravagant 
 or fanatical when we state our conviction, that 
 a pure and genuine Christianity, if preached to 
 the hearts and minds of the people, would cor- 
 rect a great proportion of the evils under which 
 they labour. We know, also, that much of the 
 fierce and evil character of the people is the 
 natural result of an utter ignorance of their 
 duties, and of those strange and wild imagin- 
 ations which they entertain respecting the cha- 
 racter of Deity, and of the Providence which 
 presides over the world. If the God they worship 
 be an idol of their own imagination, pardoning 
 sins, in consideration of the temptations and ne- 
 cessities of his creatures, and requiring no ac- 
 count of human frailties, — who is too good to 
 be strict in his investigations, and too great to 
 regard the every-day transactions of poor human 
 
IN IRELAND. 143 
 
 beings. If he be a God delighting in revenge 
 and retribution, or looking with indulgence upon 
 a just and pious vengeance, and regarding not 
 the ordinances of human laws, nor the arbitrary 
 arrangements of property amongst men, but only 
 the justice or the necessity of the case. If such 
 be the God of the Irish peasant, how can he be 
 other than the violator of the laws, and the victim 
 of his passions ? 
 
 The religion of this people is, for the most 
 part, a kind of fatalism ; they tell you of their 
 crimes and their calamities, — that it was before 
 them to commit and to endure, and they could 
 not escape it. How could they contend with 
 fate ? It was appointed for them to do and to 
 suffer, and they have but accomplished their des- 
 tiny ; they confess that this is not the language 
 of the priest, but it is nevertheless true ; the 
 priests, they admit, know every thing, but then 
 they tell them only what they judge proper. 
 
 The error of the Roman Catholic priesthood 
 is, that they despise the people too much ; they 
 think the high and deep questions of Deity and 
 Providence above their comprehension ; they re- 
 quire an implicit submission to dogmas, and an 
 observance of certain ceremonials; but the rudest 
 of human beings are not without ideas respecting 
 
144 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 Providence, and the government of the world ; 
 and they will assent to the dogma, and observe 
 the ceremonial, without this assent or observance 
 having any influence whatever upon the leading 
 ideas which influence their character. The 
 church of Rome insists upon forms, and accumu- 
 lates external observances, until the people are 
 encumbered, and the priesthood oppressed with 
 their variety and inutility ; the approaches to the 
 heart are blocked up with solemn lumber. By 
 degrees, the people come to content themselves 
 with these things, and the priest finds leisure to 
 attend to little else. It is easier to go through 
 the foiin of a ceremony, than to root out a vice ; it 
 is in vain that you tell the people the ceremony is 
 nothing ; if you insist upon its performance, they 
 will think it something, and you cannot tell how 
 much. As soon as you have succeeded in sub- 
 stituting form for principle, you have destroyed 
 all communion between God and his creature ; 
 you have blotted out the Gospel ; and the rapid 
 growth of depravity in the heart will speedily 
 announce that the hand of the cultivator is with- 
 drawn for ever. 
 
 This process failed in France ; and, instead of 
 Christianity, there sprang up a rank and baleful 
 infidelity, which covered the face of that nation, 
 and destroyed all sound and wholesome principle. 
 It failed in Spain, and in Portugal, and left these 
 
IN IRELAND. 145 
 
 nations a prey to a stern and dark superstition, 
 which withered and blasted every civil, social, 
 and political virtue. The storm of the French 
 invasion, which passed over these kingdoms, 
 was a visitation of mercy, bringing with it the 
 seeds of change and improvement. It failed in 
 Italy, and the States of the Church itself, sig- 
 nally, notoriously, and in the face of the whole 
 world. Witness the deplorable state of these 
 countries, and their wretched imbecility j wit- 
 ness the Roman States, a helpless prey to cruel 
 and cowardly banditti, and these banditti the 
 faithful votaries of the Holy See ; the most de- 
 vout adorers of the Virgin, punctual in prayer to 
 their saints, and abundantly provided with images, 
 amulets, and relics ; rising from the rosary to 
 commit murder ; and amidst robbery and rapine, 
 strictly observant of the fasts and feasts of the 
 church* 
 
 Nor is there any thing inconsistent in this ap- 
 parently strange medley. The human heart loves 
 its own vices and corruptions, and seizes eagerly 
 upon every means by which it may retain these, 
 and yet connect their indulgence with some 
 flattering hopes of safety and happiness here- 
 after ; forms and ceremonials offer these means, 
 or appear to do so, in the apprehension of the 
 people. 
 
 VOL. I. L 
 
146 CHURCH OF ROMI3 
 
 The church proposes its ceremonies as an in- 
 citement to devotion ; the people take them as a 
 substitute : take away the ceremonial, and they 
 can no longer shelter their depravity and deceive 
 themselves. But while you give them this cover 
 for their iniquities, it is in vain that you talk to 
 them about it, and shew them that it was not 
 intended to be so applied ; they will listen to 
 you, they will admit the reasonableness of your 
 representations, and they will then quietly return 
 to their vicious habits and their vain observances. 
 This is human nature. 
 
 In Ireland, the servant who will rob you with- 
 out compunction, will rather be without food 
 than eat flesh meat on fast days. The poor 
 female outcast of the street, lost in vice and 
 abandonment, is a punctual observer of the nu- 
 merous festivals of her church. There are many 
 who, if they were without these means of self- 
 delusion, would still cling to their vices in open 
 defiance of conviction, but a great number would 
 abandon them in horror of their deformity, when 
 dragged from every cover, and exhibited in the 
 light of truth. 
 
 The Roman church pretends to a kind of in- 
 fallibility, not accurately defined. But the priest 
 of this infallible church is often a yery weak and 
 
 15 
 
IN IRELAND. 147 
 
 fallible man. The people are called upon to dis- 
 tinguish between the organ of a perfect church, 
 and perfect as an organ, and the imperfect and 
 sinful being who is placed in this situation ; it is 
 impossible to make this distinction, and the cause 
 of truth, and the authority of religion, suffer in 
 the person of their supposed organ. The people 
 identify the priest and the doctrine ; they have 
 no other standard to refer to, for they are unac- 
 quainted with the gospel, which, alone, is perfect 
 and unchangeable. 
 
 The clergy of this church generally oppose 
 the instruction of the people, if connected with 
 the reading of the Scriptures. We have seen the 
 crowded and shrieking children turned forcibly 
 out of the schools, which charity had erected for 
 their instruction ; we have seen the little frighted 
 victims, rushing from the quiet and happy asy- 
 lum which had been provided for them, and 
 wandering in despondency upon the roads, where 
 they were condemned by their " Christian pastors" / 
 to resume their old habits of vice and idleness. 
 
 If the parents enquire the reason of this strange 
 proceeding, they are told, that the Scripture is 
 a book they must not look into ; it would make 
 them Protestants. A higher compliment than 
 this was never made to the protestant faith j if 
 
 h 2 
 
148 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 they happen not to be sufficiently terrified by the 
 bugbear of protestantism, and are still inclined to 
 send their children to school, they are told that 
 punishment will assuredly follow ; absolution will 
 be refused the offender, the sacrament will be 
 withheld in time of need, and he will be suffered 
 to die without Christian rights ; and the terrified 
 victim of poverty and superstition is subdued. 
 
 That the clergy of this church should be oc- 
 casionally, and in various places, successful in 
 this opposition to education, and to the circula- 
 tion of the Scriptures, is to be expected. But the 
 effort will raise new questions, and lead to en- 
 quiries w^hich had never before suggested them- 
 selves to the poor. This breaks the ground. 
 The opposition of the clergy to schools and 
 bibles, though successful, will not fail to leave an 
 impression unfavourable to the church, hardly 
 perceptible, perhaps, even to the people who are 
 the subjects of it, but yet certain. New efforts 
 will be made ; they cannot fail to be partially 
 effective. New opposition, perhaps, will be en- 
 countered, but the question will not rest ; it wdll 
 come at length to be generally discussed amongst 
 the people. 
 
 In these Bible schools, as they are called, very 
 few children, in point of fact, read the Bible. 
 
IN IRELAND. 149 
 
 Nevertheless, the anathemagoes forth against those 
 who read, and those who do not j and where the 
 obnoxious Testament has been totally withdrawn, 
 in order that by this sacrifice, the poor might be 
 permitted to acquire the rudiments of a moral 
 education, it was found that the sacrifice was 
 made in vain : it was enough for condemnation, 
 that the school was in connexion with some one 
 of those charitable societies who have devoted 
 their exertions to the instruction of the poor ; 
 and this uncompromising hostility has been 
 exercised where there was no alternative : — the 
 ignorance and depravity of the poor, or the as- 
 sistance of the society. 
 
 A wise enemy to this church would rather 
 excite such a debate as this between priest and 
 people, than put a Bible into the hands of every 
 poor child in the kingdom. The Irish peasant, 
 with all his apparent submission and outward 
 respect, is a sharp, and not always a charitable 
 observer of the conduct of his own clergy ; he 
 is without a rival in his perception of character ; 
 if you despise him he is not sorry, he would 
 rather lead you into this error ; the weapon he 
 uses most adroitly is the cimning, which is hid 
 under the folds of a thick and apparently im- 
 practicable stupidity ; when you are lost in 
 amazement and derision, he smiles inwardly, 
 
 L 3 
 
150 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 and is sure of his object ; he holds you com- 
 pletely defeated, and in his power. 
 
 The parish-priest is as often the subject of 
 this cunning management as any other person. 
 His motives are as much canvassed, his objects 
 as strictly inquired into, his errors as freely cen- 
 sured, and his character as thoroughly under- 
 stood. Those who know the Irish peasantry, 
 need not fear the power of the church. We 
 have said that the error of the clergy is, gene- 
 rally, that they despise the people too much» 
 Acquainted with their vices and their ignorance, 
 they overlook their extraordinary sagacity. They 
 count, also, too much upon their own influence 
 and power. Into these errors they are led, by 
 having been, some of them, too near the level of 
 the populace. Those who are themselves taken 
 from the ranks of the people, unless possessing 
 extraordinary talents, are the most apt to fall 
 into errors concerning them. We do not dis- 
 cern distinctly the whole bearing and power 
 of those objects with which we have been much 
 conversant, and which have been very close to 
 us. It requires some distance, yet not too re- 
 mote, to see moral as well as physical objects 
 with clearness, and in all their proportions. 
 
 The Catholic church will contend against 
 schools and bibles at a great risk; but she will 
 
IN IRELAND. 151 
 
 contend in vain against the spirit of the age, 
 the spirit of knowledge, and of free inquiry. If 
 this church, or if Cliristianity itself, could be 
 maintained by no other means, than by abrogat- 
 ing the undoubted rights of mankind — the 
 rights of the meanest, as well as of the highest 
 of the species, to examine and judge for himself, 
 we should not hesitate to say, that it ought to 
 be left to perish, and ought not to be supported 
 by such means. What is the value of the faith, 
 whose main buttress is ignorance ? The Bible 
 cannot be understood, say the clergy, by these 
 ignorant people. What, then, are the clergy but 
 a living commentary upon the Bible ? This should 
 be the sole object of their preaching* The first 
 teachers of Christianity were no more. Those 
 who came after thought it would save time and 
 trouble to set aside the text and substitute the 
 commentary. 
 
 The time is come when the text must be re- 
 stored. The New Testament is nothing more 
 than a simple narrative of the establishment of 
 Christianity, and the preaching of the apostles. 
 Is it not amazing arrogance in any churchmen 
 to set aside forcibly the preaching of the apos- 
 tles, and to substitute their own. The apostles 
 still preach in the gospels ; but, say the clergy 
 of the Roman church, their preaching is obscure, 
 
 L 4 
 
152 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 and unfit for the people, we will lead them to 
 the truth by a surer road. Such is the modesty 
 of modern churchmen ; but our concern is for 
 the people, the victims of so many tyrannies. 
 
 The Roman Catholic clergy are left to collect 
 what they can from the people ; and their 
 exactions have been sometimes, and in some 
 places, matter of serious complaint. To these 
 the Captains Rock, of different periods, have 
 frequently directed their attention. In some 
 parts of Ireland, the priest's dues are regu- 
 lated by the bishop of the diocese ; but, gene- 
 rally they get what they can ; and levy their 
 fees for marriage, baptism, &c. according to 
 what they conceive to be the ability of the party. 
 These charges are, therefore, sometimes very 
 high ; for the party cannot go out of the parish ; 
 the rule of the church being, to give to every 
 parish priest a monopoly of his own cure. 
 
 It has been proposed to pay this clergy 
 moderate salaries out of the public purse ; and 
 nothing, in our opinion, could be more just and 
 proper, provided the country were relieved, at 
 the same time, from the evil of tithe, and that 
 the enormous church establishment of Ireland 
 were placed upon a reasonable foundation. But 
 to burden the country at this time with a second 
 
IN IRELAND* 163 
 
 legal establishment, leaving the other upon its 
 present scale, would be very unwise and unjust. 
 We should be glad to see, as in France, an esta- 
 blishment for Christianity, instead of an esta- 
 bhshment for sects ; and if ever there was a 
 country where a measure of this kind was expe- 
 dient, it is Ireland — distracted with the hos- 
 tile collision of sects, and grown wild and savage 
 from the want of Christianity. 
 
 It is melancholy to hear the grave and solemn 
 debate, which is still prolonged, concerning the 
 supposed danger of the connection between the 
 Roman church of Ireland and the Roman 
 see. There is no longer any danger : the Pope 
 is but a name in Europe. The clergy of this 
 church, too, feel more as Irishmen than as priests. 
 They would not be the servants of the Pope, for 
 any evil purpose. But we can imagine cases 
 where they would be the enemies of England, 
 though the Pope were at her back : we say 
 this to their credit. No class of men feel more 
 for their country, or have sutler ed more, or more 
 patiently and heroically for the religion they 
 professed, and the land they loved. We differ 
 from many of them upon important points ; 
 but there are some with whom we could cordially 
 agree, and, as a body, they are entitled to our 
 respect for a zealous and unpretending discharge 
 
I54f CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 of severe and important duties ; — for their past 
 conduct, during ages of suffering and persecution, 
 they claim our admiration. 
 
 The church of Rome in Ireland is a machine 
 of great power, and perfect in its detail and ar- 
 rangement; its organization is complete. Per- 
 haps the inferior orders, or what has been 
 properly denominated, the working clergy, are 
 too much in the power and subject to the caprice 
 of the higher dignitaries. This has taken place, 
 partly, in consequence of the impolicy of the 
 law, in refusing to recognize this powerful class 
 of men. The law of the land does not, as in the 
 case of the established church, control and 
 circumscribe the power of the bishops ; the 
 catholic rector has no freehold in his hving, and 
 may be displaced without cause ; the power and 
 patronage in the hands of the superior clergy is 
 therefore very great. 
 
 To direct some of this to the service of the 
 state was the object of the veto, as it was pro- 
 posed in parliament. The value of the veto was, 
 in our opinion, greatly overrated. The Roman 
 Catholic clergy in Ireland, have no great politi- 
 cal influence with the people ; they have hardly 
 checked, any where, the operations of Captain 
 Rock and the other White-boy leaders ; though 
 they have been very sincere in their efforts to do so. 
 
IN IRELAND. 155 
 
 Those who overrate their power, are incHned to 
 doubt their sincerity ; they cannot understand 
 why a man, who appears in most cases to exer- 
 cise a despotic dominion over the minds of the 
 people, should be utterly without influence, 
 where the question is between the state and its 
 subjects. The reason is, that, though the people 
 are greatly attached to the church, they are more 
 attached to their country. They would renounce 
 the church without hesitation, if it were to be- 
 come the pensioner of the government, unless 
 they were first thoroughly reconciled to the 
 latter. 
 
 The priest has influence, almost without limits, 
 when he falls in with the political bias of the 
 people ; when he opposes that bias, his influ- 
 ence is greatly diminished ; and when the pas- 
 sions of the populace are roused, and in arms, 
 from the memory of antient wrongs, or recent 
 oppression, his control is reduced to nothing. If 
 his character be a good one, and he has been 
 respected, he may turn away the crowd from a 
 metUtated outrage, or save a destined victim ; 
 this will be the extent of his ability. 
 
 The populace will be inclined to believe, not- 
 withstanding all assurances to the contrary, that 
 the priest is not really opposed to their courses 5 
 
156 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 they consider that he is compelled, from his situ- 
 ation, to put on the appearance of discourage- 
 ment ; but they know his mind, as they imagine, 
 upon the point, and they will act upon what 
 they believe him to think, and to feel in common 
 with them, rather than upon what he says ; ii\ 
 however, they become convinced of his sincerity, 
 the case is not mended; they now regard him in 
 the light of a traitor, and he ceases to have any 
 influence whatever; nor will his sacred office 
 always insure the safety of his person. 
 
 It may be considered strange, that so much 
 power as the Catholic clergy possess, should 
 be so easily laid aside ; but it is a power for 
 ordinary occasions only; it may be strong enough 
 to check the passions moving in the narrow 
 round of their every day circle ; but when the 
 signal for some great contest is given, and they 
 leap into the arena prepared for the conflict, the 
 power of the priest is a withe of rushes. 
 
 If government do but attach the people, they 
 need not regard the veto ; if they do not, no 
 veto, nor ecclesiastical arrangement of whatso- 
 ever kind, will avail them any thing ; they may, 
 perhaps, purchase the clergy with money, or 
 with power ; but the people are to be purchased 
 by good government only. 
 
IX IRELAND. 157 
 
 The Roman Catholic clergy possess a perfect 
 knowledge of the state of the country ; a know- 
 ledge very rare and difficult to be acquired in 
 Ireland. They are not always capable of reason- 
 ing well, or drawing right conclusions, from 
 what comes under their notice, and the scenes 
 and feelings that lie open to their view; but 
 there are some amongst them very capable of 
 this ; and their meetings are so frequent, at con- 
 ferences, visitations, &c., that they have every 
 opportunity to combine, and compare their ob- 
 servations. The uncontrouled power of the 
 higher clergy, gives to the whole coiys ecclesias- 
 tique, much of the discipline and subordination 
 of a military body. 
 
 Instead of grasping at a parliamentary veto, 
 why should not government negotiate a regular 
 concordat with the Pope, regulating the state of 
 the Cathohc church of Ireland, regulating the 
 power of the bishops, fixing the dues of the 
 parish clergy, and placing the church generally 
 upon a respectable and proper footing ? this is 
 the only right course to take, if it be considered 
 at all necessary to do any thing upon the subject. 
 And when other and more pressing things are 
 accomplished, we think it would be wise to do 
 so. The clergy should not be left wholly de- 
 pendant upon the people for support, nor should 
 
158 CHURCH OF ROME 
 
 the people be given up to the exactions of the 
 clergy. All this demands regulation ; we are far 
 from desiring another <* Establishment" in Ire- 
 land. An establishment, as we understand it, sig- 
 nifies something exclusive; a state sect upon which 
 every good thing is lavished to the exclusion of all 
 others. If this were a new case, we would put 
 all sects upon an equality, and give to the Catho- 
 lic, and to the Protestant teachers, a reasonable 
 reward for their services out of the public purse. 
 As the matter stands, we would be content to see 
 the public relieved from the burden of tithe, by 
 a fair commutation, leaving the rest to time. 
 
 It has been the fashion, because many other 
 things are of pressing necessity in Ireland, to 
 underrate the importance of Catholic emancipa- 
 tion. This question has lost nothing of its 
 importance. It demands attention, not because 
 it would feed, or clothe, or employ the peasantry, 
 or act upon the necessities of the people, but be- 
 cause it would act upon their minds and imagin- 
 ations, a thing almost as important. It will not 
 succeed, always, to do real and substantial service, 
 if you refuse the shadowy distinction ; the ribbon 
 is often more than the office ; we do not mean, 
 however, to insinuate that Catholic emancipation 
 would not be a substantial service, we think it 
 would be a very real one j and it appears most 
 
IN IRELAND. 159 
 
 Strange to us, that this important question should 
 be encumbered and embarrassed with that of the 
 veto, as if to obtain some doubtful influence with 
 the clergy, were of more, or as much, import- 
 ance, as to make an interest with a whole nation. 
 The veto, or the securities as they are called, 
 may spoil the effect of emancipation upon the 
 minds of the people, but they could gain nothing 
 for the state ; we would advise that these be 
 separate and distinct measures. Whatever may 
 be done with regard to the church may follow, but 
 should not precede or accompany the measure of 
 emancipation. If it be necessary to tack the 
 veto, or security, to the other measure, in order 
 to give it a chance of success, the necessity will 
 be a misfortune. 
 
160 
 
 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 SOCINIANISM. 
 
 X HE astonishing effects produced by Christianity 
 when first it appeared upon the earth, in its 
 power and purity, remain upon record ; when 
 afterwards it ceased to be the rehgion of a few 
 select congregations only, and became the pro- 
 fession of governments and nations, those effects 
 were no longer prominently visible. But with 
 all the pretension and corruption which have 
 mingled with the faith of Christ, there have been, 
 in every age, numbers upon whom this religion 
 has had its full effect. There have been thou- 
 sands at every period, and in every country, who 
 have felt and believed like Fenelon and Pascal. 
 
 But the crowd has ever struggled to escape 
 from a religion, whose high pretensions and 
 severe exactions admitted no compromise ; this 
 could only be done by forgetfulness or delusion ; 
 by turning away the attention from a subject that 
 was painful, or by working upon the mind or 
 
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, ScC, l6l 
 
 imagination, until these came to consider it as 
 something other than it was, and to bow down 
 with complacency before an idol of their own 
 formation. 
 
 By this double process it is, that the bulk of 
 Christian nations have escaped from Christianity. 
 The vulgar intrench their vices, for the most part, 
 behind the ceremonials of worship, or flee with 
 them into the mazes of business and the cares 
 of life ; the better educated and the thoughtful, 
 find protection in the region of learned infidelity, 
 or, if they are disposed to compromise with con- 
 science, or with what they may consider to be 
 the prejudices of the public, they take up their 
 position in the intermediate district of 8oci- 
 nianism. 
 
 We have known few Socinian congregations, a 
 majority of which were not pure Deists, who yet 
 thought it right to observe the decency of pub- 
 lic worship, or expedient to avoid the reproach 
 of decided infidelity. Socinianism, as a middle 
 term between Christianity and unbeliefj is sur- 
 rounded with difficulties ; it treats the Scripture 
 as in part unintelligible and inconsistent, and 
 therefore to be in part rejected, or explained 
 with such latitude and freedom permitted to the 
 expositors, as would not be thought decent to 
 
 VOL. I. M 
 
l(jQ PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 allow in the case of any ordinary writer. A Soci- 
 nian must consider the Divine Spirit as the worst 
 author that ever put pen to paper ; and accord- 
 ingly he treats him as never author was treated 
 before. 
 
 If the proofs of Christianity are not sufficient, 
 it is right, it is fair, to reject them ; but to 
 receive tliem as sufficient and divine, and then to 
 deal with the announcements of the Most High, 
 as we would not do witli the declarations of the 
 meanest individual, is a monstrous inconsistency, 
 so much so that we believe there are few Soci- 
 nians, though there are many Deists. 
 
 Socinianism is frequently the high road which 
 leads away from Christianity, and sometimes 
 also the path which conducts to it ; it is not an 
 abiding place, but a place of passage, few can 
 rest in it ; or if they seem to do so, it is generally, 
 because they find it difficult to decide, or inex- 
 pedient to determine which way they should 
 bend their course. 
 
 Since the time infidelity became fashionable 
 in France, under the powerful patronage which 
 the wit and genius of Voltaire and d' Alembert 
 and their associates afforded, and the more effi» 
 cient encouragement which it received from the 
 
 18 
 
OF IRELAND. SOCINTANISM. iGS 
 
 abuses of the Establishment in that country, and 
 the vices of the great ; unbeUef has made nu- 
 merous converts among the lettered portion of 
 mankind ; of these a great number, scared by 
 the horrors of the French revolution, lapsed 
 into Socinianism. We do not believe that infide- 
 lity produced the revolution, though we have no 
 doubt it greatly aggravated its enormities. The 
 religion which existed at that period in France 
 would hardly have supported the state. No- 
 thing surely can be more absurd than to think, 
 that the abuses of government are to be sus- 
 tained by the corruptions of Christianity ; yet 
 this is a favourite and prevailing notion. 
 
 If Deism or Socinianism were widely extended 
 over the surface of society, or had made a secure 
 or firm lodgement in the bulk of the populace, 
 we think the effect would be very disastrous ; 
 such persons as compose the mass of mankind, 
 relieved from the immediate presence of Deity, 
 would rush into the abominations of paganism, 
 or settle down into a determined and reckless 
 indulgence of their own vices. 
 
 But the Socinians of our time, and many of 
 the infidels also, are not, in our opinion, only 
 not worse than the generality of the professors of 
 the orthodox faith, but perhaps they may be con- 
 
 M g 
 
164 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 sidered, compared to bodies of men, as being 
 better ; they are frequently men, who, if they 
 could be brought to receive the doctrines of Chris- 
 tianity as they are revealed, would not be satisfied 
 w ith the inconsistent and sterile profession of the 
 crowd, wlio call themselves Christians ; they are 
 often spirits of a higher order, who, if they 
 could be made to bow the neck to the doc- 
 trine of the divinity of Christ, would disdain 
 to have any reserve, and would bow the wliole 
 heart with it ; the inconsistency of belief and 
 self-indulgence is for meaner and baser minds. 
 
 It is a vulgar prejudice w^hich assumes that 
 those who reject the Gospel and its essential 
 doctrines are always, or generally, bad men de- 
 voted to their vices ; they are, perliaps, more fre- 
 quently proud men, devoted to their favourite 
 speculations ; men who prefer to walk in the 
 light of their own knowledge, and to be happy 
 after their own fashion ; they w^ould not be 
 compelled even to happiness. They are little 
 acquainted with the human heart, who do not 
 know that this perverseness may reside in the 
 most gentle and amiable bosoms, and may be 
 found nestling in breasts warm with every gene- 
 rous and nobler feeling, and unstained with any 
 of the coarser criminalities of mankind. 
 
OF IRELAND. —SOCINrANlSM. l6o 
 
 The leading doctrine of the Gospel, and that 
 most insisted upon, is faith ; and to faith, as it 
 is there propounded, great merit and wonderful 
 effects are ascribed. Faith, according to the 
 great apostle of the Gentiles, is every thing ; but 
 the faitli of the Socinians is nothing. Why Paul 
 insisted upon faith need not be explained. It is 
 obvious that any one believing in the descent of 
 Deity upon the earth — in what he did, and suf- 
 fered, and required — in the clear and awful 
 announcements of his will; — any one so be- 
 lieving can need no other conversion. His whole 
 heart must be subdued. 
 
 Christ, if but a prophet after the manner of 
 Moses, did little, and did that little in vain. 
 The glowing announcements of the inspired 
 writers of Judea, and the loily gratulations of 
 the apostles, were but an idle sound. We 
 are still at an immeasurable distance from the 
 Creator ; what he has done for this unhappy 
 creation, calls for no extraordinary returns of 
 love or gratitude. The heart may shut itself up 
 in its own selfishness, and repose in quiet upon 
 its favourite corruptions ; there is nothing to dis- 
 turb its slumber, or awaken it to a new life, or 
 call it forth to a more glorious existence, by the 
 wonders of a love which demands an equal return, 
 
 M 3 
 
166 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 and in that return finds the cure of every evil 
 which afflicts humanity. 
 
 Christ dwells upon his own death, as the great 
 event which was to change the world. His moral 
 teaching is insisted upon but little ; it was not 
 new or extraordinary ; it differed little from that 
 of the wise men of the Jews or heathens ; it ap- 
 plied itself, indeed, more to the heart and less 
 to the conduct — to the source of action, rather 
 than to the action itself. But in whatsoever it 
 differed from the morality with which these 
 nations were before acquainted, it is difficult to 
 explain why, for such a purpose as this merely — 
 for stating a few moral propositions, of no extra- 
 ordinary or uncommon kind — it should be 
 thought necessary to get up the amazing ma- 
 chinery of Judaism, its temple, ceremonies, sa- 
 crifices, priests, and prophets ; a series of mira- 
 cles, extending through a long line of ages, to 
 end in a little morality, said almost as well by 
 many an obscure individual, in various parts of 
 the world. 
 
 This is incredible. Besides, it is of the nature 
 of mere moral teaching to have very little effect. 
 There was much of it amongst the ancients, but 
 it never reformed the world. Neither was the 
 
OF IRELAND. SOCINIANISM, Idj 
 
 death of Christ more than the death of Socrates 
 or of Isaiah, if he were no more than these. 
 
 But our business is not with the truth or false- 
 hood of the doctrine of Socinus, but with its 
 moral effects. And we have been led to the con- 
 sideration of these, by the extraordinary spec- 
 tacle which the Presbyterian church of Ireland 
 presents at this moment. This church is re- 
 ported to have, in part, lapsed into Socinianism. 
 The synod of Antrim is said to be openly and 
 professedly of this faith, and it is stated that there 
 are few of its churches which are not infected. 
 
 Presbyterianism, we are told, implies a mode 
 of church government only, no matter what may 
 be the faith or profession of its members. The 
 worship of such congregations may be Chris- 
 tian or antichristian ; but, provided the congre- 
 gations be organised in a certain manner, and 
 assume a certain appellation, they are Presby- 
 terian. These congregations may adore the 
 goddess of reason, or bow down before the idols 
 of Africa or India, and they would still be Pres- 
 byterian. We would not object to a name, but 
 names are sometimes matters of importance. 
 
 The Presbyterian church is one of great emi- 
 nence in the world. It were well if it could be 
 
 M 4 
 
168 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 known what are her tenets. Numbers are led 
 into error by assuming that the profession of the 
 church of Scotland is that of the Presbyterian 
 church generally. In Ireland this church makes 
 no profession of faith. 
 
 We do not object to Socinian congregations, 
 or to congregations of Deists or Atheists, if there 
 are such ; we would allow to all the most per- 
 fect freedom. But we object to this confusion 
 of names, to this juggle of profession. We ob- 
 ject to Socinians concealed under the name of 
 Presbyterians ; and to Deists professing to be 
 Socinians. The public are deceived ; and con- 
 gregations are led away into error, without in- 
 tending to expose themselves to the danger of 
 false doctrine. 
 
 The public are deceived also in another way. 
 Out of the public purse the Presbyterian congre- 
 gations of Ireland receive considerable sums of 
 money. We would ask, what for? Is not one 
 " established^^ clergy enough to burden the 
 people of Ireland with ? Must the poor peasant 
 pay his quota also to this wealthy church ? The 
 Presbyterians of the north are the wealthiest 
 portion of the Irish people. They are in posses- 
 sion of the only flourishing manufacture of the 
 country. And yet it is to the clergy of these 
 
OF IRELAND. SOCINIANISM. 169 
 
 rich manufacturers, that the impoverished pea- 
 sant of the south is obhged to contribute ; for 
 the weight of taxation falls upon the poor ; whom 
 the general distress and impoverishment of the 
 country deprive of employment. 
 
 The " Regium Donum*' is given to all congre- 
 gations in Ireland assuming the name of Presby- 
 terian, who choose to take it. In this way there 
 may be a great Socinian and Deistical establish- 
 ment in that country paid in part out of the 
 public purse. The disciples of Hume and Vol- 
 taire, and the followers of Socinus, might tax 
 the country, that their philosophers may moral- 
 ise in their pulpits, and argue at leisure upon 
 cause and effect, and all the phenomena of the 
 moral and physical world. 
 
 It is no way creditable to these Churches, in 
 all respects so competent to their own support, 
 that they should cUp their hands in the exhausted 
 purse of the public. But it is a greater reproach 
 that they should be permitted to do so. 
 
 We do not mean to say, that all the Presby- 
 terian Churches of Ireland are Socinian ; nor 
 that all the Socinian Congregations are Deistical -, 
 but we mean to state that this is asserted of a 
 great portion of both. Neither do we charge 
 
170 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 these opinions, nor any opinions as criminal ; 
 but we have found in some of these congrega- 
 tions, both in the ministers and members, a 
 degree of equivocation and disingenuousness, 
 highly discreditable. A paltering between their 
 half-avowed faith and half-advanced pretension, 
 which may be prudent, but is far from being 
 righteous or just. Righteousness wears the 
 guise of no unreal seeming, and justice demands 
 that we should show ourselves to all in our true 
 shape and proportions. 
 
 We would not dwell upon this falling off of 
 the Presbyterian Church, if we did not think it 
 an evil of great magnitude. If this creed were 
 widely spread amongst the middle and lower 
 classes of society, it would produce, we are per- 
 suaded, a very evil effect. It would lead, in a 
 short time, to deism in both ; and this, when it 
 had reached the inferior strata of mankind, would 
 unfold its real character. It is at this level only, 
 that we can try the truth of religion. Its effect 
 upon the vulgar is the test of its purity or spuri- 
 ousness. For here, its natural working is not 
 counteracted by those numerous ingredients 
 which correct or neutralise its operation on the 
 middle or higher orders, such as competence, 
 rank, taste, ambition, fortune. Those who would 
 ascertain the truth of religion, must watch it as 
 it works upon the mass of mankind. 
 
OF IRELAND. SOCINIANISM. I7I 
 
 The religion of Christ was first preached to the 
 poor, and to the poor it still chiefly belongs. The 
 preacher whose text is the duties of life, preaches 
 a cold and an ordinary theme. What has he to 
 do with it, whose life is toil and suffering ? He 
 is, perhaps, honest — perhaps, good and kind, 
 but his lot is in poverty and privation. Your 
 moral disquisitions fall upon his ear as things 
 which do not apply to his case, and with which 
 he has no concern. The whole duties of his 
 life are shut up within a narrow circle, they must, 
 of necessity, be performed, and the difficulties 
 of his situation make all other obligations to 
 him as though they existed not. 
 
 But has this man no need of consolation in 
 his life of labour — no need of support to en- 
 able him to sustain the heavy burdens of his lot ? 
 He may look round this wide world in vain for 
 such consolation or support. Before him lies a 
 road — dark, and terminating in the grave; it is 
 his only path- way, and his allotted toil is set out 
 on every rood of it. 
 
 Neither is there any support for the weary 
 traveller, whose burdens, heavy at the outset of 
 his journey, are increased as he goes along, and 
 doubled and accumulated as his strength decays, 
 and his spirits fail, and his limbs tremble, and 
 
17^ PHESBYTKRIAN CHURCH 
 
 SLifteriiig and sorrow press upon his heart. Shall 
 he go to the elegant preacher of refined mo- 
 ralities, — or listen to the learned speculations 
 of the acute philosopher of the pulpit ; and will 
 these console and sustain him ? 
 
 Will he not rather go to him who unfolds the 
 mystery of this world's wretchedness, and lets 
 in the sunshine and the glory of another region 
 upon the darkness and the poverty of this ? How, 
 except by this revelation, can he be assured of 
 futurity ? Or that, if it lift him from rottenness, 
 it will bring him to a happier world than he has 
 escaped from ? 
 
 The feeling which pervades all the lower 
 classes of mankind, of their evil and hopeless 
 destiny — their sense of their own unworthiness 
 and unfitness for another and better world, 
 bring these, the heavy laden of the human race, 
 round the cross of the Redeemer. And when 
 they can find one who preaches from this text, 
 and under this standard, they flock to this only 
 hope, and listen anxiously to these sounds, so 
 soothing to the ear of wretchedness. Hence the 
 magic of evangelical preaching. 
 
 This kind of preaching has charms also for 
 those in the higher classes, who have felt the 
 
OF IRELAND. -=—SOCINTANISM. I'J^t 
 
 weariness of life, or the horror of being stained 
 with guilt, which no unction of this world's wis- 
 dom could rub out. What will avail to these 
 your smooth moralities and philosophical specu- 
 lations ? Will these cure the sickness of a satiated 
 heart, or the anguish of a wounded spirit ? Sucli 
 persons as these are found occasionally driven 
 from their high places, to come and take tlieir 
 stations among the poor and the despised of the 
 world, at the foot of the cross — feverish and 
 diseased, or with the arrows which guilt had in- 
 fixed, rankling in the reeking bosom. Add to 
 these, sometimes, the lofty spirits of the world, 
 who are weary of the bustle and the insipidity of 
 life ; and who, if they disdain this shelter, iind, 
 perhaps, the fatal refuge of a self-prepared grave. 
 
 These are few. The rich and exalted, sur- 
 rounded by the pleasures and gratifications of 
 the world — lifted up, like Paul, by the pride of 
 life, into regions above humanity; but buffeted 
 by no pitying spirit, commissioned to repress the 
 swelling eddies of human arrogance, and the 
 vain imaginations of the heart ; — this class of 
 persons find something exceedingly mean, and 
 distasteful, and foolish, in the story of the 
 Crucifixion. Quiet, secure, dwelling upon the 
 lofty eminences of the world, and shut out 
 almost from the view of the dark and terrible 
 
1 74 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
 
 ocean of life, which toils for ever below them, 
 and is for ever covered with wreck and wretch- 
 edness, they cannot see the necessity of such 
 a beacon, set up for the lost and ruined of man- 
 kind — a refuge for the guilty spirit and the 
 broken heart. 
 
 But he whose happier place has been nearer to 
 the storm, which blows without ceasing, through 
 the deep vallies of the world, and has heard the 
 cry and the wailing of the miserable of the earth, 
 ascending for ever, — such a one may understand 
 why the cross was set up on high ; the one only 
 light, amidst the clouds, which lie so thick upon 
 the destiny of the species — the only sure pledge 
 of another and a better world. 
 
 Socinianism cannot be the religion of the poor 
 and the wretched ; and the strong spirits, and 
 the exalted in rank, disdain tliis ambiguous pro- 
 fession ; it belongs to the timid unbeliever, or the 
 prudent manager of this world's interests. This 
 christianised Deism involves itself in more diffi- 
 culties than it seeks to avoid ; but it attains its 
 object perhaps in keeping well with the populace, 
 by the semblance of a Christian worship, while it 
 sacrifices none of the corruptions of the heart : 
 the scheme of Socinus calls for no sacrifice, which 
 a prudent consideration of self-interest would 
 
OF IRELAND. ^ SOCINIANTSM. IJ5 
 
 not demand. The religion of Socinus is the re- 
 ligion of the prudent calculator, and the enlight- 
 ened worldling : if it were general it would be 
 abominable ; it would open wide the flood-gates 
 of human depravity ; but checked and restrained 
 as it is, it is almost harmless. We object only 
 to the establishment which it has obtained in 
 Ireland. 
 
176 
 
 POPULATION. — MR. MALTHUS. 
 
 In treating of Ireland, the subject of population 
 cannot be overlooked. On this hitherto difficult 
 enquiry, it cannot be denied that Mr. Malthus 
 has thrown much light. If his investigations 
 have passed beyond the bright but shadowy 
 outline, which it was the fashion to throw round 
 our world ; and if he has found a wall of iron 
 encompassing the earth and its inhabitants, he 
 is not answerable for the discovery, nor to be 
 blamed, because the result of his researches lead 
 him to conclude, that we are straitened on every 
 side, and cannot pass beyond the limits assigned 
 to us. What man, indeed, is there who has walked 
 his little way in the world, and has not felt that 
 there was a line which he could not pass, meeting 
 him wherever he turned, and limiting his course? 
 And is it surprising that this also should be the 
 condition of the species ? 
 
 But it is asked, is not this theory of Mr. Mal- 
 thus, an imputation upon Providence? If this 
 
POPULATION. 177 
 
 theory be true, how can God be the wise and 
 beneficent Being which he undoubtedly is? 
 We answer, that it was Mr. Malthus's immediate 
 business to discover the truth, as it regarded the 
 question of population, not to vindicate the ways 
 of God. These are often " past finding out :" 
 and if this sad account of the condition of man 
 be indeed true, we do not see that it is greatly in- 
 consistent with the whole train of his moral his- 
 tory, or with those revelations of his early and 
 disastrous fortunes, or those announcements con» 
 cerning his future destiny, with which we are 
 acquainted. Whether we take these from re- 
 cords, sacred or profane, there is little in them 
 flattering to our nature. 
 
 We do not, however, concur with Mr. Mal- 
 thus in much of his speculations upon this im- 
 portant subject. We think he has dogmatized 
 a little too much, and attempted to reduce the 
 great question he treated, to rather too narrow a 
 point. In every imaginable state of things, he 
 lays it down, that population must press upon 
 food : whether a nation be in its infancy, maturity, 
 or age; whether there be an abundance of rich 
 and unoccupied lands, or none, the case is 
 ever the same ; and, according to this writer, 
 population bears with equal weight upon sub- 
 sistence. 
 
 VOL. I. N 
 
178 POPULATION. 
 
 In our opinion, this is not proved nor capable 
 of proof. It is evident, that in the Turkish 
 dominions, in Southern Siberia, and in various 
 other parts of the world, the increase of popula- 
 tion is prevented by other causes than a want of 
 food. It would be more accurate to say, that 
 these — ignorance, barbarity, oppression, im- 
 policy, or whatever they may be, retard popula- 
 tion, than to affirm, as Mr. Maltlius does, that 
 these first prevent the increase of food, and 
 afterwards by means of this prevention check 
 population. Land is food. The little exertion 
 and skill which is needed in most parts of the 
 world to obtain the latter, where the former 
 is abundant, need hardly be mentioned. In 
 Ireland the whole stock of the peasant is often 
 no more than a spade, and his potato garden 
 flourishes around his dwelling, which has been,, 
 perhaps, the work of a day and of his own hands^ 
 without implement or assistance. 
 
 Population, generally, will not increase under 
 despotic government, even where there is abun- 
 dance of land ; and the few inhabitants of such 
 countries will be frequently in want of food, and 
 their numbers will be reduced by famine. This 
 is to be accounted for, by the despondency and 
 insecurity which shadow the dominions of des- 
 potism. There is a moral check of population 
 
POPULATION. 179 
 
 arising out of the position and institutions of so- 
 ciety, which is neither the vice nor the misery of 
 Mr. Malthus, nor yet his moral restraint, and 
 which would have its effect, though the subjects 
 of it were to be fed gratuitously with imported 
 corn. 
 
 But we chiefly object to the agency which 
 Mr. Malthus lias provided, for reducing popula- 
 tion to a level with the supply of food. This 
 writer makes too much account of vice, and 
 introduces it with somewhat of the air and cha- 
 racter of an appointment of Providence, as an 
 evil spirit sent forth from the throne of God to 
 corrupt and destroy mankind. We admit that 
 if it were so, Mr. Malthus would not be an- 
 swerable j but vice is clearly not of the appoint- 
 ment of Providence, neither has it any very 
 considerable effect in reducing the population. 
 The great sources of population are to be found 
 in the lower levels of life, and the vices of the 
 vulgar do not diminish the stream. 
 
 As Mr. Malthus has treated vice as something 
 in the nature of an appointed means for check- 
 ing the growth of population ; so he appears to 
 treat the immoralities, which he justly appre- 
 hends as likely to flow from his favourite prin- 
 ciple of moral restraint, with rather too much 
 
 N 2 
 
180 POPULATION, 
 
 tenderness. Moral restraint, according to Mr. 
 Malthus, is merely a restraint upon marriage, 
 from prudential motives. He considers, and 
 rightly, that illegitimate connexions do not in- 
 crease the population in a very great degree. 
 But we are persuaded, that these do increase the 
 population in a much greater degree than Mr. 
 Malthus is willing to admit; they do not, indeed, 
 overstock the particular classes of society in 
 which they prevail ; the overflowings of the 
 vices of the higher orders are received in the 
 middle ranks, and those of this class settle in 
 levels farther down ; the advantage, if it can 
 be so called, is to each particular class ; its 
 wealth, privileges, and enjoyments are preserved 
 from being scattered over too wide a surface ; the 
 passions of the individual are indulged, while he 
 preserves his place and rank in society, and is 
 called upon for no sacrifice which could wound 
 his pride and lessen his selfish enjoyments. 
 
 Moral restraint, in Mr. Malthus's view of it, 
 will not, we apprehend, be found so greatly to 
 diminish the population as he counts upon ; and 
 he has not provided or suggested any defence 
 which may be used against the deluge of vicious 
 indulgence, which would undoubtedly flow in 
 upon society from the extension of this principle. 
 We believe that Mr. Malthus's principle of moral 
 
POPULATION. 181 
 
 restraint is better understood, and operates far 
 more extensively in some nations of the Conti- 
 nent than in these countries. The fear of a 
 family is found to prevail pretty generally in 
 France and Italy, and other places, and has led 
 to practices which we shall not name, but to 
 which we should greatly prefer the potato, and 
 the poverty, and the numerous progeny of 
 Ireland. 
 
 We may preach prudence and celibacy, and it 
 may not be very difficult to excite, in many, a 
 very lively alarm as to the burdens which follow 
 marriage ; but can we restrain the passions ? 
 Will Mr. Malthus succeed in inculcating 
 chastity ? No. — Look at the upper classes j 
 these are already too much impressed with the 
 terrors of a family. With all the advantages of 
 knowledge and education, what are their habits ? 
 And what reason has Mr. Malthus to hope that 
 better morals will prevail amongst those who 
 have less motive and information ? The disso- 
 luteness of the vulgar is excessive and unmixed 
 abomination. Whether we view man as an in- 
 dividual, or consider nations in all their great 
 and various interests, we must come to the con- 
 clusion — that even wretchedness is better than 
 vice ; poverty may destroy numbers, but vice 
 will taint the whole mass. 
 
 N 3 
 
18^ POPULATION. 
 
 Misery is one of those checks to population 
 which cannot be disputed ; it is a general term, 
 and may be understood to signify want generally; 
 it is incident to poverty, and amongst the poor 
 attends the ordinary accidents of life, — sickness, 
 death, want of employment, decay of trade, and 
 a variety of contingencies ; it visits nations in 
 the formidable shape of famine, pestilence, and 
 war. We fear that these visitations, whether 
 they take their course amongst the families of a 
 district, or come to reckon with nations for their 
 offences, are, for the most part, either the direct 
 appointments of Providence, or growing naturally 
 out of the enormous mass of evil, in which the 
 world we live in, and all mankind have been, 
 beyond memory, sunk and overwhelmed. 
 
 There seems little doubt that if we could in- 
 crease the degree of virtuous, moral restraint, or 
 the checks upon marriage, unaccompanied by 
 vicious indulgence, we should diminish the 
 amount of misery in the world ; and yet, though 
 Mr. Malthus argues to establish this point, his 
 reasonings elsewhere have a tendency to shake it. 
 
 He attempts to prove that to what degree so- 
 ever we may reduce the population, we shall 
 reduce still more the supply of food, so that in 
 no conceivable case shall we able to escape the 
 
 I 
 
POPULATION. 183 
 
 talons of misery. If this be true, we may lay 
 aside our speculations, and consign ourselves to 
 despair ; — but it is true, if at all, with much qua- 
 lification. Something, we conceive, may be done 
 to raise the taste of a nation, and to improve its 
 habits, without greatly reducing the supply of 
 food, or incurring the peril of dissoluteness. We 
 think, liowever, that such improvement would 
 rather tend to augment the capital of the country, 
 and add to the comforts of the people, than ma- 
 terially diminish the amount of population. If 
 the attention of the state were steadily directed 
 to the education of the country, and some of that 
 care and concern which is so lavishly bestowed 
 upon revenue, were led to embrace the minds of 
 the people, and devoted to this great and neg- 
 lected object of legislation, we might expect a 
 great amelioration of the condition of the poor — 
 increased industry, and a great increase of na- 
 tional wealth, but no very material reduction in 
 the numbers of the people. We might see a 
 little capital in the hands of each family, im- 
 proved cottages, and a few articles of good fur- 
 niture in each ; this would add much to the stock 
 of national wealth and individual comfort, but it 
 would hardly reduce the stock of the people. 
 Population, on the contrary, would, perhaps, be 
 increased; but the condition of the people would 
 be improved, and their comforts augmented also. 
 
 N 4 
 
184 POPULATION. 
 
 Few marry without some reasonable hope of 
 supporting a family. Yet there are so many 
 instances every day occurring, and before the 
 eyes of the public, of persons marrying under 
 very discouraging circumstances, who emerge 
 in a short time, by means of industry and good 
 fortune, from the darkness which surrounded their 
 outset in life, and find their way to competence 
 and fortune ; and again, the clouds of an evil and 
 resistless destiny have so often gathered and closed 
 around the fairest prospects of a happy life, and 
 the fair tint of the morning has so frequently set 
 in storm and darkness ; that Mr. Malthus's prin- 
 ciple of moral restraint, a principle with which the 
 poor are perfectly well acquainted, fails in nu- 
 merous instances to produce its natural effect, 
 while the eye of hope turns to every case of happy 
 fortune, or dwells upon the failure of all that 
 prudence could accomplish, and the best calcu- 
 lations could have prepared. 
 
 Perhaps this uncertainty in all good or evil 
 results, this sport which fortune so frequently 
 makes with human prudence, may be necessary 
 to keep population full, or to restrain the over- 
 flowings of vice, with which the bar of an 
 immoveable principle, meeting the passions 
 in their natural channel, might deluge the 
 world. 
 
POPULATION. 185 
 
 Mr. Malthus has shown tliat a thin population, 
 even when dwelHng upon large tracts of rich 
 lands, and suffering under no great degree of 
 misgovernment or oppression, are not necessarily 
 happier or more abundantly supplied than 
 others, as in Southern Siberia. This may be 
 the case, though we profess not to understand 
 Mr. Malthus's reasons for it. But even if it 
 were otherwise, we should prefer the inconve- 
 niences and the advantages of a dense popula- 
 tion. The elegancies, the refinements, the 
 scientific and literary treasures of the world can 
 only be worked out in a great population. 
 Whatsoever has adorned and elevated human 
 nature, has ever been struck out in the close and 
 keen collision of many minds, and required the 
 warmth and the brightness and the reflection of 
 crowded and kindred spirits ; though it may 
 be, that for these advantages we are destined to 
 pay the price of misery, inflicted upon multitudes 
 of that crowd, whose working, taken altogether, 
 is so full of usefulness and splendour. 
 
 The whole of human life and affairs is a system 
 of set-off and compensation ; a great population 
 has its evils, and much misery is one of them. 
 But who would forego on this account all the 
 mighty advantages which have been gained to 
 the human race, and have been gained by means 
 
186 POPULATION. 
 
 only of an overflowing multitude. A great 
 population is a great blessing : this is the com- 
 mon sense of mankind : this is the impression 
 which has existed upon this subject in every age 
 of the world, and amongst every people ; neither, 
 we are persuaded, when this subject shall come 
 to be better understood, will it be found to be a 
 vulgar prejudice or a popular error. 
 
 In the Old Testament we find that a great 
 population is announced as something glorious, 
 and greatly to be desired, and frequently pro- 
 nounced to be a great blessing. Yet, surely, the 
 crowded population of Judea had their full 
 proportion of misery. We contend for the advan- 
 tages of a full population ; and we are of opinion, 
 that these furnish a perfect and adequate counter- 
 balance to all the evils, which unhappily must, 
 perhaps, ever accompany it. We do not dis- 
 pute the correctness of Mr. Malthus's argument 
 generally : the tendency of population to in- 
 crease to the uttermost is clearly established, and 
 that it brings with it much misery cannot be 
 doubted. 
 
 But Mr. Malthus has not sufficiently dwelt 
 upon the other side of the question ; there is a 
 gloomy and uniform sameness in the picture he 
 has exhibited. We cannot rise from the perusal 
 
 19 
 
POPULATION. 187 
 
 of his essay, without a conviction that there is 
 much truth, generally, in his leading argument, 
 and a deep impression of the mingled des- 
 tiny of human nature ; but if we consider that 
 there is much to console us which has not been 
 exhibited, that the mighty and magnificent pro- 
 portions of a great population, with all their works 
 of wisdom and of grandeur, have not been dis- 
 played, we will stay our sorrowing till we have 
 examined whether, indeed, our case be so help- 
 less, and our destiny so deplorable. 
 
 A poor and crowded population like that of 
 Ireland, is, indeed, a sad thing ; but this hapless 
 state is not owing, as Mr. Malthus thinks, to the 
 potato ; this persecuted root is altogether inno- 
 cent of the mischief ; it has certainly facilitated 
 the increase of population ; but it would also 
 have aided the accumulation of wealth, if wealth 
 could have been accumulated in Ireland. But 
 while Great Britain drank the life-blood of the 
 land, it was in vain that the people of Ireland 
 lived cheaply, and endured privations ; it was in 
 vain, also, that they grew up into a great nation ; 
 their growth was stalk and stem, the tree never 
 flowered. 
 
 If a family live cheaply and are industrious, 
 they will probably become rich. 80 it is with a 
 nation : if the Irish live chiefly upon potatoes 
 
188 POPULATION. 
 
 and export their corn, they, ought to have more 
 money, and more of what money could pur- 
 chase ; but the money which they ought to have 
 — that is, the difference between a corn and a 
 potato diet, goes in Ireland to pay tithes, taxes, 
 and rents. The effect, however, would not be so 
 injurious to the country, if so many of the land- 
 owners did not reside abroad, and if the peasant 
 had not two churches, perhaps we ought to say 
 three churches, to pay. Suppose the peasantry 
 lived, as in England, more upon corn, the only 
 consequence would be, that such high rents 
 and taxes could not be paid ; but the population 
 would be very little diminished. 
 
 The regret is not, that the poor in Ireland live 
 upon potatoes, but that they live upon Httle 
 else, and principally that their cottages are 
 so bad, and their accommodations so wretched. 
 Now their cottages and accommodations may be 
 quite as bad, though they feasted upon corn. The 
 people derive no advantage from their frugality, 
 and the nation but little from its populousness. 
 Mr. Mai thus has found a short way of disposing 
 of the case of Ireland, by throwing all the blame 
 of her calamities upon the potato ; but this 
 writer knew little of Ireland, and appears to have 
 inquired less about it than he did concerning the 
 inhabitants of Kamtschatka and Japan : though 
 the effect of the potato upon population, of 
 
POPULATION. 189 
 
 which Ireland affords the most perfect, if not 
 the only instance, is a question of very great 
 interest. 
 
 The potato has not occasioned nor increased 
 the calamities of the Irish ; but these have re- 
 duced this people to a more extensive use of 
 that food than otherwise would have happened. 
 The pressure of the last few years has also 
 brought the potato much more into use amongst 
 the poor in England than formerly j and it will 
 be found difficult for them, perhaps, to rise again 
 to the use of corn. War, famine, and disaster, 
 of various kinds, had brought down the poor of 
 Ireland to the use of the potato, and there they 
 have remained. 
 
 It is sometimes gravely proposed that we 
 should proscribe the potato as a means of im- 
 proving the condition of the people of Ireland ; 
 but we should rather improve the condition of 
 the people as an effectual means of banishing the 
 potato. Whenever a family emerges out of ex- 
 treme poverty, they relinquish the exclusive use 
 of this root, and betake themselves to better diet. 
 
 The potato was the refuge and resource of 
 the people of Ireland in the days of their suffer- 
 ings, and it is still of infinite value to them. 
 
190 rOPULATIOlSf. 
 
 Wholesome, cheap, abundant, and almost ini^ 
 failing, we would not deprive them of this pre- 
 cious root, which gives to the poorest a kind of 
 independence, soothes the cares, and takes awaj 
 some of the most besetting anxieties of life. The 
 potato keeps the heart always open, and pre- 
 serves an ever ready place for hospitality at the 
 peasant's board. 
 
 It is a strange objection to any food that it is 
 too abundant, and too easily had, and too little 
 liable to failure and accident; yet this appears 
 to be the objection made to the potato, li', 
 then, we knew some grain equally nutritious 
 with wheat, but more expensive, and requiring 
 more labour in the culture, and less abundant 
 and more uncertain in the produce — it would 
 follow, if this reasoning be just, that the patriot 
 and the political economist ought to give it the 
 preference. But the farmer and the labourer 
 would not be likely to be convinced by their 
 arguments ; and the farmer and the labourer 
 would be right. 
 
 It is not the potato which has too much 
 encouraged population in Ireland : — it is the 
 want of good habits ; the want of self-respect ; 
 the long and grievous oppression from which 
 the people have not yet recovered — which has 
 
POPULATION. 191 
 
 taught them to Hve hke the beasts of the field, 
 and be content with the meanest accommo- 
 dations, and the scantiest and poorest fare with 
 which Ufe can be sustained. 
 
 It is not necessary that the peasants be poH- 
 tical economists. They understand very well 
 when the market for labour is overstocked, and 
 why it is so. When it becomes difficult to 
 support a family, population will be checked j 
 and some derangement of the system — some 
 slight shock will take place and be felt; but 
 the progression of population to this point will 
 be certain and uniform, whatever be the food of 
 the people, and the consequences will be inva- 
 riably the same, whether they feed upon corn 
 or potatoes. A potato diet may enable popu- 
 lation to go on a little further before it be 
 checked : this can be the only difference : if the 
 habits of the people be very bad, population may 
 continue its progression to the very verge of 
 wretchedness. Here it must pause ; but it is 
 said, that in the case of a corn diet, there re- 
 mains the resource of potatoes, in the event of 
 unusual distress.* If then the weight of popu- 
 
 * If we understand this argument, which has become so 
 common, it means, that where corn is the general food, po- 
 tatoes also should be cultivated as a resource, in the event 
 of failure of the crop. When scarcity occurs, it may be 
 
19- POPULATION. 
 
 lation press down the people to a potato food, 
 what remains, when the accumidating force of 
 the pressure shall shake this pillar of life also to 
 its foundations ? 
 
 It would be the benevolent wish of Mr. Mal- 
 thus to stay the tide of population, before it 
 rolls its swollen current to certain misery. We 
 fear this is not to be done : and we should fear 
 too, if it were to be accomplished by the rea- 
 sonings of any man, or the measures of any go- 
 vernment, that the attempt would be attended 
 with more mischief and calamity, than now re- 
 sults from occasional overflowings. 
 
 We are inclined to think, that the war had 
 more to do with the evil of an excessive popula- 
 tion in Ireland, than the potato. The war 
 acted in that country as a bounty upon popula- 
 tion, not in the class of peasantry only, but 
 greatly also in the middle classes. The war 
 acted in various ways 5 the army, the navy, and 
 
 too late to sow potatoes. As relative to resources, we con- 
 sider the poor of Ireland rather better circumstanced than 
 the poor of England ; the latter, in the event of the failure 
 of the corn crop, have not the resource of potatoes ge- 
 nerally ; the former, in the case of the failure of po- 
 tatoes, have always corn ; they want but the means to 
 purchase it 
 
POPULATION. 193 
 
 the civil department, were a resource for every 
 family, rich or poor ; and the stimulus which 
 agriculture received, called for additional hands, 
 and gave occupation to all. If the potato only 
 could have produced this population, why had 
 it not before done so ? It is evident, from the 
 state of Ireland, at this moment, that an abun- 
 dance of food is not sufficient for the purposes 
 of population ; there must be employment also : 
 the people of that country have been dying of 
 famine, while the farmers were embarrassed and 
 impoverished with a superabundant harvest. 
 
 The complaint in Ireland, then, is not of an 
 excessive population ; for there is food enough, 
 and to spare, and the population can never be 
 excessive where this is the case ; the evil is in 
 the want of that employment which the war sup- 
 plied. The war was a thing suited to the taste 
 and habits of the people ; so was agriculture, 
 which that war encouraged : the war also de- 
 stroyed many of the small manufactures of Ire- 
 land. In periods of stagnation the hands 
 enlisted, and when a demand returned, they 
 were not to be collected, and the manufacture 
 was ruined. 
 
 It is well to understand the principle of po- 
 pulation ; but the human hand is not strong 
 
 VOL. I. o 
 
194^ POPULATION.' 
 
 enough, nor is there sufficient wisdom in the 
 human mind, to regulate its progression. We 
 can discern the foulness which comes with 
 the flowing of the ocean, and can mourn over 
 the wreck that is lost upon its wave ; but if we 
 could stay the blowing of the storm, and still 
 the motion of the great element, we know not 
 what mischief we should occasion : nevertheless 
 we may enquire into the causes of the tides, and 
 serve essentially the interests of human happi- 
 ness, in tracing the paths of the winds, and de* 
 veloping the complex operations which give 
 them impulse and direction. 
 
 When the difficulty of supporting a family is 
 strongly felt, men will not marry ; not because of 
 any refined notions with respect to their duties 
 tow^ards an unborn offspring, but because of the 
 misery in which such an engagement would in- 
 volve themselves. This is, in truth, the moral 
 restraint which operates upon the poor ; but it 
 is very insufficient. The poor in Ireland, parti- 
 cularly the tradesmen, frequently desert their 
 families, and after having two or three children, 
 they go to seek employment, and better their 
 fortunes abroad, in America, or elsewhere ; and 
 this also frequently happens in England, not- 
 withstanding the resource of the poor-laws. Of 
 those deserted families, many pine in wretched- 
 
POPULATIOXc 195 
 
 iiess, and die of want. To some it happens, 
 that after years of industry abroad, and having 
 earned a Httle independence, they send for their 
 famihes, and are happily reunited. 
 
 In the history of the poor, if examined into, 
 we should be able to trace the operations of that 
 great law, which limits population, and apportions 
 labour to the demand there is for it, and num- 
 bers the mouths which are to be fed, according 
 to the food provided for them. We would not 
 say with Mr. Malthus, that nature has spread 
 her bounteous table for a few favoured mortals 
 only, and that she consigns her unbidden guests 
 to starvation and despair : nature is not guilty of 
 the cruelty which this revolting imagery charges 
 upon her ; she spreads her table for all ; and it 
 has never been proved that the supply was insuf- 
 ficient. If there are some who riot in wasteful 
 luxury, while thousands perish for want — is na- 
 ture chargeable ? Are they not rather the fan- 
 tastic and cruel institutions of man ; his vices, 
 his ambition, his improvidence, that ought to 
 bear the burden of this blame ? Nature has no 
 favourites ; the sun shines, and the shower de- 
 scends without distinction upon the land of the 
 rich and of the poor ; when the storm blows upon 
 the ocean, it spares not the gilded galiot of the 
 prince more than the boat of the fisherman. 
 
 o 2 
 
IQG POPULATION. 
 
 The injustice and oppression which prevail in 
 the world, prevent thousands from enjoying the 
 abundance of good things, w^hich nature appears 
 to have prepared for them. Thousands also 
 perish for want of food, while the earth groans 
 with redundant harvests : nature is not charge- 
 able w^th the moral evil which obtains in the 
 world, and which is the root of all the calamities 
 we observe. We know that misery every where 
 mows down the population, and that this takes 
 place long before there is any urgent necessity ; 
 we know that vast numbers of the human race 
 are every day devoted, that nations may be 
 splendid, and pow^erful, and that individuals may 
 be rich, luxurious, and learned. We cannot tell 
 why these things are ; we can only say they are 
 so. Such is the mysterious economy of our 
 world. W^hy have multitudes, in all ages, bled, 
 and perished in quarrels which they never under- 
 stood, and in w^hich they had no concern ? Why 
 is the majority of our species doomed to incessant 
 toil and privation ? Why is it that accident and 
 disease are never w^eary in their work of destruc- 
 tion ? All these things are far removed from our 
 powers of explanation ; we only know that they 
 are. 
 
 No nation has, perhaps, ever arrived at that 
 fulness of population w^hich Mr. Mai thus seems 
 
POrULATION. 197 
 
 to have in view, when he talks of a table where 
 no place can be found for a few additional 
 guests. Long before this crowd could have ac- 
 cumulated, the misery which human institutions 
 and injustice have prepared, would have done 
 the work of death. From these destroyers of 
 the species, emigration in our time offers some 
 escape. In past ages, crowds went forth in 
 search of new settlements, prepared to visit up- 
 on strangers the evils they experienced at home, 
 and resolute to destroy or be destroyed. The 
 spirit of a mild and beneficent religion has 
 shielded our generation from these dreadful in- 
 flictions. Human industry has prepared new 
 resources, and alleviated the miseries that beset 
 our race ; while wisdom and genius have sur- 
 rounded our establishments with much splendour 
 and dignity, and brought into domestic life great 
 comfort and enjoyment. We are no believers in 
 the perfectibility of the species ; but we think 
 that war, when it is no longer waged for the lands 
 and possessions of our neighbours, is likely to 
 become expensive, unprofitable and infrequent ; 
 and that the collected experience of mankind 
 may yet bring our civil institutions to a state of 
 great improvement, so as to diffuse quiet, secu- 
 rity, and much happiness throughout society. 
 
 o S 
 
198 POPULATION. 
 
 Whether, as Mr. Malthus thmks, we shall still 
 be closely beset by the evils of an overflowing 
 population — whether human industry shall ex- 
 haust itself in vain expedients for ever upon this 
 difficult subject, we shall not undertake to de- 
 cide. But, at all events, it seems clear that po- 
 pulation will not again, when swollen, like a 
 mountain-torrent, by a long and silent accumu- 
 lation of its waters, carry violence and destruc- 
 tion into the neighbouring lands. It has learned 
 to flow off* by a thousand unseen channels, and 
 finds its level over the whole earth, or stagnates, 
 and is lost in unknown places. Trade, and the 
 arts of life, have opened up these channels hid- 
 den from our ancestors, and commerce has cut 
 innumerable canals upon the surface of the 
 earth, not for the earth's produce only, but for 
 man himself. 
 
 Colonization goes on at present as extensively, 
 perhaps, as in past ages, but upon a very differ- 
 ent principle. The Gaul and the German could 
 have emigrated as soldiers and as robbers only, 
 and for this purpose must needs have gone out 
 accompanied by numerous hosts of followers. 
 The artizan of our days goes fearlessly to any 
 part of the world, with only the implements of 
 his trade, and the knowledge of his calling. The 
 wants of mankind are every where the same ; 
 
POPULATION. 199 
 
 the community of arts and knowledge established 
 amongst all civilized people, has gone before the 
 artist, and prepared his path. The community 
 of religion and of civil institutions prevailing 
 amongst all the European nations, their descend- 
 ants and dependencies, has made safe and plea- 
 sant his way, and opened up a field wide enough 
 to take off for many ages the overflowings of the 
 more ancient nations, and to equalize the popu- 
 lation. 
 
 The governments of the ancient kingdoms of 
 Europe ought to give every facility to emigra- 
 tion. The poor, and particularly the peasantry, 
 cannot emigrate without help. They must live, 
 or perish upon the spot where they have been 
 planted, like the wild shrubs which surround 
 and resemble them. Their utter ignorance and 
 their deplorable poverty takes away the power 
 of loco-motion, and nothing remains, in their 
 extremity, but the power of perpetrating crimes. 
 When they have done this, probably the state 
 wdll come to their aid, and they will be rewarded 
 for their transgression by a free transportation ; 
 a boon which good conduct would have solicited 
 in vain, and which misery and want would have 
 sued for unheeded and scorned. It is to be con- 
 sidered too, that the industrious and unoffending 
 man may be sent beyond sea for a fourth of the 
 
 o 4 
 
'200 rOPULATlON. 
 
 cost of tlie convict. Such are our laws and our 
 policy ! 
 
 But Mr. Malthus asks what are we to do 
 when the resource of emigration shall be cut off, 
 and the whole earth shall be full? Who shall 
 answer this question ? If such a period ever 
 arrive, population, it would seem, would stag- 
 nate more extensively, and a wider and severer 
 misery dry up its streams. It is not, however, 
 for man to sound the depths of time. We know 
 not what resources may be in reserve for our 
 species. We have lately witnessed a rapid and 
 great improvement in all the arts of life ; enough 
 to warrant us in anticipating much more. Possi- 
 bly much improvement may take place in the 
 modes of supporting life and producing food, 
 and as population increases, so may the provision 
 it requires be multiplied. We believe that 
 increasing population brings its difficulties and 
 its miseries ; but w^e think these have been 
 greatly exaggerated. Population is increasing 
 rapidly ; but producers are coming into being as 
 well as consumers. Capital also is necessarily 
 increasing, and the quantity of food raised from 
 the earth, is pretty nearly in proportion to the 
 numbers employed, and capital engaged in the 
 cultivation. 
 
li 
 
 POPULATION. *201 
 
 Here we would rest our speculation, content 
 to enjoy the present, and when we look around 
 us and beyond us, auguring nothing evil in the 
 future destiny of mankind. All that presents 
 itself to our eyes, in the distinctness of the pre- 
 sent time, or in the shadowy outlines, which are 
 vouchsafed of hereafter, speak of a glorious and 
 a happy destiny, if sound principles be followed. 
 Even the torch which the genius of Mr. Malthus 
 has lighted, though it throw its melancholy lustre 
 upon the woes of our species, and seems as if 
 it could shed its radiance upon nothing but 
 objects of despair, has added to the mass and 
 brilliancy of those great lights which are yet 
 destined, we doubt not, to guide us to better 
 and happier fortunes. 
 
20^ 
 
 SUBSISTENCE. 
 
 1 OPULATION is considered as capable of almost 
 indefinite progression ; while the supply of food 
 is supposed to be capable of little increase. This 
 discovery has alarmed our age, and disturbed the 
 dreams of our philosophers* ; but it appears to 
 us, that upon this head, we have been too 
 anxious. If we cannot restrain the overflowing 
 of population, it is proved that we possess almost 
 infinite means whereby to increase the supply of 
 food. The ratios which have been assumed to 
 measure the increase of population, and the in- 
 crease of food, is far, in our opinion, from being 
 established. The potato, on its introduction 
 into Europe, increased, at once, six-fold, the 
 food of the people. Was this according to the 
 
 * It is a singular state of things, that we should be com- 
 plaining, at the same time, of a superabundant population, 
 and superabundant harvests ; grain rotting in our stores, and 
 people starving in our streets! — our philosophers and poli- 
 ticians wailing over the excess of population, and our mer- 
 chants lamenting the want of demand for food! 
 
SUBSISTENCE. 20 
 
 «:» 
 
 ratio? Why may not this occur again? — 
 in many instances? New varieties in plants 
 and vegetables are discovered every day, un- 
 looked for, and without any attention. New 
 species of the potato frequently present them- 
 selves unsought, doubling, sometimes quad- 
 rupling, the productiveness of former kinds. 
 
 In the arts, in mechanics, in science, our age 
 has seen amazing discoveries and improvements. 
 Why not expect, also, that the art of producing 
 food, and of multiplying the products of the 
 earth, may be yet inconceiveably advanced ? Sci- 
 ence has, as yet, hardly turned her attention to this 
 field of experiment ; and there is not one where 
 she might expect to reap more glorious and im- 
 portant harvests. 
 
 Much has been done in circulating the plants, 
 and seeds, and animals, of different regions of 
 the globe, and making them, by care and cul- 
 ture, to endure other climates. We have, in our 
 gardens, the natives of the tropics, and of the 
 remotest regions of the earth ; and, after a little 
 time, they repay our attention, by adapting their 
 habits to our climate and soil ; but much remains 
 to be done. There are still innumerable plants 
 in our foreign possessions, and in other parts 
 of the world, which, if transplanted to our fields 
 
^Oi SUBSISTENCE. 
 
 and gardens, would add amazingly to the sup- 
 ply of food. 
 
 But, perhaps, the widest field of experiment 
 is at our own doors ; we possess a power that is 
 without limit, and the effect of which is beyond 
 calculation, in producing varieties of plants and 
 vegetables. This artificial generation of plants * , 
 but lately attended to, has occasionally produced 
 species, doubling, frequently, the productiveness 
 of the old. 
 
 If we look back a few hundred years, and 
 consider, even with the little attention which 
 has been given to this subject, what an immense 
 accumulation of means have been provided for 
 the support of life ! if we take into account the 
 potato — growing in every soil, and thriving 
 with every variety of culture ; defying, in its 
 bed of earth, the inclemency of the season, and 
 yielding six times a greater weight and quantity 
 of food than the richest field of corn. If we add 
 to this the great variety of vegetables with which 
 our fields have been but recently supplied, we shall 
 not fail to discern the hand of a bountiful Provi- 
 dence, busily providing for the wants of his nu- 
 merous and increasing family. Is then his hand 
 
 * See Mr. Knight's Experiments, 
 
SUBSISTENCE. Q05 
 
 to be stayed by the speculations of the philo- 
 pher, or the calculations of the theorist? 
 
 In truth, we know not the boundaries of popu- 
 lation, nor the limits of supply ; these belong to 
 the Power wliich made the earth, its inhabitants, 
 and productions, and still upholds and preserves 
 them. It is enough for us to know that he has 
 given us means and understanding, greatly to 
 add to our enjoyments, and improve our con- 
 dition. If we are embarrassed with our numbers, 
 let us look about and see whether the means are 
 not near at hand, by which we may place our- 
 selves at ease and in security ; we have but com- 
 menced our researches in the great art of multi- 
 plying the productions of the earth. 
 
 To the discovery and propagation of new va- 
 rieties of plants and vegetables, miglit be added 
 greater skill in the cultivation of the soil. The 
 attention of scientific men has been, as yet, but 
 slightly and occasionally turned to this important 
 subject ; few mere farmers can afford the time or 
 the expense necessary for experiment ; and gen- 
 tlemen-farmers are seldom men of sufficient sci- 
 ence. Again, the common race of farmers, in 
 most countries, are too ignorant to profit even 
 by the accidental discoveries which present them- 
 
•-^OG SUBSISTENCE. 
 
 selves in the course of their labours, or the 
 improvements introduced in their neighbour- 
 hood ; they do not comprehend the value of the 
 one, or the principle of the other. 
 
 If then we would have the earth cultivated to 
 the uttermost ; if we would draw forth from its 
 bounteous bosom its vast and hidden stores, re- 
 served to be the reward, not of unprofitable toil 
 only, but of intelligence and thought, we should 
 begin our labours, where they must ever be com- 
 menced, when great effects are to be produced 
 upon society, w^e should begin by cultivating 
 the minds of the people. If we would cultivate 
 the earth, we must first cultivate the people. 
 These are the instruments we have to work with : 
 if they are rude, and ill-adapted to the work to 
 be performed, can we be surprized that nothing 
 is done, or that it is done badly ? It is impossible 
 that a grossly ignorant people, possessing a de- 
 gree of intelligence hardly raised above that of 
 the brutes they drive, could be fit instruments 
 to obtain from the kindly earth what she is 
 willing to bestow upon skill and intelligence 
 only. 
 
 We have seen ragged and imbruted ignorance 
 starving, where a little skill and knowledge would 
 
SUBSISTENCE. 207 
 
 have found abundant means of support. Igno- 
 rance is poverty, and misery, and sloth, and des- 
 titution ; and all these evils visiting first, the 
 unhappy victim, and his miserable family, 
 with all their baleful consequences, come at 
 length to affect the comfort and peace of society, 
 and to spread dearth and wretchedness through- 
 out the land. 
 
 We are warranted to augur well of the pros- 
 pect before us, and to be satisfied that as popu- 
 lation increases, the supply of food will be 
 augmented in proportion ; when we observe the 
 great advances which have been made, and are 
 making in popular education, something like the 
 power of the steam-engine, in mechanics, has 
 been acquired by the Lancasterian system ; and 
 this new power, accumulated and embodied in 
 the intellect of the nation, will be speedily ap- 
 plied to the cultivation of tlie soil and the pro- 
 duction of new varieties, and a larger mass of 
 food than has yet been acquired from the earth. 
 All power whatsoever is in cultivated mind, 
 and the amount of this power is incalculable. 
 When we compare the feebleness of man's 
 hand with the beauty, and bulk, and grandeur, 
 of his creations, we are lost in amazement 
 at the force and energy of his intelligence j 
 we see it in mechanics, lifting him into a 
 
208 SUBSISTENCE. 
 
 giant, and enduing him with the strength of 
 angels. 
 
 When we consider the savage of Australasia, 
 naked and starving, in the midst of the rich and 
 beautiful lands of his country — and passing 
 northwards to the barbarous African, destitute 
 of all the comforts, or conveniences, or chari- 
 ties of life, and compare both with the British 
 or Irish peasantry, we must admit, that low as 
 the latter are in the scale of civilization, yet 
 their superiority is decided, and that superiority 
 is built upon mental cultivation ; but it is a 
 cultivation which admits of infinite increase, and 
 which must secure the comforts and happiness of 
 the people in the direct ratio of its extension. 
 
 We consider the earth as the raw material of 
 a manufacture, which may be worked up with 
 infinite degrees of skill, and to which many com- 
 binations of powers may be applied, in order to 
 increase its productiveness. A question has 
 been raised between the plough and the spade, 
 which we are not competent to decide. We do 
 not see why the whole earth should not be culti- 
 vated as a garden ; nor why women and children 
 should not be employed more extensively in the 
 cultivation of the soil. In mountainous districts, 
 there are spots amongst the hills of great fertility, 
 
 13 
 
SUBSISTENCE. . 209 
 
 upon which the plough could not be employed ; 
 iiere the spade is the only instrument of cultiva- 
 tion, and no land yields a richer produce. The 
 repeated application also of the diminutive forces 
 of women and children in the cultivation of the 
 land, and paid for only according to the scale of 
 their effect, would probably be found as efficient 
 as any other. 
 
 Machinery has, in a great degree, superseded 
 human labour in our manufactories ; and this 
 has been much complained of, as throwing the 
 poor out of employment ; but who can lament 
 that they have been withdrawn from these un- 
 wholesome occupations? Who can regret an 
 event which has cheapened and diffused the con- 
 veniences and elegancies of life, and brought 
 some of the most beautiful manufactures and 
 fabrics within the reach of the poor ? 
 
 But if, indeed, an injury has been done by 
 lessening, in some degree, the employment of this 
 class of the people, here, probably, is compens- 
 ation. If the process of improvement, which 
 has diminished human labour in manufactures, 
 be about to increase and extend it, in a greater 
 degree, in the wholesome and natural avocations 
 of the field, we shall have nothing to regret. 
 While we are advancing in the wonderous pro- 
 
 VOL. I. P 
 
SIO SUBSISTENCE. 
 
 cesses, and combinations of the steam-engine 
 and spinning-machine upon the one hand, that 
 will prove a happy arrangement which brings us 
 back on the other, to the primitive simplicity of 
 the spade, in the cultivation of the earth. 
 
Sll 
 
 MR. OWEN'S PLAN. 
 
 JVlR. Owen says that his plan is new, both to 
 the theorist and the practical man. We think 
 he is mistaken in this. His plan is, in truth, 
 nothing more than the plan of the Jesuits, in the 
 days of their prosperity, with the addition of 
 Women and female children, and, perhaps, of 
 spade cultivation. We say perhaps, for we think 
 the Jesuits were not unacquainted with the ad- 
 vantages of this mode of cultivation. Something 
 like Mr. Owen's plan may be discerned in the 
 wonderful establishments of this society in South 
 America, and in their school establishments, at 
 this day, in various parts of Europe. Of the 
 same nature, also, are the establishments of the 
 Moravians, which have been copied from the 
 model of various societies in the early Christian 
 church. 
 
 There can be no doubt of the practicability of 
 this system, and of its great advantages, as af- 
 
 p ^ 
 
SIS MR. Owen's plan. 
 
 fording the means of subsistence to an almost 
 indefinite number of persons. There can be as 
 little doubt as to its power, as a political engine, 
 for effecting the most important changes in 
 society. 
 
 Mr. Owen has been treated as an enthusiast, 
 and a visionary, we think unjustly ; though it 
 strikes us that there is a degree of mystery in his 
 exposition of his subject, and something like a 
 reluctance to a full development of its machi- 
 nery. But a question distinct from, and more 
 important than its practicability, is that of its 
 effect. To what extent could such a system 
 be carried? — or would it be desirable that 
 it should go ? We can conceive that a hun- 
 dred, or a thousand families may be united as 
 one family ; and by combining small means, 
 and w^orking and feeding together, might pro- 
 cure for each a degree of comfort and abundance 
 which could never be attained by any exertion 
 of their unconnected powers. It is something 
 in the nature of a moral spinning machine, in- 
 vented or revived by Mr. Owen, to counteract, 
 as he tells us, the effects of the mechanical 
 engine. 
 
 We think with Mr. Owen, that in the present 
 form of society, the division of labour is perhaps 
 
 14 
 
MR. OWEN S PLAN. 213 
 
 too minute. We doubt whether the work done 
 is always better accomplished upon this principle; 
 but we are sure that the effect upon the living 
 machine is frequently injurious. Ordinarily, in 
 the space of five or seven years, a man learns to 
 build a wall, or to put slates upon the roof of a 
 house, or to saw a piece of timber, or to perform 
 some other small manual or mechanical operation. 
 But in less time, we have seen an ordinary per- 
 son learn to work extremely well as a mason, 
 tyler, carpenter, painter, glazier, sawyer, and 
 some other trades. A man who can do this not 
 only increases his own powers and intelligence, 
 but augments greatly his usefulness and re- 
 sources. 
 
 The linen weavers in the north of Ireland are, 
 also, almost all farmers. Their manufacture is 
 not less beautiful and perfect, because they can 
 handle the plough and the spade, and preserve 
 their health and cheerfulness in the delightful 
 occupations connected with the cultivation of 
 the soil. 
 
 Much of the distress we have observed in the 
 lower classes of society, arises from their inapti- 
 tude to turn themselves, when occasion requires, 
 from one pursuit to another. It would tend 
 greatly to improve their condition, if the culti- 
 
 p 3 
 
SI 4 MR. o wen's plan. 
 
 vation of the ground were combined much more 
 extensively than at present with the occupations 
 of the tradesman and artisan. This would not 
 only make the man a more intelligent and re- 
 spectable being, but would give him also some- 
 thing to lean against, and prevent him from fall- 
 ing into that utter destitution which is now the 
 lot of the tradesman unemployed for a season. 
 
 Mr. Owen's plan combines the advantages of 
 agriculture and manufactures : but it combines 
 more. It supplies the economy of a common 
 kitchen and table for multitudes of families, — ^ 
 a common system of education for the children, 
 a community of property if desired, — and over 
 all these there is to be placed a government, of 
 what sort is not clearly defined, which is to be 
 the controlling and binding principle of the 
 grand machine. 
 
 We have said that, in our opinion, Mr. Owen's 
 plan is practicable — but only to a limited 
 extent. We think it may be usefully employed 
 as a partial and occasional relief; and we 
 believe that it involves principles of the highest 
 utility and importance, and capable of being 
 applied to some extent, with great advantage. 
 But Mr. Owen seems to contemplate a very 
 general, if not universal, application of his 
 
MR. Owen's plan. 215 
 
 system. We doubt if this would be desirable. 
 We are sure it would not be practicable. A 
 great number of such powerful machines in mo- 
 tion would have an effect, of whatsoever kind, 
 that would be irresistible. They would change, 
 for a while, the face of society; and if they were 
 to fall into disorder or crumble, by any fatality, 
 into ruin, such an event would be attended with 
 the most fatal consequences. 
 
 Nothing is more difficult than to bring a 
 number of persons to act together for a common 
 purpose ; the evil passions of human nature 
 oppose themselves to every such association ; 
 they act as a solvent, so powerful, as to bring to 
 certain and speedy dissolution every aggregate 
 body composed of human elements. In the 
 whole history of the world, no contrivance of 
 human ingenuity for working with effect, and for 
 any considerable time, a compound human 
 machine has ever succeeded, where the materials 
 or members were free agents. 
 
 The destroying influence of the selfishness and 
 wickedness of mankind on human association, 
 has, Mr. Owen conceives, been counteracted and 
 overcome in some cases, and he instances the 
 army : this is true. So it was also, in the case of 
 the Jesuits, in that of the early Christians ; in 
 
 p 4 
 
^16 MR. owen's plan. 
 
 the instances of monks, nuns, Moravians, and 
 some others ; and the same principle extends to 
 the case of private families. 
 
 In all these cases, and in all cases that ever 
 have been of this kind, there has existed a power 
 of such immense and irresistible force, as effec- 
 tually to check the evil passions of human 
 nature ; despotic power can accomplish this. 
 The army is governed by a regulated despotism, 
 and could be kept together by no other means. 
 The Jesuits built their society upon a similar 
 foundation ; their general was a despot ; the 
 abbots and superiours of convents and monastic 
 orders wield also a despotic authority; despotism 
 is the universal binding principle of these asso- 
 ciations. 
 
 There is also another principle which has 
 kept men together, and while it continued to 
 exist, supplied the place of despotic authority — 
 this principle is religious zeal, or enthusiasm ; 
 zeal of any other kind would not keep men to- 
 gether in close association ; for any other kind 
 of zeal would not purify the heart, or controul 
 its depravities with sufficient power ; and, how- 
 ever warm it might be, it would still be con- 
 sistent in its nature, with that selfishness which 
 unties and destroys all the finer bonds of society. 
 
MR. Owen's plan. 217 
 
 Religious zeal, however, is quite adequate to 
 accomplish this great purpose, of uniting toge- 
 ther the hearts, and minds, and hands of men, in 
 a close, and happy, and powerful connection ; 
 if there be selfishness in religious feeling, as has 
 sometimes been contended, it has reference to 
 another and remote scene ; it becomes purified 
 by the distance of its object, and changes its 
 nature and character in the grandeur and subli- 
 mity of its hopes. 
 
 But the fervour of religious feeling will cool : 
 and when the cold air of human selfism chills it, 
 it is liable to sudden contraction, and the ma- 
 terial, to which it gave consistency and effect, is 
 rent asunder and broken into a thousand pieces. 
 Many societies that commenced in zeal, were 
 soon obliged to have recourse to despotic autho- 
 rity, in order to preserve their existence. 
 
 How does Mr. Owen propose to supply, in 
 his establishments, the want of despotic power, 
 or religious zeal ? Some provision of this kind he 
 has but ill-defined and ill-explained, in what he 
 calls, " The science of the influence of circum- 
 stances in education." We are well aware how 
 mighty the influence of circumstances is in form- 
 ing the character ; it is not precept, nor what is 
 called education, nor yet example, though more 
 
218 MR. owen's plan. 
 
 powerful than all, that moulds the character and 
 gives it that shape which is to remain for ever. 
 But they are the events of life, and all the 
 accidents of good and evil which meet us in our 
 career through this mysterious existence, which 
 at length chisel out, as it were, from the block, 
 the grim, or beautiful figure, as the stone is rolled 
 by some invisible hand upon its path of destiny. 
 
 But these circumstances, though they give the 
 form, do not furnish the material ; the stone is 
 granite, or sandstone, or soft clay, or Parian 
 marble ; whether the figure be well or ill wrought 
 out, nothing can alter the substance, but the 
 power who created it ; no kind of training can 
 change the heart ; and while that remains evil, 
 no social union can endure. Religion changes 
 the heart ; despotic power subdues it ; and one 
 or other of these is necessary, whatsoever may be 
 the circumstances, or the training of the indi- 
 vidual. 
 
 We have seen, in many voluntary societies, 
 even of highly cultivated persons, that the spirit 
 of party, and jealousy, and dissension, invariably 
 shook its wings over the assembly, the moment 
 it was convened, and took its seat with full autho- 
 rity, speedily to dissolve the association. 
 
MR. Owen's plax. 219 
 
 We have known an attempt to be made under 
 very high patronage *, to estabhsh a Protestant 
 female voluntary association, somewhat in the 
 nature of a nunnery, but unfettered by religious 
 obligation. Nothing could be more useful, or in 
 appearance, more likely to succeed, when we 
 consider the great number of females without a 
 home, or settlement, or family, and with small 
 incomes, who have, as it were, been thrown loose 
 upon the surface of society, and left to float 
 alone, unregarded or despised, while all who were 
 dear to them, or who were once wont to look 
 upon them with an eye of kindness, have sunk 
 into the tide of time, or perhaps, making them 
 still more desolate, have passed them in the cur- 
 rent, engaged in some new vortex, and connected 
 with other associations, and have only noticed 
 them with a passing and cold recognition, as 
 almost forgotten encumbrances, shaken off long 
 since from their intimacy. 
 
 To such as these, and they are a numerous 
 class, it was thought the proposed plan would 
 have been very acceptable: and when it was 
 considered, that it would combine the advan- 
 tages of society and economy — for the young, 
 a refuge ; for the old, a retreat ; — placing at 
 
 * The late amiable Princess Charlotte. 
 
i220 MR. Owen's plan. 
 
 once, by the combination of small incomes, 
 comforts and even luxuries within the reach of 
 many, which, when scattered and isolated in 
 society, it were impossible for them to obtain ; 
 the projectors could not doubt of success — but 
 they did not succeed. The plan went on feebly, 
 — languished, and failed. Why ? because it 
 had no foundation ; it rested upon no solid prin- 
 ciple. There was neither despotic power, nor 
 religious zeal to form its basis, and the edifice 
 could not be raised into any solidity. 
 
 Religion, even where it does not enter into 
 the motives of the recluse who renounces the 
 world, yet spreads an imposing gracefulness and 
 solemn dignity over the sacrifice, and over the 
 establishment where it is made ; which relieve 
 from the meanness and vulgarity of common 
 motives, and soothe the pride, and heal the 
 wounded feelings of the victim. Over a Protes- 
 tant establishment of this kind, there is spread 
 too much of the air of an alms-house, and the 
 real motive of the association is too strongly and 
 too glaringly exhibited. The ordinary wants 
 and necessities of life require to be kept out of 
 view, or to be relieved with the colouring of 
 some high or holy interest. When the wounded 
 feelings of the Catholic female take refuge in 
 the convent ; or when loneliness or neglect warn 
 
MR. OWEN*S PLAN. 2^1 
 
 her to fly from a scene where she is no longer 
 any thhig, and which for her has lost all its 
 freshness and beauty ; we do not say that her 
 devotion is not real ; for from the deep fissures 
 of the heart comes frequently the warm tide of 
 true devotion, with agony. In sorrow and de- 
 sertion, the soul turns to the father who never 
 forsakes his child, and to the friend whose bosom 
 is ever full of consolation. The devotion may 
 be real, but though it were not, yet the show 
 and solemnity of the scene, and the profession, 
 the grandeur of a sacrifice that is final and for 
 ever, cannot fail to have its full effect, and to 
 cover the motive, however mean or unworthy, 
 with a degree of importance and splendour. 
 
 So much is this the case, that it is seldom 
 difficult to found a Catholic nunnery ; but no 
 attempt has yet succeeded to estabUsh a Pro- 
 testant asylum of this nature. In the one case, 
 the pride of life is soothed even in its sufferings ; 
 in the other, it is wounded even in the accommo- 
 dations prepared for it ; and it is human nature 
 to prefer suffering and sacrifice to indulgence 
 and disgrace. 
 
 Mr. Owen's plan is opposed to the habits and 
 feelings of mankind. We see this in the constant 
 sphtting of famihes when they become numerous 
 
*222 MR, OWEN*S PLAN. 
 
 and the members grow up to independency ; 
 even though poor, and fully aware of the eco- 
 nomical advantages of a common table and resi- 
 dence : so strong is the principle which scatters 
 mankind into the little communities of families, 
 and makes even for these absolute power abso- 
 lutely essential. To this principle Mr. Owen's 
 plan might be left. We should not be sorry to 
 see the system tried upon a small scale. To such 
 an extent it would, perhaps, be useful ; but we 
 think there need be entertained no apprehension 
 that it could be very extensively realized. 
 
 We say apprehension, for we should not like 
 to see the infinite and irregular forms of society 
 — its wildness, its luxuriance, its unsightliness 
 and barrenness, if you will, cut down, and pared, 
 and trimmed, and changed into the straight lines 
 and measured angles, and geometrical order, and 
 insipidity of Mr. Owen's project. We admit the 
 evils which beset society in its present form — 
 they are of the most afflicting magnitude. But 
 we doubt whether we could escape from them 
 altogether, though we were to put the whole 
 human race into alms-houses, without any 
 other occupation than to produce food, and to 
 consume it, and to superintend its consump- 
 tion. 
 
MR. owen's plan* SS3 
 
 We love, in society, as in nature, its untram- 
 melled aspect — its irregularity — sometimes 
 beautiful, sometimes sublime — though we en- 
 joy both the beautiful and the sublime, at 
 the cost of much that is rugged, desolate, 
 and barren. We love the grandeur of the 
 human intellect — its wildest shoots towering 
 and spreading with a richness, and profusion, 
 and waste of beauty, and power, which would 
 be inconsistent with the rules and plans of any 
 projector ; and it is our consolation, that nature 
 in society, as in her great operations on the sur- 
 face of the globe, will submit herself but par- 
 tially to the leading of the human intellect. How 
 many heads have ached, and laboured to controul 
 her, and have succeeded, perhaps, or thought 
 they succeeded, for a moment, and again she broke 
 with ease the feeble withes which human wis- 
 dom had prepared, and resumed her original 
 wildness. 
 
 It is permitted to man to do a little — he is 
 but an agent. When he would do more than his 
 task, he exhibits his feebleness and folly; his 
 work perishes ; but the plan of Providence will 
 endure for ever. 
 
S0' 
 
 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 ^ o nation can attain to a high degree of pros- 
 perity without manufactures ; these have been 
 the broad foundations of England's greatness. 
 The power of the nations of antiquity had other 
 and less solid foundations ; and when the modern 
 Caesar thought to lay the basis of his empire 
 with similar materials, he mistook the age of the 
 world in which he lived. These materials were 
 no longer to be had ; they were like, but not the 
 same ; the eye of the selfish enthusiast was de- 
 ceived, and as he mounted the high and towering 
 throne, which so many extraordinary circumstances 
 had concurred to raise, it crumbled into dust. 
 
 There was not, in the days of antiquity, any 
 thing like public opinion, as we now understand 
 it; it is a new power, which has started from 
 the brain of civilization, armed at all points for 
 the protection of the weak, and for redressing 
 the wrongs of humanity. Military and agricul- 
 
MANUFACTURES. 225 
 
 tural nations admit no high degree of civiliza- 
 tion ; the wealth which is acquired by war, 
 weakens; that whicli commerce accumulates, 
 strengthens a people ; the one is an intoxicating 
 beverage, the other a nutricious aliment. 
 
 Commerce, in all its various walks, is peaceful, 
 sober, and considerate ; it carries with it also a 
 sense and principle of justice, without which it 
 could not exist; it establishes intercourse, it 
 creates independence ; it is the nurse of freedom, 
 it cultivates the fine arts ; it introduces literature 
 and luxury; not the servile literature of a 
 corrupt court, nor the debilitating luxury of 
 pampered vassals, but that which befits the 
 taste and enjoyments of bold and polished 
 minds. 
 
 Of all the pursuits of trade, manufactures are 
 those which strengthen most the foundations 
 of a nation's welfare. The trade of foreign 
 commerce fills the purse of the Exchequer, and 
 enriches, with great gains, a few fortunate hands, 
 and lifts them into places of honour ; but ma- 
 nufacture takes its way through an extensive 
 neighbourhood ; puts a little money into each 
 man's hand ; sees that his cottage is cleanly and 
 commodious, and gives the village its air of 
 smiling comfort and contentment. 
 
 VOL. I. Q 
 
226 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Probity is of the essence of manufacture ; 
 without this it cannot subsist. It requires also 
 intelHgence to a certain extent, and it creates 
 generally more than it requires. Intelligence 
 is produced by the collision of men's minds in 
 close intercourse. These are the advantages of 
 manufacture, — competence, probity, intelligence, 
 laid solidly and in order at the basis of society; 
 greater advantages cannot be, for it is here that 
 nations are weak and vulnerable, when they 
 have at their roots, poverty, profligacy, and 
 ignorance. 
 
 We are aware of the physical and moral ob- 
 jections which lie to certain manufactures. But 
 we are of opinion, that those apply rather to the 
 mode in which these are conducted ; and that, 
 if differently managed, they could easily be put 
 out of the way. They form, in fact, no solid 
 objection. Neither are we disposed to place ex- 
 travagantly high the probity, intelligence, and 
 independence created by manufactures. Nothing, 
 we fear, very spotless or sublime in moral purity 
 can be produced with the materials which hu- 
 manity furnishes. 
 
 With these we are compelled to work ; and 
 build as we may, we must expect to find much 
 that is unsightly and unsound. Trade has 
 
MANUFACTURES. ^^7 
 
 its mysteries of fraud as of art. But in this 
 it is merely upon a level with all other human 
 pursuits, not excepting that which has been the 
 subject of so much praise and poetry— Agri- 
 culture. Tiie tiller of the earth, and the tender 
 of flocks and herds, are simple and artless cha- 
 racters in verse only. We are inclined to think 
 there is quite as much honesty in other modes 
 of life. 
 
 Honesty is much like other things, it will be 
 found where there is a regular demand for it ; 
 where it brings a price in proportion to its value 
 and usefulness. Manufactures furnish the 
 market, the demand, and the price for this pre- 
 cious commodity ; and in this way contribute 
 greatly to the formation of a solid and trust- 
 worthy character in the people of England. It 
 may be asked, is not honesty of as much value 
 in agriculture ? We tliink not ; and at all events, 
 the wide extent of the field prevents that know- 
 ledge and competition of character which are to 
 be found only in the narrow circle of a crowded 
 market. 
 
 Ireland has but one manufacture of any im- 
 portance. This is confined to the northern pro- 
 vince of the island, and here indeed its effects 
 upon human happiness, civilization, competency, 
 
 Q S 
 
228 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 and character, are as beneficial, as in the most 
 favoured and flourishing parts of Great Britain. 
 But as the Hnen weavers of Ulster differ from the 
 people of the other provinces not only in this 
 respect, but generally also in religion, habits, 
 and blood, — our business, at present, is with 
 those who form the bulk of the nation. 
 
 In the southern division of the island, manu- 
 factures have never taken root, though many 
 attempts have been made to plant them there. 
 They have, in almost every case, withered and 
 died. Not only was this the fate of every new 
 manufacture which was introduced ; but even 
 the old ones which were brought in by the Eng- 
 lish settlers, and for a period flourished in some 
 of the chief towns, were at length affected by 
 the blight which seems to pervade this region. 
 Many have perished in the course of the last 
 twenty years, and but very few still maintain an 
 anxious and struggling existence. During all this 
 period, the linen manufacture of the north has 
 been constantly extending and improving, and it is 
 now vigorous and flourishing. It must be useful 
 to inquire into the secret sources of these oppo- 
 site results. 
 
 The springs of much that fertiUzes or deso- 
 lates the world, lie deep and distant from the 
 
MANUFACTURES. 2^9 
 
 positions we would assign them. It is obvious, 
 however, that the union destroyed all the weak 
 and feeble manufactures of the country; all those 
 which required the shelter of the walls of Parlia- 
 ment, and the constant superintendence of a close 
 and anxious concern. The union stripped them 
 of all this, and exposed them suddenly to the 
 visitation of a rude and withering competition 
 with the manufactures of England ; or to what 
 was quite as bad, a competition impending and 
 in view. The union also, by increasing the 
 number of absentees, withdrew the consumer, 
 and left the fruit of industry to rot upon the 
 ground. 
 
 We know it has been said, it were better 
 these sickly manufactures should perish. The 
 political economist will lead us to purchase where 
 we can, best and cheapest ; and the British po- 
 litician will advise that the people apply them- 
 selves to agriculture, that Ireland may be ready 
 to furnish the materials of war, and to supply 
 the current of life as it wastes itself in the great 
 cities of the empire, while England is engaged 
 in the accumulation of wealth, and the pursuits 
 of industry. This is specious in theory, but it 
 will be found dangerous in practice. 
 
 Q 3 
 
SSO MANUFACTURES. 
 
 The destruction of the small manufactures of 
 the South has greatly diminished the comforts and 
 resources of the people. They were left to rest 
 upon agriculture alone, and this solitary staff has 
 broken under them ; and this immense and fierce 
 population have sunk into an abyss of poverty 
 where they are at once objects of pity in their 
 struggles, and of deep and serious apprehension. 
 Those who would consign this numerous people 
 to ignorance and agriculture, should weigh well 
 the consequences. Trade softens and civilizes 
 the people, lays up store for the evil day, and 
 is full of resources. The peasant who can nei- 
 ther understand nor reason upon the causes of 
 his sufferings, has no resource but the pike. 
 
 We have heard it said, that manufactures do 
 not thrive under the shade of the Papal crosier ; 
 and we think that there is, generally, some truth 
 in this observation. Casting a rapid glance over 
 the various countries of Europe, we must 
 perceive, that manufacturing industry has its 
 fullest and freest current in Protestant lands ; — 
 and again, in these lands, this current is observed 
 to be the richest and most abundant in the regions 
 of dissent. We account for this upon the 
 principle that all religious establishments, in a 
 greater or less degree, fetter the spirit of man- 
 kind. 
 
MANUFACTURES. ^31 
 
 The machinery of an estabHshment seems to 
 have the effect of some cumbrous interposition 
 between God and his creature ; which, when re- 
 moved, the latter acquires from his near approach 
 to the throne of Hght and the fountain of in- 
 spiration, a boldness and decision of mind, and 
 freedom of thought, and activity of habit, which, 
 spreading from the centre of the soul, and radi- 
 ating from the " horns of his face," overflows 
 upon all the concerns of life ; and, while he 
 shakes off the trammels of human authority, raises 
 his character, improves his condition, — sheds 
 around him tlie light of free enquiry, the strength 
 of an emancipated intellect, and the industry of 
 one accountable for his talents. 
 
 The spirit of the Catholic church recommend- 
 ed a life of contemplation and retirement ; and 
 this degenerated too frequently into a life of sloth 
 and uselessness. This church assumed a high 
 authority over the minds of men, and called for 
 their unquestioning submission. It exorcised the 
 busy, and often troublesome, and often wild and 
 wandering spirit of enquiry, as a demon trou- 
 bling the peace of the world ; and the mind from 
 which the spirit departed, was paralysed in all 
 its powers. 
 
 Q 4 
 
£32 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 We cannot bind up one of the limbs of the 
 mind, and fix it with an eternal ligature, and yet 
 preserve to the mental system all its activity and 
 force. And when this overwhelming power is 
 exerted upon, by far the most important func- 
 tion of the human being — enquiry concerning 
 his eternal interests — when this principal mem- 
 ber of the mind is subjected to such a process, 
 and is at length, perhaps, miserably enfeebled 
 or utterly destroyed, it is no wonder if the 
 wounded spirit lose its energy. There is a 
 sympathy in mind as in matter ; a capacity to be 
 invigorated and refreshed by companionship and 
 co-operation, and to suffer and be subdued, in 
 kindred faculties. 
 
 Nature delights in order ; but she abhors uni- 
 formity. There is in all her works an infinite 
 diversity ; a mixture, a contrast, an opposition. 
 All space, all mind, all matter abound, and are 
 full of a variety that is beyond thought, passing 
 all imagination ; a variety clothed in beauty, 
 sublimity, and loveliness. Though with the genius 
 of Newton we were to tread the paths of the stars, 
 and follow the comets in their courses ; — though 
 with the zeal of Linnaeus we were to traverse 
 the solid globe, collecting the green plants and 
 the flowers of all regions ; — returning from our 
 
 16 
 
MANUFACTURES. ^2oS 
 
 labours, we should be convinced that we had 
 seen but a little part of the great scheme of 
 creation, and that little mocking the grasp of our 
 systems : which enable us indeed to survey 
 nature's boundless field without confusion of 
 mind, and to discern for a little space some of 
 her most obvious paths ; but bring us still to 
 this conviction, that she rejoices in a variety 
 which must ever exercise, and for ever foil oiu: 
 faculties.. 
 
 But the variety of mind surpasses all variety 
 of matter. God is spirit, and in this his own 
 peculiar region of intellectual being, he has 
 poured forth the wonders of his power. In the 
 external creation, there are substances which are 
 alike; — there are whole classes of things in which 
 no differences are discernible ; but our re- 
 searches from Adam to this hour, present us 
 not with two minds which do not differ ; such 
 wondrous variety pervades the invisible world. 
 This grand display of inexhaustible power is 
 connected with all the sources of our happiness, 
 and supplies the fountains of all our enjoyments. 
 
 Shall we be startled then by every diversity of 
 opinion? When in chemistry, in botany, or 
 astronomy, with the united labour, and the col- 
 lected lights of the world, we have laid down the 
 
S34 MANUFACTURES, 
 
 canons of science, and fixed the infallible rule 
 which is to guide our speculations and to stay 
 our changeful opinion, shall we inveigh against 
 nature, and accuse Providence if his bounteous 
 hand open up new springs of knowledge, and he 
 conduct our researches where undiscovered plants 
 perplex our classifications, and attest the extent 
 of his kingdom, or some rushing comet or un- 
 known star call us to adore his power? Our 
 Uttle system, perhaps, totters to its base ; we 
 like not to see the ruins of those things which 
 we have built up in the confidence of wisdom and 
 knowledge ; we shrink from the labour of un- 
 learning, and the confession of ignorance ; yet 
 every year brings us some task of this nature, 
 and at length we begin to learn that this is in- 
 deed the whole business of life. 
 
 We should do more wisely to content ourselves 
 with some few, simple and established truths, and, 
 secure of these, leave to the Creator to build 
 his own systems. He has left to us the wide 
 field of speculation : earth and heaven are spread 
 before us, and nothing forbids our researches ; 
 but when we would set bounds to thought and 
 opinion, and be wise " beyond what is written,'* 
 we are not aware of the extent of the mischief 
 we do. We have not a thought, perliaps, be- 
 yond supporting the interests of the party or 
 
MANUFACTURES. ^2S5 
 
 opinion to which we are attached, while we 
 are contributing to dry up the springs of national 
 wealth, and are consigning our country to po- 
 verty and weakness. 
 
 An increased industry followed the free spirit 
 of the Reformation throughout Europe. It was 
 conspicuous in Holland, France, and England ; 
 and when the revocation of the Edict of Nantz 
 drove the French protestants from their country, 
 they carried with them their skill in manufac- 
 tures, to enrich the rival nation. France lost 
 her most valuable citizens ; she spilled, in very 
 wantonness, and with her own hand, the best 
 blood in her veins. She continued from that 
 hour feeble and feverish, until the delirium of 
 the Revolution inflicted a just punishment, and 
 vindicated the rights of mankind. 
 
 England, pre-eminent in arts, philosophy, and 
 arms, dates her most glorious career from the 
 period of the Reformation. We are not con- 
 tending for the theology of any sect of Chris- 
 tians, but we contend for the sacred right of 
 free opinion, which was the principle of the Re- 
 formation, and from which, as from a great 
 fountain, suddenly opened in the wilderness of 
 the world by the hand of God, gushed innu- 
 merable streams of happiness. The spirit of 
 
236 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 free enquiry, which at first occupied itself exclu- 
 sively with topics of religion, after a while, 
 turned its attention to other things — all nature 
 was explored ; the philosophy of mind and mat- 
 ter was subjected to close examination ; and arts 
 and manufactures, in their turn, shared the be- 
 nign influence of fi'eedom. 
 
 But though the Church of England is founded 
 upon freedom of opinion, there is a greater 
 freedom still. The dissenters from this establish- 
 ment, escaped from the restraints of its authority, 
 are found to be the most numerous and indus- 
 trious class amongst the manufacturers of Eng- 
 land ; as if a still greater freedom of mind in 
 religious speculation, than the establishment en- 
 courages, were friendly to a more complete de- 
 velopment of the active and industrious powers 
 of mankind. 
 
 The linen- weavers of the north of Ireland 
 are chiefly Dissenters ; but if the free spirit of 
 their faith was an advantage, it was not the only 
 one they possessed : they were the favoured de- 
 scendants of the favoured colonists of James ; 
 the hand of oppression was not upon them. In 
 proportion as it was laid heavily upon their coun- 
 trymen of the south, it was found necessary to 
 slacken the rein of government upon the neck of 
 
MANUFACTURES. 237 
 
 Ulster. The people of the north were treated 
 with particular lenity ; they enjoyed the utmost 
 freedom in a political as w^ell as in a religious 
 sense. Under circumstances so favourable, it 
 was natural that their prosperity should take 
 deep root and spread its branches widely ; their 
 trade had the advantage of growing up gradu- 
 ally, from small beginnings ; it nourished as it 
 grew the spirit of independence, which had 
 cherished its increase ; and it created for itself 
 that probity, industry, and capital, which were 
 necessary for its safety and advancement. 
 
 After the civil wars, there were the seeds of 
 a few manufactures among the Protestant co- 
 lonists of the south. These had not flourished, 
 for the governing party in Ireland were them- 
 selves not free ; it is the condition of des- 
 potism to be a slave. The Ottoman, whose 
 bow-string is upon the necks of so many pachas, 
 is himself in more peril than the least of his 
 slaves ; and when the Protestants of Ireland 
 would rule in the spirit of the east, they too 
 were compelled to submit to bondage ; their 
 trade was in chains. 
 
 When in 1782 they burst these bonds, and 
 were themselves free, it followed of necessity, 
 that they should lighten the fetters of their cap- 
 
!^SS MANUFACTURES. 
 
 tive ; judgment had been done upon him ; chams 
 were not necessary for hmi whom ignorance and 
 poverty held in double thraldom : he was restored 
 to some of the most material of his civil rights ; 
 the slave and his master were both free, and the 
 nation advanced, witli a surprising rapidity, to the 
 utmost limit of that prosperity which the con- 
 stitution of eighty-two and the enactments of 
 ninety-three* were calculated to permit. 
 
 The Union and the war changed every thing ; 
 the war afforded a disproportioned encourage- 
 ment to agriculture ; the Union destroyed the 
 feeble manufactures of the south. They came 
 into competition with the manufactures of Eng- 
 land, at a time when that country was just set- 
 ting out upon her great career of conquest over 
 the industry of the world. After a few years, all 
 the nations were her tributaries, and Ireland was 
 the lowliest of her slaves. As she went along, 
 triumphing and subduing the feeble efforts of her 
 rivals, and spite of the rage and the arms of her 
 enemy, pushing her victories into the heart of 
 his capital, and making his empire her own ; 
 subject to the dominion of her trade, and the un- 
 
 * The act of 1793 restored to the Roman Catholics the 
 elective franchise, or the right of voting for members of 
 parHament ; and permitted them to take leases, and acquire 
 property in land. 
 
MANUFACTURES. S39 
 
 conquerable skill of her manufactures ; every 
 conquest she made secured another, and laid 
 open the way for triumphs yet to come. Ireland 
 could offer no resistance to a power which had 
 subdued the world ; England had reaped the 
 harvest of the world's wealth, and laid it up in 
 store. With this she overwhelmed every com- 
 petitor. Could the cheapness of labour, or any 
 other accidental circumstance, for a moment 
 stay her course ? She met it by long credit to the 
 trader, which her overflowing capital enabled 
 her to give, and his necessities made him ready 
 to take ; if this were not enough, she lowered 
 her price, and was content to lose, for a season, 
 until the rival manufacture had perished in the 
 prison she had prepared for it; and then she 
 went forth to enjoy the conquest she had 
 achieved. 
 
 There was, beside this, a confidence in the 
 honesty with which British manufactures were 
 made up, which was seldom abused, for the rich 
 have few temptations to petty fraud, and the in- 
 telligent tradesman knows the value of character ; 
 and there was a certainty of being, at all times, 
 furnished with a supply from a capital so abun- 
 dant, and habits of regularity so long formed. 
 With such arms as these, the English manufac- 
 ture met and subdued the Irish in the foreign 
 
^40 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 market ; but this was not all ; the successful ma- 
 nufacture soon carried the war into the enemy's 
 country, and the Irish was defeated and destroyed 
 upon its own soil — in its own home and citadel. 
 
 The working manufacturers in Ireland had 
 neither the steadiness, nor, generally, the inte- 
 grity to be found among the same class in Eng- 
 land. It was often a contest of skill between the 
 master and the journeyman who should be most 
 successful in plunder or prevention, and the wit of 
 the workman was mostly too sharp for his em- 
 ployer ; this was occasioned by the lamentable 
 want of moral and religious education amongst 
 the poor, and the influence of the most perni- 
 cious habits. The manufacture was not always 
 made up with undeviating good faith ; and orders 
 frequently could not be supplied in consequence 
 of the irregular habits of the workmen, and the 
 want of that capital which would have enabled 
 the manufacturer to have a large stock on hand. 
 
 In England, the large capitalist could not only 
 bribe his customer with long credit, but he could 
 also, at all times, answer his demand ; his wealth 
 enabled him to fill his warehouse with a store of 
 goods, and to keep his workmen in employment 
 when the demand slackened. But here, also, 
 tlie poor-laws, which are so much, and, in some 
 
MANUFACTURES. QH 
 
 respects, so justly reprobated, came to his aid. 
 The poor-laws are the corner-stone of England's 
 manufacturing greatness. 
 
 We have known, in Ireland, where a tempo- 
 rary stagnation of trade has occasioned the ruin 
 of a valuable manufacture : the machine was at 
 a stand for a while, and the capital of the master 
 was not equal to the employment of his work- 
 men, for a period, without return ; they were 
 discharged, and soon dispersed : some, perhaps, 
 went as soldiers — some, in search of employ- 
 ment in other parts of the country, or in distant 
 parts of the world ; and when the tide of trade 
 began again to fill its empty channels, and orders 
 came from abroad, and the manufacturer looked 
 about for his workmen, they were gone : the 
 orders either could not be executed, or not 
 fully ; and they were sent, next time, where the 
 supply was certain : the tide of trade ebbed ; and 
 its rich and refreshing waters flowed thereafter 
 in foreign lands. 
 
 In such cases as this, the poor-laws sustain the 
 manufactures of England, and keep those hands 
 together, which would otherwise be dispersed : 
 the master-manufacturer, however wealthy, is 
 not always equal to the exigencies of the times : 
 there are seasons when he must leave his work- 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
^4^ MANUFACTURES. 
 
 men to their fate ; and supposing the utmost hu- 
 manity, united with the soundest views of poHcy 
 and interest, to be found among these men, still 
 it is not well to leave so great a w^eight of na- 
 tional prosperity to rest upon the opinions, or 
 feelings, or caprice of individuals. The want of 
 something like the poor-laws has concurred to 
 destroy the manufactures of Ireland. It may 
 be said, that there are no poor-laws in Scotland ; 
 and yet the manufactures of that country are 
 floui'ishing : true ; but there are parochial regu- 
 lations, which supply their place, and answer the 
 same end : the poor are not left utterly destitute 
 in seasons of distress. 
 
 We have insisted, elsewhere, upon the urgent 
 necessity of educating the people of Ireland : 
 thus only can we entertain a hope that manufac- 
 tures may yet spring up in that impoverished 
 country. We must lay a foundation of probity 
 and sobriety,- which ignorance or superstition 
 can never supply. It will be said, what avails 
 your education in a country so destitute of capi- 
 tal ? Can education supply capital ? We think, 
 in time, it would. If we have dwelt upon the 
 ruined manufactures of the South, we shall now 
 advert to a considerable and very flourishing 
 one — the manufacture of ardent spirits. Did 
 want of capital retard the progress, or prevent 
 
3IANUFACTURES. 243 
 
 the prosperity of the great distilleries of the 
 South ? No. 
 
 Every thing was favourable to the growth of 
 this manufacture : the verv dissoluteness of the 
 people — the very viilanies of the tradesman — all 
 the habits and propensities, which would have 
 choked and destroyed any other manufacture, 
 nourished and promoted this. Accordingly, under 
 all the weicrht and discourairements of a burden- 
 some and unsteady excise, this manufacture has 
 attained a height of towering prosperity, and 
 created for itself a plenteous and splendid capital; 
 and now, in the day of its triumph, it feeds and 
 fosters those vices from which it drew its early 
 aliment. It affords,, however, a proof, if proof 
 were w^anting, that hardly any discouragements 
 will put down a manuflicture to which the habits 
 of the people are adapted ; and we may add, that, 
 without suitable habits, the most favourable cir- 
 cumstances will not avail. 
 
 Without native manufacture, there can be no 
 national wealth, no comfort, competency, or in- 
 dependence among the people. Tlie import of 
 foreign merchandise,- and the export of the rude 
 produce of the land, is a process by which compar- 
 atively nothing is accumulated. Accordingly, in 
 the south of Ireland, there is less capital distri- 
 
 R 2 
 
'244 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 buted ainong the middling classes of the people 
 now, than existed fifty years ago, notwithstand- 
 ing, that all this time this species of trade has 
 been carried on there to a very large extent. 
 The best customer w^hich the farmer can have 
 is the manufactnrer ; the worst, the exporting 
 jnerchant. It is thought to be the advantage of 
 Ireland that she exports her corn ; and the sum- 
 mit of her felicity, tliat she possesses a privilege 
 in the market of England. How, then, is it the 
 glory of the sister island that she is an importer ? 
 Was not Rome too an importer in the days of 
 her greatness? Possibly, Great Britain may be 
 made to grow^ a little more corn ; and more thrifti- 
 ness might save her somewhat of the sums she 
 sends abroad for a supply j but she regards it not. 
 
 Like a wealthy and industrious housekeeper^ 
 w hose family are all busily employed in pursuits 
 of great profit and importance, she does not re- 
 gard the crumbs that fall from her tjable, nor take 
 account of the petty expenses of ^ler hospitable 
 board. Better would it be for Irel^d, if she ex- 
 ported less, or were even compelled to go into 
 the foreign market, to purchase bread for a po- 
 pulation engaged in profitable manufactures. 
 
 Without her manufactures, England would not 
 be the great nation she is at this day : rich, as wdth 
 
MANUFACTURES. 24<5 
 
 the accumulations of ages ; producing, on every 
 emergency, stores of inexhaustible wealth, as if 
 laid up in the long days — the forgotten centuries 
 of past prosperity. Her agriculture, and her raw 
 material of wool and iron, would not have built 
 up those princely fortunes ; and, still less, would 
 they have enriched every corner of the land with 
 those various incomes, which descending from 
 the heights of luxury through every possible 
 gradation of rank, spread over this favoured 
 country a depth of solid and well-ordered pros- 
 perity, which the world, in no other instance, 
 ever witnessed. Fortunes like these, the peace- 
 ful and valued acquisitions of frugality, are to 
 be preserved only by the same thoughtful and 
 considerate spirit by which they were first ac- 
 quired. Hence, that grave and manly character 
 which wealth has not corrupted. 
 
 Hopeless poverty is not less profligate than 
 boundless wealth ; but, in England, there is no 
 poverty utterly destitute, nor wealth that is not 
 touched and approached on all sides by fortunes 
 as extensive, or independence as secure. And 
 to what is this due but to her manufactures? 
 Trade builds up a multitude of competent for- 
 tunes : agriculture, in her natural course, settles 
 into extensive lordships, and constitutes wide 
 domains : left to herself, the great proprietor 
 
 R 3 
 
246 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 and the timid vassal are the only community she 
 forms : pride and baseness are the harvests of 
 her fields. 
 
 Possibly, the manufacturing system may have 
 been carried to excess in Enoland. We should 
 not desire to see trade encroaching too much 
 upon agriculture in Ireland, if, indeed, this could 
 be ; but it is not to be apprehended. In the 
 present state of the case, our fears come from 
 the ignorance and poverty of the people, and 
 from their want of employment. 
 
 But industry will not sit down, and put her 
 complex machinery in motion in a land of igno- 
 rance and dissension, and w^here partial law^s re- 
 strain the energies of ambition. She must dwell 
 in peace, and in security, and be free as the 
 mountain air. Trade or commerce may have 
 a hectic existence even under the suspended 
 cimeter of the Turk ; but the brightest climes of 
 the earth cannot invite manufacturing industry 
 to construct her curious nest under the shade 
 of ignorance and barbarism. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 R 4 
 
I 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NATIONAL CHARACTER. Page 16. 
 
 Moore, 
 
 When we speak of our lyric poet as *' Master of the 
 sweetest and only minstrelsy," we have not overlooked 
 the claims of Campbell and Burns. But the former has 
 only touched the lyre occasionally. The " Exile of 
 Erin" spoke the hand of a master, second to none. It 
 was a strain of rich, pathetic, and powerful melody, 
 such as has seldom been equalled ; displaying all that is 
 precious in poetry, — a delightful fancy, and a feeling 
 heart. We have only to lament that this fine genius has 
 wandered away from the lyre he touched so sweetly. 
 Burns has ceased 
 
 " to mourn 
 
 The miseries of man." 
 
 The genius of Burns was uncultivated : it was like the 
 " Mountain Daisy," as simple, as natural, and as sweet 
 That of Moore is like the wild and luxurious roses of 
 his own " Vale of Ovoca." 
 
 Scott has wandered in many a land of enchantment ; 
 and the gay and glorious chaplets he has gathered do 
 not forbid us to place the crown of the " Minstrel" on 
 the head of Moore. 
 
250 APPENDIX. 
 
 POLICY OF ENGLAND. Page 39- 
 
 C7'onm>ell. 
 
 v^ROMWELL was at one time a saint in England : he is 
 a saint in Ireland to this day — the patron saint and 
 tutelary spirit of the loyal protestant ascendency. He 
 is toasted under a pet name, more frequently than the 
 *'' glcnious memory ;^^ and his portrait is to be found in 
 many a chamber where William's never hung. Numer- 
 ous families in Ireland show watches, rings, and trinkets 
 of various kinds, said to be gifts made by Cromwell to 
 their ancestors. We can well account for this attach- 
 ment to the usurper ; but it appears to us to mix oddly 
 with the extravagant professions of loyalty made by the 
 same persons. 
 
 The truth is, however, that the ascendency-men worship 
 the memory of this sanguinary and saintly tyrant, because 
 they owe their possessions to his great abilities and good 
 fortune. Their loyalty has reference also to certain mono- 
 polies which they have, or deem that they have, prescrip- 
 tive right to enjoy — a monopoly of power and privileges ; 
 and a monopoly of place, office, and emolument. Loy- 
 alty, in the sense in which it is understood by some of 
 these men, is not attachment to the throne or the prince, 
 or respect for the constitution : about all this they are 
 generally very indifferent. WTiat they vmderstand by 
 loyalty, is nothing more than a steady adherence to the 
 monopoly system. According to this rule, the king's 
 ministers frequently incur the imputation of disloyalty ; 
 
APPENDIX. 251 
 
 and kings themselves, when they would restrain the 
 fiery zeal of the descendants of Cromwell's saints, have 
 been charged with disloi/alti/. Like their godly ances- 
 tors, these men are oreatlv attached to the efood thinos 
 of this world, and have little regard for crowns or 
 princes, except so far as the security of their Jieshly en- 
 joyments is concerned. 
 
 Cromwell was a different man in England, and in 
 Ireland. Like many other English statesmen, he had a 
 different system for the one country, and for the other. In 
 Ireland, he threw off his fooPs coat of sanctity and pre- 
 tence, and was the bold and clever ruffian that nature 
 had made him. In England, which was the scene of 
 his ambition and hypocrisy, we doubt not that he was 
 sincerely desirous to promote the welfare of the people, 
 and the glory of the nation. His fame and his power 
 were closely connected with these objects. In Ireland, 
 conquest was his only object. Neither cant, nor scrip- 
 ture, were of any avail with the popish people he had 
 to deal with. Putting aside, therefore, the arm of the 
 spirit, he made vigorous use of the arm of the flesh. 
 
 There is strong reason to believe, that O'Neil, a 
 general -of talents not inferior to his own, who com- 
 manded the Irish ai*my, was removed by poison. Whe- 
 ther Cromwell was guilty of this, is not known ; but we 
 think it not unlikely. His situation was' critical. If 
 O'Neil had lived, Cromwell could not have conquered : 
 that general would not have given battle, and could not 
 have been forced to do so. Cromwell's army was already 
 sick, disheartened, and wasting awa}'. O'Neil was 
 marching slowly and cautiously towards him, with a view- 
 to harass and wear liim out. Cromwell knew well, that 
 he had to deal with a man who understood the temper 
 
252 . APPENDIX. 
 
 and quality of the army he had to oppose, as well as 
 that he had to command, and who had been disciplined, 
 himself, in the long wars of the continent. O'Neil 
 died suddenly on the march ; and Cromwell was relieved 
 from all his embarrassments. His subsequent conduct 
 is sufficient proof of what crimes he could be guilty. 
 His career in Ireland was one continued course of out- 
 rages, murder, and robbery. He slaughtered in cold blood 
 the disarmed soldiers who had dared to fight against him, 
 and been foolish enough to trust to his observance of 
 the laws of war, or the rights of humanity. He drove 
 the people from their lands and homes with a sweeping 
 and vigorous execution, surpassing all they had hitherto 
 experienced ; and he granted them away to his officers 
 and soldiers with the lavish prodigality, with which men 
 give what is not their own. 
 
 The " Curse of Cromwell " is still, in Ireland, the 
 severest malediction, and means every thing horrible and 
 monstrous. 
 
 Lo7'd Straffcnd, — Forfeited Lands. 
 
 " Wentworth was impatient to signalize his adminis- 
 tration by a service of extensive and immediate emolu- 
 ment to his royal master. His project was nothing less 
 than to subvert the title to every estate in every part of 
 Connaught, and to establish a new plantation through the 
 whole province ; a project which, when first proposed in 
 the late reign, was received with horror and amazement, 
 but which suited the undismayed and enterprising spirit 
 of Lord Wentworth. For this, he had opposed the 
 confirmation of the royal graces transmitted to Lord Falk- 
 
APPENDIX. . ^6'3 
 
 land, and taken to himself the odium of so flagrant a viola- 
 tion of the royal promise. The parliament was at an end ; 
 and the deputy was at leisure to execute a scheme, which, 
 as it was offensive and alarming, required a cautious 
 and deliberate procedure." * Wentworth proceeded with 
 his Commissioners of Plantation to Connaught, in order 
 to enquire into all titles to estates, and determined to 
 find against all. He was accompanied by a crowd of 
 adventurers, informers, and lawyers. He himself lec- 
 tured the juries roundly, and then left them, as he says, 
 " to chant together, as they call it, over their evidence." 
 In Mayo, Sligo, and Roscommon, the juries were intimi- 
 dated, and compelled to find for the king. In Gal- 
 way, however, the jury would not find the king's title 
 against evidence and law. " Upon which occasion," 
 says Wentworth, " we bethought ourselves of a course to 
 vindicate his majesty's honour and justice, not only 
 against the persons of the jurors, but also against the 
 sheriff, for returning so iusuflicient, indeed, so packed a 
 jury, as we conceive ; and, therefore, we fined the sheriff 
 in a ^^1000 to his majesty. The jury were fined 
 .^4000 each, their estates were seized, and themselves 
 imprisoned till the fines were paid."f 
 
 James the First, by a similar " Commission of defec- 
 tive Tides," had got into his hands about 400,000 acres 
 of lands, in Leinster, which he planted., as the phrase 
 was, with English and protestant settlers, having expel- 
 led the inhabitants. He proceeded in the same course 
 with the counties of Cavan, Fermanagh, Armagh, 
 Derry, Tyrone, and Donegal, which he obtained pos- 
 session of by means of a real or contrived plot, charged 
 upon O'Neil, O'Donnel, and O'Doherty. These lands 
 
 * Leland. \ St. Lett. vol. i. p. 4.51. 
 
^54 APPENDIX. 
 
 lands amounted to about 600,000 acres. Tlie for- 
 feited lands in the reign of William III. amounted 
 to 1,060,992 acres. There is not an acre in Ireland that 
 has not been forfeited over and over asjain. 
 
 Report of the Commissioners upon the Forfeited Lands 
 in the reign of William III. 
 
 The Commissioners met vv^ith o^reat difficulties in their 
 enquiries, which were occasioned chiefly by the back- 
 wardness of the people of Ireland to give any inform- 
 ation, out of fear of the grantees, whose displeasure in 
 that kingdom was not easily borne ; and by reports in- 
 dustriously spread and believed that their enquiry would 
 come to nothing. Nevertheless, it appeared to them that 
 the persons outlawed in England, since the 13th Febru- 
 ary, 1688, on account of the late rebellion, amounted 
 in number to 57, and in Ireland to 3921. That all the 
 lands in the several counties in Ireland belonging to the 
 forfeited persons, as far as they could reckon, made 
 1,060,792 acres, worth per annum ^21 1,623, which, 
 by computation of six years' purchase for a life, and 
 thirteen years' for the inheritance, came to the full value 
 of ^268,138. That some of those lands had been 
 restored to the old proprietors, by virtue of the articles 
 of Limerick and Galway, and by his majesty's favour, 
 and the reversal of outlawries and royal pardons, ob- 
 tained chiefly by gratifications to such persons as had 
 abused his majesty's royal bounty and commission. 
 Besides these restitutions, which they thought to be cor- 
 ruptly procured, they gave an account of seventy-six 
 o-rants and custodiums under the cjreat seal of Ireland : 
 as, to the Lord Rumney, three grants, now in being, con- 
 tain in<j- 49,5 17 acres : to the Earl of Albemarle, in two 
 
APPENDIX. ^.0.5 
 
 grants, 108,633 acres, in possession and reversion; to 
 William Bentinck, Esq., Lord Woodstock, 135,820 
 acres : to the Earl of Atblone two grants, containing 
 26,480 acres: to the Earl of Galloway one grant, 36,148 
 acres, &c. ; wherein they observed, that the estates so 
 mentioned did not yield so much to the grantees as they 
 were valued at, because, as most of them had abused his 
 majesty in the real value of their estates, so their agents 
 had imposed on them, and had either sold or let the 
 greatest part of those lands at an under value. But after 
 all deductions and allowances, there yet remained 
 ^1,699,343 145., which they lay before the Commons 
 as the gross value of the estates since the 13th February, 
 and not restored ; besides a grant under the great seal 
 of Ireland, dated 13th May, 1695, passed to Mrs. 
 Elizabeth Villiers, now Countess of Orkney, of all the 
 private estates of the late King James, (except some part 
 in grant to Lord Athlone,) containing 95,649 acres, 
 worth per annum .^25,995 1 85. value, total j^3 3 1,943 95.: 
 concluding that there were payable out of this estate 
 .^2000 per annum to Mrs. Godfrey for their lives, and 
 that almost all the old leases determined in May, 1701, 
 and then this estate would answer the value above men- 
 tioned. 
 
 Signed 
 Francis Annesley. James Hamilton. 
 John Trenchard. Henry Langiord. 
 
^56 APPENDIX. 
 
 From the MSS,, Triiiity College, Dublin ; being a brief 
 declaration to the Qiieen*, conceiming the abuses of her 
 govamment in Ireland^ 'particidarly under the adminis- 
 tration of Sir William Fitzmlliam, Written in 
 1 594, by Captain Thomas Lee. 
 
 To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. 
 
 Understanding, most gracious sovereign, the proud 
 and insolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do 
 now stand upon, it maketh me bold to set down my 
 knowledge of those parts to your majesty, because I 
 have debated often with the chiefs of them what was 
 fit they should yield unto your majesty ; and that it was 
 unmeet for them in any sort to condition with your high- 
 ness : in the end (after long debating) they seemed 
 somewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded : 
 as hereafter shall appear, and because your majesty may 
 the better judge the causes of their discontentments. I 
 have here set down the unconscionable courses which have 
 been held towards them; which being remedied, and 
 that they may see your majesty doth no way allow 
 of the same, there is no doubt (notwithstanding all their 
 proud shows of disloyalty,) but that they may be brought 
 to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit, which 
 neither your majesty now hath, nor any of your progen- 
 itors ever had ; so as they may likewise have that which 
 they demand, being nothing unfit for your majesty to 
 grant : in which discourse, if any thing should seem 
 unpleasing to your majesty, I humbly beseech you to 
 
 * Elizabeth. 
 
APPENDIX. 257 
 
 ])a.ss it over, and to peruse the rest, whereof I doubt 
 not but something will content your highness, for that it 
 tendeth to your hio-huess' service and commodity. 
 
 My meaning, whereby your highness's profit may arise, 
 is by O'Donnel, Maguire, Bryan Oge O'Roirke, and 
 Bryan Oge M'Mahon. The demands I made for j^our 
 majesty were these : that they should receive your ma- 
 jesty's forces into their countries, and 3'our laws to go 
 current, as they did in other places ; and some part of 
 their countries to be reserv^ed for your majesty to dis- 
 pose unto them who should govern them, and they to 
 charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for 
 them to bear. To those demands they all yielded, so 
 that they might have such gentlemen chosen as they 
 knew would use no treachery nor hard measures to- 
 wards them, but to live upon that which your majesty 
 would allow, and that which they would give of their 
 free consents, and be no farther charged ; and they would 
 be as dutiful as any other country in Ireland now is. 
 And how this may be performed, I have made bold, 
 with your majesty's favourable liking, here to set down 
 upon my knowledge ; both how your majesty's forces 
 may be received with their consent, and they to yiekl 
 great profit in discharge of that which your majesty 
 allows to the soldiers, and the soldiers to be well satis- 
 fied. The cause they have to stand upon those terms, 
 and to seek for better assurance, is the harsh practices 
 used against others, by those who have been placed in 
 authority to protect men for your majesty's service, which 
 they have greatly abused, and used in this sort. They have 
 drawn unto them by protection three or four hundred of 
 these country people, under colour to do your majesty 
 service, and brought them to a place of meeting, where 
 
 VOL. I. s 
 
258 APPENDIX. 
 
 your garrison soldiers were appointed to be, who have 
 there most dishonourably put them all to the sword ; 
 and this hath been by the consent and practice of the 
 lord deputy for the time being. If this be a good course 
 to draw these savage people to the state, to do your 
 majesty service, and not rather to enforce them to stand 
 upon their guard, I humbly leave to your majesty. When 
 some one who hath been a bad member (pardoned by 
 your majesty,) hath heard himself exclaimed upon to be 
 a notable thief, after his pardon, and hath simply come 
 in without any bonds, or any other enforcement, to an 
 open session to take his trial by your majesty's laws, if 
 any should accuse him : notwithstanding his coming in 
 after this manner, and without any trial at the time, (be- 
 cause he was a bad man in times past,) there hath been 
 an order given in that session for the execution of him, 
 and so he has lost his life, to the great dishonour of 
 your majesty, and to the discredit of your laws. There 
 have also been divers others pardoned by your majesty, 
 who have been held very dangerous men, and after their 
 pardon have lived very dutifiilly, and done your majesty 
 great service ; and many of them have lost their lives 
 therein ; yet upon small suggestions to the lord deputy, 
 that they should be spoilers of your majesty's subjects, 
 notwithstanding their pardon, there have been bonds 
 demanded of them for their appearance at the next ses- 
 sions : they, knowing themselves guiltless, have most 
 willingly entered into bonds and appeared, and there 
 (no matter being found to charge them) they have been 
 arraigned only for being in company with some of your 
 highness' servitors, at the killing of notorious known 
 traitors ; and for that only have been condemned of 
 treason, and lost their lives ; and this dishonest practice 
 hath been by the consent of your deputies. 
 
APPENDIX. ^.59 
 
 When there have been notable traitors in arms against 
 your majesty, and smiis of money offered for their heads, 
 yet could by no means be compassed, they have in the 
 end (of their own accord) made means for their pardon ; 
 offering to do great service, which they have accord- 
 ingly performed, to the contentment of the state ; and 
 thereupon received pardon, and have put in sureties 
 for their good behaviour, and to be answerable at all 
 times, at assizes and sessions, when they should be called ; 
 yet, notwithstanding, thei*e have been secret commis- 
 sions given for the murdering of these men. They 
 have often been set upon by the sheriff of shires, to 
 whom the commissions were directed; in sundry of 
 which assaults some of them have been killed, and 
 others have hardly escaped. And after all this they 
 have simply come, without pardon or protection, to an 
 open place of justice, to submit themselves to your 
 majesty, where they have been put to their trial, upon 
 several indictments ; of all which they have been ac- 
 quitted, and set at liberty. If this be a course allow- 
 able, for poor men to be handled in this manner, and to 
 be at no time in safety of their lives, I humbly leave 
 to your majesty. 
 
 When many notorious offenders have submitted them- 
 selves to your majesty's mercy, and have been accepted, 
 and had their pardons, and have put in good assurances 
 to be at all times answerable to your laws, the chiefest 
 rebel (whose followers they were) has been counte- 
 nanced, and borne out by your state, to rob and spoil, 
 burn and kill these poor men, who did thus submit 
 themselves. When they have very pitifully complained 
 against that arch rebel and his complices of these out- 
 rages, they have been sharply rebuked, and reproved 
 
 s 2 
 
^260 APPENDIX^ 
 
 for tbeir speeches, and left void of all remedy for tTielr 
 losses ; so as when, in the end, they have made petition 
 to have licence by their own means, and help of their 
 friends to recover their goods from the rebels, they 
 have been rejected, and ntterly discomforted ; yet ne- 
 vertheless remained dutiful subjects ; although they 
 see tliat such as continue notorious malefactors are in 
 far more safety than they who depend upon your maf 
 jesty's defence. 
 
 For it is well to be proved, that in one of your ma- 
 jesty's civil shires, there lived an Irishman, peaceably 
 and quietly as a good subject many years together ; 
 whereby he grew into great wealth, which his landlord 
 thirstin£r after, and desirous to remove him from his 
 land, entered into practice with the sheriff of the shire, 
 to dispatch this simple man, and divide his goods be- 
 tween them. They sent one of his own servants for 
 him; and he coming with his servant, they presently 
 took his man, who was their messenger, and hanged 
 him ; and keeping the master prisoner, went immediately 
 to his dwelling, and shared his substance (which was of 
 great value) between them, turning his wife and many 
 children to begging. After they had kept him fast for a 
 season with the sheriff, they carried him to the castle of 
 -Dublin, where he lay by the space of two or three 
 terms ; and having no matter whatever objected against 
 him, whereupon to be tried by law, they, by their credit 
 and countenance, being both English gentlemen, and 
 he who was the landlord, the chiefest man in the shire, 
 informed the lord deputy so hardly of him, as that 
 without indictment or trial they executed him, to the 
 great scandal of your majesty's state there, and im- 
 peaclnneut of your laws. For if this man had been suck 
 
APPENDIX. ^^()1 
 
 an offender as they urged, why was he not tried by 
 ordinary course of law — whereby good example of 
 justice might have been shewed, and your highness be- 
 nefitted by his wealth, which they shared ? But, to cut 
 him off by martial law, who was a good householder, 
 inhabiting a civil country', always liable to law, and last 
 imprisoned in Dublin (where all the laws of that land 
 have their head), was, in my conceit, rather rigour than 
 justice ; for as martial law is very necessary, and, in my 
 opinion, ought to be granted to all governors of remote 
 and savage places, where your majesty's laws are not 
 received, with all other authority and power, severely and 
 sharjily to cut off and punish offenders, accordino- to the 
 quality of their offence, until such time as the people 
 shall become civil, and embrace the law and peaceable 
 living, (for till then they are not to be governed without 
 the like measure of justice;) so to use the same, where 
 the people are civil and obedient to their laws, is very 
 indirect justice administered to your majesty's poor 
 subjects there ; who, if they have once been oflenders, 
 live they never so honestly afterwards, if they grow to 
 any wealth, are sure by one indirect means or other to 
 be cut off. 
 
 When there have been means made to an aired trentle- 
 man (never traitor against your majesty, neither he not 
 any of his ancestors, and dwelling in one of the remotest 
 parts of your kingdom,) to come into your state ; and 
 that the hard courses used to others, made him demand 
 security for his ccmiing in, which hath been sent unto 
 "him by great oaths and protestations delivered by the 
 messenger, whereof he hath accepted, and thereupon 
 come in ; yet, notwithstanding all these jiromised safeties, 
 this aged gentleman hath been detained prisoner fui 
 
 s 3 
 
262 A PPENDIX. 
 
 six years, and so yet remaineth ; and his imprisonment is 
 the only colour to satisfy your majesty for a wonderful 
 great charge, which your majesty and your subjects were 
 then put unto ; but his detaining, contrary to promise, 
 hath bred great fear in all or most of his sort (in those 
 parts) of crediting what your state there shall pro- 
 mise. 
 
 When, upon the death of a great lord of a country, 
 there hath been another nominated, chosen, and created, 
 he hath been entertained with fair speeches, taken down 
 into his country, and, for the off'ences of other men, in- 
 dictments have been framed against him, whereupon 
 he hath been found guilty, and so lost his life ; which 
 hath bred such terror in other great lords of the like 
 measure, as maketh them stand upon those terms, 
 which they now do. When there hath been a strata- 
 gem used for the taking into your majesty's hands a 
 young youth, (the earl of Tyrconnel,) the heir of a great 
 country, by whose taking his whole country would have 
 been held in obedience, the practice whereof was most 
 good and commendable ; yet, (after the obtaining of 
 him,) his manner of usage was most dishonourable and 
 discommendable, and neither allowable before God nor 
 man. My reasons are these : he being young, and being 
 taken by this stratagem, having never offended, was im- 
 prisoned with great severity ; many irons laid upon him, 
 as if he had been a notable traitor and malefactor ; and 
 kept still among those who were ever notorious traitors 
 against your majesty. Having no other council, or advice, 
 or company, but theirs, what good could come to this 
 young man for his education among such, I humbly 
 refer to your highness. 
 
APPENDIX. 263 
 
 The taking of him, as aforesaid, was most commend- 
 able, and for the good of that country, so he had been 
 brought up in this manner, presently to have been 
 sent to your majesty, to have been instructed in the 
 fear of God, to have known his duty to your majesty, 
 and to have been furnished with all necessary parts for a 
 gentleman ; and as your majesty should have found his 
 disposition, so either to have detained him here, or 
 sent him home into his country, whose good example 
 (by his virtuous training up) might have done God and 
 your majesty much good service in those parts. I have 
 been the more bold to discover to your majesty the dis- 
 honourable managing of your service there, by the in- 
 direct cutting off of sundry your majesty's poor subjects, 
 because it pleased your highness (many years since) to 
 impart unto me, how much you abhorred to have your 
 people there dealt withal by any practice, but only up- 
 right justice, by your majesty's laws and forces ; which 
 being otherwise handled, I desire to make known to 
 your majesty, and your most honourable council, for 
 redress thereof. 
 
 But I fear, that they who have well liked that course, 
 and have been practisers of the same, will inform your 
 majesty, that those people are so bad, as it is no mat- 
 ter of conscience to cut them off any way howsoever ; 
 which is (in my opinion) for none but tyrants and beg- 
 garly princes to imitate : but your majesty being of so great 
 power to offend the mightiest kings of the world, and 
 to revenge yourself upon them, may with much honour 
 suppress your own vassals, by your highness's laws and 
 forces, wherein you are at charge in those parts for that 
 purpose. 
 
 s 4 
 
*254 APPENDIX. 
 
 These principal instruments, as the lord deputy, and 
 they who have been his assistants in those dishonest 
 practices, have not only used these bad means against 
 those poor, remote, and savage people, but have done 
 all their endeavours (so far as in them lay) to discom- 
 fort and discredit your majesty's best servitors, living 
 imder their commands ; because they misliked to execute 
 such unjust practices and devices, and to allow of their 
 covetous, unconscionable, and dishonourable gettings. 
 
 I am emboldened, most gracious sovereign, to declare 
 thus much ; because, not only my poor self (one of the 
 meanest in that place of service) have been partaker 
 of it, but some of your majesty's chief officers also have 
 tasted the indiscreet bitterness of the two last lord de- 
 puties ; as, namely, sir Robert Gardiner, in his place 
 of justice, a most worthy man, and void of all manner 
 of corruption, and sir Richard Bingham, in his place of 
 o-overnment ; against whom (even within his own juris- 
 diction) traitors have been suborned and countenanced 
 by them ; and the like in nature, though not in quality, 
 hath been done against myself; and as for sir Richard, 
 there was never man in his place hath done your ma- 
 jesty like honourable service without increase of charge. 
 For my own part, I leave the report of my services to 
 such as know it, and have seen it ; yet have they not 
 only done me injustice there, but have also used their 
 best friends and credit here to obscure my good deserts, 
 and to make (as far as in them lieth) me a man to 
 be hated of your majesty ; depressing me with all their 
 might and authority there, and crossing me with all 
 their ability and malice here ; not because I have slack- 
 ed or not performed your majesty's service at any time, 
 but for that I have aforetime, and new, discovered unto 
 
APPENDIX. 2f)5 
 
 your highness their dishonourable deahngs and intoler- 
 able corruptions. 
 
 And I desire not that your majesty should either simply 
 credit me this my plain detecting them, nor them in ex- 
 cusing themselves ; but, if it please your highness to ap- 
 point commissioners in that realm for the trial, if I prove 
 not directly all that ever I have declared, let me lose 
 your gracious favour for ever. 
 
 A great part of that unquietness of O'Donnel's coun- 
 try came by sir William Fitz- Williams, his placing of 
 one Willis there to be sheriff, who had with him three 
 hundred of the very rascals and scum of that kingdom ; 
 which did rob and spoil that people, ravish their wives 
 and daughters, and made havock of all; which bred 
 such a discontentment, as that the whole country was up 
 in arms against them ; so as if the earl of Tyrone had not 
 rescued and delivered him and them out of the country, 
 they had been all put to the sword. 
 
 Concerning Tyrone, as your majesty hath bestowed 
 it upon the earl, so, for the better furtherance of the 
 aforesaid services, it may please your highness to ac- 
 cept of his own offers ; which were, that all Tyrone 
 might be but one country; which granted, he would 
 (upon his own charge) build a gaol and a session-house, 
 and receive a sheriff into his country, whereby your laws 
 might be observed there. 
 
 And, where the earl's adversaries have, in times past, 
 incensed your majesty against him, for the hanging and 
 cutting off one Hugh Ganelock, a notable traitor, and 
 son to Shane O'Neale ; informing your majesty, that 
 
^66 APPENDIX. 
 
 the said Hugh was your majesty's subject; it shall be 
 well proved, that he was ever a traitor against your 
 majesty ; a daily practiser with foreigners, (as the Scots 
 and others,) for the disturbances of that kingdom; and 
 one who sought by all means to overthrow the earl, who, 
 by martial law, (which he then had,) did cut him off for 
 his offences. For the doing whereof, he did incur your 
 highness's displeasure ; and the said martial law, which 
 kept that whole country in awe, was taken from him ; 
 the want whereof, has made his country-people grow 
 insolent against him, and careless of observing any 
 humanity or duty ; which hath bred the outrages now in 
 practice ; so that, (in my poor opinion,) it were requisite 
 to restore the same authority unto him, provided it 
 should not extend to the cutting off of any, but such 
 malefactors as shall be of his own country, his tenants 
 and followers ; and I dare say, he may every year hang 
 five hundred false knaves, and yet reserve a great stock 
 to himself: he cannot hang amiss there, so he hangs 
 somebody. 
 
 For the performances of the services in those afore- 
 said countries, it is not O'Donnel, Maguire, Brian Oge 
 M'Mahon, nor Brian Oge 0*Roirke, nor any of those 
 four who must be dealt withal ; for they are all traitors 
 and villains, and most obstinate against your majesty. 
 But the foundation must be laid upon the earl of 
 Tyrone, to draw him by any reasonable conditions unto 
 your majesty, that you may have conference with him ; 
 and as he is made by your majesty a great man there, 
 so may he be also a special good member in that com- 
 jnonwealth, to redress and remedy many great disorders, 
 which no doubt he would faithfully do, if he might be 
 trusted : for what maketh a man honest but trust ? 
 
APPENDIX. 267 
 
 And wliereas some affirm, tliat he standeth upon a 
 pardon for himself and his followers, I think not so ; for 
 he and they hold themselves in less safety thereby than 
 they were before ; because they have seen pardons serve, 
 (in their conceit,) rather for traps to catch others in, than 
 for true and just remission and acceptance into the free 
 benefit of subjects; which maketh him fear the like 
 practice towards himself. 
 
 For whom, although I have undertaken at my first 
 coming, that he should have performed as much as I 
 then delivered on his behalf to your majesty, how I dare 
 engage my credit so far firom him, because it is long 
 since I saw him ? 
 
 But, if it please your majesty to send me unto him 
 with encouragement and protection immediately from 
 your majesty, that he shall come to your lord deputy 
 there, and to your highness here in safety (to come and 
 go without impediment or stay of his person,) I doubt 
 not but to bring him and his son, (whom I would wish 
 to be detained, but as himself shall like of;) and what- 
 soever he undertaketh to the lord deputy, coming after 
 this manner, there is no doubt of his performance. I 
 know his adversaries, who never were such friends, as 
 they might have been, to the common weal of that king- 
 dom, will be earnest with your majesty against this ; and 
 that it is a great dishonour to you to grant it ; but it will 
 be proved by their testimony who live there, how greatly 
 it shall advance your majesty's service in this dealing 
 with him, who hath heretofore served faithfully and 
 valiantly, and hath therefore well merited, and shall 
 save the lives of your majesty's subjects, and the expense 
 of much of your treasure. 
 
268 APPENDIX. 
 
 They who will be against this have, these many years, 
 suffered notorious traitors, namely, Feagh M'Hugh, and 
 the bastard, Geraldine, mightily to dishonour your 
 majesty in the very view of your state ; and with that 
 base rebel and his adherents they will deal, as it were 
 by way of entreaty, to accept of protections ; which is as 
 much dishonour to a prince of your excellency and 
 greatness as may be, so to condition with such beggarly 
 objects as have neither power nor w^ealth, and yet are 
 noted here to be great and dangerous men to your state 
 there. 
 
 If there go not some speedy contentment to the earl, 
 to stay all this expected fury which is like to happen ; 
 but that there must be present wars made upon him and 
 his adherents, your majesty shall take them in hand at a 
 very unfit time, when they are thoroughly provided to 
 do great mischief, and your majesty not so provided to 
 defend your poor subjects from their sudden force and 
 fury. 
 
 Your majesty, since you were queen, never had so 
 great cause to bethink you of the service of that place, as 
 now you have. Your highness shall not get so great 
 honour in cutting off him, and thousands of those bare 
 people that follow him, as you shall to win him and 
 them to be good and loyal subjects, and to live and 
 serve your highness for good offices. As the case now 
 standeth with the earl, he hath small encouragements 
 to be otherwise than he now is. 
 
 For where it was your majesty's pleasure he should 
 have great encouragements given him, by thanks for his 
 last good service against Maguire, it wajs held from 
 
APPENmX. ^Gt^ 
 
 iiim ; and instead o[ that, they devised all means and 
 j3olicies to aggravate matters against him to your ma- 
 jesty, which is credibly made known to him ; and more, 
 that upon what security soever he shall come in, your 
 majesty's pleasure is to have him detained. How he 
 hath these advertisements from hence, I know not ; but 
 your majesty is, or shall be informed, that he and his 
 lady are papists, and foster seminaries, &c. 
 
 True it is, he is affected that way ; but less hurtfully 
 and dangerously than some of the greatest in the 
 English pale ; for when he is with the state, he will ac- 
 company the lord deputy to the church, and home 
 again, and will stay and hear service and sermon : they, 
 as soon as they have brought the lord deputy to the 
 church door, depart as if they were wild cats, and are 
 obstinate ; but he (in my conscience,) with good con- 
 ference would be reformed ; for he hath only one little cub 
 of an English priest, by whom he is seduced, for want 
 of his friends' access unto him, who might otherwise up- 
 hold him. 
 
 There hath been an old dunsical demand, in taking 
 pledges of such as are held dangerous men to your 
 majesty's state there. I make bold to give that term ; 
 because there is no one who hath known your service 
 of Ireland longest, who can set down and prove that 
 ever Irishman was held in obedience by his pledge : if any 
 can, let me lose my credit for ever. I am able to set 
 down of my own knowledge, almost by twenty years' 
 experience ; in which time, I have seen many pledges 
 taken for the Irishry for retaining them in obedience ; 
 the father for the son, the son for the father, the 
 
^70 APl*E^^DrX. 
 
 brother for the brother, and many other of the Hke 
 nature; when they have taken their times, nevertheless, 
 without any regard of pledge, to play the traitors 
 against your majesty at their pleasure. For when they 
 neither fear God ; nor be careful of their duty towards 
 your majesty ; nor fear your force to reform them, your 
 majesty may be assured, it is not their pledges that can 
 hold them in obedience. Your majesty, therefore, 'may 
 (in my opinion,) do well to let no such demand be made 
 of them ; but when they shall give cause of offence, let 
 them be throngly followed with your forces, and 
 plagued in such sort as may make them afraid to offend 
 you ; for the less your majesty shall esteem them, the 
 more obedient you shall have them ; and, by this course, 
 your majesty shall save a great deal of charge for the 
 diet of such as they put in for pledge. 
 
 And when there was credible report made, that the 
 earl of Tyrone came in to the lord deputy, without 
 pardon or protection, I assure myself, your majesty 
 shall find he came in upon the credit of your state ; al- 
 though in policy he might be willed to give out other- 
 wise; and no doubt, but such as have often mistaken 
 his actions and intents would make an open demand of 
 him now, and he perhaps answer them without pro- 
 tection ; and upon this his answer, they might be very 
 importunate with the lord and the council that he might 
 be detained for great matters of treason, wherewith 
 they had to charge him : which demand of theirs being 
 refused, it is not unlike but they would either write to 
 your majesty, or to their friends here, to inform your 
 majesty how provident they were to have him safe kept, 
 and yet their cares and offers were neglected. 
 
 13 
 
APPENDIX. 271 
 
 Let those devices of theirs take effect or otherwise, 
 to have him cut off, your majesty's whole kingdom 
 there would moan it most pitifully ; for there was never 
 man bred in those parts who hath done your majesty 
 greater service than he, with often loss of his blood 
 upon notable enemies of your majesty's ; yea, more often 
 than all the other nobles of Ireland. And what quietness 
 your majesty had these many years past in the northern 
 parts of that kingdom, its neither your forces there 
 placed, (which have been but small,) nor their great 
 service who commanded them ; but only the honest dis- 
 position and carriage of the earl hath made them obe- 
 dient in those parts to your majesty ; and what pity it is, 
 that a man of his worth and worthiness shall be thus 
 dealt withal by his adversaries, (who are men who have 
 had great places of command,) and neither they, nor their 
 friends for them, are able to set down they ever did your 
 majesty one good day's service, I humbly leave to your 
 majesty. 
 
 If he were so bad as they would fain enforce, (as many 
 as know him and the strength of his country, will witness 
 thus much with me,) he might very easily cut off many 
 of your majesty's forces, which are laid in garrisons in 
 small troops, in divers parts bordering upon this country ; 
 yea, and overrun all your English pale, to the utter 
 ruin thereof; yea, and compass long as should please 
 him, even under the walls of Dublin, for any strength 
 your majesty yet hath in that kingdom to remove him. 
 
 These things being considered, and how unwilling he 
 is (upon my knowledge,) to be otherwise towards your 
 majesty than he ought, let him (if it please your high- 
 ness,) be somewhat hearkened unto, and recovered (if it 
 
^72 APPENDIX. 
 
 niav be,) to come in unto your majesty to impart hiv; 
 own griefs, which no doubt he will do, if he will like his 
 security ; and then, I am persuaded, he will simply ac- 
 knowledge to your majesty, how far he hath offended 
 you; and besides, (notwithstanding his protection,) he 
 will, if it so stand with your nicijesty's pleasure, offer 
 himself to the marshal, (who hath been the chiefest in- 
 strument against him,) to prove with his sword, that he 
 hath most wrongfully accused him. And, because it is no 
 conquest for him to overthrow a man ever held in the 
 world to be of most cowardly behaviour, he will, in de- 
 fence of his innocency, allow his adversary to come 
 armed against him, naked, to encourage him rather to 
 accept of his challenge. 
 
 I am bold to say thus much for the earl ; because I 
 know his valour, and am persuaded he will perform it j 
 and what I have spoken of him over and above this, 
 these reasons have led me to it. 
 
 BeiniT often his bed-fellow, he hath divers times be- 
 moaned himself, with tears in his eyes, saying, if he 
 knew any way in the world to behave himself, (other- 
 wise than he hath done,) to procure your majesty's 
 assured good opinion of him, he would not spare (if it 
 pleased you to command him,) to offer himself to serve 
 your highness in any part of the world against your ene- 
 mies, though he were sure to lose his life. 
 
 And, as he hath in private thus bemoaned himself 
 unto me, so are there many witnesses here in your high- 
 ness's court, who have seen him do no less openly ; 
 which tears have neither proceeded from dissimulation, 
 nor of childish disposition, (for all who know him will 
 acquit him thereof,) but of mere zeal unto your highness, 
 
APPENDIX. 273 
 
 mid' grief and fear to lose your favour, whom he de- 
 sireth with Hfe and all he hath most dutifully and loyally 
 to ser\'€. 
 
 Whereas, I have taken upon me to nominate gentle- 
 men, as fittest to be employed in the above-mentioned 
 services in those remote places, I know there will be 
 great exceptions against them, because they are thought 
 to be too near friends to the earl ; but I will prove, that 
 none can ever do your majesty such good service there, 
 as they who have always been trained up in those parts in 
 service, and are best acquainted with the earl and the 
 other lords of the countries ; and I am of opinion, if it 
 were demanded of the earl and the rest, they had rather 
 have strangers placed in those parts, than those gentlemen 
 of their acquaintance, because these in any outrages in 
 these countries, dare trust the earl with themselves and 
 their small troops to be aided by him, whereof they 
 should not fail, when strangers would be loth and fear 
 so to do ; for their trust would procure the earl and his 
 followers to undertake and perform with them, what- 
 soever they shall require for your majesty's service. 
 
 And what is it to your majesty, to lay upon the earl 
 the trust and credit of settling your majesty's forces 
 in those parts, and to give him your majesty's free pro- 
 tection to come in without fear from time to time, to 
 answer to any thing that shall be objected against him, 
 to retire home again? And if it shall at any time 
 happen, that he shall so offend as to deserve punish- 
 ment, then your majesty is to prepare your princely 
 forces and make royal war upon him, letting him 
 sharply taste what it is to offend so gracious and great 
 a prince. 
 
 VOL. I. T 
 
^74 iiPPENDIX. 
 
 And likewise the rest of the lords of those countries 
 are, (upon the receiving in of your majesty's garrisons, 
 and paying the duties and compositions before specified,) 
 to have the like measure offered them. 
 
 I am the bolder, most gracious sovereign, to set down 
 this my opinion for managing these remote places, and 
 preventing these present expected troubles ; because I 
 have been an eye-witness of a needless and chargeable war 
 held against one of the lords of the north, namely, 
 Surleboy, a Scot ; which war ended not by your majesty's 
 forces, but by the loss of that rebel's chief instrument, 
 his son Alexander ; yet were the said traitors intreated 
 to accept of their pardon, and had more bestowed upon 
 them for playing the traitors, than they demanded 
 before. And my fear is, (if this expected fury shall 
 follow to be wars,) it will fall out to the like or a worse 
 issue ; for he who doth now oppose himself against the 
 earl, was the chief commander then, and did most dis- 
 honourably perform it, as shall be apparently proved 
 when it shall please your majesty to appoint. 
 
 I have heard, many think much, that the earl per- 
 ^rmed not his promise with the new lord deputy; but 
 they little consider what slender encouragement he had 
 given him at his coming in to do it, if he found, as like 
 he did, in what great peril he was to be detained. As, 
 notwithstanding the assurance whereupon he came in, if 
 his adversaries' credit would have place, he had been 
 restrained, there was no likelihood of his performance 
 of any thing he then undertook, because he saw himself 
 in so great peril; neither is it like he will hereafter 
 hazard the like ; but if his promise be expected to be 
 performed, then 1 think he desireth good assurance first 
 
APPENDIX. ^^5 
 
 of his own safety ; whereupon there may be hope he will 
 effect all promises, good offices and services, for the 
 good of that poor kingdom ; and till then, there is nothing 
 to be expected from him but doubt, and preparation to 
 defend himself and offend greatly. 
 
 When your majesty's garrison-soldiers were first 
 planted in the county of Monaghan, there was great 
 service offered to Sir William Fitzwilliam by Sir Henry 
 Duke, for his sitting down at the Abbey of Cloonis, 
 (whereof he is farmer,) with his own company of light 
 foot, and fifty of your highnesses garrison-soldiers ; and to 
 have discharged your majesty of all manner of victual- 
 ling charge, only to have been monthly fully paid their 
 entertainment ; and at that time there were at the same 
 abbey good and defensible buildings to succour your ma- 
 jesty's garrison, which are defaced and pulled down by 
 the traitors, for fear they should serve for that purpose. 
 If this offer had been accepted, it had greatly furthered 
 your majesty's service now, and peradventure had pre- 
 vented, or at least hindered the troubles now expected, 
 because it is so near upon Maguire's country and the 
 stay of his passage to the English pale. 
 
 Notwithstanding it much imported that this service 
 should have been hearkened unto, yet Sir William Fitz- 
 william's malice at that time was so extreme against Sir 
 Henry Duke, who no doubt would have performed it 
 as effectually as he offered it, he utterly rejected it; 
 even as he did the like and many greater services, offered 
 by other your majesty's good servitors there. 
 
 His greedy desire at that time in respect of his own 
 gain, made him careless of these offers, and of those 
 
 T 2 
 
276 APPENDIX, 
 
 good servitorsj who would freely offer lliemselves :' he 
 esteemed best of the baser sort, as of one Willis, and 
 such as he was, whom he made captains and officers in 
 the Irish countries, who with their great troops of base 
 rascals behaved themselves so disorderly, as made the 
 whole country to rise in an uproar, and to drive them 
 out; which advantage given by those bad and lewd fel- 
 lows to the ill-disposed Irishry, hath emboldened them 
 ever since to stand in no fear or subjection of your high- 
 nesses state, or forces there. These and many the like 
 services, as bad, or worse, did Sir William Fitzwilliam, 
 whilst he had authority in that place. 
 
 Although many needless journies were made by Sir 
 William Fitzwilliam, which were both chargeable to 
 your majesty, and troublesome to your poor subjects ; 
 yet was there one into the province of Conaught 
 which was very necessary, and grounded upon probable 
 reason, determined for the cutting off and utter banish- 
 ing of the traitor O'Roirke, and all his confederates ; 
 which service could not be performed without the assist- 
 ance of the Earl of Tyrone, who was sent unto before 
 the journey was undertaken. The messenger was one 
 belonging to your highness's counsel there, a friend of 
 Sir William Fitzwilliam's, and one well affected by the 
 Earl, who declared to him the cause of his coming 
 down to be for preparation against O' Roirke ; and what 
 the lord deputy's demand was, that the earl should per- 
 form therein. The earl most honourably (as he had 
 often times before,) undertook to perform as much as 
 the lord deputy then required, returning the said mes- 
 senger very well satisfied ; for he sent the lord deputy 
 word, he would be ready to attend the service with one 
 thousand men at the place appointed ; and more he 
 
APPENDIX. ^77 
 
 woiild have brought, if he had more time or sooner 
 warning. The place to him assigned, was on the bor- 
 der of Tyrconnel, on that side of Langherne towards 
 Conaught; there to stop the passage, that O'Roirke 
 with his companies and creatures should not that way 
 escape into those parts ; which he well liked of, and pro- 
 mised so to do ; adding further, (if it pleased the lord 
 deputy to command him,) he would break a ferry with his 
 forces into O'Roirke's covmtry, and either drive him out, 
 or deprive him of life and prey his whole country, and 
 do great service upon all O'Roirke's adherents. This 
 answer of the earl's seemed to satisfy the lord deputy 
 very well, who prepared your majesty's forces forthwith, 
 and sent word to the earl to be in readiness upon six 
 day's warning. 
 
 The lord deputy took with him all your highness's 
 garrison, the raising out of the pale as many as thought 
 fit, and went onward his journey, giving out (because 
 the rebels should not suspect,) that it was only to see 
 sessions and assizes duly kept in Conaught ; and sat in 
 divers places accordingly; insomuch as at length he 
 came to Sligo, which joins upon O'Roirke's country; 
 where he abode four or five days with all his forces, 
 being sufficient to execute upon O'Roirke and the other 
 traitors, as much as he had before determined. The 
 earl all this while expecting when he should be called 
 to that pretended service, kept all his forces ready to- 
 gether for that purpose ; which was no small charge 
 for him. But as it fell out afterwards. Sir William (as 
 it seemed,) had no such intention ; for upon a sudden he 
 departed from Sligo, journeying quite across the whole 
 province of Limerick, leaving O'Roirke's country at 
 his back ; doing no service, but charging the poor 
 
 T 3 
 
27B APPENDIX. 
 
 country, (whereof as then it had little need) ; imposing 
 the performance of all this expected stratagem on Sir 
 Richard Bingham, with some of the garrison to assist him ; 
 who most honourably and painfully prosecuted the said 
 proud traitor upon his feet, to the great endangering of 
 his life by the disease of that country, which caught him 
 in the pursuit of that traitor, whom he then drove out of 
 his country; by which means he was afterwards sent to 
 have his deserts here in England ; which exploit, (if it 
 had been performed as it was plotted by Sir William 
 Fitzwilliam,) O'Roirke had perished there; and all those 
 traitors, which are now assistants to his son, had then 
 been cut off. 
 
 It may please your majesty likewise to be advertised, 
 that divers persons have been, for their offences, par- 
 doned by your majesty, and thereby emboldened to 
 frequent all places without fear, having been appre- 
 hended and committed straightway to prison, without 
 any cause given (since their pardoning,) whereof law 
 might take hold : they have offered very sufficient bail, 
 which hath been refused, and they detained, because 
 they in times past were bad, (for which they were par- 
 doned,) or for fear they should be bad in time to come ; 
 and being thus kept severely in prison many years, they 
 have at length made friends there, and, by great sums 
 of money here, purchased their pardon from thence ; 
 whereby they have been enlarged now. When they ob- 
 tain their liberty by these money-means, and not by the 
 justice which your majesty's laws allow them, they think 
 themselves very hardly used ; and others thereby become 
 doubtful and afraid to trust to their pardons ; supposing, 
 if they want such friends and such means, they shall be 
 either indiscriminately cut off, or else for ever kept in 
 
APPENDIX. 279 
 
 prison upon suggestion or surmise. But if they might 
 perceive, that it is not your majesty's pleasure to have 
 them thus handled, and that none should lie in prison 
 without receiving trial by your highness's laws, even as 
 your good subjects which never offended, no doubt, it 
 would free them from great fear and suspicion, and 
 make them more dutiful than evei' they were. 
 
 There is one prisoner in the Castle of Dublin ; an 
 aged and impotent gentleman, of whom (if it be to your 
 highness's good pleasure,) I desire your majesty shall 
 take notice : his name is Sir Owen Mac Toole ; one 
 who was never a traitor against your majesty, nor 
 ever in any traitorous action ; but so good a subject 
 and so faithful a servitor, as (for his deserts,) he had 
 a pension from your majesty ; whereof Sir John Perrot 
 bereft him. This gentleman was sent for by promise 
 and assurance from the state, that he should not be 
 abridged of his liberty; contrary whereunto he was 
 committed unto prison, where he hath remained these 
 eight years ; for whose enlargement all bail hath been 
 refused; yet is the gentleman of so great years, as 
 he is not able to go, and scarcely able to ride ; for which 
 respects and for the state's promise, (methinks) he ought 
 to find favour : moreover he is pledge for no man ; if he 
 were, pledges profit nothing, as before I have rehearsed. 
 He is father-in-law to the earl of Tyrone ; and if the earl 
 recover your majesty's favour, how highly your majesty 
 shall honour yourself, by bestowing this old gentleman's 
 liberty upon the earl, and how much your majesty shall 
 provoke the earl to acknov/ledge your highness's favour 
 therein, your majesty may easily judge, and they who 
 know the state of that kingdom can inform : but if the 
 
 T 4 
 
280 APPENDIX. 
 
 earl be not so happy to obtain such grace at your 
 majesty's hands ; yet it may please your majesty, graci- 
 ously to regard the poor aged gentleman, that upon good 
 sureties he may have his liberty, for which I know there 
 would be five hundred pounds given ; though he can by 
 no means stead them in any bad practice against your 
 majesty's state there, neither in body nor council ; neither 
 can his imprisonment stay any of his friends from doing 
 evil, if they be badly disposed : if, therefore, your highness 
 will be pleased to release him of your own princely 
 motion, he putting in sufficient sureties, within the 
 English pale, to be ever ready, within twenty days, to 
 answer to whatsoever may be objected, you shall find 
 him (as his bounden duty,) alwaj^s to pray for your high- 
 ness, and mightily encrease the affection of your majesty's 
 people. 
 
 For the due reformation of all the disorders in that 
 poor realm of Ireland, and the execution of what 
 worthy action soever shall be by your majesty and 
 your honourable council here determined, and for re- 
 covering the honour of that state which former go- 
 vernors there have lost, your majesty, in judgment, 
 hath made most excellent choice of the now lord de- 
 puty ; a man accompanied with all necessary parts, both 
 in body and mind ; as I doubt not, but his service shall 
 hereafter give good testimony, although he have re- 
 ceived the sword in a far more troublesome and dan- 
 gerous time than any of his late predecessors ever did : 
 for neither the last Desmond's wars, nor those of 
 Connor's and the Moore's, being both put together, are 
 comparable to that which is now expected, if it proves 
 wars; which I desire (if it be God's will and youi' 
 
APPENDIX. ^81 
 
 inajesty's good pleasure), may be otherwise ; not for my 
 private affection for any in the north ; but for the 
 public good which I wish to that poor kingdom. 
 
 For the benefit whereof, and for the performance of 
 all such honourable services as are now expedient to 
 be done, and all the rest before in this declaration 
 mentioned, it is your majesty who must not only direct 
 him, but also, thoroughly enable his lordship, that he 
 may give better encouragement to your majesty's soldiers 
 to take pains in your highness's service, than they have 
 had or yet have ; because they daily see, that he who 
 never served your majesty in those services, shall come 
 to far better preferment in that place, than the best com- 
 mander or serving servitor there. Besides, you cannot 
 get that done, which they do, who painfully and faith- 
 fully serve. 
 
 What encouragement then can a man have to off*er 
 himself in the wars of that country, who shall neither 
 get honour, reward, nor payment for his labour? I 
 speak by experience of myself, who, (upon my credit,) 
 have not had ten crowns imprest of my own private pay 
 those ten years, to furnish me towards your majesty's 
 service when I was called upon ; yet I have made one at 
 all times. 
 
 When such hard measure then is offered unto cap- 
 tains, I humbly refer to your majesty, what encourage- 
 ment they can have to go to the field ; although, without 
 money or any thing else, they will do their best endeavour, 
 with their substance, and themselves, to do your high- 
 ness service ; because I know (and so do all the rest) that 
 
28S APPENDIX. 
 
 it is not your majesty's pleasure to have them so discour- 
 aged ; but the fault is in them, who have been thither 
 sent as deputies, who have preferred their own gain be- 
 fore your highnesses honour and service, or the just re- 
 ward of such as have most truly and painfully served ; 
 and for that would please such cowardly captains, as 
 were their instruments, to bring them in cows, to convert 
 into angels, to cram their greedy purses ; whom I have a 
 better will particularly to name, than thus generally to 
 write of, if I were persuaded your highness would there- 
 upon discard them ; and I know they would not challenge 
 me, because I do them no wrong. 
 
 To encourage, therefore, your majesty's soldiers, and 
 to furnish the lord deputy against all accidents that may 
 happen, if it may please your majesty, that all the trea- 
 sure, which is sent over into that realm, at sundry times, 
 may be entirely sent at one time, with commandment, 
 that your majesty's whole garrison may be fully paid 
 every month, your majesty should be most honourably 
 served, and the soldiers well contented, and the subjects 
 not occasioned to exclaim for want of payment for the 
 soldiers' diet, when both captains and soldiers should 
 have in their purses to satisfy that, and to furnish them- 
 selves with all other necessaries. 
 
 For, notwithstanding your highness's garrison hath 
 been so slenderly paid these many years, your majesty 
 hath not saved any thing thereby; but it hath enriched a 
 sort of base clerks, and beggarly merchants, who will not 
 credit a captain now for a groat on his bill ; but all the 
 commodity goeth to the lord deputy, the clerks, and the 
 merchants; so as the captain, to furnish his company, 
 
APPENDIX. 283 
 
 can get no money unless he will give 400 for 200, or 200 
 for 1 00, and after the like rate ; and in this prowling 
 manner your soldiers are paid. 
 
 For as much as your majesty doth pay all in the end, 
 you may (if it be your highness's pleasure,) as well bene- 
 fit your captains, and soldiers, as other men's clerks, by 
 sending an overplus of treasure to the lord deputy, to 
 pay the old debt, due only to captains and soldiers ; 
 which few thousands will discharge ; except it be to one 
 man, unto whom your majesty oweth five or six thou- 
 sand pounds, which (if it be your highness's pleasure,) 
 may with safe conscience be detained in your hands; be- 
 cause he hath so ill deserved, through the dishonouring 
 your majesty, in the place wherein he serveth. 
 
 And now, (most gracious sovereign,) for that (as I 
 have heai'd,) it hath been credibly reported to your ma- 
 jesty, that the last Desmond's wars, did cost but forty 
 thousand pounds ; thereby, the rather to induce your 
 highness to make wars upon the north, I have thought 
 it my duty (under your majesty's protection,) to set down 
 the truth thereof; whereby it may the more easily be 
 judged, what the charge of these expected troubles may 
 stand your highness in, by comparing the said Des- 
 mond's wars and these together. 
 
 The charge of those wars to your majesty was high ; 
 notwithstanding the great supplies then had of your sub- 
 jects, and the great succour and assistance of sundry 
 castles and good towns, which held firm and faithful to 
 your majesty, to receive and aid your soldiers upon all 
 extremes ; which towns and castles stood in most commo- 
 dious places, not only to annoy, but utterly in a manner 
 
284 APPENDIX. 
 
 to overthrow the traitor, and all his co-partners; and 
 -where it cost your majesty then one pound, it cost your 
 subjects three, during all the time of those wars ; which 
 charge of your subjects I can well make out; for the 
 chief lord of one small village, who had but eight pounds 
 yearly r^nt for the same village, paid for one year's cost 
 to your highness's soldiers, thirty-eight pounds sterling ; 
 whereof I was also an eye-witness : these wars, I say, did 
 •stand your majesty in four-score thousand pounds at the 
 least; for the monthly charge was seven thousand pounds, 
 besides the victualling by sea ; and yet after all this, your 
 majesty afforded pardon to th^ basest rebel, who then 
 took arms against you, who yet liveth in view of your 
 .state. 
 
 The cause of those Desmond's wars, was even like to 
 this in the north, through the great mistaking of the 
 Desmond's adversaries ; and that it cost your majesty no 
 less than I do here set down, Sir Henry Wallop can 
 well testify. 
 
 Moreover, there are no helps to be hoped for in the 
 north, either of castles, or towns within to garrison, or 
 once lodge your majesty's soldiers, for the following and 
 suppressing of those traitors ; for those parts are merely 
 void of such refuge : again, all the friends to your high- 
 ness in those countries are but two, O'Hanlon and Ma- 
 ginnis; and they uncertain, as your majesty may thus 
 judge. For O'Hanlon is married to the earl of Tyrone's 
 sister, and merely enriched by the earl. Maginnis his 
 eldest son, is to marry the earl's daughter ; and this affi- 
 nity, in the manner of the Irish, is always to the party 
 they see strongest ; and when your majesty (as there ijs no 
 
APPENDIX, ^85 
 
 doubt) shall prevail, they will then seek favour, and 
 make offer of much service, but seldom or never perfornt 
 any; whereof myself have been too often a witness. 
 These things considered, it may please your majesty, and 
 honourable council, to be rightly and thoroughly adver- 
 tised, before there be wars made in the north parts, 
 whatsoever by sinister information may be suggested to 
 the contrary. 
 
 For it is not the north only your majesty shall now 
 have to deal withal ; but your highnesses whole province 
 of Conaught shall be in great peril of losing, except sir 
 Richard Bingham be more strongly enabled or assisted 
 than he now is, trusting to only one band of 100 foot 
 and 50 horse; wherewith, I confess, he hath done great 
 service. Knockfergus, and the Clanboys which are now 
 garrisoned with only 100 foot and 25 horse (who have 
 done your majesty no service, by reason of such bad 
 commanders as have been appointed over them,) cannot 
 but be lost without a very great garrison, and exceeding 
 great charge ; so that your highness's realm of Ireland, 
 being now (as it were) divided into four parts, viz. Lein- 
 ster, Munster, Conaught and Ulster, will be in very 
 great danger to be half lost; for Ulster is the earl's 
 already ; and in Conaught there are divers, who have 
 been traitors not long since, (and yet scarce good sub- 
 jects,) who watch but such an opportunity. And in 
 Leinster there are many, who now stir not, who will 
 then rise in arms, namely, the Birns, the Tools, the 
 Moors, the Connors, and the Cavenaughs, and many 
 other false traitors as those, who (if they once perceive 
 troubles to increase in the north,) will seek to molest and 
 offend the English pale, as they have done in times past. 
 
286 APPENDIX. 
 
 And one special matter more is to be thought upon : 
 where your majesty in all the wars of Shane O'Neale 
 had Tyrconnel faithful and ready to do your highness 
 service, and to assist your soldiers, giving the traitors 
 many overthrows (being then an utter enemy to all the 
 Neales) ; now it is not so ; for O'Donnel is married to 
 the Earl of Tyrone's daughter, and is thereby so linked 
 to him, that no place of succour is left to your majesty's 
 forces in all the north ; for Sir John O'Dogherty (who 
 was well affected to your majesty's service) is now in 
 hold under O'Donnel, so as no aid is to be expected 
 li'om him. This poor gentleman hath been hardly used 
 on both sides; first by Sir William Fitzwilliam who 
 imprisoned him, in hope to have had of him some Spa- 
 nish gold ; and now by O'Donnel, because he shall not 
 in these troubles annoy him. 
 
 To write of all other particulars belonging to the 
 north would be over-tedious : to conclude, therefore, 
 (with your majesty's pardon) there are but two ways; 
 either to accept of their own offers of submission and 
 contribution, for defraying of the charges in this dis- 
 course especially before mentioned, and so to place 
 your majesty's garrisons in their countries, thereby to 
 hold them in continual obedience to your highness's profit, 
 or else, to make royal war upon them, and so utterly 
 to overthrow and root them up through all the whole 
 north of that kingdom, and plant others in their room 
 or places. I may in no wise omit humbly to acquaint 
 your majesty, what great hinderance unto your pre- 
 sent service the stay of Sir Robert Gardiner his com- 
 ing over is like to be ; because that he can best truly 
 report to your highness the state of Ireland, who (as 
 
 19 
 
APPENDIX. 287 
 
 he was specially chosen by your majesty, to be a chief 
 instrument for the good of that poor kingdom, where 
 he ever did, and doth minister such u})right justice as 
 is void of bribery, affection, intreaty of friends, or fear 
 of authority to over-rule him, to do any thing unfit for 
 a man of his place) can very hardly be spared from 
 thence ; yet, the necessity of this time importeth it were 
 (under pardon) most meet he was sent for with all speed ; 
 for that as he can so well without fear of any, inform 
 your majesty truly how the state of that your kingdom 
 now standeth, and show good means how to stay this 
 expected present fury, that is like to happen to the utter 
 ruin, and cutting off many of your majesty's subjects, and 
 the exceeding expence of your highnesses treasure ; there 
 will be (no doubt) many reasons alleged to your ma- 
 jesty to stay him there ; but I humbly beseech your 
 highness not to hearken to them, for the authors of these 
 troubles are afraid of his coming thither; but his in- 
 stant repair over will more avail him than his stay 
 there ; although it is well known he doth (as far as his 
 authority extendeth) afford the people justice, without 
 begging it or buying it, which hath been too often bouglit 
 and sold there. And your majesty may at pleasure re- 
 turn him hither again, when he hath done exceeding 
 good service there ; although I fear he will be loath (if 
 either his own credit or friends may prevail) to go back 
 thither any more; because he saith he is not able to 
 do your majesty such good service, as he would and 
 might if he were more strongly assisted : moreover, 
 good deserts there procure scarce good opinion or 
 friends here. 
 
 What I mean to say thus much, when it is not to be 
 amended ; nay, what pity it is, that so gracious a prince^ 
 
288 APPENDIX* 
 
 lis is your majesty, cannot help it. For these many years 
 past your poor subjects have been crying out for justice^ 
 and could never get it : besides, it is grown to such gain 
 by corruption, that unless your majesty vouchsafe to 
 take upon yourself, or make special choice of some 
 of your honourable council here to look in to it, it will 
 not be holden ; for if it be referred (as it hath been) 
 there will be such shuffling, and so much time spent, 
 as to save the credit of some one, that thousands of 
 your majesty's good subjects shall perish the while ; and 
 the rather, because advice is chiefly required of him, 
 who is causer of all these troubles ; and that your ma- 
 jesty may the better judge what good can follow by his 
 directions, let him set down what service he did you, 
 when he had the whole authority in his own hands; 
 whereby your highness may discern the rest. I know 
 (and thereon dare pawn my life) he cannot prove any 
 one honourable or profitable service he did your ma- 
 jesty therein, at the time of his government. Opinion 
 is likewise required of some other counsellors now here, 
 who can say as little of those northern parts, as he who 
 was never there. 
 
 This being most true, let not (I humbly beseech your 
 majesty) your poor realm of Ireland be trusting to be 
 advised by those, who know your service there by their 
 own experience, and eye-witness of that whereof they 
 shall yield their opinion ; and no one (of a counsellor) 
 can do it better than Sir Robert Gardiner ; because his 
 circuit is northward; whereby he doth hear the griefs 
 and discontentments of those people. 
 
 Moreover, I must beseech your majesty to be no 
 longer abused by lip-labour, and paper, and ink ; which 
 
APPENDIX. 289 
 
 have these many years gone for current payment, in- 
 stead of good service ; and in show of discovering great 
 and weighty causes, when in truth they seldom tend to 
 any such purpose; but seeing your majesty doth pay 
 them so well, it may please you to require better service 
 at their hands, whom your highness doth there put in 
 trust. 
 
 If I have in this my plain and simple discourse of- 
 fended your majesty any way, I most humbly ask par- 
 don for the same. 
 
 As the physician cannot cure the disease of his patient, 
 until he both know and take away the cause thereof, so 
 neither are the calamities of your majesty's kingdom of 
 Ireland to be remedied, until your majesty be both 
 rightly advertised of the same, and put in practice the 
 redress of the great abuses there ; which cannot be better 
 done (in my simple skill,) than by making an example of 
 some one who has served your majesty corruptly in that 
 place ; and the greater the personage is, the greater the 
 justice, and the more your honour in making a prece- 
 dent of such a one ; for your inferior officers can punish 
 small offenders ; but it is in your majesty only to correct 
 the mighty transgressors. 
 
 There is no well-advised captain will make offer of 
 service, but he hopeth to perform or lose his life ; and 
 especially when he shall not gain thereby ; for his soldiers 
 must be paid, or else they will not serve : besides, he 
 must keep them, or else he cannot effect the service un- 
 dertaken ; so that his only hope of gain resteth in reput- 
 ation, reward, and preferment from your majesty, as he 
 
 VOL. I. u 
 
290 APPENDIX. 
 
 shall deserve, and not in polling and pilling the soldierjf 
 and your majesty's subjects. 
 
 These good services, then, being accepted, and the 
 abuses reformed, there is no doubt but your majesty's 
 kingdom of Ireland shall quickly flourish in true subjec- 
 tion and due obedience, to your majesty's honour and 
 comfort ; which I beseech the Almighty to grant and 
 continue. 
 
 The considerations (most gracious sovereign,) of my 
 own estate, who have engaged myself and my friends 
 very far, for means to live, and do your majesty service, 
 hath many times (in the penning of this discourse,) sought 
 to withhold me from discovering to your highness these 
 causes of discontentments of your poor people in that 
 kingdom, and the bad managing of your majesty's affairs 
 there, with the means of quieting them, of advancing 
 your majesty's service, and advantaging your revenues ; 
 assuring myself, that the doing of such an office would 
 neither procure me any friends, nor pay any of my 
 debts: besides, its against my profession (being a sol- 
 dier,) to be a penman, or so earnestly to seek for peace. 
 Yet, nevertheless, when I considered what due honour 
 may be unto God, what true service to your highness, 
 and what good to that poor commonweal, it made me 
 utterly neglect my own fortune, and respect of my pri- 
 vate benefit, and emboldened me to discharge my duty 
 to God and your majesty, and disclose my zeal for bene- 
 fiting that poor realm ; and if these my labours shall be 
 rightly conceived of by your majesty, and your most ho- 
 nourable council, I shall think my time happily spent, 
 and enjoy as much as I desire. 
 
APPENDIX. 291 
 
 And thus, most humbly beseeching pardon for this 
 my bold and rude discourse, and praying on my knees 
 to Almighty God, the director of all princes' hearts, 
 that it may please him to move your majesty's mind, duly 
 to consider of the premises, and pitifully to regard the 
 present state of that your poor kingdom — and beseech 
 him to bless your highness with all honour, health, and 
 princely happiness, long to reign over us — I most humbly 
 conclude with this my petition : — ' 
 
 I humbly beseech your majesty, if it be your gracious 
 pleasure, to accept the earl of Tyrone into your high- 
 ness's protection, that he may safely come in unto your 
 majesty, or to your lord deputy, and hither, at your plea- 
 sure ; that I may be the messenger, because at my com* 
 ing over he reposed great trust in me, to deliver unto 
 your majesty those things wherewith he found himself 
 grieved ; wherein I doubt not but to do your highness ac- 
 ceptable service, by reason of the poor credit I have with 
 him. But if your majesty be minded to deal otherwise 
 with him, (because it hath been reported by those who 
 are adversaries both to him and to me, that 1 am a great 
 friend unto him,) to show what manner of love mine is to- 
 wards him, there is none of them, nor any other, who 
 shall do greater service than I will, if it please your ma- 
 jesty to command me, and enable me fit for it. If not, 
 my service and myself rest at your highness's command, 
 to be disposed as it shall please you, for whom, as is my 
 bounden duty, I will daily pray, &c. 
 
 Your majesty's faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 Thomas Lee. 
 
 u 2 
 
20^ APPENDIX. 
 
 We quote the following from the " Pacata Hibernia," 
 as a sample of Irish government in past times, and a spe- 
 cimen of the chivalrous spirit in which British com- 
 manders conducted their wars against the " rehellious 
 Irish'' The book is one of great authority ; the writer 
 being no less a person than the lord president of Mun- 
 ster himself under Elizabeth, George Carew, earl Totnes. 
 
 " Hereupon one John Nugent, sometimes servant to 
 s-ir John Norris, late president of Munster, pretending 
 some wrongs and injuries to be offered unto him by the 
 state, joined with the rebels, and became (to his power,) 
 the most malicious and bloody traitor in all these parts. 
 At last having, as it should seem, spit his poison and 
 spent his venom, sought to sir Warham St. Leger and 
 sir Henry Power, the commissioners, to be received into 
 protection ; who, more for fear of the hurt that he might 
 do, than hope of the good that he would do, granted 
 the same, until the lord president's pleasure (who was 
 now ready to depart from Dubhn towards Munster,) were 
 further known. At this time, therefore, Nugent came 
 to make his submission to the president, and to desire 
 pardon for his faults committed : answer was made, that 
 for so much as his crimes and offences had been extraor- 
 dinary, he could not hope to be reconciled unto the state, 
 except he would deserve it by extraordinary service ; 
 * Which,' saith the President, ' if you shall perform, you 
 may deserve not only pardon for your faults committed 
 heretofore, but also some store of crowns to relieve your 
 wants hereafter.' He presently promised not to be want- 
 ing in any thing that lay in the power of one man to per- 
 form ; and, in private, made offer to the president, that 
 if he might be well recompensed, he would ruiii^ within 
 a short space, either the Sngan earl, or John Fitz 
 
APPENDIX. 293 
 
 Tliomas, his brother. And, indeed, very likely he was 
 both to attempt and perform as much as he spake : to 
 attempt, because he was so valiant and daring, as that he 
 did not fear any thing ; and to execute, because by rea- 
 son of his many outrages before committed, the chief 
 rebels did repose great confidence in him. But the pre- 
 sident having contrived a plot for James Fitz Thomas, 
 (as is before shewed,) gave him in charge to undertake 
 John, his brother. 
 
 " But because the matter might be carried on without 
 any suspicion, upon the next morrow, the council being 
 set and a great concourse of people assembled, Nugent 
 reneweth his suit for the continuance of his protection. 
 But the president, rehearsing in public audience a ca- 
 talogue of his mischievous outrages lately committed, 
 told the council, that having further enquired and better 
 considered of man and matter, for his part, he thought 
 it an action of very ill example to receive unto mercy 
 such a notorious malefactor. The council were all of the 
 same opinion, who, reviling him with many biting and 
 bitter speeches, and assuring him that if it were not for 
 a religious regard that was holden of the Queen's word, 
 he should pay a dear price for his former misdemeanors ; 
 and so, with public disgrace, was he dismissed their 
 presence. 
 
 " Soon after, Nugent intending no longer to defer the 
 enterprise, attempted the execution in this sort : — The 
 president being past Loughguire, John Fitz Thomas 
 riding forth of the island towards the fastness of Ar- 
 loghe, where most of his men remained, with one other 
 called John Coppinger, whom he had acquainted with 
 the enterprise, and, as he thought, made sure unto him, 
 
 u 3 
 
294 APPENDIX. 
 
 attended this great captain ; and being now passed a cer- 
 tain distance from all company, permitted John Fitz 
 Thomas to ride a little before him, minding (his back 
 being turned) to shoot him through with his pistol : 
 which, for the purpose, was well charged with two bul- 
 lets. The opportunity offered, the pistol bent, both 
 heart and hand ready to do the deed — when Coppinger 
 at the instant snatched the pistol from him, crying, 
 Treason ! wherewith John Fitz Thomas turning himself 
 about, perceived his intent. Nugent, thinking to escape 
 by the goodness of his horse, spurred hard ; the horse 
 stumbled, and he taken — and the next day, after examin- 
 ation, and confession of his intent, hanged. This plot, 
 although it attained not fully the desired success, yet it 
 proved to be of great consequence ; for now was John 
 Fitz Thomas possessed with such a jealous suspicion of 
 every one, that he durst not remain long at Loughguire, 
 for fear of some other like attempt, that might be 
 wrought against him," 
 
 We need make no observation upon this system of 
 assassination. What could that country be where it was 
 openly practised by the first authorities in the state ? 
 These were the men who came to civilize the Irish ! — 
 who called their struggles for the inheritances of their 
 fathers, rebellion, and their impatience under the yoke 
 of assassins, barbarism. 
 
 We proceed to give from the pen of the same author, 
 an instance of management^ not of a very uncommon 
 kind, perhaps ; but it will shew what high notions of honor 
 and fair dealing existed among the " conquerors of 
 Ireland," and in what way some of the calumnies 
 against Ireland and Irish " rebels" have originated. 
 
APPENDIX. Q95 
 
 After the surrender of the Spaniards, under Don Juan 
 de Aguila, at Kinsale, in January, 1601 — the lord pre- 
 sident proceeds : — 
 
 " About the tenth of February, Don Juan de Aguila, 
 residing in Cork, whilst his troops were preparing to be 
 embarqued for Spain; in this interim, a Spanish pin- 
 nace landed in the westernmost part of the province ; and 
 in her there was a messenger sent from the king to Don 
 Juan de Aguila, with a packet of letters. The president 
 having knowledge thereof told the lord deputy, that if 
 he had a desire to know the King of Spain's intentions, 
 there was a good occasion offered : the lord deputy's 
 heart itcJmig to have the letters in his hands, prayed the 
 president to intercept them, if he could handsomely 
 do it. The president undertook it ; and having notice 
 that the next morning the messenger would come from 
 Kinsale to Cork, and knowing that there was but two 
 ways by the which he might pass, called captain Wil- 
 liam Nuce to him, (who commanded his foot company,) 
 to make choice of such men as he could trust to lie 
 upon those passages ; and when they saw such a 
 Spaniard, whom he had described unto him, to seize 
 upon him, and as thieves to rob him, both of his letters, 
 horses, and money ; not to hurt his person, but to leave 
 him and his guide bound, that he might make no swift 
 pursuit after them; and when they had delivered him 
 the letters, to run away. Captain Nuce so well followed 
 his instructions, as the Spaniard was taken in a little 
 wood, and the letters brought at dinner time. Don 
 Juan (if I do not mistake,) that very day dining with 
 him, who instantly carried them to the lord deputy, 
 where at good leisure the packets were opened and read ; 
 which done, the president went to his house, leaving the 
 
 u 4 
 
296 APPENDIX. 
 
 letters with the lord deputy. The same evening the 
 Spanish messenger, having been unbound by passengers, 
 came to Don Juan de Aguila, relating his misfortune in 
 being: robbed not five miles from the town. Don Juan 
 de Aguik went immediately to the lord deputy, griev- 
 ously complaining that the messenger was robbed by 
 soldiers, as he alleged. The lord deputy seemed no 
 less sorry ; but, said he, * it is a common thing in 
 all armies to have debauched soldiers,' but he rather 
 thought it to be done by some of the country thieves; 
 but if the fact was committed by soldiers, it was most 
 like to be done by some Irishmen^ who thought it to be 
 a good purchase, (as well as the money,) to get the 
 letters, to shew them unto their friends in rebellion, 
 that they might the better understand in what estate 
 they were in. Don Juan not being satisfied with this 
 answer, desired the lord deputy to inquire of the lord 
 president, (for of his intercepting of them he had a vehe- 
 ment suspicion,) whether he had any knowledge of the 
 matter ; and so they departed. The next morning the 
 lord deputy related to the lord president, the complaint 
 and his answers. Don Juan, eager in the pursuit of his 
 letters, came to know of the lord deputy what the pre- 
 sident answered. The lord deputy answ^ered him upon 
 his faith, that he was sure the president had them not ; 
 which he might well do, for they were in his own 
 possession. In conclusion, a proclamation was made, 
 and a reward in the same promised for him that could 
 discover the thieves ; and a pardon for their lives granted 
 that committed the fact, if they would come in and con- 
 fess it : with this Don Juan rested satisfied." 
 
APPENDIX. 297 
 
 *' But in the two cases in which the terms of the Union 
 came in question, the interests of Ireland found no 
 favour" — Page 57. 
 
 We allude here to the well known cases of the Spirit 
 Intercourse question, and the Union Duties. — The public 
 of Ireland were, in the one case, baffled by an argument 
 in the exchequer — of England ! — the Irish exchequer 
 would have decided otherwise ; — in the other, there was 
 a shew of favour, and a grievous injury. 
 
^98 APPENDIX. 
 
 PENAL LAWS.— Paffe67. 
 
 &' 
 
 W^E shall go into no details on this disagreeable head. 
 We shall merely set forth the nature of this extraor- 
 dinary code very shortly. 
 
 Law of descent. — The penal code changed the descent 
 of lands in popish hands — the right of primogeniture 
 was taken away ; and a species of gavelkind substi- 
 tuted. On the death of the father, the land was to be 
 divided equally amongst all the male children : and again, 
 on the death of each son his portion was subdivided 
 amongst his children ; and so on, until the estate was 
 reduced to nothing. This law took away the right of 
 disposing of such property by will or settlement. 
 
 The conformity of the son of a papist, immediately 
 reduced the estate of the father to a life estate merely : 
 the son acquired the reversion and inheritance, dis- 
 charged of any voluntary settlement previously made: 
 he might sell the reversion immediately. He could also 
 compel the father to allow him a present maintenance 
 suited to his rank, out of the estate in possession ; and 
 force him to swear to the value of his property. Any 
 son may do this ; nor is there any limit as to age. 
 
 As to personal property, the son conforming may 
 compel the father to account in chancery; and he is 
 then entitled to a third part of it. And the son may 
 file his bill for this purpose, as often as he thinks 
 
APPENDIX. "^99 
 
 proper. And if the father, by industry, or otherwise, 
 has increased his property, the son is entitled to a third 
 part of this also. 
 
 The wife, by conformity, may deprive her husband of 
 the care and direction of his children. 
 
 All persons of the Popish persuasion are disabled 
 from taking or purchasing, directly or by a trust, any 
 land, or mortgage upon land ; any rents or profits upon 
 land ; any lease, interest, or term of any land ; any 
 annuity for life or lives, or years ; or any estate what- 
 soever, chargeable upon, or which may in any manner 
 affect any lands. 
 
 There is one exception, a lease for a term not exceed- 
 ing thirty-one years; provided not less than two-thirds 
 of the full improved yearly value be reserved; other- 
 wise, to be void. It must also be in possession, and not 
 in reversion ; otherwise, it is forfeited to the first Pro- 
 testant discoverer. 
 
 A Papist could not have the benefit of an elegit ; as 
 this might create an estate in land. 
 
 Papists were excluded from the army and the law. 
 Chamber practice and private conveyancing were pro- 
 hibited. Every barrister, six-clerk, attorney, or solicitor, 
 was obliged to take a solemn oath, not to employ per- 
 sons of that persuasion, in however low a capacity. 
 
 No tradesman could, by any service or settlement, 
 obtain his freedom in any town corporate ; and papists 
 
300 APPENDIX. 
 
 are expressly forbidden to take more than two appren- 
 tices, except in the Knen manufacture only. 
 
 Popish school-masters, of every kind, are proscribed. 
 It is made felony to teach in a private family. 
 
 Being sent to any Popish school, or college abroad, 
 upon conviction, incurs (if the party sent has any estate 
 of inheritance,) a kind of perpetual outlawry ; notwith- 
 standing the tender age of the party, his ignorance of 
 the law, or subservience to the will of others. He 
 forfeits all his goods and chattels for ever — for his life, 
 all his lands, hereditaments, offices, and estate of freehold ; 
 and all trusts, powers, or interests therein. He is 
 disabled to sue in law or equity; to be guardian, 
 executor, or administrator. He is rendered incapable of 
 any legacy or deed of gift. 
 
 All persons concerned in sending abroad young per- 
 sons for their education, or assisting in maintaining 
 them, become liable to the same penalties and dis- 
 abilities. 
 
 Papists are forbidden to keep arms ; their houses are 
 to be searched annually ; and any two magistrates may 
 enter or force open any house at their pleasure, with or 
 without information, between sun-rise and sun-set in the 
 country ; in town, at any time of the day or night, in 
 search of arms. 
 
 All Popish clergymen were to be registered ; and those 
 not registered, transported. 
 
APPENDIX. 301 
 
 Any Protestant may offer any Papist five pounds for 
 his horse, of whatsoever value; and the law compelled 
 the latter to accept the tender, and give his horse. 
 
 We might be much more particular; and we might 
 add much more ; (and there is some, that could not with 
 decency be added); but there is enough of this subject. 
 
 Drinking the Cup of the N'ew Testament. — Page 73. 
 
 We happen to know of a scene of this description, 
 which occurred in a remote country church, not far from 
 Fermoy, in the county of Cork, about fifty years since. 
 Two Catholic gentlemen, who held a small estate in 
 common, were threatened by a nobleman in their neigh- 
 bourhood with a suit, for the purpose of depriving them 
 of their estate, because of their adherence to the " Popish 
 religion." Neither of these gentlemen had much re- 
 ligion*" of any kind; but it was exceedingly painful, not- 
 withstanding, to be compelled to make profession of a 
 creed which they had been used to hold in abhorrence. 
 They were Roman Catholics by birth and prejudice 
 only ; but their detestation of Protestantism was not the 
 less sincere. The question was now, between their 
 estate and their religion. They did not hesitate to give 
 up the latter ; but this was not enough — it was necessary, 
 not merely that they should cease to be Catholics, they 
 must become Protestants also. The law offered them 
 a choice between beggary for themselves and their fami- 
 
30£ APPENDIX. 
 
 lies, and the most solemn and horrible perjury. They were 
 called upon to swear, not merely that they renounced the 
 religion of Rome, but that they believed it to be erroneous, 
 superstitious, and damnable. They were compelled to 
 swear this, calling upon the name of God, in his Church, 
 at his Altar, drinking the wine of the New Testament, 
 the blood of the Christian sacrifice, in confirmation of 
 the oath. The parties we allude to, proceeded to this 
 horrid perjury, not insensible of its aggravated and 
 enormous character ; but throwing the guilt from them 
 and their children, upon those who had devised such 
 inhuman laws, and such a complex system of intolerable 
 tyranny — upon them and upon their posterity, they in- 
 voked at the altar those judgments which they be- 
 lieved must be drawn down by the guilt of those trans- 
 actions. They were at liberty to profess that they were 
 swearing a falsehood : the law regarded the oath, but 
 not the truth of it. 
 
 A very early hour in the morning was chosen for this 
 shocking transaction — and a church in a remote situa- 
 tion, and little frequented. The church, indeed, was 
 partly in ruins ; the rain, in many places, had made its 
 way throijgh the roof, and the aisle was wet and dirty. 
 The windows were broken ; and a few grave-stones, in 
 the body of the church, bearing the names of some old 
 Cromwellian families were fringed with grass. There 
 was an air of sadness and desolation over the whole 
 scene. Shortly after light, two gentlemen arrived on 
 horseback, and dismounted at the gate ; the clerk had 
 been waiting for them. They advanced with little 
 ceremony to the communion-table, calling loudly for the 
 parson ; swearing vehemently, that it was a shame to 
 keep them waiting, and striking the broken railing with 
 
 19 
 
APPENDIX. 803 
 
 their wliips ; ov sounding their impatience, l>y the clatter 
 of their heavy boots and spurs as they came in contact. 
 They were both rather young men, though married and 
 having famiUes. 
 
 The parson soon appeared. He had been apprized 
 of the object of their visit; and he knew the parties. 
 They, too, knew him immediately; and received him* 
 with a shout of recognition. There was something of 
 good nature, and kindness, and contempt in it, towards 
 the person who stood before them. He was a reformed 
 priest ; not reformed by his convictions, but by his vices. 
 As a priest, he was a jovial liver, and had often been the 
 companion of the men before him in their carousings.. 
 He was not a bad man ; but he had fallen before the 
 temptations he had been exposed to. His irregularities, 
 not with wine and whiskey only, but with the buxom and 
 blue-eyed penitents of his parish, had become too noto- 
 rious to be winked at any longer. He saw that there 
 was an end of his ministry under the Romish church ; 
 and, before it was too late, he made good his retreat into 
 the establishment. Here he was received without en- 
 quiry ; and father O'Flyn, now metamorphosed into the 
 
 Reverend Patrick Flynn, enjoyed the curacy of , 
 
 and forty pounds a year. The Reverend Mr. Flyn 
 was, however, in no respect changed or improved : he 
 was still an implicit believer in the doctrines and supre- 
 macy of Rome; and, in order to quiet his conscience, 
 he gave himself up without reserve to his vices. Flyn 
 was a tall, strong-built man, and had been handsome : 
 his former companions had not seen him for some years : 
 in that time, his nose had assumed a deeper die of 
 crimson : he took more snuff; and there was an air of 
 greater neglect and abandonment about his person, mixed 
 
304 . APPENDIX. 
 
 with melancholy. His visitors tried some coarse jests 
 and allusions to former times, but did not succeed in 
 disturbing his gravity. He knew their business, and 
 received them kindly, recognizing them as old friends ; 
 but proceeded to dispatch the affair in hand without 
 delay. He made no observation upon the oaths and 
 imprecations which were mixed with the ceremony ; and 
 when one of the parties spat the wine from his mouth, 
 which he had just drank from the chalice, observing, 
 with a horrid levity, that he preferred punch, Flyn 
 turned pale for an instant, and, it is said, crossed himself 
 devoutly, and said a short prayer in Latin to the Virgin. 
 But he recovered himself instantly, and left the church. 
 The two converts from popery mounted their horses, 
 and rode off full gallop. 
 
APPENDIX. 805 
 
 CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT. — TITHES. Page 105. 
 
 The great wealth of the estabhshment in Ireland, and 
 the singularity of its situation, have excited general 
 attention and astonishment. This could not fail to be 
 the case, so soon as these circumstances began to attract 
 the notice they deserved. It may, perhaps, seem strange 
 to some, that we should profess respect for the clergy 
 generally, and great regard for individual characters 
 amongst them, together with the utmost abhorrence for 
 the system which has oppressed the country, and, in our 
 opinion, materially injured the church, or, at least, the 
 cause of religion in Ireland. We think we are not guilty 
 of inconsistency. The strange position of the established 
 clergy, with great revenues, and few or no duties to per- 
 form, miffht well account for defects and errors amonsfst 
 them, greater even than what are found to prevail. It 
 supposes much merit in a church so highly paid, not to 
 be exceedingly corrupt, even setting aside the material 
 circumstance of being almost without employment. 
 
 It seems admitted, generally, that there must be a com- 
 mutation of tithes in Ireland. Perhaps it would do 
 away the objections which are still made to this measure, 
 if the existing possessions of benefices were left at liberty 
 to apply the law, v/hen enacted, in their own case, or 
 not, as they may think proper, making it imperative on 
 their successors only. It seems fair to permit such per- 
 sons the benefit of that system, if they prefer it, under 
 
 VOL. I. x 
 
306 APPENDIX. 
 
 which they entered into the church. With regard to 
 their successors the case is different. 
 
 The establishment at present counts 22 archbishops 
 and bishops, 33 deans, 34 archdeacons, and about 1300 
 benefices. 
 
 The following list is taken from Mr. Wakefield's 
 work ; and is sufficiently accurate. 
 
 Per Ann. Per Ann. 
 Armagh, (primacy,) £12,000 by Mr. Young, 1779, £8,000 
 
 Dublin 12,000 5,000 
 
 Tuam 7,700 4,000 
 
 Cashel...., 7,000 4,000 
 
 Clogher 7,000 4,000 
 
 Dromore 4,500 2,000 
 
 Down and Connor 5,000 2,800 
 
 Derry 12,500 7,000 
 
 Kilmore 5,000 2,600 
 
 Meath 6,000 ..., 3,400 
 
 Raphoe 8,000 2,600 
 
 Ferns and Leighlin ... 6,000 2,200 
 
 Kildare, held in com- 
 mendam with the 
 deanery of Christ- 
 church «. 
 
 Ossory 4,000 2,000 
 
 Cloyne 5,000 2,500 
 
 Cork and Ross 4,500 2,700 
 
 Killaloe and Kilfenora 5,000 2,300 
 
 6,000 2,600 
 
 Li«^erick, Ardfert, 1 
 
 and Aghadoe, j 
 
 Waterford & Lismore 6,000 2,500 
 
 Clonfert and Kilmac- 1 « -^^ a Ar\r. 
 
 T , t o,bu{j z,4'00 
 
 duagh 3 
 
 Elphin 10,000 3,700 
 
 Killala and Achonry.. 3,500 2,900 
 
 £125,000 £74,700 
 
APPFA'DiX. 307 
 
 Mr. Wakefield observes upon the rapid advance in 
 the value of livings, " that the deanery of Down, in the 
 year 1790, was w^orth only 2,000/. per annum. This 
 year (1812) it was let for 3,700/. The rectory of Mid- 
 dleton, in the county of Cork, when held by Mr. Berkely 
 in 1785, yielded scarcely 800/. per annum: at present it 
 produces upwards of 2,800/. A living of 500/. is but 
 a middling one in Ireland ; and any thing beneath it is 
 considered very low." 
 
 Mr. Wakefield continues ; " These incomes of bishop- 
 ricks arise partly from tithe, as at Killaloe, but generally 
 from grants of land, over which there is a restraining 
 clause to prevent the incumbent, if that term may be 
 applied to a bishop, from letting them for longer than 
 twenty-one years. As the bishops hitherto have gene- 
 rally been old men, the chance of their surviving that 
 period is not great : they, therefore, renew the lease 
 every third or seventh year, upon receiving a fine ; and 
 the tenant pays the old rent. This is done undei' a 
 special act of parliament: otherwise such renewals would 
 be contrary to the decisions of the English court of 
 chancery. In law-possessions, a life-holder cannot anni- 
 hilate a lease by which his estate is let, and grant a new 
 one, upon receiving a fine, for the longest term, which 
 his settlements would allow; because this would keep his 
 successor out of his income, when he came to his estate. 
 Such, however, is the law in Ireland ; but if the lease be 
 suffered to expire, the land must be let at two-thirds of 
 the full improved value ; or the lease becomes void. But 
 lately, since some young men have been appointed 
 bishops, they have, as it is termed, ' run their lives 
 against their leases,' that is, they have made no renewal, 
 
 X 2 
 
308 APPENDIX. 
 
 ensuring a large sum at the public offices, to be received 
 by their families in the event of their death. It would, 
 therefore, be desirable to know the real value of the 
 estates belonging to the bishopricks, were they now out 
 of lease. 
 
 " A few that I have heard estimated, from the conjec- 
 ture of well informed persons, are as follow : — 
 
 The Primacy ^140,000 per annum. 
 
 Derry 120,000 
 
 Kilmore 100,000 
 
 Waterford 70,000 
 
 Clogher 100,000 
 
 " The patronage of the Irish bishopricks is very ex- 
 tensive, as will appear from the following table, extracted 
 from Dr. Beaufort's Memoir: — 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 309 
 
 Number 
 
 of 
 Parishes. 
 
 Number 
 in the 
 
 gift of the 
 Bishop. 
 
 In the 
 gift of 
 
 the 
 Crown. 
 
 Lay. 
 22 
 
 Uni- 
 ver- 
 sity. 
 
 Impropri- 
 ate, and 
 without 
 Churches 
 or Incum- 
 bents. 
 
 103 
 
 60 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 
 209 
 
 144 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 89 
 
 79 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 no state- 
 ment. 
 
 26 
 
 23 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 41 
 
 34 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 lU 
 
 53 
 
 12 
 
 36 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 48 
 
 33 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 
 39 
 
 33 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 224 
 
 69 
 
 81 
 
 37 
 
 — 
 
 35 
 
 31 
 
 and the 
 Deanerv. 
 
 15' 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 
 232 
 
 171 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 81 
 
 30 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 136 
 
 76 
 
 26 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 137 
 
 106 
 
 and one 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 — 
 
 11 
 
 127 
 
 in com- 
 mendam. 
 
 94 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 138 
 
 131 
 
 10 
 
 36 
 
 — 
 
 17 
 
 176 
 
 34 
 
 27 
 
 65 
 
 
 
 106 
 
 43 
 
 24 
 
 30 
 
 — 
 
 9 
 
 60 
 
 43 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 72 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 48 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 2244 
 
 1391 
 
 293 
 
 367 
 
 21 
 
 95" 
 
 Bishopricks. 
 
 Armagh 
 
 Dublin 
 
 Tuam & Ardagh . . 
 Cashel { 
 
 Dromore 
 
 Clogher 
 
 Down & Connor.. 
 
 Derry 
 
 Kilmore 
 
 Meath 
 
 Raphoe 
 
 Ferns & Leighlin 
 
 Kildare 
 
 Ossory 
 
 Cloyne 
 
 Cork and Ross . 
 Killaloe & KilO 
 
 fenora j 
 
 Limerick, Ard-1 
 
 fert, & Agha- > 
 
 doe 3 
 
 Waterford and 1 
 
 Lismore j 
 
 Clonfert & Kil-1 
 
 macduagh ... 3 
 
 Elphin 
 
 Killala & Achonry 
 
 X 3 
 
310 APPENDIX. 
 
 Board of First Fruits. 
 
 This is another important branch of the machinery 
 of the o-reat estabUshment of Ireland. And there can be 
 no doubt that if honestly managed it would have been 
 found adequate to all the purposes for which it was in- 
 tended, viz. building glebe-houses and churches. It is 
 vulgarly understood, that every clergyman, on being in- 
 ducted to a living, gives a years' income to the fund of 
 first fruits, for the purposes of the Board, or the general 
 advantage of the church ; but this is an error. Many 
 give nothing; and the greater number give no more than 
 was given forty or fifty years ago. While livings have 
 doubled and trebled their amount, the gifts to the Board 
 have continued upon the modest and economical footing 
 of ancient times ; but, though the clergy might deal thus 
 with the Board, they were not content to be without 
 good houses ; and there was even, occasionally, a desire 
 manifested to have churches built. The Board was 
 therefore under the necessity, (if houses and churches 
 were to be built,) either of enforcing its rights over the 
 clergy, or of applying to parliament. The piety and 
 good-natured facility of parliament made it easier to 
 adopt the latter course. 
 
 We take the following table liom Mr. W^akefield's 
 work. We are not at present in possession of docu- 
 ments going further. 
 
 Gifts for building churcliesl Grants. Paid. Unpaid. 
 
 between May, 1801, and J- a£76,070 43,300 37,770 
 
 January, 1811, J 
 
 Loans for ditto 59,122 35,988 23,134 
 
 Gifts for purchasing glebes 20,403 9,703 11,300 
 
 Gifts for building glebe-houses. . 60,342 1 8,21 7 43,325 
 
 Loans for building glebe-houses 112,180 48,406 63,673 
 
 ^^'328^017 155,614 176,202 
 
APPENDIX. 311 
 
 This is a large expenditure ; and taking it that par- 
 liament has for the last ten years continued to be as 
 liberal, it makes a great addition to the income of this 
 rich establishment, and to the burdens of this impo- 
 verished country, 
 
 ' Mr. Wakefield not only approves of this expenditure 
 and these grants, but praises highly the letter of his cor- 
 respondent, the late bishop of Limerick, which we 
 subjoin. 
 
 To Mr. Wakefield. 
 
 Limerick, 13th September, 1810. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Upon my return last night fi^om my diocesan visita- 
 tion in Kerry, I had the pleasure of receiving your letter 
 of the 23d ult. 
 
 Since the publication of Dr. Beaufort's work in 1 792, 
 the state of the established church in Ireland has been 
 much changed, and for the better. Parliament now "wisely 
 grants 50,000/. per annum, for the purpose of building 
 churches and glebe-houses ; and for the purchasing of 
 glebes ; so that within the last seven years more has 
 been done in that way than in a century before that 
 period. 
 
 In this united diocese, I have furnished, and am now 
 building twenty-four churches, and many glebe-houses ; 
 and in the course of a few years, / liojpe to have a church 
 and a resident 7niniste7' upoji every benefice in my diocese. 
 
 I have been employed for some weeks past in Kerry, 
 inspecting and constructing some new churches, in the 
 
 X 4 
 
31^ APPENDIX. 
 
 most distant and wildest parts, along the coast from 
 Kenmore to Dingle. They had never see7i a bishop there 
 before ; and in some parishes^ I am sorry to say, they had 
 never seen a protestant minister, I have now given them 
 churches and resident clergy ; "which must have the best 
 consequences, both religions and political. With respect 
 to Ardfert cathedral, it was originally a very extensive 
 and magnificent building — totally ruined in the wars of 
 Cromwell : part of it is now fitted up neatly ; which 
 serves also for the parish-church. The chapter is com- 
 plete : I have just revived and rendered it efficient. It 
 consists of a dean, archdeacon, precentor, chancellor, 
 treasurer, and archdeacon of Aghadoe. There is also a 
 minor canon — all endowed. 
 
 The church of Killarney was in a state of ruin when 
 you were at that place. I have had it put into high con- 
 dition this year. I held my visitation there last week, 
 and found it very handsomely furnished with an orna- 
 mental spire, &c. I am building spires to all my new 
 churches, which gives a civilized appearance to that wild 
 country. My metropolitan, the archbishop of Cashel, is 
 also very zealous and active in promoting the interests 
 of the protestant religion in this province, by mxdtiplying 
 churches and resident clergy. 
 
 Believe me, my dear sir, your faithful humble servant, 
 
 Charles Limerick. 
 Edxioard Wakefield, Esq. 
 
 We have marked some parts of this letter in italics ; 
 and we have a few observations to offer upon it. The 
 bishop and the metropolitan seem to have no other no- 
 tion of promoting the interests of the protestant religion 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 than by multiplying churches and resident clergy. Now, 
 the protestant clergy have been multiplying for ages in 
 Ireland, resident and non-resident; churches rising and 
 falling to decay, and rebuilding, down to our day — and 
 we ask, what is the country the better for it ? — or has 
 the protestant religion been more advanced in Ireland ? 
 Do we not know that there have been churches and resi- 
 dent ministers in many parishes, time out of mind, where 
 there are yet no protestants ? And to some of these 
 churches there have even been spires ! The bishop 
 seems to have an idea that a country may be civilized 
 by means of spires ! This, indeed, would be a cheap 
 and speedy civilization. As for the " appearance " only, 
 we are disposed to regard it but little. He talks of the 
 people never having seen a bishop before, (we presume 
 he means a protestant bishop,) or a protestant minister. 
 And yet it is for such a people that protestant churches 
 are to be built at great expense ! Where is the minis- 
 ter to get a congregation ? And what is the use of a 
 church without one? These are questions which the 
 bishop does not enable us to answer. He says, indeed, 
 that ministers and churches (he makes no mention of 
 congregations) are to have the best consequences^ both re- 
 ligious and political. But he does not inform us what 
 these religious and political consequences are to be. The 
 folly of building churches and having resident ministers 
 where there are no congregations, seems to us extraor- 
 dinary. Except as missionaries for the purpose of con- 
 verting the people, we cannot understand the use of 
 such ministers. But they have not converted the 
 people, nor civilized them — nor will they ever do so, 
 unless they employ other means than stone and mortar 
 — glebe-houses, churches, and spires ! 
 
314 APPENDIX. 
 
 The author of the pamphlet " On the Consumption 
 of public Wealth by the Clergy," estimates the property 
 of the establishment in Ireland at 1,300,000/. 
 
 Value of archbishopricks and bishopricks sB 185,000 
 
 1309 Beneficed clergymen (per Parliamentary 
 
 Return) whose benefices are valued at 800/. 
 
 on an average 1,047,000 
 
 ^ 1,232,000 
 
 " Great as these incomes of the bishops are, they are 
 nothing to what the lands would produce if out of lease. 
 
 " To the above estimate are to be added sums assess- 
 ed in towns, &c. ; and it does not appear certain that the 
 deaneries are included, which are very valuable. 
 
 " It is considered that the estates of the bishopricks, 
 and the ecclesiastical and other corporations, form one- 
 ninth of the land of Ireland. 
 
 " It apppears that the estates of the bishopricks, dean- 
 eries, and other ecclesiastical corporations, at a low esti- 
 mate, would be worth, if out of lease, 600,000/. a-year." 
 
 It is to be recollected that this splendid provision is 
 made for the pastors of about 3 or 400,000 persons only. 
 
 The Rev. Robert Adam, B. A., Oxford, b, zealous 
 clergyman of the church of England, says, (" Religious 
 World displayed, 1809," vol. ii. p. 389.) 
 
 " In Ireland, the members of the established church 
 are said to amount only to about 300,000, and the 
 whole body of the clergy not to exceed 1 200 ; and 
 
APPENDIX. 315 
 
 neither there nor in England, it is feared, is the church 
 recovering the members which she has lost. Instead of 
 seeing the prodigal returned to his mother''^ house to be 
 fed there, at a table rich and well furnished with all the 
 viands of the Gospel, and where preside men duly qua- 
 lified and authorized to minister in holy things, we daily 
 behold fresh parties breaking off from home, and 
 seemingly preferring those husks that are thrown before 
 them by every illiterate mechanic, who maybe pleased to 
 present himself as their spiritual father and instructor." 
 
 Estimated Expenditure on the Clergy of the Established 
 Church of England and Ireland, 
 
 IN IRELAND. 
 
 Hearers 400,000 
 
 According to the Population-return, there 
 
 are in Ireland 6,846,000 people, — say.... 7,000,000 
 
 The following is deemed their distribution into sects: 
 
 Roman Catholics 5,500,000 
 
 Presbyterians 800,000 
 
 Church of England and Ireland 400,000 
 
 Methodists and other sects 300,000 
 
 The adherents of the established church, in Ireland, 
 amount, at the outside, to the number given here : 
 300,000 is the usual estimate; and is that of the Rev. 
 Robert Adam. [See before.) 
 
 Places of worship 740 
 
 On this subject there are contradictory statements; 
 one gives 1000 churches, another 582. As there are 
 many in which service is not performed, either from 
 
316 APPENDIX. 
 
 want of hearers, or from being in a state of dilapidation, 
 or other causes, it is probable that the number given is 
 correct for the churches in actual use, — being one for 
 every 540 hearers. 
 
 (See " State of Ireland, jmst and present," printed by 
 Mahon, Dublin ; and Nolan's " Plan for Commutation of 
 Tythes," printed by Mahon, Dublin.) 
 
 Clergymen 1,700 
 
 Archbishops 4 
 
 Bishops 18 
 
 Deans 33 
 
 Archdeacons 34 
 
 Canons, prebends, &c 500 
 
 Dignitaries 587 
 
 Working clergy 1,113 
 
 For full particulars, see Ecclesiastical Register, Nolan, 
 Dublin. 
 
 One place of worship for every 540 hearers. 
 
 One clergyman for every 235 hearers. 
 
 One archbishop for every 100,000 hearers. 
 
 One prelate for every 18,000 hearers. 
 
 Income a^'1,300,000 
 
 400,000 hearers, at 3,250,000/. per million 
 
 of hearers 1,300,000 
 
 Estimated Expenditure on the Clergy of the Established 
 Church of England. 
 
 IN ENGLAND AND WALES. 
 
 Hearers 6,000,000 
 
APPENDIX. 317 
 
 The whole population is ] 2,000,000, and the number 
 thus computed as hearers of the established chinch is 
 one-half; and, certainly, it is the outside. 
 
 Places of worship 2,600 
 
 Clergymen 18,000 
 
 Archbishops 2 
 
 Bishops 24^ 
 
 Archdeacons 60 
 
 Deans 27 
 
 Canons and prebends 544 
 
 Dignitaries 657 
 
 Working clergy, rectors, vicars, curates, &c. 17,34S 
 
 One place of worship for every 2,300 hearers. 
 
 One clergyman for every 333 hearers. 
 
 One archbishop for every 3,000,000 hearers. 
 
 One prelate for every 233,000 hearers. 
 
 Income a^'7,600,000 
 
 6,000,000 hearers at ^1,266,000 per million 7,596,000 
 
 Estimated Expenditure on their ox^n Clergy hy the People 
 of Ireland^ who are not of the Established Church, 
 
 Hearers 6,000,000 
 
 Computed as follows : 
 
 Catholics 5,500,000 
 
 Presbyterians 800,000 
 
 Methodists and other sects 300,000 
 
 Places of worship 2,378 
 
 Being at the rate of one for every 2,400 hearers, and of 
 one for every clergyman. If in some places there are 
 more than one clergyman to a place of worship, so, in 
 the country, there very often are more places of worship 
 than one to a clergyman. 
 
318 APPENDIX. 
 
 " There are districts where they have the service in the 
 open field for want of places of worship ; where the minister, 
 and the altar, or communion-table, are defended from 
 the weather by means of carts, blankets, and quilts, pur- 
 posely disposed. In very few districts are the places of 
 worship large enough to contain those who attend ; and 
 numbers are to be seen standing outside. It has been 
 lately mentioned, in the French house of Deputies, that 
 in some places, the Protestants, for want of churches, 
 performed divine worship in the open air. Surely, these 
 two great nations, which have expended so much on 
 barracks in time of w ar, ought to employ a part of their 
 revenues in time of peace, to provide plain, substantial 
 places of worship for their people; who, whatever be 
 their denomination, are all of the faith of Christ. 
 
 " There appears to have been a considerable want of 
 skill and foresight in the management of Ireland, from 
 its conquest up to the present day. It presents a con- 
 trast to that of Silesia, by a man whose political sagacity 
 was as great as his military talents. When Frederick 
 the Great conquered Silesia, the excitement amongst the 
 Catholics, fearing for their religion under a Protestant 
 king, was extreme. Frederick made no distinction be- 
 tween the sects, placed all upon an equal footing, and 
 educated all. The excitement was not kept alive ; and 
 the Catholics, of their own accord, have joined other 
 persuasions in great numbers. Frederick did not employ 
 Protestants to educate a bigoted Catholic people : he took 
 them by their prejudices, and sought out an Augustinian 
 monk, the ingenious and indefatigable Felbiger, placed 
 him at the head of his institutions for education; and the 
 success was immediate and general." 
 
 Clergymen 2,378 
 
APPENDIX. 319 
 
 The number of all the clergymen is thus given, in the 
 Dublin Evening Post, of 1 4th March, 1822, at the foot of 
 the Population-returns to Parliament : — 
 
 Established church clergy 1,697 
 
 Catholic clergy 1,994 
 
 Presbyterians „, 239 
 
 Other sects 145 
 
 2,378 
 
 One place of worship for every 2,400 hearers. 
 One clergyman for every 2,400 hearers. 
 Income .^261,580 
 
 (Voluntary contribution, at an average of 110/. each, for 
 2,378 clergymen.) 
 
 6,600,000 hearers, at 40,000/. per million of hearers, 264,000/. 
 Government grants yearly the sum of 13,487/. ; to certain 
 Protestant ministers, viz. to Presbyterians, 8,697/. ; to 
 seceding Presbyterians 4,034/. ; to other Protestant dissent- 
 ing ministers 756/. 
 
 Estimates of the Revenues and Property of the Established 
 Church in England^ Wales, and Ireland, 
 
 Annual value of the gross produce of the 
 
 land of England and Wales a^' 150,000,000 
 
 One-third of the land of England and 
 Wales, not subject to tithe for the clergy; 
 being either tithe-free, or lay impro- 
 priations 50,000,000 
 
 Leaving the amount on which tithe for the 
 
 clergy is levied 100,000,000 
 
 Supposing the clergy to levy one-sixteenth, 
 
 they get ^ 6,250,000 
 
320 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tithes «^"6,25O,OO0;> 
 
 Estates of the bishops and ecclesiastical 
 
 corporations 1,000,000 
 
 Assessments in towns, on houses, &c 250,000 
 
 Chapels of ease stipends 100,000 
 
 The estimate of church property used in 
 
 these tables 7,600,000 
 
 Estimate in the Morning Chronicle^ November^ 1821. 
 Annual value of agricultural produce <^1 50,000,000 
 
 Tithes are one-twelfth 12,250,000 
 
 One-fourth of the land tithe free 3,125,000 
 
 Tithes collected 9,375,000 
 
 Lay impropriations one-eighth 1,171,000 
 
 Church property, tithes only ^'8,204,000 
 
 Exclusive of an immense property of the ecclesiastical 
 
 corporations. 
 
 '' To rate tithes as equal to one-fourth of the rent 
 was considered by many as a just estimate during the 
 war ; if so, they must be nearer one-third at present, 
 from the diminution in the value of the gross produce, 
 whilst the expences of producing have remained nearly 
 the same. It follows, that the proportion of gross pro- 
 duce given as rent must be much smaller; but the 
 proportion of gross produce given as tithe is not at all 
 smaller ; it is rather greater ; for it is more rigorously 
 levied to make up for the fall in price. In })oor tillage 
 lands, the landlord often gets less than a tenth of the 
 gross produce in rent : the tithe remains always a tenth. 
 In the neighbourhood of towns, pieces of land are let 
 
 11 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3^1 
 
 rent free to sow potatoes ; the landlord relinquishing rent 
 for one year, to profit by the increased richness of 
 his well manured land for wheat the next; but the tithe 
 admits of no mitigation, it takes a tenth of both : thus, 
 at times, rent is nothing, and tithe twenty-five shillings 
 per acre." 
 
 We have to observe on this extract, from the pamphlet 
 we have been quoting, that the practice of letting land 
 free of rent for the cultivation of potatoes is not con- 
 fined to the neighbourhood of towns, but is very general 
 in very remote parts of the country also ; and that the 
 tithe of the gross produce, in poor lands, sometimes 
 greatly exceeds the rent received by the landlord. 
 
 We continue to quote — 
 
 Expenditure on the Clergy of the People of Great Britain 
 and Ireland who are not Hearers of the Established 
 Church of England, and Ireland, 
 
 Name of the nation. 
 
 Number of 
 hearers. 
 
 Rate of ex- 
 penditure, 
 per million 
 of hearers. 
 
 Total of 
 expenditure. 
 
 England and Wales — 1 
 various denomina- > 
 tions J 
 
 Scotland — establish- 7 
 ed kirk.., j 
 
 not of the 7 
 
 kirk 3 
 
 Ireland — not of the 1 
 established church J 
 
 Total hearers.,.. 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 500,000 
 
 6,600,000 
 
 14,600,000 
 
 £^8,5000 
 
 135,000 
 90,000 
 40,000 
 
 ^513,000 
 
 206,000 
 
 44,000 
 
 261,000 
 
 1,024,000 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
3£^ 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Expenditure on the Clergy of all the Christian World, 
 except the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 
 Name of tlie nation. 
 
 France 
 
 United States 
 
 Spain 
 
 Portugal , 
 
 Hungary — Catholics... 
 
 Calvinists... 
 
 Lutherans... 
 
 Italy.. 
 
 Austria 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Prussia 
 
 German Small States... 
 
 Holland 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Sweden 
 
 Russia — Greek church 
 Catholics \ 
 
 and Lutherans j 
 
 Christians in Turkey...,. 
 South America.,.. ......... 
 
 Christians dispersed 1 
 
 elsewhere J 
 
 Number of 
 hearers. 
 
 Expenditure 
 
 on the 
 
 clergy per 
 
 million of 
 
 hearers. 
 
 30,000,000 
 9,600,000 
 
 11,000,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 4,000,000 
 
 1,050,000 
 
 650,000 
 
 19,391,000 
 
 18,918,000 
 1,720,000 
 
 10,536,000 
 
 12,763,000 
 2,000,000 
 3,000,000 
 1,700,000 
 3,400,000 
 
 34,000,000 
 
 8,000,000 
 
 6,000,000 
 15,000,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 ^'35,000 
 60,000 
 100,000 
 100,000 
 80,000 
 60,000 
 40,000 
 40,000 
 50,000 
 50,000 
 50,000 
 60,000 
 80,000 
 35,000 
 70,000 
 70,000 
 15,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 30,000 
 30,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 Total amount 
 of the expen- 
 diture in each 
 nation. 
 
 £1,050,000 
 
 576,000 
 
 1,100,000 
 
 300,000 
 
 320,000 
 
 63,000 
 
 26,000 
 
 776,000 
 
 950,000 
 
 87,000 
 
 527,000 
 
 765,000 
 
 160,000 
 
 105,000 
 
 119,000 
 
 238,000 
 
 510,000 
 
 400,000 
 
 180,000 
 450,000 
 
 150,000 
 
 The clergy of 198,728,000 people, receive ^'8,852,000. 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 323 
 
 Expe7iditure on the Clergy of the Established Church of 
 
 England and Ireland. 
 
 Name of the nation. 
 
 Number of 
 hearers. 
 
 England and Wales... 6,000,000 
 Ireland ' 400,000 
 
 Expenditure 
 
 on the 
 
 clergy per 
 
 million of 
 
 hearers. 
 
 Total amount 
 of ti.'o expen- 
 diture in each 
 nation. 
 
 i^'l, 266,000^7,596,000 
 3,250,000| 1,300,000 
 
 The clergy of 6,400,000 people, receive ^8,896,000. 
 
 Expenditure on the Clergy of all the Christian Worlds except 
 the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland^ according to 
 the three great divisions, — Roman Catholics, Protes- 
 tants, and Greek Church, 
 
 Catholics 
 
 Numbers. 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 118,872,000 
 38,856,000 
 
 41,000,000 
 
 ^5,862,000 
 2,230,000 
 
 760,000 
 
 Protestants 
 
 Greek church — 
 
 In Russia 34,000,000") 
 
 Turkey 5,000,000 |- 
 
 Austria, <S:c 2,000,000 J 
 
 198,728,000 
 
 ^'8,852,000 
 
 Christians throughout the World, 
 
 In Great Britain and \ 
 Ireland / 
 
 In all the rest of the world 
 
 Rom. Catholics 
 
 5,800,000 
 118,872,000 
 
 124,672,000 
 
 Protestants. 
 
 15,200,000 
 38,856,000 
 
 54,056,000 
 
 Greek Church, 
 
 41,000,000 
 
 41,000,000 
 
 Catholics 124,672,000 Pay to their clergy ^'6,106,000 
 
 Protestants... 54,056,000 11,906,000 
 
 Greek church 41,000,000 706,000 
 
 a^l 8,762,000 
 
 Total of I 219,728,000 
 
 Christians 3 
 
 Of which England, for twenty-one millions of people, pays 
 • more than one half, 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 APPENDIX. 
 
 Expenditure on the Clergy of all the People of Great 
 Britain and Ireland. 
 
 Expenditure on the clergy of 6,400,000 hearers, £8,896,000 
 (of the church of England and Ireland.) 
 
 Expenditure on the clergy of 14,600,000 hearers, £1,024,000 
 (of all other denominations.) 
 
 Total expenditure on the clergy of 21,000,000 hearers, 
 £9,920,000. 
 
 Total expenditure on the clergy of 219,728,000 heai'ers, 
 £18^762,000. (in all other parts of the world.) 
 
 The author of the pamphlet, " On the Consumption of 
 Wealth by the Clergy," proceeds to sketch a plan for a 
 new provision " for the clergy of the established 
 church, and all other denominations :" for details, we 
 refer to this mteresting pamphlet; and we proceed to 
 give his observations in conclusion, 
 
 " In the provision suggested no glebes, nor glebe 
 houses, are proposed : in the early stages of society it 
 might have been necessary to provide them ; at present 
 it may be left to the congregations and clergymen. To 
 some persons, stipends of 200/. to 300/. with glebes, 
 appear more advisable, than stipends of 250/. to 350/. 
 without them ; but the additional 50/. will always pro- 
 cure a house and glebe, and the parishioners will always 
 assist their clergyman in such arrangements. Others 
 say, the great disadvantage of glebes consists in their 
 binding up property for the use of a clergyman, whether 
 he has duties to perform or not. In Ireland there are 
 
APPENDIX. 325 
 
 many houses, and thousands of acres of glebe lands*, 
 where there are no hearers of the church, and no cler- 
 gyman resident. No land ought to be bound up for the 
 church : it ought to be all left in the hands of individuals, 
 whose interests will make them improve it to the utmost. 
 A liberal stipend is what the nation should furnish to 
 the clergy : as individuals, they may be left to make their 
 own arrangements for their residences. 
 
 " According to the calculations given here, the rental 
 of the landlords, of England and Wales, would be in- 
 creased five millions and a half by this arrangement. 
 The clergy are now supposed to receive from the land 
 more than seven millions ; and the proposed plan would 
 require less than one million and a half from the land.^ 
 Thus, if the class of rich clergymen gradually disap- 
 peared, in the same proportion, the landed proprietors 
 would increase in numbers and riches ; so that, for exam- 
 ple, the city of Bath, where clergymen are calculated to 
 expend in the year as large a sum as the whole ex- 
 penditure on clergy of the United States of America, 
 would not altogether lose that sum, as the landed pro- 
 prietors who succeeded to the revenues of the church 
 would, in the same proportion as others, resort to that 
 attractive, tranquil, and luxurious city. 
 
 *' It is to be supposed, that nearly all the tithes would 
 be bought up by the owners of the soil. Those who 
 found it necessary to borrow money for that purpose 
 would easily find it at four per cent : then, buying the 
 tithes at twenty-five years' purchase, they would, for the 
 present, neither gain nor lose by the operation : after a 
 
 * We know a glebe of 4,000 acres of rich land, 
 Y 3 
 
3^6 APPENDIX. 
 
 few years, they would gain considerably by the improve^ 
 ments made in consequence of tithe being removed. 
 
 " It is said the monarchy is strengthened by the in- 
 creased attachment of the clergy and people of the 
 established church, arising from their peculiar advan^* 
 tages. Does it not occur, that the monarchy must, in the 
 same proportion, be weakened by the jealousy and sense 
 of injustice of the clergy and people composing the other 
 two-thirds of the population ? So it is propagated,, that 
 Presbyterians and independent sectarians cannot be fa- 
 vourable to monarchy : are not the Scotch Presbyterians ? 
 and are they not very much attached to the monarchy ? 
 Are not the king of Prussia and all his family, and 
 many of the first nobility, Presbyterians ? while almost 
 all the subjects belong to episcopal, or what are deno- 
 minated monarchical, churches. The same thing occurs 
 in other German principalities. All this is prejudice, 
 repeated from one mouth to another, and without true 
 foundation. Men's interest and happiness are the only 
 ties that can be relied upon, and not similarity of re^ 
 ligious creeds. 
 
 " The vulnerable part of our empire, and that which 
 requires particular attention during the present interval 
 of peace, is Ireland. Since its perfect subjugation by 
 Cromwell, the hostility of the inhabitants has been kept 
 alive by oppression ; and a singular backwardness in 
 education, civilization, and the comforts of life, has been 
 the consequence, attended by an equally singular in^. 
 crease of the degraded and disconteiited people. 
 
 " The present population of Ireland is more than 
 double that of Portugal ; it is double that of Sweden and 
 
APPENDIX. 327 
 
 Norway; it is four times that of Denmark; it is two 
 millions more than that of the kingdom of the Nether- 
 lands, and is one million more than the hiohest number 
 of subjects which Frederick the Great ever had after all 
 his conquests. An eloquent and thoughtful man from 
 Ireland, who is now a member of the government, de- 
 clared in the House of Commons a few years since, that 
 Ireland would either be the right arm of their empire, 
 or the deadliest instrument of their ruin. And in a debate 
 in the House of Peers a few months since, on the subject 
 of suppressing one of the partial insurrections in Ireland, 
 the greatest military commander of the age, a native of 
 that country, declared, that if the insurrection became 
 universal, one hundred and fifty thousand men could 
 not put it down. The numbers of the population, and 
 the geographical position of Ireland, justify these declar- 
 ations. The responsibility for any misfortunes that may 
 happen, certainly now rests upon the nobility and the 
 clergy of England ; they having rejected a bill, passed 
 by the representatives of the people, to abolish religious 
 intolerance in Ireland. 
 
 " If we observe what has been done by the great nations 
 of the world, we shall see that wherever various sects 
 exist, the people have been cemented into one solid 
 mass, by establishing religious liberty and equal pro- 
 tection for all sects : whenever there are laws to favour a 
 particular sect, and confine to it all the honours and 
 privileges of the state, it is where no other sect exists* 
 We shall also see that the consumption of public wealth 
 by the clergy is reduced to a provision for a limited 
 number, sufficient for the duties of the ministry. And 
 that principalities, temporalities, and civil offices, are no. 
 
 Y i 
 
3^8 APPENDIX. 
 
 longer suffered to divert the ministers of religion from 
 their spiritual functions. 
 
 " The church of Rome had succeeded, during the dark 
 ages, in establishing what were denominated the rights 
 of the clergy. Thomas a Becket, who was made a 
 canonized saint for supporting these rights in England, 
 was the patron of all strenuous defenders of the rights of 
 the clergy. But all these remains of papal prerogative 
 and dominion have been abolished. The clergy have 
 now the same rights as other subjects : the same laws 
 protect all. 
 
 " In looking to the history of these improvements, 
 Henry the Fourth of France, Peter the Great of Rus- 
 sia, and Frederick the Great of Prussia, are found to be 
 the earliest supporters of them. But Joseph the Second, 
 emperor of Austria, from his being a Roman Catholic, 
 and having very extensive dominions in the heart of 
 Europe, may be considered as having contributed more 
 to them than any other person. His letters on these 
 subjects are extremely interesting, and are to be found 
 in the Pamphleteer. 
 
 " The following is a letter on the treatment of the pro- 
 testants, addressed to the celebrated Van Swieten, 
 
 " ' To Van Swieten. 
 « ' Sir, 
 
 " * Till now, the Protestant religion has been oppressed 
 in my states : its adherents treated like foreigners : civil 
 rights, possession of estates, titles, and appointments, 
 were all refused them. 
 
APPENDIX. 329 
 
 " ^ I determined, from the very commencement of my 
 reign, to adorn my diadem with the love of my people : 
 to act in the administration of affairs according to just, 
 impartial, and liberal principles : consequently I granted 
 toleration, and removed the yoke which had oppressed 
 the Protestants for centuries. 
 
 " * Fanaticism shall in future be known in my states only 
 by the contempt I have for it : nobody shall any longer 
 be exposed to hardships on account of his creed : no man 
 shall be compelled in future to profess the religion of 
 the state, if it be contrary to his persuasion, and if he 
 have other ideas of the right way of ensuring blessed^ 
 ness.— Dec. 1778.' 
 
 " In a letter to his minister at Rome, Cardinal Herzan, 
 he speaks of the opposition which the clergy make to his 
 improvements; and says — 
 
 " ' A servant of the altar will never admit that the 
 state is putting him in his proper place, when it leaves 
 him no other occupation than the Gospel ; and when, by 
 its laws, it prevents the children of Levi from carrying 
 on a monopoly with the human understanding. — Oct. 
 1781.' 
 
 " In another letter, he gives an account of what he 
 has done ; and says — 
 
 " I have, in all the provinces of my empire, con- 
 siderably augmented the number of curacies and 
 chaplaincies, as far as they were wanted : I have newly 
 built many churches, curates' houses, and schools ; and 
 others I have repaired. I have, in every province, esta- 
 
330 APPENDIX. 
 
 blished seminaries for the education of good curates. — 
 Feb. 1788.' 
 
 " In writing to Count Aranda, he discloses the injury 
 that may be done to the state by a body of clergy ani- 
 mated by the spirit of an ecclesiastical corporation, and 
 having the ear of persons in power : he speaks of the 
 Jesuits — 
 
 " * Their intolerance caused Germany to endure a 
 thirty years' war : the powerful influence which they had 
 over the house of Habsburg is too well known. The 
 education of youth, literature, rewards; the distribution 
 of the first dignities of the state ; the ear of kings, and 
 the hearts of queens, — all were confided to their wise 
 counsels. — Jan. 1770.' 
 
 "Joseph the Second experienced considerable difficul- 
 ties, raised by the clergy in opposition to his plans. 
 Soon after his death the French Revolution took place ; 
 and either by its own immediate operation, or by the 
 expenses into which it forced other nations, it caused the 
 final extinction of the wealth of the clergy. 
 
 " There are many who think that the revolution in 
 France might have been averted, if the property of the 
 church had been applied to relieve the burdens of the 
 people. But to all improvements which the spirit of 
 the age clearly called for, the nobiUty and the clei^gy 
 gave a decided opposition ; and both one and the other 
 have lost their property. It is very poor consolation for 
 the loss of an estate, three hundred years in a family, 
 
 that the proprietor, before the Revolution, was guided in 
 
 18 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 his conduct by the advice of some ecclesiastic, however 
 high in rank, or sincere and respectable in character. 
 The true sphere of a clergyman's labours are religion and 
 morality; but politics, legislation, and civil functions, 
 are foreign to him, and should be kept so. Even on 
 religious toleration they should not be consulted; for 
 however liberal many of them may be as individuals, no 
 body of clergy that ever existed, would agree to let 
 the hearers of another body of clergy enjoy equal privi- 
 leges with their own hearers, if they could prevent it. 
 
 '* In the late revision of the constitution of the state of 
 New York, there were many interesting debates on the 
 subject of religion ; and the followmg is a section of the 
 new law respecting the clergy. 
 
 a i 
 
 And whereas the ministers of the Gospel are by 
 their profession dedicated to the service of God and the 
 cure of souls, and ought not to be diverted from the great 
 duties of their functions ; therefore no minister of the 
 Gospel, or priest of any denomination whatsoever, shall 
 at any time hereafter, under any pretence or description 
 whatever, be eligible to, or capable of holding any civil 
 or military office or place within this state.' " 
 
 In closing our extracts from this very useful and impor- 
 tant publication, (for such we consider it,) we cannot for- 
 bear observing how much this united kingdom is behind 
 all other Christian nations of the world upon this great 
 point of policy, regarding rehgion and what concerns it. 
 Upon this head Great Britain has obstinately adhered to 
 the errors of antiquity. It was her high destiny to lead 
 the nations in the path of civil and religious liberty ; 
 
832 APPENDIX. 
 
 but they at length have passed beyond her ; and she is 
 now in the rear of her pupils. It often happens, in 
 ordinary teaching, that the scholar surpasses the master ; 
 and it is the same amongst nations. America, the child 
 and pupil of England, acknowledged the wisdom of the 
 lesson she had learned, but carried the principle fur- 
 ther. The same has occurred elsewhere ; and England, 
 now, in the point we have been considering, is the hind- 
 most of the nations. But this is not a place suited to 
 her ; and those who have the care of her interests should 
 consider that she cannot occupy it long. If she be not 
 suffered to take her proper place and lead in the world, 
 she will rouse herself at length, and make an effort to 
 recover it; which may lead to fatal consequences. 
 
 But if England, satisfied with her wealth and enjoy-^ 
 ments, be content to suffer that old abuses should con- 
 tinue, rather than hazard the supposed inconveniences 
 or imagined dangers of a change, Ireland is differently 
 circumstanced ; — change, with her, is not a matter of 
 convenience or inconvenience, but of necessity. While 
 you discuss the point whether there shall be change or 
 not, the cloud which carries the storm in its bosom is 
 thickening and spreading over the land; and, in a little 
 while, it will laugh loud at your debates, and put an end 
 to the discussion. 
 
 It may be of use to refer shortly to tithes, and the 
 mode in which the clergy are maintained in Scotland. 
 We can hardly refer on any subject to this prudent 
 and fortunate nation without advantage. 
 
 In Scotland, at the Reformation, the teinds or tithes 
 were seized by the crojrvn, or granted away to public 
 
APPENDIX. 333 
 
 bodies or individuals ; subject, however, in every case, ta 
 the maintenance of the clergy. The clergy receive but 
 a portion of the tithe, rated and adjusted, from time to 
 time, according to circumstances. As the cultivator of 
 the land was still subject to the payment of tithe, though 
 but a small part goes to the clergy, it became necessary 
 to relieve him from a burden so intolerably vexatious 
 and oppressive. This was done by giving him a legal 
 right to purchase the tithe when he thinks proper, at 
 nine years' valuation. The tithe-owner is compelled to 
 sell, and is entitled to no more than the average value, 
 to be ascertained by a jury, and nine years' purchase 
 accordingly. The purchaser of the tithe continues 
 liable to the small allowance which tlie laws fix for the 
 clergy ; but the tithe is annihilated. 
 
 If the farmer should not be able to purchase his 
 tithe, even at this moderate rate, he is authorized to 
 go before the court of session ; and proving what would 
 then be a reasonable satisfaction for his tithe annually, 
 the court would fix it accordingly, and this remains un- 
 alterable. No improvement in the land, or rise of prices, 
 can, after this, make him liable to any increased charge 
 or demand. — See Principal HilVs Institutes, 
 
 Mr. G7'attan^s Speech upon Tithes. 
 
 " The people in the south have grievances, and 
 one of their principal grievances is tithe : do not take 
 it on my authority ; go into a committee. It has been 
 said, in defence of clerical exactions, that though some- 
 times exorbitant, they have never been illegal. I deny 
 
334 APPENDIX. 
 
 it ; and will produce proof at your bar, that exactions, 
 in some of the disturbed parts, have been not exor- 
 bitant only, but illegal likewise. I will prove that, in 
 many instances, tithe has been demanded, and paid 
 for turf; that tithe of turf has been assessed, at one or 
 two shillings a house, like hearth-money ; and in ad- 
 dition to hearth-money ; with this difference, that in the 
 case of hearth-money, there is an exemption for the poor 
 of a certain description ; but here it is the poor of the 
 poorest order, that is, the most resistless people, who pay. 
 I will prove to you, that men have been excommunicated, 
 by a most illegal sentence, for refusing to pay tithe of turf. 
 I have two decrees in my hand, from the vicarial court 
 of Cloyne : the first, excommunicating one man, the 
 second, excommunicating four men, most illegally, most 
 arbitrarily, for refusing to pay tithe of turf : nor has tithe 
 of turf, without pretence of Jaw or custom, been a prac- 
 tice only ; but in some part of the south it has been a 
 formed exaction, with its own distinct and facetious ap- 
 pellation, the familiar denomination of smoke-money. 
 A right to tithe of turf has been usurped against law ; 
 and a legislative power of commutation has been exer- 
 cised, I suppose for familiarity of appellation, and facility 
 of collection. 
 
 " I am ready, if the house will go into the enquiry, to 
 name the men, the parish, and all the circumstances. 
 
 " I understand that in some cases this demand has 
 ceased ; that is, it has been interrupted by the terror of 
 resistance ; not by a respect for the law (a sad encour- 
 agement this to disturbance !) But, even in some of these 
 cases, the claim has been preserved, though the attempt 
 has been deterred ; and to an endeavour to preserve this 
 
APPENDIX, 335 
 
 claim, and to insert it in the body of the agreement with 
 the parish, are we to attribute, in some places, I under- 
 stand, the defeat of composition and of concord. 
 
 " It has been urged, the law would relieve in the case 
 of demand for tithe of turf; but you have admitted 
 the poverty of the peasant, and you cannot deny the ex- 
 pense of Ktigation. Sir, the law has been applied, and 
 has not relieved. 
 
 " I have authority from a person, now a most eminent 
 judge, and some years ago a most distinguished lawyer, 
 to affirm to this house, that he, in the course of his pro- 
 fession, did repeatedly take exceptions to libels in the 
 spiritual court for tithe of turf, and that they were uni- 
 formly over-ruled ; and I have the same authority to 
 affirm to you, that the spiritual courts do maintain a right 
 to tithe of turf; and that in so doing, they have acted, 
 and do act, in gross violation of the law. 
 
 " I am informed, that tithe has been demanded for 
 furze spent on the premises ; and, therefore, in circum- 
 stances not subject to tithe ; — a demand oppressive to 
 the poor, and repugnant to the law. 
 
 '' Under this head the allegation is, that in some of the 
 disturbed parishes of the south, tithe has been demanded 
 and paid without custom, and against law ; and that the 
 ecclesiastical courts have allowed such demands against 
 law ; and this will be verified on oath. 
 
 " The exactions of the tithe-proctor are another in- 
 stance of illegality : he gets, he exacts, he extorts from 
 the parishioners, in some of the disturbed parishes, one, 
 
536 APPENDIX. 
 
 frequently two shillings in the pound. The clergyman*s 
 agent is then paid by the parish, and paid extravagantly. 
 The landlord's agent is not paid in this manner. Your 
 tenants do not pay your agent ten per cent., or five per 
 cent., or any per centage at all. What right has the 
 clergyman to throw his agent on his parish ? As well 
 might he make them pay the wages of his butler, or his 
 footman, or his coachman, or his postillion, or his cook. 
 
 " This demand, palpably illegal, must have commenced 
 in bribery ; an illegal perquisite growing out of the 
 abuse of power ; a bribe for mercy : as if the tithe-proc- 
 tor were the natural pastoral protector of the poverty of 
 the peasant, against the possible oppressions of the law, 
 and the exactions of the Gospel. He was supposed to 
 take less than his employer would exact, or the law would 
 allov/ ; and was bribed by the sweat of the poor for his 
 perfidy and mercy. 
 
 " This original bribe has now become a stated perqui- 
 site ; and, instead of being payment for moderation, it is 
 now a per-centage on rapacity. The more he extorts 
 for the parson, the more he shall get for himself. 
 
 " Are there any decent clergymen who will defend such 
 a practice ? Will they allow that the men they employ 
 are ruffians, who would cheat the parson, if they did not 
 plunder the poor ; and that the clerical remedy against 
 connivance is, to make the poor pay a premium for the 
 increase of that plunder and exaction of which they 
 themselves are the objects ? 
 
 " I excuse the tithe-proctor : the law is in fault which 
 gives great and summary powers to the indefinite claims 
 
APPENDIX. 337 
 
 of the church, and suffers both to be vested in the hands, 
 not only of the parson, but of a wretch who follows his 
 own nature, when he converts authority into corruption, 
 and law into peculation. 
 
 " I have seen a catalogue of some of their charges : so 
 much for potatoes ; so much for wheat ; so much for 
 oats ; so much for hay ; all exorbitant. And after a long 
 list of unconscionable demands for the parson, comes in 
 a peculation for the proctor : two shillings in the pound 
 for proctorage ; that is, for making a charge, for whose 
 excess and extravagance the proctor ought not to have 
 been paid, but punished. 
 
 " Thus, peculation has now become a law : the proc- 
 tor's fees, paid at first for a low valuation, are now, in some 
 cases, added to a full one ; and the parish is obliged to 
 pay ten per cent, to the proctor, for the privilege of pay- 
 ing the full tithe to the parson. 
 
 ** Under this head the allegation is, that the tithe-proc- 
 tors, in certain parishes of the south, do ask and extort 
 from the poor parishioners one or two shillings in the 
 pound, under the description of proctorage; a fee at 
 once illegal and oppressive ; and this they are ready to 
 verify at your bar. 
 
 " It has been said, that an equity has been always ob- 
 served in favour of the tiller of the soil. This, I under- 
 stand, will be controverted ; and it will be proved, that 
 in some of the disturbed parishes, the demands of the 
 following articles will be found to pay tithe ; wheat, po- 
 tatoes, barley, here, rye, flax, hemp, sheep, lambs, milch 
 
 VOL. I. z 
 
338 APPENDIX. 
 
 Gows, turf, pigs, apples, peaches, bees, cabbage, osiers-; 
 ill some, oblations, Easter-ofFerings, burial-money. 
 
 " I understand that every thing, of any consequence, 
 which is tithed in any part of Ireland, is tithed in Mun- 
 ster ; that potatoes, which are tithed in no other part of 
 Ireland, are tithed here ; and that each article is, in most 
 of the disturbed parts, tithed higher than in any other 
 part of Ireland. 
 
 " I understand that it will appear that, in some parts of 
 Kerry, they tithe potatoes 1/., wheat 165., barley 1S5., 
 oats I2s., hay 2s. 
 
 '^ In Kerry they do not measure by the acre, but the 
 spade. They reckon, as I am informed, the breadth of 
 their potatoe-ridge, or trench, to be an Irisli perch, or 
 ten feet and an half: the length, therefore, when three 
 hundred and twenty perches make an acre, they measure 
 by the spade length, which is five feet and a half long. 
 Twenty of these Irish spades, they suppose to contain 
 eighteen stone of potatoes, or what they call two Kerry 
 pecks ; and as there are little more than sixty-one score 
 spades in the bed of three hundred and twenty perches ; 
 that is, in an acre, the whole quantity of potatoes is valued 
 at eleven hundred, or one hundred and twenty-two Kerry 
 pecks ; which averages at twenty pence the peck, that is, 
 205. the acre, for tithe of potatoes. 
 
 a 
 
 In a parish in the county of Cork, I understand the 
 following demand was made, and paid : — 
 
 " Wheat Ss, tlie English acre ; barley, the same ; mea- 
 dow, 4-5.; oats, 45.; potatoes, 125.; proctor's fees, 2s, 2d,; in 
 
APPENDIX. 3S[) 
 
 the -pound ; and this not for one year, but a succession. 
 This, when valued by the Irish acre, is, for wheat, 1 3s, ; 
 barley, 1 3s.; meadow, 6s. 6d.; oats, 6s. 6d.; potatoes, \9s. 
 
 *' This will better appear by stating to you some of the 
 proctor's bills for a series of years, which I understand 
 will be proved at your bar. 
 
 In the year 1782. 
 
 JL' s. d. 
 
 For 113 English acres of meadow 21 16 
 
 16 Ditto barley 5 12 
 
 8 Ditto oats 1 12 
 
 2 Ditto potatoes 1 4 
 
 2s. Proctorage 3 5 
 
 In the year 1783. 
 
 92 English acres of meadow 18 
 
 18 Ditto oats 3 
 
 4 Ditto potatoes , 2 8 
 
 2s. In the pound, proctorage 2 12 
 
 Valuation for 1784. 
 
 71' Acres of meadow 14 
 
 9 Ditto, second crop, potatoes 4 10 
 
 For 1785. 
 
 8 Acres barley, second crop 2 16 
 
 1 Ditto potatoes, second crop 10 
 
 For 1786. 
 
 3 Acres and a half potatoes and flax 2 2 
 
 2 Ditto barley 16 
 
 7 Ditto meadow 110 
 
 10 Cows 3 4 
 
 " You will observe that these are all the English acre, 
 and make the acreable ratages about what I have stated, 
 in round numbers. 
 
 z 2 
 
340 APPENDIX. 
 
 " I have also to produce several affidavits of different 
 people (peasants, I suppose they are) from the county of 
 Cork. The brief of which affidavits I will now state to 
 you : they depose, that a charge was made of ten shil- 
 lings (English acre, I am informed) for wheat, and ten 
 for potatoes of the worst kind. 
 
 " That a charge was made of twenty shillings for an 
 acre and half of barley ; and that the crop was a bad one. 
 
 " That a charge was made and exacted, of fifteen shil- 
 lings for half an English acre of wheat, and half an acre 
 of oats. 
 
 " They prove, that the tithe has increased of late, in 
 some parts, from 5s. to 85. or 1 O5. the English acre, for 
 potatoes ; from 4^. to 85. or 1 0^. for wheat ; and for bar- 
 ley, oats, and hay, in a similar proportion. 
 
 " They prove, that the charges in the ecclesiastical 
 courts have swelled to ten times the original sum. 
 
 " They prove, that the tithe demanded in 1 786 in some 
 instances exceeded the rack-rent of the land : they prove 
 that it is a practice to charge for more acres than the 
 peasant has in tillage ; and they produce the charge of the 
 proctor, and the return of the surveyor : they prove, that 
 the prices charged in some instances in 1786 exceeded 
 the value of the tithe. 
 
 " They prove, an unchristian and uncharitable exac- 
 tion. What credit is to be given to these affidavits you will 
 be the best judges when you go into the committee : but 
 this, I think, even on the statement, you can decide — - 
 
APPENDIX. ,S41 
 
 that these peasants have been oppressed by tithe ; and, 
 however fondly and partially these men may state their 
 own case, yet it appears that they have a case which you 
 ought to consider ; and that there has not been that mo- 
 deration on the part of the parson and proctor, as by 
 the former is so confidently alleged. 
 
 " I understand in the course of your enquiry it will ap- 
 pear, that a living has been lately and rapidly raised 
 from 60/. to 300/. by the new incumbent : that a farm 
 from 12/. a year tithe has been raised to 60/.: that a 
 living in these disturbed parts, from 1 30/. has been, in 
 the same manner and expedition, raised to 340/. : that 
 another living in these disturbed parts, in the same man- 
 ner, has been raised from 300/. to 1000/. 
 
 " I understand it will appear to you, that 14/. have 
 been demanded and paid for eleven acres, the rent of which 
 was only 11/. lis.; that flax has been, in some of those 
 disturbed parts, rated exorbitantly ; that rape has been 
 rated at one guinea an acre ; nay, one return goes so far 
 as to say, 1 6/. were demanded for four acres of rape. 
 Tliese particulars you will judge of when you open your 
 committee, how far they may be exaggerations, how far 
 they may be grievances, after every allowance for san- 
 guine statement on the part of the husbandman. 
 
 '* But there are some returns, which cannot be exag- 
 gerations, and which are exorbitant : they are the returns 
 of the proper officer appointed by the court of chancery 
 to try petitions under the Compensation Act. 
 
 z 3 
 
84^^ 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 " From Limerick there are five ; one is — 
 
 Flax from lOs. to 0^. 
 
 Potatoes — 8 — 10 
 
 Wheat — 6—0 
 
 Barley — 6 — 
 
 Oats — 4- — 5 
 
 Proved to have been constantly paid. 
 
 Meadow from 2s, 3d. to 3sk 
 
 Sheep 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 Lambs 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 — O 
 
 Cows 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 Receivers* 
 
 fees 2 
 
 2 
 
 — 0. 
 
 November the 5th, 1787. 
 
 Averae'e valuation allowed. 
 
 D 
 
 lax - 
 
 . 
 
 - 12*. 0^. 
 
 Oats - 
 
 - 4*. Od. 
 
 *otatoe 
 
 s - 
 
 - 10 
 
 Meadow - 
 
 - 2 10 
 
 tye 
 
 -■ 
 
 - 6 
 Cows 4 
 
 d. each. 
 
 
 
 October 31s/, 1787. — Average valuation allowed. 
 
 - 5^. 0^. 1 I 
 -3 |§ 
 
 Potatoes 
 Wheat 
 
 - 10*. Od. 
 
 - 10 
 
 Oats 
 Meadow - 
 
 Cows 3d, each. 
 
 December I9th, 1787. 
 
 Average valuation allowed. 
 
 Wheat - '9s. Od. Oats - 
 
 Potatoes - - 8 Meadow - 
 
 Barley - -76 
 
 Sheep 4:d., Cows 2d. each. 
 
 - 4*. Gr/."^ '^ 
 
 - 2 6 
 
 Barley - 
 
 - 10*. 0^. 
 
 Oats - 
 
 - 6 
 
 Meadow - 
 
 - 6 
 
 October ISth, 1787. — Valuation per report made to 
 the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Potatoes - - 12*. Od. 
 
 Flax - - 12 
 
 Rape - - 12 
 
 Wheat - - 10 
 
 Cows 3d., Sheep and Lambs together, 3d.. 
 
 •' I shall now read you the return from Cork, from the 
 proper officer appointed to try petitions. The return 
 consists of different acreable rateages. The acre, I am 
 
APPENJ3IX. 
 
 348 
 
 tdltl, 'in that county, is the Enic 
 ratages are as follow : 
 
 1 aciv ; if so, the 
 
 Potatoes. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Meadow. 
 
 ! 
 
 Eng. 
 
 Irish 
 
 Eng. 
 
 Irish 
 
 Eng. 
 
 Irish 
 
 Eng. 
 
 Irish 
 
 Eng. 
 
 Irish 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 Acre. 
 
 s. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 s. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 s. 
 
 S. d. 
 
 S. 
 
 5. d. 
 
 S. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 5 
 
 8 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 9 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 11 4 
 
 6 
 
 9 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 10 
 
 2 
 
 3 3 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 8 1 
 
 4 
 
 6 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 10 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 9 9 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 6 6 
 
 " I believe there is no man who hears these charges 
 that will not think some of them exorbitant, uncon- 
 scionable, and totally different from those which the 
 advocates for tithe have ventured publicly to acknow- 
 ledge or defend. I believe no man who hears these 
 ratages will not say, that some of them preclude the 
 idea of any equity in favour of the tiller of the soil ; 
 and that the person who makes such a demand means 
 to exact the last penny of his claim, and if he talks of 
 moderation, is a hypocrite. As to potatoes, the clergy- 
 man ought not to proceed with reference to the produce, 
 but the price of labour. In the parts of which I have 
 been speaking, the price of labour is not more than 5d. 
 a day the year round ; that is, 6/. 45. the year, supposing 
 the labourer to work every day but Sunday : making 
 an allowance for sickness, broken weather, and holi- 
 days, you should strike off more than a sixth ; he has 
 not in fact then more than 5/. a year by his labour. His 
 family average above five, nearer six, of wliom the wife 
 
 z 4 
 
3i4 APPENDIX^ 
 
 may make something of spinning; (in these parts of the 
 co.untry there are considerable manufactories). Five 
 pounds a year, with the wife's small earnings, is the 
 capital to support such a family, and pay rent, and 
 hearth-money, and, in some cases of illegal exaction, 
 smoke-money to the parson. When a gentleman of the 
 church of Ireland comes to a peasant so circumstanced, 
 and demands twelve or sixteen shillings an acre for 
 tithe of potatoes, he demands a child's provision, — he 
 exacts contribution from a pauper, — he gleans from 
 wretchedness, — he leases from penury, — he fattens on 
 hunger, raggedness, and destitution. In vain shall he 
 state to such a man the proctor's valuation, and inform 
 him, that an acre of potatoes well tilled, and in good 
 ground, should produce so many barrels ; that each 
 barrel, at the market-price, is worth so many shillings, 
 which, after allowing for digging, tithes at so much. 
 The peasant may answer this reasoning by the Bible : 
 he may set up against the tithe-proctor's valuation the 
 New Testament ; the precepts of Christ against] the 
 clergyman's arithmetic ; the parson's spiritual professions 
 against his temporal exactions ; and, in the argument, the 
 peasant would have the advantage of the parson. It is 
 an odious contest between poverty and luxury; — between 
 the struggles of a pauper and the luxury of a priest. 
 Such a man, making such a demand, may have many 
 good qualities ; may be a good theologian ; an excellent 
 controversialist ; deeply read in church history ; very 
 accurate in the value of church benefices ; an excellent 
 high-priest, — but no Christian pastor. He is not the 
 idea of a Christian minister : the White-boy is the least 
 of his foes : his great enemy is the precept of the 
 Gospel, and the example of the apostles. 
 
APPENDIX. Si5 
 
 " With respect to the rudiments of manufacture, you 
 ought not to proceed according either to the produce 
 or to the price of labour : you should observe an equity 
 in favour of the manufacturer. When 1 2s. an acre are 
 demanded for flax, the tithe is fatal to the progress of 
 the linen trade in the south ; and the great words, " in- 
 crease and multiply," meet obstruction, in this instance, 
 from some of the ministers of the Gospel, or those em- 
 ployed by them, preventing the growth of manufacture 
 and population by the excess of demand, and the love 
 of riches. 
 
 " England established a modus for flax, a modus of 55, 
 an acre; and yet the linen manufacture is not the staple 
 of England, but was given up by England to be the 
 staple of Ireland. The parliament of England estab- 
 lishes there a modus of 5s. an acre for your staple ; and 
 some of your clergy here demand for it .1 2s. an acre. 
 
 *' Under the head of excess, the following allegation is 
 submitted to your consideration : that in certain parishes 
 of the south the charge for tithe has been unconscion- 
 able, and has not observed any equity in favour of the 
 husbandman, the poor, or the manufacturer. But the law 
 would relieve them : turn to the ecclesiastical courts — the 
 judge is a clergyman, or appointed by a clergyman, and, 
 of course, is a party judge ; and though, in some cases, 
 his personal rectitude may correct his situation, and pre- 
 vent him from being a partial, yet, from the constitution 
 of his court, he is a party, judge. The ecclesiastical 
 courts in England maintained gravel and stone to be 
 titheable, as some of ours maintained turf to be titheable. 
 •Lord Holt said, they made every thing titheable ; but, 
 says he, I do not regard that the pope, from whom our 
 
346 APPENDIX. 
 
 clergy derive their claim, though they depart from its 
 alleged application, subjected to tithe the gains of the 
 merchant, and the pay of the army : the canons went 
 farther, and held the tithe of fornication and adultery 
 to be the undoubted property of the church. We are 
 now too enlightened to listen to claims carried to so very 
 great an extent; and ecclesiastical courts are less extra- 
 vagant now ; but still the principle continues, the bias 
 continues — still they are party courts : the evidence, 
 like the judge, is a party ; he is worse ; he is frequently 
 the servant of the party, and the nature of his evidence 
 is the best calculated to give every latitude to partiality 
 and corruption. He generally views the crop, when the 
 crop is ripe, or when the ground is red : in the first 
 case, he cannot, with any great accuracy, ascertain the 
 quantum of produce ; and in the last case, he cannot, 
 with any accuracy at all ; and yet, without survey, with- 
 out measure, and, in some cases, without inspection of 
 the crop, hear him swearing before a party judge to the 
 quantum of ground and produce ! 
 
 " I have selected some cases from the vicar's court of 
 Cashel. I will read them ; and on some of them will 
 make such observations as occur to me. I will begin 
 with the year 1766, to prove the present mode and 
 measure to be encroachment. 
 
 " * 1766. Seymour against Burke. — Subtracted two- 
 thirds of two acres of bere, two acres of oats, five 
 acres of oats, and one acre and an half of potatoes, and 
 three acres of meadowing, parish of Bally brood, and 
 county of Limerick, valued at 1/. 125. It was proved 
 that all the tithes of the said parish belonged to pro- 
 
 J3 
 
APPENDIX. 347 
 
 movent; and that two-thirds of the tithes were sub- 
 tracted by the impiignant. 
 
 " ' Hamley against Ryan and others. — Seven lambs, 
 and forty-two sheep, 85. 2(1.; one acre of oats and 
 potatoes, 3s. ; half an acre of oats, 1 s. 6(1. ; seven 
 acres of meadow, at Is. 6d. per acre, lOs. 6d. 
 
 " ' 1767. — They had two acres of potatoes, IO5. ; two 
 acres of new potatoes, 1 2s. ; three roods of oats, 
 2s. Sd.; six acres of meadow, at Is. 6d. an acre; 
 forty-one sheep and twelve lambs, at 2d. a piece, 8s. 1 Od. 
 
 (( i 
 
 1768. — They had fom* acres of potatoes, 1/. ; half 
 an acre of new potatoes, 3s. ; six acres of meadow, 9^. 
 
 *' ' September 1 . 1 769. Knockgraffin. — The Reverend 
 Nicholas Herbert against Packer. — Eight acres of wheat, 
 at 5s. an acre. 
 
 " ' Massey against Smith wick. — Oats, one acre and an 
 half, 6s.; on the lands of Ballynagrana, in the parish of 
 Emly. 
 
 '* ' Morgan against Fitzpatrick, Ballydacrld, diocese of 
 Cashel. — One acre and a half of bere, 75. 6d. ; two acres 
 of meadow, at 2s. 6d. each, 5s.; three acres of oats, at 
 2s. 6d. each, 7s. 6d. 
 
 a i 
 
 February/ 16. 1771. — Doctor Jervois against the 
 Morrisseys. — Half an acre of potatoes, 45. ; one acre 
 and a half of wheat, 1 2s. ; six acres of meadow, 1 85. ; two 
 acres of oats, 85. ; one acre of wheat and some potatoes, 
 85. ; one acre of wheat and some potatoes, 6s. ; one acre 
 
348 APPENDIX. 
 
 of wheat and some potatoes, 8s,; half an acre of potatoes 
 and oats, 3s, ; half an acre of wheat, 45. ; half an acre of 
 potatoes, 45. ; one acre of oats and potatoes, 6s, 
 
 " ' Cooper against Glissan. — One acre of oats, 3s, 6d, ; 
 one acre of here, 5s, ; two acres of wheat, 1 05. ; two 
 acres of rape, 145. 
 
 "« February 8, 1772. Lloyd against Hourigan. — 
 Subtracted in 1770, an orchard on the lands of Grange, 
 in the parish of Cahirconlish, two-thirds of the tithes, 
 \l, 6s. Sd,; and on the lands of Knockeen another orchard, 
 two-thirds of the tithes of which, 165. 8 c?. 
 
 " « Hamley against Sadlier. — Thirty acres of meadow, 
 at l5. Id, an acre; twelve acres of meadow, at l5. 6d, an 
 acre : decreed, with 65. 8d, costs. Note, — The lands in 
 the Union of Toom. 
 
 " ' January 23, 1 773. Blake against Bryan. — Brittas, 
 in the parish of Thurles; impugnant, in 1771 subtracted 
 two one-half acres of potatoes, at 75. 6d, ; one acre of 
 barley, at 5s.; 18 acres of meadow, at 35. And in 
 1772, he subtracted seven one-half acres, at 85.; four 
 one-half acres of bere, at 75. ; four one-half acres of bar- 
 ley, at 55. ; eight acres of oats, at 55. ; 12 acres of mea- 
 dow, at 35, 
 
 " ' January 8. 1774. Moore against several persons. 
 — Barley, 6s, 6d, an acre; wheat, 75.; meadow, 25. 6d,; 
 potatoes, 85. In the parish of Emly. 
 
 ** < Rial against several persons. — Five one-half acres 
 of potatoes, 1/. 135.; two acres of oats, 85.; one one-half 
 
APPENDIX. 349 
 
 acre of meadow, 6s.; one acre of rape, Ss. Killenaule. 
 Decreed, with 6d, costs in each. 
 
 " ' Cooper against Glissan. — Bere, 5s. an acre ; oats, 
 4^. an acre; oats, 3s. 6d. an acre; wheat, 5s. Deansgrove, 
 in the parish of the Rocks. 
 
 "* Herbert against M'Enclane. — Wheat, 8s. an acre; 
 oats, 3s, 6d. ; bere and flax, 6s. ; potatoes, 8^. Knock- 
 graffin parish. 
 
 " * February 2. 3 775. Lockwood against Mockler. — 
 Barley 5s. an acre ; oats, 3s, 6d. ; bere, one one-fourth 
 acre, 6s. 3d, Ardmayle parish. 
 
 " * Lockwood against Meagher. — Bere, 5s. an acre ; 
 oats, 3s. 6d. ; wheat, 6s. Ardymale parish. 
 
 " * January 20. 1 778. Cooper against Cunningham, 
 Thurlesbegg, the parish of the Rocks. — Oats, 3s. 6d. an 
 acre ; barley, 5s. ; rape, %s, 
 
 " * 1780. Pratt against Freehy, Ballingarry parish. — 
 Wheat, 5s. an acre ; potatoes, 2s. ; oats, \0d. Subtracted 
 in 1777. 
 
 " ' Treing against Cleary and others. Parish of Jenna. 
 •^Potatoes, 6s, an acre; wheat, 7^. ; bere, 6s, \ oats, 4^. 
 
 *' * Shaw against Carroll, Ballyshechan parish. — Two- 
 thirds of the tithes, 265 barrels of potatoes, growing on 
 four one-half acres, at 3s. 6d. a barrel, 3h \s. 3d,\ 
 42 Jjarrels of wheat, on seven acres, 21, \5s, Od.; 64 bar- 
 
350 APPENDIX. 
 
 rels of bere on four acres, 1/. 10^. 3d,; in all, 71. 6s, 6d.^ 
 with \l. costs. 
 
 " ' Hare against same. — 265 barrels of potatoes, one- 
 third of the tithes thereof, 1/. 9s, 8^d,; 42 barrels, one- 
 third of the tithes thereof, 1/. 85. 2d,; 64 barrels of bere, 
 one-third of the tithes thereof, 135. 7hd,; decreed, with 
 ll, costs. 
 
 ** ' Same against Mary Strang. — 2350 barrels of pota- 
 toes, one-half of the tithe of which, 22/. Is, 5d, ; bere, 
 128 barrels, one-half of the tithe of which, 2/. 6s, 4>d,; 
 oats, 143 barrels, one-half of the tithe of which, 
 21, 3s. 8d, ; flax, one-half of the tithe of which, 5s, ; 
 hay, 125 tons, one-half of the tithe of which, 6l, 5s,; in 
 all 33/. Is, 46?. The archbishop took time to consider. 
 
 '-"' Jtdy 16. 1780. Same against same. — Nave, for 
 th^ impugnant, prayed to be let into the merits, 
 but his grace over-ruled him. Nave then tendered 
 10/. 45. 9d, as a compensation, which the promovent 
 refused. Griffith prayed sentence, which was decreed by 
 his grace for 33/. l5. 4^., with 1/. 6s, 8d, costs. 
 
 ^^^ August 12. 1782. M assey against Murnane. — 
 Meadow, five acres, 1/. and 1/.; 6s. Sd, costs. 
 
 '^^ October 7. 1782. Shaw against Mahony. — Ordered, 
 that Gilbert Meara, the proctor of Caesar Sutton, be en- 
 joined from collecting or demanding tithes from any of 
 the parishioners of Ballyshechan, which are claimed by 
 said Sutton. 
 
APPENDIX. 351 
 
 " *' Hare against Strang. — Decree, that the appeal is 
 deserted in pain ; and that a monition shall issue for 33/. 
 Is, 4fd., pursuant to the rule of the 16th July, 1781. 
 
 '' ^ March 10. 1783. Lloyd against Hoops. — 60 
 acres of meadow, producing 240 tons, valued 16/.; 10 
 acres, 4-0 tons, 2/. 135. ^d, ; 6048 stone of potatoes, at 
 Id, per stone, the tithe in all, 2/. lOs, 46/., and 1/. 6s, 8d, 
 costs. 
 
 " * Ryan against Madden. — Decree for 45. 6d. for the 
 tithe of two acres of meadow, and 1/. 6s, 8d, costs. 
 
 " ' Moore against Pat. Moroney. — One acre of pota- 
 toes, producing 60 barrels, at 95. 9^. per barrel, that is, 
 2/. 185. 6d. per acre; four acres of meadow, at 2 J tons 
 per acre, 11. per ton. 
 
 ^'^June, 1785. Ryan against Greene. — Four acres 
 and three-fourths of potatoes, at 64 barrels, containing 
 4256 stone, the tithes 425 stone, at 4c?. per stone, amount 
 to 5/. 6s, 3d,; flax, two acres and one-half, 160 stone, 
 the tithe, 1 6 stone, at 45., 3/. 45. Od, ; oats, four acres 
 and one-quarter, containing 232 stone, the tithe, 43 
 stone, at 6d, per stone, 1/. l5. 6d, ; meadow, ten acres, 30 
 tons, the tithe at 2/. 25. per acre, 61, I6s, 6d,; in all, 
 16/. 85. 3d, 
 
 " ' Parish of Balingarry, Jww^26. 1 784. Preston against 
 Clifford. — In 1783, 420 stone of potatoes, tithe at Sd, 
 per stone, amount to 105. 6d, ; oats, 48 stone, tithe at 9d, 
 per stone, 35, 4^^^. ; barley, 196 stone, tithe at 8d, per 
 stone, 135. ; hay, 10 tons, tithe whereof one ton, 21. 3s, 4c/. 
 Decreed, and 1/. 6s, Sd, costs. 
 
352 appendix; 
 
 ^'^July 26. 1784. Walsh against Fanning, parish 
 of Kilcooly, in 1783. — Had two one-half tons, at 205. per 
 ton, the tithe five hundred weight, value 55. ; potatoes, 
 100 barrels, at Ss. per, the tithe \L 105.; oats, five bar- 
 rels, tithe half-barrel, value 35. 6d. ; in all, \L 185. Qd, 
 Decreed, and 1/. Qs, 8d. costs/ 
 
 " It appears fi-om one of these decrees, that in the year 
 1780, a demand is brought for 265 barrels of potatoes, 
 ^s two-thirds of the tithe of the parish of Ballyshechan. 
 
 ^' By what learned process the proctor or evidence can 
 prove this precise value, or whether he has measured 
 the crop, I cannot say ; but I most strongly suspect the 
 contrary ; and then his valuation is a false and arbitrary 
 accuracy ; and his subdivision of the crop is a trick to 
 increase the charge. The minuteness of charge is the 
 multiplication of oppression. Do not imagine that the 
 proprietor of tithe cannot proceed otherwise than by this 
 species of minute valuation ; for I have read you the 
 report of suits brought in different manner, to which I 
 beg you may advert. This method appears from the 
 report, an innovation : it is tithing by mouthfuls. 
 
 " It appears from this decree, that these 265 barrels 
 of potatoes were the produce of four acres and an 
 half; the charge appears to be 4/. 35. 9d., that is, near 
 1/. the acre for potatoes. Tlie case goes on, and 
 charges for 42 barrels of wheat, (not measured, I ap- 
 prehend,) 4Z. 45. 6d., value 205. the barrel; and as this 
 appears to arise from seven acres, the charge is 125. 
 the acre ; to this is added 205. costs. 
 
APPENDIX. 35S 
 
 The case that follows this, is a demand brought for 
 one-third of the tithe, and proceeds exactly on the same 
 principles of crafty minuteness, false accuracy, and real 
 oppression. 
 
 In these cases you will recollect, that there should 
 ever be made a difference between the field price and 
 market price : the field price is what the crop is worth at 
 the time and in the state in which the parson's right 
 accrues ; and the market price is that to which the par- 
 son has no right. These distinctions do not seem always 
 to have been religiously adhered to by these clerical 
 judges. 
 
 Tlie next case I shall observe on is, a demand brought 
 for 2350 barrels of potatoes, 128 barrels of here, and 
 148 barrels of oats. On what evidence ? Who was the 
 laborious indefatigable man who went through the lon^^* 
 process of measuring and weighing this ponderous and 
 bulky produce? This is the case of Mrs. Steang; and 
 the result of this charge is a decree for 331. 145., and 
 ]/. 6s. Sd. cost. There is no necessity for knowledge 
 of fact to support such a demand : the evidence does it 
 by his power of guessing, by his craft, his sagacity; 
 which it seems, before such a tribunal, is satisfactory. 
 You think this measure by the barrel a criminal inge- 
 nuity ; but they carry it much farther : they swear ^^ 
 the stone. 
 
 I have read you a suit brought for 6048 stone 
 of potatoes; but there is a case which sums up all the 
 principles which I have stated and objected to : it is the 
 case of Ryan against Greene, — in this, foui- acres and 
 
 VOI<. I. A A 
 
35'ii APPENDIX. 
 
 a quarter of potatoes are alleged to have contained 4266 
 stone, and are tithed at 51. 6s. 3d., which is above one 
 guinea an acre for potatoes : two acres and a half of 
 flax are alleged to contain 160 stone, and are charged 
 above 3l. 45. ; above a guinea an acre for flax : four acres 
 and a quarter of oats, alleged to contain 432 stone, are 
 charged 1/. l5. 6d.; about 5^. the acre: 10 acres of mea- 
 dow, alleged to contain 30 ton, are charged at 6l. 6s. 6d. ; 
 that is above 1 25. the acre meadow : the decree went 
 for the sum charged, 16/. 85. 3d., and the cost, \l. 6s. Sd. 
 An observation, which aggravates even this case, will 
 occur, when I tell you this charge was made in a year of 
 famine — the famine of 1783, when an embargo was 
 laid on your exports, and the people nourished by con- 
 tribution. There is another aggravation even to this : 
 they charge a famine price, and calculate a plenty pro^ 
 duce, and avail themselves of both. 
 
 There is another case of scarcity, where a suit is brought 
 for four hundred and thirty stone of potatoes, valued 
 at 3d. per stone, a price of scarcity ; 48 stone of oats, a 
 price of scarcity ; and for ten tons of hay, valued at 
 21, 3s. 4^d. the ton, a price of scarcity, decreed with 
 ll. 6s. Sd. costs. Another case of scarcity, where a de- 
 mand is made for 630 stone of potatoes, valued at 3d. 
 per stone, a price of scarcity ; ninety-six stone of oats, 
 valued at 9d. per stone, a price of scarcity ; eleven tons 
 of hay, at 21. 3s. 9d. the ton; total tithe, 31. 16s., decreed, 
 with 1/. 6s. 8d. costs : and these seem to be the case 
 of poor peasants, who have but 600 or 400 stone of 
 potatoes, valued at 3d. a stone, in a hard year, in the 
 famine of 1783, decreed with the aggravation of th© 
 highest costs the law would allow, 
 
APPENDIX. 355 
 
 But there is a case of a most extraordinary appear- 
 ance — a case which rises on famine : I do not see that 
 any decree was made upon it. One acre of potatoes is 
 alleged to contain 60 barrels of potatoes ; and each bar- 
 rel is valued at 9^. 9^.; that is 2/. 185. 6d. tithe for the 
 acre of potatoes. 
 
 With regard to the legality of the conduct of a clergy- 
 man, who, in rating his parishioners, takes advantage 
 of a famine, and brings up, as it were, the rear of 
 divine vengeance, and becomes, in his own person, the 
 last great scourge of the husbandman, — with regard to 
 the legality of the conduct of a clergyman, who not 
 only takes the advantage of famine, but joins a famine 
 price to a plenty produce, and by one and the same act, 
 punishes human industry, and aggravates physical mis- 
 fortune — as to the legality of such a conduct, I shall say 
 nothing: it maybe perfectly consistent with his temporal 
 claims, but blasts his spiritual pretensions for ever. 
 
 After these oppressions, — the most grievous kind of 
 oppressions — oppressions by judgment of law, — you 
 would hardly listen to the minor grievance, where the 
 decree shall be for 1/., and the costs \l. 6s. 8d,; where 
 the decree shall be for 45., and costs ll. 6s. 8d. There 
 are several of this kind ; but this would seem the mercy 
 of the court, admonishing the peasantry never to appear 
 aerain before such a tribunal. 
 
 *f^' 
 
 From these instances I may infer, that the peasantry 
 must look for redress to parliament, and will not find it 
 in the spiritual courts ; which, from their distance, from 
 the uncertainty of their session, from their constitution, 
 and from their judgments, must rather give the tithe- 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 APPENDIX. 
 
 farmer a confidence in extortion, than the husbandman 
 a confidence in the law. From these instances I think 
 I have proved, that there has existed such a thing as 
 excess of demand — excess of demand, without remedy ; 
 and this excess would be better understood, if you com- 
 pare the ratages of the south with those of other parts 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 Here Mr. Grattan observed, that two material dif- 
 ferences existed ; first, that potatoes v/ere tithed no- 
 where but in the south ; secondly, that the other articles 
 of tillage were tithed nowhere so high as in the south : 
 that there were some few parishes, 'tis true, in the 
 north, and some parts of counties that bordered on 
 Munster, where potatoes were tithed ; but that the in- 
 stances were few ; and the exception proved the rule. 
 
 That the other articles of tillage were not tithed so 
 high in other places, after making every allowance for 
 difference of soil. 
 
 Here Mr. Grattan stated the ratages which were 
 usual in the other provinces, and which were much less 
 than those exacted in the south, which, he said, ap- 
 peared to be the region of poverty and exaction ; and 
 tumult seemed commensurate witli the exaction, which, 
 he said, fell particularly heavy on those who were the 
 least able to pay. He showed, that in the other pro- 
 vinces, not only the tithe on tillage was less, but that 
 there were certain moduses, in some of their coun- 
 ties, for articles which in the south were heavily tithed. 
 Thus, in the north, there was a modus for flax, sixpence, 
 be the quantity ever so great. That in part of Con- 
 naught there was a modus for hay, sixpence per farm, 
 
APPENDIX. 357 
 
 be the quantity ever so great. That, considering the 
 exemption of potatoes, these moduses, and the ratages 
 on tillage in the other parts of the kingdom, two ob- 
 servations must arise ; 1st, either that the clergy were 
 greatly cheated in the three parts of Ireland, or that 
 the people were greatly oppressed in the south ; 2dly, 
 that you must raise the ratages of the clergy in Ulster, 
 Connaught, and Leinster, or you must now check them 
 in Munster. Are you prepared for the former of those 
 events ? Are you prepared, in Connaught and Ulster, 
 to pay 125. or 145. for potatoes, and 125. the acre for 
 flax? Are you prepared, in Ulster, for the compensation- 
 bill, and the magistracy-bill, which must accompany 
 and enforce such efforts to introduce among you those 
 exactions which oppress Munster ? It is true, the north 
 is teazed in some counties by small dues, which it is a 
 part of my scheme to put an end to, and make a com- 
 pensation to the clergy. 
 
 The ratages of the south will be still better under- 
 stood, by comparing them with her own ratages at a 
 former period : that from every information he could 
 collect, they had greatly increased. This will be a very 
 proper subject for your committee. 
 
 That he had affidavits to produce, stating the increase, 
 which was rapid and exorbitant, bearing no proportion 
 whatsoever to the general increase in the value of things. 
 That these affidavits seemed warranted by the current 
 testimony of public opinion, and, particularly, by extracts 
 from the decrees of the vicar court ; where, it appeared, 
 not from one decree, but a course of decrees, that the 
 acreable ratages of late had greatly increased. 
 
 A A 3 
 
S5S APPENDIX. 
 
 Here he read some of the decrees before referred to, 
 — That it had been said, that in the diocese of Cork and 
 Ross, the ratages had not increased these last thirty 
 years. That he was wilHng to rest the case on that 
 principle; and if the ratages in the south had not within 
 these last thirty years greatly increased, he was willing 
 to give up the question ; and he desired a committee to 
 investigate and determine that important point. That 
 this encroachment, on which he insisted, was the more 
 inexcusable, when we considered the great increiise of 
 tillasfe in the south, which of itself would have en- 
 creased the incomes of the clerg}^, even thougli they 
 had diminished their ratages : the causes of the increase 
 of tillage make the encrease of ratage improper, as well 
 as unnecessary; because they are in some degree arti- 
 ficial : the bounty on corn is an artificial cause. That 
 bounty should not be tithed. The effect of that bounty 
 has not been prevented ; but the full operation of it has 
 been checked by excessive tithe, and has been inter- 
 rupted by tumult, the companion of these excessive de- 
 mands ; so that the excess of tithe reacts on the pre- 
 mium, and makes it doubtful whether the plough shall 
 advance under the bounty, or go back under the tithe. 
 
 Another artificial cause of the growth of your tillage 
 in the south, is your want of manufacture : a poor and 
 rapid population that cannot be employed in manufac- 
 ture, must be employed in husbandry ; but then it is 
 the miserable and experimental husbandry ; what Mr. 
 Young calls an execrable tillage on bog or mountain, — 
 which, by the laws of England, would be for seven years 
 exempt from tithes, and which, by the laws of Ireland, 
 ought to be so. You have two acts ; one exempting- 
 nevvLy reclaimed ground from tithe of flax, or for seven 
 
APPENDIX. 359 
 
 years,; and another exempting reclaimed bog, provided 
 ten acres shall be reclaimed, from tithe generally for 
 seven years : but why not, as in England, exempt all 
 nevi^ly reclaimed ground from all manner of tithe for 
 seven years ? 
 
 Here Mr. Grattan mentioned, that he learned, in 
 some of the western parts of the county of Cork, they 
 rated the mountaineers higher than in many parts of the 
 richest low-land ; charging them by the spade length a 
 sum, which, when applied to the acre, was equal to 
 20 or 305. the plantation acre. These parts, and their 
 inhabitants, he understood, were entirely consigned to 
 the dominion of the tithe proctor, or tithe farmer, and 
 were equally savage, and oppressed, and turbulent. 
 
 This encroachment, this disproportion, and this ex- 
 cess, which I have already particularized, are the more 
 to be lamented, because the law does not administer the 
 remedy. The ecclesiastical courts I have proved to 
 afford no redress whatever; I have shewn that their 
 judgments are not founded in moderation, and are not 
 alwavs founded in law. 
 
 The right of setting out the tithe has not always proved, 
 hi the case of the poor, a security against illegal de- 
 mands, and does not affect to be a security against un- 
 conscionable demands. 
 
 By the law, the tenant must give forty-eight hours' 
 notice, and bind himself to a day, whether fair or foul. 
 In the case of potatoes, he must, if the parson does 
 not choose to attend, leave the ridge in the field ; which 
 may prevent his sowing winter corn, and be the dif- 
 
 A A 4 
 
360 APPENDIX. 
 
 ference between the profit on wheat and on oats. The 
 tenant cannot dig his potatoes till October : he seldom 
 does till November; and he must use them in August; 
 because the stock of last year is exhausted. Now the 
 digging a bowl of potatoes is, by construction, in the 
 ecclesiastical courts, the subtraction, not of the parti- 
 cular tithe, but of the tithes of the year : for simplicity 
 of suit, they construe subtraction of one praedial tithe 
 to be subtraction of the whole ; and for extent of power, 
 that is, for the sake of bringing the whole imder their 
 jurisdiction, they construe potatoes to be praedial 
 lithe. Thus the necessity of the year brings the peasant 
 under the lash of ecclesiastical authority, that great 
 scourge of the farmer. 
 
 In the last year the peasantry very generally set out 
 their tithe, and the clergy in several instances refused to 
 draw : they did so in several instances where there was 
 no illegal combination; unless a combination among 
 themselves, to deprive the peasant of a right to set out 
 his tithes, and get an ex post facto law to collect their 
 tithe in a new, summary, and oppressive mode. Sir, 
 it will be proved, that the countryman has waited day 
 after day, until the parson should draw his tithe. It 
 will be proved, that he has left his crop in the field until 
 it has become green. It will be proved, that he has 
 offered to the parson or proctor to hire them horses to 
 draw their tithe. It will be proved, that he has offered 
 to draw it home at his own expense. 
 
 Here Mr. Grattan read a notice from a landholder to 
 a clergyman, informing him, that he should draw on such 
 a day, and offering to send the parson horses and cars to 
 
APPENDIX. 361 
 
 draw- his tithe wherever he should appoint; and he ob- 
 served, that the parson had refused. He also observed, 
 that an offer had been made to a clergyman by a gentle- 
 man, to draw, keep, and preserve the tithe in the gentle- 
 man's haggard, if the clergyman did not choose to keep 
 it in his own ; which offer Mr. Grattan stated to have 
 been refused ; the clergyman choosing to recover by a 
 compensation, or an ca: post facto law, which went to de- 
 prive the countryman of his common right, without any 
 proof of his guilt. 
 
 That if such a bill was permitted, it would take from 
 the countryman in some of the cases mentioned above, 
 not the tenth, but the fifth ; for the tenant had lost by 
 weather the tithe severed and set out, and was likely to 
 pay another tithe by act of parliament. That this would be 
 not compensation, but robbery, and the worst species of 
 robbery, robbery by authority of parliament : it would 
 be to take the most decided and unconstitutional part, 
 in a case where this house affected to take no part at 
 all ; and where it declined every kind of information 
 whatsoever, to enable it to take any part with dignity, 
 justice, or effect ; and that by such a step we should 
 put the Irish farmer, with respect to his tithe, on ground 
 very different from that of the English farmer, and much 
 more disadvantageous. 
 
 That the law in England does not require forty-eight 
 hours. That where the tithe is left too lonsr on the 
 ground, the law of England gave the owner of the land 
 an action on the case against the parson for his negli- 
 gence. You give the parson a compensation for his 
 negligence. 
 
362 APPENDIX. 
 
 If tithes set out remain too long on the ground, the 
 law of England gives the owner of the land a right to 
 take those tithes as damage faisajit ; if sued for them, he 
 is to set forth how long they remained on the premises ; 
 and the jury (whom your bill excludes, and thus indi- 
 rectly stigmatizes) is to decide. By the law of England, 
 the care of the tithe, after severance, rests with the par- 
 son. In England, where the tithe of corn was set out, 
 and the parson would not take it, but prayed a remedy 
 in the ecclesiastical court, a prohibition against the parson 
 was granted. 
 
 See hovv' much more care the law of England takes of 
 the husbandman, how much more attention it affords him, 
 than the law of the parliament of Ireland; and it is one of the 
 charges and allegations of the husbandmen of the south, 
 — That, in certain parishes, the parishioners have duly 
 and legally set out " their tithes, have given due notice, 
 and have taken all the legal steps ; but that no person 
 has attended on the part of the clergyman ; under the ex- 
 pectation, they conceive, of getting some new method of 
 recovery hitherto unknown to the law, and tending to 
 deprive, by a past operation, the parish of the benefit 
 of its ancient right and privilege of setting out the 
 tithe." 
 
 This oppression connects itself with another part of 
 this subject — a very obnoxious, a very oppressive, and 
 a very notorious part of it — the tithe-farmer : the farming 
 of any revenue is a pernicious idea : it is the practice of 
 absolute kings, who, anxious about their riches, and 
 careless about their people, get a fixed income from some 
 desperate adventurer, and then let loose on the cam- 
 
APPENDIX. S63 
 
 muiiily this animal of prey, at once destitute of remorse, 
 and armed with authority. 
 
 In free countries such a practice is not permitted. 
 You would not allow it to the king ; and you ought not 
 to allow it to the church. It is an evil in politics, but 
 a scandal in religion ; and the more dangerous in the 
 latter, because tithe being indefinite, the latitude of 
 extortion is indefinite. The use of the tithe-farmer is 
 to get from the parishioner what the parson would be 
 ashamed to demand ; and to enable the clergyman to ab- 
 sent himself from his duty : the powers of the tithe- 
 farmer are summary laws and ecclesiastical courts : his 
 livelihood is extortion ; his rank in society is generally 
 the lowest ; and his occupation is, to pounce on the poor 
 in the name of the Lord. He is a species of wolf, left 
 by the shepherd to take care of the flock in his absence: 
 he fleeces both, and begins with the parson. 
 
 Here Mr. Grattan stated, that the tithe-farmer seldom 
 got less than one-fourth of the money collected; but 
 sometimes one-third. That there were instances where 
 he got even more, and had reduced the parson to the 
 state of a poor pensioner on his own living. That he 
 had heard, that in one of the disturbed parishes, the 
 parish had wished to come to a good understanding 
 w^ith the clergyman, and to pay him in person ; but that 
 the tithe-farmer liad obstructed such an accommodation, 
 and had, by his mercenary intervention, prevented concord, 
 moderation, and composition. Parishes were not only 
 subject to one tithe-farmer, but, in some cases, were 
 cursed with a legion of them. A non-resident clergyman 
 shall employ a tithe-farmer, who shall set the tithe over 
 
364) APPENDIX. 
 
 again, to two blacksmiths, who go among the flock like 
 two vultures. A tithe-farmer shall, on being questioned, 
 give the following account of himself: — That he held 
 the tithe from one, who had them from an officer, who 
 held them from a clergyman, who did not reside in a 
 parish where there were resident no dean, no rector, no 
 vicar, no schoolmaster; where the whole business of 
 Christianity, on the Protestant side, was transacted by 
 a curate at 50/. a year; and as the parish has been 
 disturbed by the tithe-farmer, or proctor, so has it, in 
 some cases, been quieted in getting rid of him. I have 
 known a case where the parish made with their clergy- 
 man the following agreement: — " Sir, we pay your proc- 
 tor 800/. a year, and he gives you 600/. ; w^e will give you 
 600/., and become your collectors and your security." In 
 another living the parish paid the proctor 450/. a year, 
 and the proctor paid the parson 300/. : the parishioners 
 became the collectors and the security, paid the clergy- 
 man 300/. a year, took for their trouble 30/., and eased 
 the parish of 1 20/. : the consequence was peace. And 
 the more you investigate this subject, the more you will 
 find, that the disturbance of the people, and the ex- 
 actions of the church, have been commensurate; and 
 that the peace of the former has attended the moderation 
 of the latter. Nor is it only the excess of exaction which 
 makes the tithe-farmer a public misfortune : his mode of 
 collection is another scourge; — he puts his charges into 
 one or more notes, payable at a certain time ; if not then 
 discharged, he serves the countryman with a summons, 
 charging him 6d, for the service, and l5. for the sum- 
 mons ; he then, sometimes, puts the whole into a Kerry 
 bond or instrument, which bears interest : he then either 
 keeps the bond over his head, or issues out execution, 
 
APPENDIX. 365 
 
 and gets the countryman's body and goods completely 
 into his power. To such an abuse is this abominable 
 practice carried, that, in some of the southern parts of 
 Ireland, the peasantry are made tributary to the tithe- 
 farmer; draw home his corn, his hay, and his turf for 
 nothing; give him their labour, their cars, and their 
 horses, at certain times of the year for nothing. These 
 oppressions not only exist, but have acquired a formal 
 and distinct appellation — tributes : tributes to extor- 
 tioners ; tributes paid by the poor in the name of the 
 Lord. To oppression we are to add intoxication — the 
 drunkenness and idleness which not seldom attend the 
 method in which the tithe-farmer settles his accounts 
 with the poor parishioners devoted to his care : the place 
 in which he generally settles these accounts, makes his 
 bargains, and transacts his business, is the ale-house. 
 He sometimes, I am told, keeps one himself; or he has 
 a relation who gets a license to sell ale and spirits ; be- 
 cause his friend is employed by the church, and will 
 bring: him custom. 
 
 Do you, gentlemen, sign your leases in the ale-house? 
 What should you think of a steward who made your 
 tenants drunk when he should collect your rents ? And 
 what should a clergyman think of his tithe-farmer, who 
 made his flock drunk when he collected or settled his 
 tithes, and bathed in whiskey this precious offering, this 
 primaeval property, held by some to be the very essence 
 of religion, and not only most ancient, but divine ? 
 
 To this loss of industry you are to add the loss of 
 revenue; where (as in some cases, I am told,) the re- 
 venue officer is the tithe-farmer, and in that most suspici- 
 ous and deadly combination of fraudulent capacities, 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 overcharges in tithe, and undercharges in tax : that is, 
 compensates to the countryman by robbing the king ; and 
 adds to the crime of exaction the offence of spoHation, 
 and profits by both. I appeal to the commissioners of 
 the revenue, whether they have not good reason to 
 suspect such practices? And I appeal to some of a 
 right reverend bench, whether this be the only commut- 
 ation which, in their opinion, is practicable or proper ? 
 Under this head it is alleged, that in certain parishes in 
 tlie south, tithe-farmers have oppressed, and do oppress 
 his Majesty's subjects, by various ways of extortion; by 
 assuming to themselves, arbitrarily and cruelly, powers 
 which the law does not give; and by making an oppres- 
 sive use of those powers which the law has put into their 
 hands. And this the parishioners are ready to verify 
 on oath. 
 
 To these evils are we to add another, which is the 
 principal source of them all — the uncertainty of tithe — 
 the full tenth ever must be oppressive, 
 
 A tenth of your land, your labour, and your capital, 
 to those who contribute in no shape whatsoever to the 
 produce, must be oppression. They only think other- 
 wise, who suppose, that every thing is little which is 
 given to the parson ; that no burden can be heavy, if it 
 be the weight of the parson ; that landlords should give 
 up their rent, and tenants the profits of their labour, 
 and all too little. But uncertainty aggravates that op- 
 pression : the full tenth ever must be uncertain, as well 
 as oppressive; for it is the fixed proportion of a fluctu- 
 ating quantity ; and unless the high-priest can give law 
 to the winds, and ascertain the harvest, the tithe, like 
 that harvest, must be uncertain. But this uncertainty is 
 
APPENDIX. 367 
 
 aggravated by the pernicious motives on wliicli tithe 
 frequently rises and falls. It frequently rises on the 
 poor. It falls in compliment to the rich. It proceeds 
 on principles the reverse of the gospel : it crouches to 
 the strong; and it encroaches on the feeble, and is 
 guided by the two worst principles in society, servility 
 and avarice, united against the cause of charity, and 
 under the cloak of religion. Here let me return to and 
 repeat the allegations, and call on you once more to 
 make the enquiry. It is alleged, that in certain parishes 
 of the south, tithe has been demanded and paid for 
 what, by law, was not liable to tithe ; and that the ec- 
 clesiastical courts have countenanced the illegal exaction ; 
 and evidence is ofFei'ed at your bar to prove the charge 
 on oath. Will you deny the fact? Will you justify 
 the fact ? Will you enquire into it ? 
 
 It is alleged, that tithe-proctors, in certain parishes of 
 the south, do exact fees for agency, oppressive and 
 illegal; and evidence to prove the charge is offered on 
 oath. Will you deny the fact ? Will you justify the 
 fact ? Will you enquire into it? 
 
 It is alleged, that in certain parishes of the south, 
 tithes have been excessive, and have observed no equity 
 for the poor, the husbandman, or the manufacturer; 
 and evidence is offered to prove this charge on oath. 
 Will you deny the fact ? Will you justify the fact ? Will 
 you enquire into it? 
 
 It is alleged, that in certain parishes of the south, 
 ratages for tithes have greatly and unconscionably in- 
 creased ; and evidence is offered to prove this charge on 
 
368 APPENDIX. 
 
 oath. Will you deny the fact? Will you justify the 
 fact ? Will you enquire into it ? 
 
 It is alleged, that in certain parishes of the south the 
 parishioners have duly and legally set out their tithe, 
 and given due notice ; but that no persons have attended, 
 on the part of proctor or parson ; under expectation, it 
 is apprehended, of getting some new method of re- 
 covery, tending to deprive the parish of the benefit of 
 its ancient right, that of setting out their tithe ; and 
 evidence is offered to prove this charge on oath. 
 
 It is alleged, in certain parishes in the south, tithe- 
 farmers have oppressed, and do o})press his Majesty's 
 subjects by various extortions, abuses of law, or breaches 
 of the same ; and evidence is offered to prove this charge 
 on oath. Here, once more, I ask you, will you deny 
 the fact ? Will you justify the fact ? Will you enquire 
 into it? 
 
 This being the state of the church in certain parishes 
 in the south, I wish to know, what, in the mean time, 
 within those districts, becomes of religion? Here are 
 the parson and parish at variance, about that which our 
 religion teaches us to despise — riches. Here is the 
 mammon of unrighteousness set up to interrupt our de- 
 votion to the true God. The disinterested, the humble, 
 the apostolical character, during this unseemly contest, 
 — what becomes of it ? Here are two powers — the 
 power in the tenant to set out his tithe, the power in the 
 church to try the matter in dispute by ecclesiastical ju- 
 risdiction; two powers vested by the law in the respec- 
 tive hands of church and laity, without any effect but 
 to torment one another. The power of setting of tithe 
 
APPENDrx. S69 
 
 does not affect to defend the tenant against unconscion- 
 able demands ; and, if attended with combination, se- 
 cures him against any effectual demand whatsoever. The 
 power of trying the matter in dispute by ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction, does not take place except in case of sub- 
 traction, and when it does take place, is a partial trial. 
 Thus, as the law now stands, combination is the de- 
 fence of laity, and partiality of the church. 
 
 The equity in favour of the tiller of the soil (a very 
 necessary equity indeed) becomes a new source of dis- 
 turbance ; because the parties are not agreed what that 
 equity should be ; the countryman not conceiving that 
 any one can, in equity, have a right to the tenth of his 
 land, labour, and capital, who does not own the land, 
 nor plow, nor sow, nor reap, nor contribute in any de- 
 gree whatsoever to the produce. The tithe-farmer 
 having no idea, but that of iniquity, on the subject ; 
 the parson, perhaps, conceiving, that a tenth on tillage 
 is a bare compensation in equity for what he deems the 
 greatest of all iniquity, your vote of agistment. Thus 
 the two parties, the parson and his parish, the shepherd 
 and his flock, with opposite opinions, and mutual 
 powers of annoyance in the parts I have alluded to, seem 
 to go on in a rooted animosity and silent war. 
 
 Conceive the pastor, looking over the hedge like a 
 spy, to mulct the extraordinary labours of the husband- 
 man. 
 
 Conceive him coming into the field, and saying, 
 " You are a deserving husbajidman ; you have increased 
 the value of your field by the sweat of your brow : Sir, 
 I'll make you pay me for that." Or, conceive a dialogue 
 
 VOL. I. B B 
 
370 .APPENDIX. 
 
 between a shepherd and one of his flock — " I will take 
 your tenth sheaf; and if you choose to vex me, your 
 tenth hen, and your tenth egg, and your tenth goose," 
 (not so the apostles) ; or conceive him speaking to his 
 flock by parable, and saying, " die ass stopped with 
 his burden, and his burden was doubled, and still he 
 stopped, and his burden was still increased ; and then 
 the perverse animal, finding his resistance in vain, went 
 on ; so even you shall find resistance but increase 
 your load, until the number of acts of parliament shall 
 break your back." 
 
 These pastoral discourses, if they have taken place, 
 however well attended, will not, I fear, greatly advance 
 the cause of the faithful ; particularly in a country where 
 the numbers remain to be converted to the Protestant 
 religion, not only by the superior purity of its doctrine, 
 but by the mild disinterested peace-making spirit of its 
 teachers. 
 
 Will not the dignitaries of the church interpose on 
 such an occasion ? How painful must it have been to 
 them, the teachers of the Gospel, and therefore enemies 
 to the shedding of blood, to have thought themselves 
 under the repeated necessity of applying to parliament 
 for sanguinary laws : the most sanguinary laws on your 
 statute books are tithe-bills ; the Whiteboy act is a tithe- 
 bill ; the riot act is a tithe -bill. 
 
 How painful to those dignitaries must it be to feel 
 themselves in the office of making perpetual complaints 
 asainst their own flock ; and to be conscious, in some 
 instances, of having jaded and disgusted the ears of 
 the court, by charges against the peasantry ! How 
 
APPENDIX. 871 
 
 paiiifijl to them to have repeated recourse to the miHtary 
 in their own Ccise; and to think tb.at many of their sinful 
 flock, but their flock notwithstancUng, were saved from 
 the indiscriminating edge of the sword by ecclesiastical 
 zeal, tempered and withheld, and in some cases disap- 
 pointed by the judicious mercy of military command ! 
 
 We, the laity, were right in taking the strongest 
 measures the last session. It was our duty to assert ; 
 but of these churchmen, it is the duty, and, I suppose, 
 the nature, to deprecate, to incline to the mild, the 
 meek, dispassionate, and the merciful side of the ques- 
 tion ; and rather to prevent, by moderation, than 
 punish, by death. Whether these exactions were in 
 themselves sufficient to have produced all the confusion 
 of the last year, I know not ; but this I do believe, that 
 no other cause had been sufficient without the aid of 
 exaction : if exaction had not existed, the south would 
 not, I believe, have been convulsed. A controverted 
 election alone could not well have been an adequate 
 cause : the objects of attack must, in some cases, have 
 been something more than partisans; and the flame 
 spread by contagion : the first torch must have been an 
 accident ; but the people were rendered combustible by- 
 oppression. 
 
 The Whiteboy should be hanged ; but I think the 
 tithe-farmer should be restrained. I would inflict death 
 on the felon, and impose moderation on the extortioner; 
 and thus relieve the community from the offences of 
 of both. But do not let us so far mistake the case, as 
 to suppose it a question between the parson and the 
 Whiteboy ; or that the animosity which has been excited 
 is confined to felons. No, it is extended far more gene- 
 
 B B 2 
 
S'JQ APPENDIX. 
 
 rally ; it is extended to those who have been active in 
 bringing those felons to justice; and men will appear at 
 your bar v^^ho have suffered under excess of demand, and 
 have acted to restore peace, the instrument of quiet, and 
 the objects of exaction : let us therefore examine the 
 subject, and, having already with great propriety taken 
 the most decisive steps against the insurgent, let us 
 enquire now into the cause of the outrage, and see 
 whether exaction might not have had some share, at 
 least, in the origin of it ; and if so, let us strive to 
 form some plan which may collect the riches of the 
 church, without repetition of penal laws or of public 
 disturbance. 
 
 In forming a plan for the better provision of the 
 church, the first thing to be considered is the quantum 
 of provision ; the second consideration is the fund from 
 whence that provision is to arise : the quantum of pro- 
 vision, should be the usual net income, on an average 
 of years; except in some parishes of great exaction, I 
 say usual, because I would not materially alter their 
 allowance; I say on an average of years, because I 
 would not make recent encroachment property ; I say 
 net, because when the public shall become the tithe- 
 proprietor's agent, the public will have a right to the 
 benefit of the agency. 
 
 That their income is discoverable I affirm ; and I af- 
 firm it under the authority of their own act, and their 
 own practice. Without going farther back than the last 
 session, you will find the compensation act requires the 
 person suing on the act to make a discovery of his 
 customary income, and, in some cases, discovery of his 
 ratages for three years back, on oath ; it requires that he 
 
ArPENDIX. 373 
 
 should, ill his affidavit, set forth that the valuation of 
 1786 is made as near as possible the ratage of the 
 three former years ; it requires that where a valuation 
 of the tithe of 1786 could not be made, a valuation of the 
 customary tithe for three years back should ; it enables 
 the court to appoint persons to enquire into the fact, 
 and call for parties and papers, and thus establishes two 
 principles, which were denied; that the annual income 
 of benefices is discoverable, and that the particular 
 ratage is discoverable also. I might go back to the act 
 of Henry VIII., which requires that a commission 
 should be directed to enquire into ecclesiastical be- 
 nefices, and report the value of the same; and I 
 might further adduce the act of William III., which 
 gives to the ecclesiastical person who builds, two-thirdg 
 of the sum expended ; which sum is to be ascertained by 
 a certificate; which certificate, by the 12th of George II., 
 shall contain an account of the clear yearly income of 
 the benefice. After these instances, 1 hope no man 
 will deny that the income of the clergyman is discover- 
 able ; particularly when the compensation act of the last 
 winter requires such a discovery to be made on the oath 
 of the parson. 
 
 That act was supported by the whole bench of bishops : 
 it was probably framed with their advice and sugges- 
 tions. They would not require their clergy to report 
 on oath what they themselves conceived, or had main- 
 tained to be impossible ; as if it was impossible to make 
 a discovery for the purpose of commutation, but for the 
 purpose of compensation, easy and obvious. Thus, when 
 I affirm the discoverability of the clergyman's income, 
 I have not only the authority of the church, but its oath. 
 The net return should be the parson's perpetual income,. 
 
 B B 3 
 
574 APPENDIX. 
 
 subject to the exception stated above. But, in order to 
 guard him against the fluctuation of currency, I would 
 fix the value of that income in grain : it should be the 
 value of so many barrels of wheat, to be estimated every 
 seven years by the corn office, or the clerk of the mar- 
 ket, who now quarterly strikes the average value of 
 corn throughout the kingdom. Thus, his income should 
 not be absolutely either corn or money ; but the value of 
 so much corn to be paid in money. 
 
 As to the fund fi'om whence these receipts should 
 arise, that fund should be a charge on the barony, to 
 be levied like other county charges. This method is 
 easy ; for it is already in use. The head constable should 
 be the parson's collector ; and the county should be his 
 security. 
 
 To this I know the objection, and it is an objection 
 which can be best answered by those who make it. It 
 will be said, that this scheme prevents the division of 
 unions, and the increase of poor livings, and the repairs 
 of the church ; and then you will answer your own argu- 
 ment; but a fictitious and remote vahiation for the 
 benefit of the rich clergy has been made of these cha- 
 ritable funds, frustrating the purpose of the charity, 
 equally to the neglect of the church and poor : the 
 luxviry of the priest has usurped the funds of the poor 
 and of the church, then sets up against both a miserable 
 modus, and prescribes in this instance against charity 
 and reliiiion. 
 
 'to' 
 
 However, if the dignitaries of the church will not, par- 
 liament may answer this argument, and provide for more 
 clergy, as occasion shall permit. You imparish by act of 
 
APPENDIX. 375 
 
 parliament ; with proper provision, when you see the 
 necessity, you may divide. The care of rehgion is 
 placed no where better than in the legislature. Popery 
 will tell you, that when it was entirely left to the care 
 of the priesthood, it w^as perverted and destroyed. 
 
 But if difficulties should be made to this plan, and in 
 order to give the church the growth of the country, 
 there is another plan, a modus : let every article which 
 shall be sidiject to tithe be set forth in a tithing table, 
 with certain ratages annexed ; let those ratages be 
 taken, and set forth in the tithing table as now equivalent 
 to so many stone of bread corn. 
 
 Let the act provide, that there shall be a septennial 
 valuation of bread corn, by the clerk of the market, 
 or the proper officer. 
 
 Let there be exemption for the rudiments of manu- 
 facture, and a saving for all local customs and exemp- 
 tions ; such as potatoes in most places, hay in several, 
 and such like. 
 
 In order to form this modus, which should be pro- 
 vincial, not universal, let four provincial committees be 
 appointed. You will see a precedent in your journals. 
 On the report of these provincial committees form your 
 bill. In your bill you will probably think proper to give 
 agistment, not in addition to, but in aid of ratages on 
 tillage. 
 
 If once you appoint committees, the parson and pa- 
 rish will both come forth with information ; and from 
 both you will collect the present ratages, and be enabled 
 
 ]3 B 4 
 
376 APPENDIX. 
 
 to make a rule. In forming this rule, you will probably 
 think proper to exempt the poor man's garden in the 
 south from the tithe of potatoes. 
 
 The true principle with respect to your peasantr}^, is 
 exoneration ; and if I could not take the burden entirely 
 oiF their back, I would make that burden as light as 
 possible : I would exempt the peasant's cow and garden 
 from tithe. If I could not make him rich, I would do the 
 next thing in my power ; I would consider his poverty as 
 sacred, and vindicate against an extortioner the hallowed 
 circle of his little boundary. The loss to the church 
 might be easily compensated; particularly if you give 
 agistment or head-money in case of tillage. 
 
 I would also relieve the north from small dues, as I 
 woidd relieve the poor of the south from the tithe of 
 potatoes ; and where these small dues had long obtained, 
 I would make the parson compensation, either by giving 
 him head-mone}^, or by making an estimate of these 
 dues, and raising them in the way of other county 
 char<res. Should it be said, that we should as well ex- 
 emi)t the peasant from rent as from tithe ; to that uncha- 
 ritable and unchristian observation I answer, no. The 
 land is not his own ; but his labour is his own. The 
 peasant is born without an estate ; he is born with hands ; 
 and no man has a natural right to the labour of those 
 hands, unless he pays him : thus, when you demand the 
 peasant's rent, you ask for your own estate ; when you 
 demand tithe, you ask for a portion of the peasant's 
 estate ; the poor man's only estate, the inheritance which 
 he has in the labour of his hand, and the sweat of his 
 brow. Human laws may make alterations, and when 
 made, must be observed; but it should be the policy 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 of human laws to follow the wisdom of the law of 
 nature. 
 
 The result of these principles, and of these commit- 
 tees, proceeding on the rules I have submitted, would be 
 the benefit of the church, as well as the relief of the 
 farmer ; for, establishing a modus on the average ratages 
 of a certain number of years, except in cases of exaction, 
 you would give the church as much they have at present, 
 except in those instances of unconscionable demand ; and 
 as the ratages would come net to the owner of the tithe, 
 you would in fact, on this principle, give the church 
 more; the spoil of the tithe-farmer would, therefore, 
 enable you even to lower the ratage, and yet give more 
 to the church ; so that the result would probably be, that 
 the moderate clergyman would get more, and the uncha- 
 ritable clergyman would get less; which would be a 
 distribution of justice, as well as of property. Having 
 once agreed on the modus, I would wish to give the 
 clergy, or lay impropriator, for the recovery of their 
 income, any mode they choose to appoint, civil bill or 
 any other method ; and then you will save them the 
 charge and disgrace of an expensive agency, which ex- 
 pense arises from the difficulty of the recovery, and the 
 uncertainty of the demand ; and if you add the facility 
 and cheapness of collection, with the certainty of income 
 to the quantum under the modus on the principles I 
 have stated, you will find the value of the church-pro- 
 perty would, even in the opinion of a notary-public, be 
 increased; though the imaginary claim would be cir- 
 cumscribed and diminished. This is no commutation, 
 no innovation ; here is only a regulation of tithe and an 
 abolition of tithe-farmers, and of those abuses which 
 have grown out of the uncertainty of tithe ; it takes from 
 
878 APPENDIX. 
 
 lithe its dcaclly sling, uncerUiinty, and makes it cease to? 
 be a growing penally on extraordinary labour ; and it puts^ 
 the question directly to the moderation of the church, — 
 Will you insist on indefinite demand, and unconscionable 
 ratage, as an essential part of the Christian religion, or 
 the Protestant establishment ? The bill is the answer 
 to this question, even though the clergyman should be 
 silent ; and it is therefore I press this method the more ; 
 because it does not involve the subject in speculation, 
 nor rest the redress of the peasantry on the ingenuity of 
 system, but makes that relief a matter of moderation, and 
 of Christian charity. Were you disposed to go farther, 
 you might form, on this regulation, a commutation 
 which should more effectually relieve the plough, 
 and should, at the same time, give the benefit of the 
 growth of the country to the church : let a person in 
 each parish be a})pointed in vestry by the parson and 
 the parishioners ; and if they do not agree, let each ap- 
 point their own, who shall every year make a return of 
 acres under tillage to applottei's, who shall make a 
 valuation of the same according to a tithing table, such as 
 I have stated to be established by act of parliament ; and 
 that valuation to be raised in the maimer of other ba- 
 ronial charges ; thus the parson's income would increase 
 with the extent of tillage, without falling principally on 
 the })lough. The principle of this plan, if you choose to 
 go beyond a modus, is obvious : the mechanical part of 
 this, and of the other regulation which I have submitted, 
 will be best detailed in the provincial committees, if you 
 shall choose to appoint them ; for, in fact, your plan must 
 arise out of the enquiry, and the resolutions of these 
 committees; and the great difficulty on the subject is 
 your aversion to the enquiry. There are other (hfficul- 
 ties, I allow ; the difficulties of pride, the difficulties of 
 
APPENDIX. 37!) 
 
 passic^n, the (lilllculties of bigotry, contraction of the 
 head, and harthiess of the heart. Tithes are made more 
 respectable than, and superior to, any other kind of j)ro- 
 perty. The high-priest will not take a parliamentary 
 title ; that is, in other words, he thinks they have a divine 
 right to tithe. 
 
 Whence ? None from the Jews ; the priesdiood of 
 the Jews had not the tenth. The Levites had the tenth, 
 because they had no other inheritance; but Aaron and 
 his sons had but the tenth of that tenth ; that is, the 
 priesthood of the Jews had but the hundredth part ; the 
 rest was for other uses — for the rest of the Levites, and 
 for the poor, the stranger and the widow, the or})han 
 and the temple. But, su})posing the Jewish priesthood 
 had the tenth, which they certainly had not, the Christian 
 })riesthood does not claim under them. Christ was not 
 a Levite, nor of the tribe of Levi, nor of Jewish priest- 
 hood, but came to protest against that priesthood, 
 their worship, their ordinances, their passover, and their 
 circumcision. Will a Christian priesthood say, it was 
 meet to put down the Jewish, but meet likewise to seize 
 on spoil ; as if their riches were of divine right, though 
 their religion was not ; as if Christian disinterestedness 
 might take the land, and the tithe given in lieu of land, 
 and possessed of both, and divested of the charity, ex- 
 claim against the avarice of the Jews ? 
 
 The apostles had no tithe; they did not demand it. 
 They, and he, whose mission they preiiched, protested 
 against the principle on which tithe is founded. " Carry 
 neither scrip, nor purse, nor shoes : into whatever 
 house ye go, say, ' peace.' " Here is concord, and 
 contempt of riches, not tithe. "* Take no thought what 
 
380 APPENDIX. 
 
 ye shall eat, or what ye shall drink, nor for your bodies- 
 what ye shall put on." So said Christ to his apostles.- 
 Does this look like a right in his priesthood to a tenth 
 of the goods of the community ? 
 
 " Beware of covetousness ; seek not what ye shall 
 eat; but seek the kingdom of God." 
 
 " Give alms : provide yourselves with bags that wax 
 not old ; a treasure in heaven which faileth not." 
 
 This does not look like a right in the Christian priest- 
 hood to the tenth of the goods of the community, ex- 
 empted from the poor's dividend. 
 
 " Distribute unto the poor, and seek treasure in heaven.''' 
 
 " Take care that yovir hearts be not charged with 
 surfeiting, and drunkenness, and the cares of this life." 
 
 One should not think that our Saviour was laying 
 the foundation of tithe, but cutting up the roots of the 
 claim, and prophetically admonishing some of the 
 modern priesthood. If these precepts are of divine 
 right, tithes cannot be so ; the precept which orders a. 
 con tempt of riches ; the claim which demands a tenth 
 of the fruits of the earth for the ministers of the GospeL 
 
 The peasantry, in apostolic times, had been the 
 object of charity, not of exaction. Those to whose 
 cabin the tithe-farmer has gone for tithe of turf, and to 
 whose garden he has gone for the tithe of potatoes, the 
 apostles would have visited likewise ; but they would 
 have visited with contribution, not for exaction ; the 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 poor bad shared with die apostles, though they con- 
 tribute to the churcliman. The Gospel is not an argu- 
 ment for, but against the right divine of tithe ; so are 
 the first fathers of the church. 
 
 It is the boast of Tertullian, " Nemo compellitur sed 
 sponte confert: haec quasi deposita sunt pietatis. — With 
 us, men are not under the necessity of redeeming 
 their religion ; what we have is not raised by com- 
 pulsion ; each contributes what he pleases : modicum 
 unusquisque stipendium vel cum velit, et si modo velit 
 et si modo posset. — What we receive we bestow on the 
 poor, the old, the orphan, and the infirm." 
 
 Cyprian, the bishop of Carthage, tells you, the ex- 
 pences of the church are frugal and sparing, but her 
 charity great : he calls the clergy liis fratres sportulantes, 
 a fraternity living by contribution. 
 
 Forsake, says Origen, the priests of Pharaoh, who 
 have earthly possessions, and come to us who have 
 none. We must not consume what belongs to the poor ; 
 we must be content with simple fare, and poor apparel. 
 
 Chrysostome, in the close of the fourth century, de- 
 clares that there was no practice of tithes in the former 
 ages ; and Erasmus says, that the attempt to demand 
 them was no better than tyranny. 
 
 But there is an authority still higher than the opinions 
 of the fathers ; there is the authority of a council : the 
 council of Antioch, in the fourth century ; which de- 
 clares, that bishops may distribute the goods of the 
 church, but must take no part to themselves, nor to the 
 
I 
 
 o8f2 APPENDIX. 
 
 priests that lived with them ; unless necessity required 
 them justly : " have food and raiment ; be therewith 
 content." 
 
 This was the state of the church in its purity : in the 
 fifth century decimation began ; and Christianity de- 
 clined : then, indeed, the right of tithe was advanced, 
 and advanced into a style that damned it. The preachers 
 who advanced the doctrine, placed all Christian virtue 
 in the payment of tithe ; they said, that the Christian 
 religion, as we say the Protestant religion, depended on 
 it ; they said, that those who paid not their tithes 
 would be found guilty before God ; and if they did not 
 give the tenth, that God would reduce the country to a 
 tenth. Blasphemous preachers ! gross ignorance of the 
 nature of things ; impudent familiarity with the ways 
 of God ; audacious, assumed knowledge of his judg- 
 ments ; and a false denunciation of his vengeance ! And 
 yet even these rapacious, blasphemous men, did not 
 acknowledge to demand tithe for themselves, but the 
 poor-alms ! the debt of charity — the poor's patrimony. 
 '' We do not limit you to a precise sum ; but you will 
 not give less than Jews, — decimae sunt tributa egentium 
 animarum ; redde tributa pauperibus." Augustine goes 
 on, and tells you, that as many poor as die in your 
 neighbourhood for want, you not paying tithe, of so 
 many murders will you be found guilty at the tribunal 
 ■of God, — " tantorum homicidiorum reus ante tribunal 
 eterni judicis apparebit." Let us, says St. Jerome, at 
 least follow the example of the Jews, and part of the 
 whole give to the priest and the poor. To these autho- 
 rities we are to add the decree of two councils, — the 
 provincial council of Mascon, in the close of the sixth 
 century, and the decree of the council of Nantz, in the 
 
 17 
 
APPENDIX. SS3 
 
 close x)f the ninth. The fii'st orders, that tithes may be 
 brought in by the people, that the priest may expend 
 them for the use of the poor, and the redemption of 
 captives. The latter decrees, that the clergy are to use 
 the tithes, not as a property, but a trust — non quasi 
 suis sed commendatis. 
 
 It was not the table of the priest, nor his domestics, 
 nor his apparel, nor his influence, nor his ambition ; 
 but a Christian equipage of tender virtues; the widow, 
 the orphan, and the poor : they did not demand the 
 tithe as a corporation of proprietors, like an East India 
 company, or a South Sea company, with great riohts 
 of property annexed, distinct from the community, and 
 from religion ; but as trustees, humble trustees to God 
 and the poor, pointed out, they presumed, by excess 
 of holiness and contempt of riches. Nor did they re- 
 sort to decimation, even under these plausible pre- 
 tensions, until forced by depredation committed by them- 
 selves on one another. The goods of the church, of 
 whatever kind, were at first in common, distributed to 
 the support of the church, and the provision of the 
 poor ; but at length the more powerful part, those who 
 attended the courts of princes, they v»ho intermeddled in 
 state affairs, the busy high-priest, and the servile, se- 
 ditious, clerical politician, and particularly the abbots, 
 who had engaged in war, and had that pretence for ex- 
 tortion, usurped the fund, left the business of prayer to 
 the inferior clergy, and the inferior clergy to tithe and 
 the people. 
 
 Thus the claims of tithe originated in real ex- 
 tortion, and was propagated by affected charity : at first 
 for the poor and the church ; afterwards subject to the 
 
I 
 
 384 APPENDIX. 
 
 fourfold division, the bishop, the fabric, the minister, 
 and the poor ; this in Europe. 
 
 In England tithe is not founded on divine right, but 
 was said to be introduced by murder. A king of 
 Mercia, in the seventh century, assassinates another 
 prince in a most barbarous manner, and grants, with 
 what power I know not, the tenth of his subjects' goods 
 for absolution : but in England, as elsewhere, the four- 
 fold division took place ; so says Blackstone. 
 
 Nay, the preamble of the grant of Stephen recognizes 
 tithe to be alms. Since it is divulged far and near by 
 the church, that souls may receive absolution by the 
 grant of alms ; " I, Stephen, to save my own soul, that 
 of my father's, and that of my mother's, and my re- 
 lations." 
 
 Then he goes on and grants or confirms tithes and 
 other things. Nay, there are two acts of parliament ex- 
 press, one the 13th Richard II., providing, that for the 
 appropriation of benefices, there shall be provision made 
 for the vicar and the poor. * 
 
 The cause of this act of parliament were benefices 
 given to persons who did not or could not preach, lay 
 
 * " Because divers damages and hindrances have oftentimes hap- 
 pened by the appropriation of benefices in some places, it is agreed, 
 that in every licence it shall be expressly comprised, that the diocesan 
 of the place shall ordain, according to the value of such churches, 
 a convenient sum of money shall be paid and distributed yearly out 
 of the fruits and profits of some churches, to the poor parishioners 
 of some churches, in aid of their sustenance for ever; likewise, that 
 the vicar be well and sufficiently endowed." Statute Henry IV. con- 
 firms this act. 
 
APPENDIX. SS5 
 
 person's, sometimes nuns, (as we give them to non- 
 residents,) to the neglect of the poor's portion. 
 
 These principles were departed from, and the trust, 
 most undoubtedly, buried in oblivion : but let me add, 
 the Christian religion was forgotten likewise. 
 
 Hence the Reformation bringing back Christianity to 
 its old purity ; and hence a superior and milder order of 
 priests, who purged the spiritual and some of the tem- 
 poral abominations, but did not entirely' relinquish the 
 claim to the tithe : though I must own great numbers 
 have too much purity to insist on it; a claim which I 
 have shewn to have been in its creation an encroach- 
 ment on the laity, and in its application an encroach- 
 ment on the poor. No divine right, no, nor natural 
 right: the law of nature and the law of God are the 
 the same : the law of nature doth not give property ; but 
 the law of nature abhors that disproportion of property 
 which is to be found in the claim of 900 or 1000 men to 
 the tenth of the goods of 3,000,000; a claim in the 
 3000th part of the community to the tenth of its pro- 
 perty ; surfeit on the part of the few ; famine on the part 
 of the many ; a distribution of the fruits of the earth ; — 
 impossible, beasdy, shocking in itself, and when ac- 
 companied with a claim to extravagant moderation and 
 purity, ridiculous and disgusting; a claim against the 
 proportions of nature and the precepts of the Gospel. 
 
 I know there are acts of parliament on this subject. 
 The act of Henry VIII., which requires the setting out 
 of the tithe ; an act of collection, not creation ; an act 
 which had the lay-impropriator in view, and which 
 i>eems to take for granted a claim of superstition founded 
 
 VOL. r. c c 
 
86 APPENDIX. 
 
 on the pretence of charit}-. I know there are many sub- 
 sequent acts (which are called tithe-bills) intended to 
 assist the collection of customary, not full tithe, and, in 
 that confidence, granted by parliament. I am not now 
 enquiring whether the claim to the full tithe is legal, but 
 whether the application of that tithe, for the sole purpose 
 of supporting the priest, is an usurpation. And I have 
 shewn you, that tithe was a charity, subject to the sup- 
 port of the poor in the first place, and the priest in the 
 last. I have shewn you that tithe does not stand on the 
 delicate ground of private property. I have shewn you, 
 that it was a trust, converted into a property by abuse ; 
 which abuse the legislature may controul, without sacri- 
 lege or robbery. If a right to the full tenth is yet in- 
 sisted on, give them the full tenth, on the principles on 
 which alone they at first ventured to demand it, subject 
 to a poor-rate ; let the trust be executed ; let widows and 
 orphans share it ; let the house of industry and the vari- 
 ous hospitals and infirmaries share it ; let the house of 
 God (now a hovel, repaired at the expence of parliament, 
 though, by the canon law, it should be repaired by 
 the priesthood,) share it; let the poorer order of pea- 
 santry share it. If the clergy will insist on taking the 
 full tithes of his potatoes ; if they take the staff out of his 
 hands, they must carry the peasant on their shoulders. 
 Thus, the clergy insisting on the summum jus, and the 
 laity on the summa justitia, the former would not be 
 richer by the change. I should, on such a change, con- 
 dole with the church and congratulate the poor; and I 
 should applaud the discretion, as well as the moderation, 
 of these excellent pastors who did not rake up from the 
 ashes of superstition this claim to the tenth, but were 
 satisfied with competence and character, and brotherly 
 love, and a right to live by their ministry, a right set 
 
 *1$ * . 
 
APPENDIX. 387 
 
 forth 'ill ihe Gospel, and which nature had set forth, even 
 though the Gospel had been silent. 
 
 " Impracticable, — impracticable, — impracticable," — 
 a zealous divine will say : any alteration is beyond the 
 power and wisdom of parliament, above the faculties of 
 man, to make adequate provision for 900 clergymen 
 who despise riches ! Were it to raise a new tax for 
 their provision, or for that of a body less holy, how easy 
 the task ! how various the means ! But when the pro- 
 posal is to diminish a tax already established, the impos- 
 sibility glares us in the face, of a measure so contrary 
 to our practices both in church and state. 
 
 If you think the property of the church divine, and 
 that when you affect it at all, you touch on holy things, 
 then call the proposal and call the reformation profane, 
 sacrilegious, blasphemous, but never call the proposal 
 impracticable. How are the clergy paid in Holland ? 
 by fixed salar3\ How in Scotland ? by fixed salary ; 
 never less than 1000 marks, nor more than 3000. 
 Are the clergy in Scotland deficient ? Has history no 
 obligation to the clergy of that sagacious people ? How 
 are the civil, military, and revenue establishments paid 
 in Ireland ? by fixed salary. You have not found it 
 difficult, but fatally facile to create such salaries. In 
 these last twenty years, you have created not a few ; and 
 you have done this for laymen, to whom salary was the 
 principal object ; but for the church, where the provision, 
 the temporal consideration, is but secondary, a moderate 
 means for the support of the great duty of prayer, to 
 suppose the regulation, or even moderation of that pro- 
 vision impracticable, annexes a most transcendent im- 
 portance to what is gross and temporal, and a compar- 
 
 e c 2 
 
388 APPENDIX. 
 
 ative insignificance to what is pure and spiritual, and 
 throws a certain complexion of grossness and inabstinence 
 on certain devout and most learned controversialists. 
 
 If, indeed, you conceive what is given in commutation 
 should be equal to the tenth of your produce, the im- 
 practicability is admitted. While I admire the enormity 
 of the suggestion, I acknowledge the impracticability of 
 the execution of it. I believe the legislature will never 
 agree to give them the tenth, either in commutation or 
 tithe : both are impracticable. Such a claim, and such 
 a commutation, that 900 men should have the tenth of 
 the property of 3,000,000 ; (and you will find we are 
 much more;) the custom of the country, the modus of 
 several places, your own vote of agistment, and above 
 all, the interest of religion, and of frugal piety forbid 
 it. Give them the tenth, and you give away your 
 religion ; but if you mean a commutation is not imprac- 
 ticable, I have shewn you how their present livings can 
 be discovered, and can be commuted ; the value is not 
 an impenetrable mystery ; there is hardly a parish in 
 which you could avoid to find twelve respectable 
 parishioners who would ascertain their ratages, and their 
 income; nor is there a clergyman who could not tell 
 you, nor a tithe-farmer, nor a tithe-proctor, nor a 
 bishop; for he, in his traffic with the minister about 
 translation, generally gives in a schedule of the value of 
 the livings in his diocese. I think it unnecessary to add, 
 that there are several acts, and one of the last session, 
 requiring such a discovery, and the ratages in certain 
 cases to be made on oath. 
 
 Men are apt to argue as if an error in that discovery 
 might be fatal ; as if the essence of religion was in the 
 
APPENDIX. 3S9 
 
 quantnm of solid food; and as if 30/. a year more, or 
 SOL less, would be a diff'erence decisive as to the propa- 
 gation of the Gospel. The inaccuracy that may attend 
 the various ways of information on this subject cannot be 
 much ; and, if it shall, in a small degree, lower the great 
 livings and raise the small, cannot be fatal. 
 
 I should not wish to give the ministers of the Gospel 
 less than they have at present, except in some ca«es of 
 hardship and extortion ; but suppose some of them did 
 receive less, would the church fall? The importance 
 and the difficulty of accuracy on this question are both 
 over-rated. 
 
 This objection of impracticability, therefore, against a 
 commutation is but a pretence, and against a modus is 
 not even a pretence : or is it impracticable to enquire 
 into the present ratages, and on that information to 
 proceed? If so, if this step is impracticable, the abuses 
 that grow out of tithes are incurable ; and then you 
 ought to reject the system of tithe as an incorrigible 
 €vil, and recur to another mode of paying your clergy ; — 
 if a modus be impossible, a commutation is necessary. 
 
 We are too apt to conceive public cases impracti- 
 cable: every thing bold and radical, in the shape of 
 public redress, is termed impracticable. 
 
 I remember when a declaration of right was thought 
 impracticable ; when the independency of the Irish par- 
 liament was thought impracticable ; when the establish- 
 ment of a free trade was thought impracticable ; when 
 the restoration of the judicature of our peers was thought 
 impracticable ; when an exclusion of the legislative 
 
 c (^ 3 
 
SyU APPENDIX. 
 
 power of the council was thought impracticable ; when 
 a limited mutiny-bill with Irish articles of war in the 
 body of it, and the declaration of right in its front, 
 was thought impracticable; when the formation of a 
 tenantry-bill for securing to the tenantry of Ireland 
 their leasehold-interest was thought impracticable, — and 
 yet those things have not only come to pass, but form 
 the lease on which we stand. Never was there a coun- 
 try to which the argument of impracticability was less 
 applicable than Ireland. 
 
 Ireland is a great capacity not yet brought into 
 action ; much has been civilized, much has been re- 
 claimed ; but something is to be redressed : the lower 
 orders of the people claim your attention : the best hus- 
 bandry is the husbandry of the human creature. What I 
 can you reclaim the tops of your mountains, and cannot 
 you improve your people ? Every animal, except the 
 tiger, (as I have heard,) is capable of being reclaimed; 
 the method is to feed, to feed after a long hunger : you 
 have with your own peasantry began the process, and 
 you had better complete the experiment. 
 
 Inadequate, inadequate I interposes the advocate for 
 exaction ; the rich will intercept the relief intended by 
 parliament. 
 
 This objection supposes the condition of the peasantry 
 to be poor in the last degree ; it supposes that condition 
 to arise from various complicated causes ; low price of 
 labour, high price of land, number of absentees, and 
 other causes ; and it refers the poor to the hangman for 
 regulation, and to Providence for relief; and it justifies 
 this abandonment of one part of the commimity by a cri- 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 mination of the other f on a surmise that the upper orders 
 of men in this country are complete extortioners, and 
 would convert abatement of tithe into increase of rent, 
 and thus intercept the justice of parliament. Here I must 
 absolutely and instantly deny the fact ; the landlords 
 are not as described ; expensive frequently, I allow ; 
 but an hospitable, a humane and affectionate people ; 
 the genius of the Irish nation is affection ; the gentle- 
 meit are not extortioners by nature, nor (as the tithe- 
 farmer is) by profession. In some cases they set their 
 land too high ; in many not ; and on that head, they 
 are daily becoming more reasonable. 
 
 Your magistracy-bill, your riot-act, your compens- 
 ation-bill, what becomes of the authority of these laws 
 with the lower orders, if you argue them into a convic- 
 tion, that the landlords of Ireland, that is, the landed 
 interest who passed these acts in their collective capa- 
 city, are, in their individual capacity, but so many ex- 
 tortioners ? Look to the fact, to their leases for thirty-one 
 years, or three lives ; not like bishops' leases : look to 
 their lands ; not like church lands. See the difference 
 between the lands of laymen, who have an interest in the 
 inheritance, and of churchmen, who have only the 
 esprit de corps, that is a false and barren pride in the 
 succession : look to the landlord's conduct ; they passed 
 a tenantry bill ; the bishops rejected the lease-bill, and 
 have' ahnost uniformly resisted every bill that tended to 
 the improvement of the country, if by the remotest 
 possibility, their body could be in the smallest degree 
 prejudiced in the most insignificant of its least warrant- 
 able pretensions ; but if still you doubt, call forth the 
 tenantry, and put the question to them; do not take 
 your opinion from the oppressor ; ask the oppressed ; 
 
 c c 4 
 
30'-^ APPENDIX. 
 
 and they will tell you what we know already, tliat liie 
 great oppression is tithe : the middle-man's overreaching, 
 as in many instances I acknowledge he is, (compared 
 to the tithe-farmer's,) is mercy. Suppose him as desti- 
 tute of compunction, he is not armed with the same 
 powers of torture, though he had the same genius for 
 oppression ; he has not his own tribunals ; nor can he 
 put the countryman to expense of attending on Vicar's 
 Courts, nor of watching his crop, nor of delaying his 
 harvest-home, nor of notices, nor summonses, nor of 
 drinking at his ale-house, while the value of the tithe 
 is computed, nor of all the train of circumstances and 
 charoe with which the uncertain dues of the church are 
 now collected, at the expense of the morals of the people. 
 
 But if the charge was founded in fact, it is not argu- 
 ment, and has nothing to say to the question, where simi- 
 lar exertions of oppression, if morally probable, are 
 rendered legally impossible. The landlord cannot, in 
 consequence of exemption from tithe, raise his rent on 
 his lessees during the continuance of the term. Now 
 do you imagine that it is the cottier only, and not the 
 lessee also, that complains of tithe? they are both ag- 
 grieved ; the tenantry of Ireland are aggrieved; the 
 lessee, therefore, must be relieved by the plan ; and the 
 cottier cannot be equally oppressed, because he agrees 
 for his rent before he sows his crop, but pays his tithe 
 afterwards ; the latter of course must be, and the 
 former cannot be, a charge for his extraordinary labour. 
 Rent is a charge on land; tithe on labour; the one defi- 
 nite, the other indefinite ; they are not controvertible ; 
 increase your rent under any pretence, still it must 
 avoid the essential evil of tithe ; the evil of being- 
 arbitrary; a tax rising with industry. Suppose the 
 
APPENDIX. 393 
 
 severest case ; one pound an acre advanced rent for 
 potatoe-ground ; the cottier by extraordinary labour 
 works himself comparatively out of his rent, and into a 
 greater tithe ; thus extortion by rent is but a cruel com- 
 pulsion on extraordinary labour ; but tithe a penalty. 
 
 There are certain arguments which, leading to some- 
 thing absurd and nonsensical, are stricken out of the 
 tribe of logic; those arguments should meet the same 
 fate, which lead to something that is worse than either 
 nonsense or absurdity, to cruelty and to oppression. Of 
 this tribe is the reasoning I now combat ; an argimient 
 which would leave the landlords without character, to 
 leave the common people without redress. I condemn 
 the premises ; but I abhor the conclusion. What ! should 
 the clergy oppress the poor, because the landlords (as is 
 alleged) do so already ? because the latter (as is alleged) 
 overvalue land, shall the church overcharge labour ? 
 because the peasant pays (as is alleged) sometimes five 
 or six pounds per acre for his land, shall he pay twelve 
 or twenty shillings to the parson for his potatoes ? The 
 premises of this argument impeach the character of the 
 higher order, and the conclusion would steel one order 
 against the other; and the result of such reasoning 
 would leave you (what it affects to find you) wicked and 
 miserable; and common sense and Christian charity 
 lift up their hands against such an opprobrious premise, 
 and such a pernicious conclusion. 
 
 If such were the state of our country, the church should 
 interpose and give a good example, and not follow a 
 bad one : they should say, We will take the lead ; we will, 
 ourselves, moderate the exactions which oppress the poor; 
 if the rich take the advantage, and frustrate our pious 
 
o94 APPENDIX. 
 
 intentions, we are not in fault ; the character of religion 
 is free ; her ministers do not participate the plunder of 
 the people. The vote of agistment left the measure I 
 propose practicable, and made it necessary ; by that vote 
 you sent the parson from the demesne of the gentleman 
 into the garden of the cottager ; by that vote you said 
 you shall not tax us : it remains for you to say, you shall 
 not tithe the poor unconscionably ; but going as far as 
 that vote and no farther, you declare to the proprietors 
 of tithe, " Tithe the poor as you please, provided we 
 do not pay you," and this is what some mean by their 
 zeal in the support of the church : this is the more ex- 
 ceptionable, when you recollect, that of the poor who 
 pay your clergy, there are numbers of a different reli- 
 gion, who of course receive no consideration from your 
 clergy, and must pay another clergy. The Protestant 
 interest may require that these should contribute to the 
 Protestant establishment; but the proportion, and the 
 manner iu which you now make them contribute, 
 redounds but little to Protestant honour, either in church 
 or state. 
 
 Aye ! but will you encourage tumult ? Will you 
 reward the White-boy ? Will you give a premium to 
 disturbance? Sir, do not advert so lightly to the state 
 of this country, nor pass so superciliously over general 
 distress, as to think that the Right-boy, or White-boy, 
 (or by whatever other vagrant denomination tumult de- 
 lights to describe itself,) are the only persons who suffer 
 by the present state of tithes : there are two other de- 
 scriptions who are oppressed by them ; those who did 
 nothing in the late disturbance, and those who took part 
 to quell them. Can you suppose so many would have 
 been neutral in the suppression, if they had not been a 
 
APPENDIX. 395 
 
 parfy to the oppression ? And have you complained of 
 the languor of your magistracy, and the supineness of 
 the Protestant country gentlemen, without adverting to 
 the reason ? The tumult was confined ; but the sufFerino- 
 was extensive. But there is another body of men who 
 suffer, — they who took part to suppress. Have they any 
 pretensions ? Do you deny that they are sufferers ? they 
 will come to the bar and prove it; they will prove two 
 things very material, very worthy your attention, — 
 
 their merit and their sufFerino-. 
 
 <^ 
 
 Yes, but will you innovate? Admit this argument, 
 and we sit here to consecrate abuses. The statutes of 
 mortmain were innovations ; the suppression of mona- 
 steries, innovation; the reformation, innovation; for 
 what is the Protestant religion but the interposition 
 of parliament, rescuing Christianity from abuses intro- 
 duced by its own priesthood ? 
 
 Institutions divine and human corrupt by their na- 
 ture, or by ours ; the best human institution, the British 
 constitution, did so corrupt, that at different periods it 
 was anarchy, oligarchy, despotism, and was restored by 
 parliament. 
 
 The only divine institution we know of, the Christian 
 rehgioa, did so corrupt as to have become an abomination, 
 and was rescued by act of parliament. 
 
 Life, like establishments, declines ; disease is the lot 
 of nature ; we oppose its progress by strong remedies ; 
 we drink a fresh life at some medicinal fountain, or we 
 find a specific in some salubrious herb; will you call 
 these restoratives innovations on the physical economy ? 
 
396 APPENDIX. 
 
 Why then, in the pohtical economy, those statutes which 
 purge the pubhc weal, and from time to time guard 
 that firm animal, man, against the evils to which civil 
 society is exposed, the encroachments of the priest and 
 the politician ? 
 
 It is then on a false surmise of our nature, this ob- 
 jection : we live by a succession of amendment : such is 
 the history of man ; such, above all, is the history of 
 religion, where amendment was ever opposed ; and those 
 cant expressions, the supporting church and state, were 
 ever advanced to continue the abuses of both. On those 
 occasions, prejudices, fi'om the ragged battlements of 
 superstition, ever screened innovation. 
 
 When our Elizabeth established the Protestant reli- 
 gion, she was called an innovatress. When Luther 
 began the Reformation, he was called an innovator ; 
 nay, when Herod and the high-priest Caiaphas (and 
 high-priests of all religions are the same) heard that one 
 had gone forth into the multitude preaching, gathering 
 the poor like the hen under her wing, saying to the rich. 
 Give unto the poor, and look for treasures in heaven ; 
 and take heed that your hearts be not overcharged with 
 luxury, surfeit, and the cares of this life ; I say, when 
 Herod and the high-priest saw the author of the Chris- 
 tian religion thus giving comfort and countenance, and 
 hope to the poor, they were astonished ; they felt in his 
 rebuke of their own pomp, and pride, and gluttony, and 
 beastliness, great innovation ; they felt in the sublimity 
 of his moral, great innovation ; they saw, in the extent 
 of his public care, great innovation, and accordingly they 
 conspired against their Saviour as an innovator ; and, 
 under the pretence of supporting what they called the 
 
APPENDIX. 397 
 
 church and state, they stigmatized the redemption of 
 man ; and they crucified the Son of God. 
 
 If we were desirous to retort on the church the arou- 
 
 o 
 
 ment of innovation, its own history is fertile : what is 
 the idea of property in the church but an innovation ? 
 their conversion of property from the great body of the 
 Christians to their own use ? innovation ; their tem- 
 poral power ? innovation ; their application for do- 
 nations equal to a tenth ? innovation ; the conversion of 
 these donations to their own use? innovation; their 
 excluding the fabric of the church, as well as the poor, 
 from the benefit of those donations ? innovations ; their 
 various tithe-bills ? innovation ; their riot-act ? inno- 
 vation ? their compensation-act ? innovation. 
 
 To judge of the objection of innovation against my 
 plan, see what that plan does not do ! 
 
 It does not affect the doctrine of our religion ; it does 
 not alter the church-establishment ; it does not affect 
 the constitution of episcopacy. The modus does not 
 even alter the mode of their provision ; it only limits 
 the quantum, and limits it on principles much less severe 
 than that charity which they preach, or that abstinence 
 which they inculcate. Is this imiovation ? Moderation, 
 innovation ! As if the Protestant religion were to be 
 propagated in Ireland, like the influence of a minister, 
 by bribery; or like the influence of a county-candi- 
 date, by money ; or like the cause of a potwalloping 
 canvasser, by the weight of the purse; as if Christ 
 could not prevail over the earth unless mammon 
 took him by the hand ! Am I to understand, that if 
 
39S APPENQIX. 
 
 vou give the parson 1 2s. in the acre for potatoes, and 
 105. for wheat, the Protestant rehgion is safe on its 
 rock ; but if you reduce him to 6s. tlie acre for potatoes 
 and wheat, then Jupiter shakes the heaven with his 
 thunder, Neptune rakes up the deep with his trident, 
 and Pluto leaps fi'om his throne ? Arguments and ap- 
 petites which depart from Christian purity are best 
 illustrated by heathen mythology. See the curate ; he 
 rises at six to morning-prayers ; he leaves company at 
 six for evening-prayer; he baptizes; he marries; he 
 churches ; he buries ; he follows, with pious offices, his 
 fellow-creature from the cradle to the grave ; for what 
 immense income ? what riches to reward these inesti- 
 mable services ? Do not depend on the penury of the 
 laity. Let his own order value his deserts; 50/. a 
 year; 501. for praying, for christening, for marrying, 
 for churching, for burying, for following with Christian 
 offices his fellow-creature from cradle to grave ! so fru- 
 gal a thing is devotion ; so cheap religion ; so easy the 
 terms on which man may worship his Maker ; and so 
 small the income, in the opinion of ecclesiastics, sufficient 
 for the duties of a clergyman, as far as he is connected 
 at all with the Christian religion, 
 
 I think the curate has by far too little ; bloated with 
 the full tenth, I think the church would have abun- 
 dantly too much. 
 
 The provision of the church is not absolute property, 
 like an estate, but payment for a duty ; it is a salary for 
 prayer, not the gift of God, independent of the duty. 
 Pie did not send his Son to suffer on earth, to establisli 
 a rich priesthood, but to save mankind. It is the do- 
 
APPENDIX. 899 
 
 nation of the laity, for the duty of prayer. The la- 
 bourer deserves higher for doing his duty ; he is paid 
 not as a high-priest, but a pastor in his evangelic, not 
 his corporate capacity. When he desires to live by his 
 ministry, he demands his right; when he desires the 
 tenth of your wealth, he demands your right; and he 
 presumes riches to be the right of the church, instead 
 of supposing what he ought, the Gospel to be the right 
 of the people ; and competency for preaching the Gos- 
 pel, not luxury, to be the right, as it is the profession 
 of the church. A provision for the minister of the 
 Gospel, on its own principles, keeping clear of the two 
 extremes, poverty on one side , and riches on the other : 
 both are avocations from prayer; poverty, which is a 
 struggle how to live, and riches, w^hich are an occupation 
 how to spend. But of the two extremes, I should dread 
 riches ; and above all, such indefinite riches as the tenth 
 of the industry, capital, and land of 3,000,000, would 
 heap in the kitchens of 900 clergymen : an impossible 
 proportion ; but if possible, an avocation of a very 
 worldly kind, introducing gratifications of a very tem- 
 poral nature ; passions different from the precepts of the 
 Gospel ; ambition, pride, and vain glory. Add to this 
 requisition of the tenth, the litigation which must attend 
 it, and the double avocation of luxury and law : con- 
 ceive a war of citations, contempts, summonses, civil 
 bills, proctors, attornies, and all the voluminous train 
 of discord, carried on at the suit of the man of peace — 
 by the plaintiff in the pulpit, against the defendants, his 
 congregation. It is a strong argument against the tenth, 
 that such claim is not only inconsistent with the nature 
 of things, but absolutely incompatible with the exercise 
 of the Christian religion. Had the apostles advanced 
 
100 APPENDIX. 
 
 among the Jews pretensions to the tenth of the pro- 
 duce of Judea, they would not have converted a less 
 perverse generation ; but they were humble and in- 
 spired men; they went forth in humble guise, with 
 naked foot, and brought to every man's door, in his own 
 tongue, the true belief; their word prevailed against the 
 potentates of the earth, and on the ruin of the barbaric 
 pride and pontific luxury, they placed the naked ma- 
 iesty of the Christian religion. 
 
 This light was soon put down by its own ministers ; 
 and on its extinction a beastly and pompous priesthood 
 ascended ; political potentates, not Christian pastors ; 
 full of false zeal, full of worldly pride, and full of glut- 
 tony ; empty of the true religion. To their flock op- 
 pressive ; to their inferior clergy brutal ; to their king- 
 abject ; and to their God impudent and familiar : they 
 stood on the altar as a stepping-stool to the throne, 
 o-losing in the ear of princes, whom they poisoned with 
 crooked principles and heated advice, and were a faction 
 against their king when they were not his slaves ; ever 
 the dust under his feet, or a poignard in his heart. 
 
 Their power went down ; it burst of its own plethory, 
 when a poor reformer with the Gospel in his hand, and 
 in the inspired spirit of poverty, restored the Christian 
 religion. The same principle which introduced Chris- 
 tianity guided reformation. What Luther did for us, 
 philosophy has done in some degree for the Roman 
 Catholics ; and that religion has undergone a silent re- 
 formation ; and both divisions of Christianity, unless they 
 have lost their understanding, must have lost their ani- 
 mosity, though they have retained their distinctions. 
 
APPKNDIX. -101 
 
 Tlie priesthood of Europe is not now what it once was ; 
 their religion has increased as their power has di- 
 minished. In these countries particularly, for the most 
 part, they are a mild order of men, with less dominion 
 and more piety ; therefore their character, for the most 
 part, may be described in few words — morality, en- 
 lightened by letters, and exalted by religion. Such are 
 many of our parochial clergy ; with some exceptions 
 however, particularly in some of the disturbed parts of 
 the kingdom. Such some of the heads of the church. 
 Such the very head of the church in Ireland, — that 
 comely personage, who presides over a vast income, and 
 thinks he has great revenues ; but is mistaken, being, in 
 fact, nothing more than the steward of the poor, and a 
 mere instrument in the hand of Providence, making the 
 best possible distribution of the fruits of the earth. Nay, 
 there are of the church some superior to the prejudice 
 which, on the subject of tithes, may be expected. Of all 
 institutions, says Paley, adverse to cultivation, none so 
 noxious as tithe; not only a tax on industry, but the in- 
 dustry that feeds mankind. It is true, the mode of pro- 
 viding for the church is exceptionable, and in some parts 
 of Ireland has been, I apprehend, attended with very 
 considerable abuses ; these are what I wish to submit to 
 you. You will enquire whether, in some cases, the de- 
 mands for tithes have not been illegal, the collection of 
 them oppressive, the excess of demand uncharitable, and 
 the growth of it considerable and oppressive; whether 
 in all cases the tithe-farmer has been a merciful 
 pastor, the tithe proctor an upright agent, and even 
 the vicar himself a most unbiassed judge. 
 
 In this enquiry, or in forming some regulations from 
 this enquiry, you will not be withheld by the arguments 
 
 VOL. I. D D 
 
40^ APPENDIX. 
 
 of pride, bigotry, and prejudice ; that argument, which, 
 reflecting on God, maintains the sacred right of exac- 
 tions; — that other argument, which, reflecting on parha- 
 ment, denies your capacity to give redress ; — that other 
 argument, which, reflecting on human nature, supposes 
 that you inflame mankind by redressing their grievances ; 
 — that other argument, which traduces the landed interest 
 of Ireland as an extortioner, and belies one part of the 
 community, to continue the miseries of the other : — an 
 argument of calumny; an argument of cruelty. Least 
 of all, should you be withheld by that idle intimation 
 stuffed into the speech from the throne, suggesting that 
 the church is in danger, and holding out, from that awful 
 seat of authority, false lights to the nation, as if we had 
 doated back to the nonsense of SacheverePs days, and 
 were to be ridden once more by fools and bigots. 
 Parliament is not a bigot. — You are no sectary, no 
 polemic. — It is your duty to unite all men, to manifest 
 brotherly love and confidence to all men : the parental 
 sentiment is the true principle of government. Men are 
 ever finally disposed to be governed by the instru- 
 ment of their happiness. The mystery of government, 
 would you learn it ? — Look on the gospel, and make 
 the source of your redemption the rule of authority ; 
 and like the hen in the Scripture, expand your wings, 
 and take in all your people. 
 
 Let bigotry and schism, the zealot's fire, the high- 
 priesf s intolerance, through all their discordancy, tremble, 
 while an enlightened parliament, with arms of general 
 protection, over-arches the whole community, and roots 
 the Protestants' ascendancy in the sovereign mercy of its 
 nature. Laws of coercion, perhaps necessary, certainly 
 severe, you have put forth already; but your great engine 
 
APPENDIX. 403 
 
 of power you have hitherto kept back: that engine, whicli 
 the pride of the bigot, nor the spite of the zealot, nor 
 the ambition of the high, nor the arsenal of the con- 
 queror, nor the inquisition, with its jaded rack, and pale 
 criminal, never thought of: the engine, which, armed 
 with physical and moral blessing, comes forth and over- 
 lays mankind by services; the engine of redress. — This 
 is government, and this the only description of govern- 
 ment worthy your ambition. Were I to raise you to a 
 great act, I should not recur to the history of other na- 
 tions; I would recite your own acts, and set you in 
 emulation with yourselves. Do you remember that 
 night when you gave your country a free trade, and with 
 your hands opened all her harbours ? That night when 
 you gave her a free constitution, and broke the chains 
 of a century ; while England, eclipsed at your glory and 
 your island, rose as it were fi'om its bed, and got nearer 
 to the sun ? In the arts that polish life, the inventions 
 that accommodate, the manufactures that adorn it, you 
 will be for many years inferior to some other parts of 
 Europe ; but, to nurse a growing people, to mature a 
 struggling, though hardy community ; — to mould, to 
 multiply, to consolidate, to inspire, and to exalt a young 
 nation ; — be these your barbarous accomplishments ! 
 
 I speak this to you, from a long knowledge of your 
 character, and the various resources of your soul ; and I 
 confide my motion to those principles, not only of jus- 
 tice, but of fire, which I have observed to exist in your 
 composition, and occasionally to break out in a flame 
 of public zeal, leaving the ministers of the crown in 
 eclipsed degradation. It is therefore I have not come 
 to you, furnished merely with a cold mechanical plan, 
 
 D D 2 
 
404 APPENDIX. 
 
 but have submitted to your consideration the living 
 grievances ; conceiving that any thing in the shape of 
 oppression, made once apparent — oppression too of a 
 people you have set free — the evil will catch those warm, 
 susceptible properties which abound in your mind, and 
 qualify you for legislation. 
 
APPENDIX. 405 
 
 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF IRELAND. 
 Page 160. 
 
 We should have stated in the text, the '^Presbytery" of 
 Antrim, instead of the " Synod" of Antrim, as having 
 gone over to Socinianism ; and we should have added the 
 Synod of Munster. However much we may regret the 
 defection of so large a portion of the Presbyterian Church 
 of Ireland, we cannot bring ourselves to regret, as some 
 pious and orthodox persons do, the enactment of Mr. 
 Smyth's bill. We think the bill was nothing more than 
 just and proper; and that the law, as it stood before, 
 was disgraceful to a free country, and unworthy of a 
 Christian people. 
 
 The sums granted yearly by government to the Pres- 
 byterian clergy, are — 
 
 To Presbyterians - - £ 8,697 
 To seceding do. - 4,034 
 
 Others - - - 756 
 
 £ 13,487 
 
 Our objection is not to the amount of the grant, but 
 to the principle — especially in Ireland. In this country 
 there should be no pensioned clergy; or all should par- 
 take equally of the bounty of the state. It would be 
 far better that the former principle were adopted. 
 
 D D 3 
 
401) APPENDIX. 
 
 POPULATION. — Page 176. 
 
 It appears, from the last accounts, that after the 
 termination of the wars in Ireland, and when that coun- 
 try had enjoyed a short repose, the population was, 
 in 1672, about _ - - 1,000,000 
 
 In 1733, or in about sixty years, it had 
 
 doubled - - - - 2,000,000 
 
 It is now, 1822, about - - 7,000,000 
 
 That the country is abundantly competent to the 
 maintenance of this, and a much greater number of 
 people, is evident, from the fact of its immense export of 
 corn, cattle, and provisions of all kinds. It is not the 
 population, but the poverty of the country, that is to be 
 lamented. That this is the case, is also evident, from 
 the fact, that the country was equally unsafe, and the 
 people as poor, miserable, and discontented, fifty years 
 ago, with a population of only three millions, as now, 
 with a population of seven. Witness the series of 
 White-boy acts, for half a century. There need be no 
 legislation upon the subject of population. It will ad- 
 just itself. The population is too great, not for the 
 country, but for its capital. Poverty is the disease 
 of Ireland. The task of the legislator is not to regu- 
 late or circumscribe the numbers of the people, but to 
 give them employment, and open up new sources of 
 industry, We think this is within the power of a wise 
 government. The j)eople are not wretched because of 
 their numbers ; but their numbers have certainly been 
 
APPENDIX. 407 
 
 Increased because of their wretchedness. A beggar is 
 careless of the number of his offspring: as he is with- 
 out hope, so he is without providence. The case of the 
 Irish peasant is nearly the same. 
 
 Every thing in Ireland is to be done anew. Employ- 
 ment is to be found, — capital is to be created, — the 
 poor are to be educated, — the middle classes in- 
 structed, — and the higher orders reformed. These 
 things will not be done without great efforts of the 
 ablest men and minds in the empire ; but all these 
 things are within thepower of a vigorous and enlightened 
 government. The colleges and institutions for the pro- 
 motion of knowledge in the country should be attended 
 to and improved, and others established. Taxation should 
 be almost abolished in Ireland; the revenue put on a 
 new footing, particularly as to distillation ; intercourse 
 with Great Britain encouraged, by removing every 
 restraint and impediment ; absenteeism discouraged 
 strongly, and pointedly, and by vigorous measures ; and, 
 above all, a sound and good education offered at the door 
 of every cottage in Ireland — an education free from all 
 reasonable objection, in which enlightened Catholics could 
 concur ; and in which it should be made clearly manifest, 
 that the religion of the people was a matter with which 
 the state had no concern. 
 
 Let these things be done; and you may leave popu- 
 lation to itself. Without these, not all the learning or 
 legislation which may be employed upon population, will 
 a,rrest its course, or its disastrous result. 
 
 We have known some gentlemen of taste and hu- 
 manity make some efforts to improve the condition of 
 
 D D 4 
 
408 APPENDIX. 
 
 their tenantry, and particularly their houses. Tliey- 
 were desirous to have picturesque cottages and Arca- 
 dian villages on their estates in Ireland. The laurel and 
 arbutus were planted in little plots on each side the 
 door ; and the monthly rose was taught to hang its de- 
 licate flowers on the mud wall. All was rural and beau- 
 tiful for a while ; but in a little time the roses languished, 
 and the green shrubs pined and withered. The pig and 
 her litter made an inroad upon the picturesque ; and 
 there was a rapid return to the old condition of dirt and 
 negligence. In some few cases, this appearance of 
 prettyness has been preserved, by expensive and un- 
 wearied efforts on the part of the proprietor. We would 
 not discourage these efforts : but we would recom- 
 mend to begin, not with the houses, but with the heads 
 of the people. Let them be well instructed ; and they 
 will themselves take care that their cottages are neat. 
 Even in producing picturesque effect, the hand of the 
 most cultivated taste will be surpassed by the simple 
 devices of the educated peasant. 
 
 The population of the three chief towns is given in 
 the last returns as follows : 
 
 Dublin 186,276 
 
 Cork 100,535 
 
 I^imerick 66,042 
 
 In the provinces : 
 
 Leinster 1,785,702 
 
 Munster 2,005,363 
 
 Ulster 2,001,966 
 
 Connaught 1,053,918 
 
 6,846,949 
 
APPENDIX. 409 
 
 Connected with the subject of population, is that of 
 agricukure. The agriculture of Ireland improved some- 
 what din-ing the war ; but the improvement by no means 
 kept pace with the advance of prices. Rents and tithes 
 advanced too rapidly upon the heels of high prices 
 to admit this. There started too, at the same time, 
 a new race of middle-men : the old were men who 
 had inherited old leases for long terms — the new 
 were more properly land-jobbers. These gave high 
 rents for large tracts of land, and let it out to cot- 
 tiers to be destroyed. Such of these men as are not 
 yet swept away, keep up the old rents, and take the 
 produce of the land from their under-tenants at the 
 old prices. For all that the tenant sells, they allow him 
 in account double or treble what he receives ; and they 
 charge him a rent in proportion. The object of this 
 curious process is to keep up the rent of the land, in 
 expectation of some change w^iich should realize it. — 
 The effects of " transition" upon agriculture in Ireland, 
 w^as to throw it back amazingly. Prices fell rapidly ; 
 rents, tithes, and taxes, slowly : the little capital of the coun- 
 try was consumed, and the lands could not be cultivated : 
 added to this, despair seized upon the people ; and they 
 had no heart to improve. Every year the lands are 
 worse and worse tilled. In many places they have not 
 been manured for some seasons, — and still the depression 
 goes on. In a short time there will be no rent paid in 
 Ireland. Poor lands, cultivated as they now are, will 
 not pay tithe and taxes, and the expense of cultivation, 
 and feed the farmer, and pay rent also. The expense 
 of labour alone, even such as it is in Ireland, is more 
 than the produce of the soil. The tithe of the gross 
 produce, in most poor lands, is more than the rent. 
 J>ands which pay 125. an acre rent, pay frequently 155. 
 
410 APPENDIX. 
 
 tithe. After this (which is first paid), there is nothing 
 for the landlord. What remains will not pay the wages 
 of labour and maintain the family of the farmer. Those 
 who talk of improvement, are not perhaps aware, that the 
 lands though tilled are every year becoming more and 
 more impoverished ; — that the farming capital of the 
 country is exhausted and worn out ; — that the very seeds 
 of improvement have perished, and are perishing. But the 
 people must be fed. They are not unreasonable. They 
 are willing, where they are yet peaceable, to do all that 
 can be done. But unless they are relieved speedily, 
 they will make bold efforts to rid themselves of parsons, 
 landlords, — every thing. It will cost much less to settle 
 the question of tithes, and give up the taxes, than to 
 subdue them. The expenses of one campaign would 
 be more than the revenue for some years; and the lives 
 lost would be equal to the value of many parsons. 
 
 The destruction of capital in Ireland has been much 
 greater, comparatively, than in Great Britain. In Eng- 
 land there was a mass and accumulation of wealth, 
 which could bear much reduction. In Ireland there 
 was no stock that could bear the touch of adversity. 
 When this fearful visitation came, the country was 
 swept bare. The produce of land is much more, in 
 proportion to the capital employed upon it, than to its 
 extent. If this be true, as we are persuaded it is, the 
 lands in Ireland will soon cease to produce more than 
 will feed the farmers and their labourers. 
 
 The Edinburgh Review for June, which we have seen 
 since our work went to press, in an article upon Ire- 
 land, states it to be one of the great grivances of the 
 country, that the wages of labour is regulated by the 
 
APPENDIX. 411 
 
 priee ot" potatoes. But this is the case only in some 
 degree. The price of hibour is not, perhaps, at present 
 too low in Ireland. " Their wages," says the Reviewer, 
 "' being regulated by the price of potatoes, will not buy 
 them wheat or barley, or oats ; and whenever, therefore, 
 the supply of potatoes fails, it is next to impossible they 
 can escape falling a sacrifice to famine." — " Owing to 
 the failure of the last potatoe crop, a very large pro- 
 portion of the peasantry of Clare, Limerick, and other 
 counties bordering on the Shannon, have been reduced 
 to a state little short of absolute famine. But there was, 
 notwithstanding, a continued exportation of oats and 
 other grain from Ireland to this country^ up to the very 
 moment, when the contributions of government and of 
 the })ublic were applied to purchase corn for the pea- 
 santry. The price of potatoes rose in Limerick, in the 
 course of a few months, from \\d, to 6d. and 8c?. a stone, 
 being a rise of 400 or 500 per cent. ; while the price of 
 corn sustained no material increase — none, at least, to 
 prevent its being sent to the overloaded markets of Eng- 
 land ! It is obvious, indeed, that to whatever ex- 
 tremity the peasantry of Ireland might have been re- 
 duced, they could not have relieved themselves by pur- 
 chasing corn. In a period of scarcity, men cannot go 
 from a low to a high level ; they must always go from a 
 higher to a lower. But to the Irish this is impossible ; 
 they have already reached the lowest point in the de- 
 scending scale ; and dearth is to them attended with all 
 the horrors of famine !" 
 
 We have quoted this article largely elsewhere, in 
 order that we might bear our humble testimony to the 
 just and enlightened views of the Reviewer. We quote 
 this to point out an error. The potatoe is thought to 
 
4hi APPENDIX. 
 
 be a greater grievance in Ireland than it really is. We 
 must bear testimony in its behalf, that it is not guilty of 
 all the mischief here charged upon it. There was a 
 pretty general failure of the potatoe crop ; and potatoes 
 rose in consequence. The}^ might rise considerably over 
 l^d. a stone, before they would become dearer, as food, 
 than wheat or oats, even at the low price these bore. 
 When the price of potatoes came to a level with that of 
 wheat, the latter was bought and used very generally by 
 labourers in employment. It is a mistake to think, that 
 the price of labour was so low, (being regulated by the 
 price of potatoes,) as not to have permitted the peasantry 
 to consume wheat. The vvriter of this employed some 
 labourers during the scarcity, and paid them no more 
 than what they had usually received ; and all these used 
 wheat every day, and paid for it without difficulty. They 
 would have preferred potatoes, had these been cheaper ; 
 because they would then have more money to spare for 
 other purposes. Wheat was also used extensively by 
 the labourers throughout a large portion of the county 
 of Cork, with which we happen to be acquainted. 
 What then was the cause of the distress ? — Want of 
 employment. The labourer relies upon his potatoe 
 garden [every Irish labourer has a potatoe garden] for a 
 portion of the year, when he is unemployed ; he will 
 even subsist upon this the whole year, if he can find no 
 occupation. It was not, therefore, food that was want- 
 ing, but employment. And to supply this, the govern- 
 ment and charitable funds were most wisely directed. 
 In many cases, the fund being small, the wages given 
 was under the average price ; but it was sufficient to 
 enable the labourer to purchase wheat. It is true, that 
 corn was exported during the distress; but there was 
 enough to export, and enough also to answer the de- 
 
 10 
 
APPENDIX. 413 
 
 mand occasioned by the failure of potatoes. In some 
 cases, we believe, grain was sent to Ireland ; this was 
 injudicious and unnecessary. If the Irish poor could 
 find employment, they could very well afford to pur- 
 chase wheat, whenever their potatoes failed them. Em- 
 ployment is all they want, and all they ask for. How is 
 this to be procured for them? Only, as we conceive, 
 by lightening the burdens upon the middle and upper 
 classes of society, and thereby giving them the means of 
 employing the poor. Let this be done; and we may be 
 assured the potatoe will be found very harmless. Capital 
 also must be found to supply the ruinous destruction of 
 it which has taken place in Ireland^ 
 
 In the reign of the first James, and long before and 
 after, we find numerous bodies of English settlers 
 establishing themselves in the most remote districts of 
 Ireland ; building towns and villages, and introducing 
 manufactures and industry. These towns and villages 
 have mostly gone to decay during the late war ; and their 
 manufactures have perished. Those should be rebuilt, 
 and these revived. Government should find means 
 without delay. What could be done in the reign of 
 James could be done now, with more facility. There is 
 peace in Ireland, and more capital in England, as well 
 as a greater population. 
 
 It has been repeatedly said, that reasonable prices for 
 agricultural produce would be brought back by the 
 reduction, which would necessarily take place in the 
 quantity of land under wheat, and in the poor lands 
 going out of cultivation. But it appears now sufficiently 
 evident, that we cannot expect relief firom this process, 
 either in arresting population, or bringing back fair 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 prices. The cultivation of wheat has rapidly increased 
 in Ireland during a series of years ; while the price has 
 continued to decline. The fall of prices has had no effect 
 upon the progress of population ; while this has, every 
 year, contributed to the fall. Every year more land is 
 broken up for tillage ; because an increasing population 
 must be employed. The wheat crop, be the price what 
 it may, is the only means of paying rent. The popula- 
 tion do not consume wheat — they produce it. No 
 lands have gone out of cultivation in Ireland. 
 
 We are very far from despairing of our country. We 
 do not deplore the population, nor mourn over the 
 potatoe : these were not discovered to be calamities until 
 lately. Why ? Because until very lately the population 
 had full employment. In ordinary times, the task of 
 finding employment for the people ought to be left to 
 themselves ; but these are no ordinary times ; and imtil 
 a season of danger like the present pass by, great exer- 
 tions should be made to find for the people new employ- 
 ments, in place of those old ones which have been with- 
 drawn. We are persuaded this could be done. By- 
 and-by the machine of society will right itself, and that 
 intense application to the wants and circumstances of the 
 people, which is now indispensable on the part of their 
 rulers, may be withdrawn. 
 
 Increase qf Population in the present age,* 
 
 The recent increase of our numbers, so greatly beyond 
 that of any former age, is, sometimes, ascribed to the ex- 
 
 * Low, on the Present State of England. 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 citement attendant on war, and to the encouragement 
 afforded to early marriages in the case of so many 
 classes ; the agricultural, the manufacturing, and the 
 mercantile. But while we admit this to have been of 
 very powerful effect, we must put in the opposite scale 
 the serious injury to population arising from war. When 
 to this we add, that since the peace the 7'atio of increase 
 is not less than during the war, we are led to at- 
 tribute tlie augmentation of our numbers to causes more 
 permanent and satisfactory; to the preservation of the 
 lives of children by vaccination, &c. 
 
 In France, the increase of population, formerly so slow 
 as hardly to yield an addition of 30 per cent, in a cen- 
 tury, may now be computed at somewhat more than 
 twice that proportion. 
 
 In Germany, the degree of increase is probably not 
 very different from that of France. Of Russia we have 
 as yet no accurate returns. Spain, Italy, and the South 
 of Europe generally, are also on the increase ; but in a 
 ratio which, when we consider the general indolence and 
 poverty of the lower orders, is probably slower than that 
 of France. And in the countries subject to the Turks, 
 the frequency of the plague, and the pernicious effects 
 of bad government, are likely still to counteract the na- 
 tural tendency of population to increase. 
 
41G 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Sfafisfical Tabic of Europe^ in 1822. 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Norway, includingFin- I 
 
 mark j 
 
 Sweden, Norway, and ^ 
 
 Swedish Lapland... \ 
 
 Sweden, distinct from ^ 
 
 Norway and Swe- > 
 
 dish Lapland ) 
 
 Russia, in Europe ,. 
 
 Scotland, the High- ^ 
 lands distinct from > 
 the Low Country... ) 
 
 Turkey in Europe, not S 
 ascertainedjbutpro- > 
 bably not above .... 3 
 
 Poland, before thePar- \ 
 tition \ 
 
 Poland, the present 
 Kingdom, distinct 
 from the Provinces 
 incorporated with \ 
 the Austrian, Rus- 
 sian, and Prussian 
 Dominions 
 
 Sardinia, Island of ... 
 
 Spain 
 
 Denmark, exclusive of 
 Faroe and Iceland 
 
 Hanover 
 
 Portugal 
 
 SwitzerlandjtheTwen- ^ 
 ty-two Cantons .... 5 
 
 The pecuniary burden is 
 very small, but the Swiss 
 are liable also to military 
 service. 
 
 Wales 
 
 The Austrian Empire, 
 includingLombardy 
 and Austrian Poland 
 
 ■:] 
 
 Total Popu- 
 lation. 
 
 950,000 
 J,600,000 
 
 2,G00,000 
 57,000,000 
 
 Persons 
 to a 
 
 Square 
 Mile. 
 
 2,850,000 
 
 520,000 
 11,000,000 
 
 1,600,000 
 
 1,300,000 
 3,700,000 
 
 1,750,000 
 
 740,000 
 29,000,000 
 
 6 
 10 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 50 
 
 8,000,000 50 
 15,000,000| 50 
 
 60 
 
 57 
 60 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 90 
 
 91 
 
 96 
 112 
 
 TaxeSjTithes, 
 
 and public 
 
 Burdens 
 
 generally. 
 
 Proper-- 
 tions of 
 such Bur- 
 dens per 
 Htad. 
 
 £ s. (1. 
 
 1 ,500,000 
 18,000,000 
 
 5,000,000 
 
 1,200,000 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 900,000 
 5,000,000 
 
 430,000 
 
 10 O 
 9 9 
 
 O 12 6 
 
 1 8,000,000 
 
 8 8 
 
 O 11 
 16 
 
 14 
 O 16 
 
 5 
 
 O 12 4 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 417 
 
 Countries. 
 
 The Prussian dominions 
 
 Bavaria 
 
 Sicily, Island of 
 
 Dominions of the King ' 
 of Sardinia, viz. 
 Piedmont, part of 
 the Milanese, the 
 Genoese Territory, 
 Savoy, and the 
 Island of Sardinia .. 
 
 States of the Church .. 
 
 The Neapolitan domi- 
 nions, including Si- 
 cily ..... 
 
 France, including 
 Corsica 
 
 Scotland; the Low 
 Countries, distinct 
 from the Highlands 
 
 Great Britain, exclu- 
 sive of Ireland, (the 
 taxes computed ac- 
 cording to the value 
 of money on the 
 Continent) 
 
 Wirtemberg 
 
 Saxony 
 
 Great Britain and Ire- > 
 land collectively ... 3 
 
 The Netherlands 
 
 Austrian Italy, or the J) 
 Lombardo - Vene- > 
 tian kingdom ) 
 
 Ionian Islands'Republic . 
 
 England, distinct from ) 
 Wales 3 
 
 Ireland 
 
 Holland, Province of ... 
 
 WestFlanders 
 
 East Flanders 
 
 Europe, collectively, 
 about 
 
 Total Popu- 
 lation. 
 
 10,500,000 
 .3,600,000 
 1,655,000 
 
 4,000,000 
 
 2,450,000 
 6,700,000 
 
 .30,700,000 
 
 1 4,500,000 
 
 1,400,000 
 1,200,000 
 
 21,500,000 
 
 5,-300,000 
 
 4,000,000 
 
 230,000 
 
 11,600,000 
 
 7,000,000 
 760,000 
 630,000 
 610,000 
 
 200,000,000 
 
 Persons 
 to a 
 
 Square 
 Mile. 
 
 100 
 120 
 132 
 
 148 
 
 150 
 154 
 
 150 
 
 150 
 
 165 
 
 170 
 170 
 
 182 
 
 214 
 
 219 
 
 230 
 
 232 
 
 237 
 362 
 420 
 554 
 
 58 
 
 faxes, Tithes, 
 
 and public 
 
 Burdens 
 
 generally. 
 
 £ 
 
 7,000,000 
 2,500,000 
 
 2,200,000 
 
 900,000 
 2,700,000 
 
 37,000,000 
 
 40,000,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 900,000 
 
 44,000,000 
 
 8,000,000 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 36,000,000 
 
 4,000,000 
 
 180,000,000 
 
 Propor- 
 tions of 
 such Bur- 
 dens per 
 Head. 
 
 £. s. d. 
 13 4 
 14 O 
 
 11 O 
 
 7 6 
 
 8 
 
 1 4 O 
 
 2 
 
 2 15 O 
 
 14 4 
 
 15 O 
 
 2 
 
 1 10 O 
 
 O 10 O 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 18 O 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 £ £ 
 
418 APPENDIX, 
 
 MANUFACTURES. — TRADE. 
 
 We shall do no more here than quote some observa- 
 tions from the Edinburgh Review, whicli Xi^e knotv to be 
 well founded and just. 
 
 " It is a fortunate circumstance that it is in the power 
 of government to adopt such measures as will, by re- 
 ducing the price of a vast variety of useful and agreeable 
 commodities, afford new motives to stimulate, and new 
 comforts and conveniences to reward, the industry of the 
 peasantry of Ireland. To effect this most desirable ob- 
 ject, they have only to repeal those oppressive and ab- 
 surd taxes which have deprived the bulk of the people 
 of the few comforts they were already possessed of, and 
 of the possibility of obtaining others, without adding a 
 single shilling to the revenue. We shewed in our last 
 number, that notwithstanding taxes, estimated to produce 
 three millions^ had been imposed in Ireland since 1807, 
 the revenue of that year amounted to 4,191,950/., while 
 that of 1821 only amounted to 3,844,889/., being a de- 
 crease of 347j061/. instead of a rise of three millions ! 
 We also gave a list of thirteen principal articles, including 
 spirits, tea, sugar, tobacco, coffee, wines, &c., the duties 
 on which have been greatly increased, at the same time 
 that the revenue, and still more the quantities consumed, 
 have fallen off in an extraordinary degree. There can be 
 no question, indeed, that this unparallelled and ruinous 
 increase of taxation, is one of the main causes of the pre- 
 sent squalid and abject poverty of the Irish peasantry. 
 
 18^ 
 
Tlie enormous addition which it has made to the price 
 of almost every article of luxury, if we may give that 
 name to teas, sugars, spirits, &c., has rendered them either 
 wholly unattainable by the labourer, or attainable only 
 from the smuggler. A double injury has thus been done 
 to the country. A principal incitement to laborious 
 perseverance and honest industry, has been taken away ; 
 and an irresistible inducement has been held out to the 
 adventurous and the profligate, to embark in the illegal 
 and destructive trade of smuggling. ' The iron grasp 
 
 * of poverty has paralysed the arm of the tax-gatherer, 
 
 * and set at nought the vaunted omnipotence of parlia- 
 ' ment. You have taxed the people, but not augmented 
 ' the supplies ; — you have drawn on capital, not on 
 ' income ; — you have, in consequence, reaped a harvest 
 ' of discontent and dissaffection, instead of a harvest of 
 ' revenue.' * 
 
 " This monstrous system must be abandoned. There 
 are good grounds for thinking that the revenue will 
 gain, — at all events it cannot possibly lose anything, by 
 the repeal of every tax imposed since 1807; while the 
 fall that would be thereby occasioned in the price of 
 most of those comforts on which the peasantry set a very 
 high value, would infallibly rouse them to enterprise and 
 activity. The public taste would thus be elevated ; the 
 labourers would gradually begin to acquire higher no- 
 tions of what is necessary for their comfortable and 
 decent subsistence. Their artificial wants would begin 
 to be equally clamorous, and much more numerous than 
 those of mere necessity ; and persev^erance and animation 
 
 * Sir John Newport's Speech, 22d April, 1822. 
 
 i: E 2 
 
4W APPENDIX. 
 
 would, in consequence, be given to all the operations of 
 industry. 
 
 " Nor is it of less importance, with a view to the peace 
 and tranquillity of the country in general, that tlie opi- 
 nions of the labourers, respecting what is necessary for 
 their comfortable and decent subsistence, should be ele- 
 vated. When a revulsion takes place in any of the 
 great departments of industry, or when the crops fail, 
 the labourer who smokes tobacco, and who drinks beer, 
 porter, and gin, can, by parting with his luxuries, obtain 
 a sufficient supply of necessaries. But a man who is 
 divested of all artificial wants — who is confined to mere 
 necessaries — who is never seen in an alehouse, or to- 
 bacconist's, has nothing to part with. What then must 
 he the fate of those who are placed so very near the 
 verge of existence ? and what must be the fate of the 
 richer class of citizens, if there be any such amongst 
 them, in a season of scarcity ? Do you suppose that it is 
 possible for human beings, placed in such dreadful cir- 
 cumstances, to be quiet, orderly and peaceable, and to 
 respect the rights of others ? Do you suppose that those 
 who have no property will submit to be starved, with- 
 out previously attempting to seize on the property of 
 others ? Whatever may be said to the contrary, famine - 
 and the virtues of patience and resignation are not, you 
 may depend upon it, on very companionable terms. 
 Much, undoubtedly, of the crime and bloodshed, with 
 which Ireland has been so long disgraced and deluged, 
 n)ust be traced to the oppression and helotism of the 
 people. But it is impossible to deny, that a good deal 
 has also been owing to the recklessness and despair oc- 
 casioned by their abject and wretched poverty. The 
 rights of property can never be respected by those who 
 
APPKNDIX. 4'^1 
 
 are themselves utterly destitute of all property, and of 
 the means of acquiring it. Such persons must rather re- 
 gard them as bulwarks thrown up to secure the interests 
 of a few favourites of fortune, or perhaps of their op- 
 pressors, than as contributing to the public welfare. But 
 if we lighten the pressure of that grinding and unpro- 
 ductive taxation, by which the industry of the people 
 has been over-loaded and paralysed, we shall certainly 
 enable them to add to their comforts, and to accumulate 
 wealth ; and they will thus be brought to acquire a direct 
 and tangible interest in the support of those great funda- 
 mental principles, which they now regard either with 
 indifference or aversion, and which the slightest provo- 
 cation is sufficient to induce them to attack. 
 
 " It has been the fate of Ireland to suffer nearly as 
 much injury from the injudicious attempts that have of 
 late been made to encourage and promote her industry, 
 as from those that were formerly made to fetter and re- 
 strict it. The history of the Irish countervailing and 
 protecting duties, affords a striking example of the 
 truth of this remark. To facilitate the establishment of 
 manufactures in Ireland, and, as it was also alleged, to 
 prevent those already established from being ruined by 
 the unrestricted competition of the English manufac- 
 tures, it w^as agreed at the treaty of the Union, that an 
 ad valorem duty of 1 per cent, should be charged, for a 
 period of twenty years, on English cotton or woollen 
 goods, hardware, &c. when imported into Ireland ; and 
 it was at the same time agreed, that an equal duty 
 should be charged on the Irish goods imported into 
 Eno-land. This measure has been productive of in- 
 calculable injury to both countries; but especially to 
 Ireland. It appears from papers laid before the house 
 of commons, that the entire value of the cotton wool 
 
 E E 3 
 
422 APPENDIX. 
 
 and twist imported into Ireland, in 1819, amounted to 
 only 221,000/. Their importation has not increased 
 since; and the whole Irish cotton manufacture is not 
 supposed to employ, at this moment, more than from 
 3000 to 5000 hands. Those who are acquainted witb 
 the real state of the case, would be disposed to con- 
 clude, that there must in such circumstances be an im- 
 mense importation of British cotton goods into Ireland^ 
 In truth, however, Jersey or Guernsey are about a» 
 good markets for them. From a return made by the 
 Dublin custom-house to an order of the house of com- 
 mons, it appears that the value of the Englisli cotton 
 goods imported into Ireland in the year ended the 
 5th January, 1821^ was as follows : 
 
 Calicoes, ^8,817 5 O 
 
 Muslins, 22,4^4 17 11 
 
 Cottons, other than calicoes and muslins, 168,550 13 11^ 
 
 £ 199,862 16 10| 
 
 " This sum, when added to the value of the cottons 
 manufactured in Ireland, makes so small a total con- 
 sumption as to be almost incredible, when compared 
 with the immense consumption of cottons in this country. 
 We do not presume to say that this trifling consumption 
 is altogether to be ascribed to the influence of the pro- 
 tecting duties ; but it is impossible to doubt that they 
 have had a very considerable effect in contracting the 
 demand for cottons. The duty, though nominally only 
 ten per cent., adds at least tisoenty or t*wenti^-Jive per cent, 
 to the selling price of English goods. The few capi- 
 talists in Ireland, the outlay of money required to pay 
 the duties, and the delays and vexatious regidations of the 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 custom-house, really secure a monopoly of the business of 
 importing English goods ad valorem to a few rich mer- 
 chants, and suppress that *widely-extended and most bene- 
 Jicial irajjic*, which would otherwise be carried on by 
 the retail dealers, pedlars, and even labourers, who are 
 daily passing between the two countries ; and thus, by 
 raising the price of the goods, and throwing the trade 
 into a few hands, the protecting duties, instead of pro- 
 moting the cotton manufacture of Ireland, have pre- 
 vented the introduction of a taste for cottons, and been 
 the most effectual bar to its progress. The injury done 
 to the English manufacturer by this perverse policy is 
 great ; but still it is trifling when compared to that which 
 it has done to the Irish people. Destitute as Ireland is 
 of good coal, improved machinery, and experienced 
 workmen, it was the height of error to suppose that a 
 protecting duty of ten per cent, could enable her to 
 withstand the competition of the English in the pro- 
 duction of cottons. The real effect of the duty has not 
 been to promote the Irish cotton manufacture ; for that, 
 as we have just seen, can hardly be said to exist at all ; 
 but to narrow the market of Ireland to the English ma- 
 nufacturers, by adding 20 or 25 per cent, to the price of 
 their goods ; and by this rise of price to hinder the Irish 
 peasantry from adopting the dress and modes of life of 
 
 * The writer of this article was not, perhaps, himself aware how 
 very extensively this is the case, and what poverty and distress has 
 been occasioned in Ireland by the ruin and decay of small traders, 
 and the pernicious monopoly which the state of intercourse be- 
 tween England and Ireland has thrown into the hands of large ca- 
 pitalists. As the manufactures of Ireland declined and disappeared, 
 it became necessary to import from England ; and the small traders 
 were thrown out of the trade, to the ruin of thousands, and the 
 general loss of the country. 
 
 E E 4 
 
4^i4 APPENDIX. 
 
 their English neighbours. The imposition of such re- 
 strictions on the trade between independent and even 
 hostile nations, could not be defended on any principle 
 of sound policy ; but when laid on the trade between 
 different parts of the same empire, they do not admit of 
 the shadow of an apology. To endeavour to protect 
 England or Ireland against the competition of the other, 
 is plainly absurd. We might, on the same grounds, 
 endeavour to protect Kent against the competition of 
 Sussex. England has many natural and acquired faci- 
 lities for carrying on the cotton manufacture ; Ireland 
 has none. Why then should we attempt to force a por- 
 tion of her scanty and insufficient capital into, what 
 must be to her, a disadvantageous employment ? And 
 why should we force her inhabitants to rest satisfied 
 with rags and nakedness, and to deny themselves the 
 use of a cheap, commodious, and comfortable article 
 of dress, because it is manufactured in Lancashire and 
 not in Leinster? Our statute-book affords many choice 
 specimens of legislative drivelling, and of officious and 
 ruinous interference with the industry of individuals 
 and the public; but we believe the impolicy and ab- 
 surdity of the Irish protecting duties to be quite un- 
 rivalled. 
 
 " The countervailing duty of ten per cent, on Irish 
 manufactures imported into England is equally per- 
 nicious. Had Irish manufactures been freely admitted 
 into England since the Union, the lowness of wages 
 in Ireland would, it may be fairly presumed, have been 
 sufficient to induce English capitalists to attempt esta- 
 blishing the coarser kinds of manufactures, and such as 
 are principally carried on by manual labour, there ra- 
 ther than in England. But the countervailing duty of 
 
APPEMDIX. 4-^5 
 
 ten' per cent, has fully balanced any advantage that 
 might have been derived from the cheaper labour of 
 Ireland, and has effectually excluded her manufactures 
 from the great and contiguous market of Britain. 
 
 " We have already said, that it was stipulated by the 
 act of union, that the Irish protecting duties, and the 
 countervailing duties on Irish goods imported into Eng- 
 land, were to cease in twenty years, or on the first of Janu- 
 ary 1821. But to the surprise and mortification of every 
 one acquainted with the nature and operation of these 
 duties, they have since been continued for t^soenty 
 years to come ^ or to 1841. Surely, however, it is impos- 
 sible that a measure which goes far to annihilate the 
 trade in manufactured goods between the two great 
 divisions of the empire, can be permitted to operate for 
 other twenty years. Parliament has been unwarily 
 entrapped into an approval of measures fatal to the 
 prosperity of Ireland and prejudicial to Britain ; but it 
 would be a libel on that body to suppose, that they will 
 persist in supporting them for a long series of years, 
 after their ruinous tendency has become palpable and 
 obvious. 
 
 " Besides the repeal of the protecting and countervail- 
 ing duties, and the reduction of the custom and excise 
 duties, it would be of the greatest advantage to Ireland, 
 were the reduced excise duties collected in such a way 
 as would permit the business of distilling, brewing, malt- 
 ing, tanning, &c. to he conducted on a small scale. Such 
 was the case in Ireland thirty years ago. But the per- 
 sons who were then intrusted with the management of 
 the Irish revenue, determined, whether from ignorance 
 or corruption has never been clearly ascertained, to 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 place all works subject to excise duties in the hands of 
 large capitalists. To effect this object, laws were passed 
 which resfulated the manner in which duties should be 
 charged, in such a way as rendered it impossible for 
 any one who had not a large capital to continue in the 
 trade. The smaller class of distillers, brewers, tanners, 
 &c. were, in consequence, driven from their business, 
 and mostly ruined; and many of the remoter districts 
 of the country were thus deprived of a market for their 
 produce, and could not, without great difficulty, obtain 
 supplies of spirits, beer, leather, &c.* A strong tempt- 
 ation was thus created to engage in the trade of illicit 
 distillation — a temptation which the present exorbitant 
 duties, and the system of townland fines, have ren- 
 dered irresistible. In 1807? the commissioners ap- 
 pointed to enquire into the fees, emoluments, &c. of 
 public offices in Ireland, in their Report on the Excise, 
 calculated that one-third part of the spirits consumed in 
 Ireland was illegally distilled : to put a stop to this illegal 
 traffic, and to check the prevalence of those predatory 
 and lawless habits which always mark the character of 
 the smuggler, the simple and obvious plan was to have 
 reduced the duty on legally distilled spirits, and to have 
 collected them in such a way as would have broken 
 down the monopoly of the large distillers, and enabled 
 smaller capitalists to set up distilleries in the remote and 
 less frequented districts of the country. But ministers 
 resolved to go to work differently. Instead of attempt- 
 ing to put down illicit distillation by rendering it unpro- 
 fitable, they resolved to suppress it by the strong hand of 
 
 * The Rev. Mr. Chichester's Letter to a British Member of Par- 
 liament, p. 94. We can add that this led to what has proved a great 
 calamity in Ireland, the decay and ruin of the small towns in remote 
 districts. 
 
APPENDIX. 4^7 
 
 power — to make the vengeance of the law counteract a 
 crime, all the temptations to indulge in which were left 
 unimpaired ! In pursuance of this insensate scheme, they 
 devised a system of unequalled injustice and oppression 
 — a system which involves both the innocent and the 
 guilty in one common ruin. Besides the penalties in- 
 flicted on delinquents, including traiisportatioji fm^ seven 
 years^ the novel expedient was resorted to, of imposing 
 a heavy fine upon every parish, townland, manor-land, 
 or lordship, in which an unlicensed still, or part of a 
 still, should be found ! There is no defence against the 
 fine, unless the defender can prove that the articles were 
 not found, or that they were left for the purpose of sub- 
 jecting him to the fine. The most perfect good faith is of 
 no avail ; and many instances have occurred of magis- 
 trates, who have devoted their whole time and energies 
 to the suppression of illicit distillation, being completely 
 ruined by the fines imposed on their estates. 
 
 " No one can regret that this infamous scheme has to- 
 tally failed of its object. Instead of illicit distillation 
 and smuggling being suppressed, they are now become 
 almost universal. * A large proportion of the peasantry 
 have been trained to live in a state of open and habitual 
 contempt of the laws, and to brave their utmost ven- 
 geance. The tendency of such a state of things to pro- 
 mote secret combinations, outrages, and even rebeUion, 
 is too striking and obvious to require being pointed out. 
 In most parts of Ireland, no excise-officer dare venture 
 to seize on a still, if he is not supported by a company 
 of soldiers ; and bloody and ferocious contests are, in 
 
 * It was stated in the debates in parliament in 1819, that 5352 in- 
 dividuals had been committed to prison in the course of the preceding 
 six years, for illicit distillation, of whom neai'Iy 4000 were convicted.^ 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 consequence, daily taking place between the military and 
 the smugglers. ' The distillery system of Ireland 
 ' seems/ to use the words of a most accurate observer, 
 ' to have been formed for the perpetuation of smug- 
 ' gling and anarchy. It has culled the evils of both 
 ' savage and civilized life, and rejected all the ad- 
 
 * vantages which they contain. The calamities of 
 ' civilized warfare are in general inferior to those pro- 
 ' duced by the Irish distillery laws ; and I doubt 
 ' whether any nation of modern Europe, which is 
 
 * not in a state of actual revolution, can furnish in- 
 ' stances of legal cruelty commensurate to those I have 
 ' represented.'* 
 
 " The Earl of Bless ington, one of the Irish representa- 
 tive peers, and generally a supporter of ministers, in his 
 Letter to the Marquis Wellesley, corroborates all that we 
 have here stated, respecting the oppressive and inju- 
 rious operation of the Irish distillery laws. ' I have 
 ' raised,' says his Lordship, ' my voice again and 
 
 * again in opposition to this system : but hitherto 
 ' without effect. It is a system as injurious to the mo- 
 ' rals of the people, both civil and military, as it is 
 
 * tyrannical and unprofitable.' p. 62. 
 
 " We have already demonstrated that the reduction 
 of the Irish excise duties on spirits, beer, and other 
 articles, so far from occasioning any diminution of 
 revenue, would be among the most effectual means 
 that could be devised for increasing it. 
 
 " But supposing we were wrong in this conclusion, 
 ought so detestable a system of oppression and abuse^ 
 
 * Rev. Mr. Chichester's Letter. 
 
APPENDIX^ 429 
 
 so fi'uitful a source of crime, outrage, and rebellion, to 
 be maintained, because it puts a few hundred thousand 
 pounds into the coffers of the treasury ? If Mr. Van- 
 sittart decHnes answering this question in the affirmative, 
 why does he not immediately introduce a bill for the re- 
 duction of the duties ? He may depend upon it, he 
 will never, otherwise, be able to relieve the country from 
 the great and constantly increasing evils of illicit distil- 
 lation and smuggling." 
 
 We have borne our testimony to the truth and justice 
 of these observations. It is melancholy to reflect, that 
 Ireland has been governed, for the last thirty years, in 
 utter ignorance of what was passing in that country, — of 
 the habits, prejudices, and character of the people, and 
 in total disregard of their means, wants, and necessities. 
 In the remote districts of the country, where formerly 
 there were flourishing villages, shops, tan-yards, mills, 
 &c. &c. upon a small scale, where beer was brewed, 
 and spirits distilled, and the people were comfortable 
 and contented, there is now a very different scene 
 presented to the eye of the observer. He sees only 
 ruined houses, decayed and deserted villages, without 
 trade, tan-yard, brew- house, mill, or any symptom or 
 means of industry or comfort. As the people increased 
 in numbers, the Excise drew away from them the means 
 of support and decent subsistence. They have been 
 converted into outlaws, smugglers, and banditti. And 
 the low murmur of preparation for some desperate and 
 hopeless enterprise is heard throughout the country, on 
 every hill, in every ruined village, and in all those 
 cheerless dens of dirt and misery called cottages in 
 Ireland. 
 
4^0 APPENDIX. 
 
 Woollen Maiuifacture. 
 
 The vigorous efforts of lord Strafford to destroy the 
 woollen manufacture of Ireland, not having fully suc- 
 ceeded, were followed up in the reign of William III. 
 by more decisive measures. By the 9th and 10th W. 3. 
 c. 40. the exportation of fuller's-earth and scouring clay 
 to Ireland was prohibited under severe penalties, with 
 a view to embarrass the manufacture. 
 
 On the 9th of June 1698, the Lords presented an 
 address to the king (William III.) stating, " That the 
 o-rowing manufacture of cloth in Ireland, both by the 
 cheapness of all sorts of necessaries of life, and goodness 
 of materials for making all manner of cloth, doth invite 
 his subjects of England, with their families and servants, 
 to leave their habitations to settle there, to the increase 
 of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, which makes his 
 loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that 
 the farther growth of it may greatly prejudice the said 
 manufacture here ; and praying, that His Majesty would 
 be pleased, in the most public and effectual way that 
 may be, to declare to all his subjects of Ireland, that the 
 o-rowth and increase of the woollen manufacture there 
 hath long and will be ever looked upon with great 
 jealousy by all his subjects of this kingdom." 
 
 On the 30th June, the Commons presented a similar 
 address; and his Majesty was pleased to say in answer: 
 " Gentlemen, I will do all that in me lies to discourage 
 " the woollen manufacture in Ireland." 
 
api>j:ndix. i31 
 
 These addresses were speedily followed by an act, 
 10 and 11 Will. 3. c. 10., prohibiting the exportation of 
 wool, yarn, new drapery, or old drapery, from Ireland, 
 on pain of forfeiting ship and cargo, and 500/. for every 
 offence ; no acquittal in Ireland being allowed to bar a 
 prosecution in England. The permission to export the 
 woollens of Ireland to England, w^as met by a duty on 
 importation into the latter country, tantamount to a 
 prohibition. 
 
 By the 19th Geo. 2. c. 12. the importation of glass 
 into Ireland from any place but Britain, and the export- 
 ation of glass from Ireland to any place xvhatsoever, were 
 prohibited, on pain of forfeiture of ship and cargo, and 
 other severe penalties. There were similar acts upon 
 the subject of hops and other commodities. 7 Geo. H. 
 c. 19. Newenham's View of Ireland, p. 104. 
 
 There is a curious coincidence in the fate of Ireland, 
 as regarding her manufactures, her religion, and her 
 ancient race of gentry. All these were violently plucked 
 up ; and others forcibly substituted in their places : and 
 this happened more than once. The woollen manufac- 
 ture sustained a long persecution, and was at length 
 finally extirpated. In place of this the linen manufac- 
 ture was substituted. Her ancient church, after long- 
 struggles with Rome and Britain, was utterly subdued ; 
 and the religion of Rome established in its stead, by the 
 strong hand of England. Her ancient gentry, after a 
 contest of 500 years, submitted to the like fate ; and 
 their possessions passed to new proprietors. But the 
 church of Rome was not long triumphant, when she 
 found herself assailed by her own champion. So, fre- 
 
43^ APPENDIX. 
 
 quently, the new race of proprietors were not long 
 planted, when they were plucked up, and fell, like the 
 Desmond, before the fickle tyranny which had made 
 them great. The linen manufacture, more fortunate, 
 stood its ground, and lived to see better days, and a 
 better spirit in Britain. 
 
Al'PENDIX. ^I.^l 
 
 iThe Third Report of the Commissioners appointed by mi 
 Act of the Ist and 2d Geo. IV. c. 37. ; — to inquire into 
 the Collection and Manage7nent of the Hevenue arising 
 in Ireland^ and. into certain Departments of the Re- 
 venue arising in Great Biitain. 
 
 In the division of the general measares announced 
 in our preceding Report, as calculated to effect a funda- 
 mental improvement in the system of the Irish revenue, 
 the second head was intended to embrace " the removal 
 of the obstructions to the commerce between Great Bri- 
 tain and Ireland, arising out of the system of duties and 
 drawbacks to which it is now subjected, by such regula- 
 tions as might assimilate the commercial intercourse be- 
 tween the two islands to the communications between 
 the several ports of Great Britain, and, at the same time, 
 aiFord the means of effecting a considerable reduction in 
 the revenue establishments of Ireland." 
 
 In the present Report, we shall submit to your Lord- 
 ships our suggestions under that head ; and point out 
 the inconvenience to the merchant, the disadvantage to 
 the community in Ireland, and the increased expense on 
 the public, arising out of the unnecessary continuance 
 of the present practice in the collection of these duties ; 
 and suggest such alterations as will tend to the removal 
 of these evils, by the introduction of a system more 
 simple, more economical, and more conducive to that 
 entire community of interests, and that unrestricted in- 
 tercourse between the two countries, which the Act of 
 Union was intended to establish. 
 
 VOL, I. F F 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 In the following observations upon this subject, we 
 shall not, however, include the whole of the revenue 
 regulations connected with the cross Channel trade ; the 
 protecting duties, or, as they are frequently called, the 
 " Union" duties, will be the subject of a separate re- 
 port. With that exception only, our remarks and 
 recommendations will apply to all the duties collected, 
 and drawbacks paid, on the transfer of merchandize^ 
 whether foreign or domestic, between Great Britain and 
 Ireland; and also to the regulations under which such 
 merchandize may be exported from one country to the 
 other, under bond, previously to the payment of duty. 
 
 It may be of importance to observe, that the impo- 
 sition of the countervailing duties is not to be consi- 
 
 o 
 
 dered in the light of a measure by which the disposable 
 revenue of the empire w^as to be augmented ; but as form- 
 ing a part of a system of regulation, established for the 
 purpose of adjusting the interests of the two countries, 
 in the collection of the rates of taxation with which they 
 were respectively charged upon particular and equally 
 taxed articles of consumption, (whether of foreign or 
 domestic production,) on their importation fi'om one 
 country to the other. 
 
 With a view to effect this object, it will be found that 
 the regulating principle of these duties is : 
 
 First, with respect to foreign and colonial goods, duty 
 paid, transferred from one country to the other; that 
 the import duty is collected upon such transfer in the 
 same manner as upon an origiuiil importation from 
 abroad ; the duty paid in the country where they were 
 first imported, being drawn back upon the proof of such 
 second payment. 
 
APPENDIX. iS.J 
 
 Secondly, with respect to domestic manufactures sub- 
 ject to internal duties ; that such duties are drawn back 
 on exportation from either country, and the internal 
 duty payable upon the like article in the other country 
 is charged upon them on their arrival. 
 
 These important duties and drawbacks on domestic 
 manufactures attach upon all articles subject to inter- 
 nal taxation in either country. They are, however, cal- 
 culated not only to secure by that means to each coun- 
 try, the duty therein imposed upon all such articles 
 consumed within its limits, whether manufactured at 
 home or brought from the other; but they are, at 
 the same time, intended to maintain, in the interchange 
 of manufactures, an equality between the manufactures 
 on either side, notwithstanding the inequality of the 
 duties. The import duties thus imposed, in respect 
 only of such internal dnties as would be contravened 
 by the free importation of the articles subject to them, 
 may properly be distinguished as the countervaihng 
 duties ; although that term is sometimes indiscrimi- 
 nately applied to all the duties drawn back and paid 
 again. 
 
 It is obvious, that such a complicated mode of col- 
 lecting and securing duties between different parts of 
 the same kingdom, must be fraught with much incon- 
 venience and embarrassment to that internal trade 
 which ought to be as free as possible ; and that it must, 
 likewise, occasion considerable expense to the public, 
 by the number of officers required to carry it into exe- 
 cution. It is also injurious in another respect, inasmuch 
 as it is an unavoidable source of fraud upon the revenue; 
 
 F F 2 
 
43(> APPEND I.X» 
 
 for, it is well known to all persons conversant with the 
 collection of the public income, that re-payments of 
 duty, in the shape of drawback, afford occasions for 
 fraudulent practices, which neither the strictest regula- 
 tions, nor the utmost vigilance of the officers, are suffi- 
 cient wholly to counteract. We have received evidence 
 of the existence of such fraud to a great extent in the 
 cross Channel trade. 
 
 So long, however, as separate accounts were kept by 
 the two countries, and their revenues were administered 
 by separate treasuries, the principle by which the mode 
 of collecting the foreign import duties is regulated was 
 indispensable; although it might, perhaps, have been 
 somewhat simplified in its application. 
 
 If the duties upon foreign imports had been equal 
 in both countries, the adjustment of the interest of each, 
 in the duties upon foreign articles transferred from the 
 one to the other, might have been effected without the 
 actual collection of the duty a second time, and the 
 payment of a corresponding drawback. It might have 
 been treated as a matter of account between Great Bri- 
 tain and Ireland, and settled annually by a reference te- 
 the custom-house returns.- 
 
 This method would have affordeil the means of avoid- 
 ing a considerable proportion of the embarrassment, the 
 fraud, and the expense, to which we have alluded. It 
 appears to have been contemplated in the 6th article of 
 the Union, as an alternative under the existence of 
 separate exchequers. The continued inequality in the 
 rates of the import duties, upon almost every article of 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 the same description (althougli the differences were ge- 
 nerally trifling) was, probably, the reason why it was not 
 resorted to. 
 
 One measure, however, has been adopted since the 
 Union, which has tended materiallv to alleviate the ill 
 effects of these payments and re-payments of duties and 
 -drawbacks. We allude to the extension of the ware- 
 housing system to Ireland, by the act of the 48th and 
 50th Geo. III. These have afforded great facilities for the 
 transfer of some articles of principal importance in the 
 foreign import tmde through Great Britain to Ireland, 
 and from port to port in Ireland, under bond, previously 
 to the payment of the duty. But even in the extension 
 of these facilities to Ireland, some distinctions ha\'^ 
 been allowed (we believe accidentall}^) to remain, which 
 still leave the Irish merchant in a less advantageous si- 
 tuation than the trader in Great Britain. East India 
 goods, for example, which may be warehoused and 
 transferred from port to port, subject to the restrictions 
 and regulations of the warehousing acts in England 
 or Scotland, are not allowed the same privilege hi Ire- 
 land. The merchant there has, in consequence, been 
 in the habit of recurring to a subterfuge to procure the 
 introduction of such goods into the warehouses ; but 
 this device has lately attracted the attention of the re- 
 venue authorities, and has been prevented. We are 
 not aware of any reason for a difference of the laws in 
 this respect, to the disadvantage of Ireland. 
 
 But notwithstanding the means thus afforded, by the 
 warehousing acts, to carry on a proportion of the 
 tross Channel trade, without the double payment and 
 
 F F 3 
 
43 8 APPENDIX. 
 
 the drawback of the foreign import duties, there is still 
 so mucli obstruction occasioned to the trade, in duty 
 paid upon foreign goods and domestic manufactures, by 
 this system, as to render it of great importance that it 
 should be reformed and simplified. 
 
 The consolidation of the revenue of Great Britain 
 and Ireland has prepared the way for that reformation. 
 It has removed the only ground for the continuance of 
 a great part of these complex and onerous regulations. 
 We are not aware of any sound reason why, hencefor- 
 ward, the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland 
 should be more impeded by fiscal restrictions than the 
 communication coastwise between England and Scot- 
 land, except in those articles which are still subject to 
 different rates of internal duty in the two countries. — 
 Even with respect to these last, we are of opinion, that 
 the regulations and checks intended to afford security 
 to the revenue, and to the manufacturer on either side, 
 may be much shnplified and abridged ; while, with re- 
 gard to the interchange of all other commodities, we 
 feel that the public interest is in every way concerned 
 in the extension of the same freedom and facilities to 
 Ireland, as are enjoyed by all other parts of the United 
 Kingdom, in their commercial dealings with each other. 
 
 Before we proceed to submit the general regulations, 
 and the alterations of the law by which these improve- 
 ments may, in our judgment, be best effected, we shall 
 briefly advert to the general character of the commerce 
 of Ireland, and to the proportions which the foreign 
 and cross Channel trade bear to each other, in order 
 to exhibit the influence of the present system upon it. 
 We shall also endeavour to illustrate, by some exam- 
 
 19 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 pies, the manner in which it operates to the prejudice 
 both of the merchant and consumer in that country. 
 
 In the year ended the 5th of January 1821, the ves- 
 sels and tonnage entered inwards, in all the ports of 
 Ireland, were as follows : — 
 
 Number of Vessels. Tonnaa:c. 
 
 From Foreign Parts 767 117,518 
 
 From Great Britain 9,643 809,083 
 
 The official value of the imports was — £, 
 
 Foreign and Colo-]^ Imported from Foreign parts 924,500 
 
 nial Produce ... J Do. from Great Britain 1,810,272 
 
 British Produce and Manufactures 2,432,242 
 
 The duties collected on the imports were — '■ 
 On Foreign and ^^ Imported from Foreign parts 552,577 
 ColonialProduce j Do. from Great Britain 753,200 
 
 On British Produce and Manufactures 364,673 
 
 In the same year, we find that the sum of 163,000/. 
 was paid back to persons who had imported goods from 
 Great Britain into Ireland, which goods had already 
 paid duty on their admission into the former country, 
 and were liable to a second duty on their entry into 
 the latter; and that, in like manner, thesum of 44,724/. 
 was in the last year drawn back in Ireland, upon goods 
 imported into that country, and from thence exported 
 to Great Britain. The same we have stated belong to 
 the duties of customs only. 
 
 With regard to the excise, 49,007/. was drawn back 
 in England, and 213,557/. paid in England on excise- 
 able articles imported from Ireland, in the same period. 
 
 But it is less by the amount of these re-payments, 
 than by the number of the entries, and other regulations 
 to which they give occasion, that an idea may be formed 
 
 r F 4 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the extent to which this system produces embarrass- 
 ment and delay. In this view, it may be sufficient to 
 state, that the drawbacks above alluded to were ob- 
 tained upon articles of 345 different descriptions, all of 
 which it was necessary to class and charge under sepa- 
 rate heads. 
 
 A striking illustration of the injurious effect of this 
 system of duties and drawbacks, as a hindrance to com- 
 merce, will be afforded by an explanation of their ope- 
 ration on the trade, in books and paper. We select 
 these articles for the purpose, because the excise duty 
 on paper (which gives occasion for the countervailing 
 duty on the trade in books) is the same in both coun- 
 tries — viz. Sd. per pound ; and it is, therefore, one of 
 those cases in which the inconvenience of paying the 
 duty on the import of the article into either country, 
 and drawing it back in the other, under the present sys- 
 tem, may, in our opinion, be easily and entirely re- 
 medied bv the regulations which we shall hereafter 
 propose. 
 
 In the evidence of an agent in Ireland, to an extensive 
 publisher in London, which is annexed to this Report, 
 there will be found a detailed statement of the expenses, 
 and an explanation of the difficulties which arise in 
 obtaining the drawback in books. These he describes 
 as being so inconsiderable, that it is not worth while to 
 apply for it at all, if the parcel is of less weight than 
 160lbs. 
 
 Mr. Archer, a considerable bookseller in Dublin, also 
 represented to us the inconvenience to which the trade 
 was subjected, from the manner in which these dutio 
 
APPENDIX. 4U 
 
 mid drawbacks operated, with respect to small consign- 
 ments ; upon which he states, " it is not worth while to 
 look for the drawback, as they consist very much of 
 periodical works, and things of that description." The 
 second duty in these cases must, therefore, either become 
 a complete loss to the importer, or be made the occasion 
 of an additional charge to the consumei' in Ireland, as 
 compared with the purchaser in England. 
 
 Mr. Wakeman, the agent above alluded to, describes 
 the prevalent scarcity of books in all the considerable 
 towns of Ireland ; few (if any) of which have the same 
 accommodation in this respect, as is possessed by the 
 towns of much less importance in Great Britain. This 
 difference he attributes, in a great measure, to the ex- 
 pense and difficulty of obtaining a supply from Great 
 Britain. Mr. Parnell informs us, that eleven counties of 
 Ireland are actually without a single bookseller's shop ; 
 and that, generally, the trade is confined within narrow 
 limits, and to a few hands. 
 
 It is not unworthy of remark, that at the time of the 
 Union, the Copyright Act was extended to I?'ela?id ; and 
 the Irish publisher was then deprived of the power of 
 reprinting British publications, for the supply of the 
 home markets. This extension of the law, however 
 just in principle, has had the effect of nearly destroy- 
 ing the trade of publication in Ireland ; and the press 
 at this time affords no supply, beyond that of a few tracts 
 of local interest, and some school-books, used exclusively 
 
 in that country. 
 
 ./ 
 
 In this instance, therefore, the effect of the regula- 
 tion has been wholly to the prejudice of Ireland : she 
 
44.^ APPENDIX. 
 
 has been deprived* of an advantage, without receiving an 
 equivalent, and has lost the privileges of separation, 
 without acquiring the benefits of union. It is, we 
 think, a point of considerable importance to provide 
 an adequate remedy for an evil, which bears in so ma- 
 terial a degree upon the progress of education, as well 
 as upon the improvement of the general habits and in- 
 formation of the people. The remedy is only to be 
 found in a free access to the British market, unincum- 
 bered by all unnecessary impediments of countervailing 
 duties. This would, at least, afford an easy and 
 ample supply of books in Ireland, if it should not even 
 encourage the Irish press to resume its activity, by the 
 prospect of a wider field for its exertion than the sup- 
 ply of the Irish market alone. 
 
 Evils, similar to those which are produced by the 
 countervailing duties in the trade in books and paper, 
 affect, in a greater or less degree, all other commodities 
 to which they apply. In every case the trader is sub- 
 jected to the delay and trouble occasioned by the differ- 
 ent custom-house proceedings ; to the inconvenience of 
 being called upon for the advance of a double duty ; 
 and to the loss of time and expense which must be 
 incurred before payment of the drawback can be 
 obtained. 
 
 There are also some irregularities in the existing ar- 
 rangements to which we are desirous of calling your 
 Lordships' attention; not only because they are pro- 
 ductive of much embarrassment, but also because they 
 are material deviations from the provisions of the act of 
 Union. That act has directed that the countervailing; 
 duties and drawbacks should be adjusted on a footing 
 
APPENDIX. 44^ 
 
 of' perfect reciprocity; and that, when any new or ad- 
 ditional duty should be imposed on either side, a draw- 
 back, equal in amount to such duty, should at the same 
 time be allowed. Notwithstanding this enactment, how- 
 ever, we find, in the period which has since elapsed, 
 more than one instance in which articles have been 
 made subject to new duties, without any provision for 
 a corresponding rate of drawback. The duty on hemp, 
 for instance, has been raised in Great Britain, from 
 4/. 45. 4fd. to 91. 3s. 4^?. per ton ; but the countervailing 
 duty on Irish cordage, and drawback on British cord- 
 age, remain as fixed at the Union : the consequence of 
 which is, that Irish cordage, on admission into Great 
 Britain, pays still only 4Z. 45. 4<i., instead of the in- 
 creased countervailing duty of 9/. 3s. ^d. with which it 
 ought to be charged; whilst the drawback on British 
 cordage imported into Ireland is only 4/. 105. 3d. 
 
 A similar irregularity has arisen with regard to the 
 duties on raw and organized silk. The duties have, by 
 successive additions, been raised, as to the latter, from 
 Ss. to 145. 6d, ; as to the former, from 3s. 4<d. to 55. 6d. 
 per pound weight. To this increase of duty, the coun- 
 tervailing duty and drawback have been properly ad- 
 justed in Ireland ; but in England they have been left 
 as they stood before the increase : the consequence is, 
 that the British exporter pays the high duty in Ireland, 
 and draws back only the low duty which existed at the 
 Union; while, by the Irish importer, the low duty 
 only is paid in Great Britain, and the high one drawn 
 back. 
 
 British-wrought plate, on importation into Ireland, 
 is charged with a duty of Is. per ounce, which is also 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 the rate of internal duty in that country; but Irish-^ 
 wrought plate is admitted into England duty free, though 
 an import duty ought to have been imposed, to countervail 
 that which is paid on the manufacture of British plate. 
 
 Tliese anomalies have, no doubt, arisen in a great 
 measure from the influence of separate and discordant 
 systems of management. If the revenues in the two 
 countries had been governed practically by the same 
 authorities, your Lordships and the legislature would 
 have been duly apprized of such incongruous regula- 
 tions and enactments ; and they would not have been 
 suffered to exist. We have already recommended an 
 incorporation of the revenue boards in the two coun- 
 tries, as the only sound remedy for the numerous evils 
 belonging to the present system of managing and col- 
 lectinof the revenue in Ireland, and as the most effectual 
 means for assimilating the practice in the two coun- 
 tries. We now, with equal cojifidence, rest the suc- 
 cessful application of all the regulations to be framed for 
 the removal of these unnecessary restrictions in the 
 commercial intercourse between the two countries, upon 
 that same incorporation. Without it, a complete re- 
 medy for these obstructions to the cross Channel trade, 
 consistently with the due security of the revenue, 
 would be difficult with regard to the duties of customs ; 
 and with respect to the duties of excise, we conceive 
 that it would be found quite impracticable, if they 
 should continue to be collected as they are at present 
 in Ireland. W^e shall state a single example to show 
 the correctness of this opinion. 
 
 In our Second Report, we described the effect of the 
 imperfect management of the excise department, on the 
 
APPENDIX. 445 
 
 collection of the duty of Irish -made spirits. In that case 
 countervaihng duties were shewn to be nugatory as a 
 protection to the Enghsh manufacturer, by reason of 
 the habitual evasion of a proportion of the nominal tax 
 imposed upon the article in Ireland. We shall now 
 advert to the manufacture of stained paper, to explain 
 how these duties are liable to be defeated, and the Irish 
 revenue defrauded, by the laxity or ill-management of 
 the same department. Of this article there are extensive 
 manufactures in Ireland, producing a quantity which 
 is equal to the entire consumption of the country. — 
 The whole duty collected from these manufactures 
 was, however, in the year 1820, only 1,221/. — a sum 
 generally below that which the quantity really manu- 
 factured ought to have yielded to the revenue, ac- 
 cording to the opinions of all the persons, whether 
 traders or officers, whom we have examined upon the 
 subject. 
 
 The mode in which the fraud which occasions this 
 loss of revenue is practised by the manufacturer, or, 
 to speak more correctly, the manner in which the eva- 
 sion of the duty is permitted by the excise officer in 
 Ireland, is fully and minutely explained in the evidence 
 of the British excise officers, inserted in the appendix 
 to our Second Report, who ascertained, upon the best 
 authority, that in one instance the manufacturer made 
 twice as much of the article as he paid duty for. The 
 manner in which this evasion of the duty is calculated 
 to operate upon the countervailing duty is this : — the 
 manufacturer who pays for a monthly licence to use a 
 table, is entitled to have all the paper which he manu- 
 factures, within the amount to which that licence is ap- 
 plicable, certified as having been duly charged with 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 duty. Upon the export of that paper into Great Bri- 
 tain, he would be liable to pay the British excise duty, 
 and would draw back the Irish excise duty upon the 
 actual quantity, according to the rate at which it is im- 
 posed by law. But as it is admitted that he may make 
 a much larger quantity than is covered by the licence 
 duty, it follows, that the rate of duty which he pays 
 upon the whole quantity really produced, is much less 
 than that at which he obtains a drawback upon the 
 quantity exported. In the case of his making twice the 
 number of yards for which his licence is calculated, the 
 duty which he paid might be at the rate of three farthings 
 a yard. The duty which he would draw back on the 
 quantity imported into England would be at the rate 
 of three half-pence a yard. It was natural to be ex- 
 pected, that such an advantage should induce an ex- 
 portation of this article from Ireland to England. We 
 accordingly find, from the evidence of the manufacturers 
 already referred to, that a trade in that direction was 
 establishing itself some time back, when it was met by 
 an increased severity on the part of the English excise 
 department, in the examination of the paper imported ; 
 which being followed by the collection of a heavy duty 
 on the colouring matter attached to it, under a new 
 interpretation of the law by that board, the combined 
 operation of vexation and duty succeeded in putting a 
 stop to the trade. 
 
 This instance is only one of many which might be 
 adduced to show how grievous these duties must prove 
 to the honest trader, under a disjointed management of 
 the revenue. Laxity and remissness on the one side, 
 are encountered by vexatious severity on the other, as 
 necessary safeguards; and whole branches of trade are 
 
APPENDIX. 447 
 
 indiscriminately harassed by impediments, in order to 
 prevent some partial frauds to which they are known to 
 be liable ; the destruction of the trade being made the 
 means of preventing the frauds. Thus, the want of 
 mutual understanding, concert, and uniformity of prac- 
 tice between the departments, is a great aggravation of 
 the complexity of the cross Channel system of duties. 
 
 Even while we are addressing these observations to 
 your Lordships, we receive from you a reference which 
 affords another instance of the evil effect of separate 
 authorities. In a report of the commissioners of the 
 customs in Ireland, which you have transmitted to us, 
 on the subject of different modes of weighing sugars in 
 the custom houses in England and Ireland, we find 
 that board objecting to adopt the British practice, and 
 maintaining, without any attempt to justify it by expla- 
 nation or argument, that their own is the most correct. 
 
 It is not necessary for us at present to enter into the 
 merits, on either side, of this disagreement between the 
 two boards ; but we must observe, that the adjustment 
 of it is of much importance to the merchant; and that 
 whichever mode of weighing may, upon full inquiry, be 
 deemed to be the best and fairest to the revenue and the 
 subject, should be uniformly adopted on both sides of 
 the Channel. The difference itself is a grievance; and, 
 except under an undivided management, such grievances 
 will repeatedly recur. 
 
 We now proceed to submit the general heads of re- 
 gulation, by which we conceive that the domestic trade 
 between Ireland and Great Britain may be placed upon 
 the footing most consistent with the interests of both 
 
448 APPENDIX. 
 
 countries, and with the spirit of the act by which they 
 are united. 
 
 We propose — 
 
 That all duties upon the importation of foreign or 
 colonial goods from foreign countries, or the colonies, 
 into Great Britain or Ireland, shall be made equal in 
 both countries. 
 
 That all such goods shall be subject to duty under 
 the same denomination ; and that the quantities be as- 
 certained by the officers of the revenue upon the same 
 principle, and according to the same weights and mea- 
 sures in both countries. 
 
 That all such goods, when exported to foreign coun- 
 tries from Great Britain or Ireland, shall, in either 
 country, be entitled to the same drawback of duty when 
 it has been paid, and be subject to the same regulations 
 and deductions when the duty has not been paid, and 
 the exportation is made from warehouse under bond. 
 
 That all such goods shall be exportable from Great 
 Britain to Ireland ; and from Ireland to Great Britain, 
 and also from port to port in Ireland, subject to the 
 same rules, restrictions, forms, and regulations, for the 
 security of the revenue, as are now applicable, or may 
 hereafter be made applicable, to the conveyance of goods 
 of the like description coastwise from port to port in 
 Great Britain. 
 
 That all such goods, bonded and warehoused by vir- 
 tue of the warehousing acts, shall be transferred under 
 bond from port to port in Great Britain and Ireland, in 
 
APPENDIX. 149 
 
 the same manner, and under the same regidations, pro- 
 visions, and restrictions, as those under which such 
 goods now, or hereafter, may be removed under the 
 warehousing acts from one port to another in Great 
 Britain. 
 
 That there shall be the same privilege of bonding and 
 warehousing all such goods, subject to the same re- 
 strictions and regulations, under the authority ot the 
 lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, in Ire- 
 land, as in Great Britain. 
 
 That all goods, the produce or manufacture of 
 Great Britain or Ireland, subject to duties of excise in 
 one country and not in the other, or subject to duties 
 of excise at diiFerent rates in the two countries, shall 
 be exported from Great Britain to Ireland, and be en- 
 titled to a drawback, from the excise in England, of the 
 British duty, or of the difference between the British 
 and the Irish duties, (as the case may be,) on proof of 
 the landing thereof in Ireland ; and that such goods 
 shall be exportable from Ireland to Great Britain, on 
 payment of the British duty of excise, or of the differ- 
 ence between the British and the Irish duties, on land- 
 ing in Great Britain. 
 
 That all goods, the produce or manufacture of Great 
 Britain or Ireland, which may be warehoused under 
 bond for payment of the duties of excise, shall be ex- 
 portable, under bond, from one country to the other, 
 and be taken out for consumption in either, upon pay- 
 ment of the duty to which such articles shall therein be 
 liable. 
 
 VOL. I. G G 
 
450 APPENDIX. 
 
 That all such goods, subject to the same duties of 
 excise in the two countries, shall be exportable from 
 one to the other, without further duty or drawback ; 
 subject to the same rules, regulations, and provisions, 
 as are now, or may hereafter, be made applicable to 
 the conveyance of such goods from one port to another 
 in Great Britain. 
 
 That coals exported from Great Britain to Ireland, 
 or from Ireland to Great Britain, shall be subject to 
 the same rules, regulations, and provisions, (except as to 
 the amount of duty,) as coals carried coastwise from one 
 part to another of Great Britain. 
 
 Under these regulations, the payment and re-pay- 
 ment of duties in the cross Channel trade would entirely 
 cease. 
 
 The drawbacks and duties which would still be un- 
 avoidable, on the ground of diiferent rates of internal 
 taxation, would be simplified, so as to occasion as little 
 trouble to the subject, and as little expense to the pub- 
 lic, in the collection of them, as such a system will ad- 
 mit of. The transfer of all merchandize would be as 
 easy and convenient, between Great Britain and Ireland, 
 as between London and Leith coastwise. The privileges 
 and advantages of the warehousing system would be the 
 same in all respects, subject to the same conditions in 
 both countries. 
 
 Of the value of these alterations to Ireland, and to 
 the merchants of Great Britain concerned in the trade 
 with that country, an estimate may be formed by a re- 
 ference to the statement respecting the trade, which we 
 
APPENDIX. 451 
 
 liave exhibited in a preceding part of this Report. It will 
 there be seen, how great a proportion the cross Channel 
 intercourse bears to the foreign commerce of Ireland. 
 
 Concerning the diminution of the establishments hi 
 Ireland, which might follow the adoption of this change 
 of system, we shall not be fully prepared to offer an 
 opinion, until we are enabled to make more minute in- 
 quiries on the spot, with a knowledge of the degree and 
 manner in which our recommendations for the incorpor- 
 ation of the boards, and the modification of the Union 
 duties, in addition to those which are contained in this 
 Report, are found worthy of being carried into effect. 
 If they should all be adopted, the department of the 
 customs in Ireland will, as we have already observed, 
 admit of being very considerably reduced, without any 
 apprehension of danger to the revenue. 
 
 One of the first and principal proceedings towards 
 the establishment of a new system of intercourse, founded 
 upon the foregoing regulations, is an equalization of the 
 import duties on foreign merchandize, under the autho- 
 rity of parliament, as far as the circumstances of the 
 two countries will permit. We shall, accordingly, cause 
 a schedule of duties on the importation of foreign goods 
 into Ireland to be prepared. We shall also prepare 
 the draft of a bill for imposing those duties, and for 
 giving effect to the several provisions inserted in our 
 proposed regulations, as far as the duties of customs 
 are concerned. Those which relate to the extension 
 of the privileges of the warehousing system to Ireland, 
 and those also which have reference to the duties of 
 excise, will require, we apprehend, to be carried into 
 effect by the authority of separate acts of parliament, 
 
 G G 2 
 
45^2 APPENDIX. 
 
 In the formation of the schedule of foreign import 
 duties for Ireland, it will be our object, not only that 
 the rates of duty should be made as nearly as possible 
 equal to those of Great Britain, but also that they 
 should be made applicable to the same measure, and to 
 the same modes of charging the duty; those being at 
 present different in the two countries, in many instances, 
 upon the same articles. 
 
 The effect of this equalization of the rates, will be 
 that of making an addition of about 40,000/. a-year to 
 the revenue of the customs in Ireland, according to a 
 computation made upon the produce of the last year. — 
 We do not, however, contemplate an additional burden 
 of taxation, as being likely to arise from the measure 
 we are proposing, when taken altogether, upon Ireland. 
 There will be a relief in the repeal of some of the Union 
 duties, corresponding with the addition of the duties on 
 import; while the public will gain, we hope largely, by 
 a better collection of the existing duties, and by a reduc- 
 tion -of establishment. 
 
 Our communications with the principal persons em- 
 ployed in the superintendance of the customs and 
 excise in England have satisfied us, that with respect to 
 the former, no practical difficulty is likely to arise in the 
 execution of the proposed system. On the part of the 
 excise, we have found an apprehension of some danger 
 to the revenue, which might, it is imagined, arise 
 from the relaxation of the checks which are supposed 
 to be afforded by the very impediments which the exist- 
 ing complicated system affords to the intercourse be- 
 tween Ireland and Great Britain. Some difficulty also 
 presented itself in the circumstajice of the import duties 
 
APPENDIX. 453 
 
 being partly collected by the customs, and partly by the 
 excise in Great Britain, while they are now wholly col- 
 lected by the customs in Ireland — a difference to which 
 we have adverted in our Second Report; and which 
 mifi^ht occasion some danjrer of fi*aud in the transfer of 
 articles upon the principle of the coasting trade, between 
 countries in which they would be under the cognizance 
 of different branches of the revenue. 
 
 The last-mentioned difficulty would be entirely re- 
 moved, if the suggestions should be adopted which we 
 submitted in our Second Report — that the same mode 
 of collecting the import duties should be established in 
 Great Britain and in Ireland, whatever that mode might 
 be. Such an assimilation would, indeed, be an almost 
 necessary consequence of the incorpora^tion of the 
 boards; and we are confident that the general appre- 
 hension of danger to the revenue, arising out of this 
 simplified system, would vanish likewise upon the adop- 
 tion of that measure. For, when that great change 
 shall have been completed, the commissioners of the 
 excise will be enabled, not only to prescribe the regu- 
 lations and checks by which the transfer of merchandize, 
 without payment or drawback of duty, may be guarded 
 on either side of the Channel, but they will also have it 
 in their power to provide for the enforcement of those 
 regulations with equal fidelity and punctuahty in both 
 countries. 
 
 We have thus submitted the plan of a general change 
 in the revenue regulations, affecting the commercial 
 intercourse with Ireland; by v*'hich we are fully of 
 opinion, after having bestowed the most careful attention 
 upon the subject, that the convenience of the mer- 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 chant, the advantage of the consumer, and the econo- 
 mical management of the pubHc departments, will be 
 materially promoted. In framing the groundwork of 
 these measures, we have proceeded upon the principle 
 of removing, if possible, every remaining distinction 
 Between the revenue regulations of Ireland and those 
 of this country. This we conceive to be a very import- 
 ant object, and highly desirable upon all the grounds 
 of sound policy, and a just economy, to which we have 
 adverted. It is also material, in our view of the sub- 
 ject, to the future mercantile prosperity of Ireland. — 
 We are far from agreeing with those persons who 
 imagine that the embarrassments which now encumber 
 the cross Channel trade, should have the effect of 
 encouraging the direct foreign commerce of the sister 
 country. It can never be an encouragement to that 
 highest class of merchants, who alone are competent 
 to carry on largely such a trade, to employ their capital 
 in a part of the United Kingdom which has only an 
 expensive and vexatious system of intercourse with the 
 remainder. The ports of Great Britain, under such 
 circumstances, must possess a decided preference, as 
 places of establishment, upon that ground alone, inde- 
 pendently of any other consideration. But when, by 
 the simplification which we have proposed to your 
 Lordships, the mercantile communications between Ire- 
 land and the rest of the United Kingdom shall have 
 been made as easy and as free, as they already are be- 
 tween all the other component parts of the same empire, 
 it will no longer be owing to any fiscal restrictions within 
 the power of the government or legislature to remove, 
 if the chief ports of Ireland (possessing, as they do, 
 many and great natural advantages) should hereafter fail 
 
APPENDIX. 455 
 
 to attain to the same degree of commercial prosperity as 
 their rivals on the British side of the Channel. 
 
 Signed severally by 
 T. Wallace. W. I. Lushington. 
 
 Thos. Frankland Lewis. Henry Berens. 
 J. C. Herries. 
 
 Office of Inquiry into the Collection and Management 
 of the Revenue, 26th Jul;i/, 1822. 
 
 END OF the first VOLUME. 
 
London : 
 
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