Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2013 
 
 http://archive.org/details/celticstudiesfroOOebel 
 
/C E L T I C STUDIES/: 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OF 
 
 DR. HERMANN EBEL, 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 ON BOOTS, STEMS, AND DERIVATIVES, AND ON CASE-ENDINGS OF NOUNS IN THE 
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES. 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM K. SULLIVAN, PH.D., M.R.I.A., 
 
 PROFESSOR IN THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND, AND IN THE MUSEUM OF 
 
 IRISH INDUSTRY. 
 
 6574 
 
 WILLIAMS AND NORGATE, 
 
 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; 
 
 AND 
 
 20 SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. 
 1863 
 

 •E^ 
 
 JOHN F. FOWLER, PRINTER. 
 3 CF.OW STBEET, AND 2-i TE?IPLE LANE, 
 

 P R E F A C E . 
 
 The history of the variation of opinion about the Celtic lan- 
 guages would make a curious and instructive chapter of literary 
 history. Their relationships with other languages, like those 
 of the peoples who spoke them with other branches of the 
 human race, depended rather upon the dictates of passion than 
 of reason. There was indeed but little room in most cases for 
 the exercise of the reason, because those who theorized about the 
 Celtic languages were generally wholly ignorant of them, or, 
 at least, knew them very imperfectly, and in their most modern 
 and corrupt forms. The rudest tongue is dear to those whose 
 first thoughts were expressed in it. The pride which the Irish 
 or Welsh take in their language is legitimate, and the exagger- 
 ated estimate which they may sometimes form of the beauties 
 and powers of their respective dialects can readily be pardoned. 
 But the same indulgence cannot be extended to writers who 
 contribute to bring science into discredit, and contempt upon 
 the language and literature of a people, and therefore upon the 
 people themselves, by fanciful and baseless speculations. It 
 matters not whether, like Vallancey's, these speculations tended 
 to exalt the Celtic language, or, like Pinkerton's, to degrade 
 it : both are injurious to the growth of true learning. Indeed, 
 the former are the worse, because passages like the following, 
 written by Mr. Pinkerton, could only degrade the author: " The 
 mythology of the Celtas (which is yet to be discovered !) re- 
 sembled in all probability that of the Hottentots or others, the 
 rudest savages, as the Celtae anciently were, and are little better 
 at present, being incapable of any progress in society". I have 
 called up the literary shade of Pinkerton from the oblivion into 
 which he has sunk, not because these old opinions are now of 
 
 8479 
 
iv Preface. 
 
 much consequence of themselves, but because they show one of 
 the extremes of opinion once held regarding the affinities of 
 the Celtic language. This kind of literature now very rarely 
 disgraces comparative philology, but, as may be expected in a 
 subject like ethnology, which, as yet, scarcely deserves the name 
 of a science, and in which mere assertion too frequently usurps 
 the place of inductive hypotheses, it still constitutes, if not an 
 important, at least a very popular element. 
 
 There is scarcely a language in the world between which and 
 the Celtic some one has not attempted to prove a connection ; or, 
 to speak more precisely, its chief existing dialect, the Irish. The 
 disciples of the Pinkerton school were, of course, desirous that 
 its affinities should be with the languages of the inferior races, 
 and accordingly one found a great similarity between it and the 
 tongue of the Jaloffs, on the coast of Africa ; another found that 
 it was a distant cousin of that of the Leni Lenappe, a great 
 family of American Indians, who formerly possessed the region 
 of the Susquehannah. Others, again, found its true relations in 
 the Lappish, the Ostyak, the Tungus dialects, and other tongues 
 of North Siberia. On the other hand, the admirers of the Celtic 
 tongue endeavoured to establish what, at one time, was con- 
 sidered the noblest of origins, a Hebrew descent. This Semitic 
 relationship was, no doubt, suggested by the traditions of an 
 eastern origin, which pervade the Irish chronicles. As every 
 ethnological puzzle was attempted to be solved by means of the 
 Ten lost Tribes of Israel, it was of course suggested that the 
 Irish were descended from them ; the favourite Semitic ancestors 
 of the Celts of the west were, however, not the Israelites, but 
 their cousin-germans the Phenicians ; as p is always represented 
 in the Irish by/, the bearla fene was the lingua punica: and then 
 was not the bdlltaine of May-eve a remnant of the worship of 
 Baal ? Carthage was founded by the Phenicians ; the Carthagi- 
 nians must, therefore, have been cousins of the Irish, and, conse- 
 quently, the fragments of their language preserved in the 
 Psenulus of Plautus may be interpreted through the Irish ; and 
 so they were. But Sir W. Betham left Vallancey a great way 
 behind, when he found that the affinities between the Irish and 
 the Hebrew were often so close that he could not detect closer 
 between the Irish and Welsh ! 
 
Preface. v 
 
 There seems to have always existed among writers on 
 languages a belief in the great antiquity of the Celtic tongues, 
 — that they were much more ancient than most other Eruopean 
 languages ; and under this impression is was suggested that the 
 Greek, Latin, and even the Sanskrit tongues were derived from 
 them, or rather from a primitive Celtic mother-tongue. If even a 
 fourth or fifth cousinship could not be permitted with the Greek or 
 the Gothic, how could it be tolerated that Celtic should be made 
 the progenitor of them all ? Accordingly, such pretensions were 
 thus summarily dismissed by a writer who, whatever may have 
 been his pretensions as an Orientalist, seems to have had no 
 claim to be considered a Celtic scholar, except perhaps that of 
 having a Gaedhelic name. " The Celtic, therefore, when divested 
 of all words which have been introduced into it by conquest and 
 religion, is a perfectly original language; but the originalities 
 incontrovertibly prove that neither Greek, Latin, or the Teu- 
 tonic dialects, nor Arabic, Persian, or Sanskrit were derived from 
 the Celtic, since these languages have not any affinity whatever 
 with that tongue" / The tradition which brought the Milesian 
 Irish through Spain in their journey from the East, suggested 
 an affinity with the Basques and Gascons, which some persons 
 have stated to be so close, that an educated Irish-speaking man 
 would be able to hold a dialogue with a Basque peasant speaking 
 the Escaldunac. There is, of course, not the shadow of a ground 
 for this statement, but Irish and Basque affinities are still confi- 
 dently spoken of by English writers who know neither the Irish 
 nor the Escaldunac tongue. 
 
 The Escaldunac is not the only tongue, the affinities of which 
 are still doubtful or obscure, with which the Celtic languages 
 have been connected by Engish writers; for Armenian, and 
 Albanian, and even Coptic words have been found in them. 
 That some affinity exists between Celtic and the first two is of 
 course probable enough, as they are now beginning to be consi- 
 dered Indo-European ; but the grounds upon which such affinities 
 were assumed were as unscientific as those which connected the 
 Irish with Phenician. 
 
 It was only through sources like Pinkerton, Vallancey, Betham, 
 
 * Researches into the origin and affinity of the principal languages of Asia 
 and Europe, by Lieut.-CoL Vans Kennedy. London, 1828, p. 85. 
 
vi Jrrejace. 
 
 and Kennedy, that thirty years ago the scholars of France, Ger- 
 many, and other foreign countries could have learned anything of 
 the Celtic language or literature of these Islands; and scarcely 
 anything was known of the Armoric of Bretagne. What won- 
 der then that Malte Brun, F. Schlegel, and others, should have 
 adopted the opinion of Pinkerton, that Irish was a peculiar lan- 
 guage unconnected with the other European tongues ? The first 
 man who had the merit of investigating the problem of the 
 affinities of the Celtic was the distinguished ethnologist Dr. 
 Pri chard, who in 1832 published a supplement to his Researches 
 into the Physical History of Mankind, under the distinct title of 
 The Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations} Before the publica- 
 tion of this work, Bopp had published his Sanskrit Grammar, 
 and J. Grimm his great German Grammar, works which mark 
 an era in the history of comparative philology. Dr. Prichard 
 was consequently able to base his inquiries upon the labours of 
 these great scholars by whom the true foundation of the science 
 has been laid. Although this work is now of very little, if any 
 use, it was, considering the time at which it was written, and 
 that the author appears to have been only able to use chiefly the 
 modern forms of the Welsh, in which the inflexions are to a great 
 extent lost, a very meritorious work, and one which will always 
 be valuable in a historical point of view, as the first in which 
 a true scientific method of investigation was attempted. In this 
 work Dr. Prichard endeavoured to prove that the true affinities 
 of the Celtic languages were with the Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, 
 Gothic, and Slavonian, which were considered to form a family 
 derived from a single primitive tongue, and to which the name 
 Indo-Germanic was given, and furthermore, that it was a mem- 
 ber of that family, which should henceforward more appropriately 
 be termed the Indo-European, or, as it seems now destined to be 
 called, the Aryan family. 
 
 Soon after the appearance of Dr. Prichard's work, and, no 
 doubt, owing in a measure to it, the Celtic languages began to 
 attract the attention of Continental scholars. Comparative philo- 
 logy had now grown into a great science, and was vigorously 
 cultivated by many ardent labourers. Between 1837 and 1840, 
 
 b A reprint containing much additional matter, but altogether of an ethnolo- 
 gical character, by the editor, Dr. Latham, was published in 1857. 
 
Preface. vii 
 
 three important works on Celtic philology appeared. The first 
 was l)e VAffi.nite des Langues Celtiques avec le Sanskrit, by 
 Adolph Pictet (Paris, 1837). The author, who had long 
 devoted his attention to the subject of Irish antiquities, having 
 published, in 1824, his work on Du Culte des Cabires chez les 
 Anciens Irlandais, made the Irish the basis of his study. This 
 work still retains its value, and its author is still an ardent and 
 respected labourer in the same field. The second work was Die 
 Celtischen Spraclien of Bopp, which was published at Berlin in 
 1839. This work, which contains several important discoveries, 
 may be looked upon as a supplement to bis great work, the 
 Comparative Grammar, which did not include the Celtic. The 
 third work was the Celtica of Dr. Diefenbach, which was pub- 
 lished at Stuttgart in .1839 and 1840. Although this work is 
 rather ethnological than philological, yet, as the first part was the 
 earliest attempt to bring together the numerous Celtic words, or, 
 at least, those which are presumed to be so, that are scattered 
 through the works of Greek and Roman authors, and determine 
 their comparative etymological relationships with different lan- 
 guages, it must always be regarded as one of the classics of 
 Celtic philology. 
 
 The honour of having done in a great measure for the Celtic 
 dialects what J. Grimm did for the Germanic ones by his cele- 
 brated grammar, and of having thus established the basis by 
 which the Indo-European character of those dialects could be 
 subsequently rigorously established, was however reserved for J. 
 Kaspar Zeuss. After thirteen years of labour, he unexpectedly 
 presented to the world in 1853 his Grammatica Celtica, written 
 in Latin, a monument at once of his genius and of his unex- 
 ampled perseverance. In this great work he has left us the 
 materials by which we may clearly establish that the Celtic lan- 
 guages are pure Indo-European tongues without any admixture 
 of heterogeneous foreign elements, and consequently that they 
 are members of the family in the same sense that Latin or Gothic 
 is. That the labours of his predecessors had not definitely settled 
 the latter point, or at least had not brought conviction to the 
 minds of many English ethnologists, is very evident from the 
 following observation of Dr. Latham : "i relationship was mis- 
 taken for the relation. The previous tongues were (say) second 
 
viii Preface. 
 
 cousins. The Celtic was a fourth or fifth. What was the result ? 
 not that a new second cousin was found, but that the family 
 circle was enlarged". — Man and his Migrations, p. 87. 
 
 It is right to state that the writer in question does not seem to 
 have been influenced in his opinion by the publication of the 
 Grammatica Celtica. The passage above quoted was written in 
 1851. Here is what he says in 1857: "The real condition, 
 however, in which Prichard left the question was this, viz., 
 that if the value of the class called Indo-European was to be 
 raised by any fresh additions, the Keltic group of languages 
 should form either the part or the whole of such additions. 
 More than this I cannot find in his paper; more than this I 
 cannot find in either Bopp's or Pictet's ; more than this I cannot 
 find anywhere. By which I mean that I nowhere find evidence 
 upon either of the two following questions : 1 st, That the Kelt (or 
 indeed any other language) can be made Indo-European without 
 raising the value of the term. 2nd, That any good is effected 
 by so raising it. 
 
 " If the writers in question expressed themselves to the fact that 
 the tongues in question were absolutely Indo-European, or (still 
 more) if they derived them from the East, they left omissions in 
 their argument which, to say the least, were illegithnate".— 
 PricharaVs Celtic Nations, by Latham, p. 356. 
 
 Dr. Latham, to be sure, seems to attach very little importance 
 to the labours of comparative philologists of the German school ; 
 for he does not believe in the method of analysis by letter- 
 changes. He says, " Whether the clever manipulation of letter- 
 changes has, by enabling men to go wrong according to system, 
 done as much harm as it is destined to do, is doubtful. It is 
 pretty certain that it has done almost all the good of which it is 
 capable. For all useful purposes, Prichard used it, the results 
 being what we have seen. It is not, then, from this quarter that 
 any advancement of Kelt ethnology is to be expected" — ibid., 
 p. 382. If the instrument of research in comparative philology 
 be not the use of the laws of letter-changes, what is it? Dr. 
 Latham does not tell us, at least he does not do so in the follow- 
 ing passage : " An improved logic, and a greater sobriety of idea, 
 combined with a great breadth of view, are the real desiderata, 
 at least for the settlement of the more general questions" — ibid,, 
 
Preface. 
 
 IX 
 
 p. 382. These are desiderata in all scientific inquiries, but they 
 do not constitute the method of research of a science. Either 
 the changes which the words of any given language undergo 
 when that language branches into dialects or distinct languages, 
 are arbitrary, or follow regular laws. If the former, the relations 
 of languages can only be guessed at from the accidental resem- 
 blance which words may offer when placed at random in parallel 
 columns; in this case there can be no science of comparative 
 philology. If the latter, the first problem for the philologist is to 
 determine the phonetic laws of each language ; and no dependance 
 can be placed upon any conclusions which may be drawn from 
 researches made upon languages, the phonetic laws of which are 
 not accurately known. These laws can only be determined by 
 careful induction from many and varied researches. Even were 
 the phonetic laws of a whole family of languages accurately 
 known, it does not necessarily follow that every one could use 
 them correctly. As in every other branch of science, a true 
 instrument may be wrongly or unskilfully used. No one objects 
 to mathematics as an instrument of investigation in physical 
 science, because, having been wrongly used, it has sometimes 
 led to erroneous results. For the same reason, the mistakes 
 made by Leo about the Malberg glosses upon a copy of the Lex 
 Salica, or Holtzmann's astounding conclusion that the Gauls 
 were Germans and that both were Celts, is no proof against 
 the doctrine that a correct etymology can only be arrived at by 
 means of a study of the letter- changes. In the hands of Bopp 
 and of his school, comparative philology, founded upon a judi- 
 cious use of letter -changes, has been raised to the rank of an in- 
 ductive science. But this does not imply that Bopp never made 
 a wrong induction or proposed a false hypothesis. In comparative 
 philology, as in all other sciences, no hypothesis, however logically 
 established, can be wholly true; the proportion of error in it 
 will, among other things, depend on the state of development of 
 the science, and on the greater or lesser generality of the hypo- 
 thesis itself — that is, on the greater or lesser number of phe- 
 nomena embraced by it. 
 
 This brings me to a more general objection which is raised, 
 not merely to comparative philology, but to all sciences — namely, 
 that its hypotheses are continually changing. To make this 
 
x Preface. 
 
 objection, or such an one as has been made to letter-changes, of 
 an illegitimate use having been made of its methods, is to 
 mistake the scaffolding, by means of which an edifice is erected, 
 for the permanent structure itself. If a little more attention were 
 bestowed upon the historical development of different branches of 
 science, the mistake would not be so frequently made. We should 
 then learn what a large amount of scaffolding and useless mate- 
 rials are cast aside in the course of a single century's growth- 
 scaffolding and materials which may, perhaps, have formed the 
 sole subject of that century's intellectual strife. 
 
 Once the Celtic tongues were proved to be Aryan, the detailed 
 study of their grammar, from a comparative philological point of 
 view, became a necessity in connection with the comparative 
 grammar of the whole family. In 1856 a special journal was 
 established in Germany, called Beitrage zur vergleichenden Sprach- 
 forsc7iung, devoted to the Aryan, Celtic, and Slavonian languages, 
 edited by Drs. Kuhn and Schleicher, as a kind of supplement 
 to the well-known Zeitsehrift fur vergleichende Sprachkunde, 
 founded by Drs. Th. Aufrecht and Ad. Kuhn, and now edited 
 by Dr. Kuhn alone, the domain of which is the Germanic, 
 Greek, and Latin. Of the Beitrage, a volume consisting of four 
 parts appears every two years; three volumes have already 
 been published. It is eminently entitled to the support of 
 all persons interested in the advancement of Celtic philology, 
 and no public library in Ireland, Scotland, or Wales, at 
 least, should be without a copy. Besides the papers published 
 in this repertory, there is now quite a Celtic philological literature, 
 of which I shall only mention a few of the most important works, 
 namely, the remarkable book of Gliick, about the Celtic names 
 which occur in Caesar (Die bei C. J. Ccesar vorkommenden kel- 
 tischen Namen, in ihrer Echteit festgestellt und erldutert von Cr. W. 
 Gliick, Munich, 1857); the Ethnogenie Gauloise of the Baron 
 Belloguet, which contains a Gaulish glossary, and a collection of 
 Gaulish inscriptions ; the Monuments des Anciens Idiomes Gau- 
 lois, par H. Monin, Ancien eleve de l'Ecole Normale. Paris, 
 1861 ; and the Origines Europceae — Die Alien Volker Europas 
 mit ihren Sippen und Nachbarn: Studien von Lorenz Diefen- 
 bach. Frankfurt a. M., 1861. 
 
 Among the Celtic papers which appeared in the Beitrage 
 
Preface. xi 
 
 were a remarkable series entitled Celtic Studies, by Dr. Hermann 
 Ebel, the separate titles of each being: — 1. Loss of p in Celtic 
 (vol. L, p. 307); 2. Some prepositions (ibid., 311); 3. The 
 pronoun som, sera (ibid., 313); 4. Declension (ibid., 155; No. 4 
 appeared before the others) ; 5. The so-called prosthetic n (vol. 
 II., p. 64); 6. Addenda to Declension (ibid., 67); 7. The gra- 
 dation (ibid., p. 78); 8. Phonology (ibid., p. 80). Besides 
 these there is a paper entitled Celtic, Greek, Latin, the sub- 
 ject of which is the position of the Celtic languages in the Indo- 
 European family, and a still more important and elaborate one 
 on the same subject entitled the Position of the Celtic. Of the 
 Celtic Studies the most important is the paper No. 4, on Declen- 
 sion ; it is indeed nearly equal in length to all the others put 
 together. Nos. 5, 6, and 7 may be looked upon as supplements 
 to No. 4. The object of these papers on declension was to 
 determine, according to the principles of the Boppian School, 
 the kinds of stems which belonged to the several series of each 
 order of declension, according to the classification of Zeuss, and 
 attempt from this to determine the case-endings antecedent to 
 the oldest forms known, and thus determine the various changes 
 which they underwent from the primitive or mother-tongue 
 of the family. 
 
 I felt that papers of this kind ought to be brought under the 
 notice of Celtic scholars, and especially of Irish scholars, and 
 I accordingly undertook to translate the papers on declension 
 for the Atlantis. When the translation was complete, I found 
 that by itself it would be practically unintelligible to the 
 majority of those for whom it was written. Zeuss has the repu- 
 tation of being very difficult to be understood, and with equal 
 truth the same may be said of Dr. Ebel ; for in the first place 
 his papers presuppose a knowledge of the Grammatica Celtica, 
 and in the second place because, like the German philologists 
 generally, his style is extremely condensed. There is a third 
 difficulty, which is, however, a local one. Comparative philology 
 is not very much studied in Great Britain or Ireland, and 
 although Bopp's great comparative grammar has been translated, 
 yet scholars are not in these countries very familiar with the 
 method of analysis of the Boppian school. Irish scholars, 
 likewise, with very few exceptions, have not hitherto turned 
 
xii Preface. 
 
 their attention in this direction. Perhaps this is the less to be 
 regretted in the case of those who have heretofore devoted 
 themselves to the study of the ancient language, literature, and 
 historical monuments of Ireland, because, had the object of their 
 labours been the mere abstract study of the Irish language, we 
 should perhaps not have obtained the great results in a national 
 point of view, which those labours have yielded. There is, 
 perhaps, no country in Europe, in which in the same space of 
 time and under a similar amount of difficulty, so much has been 
 done, in about twenty-five or thirty years, for the collection, 
 preservation, and publication of the records of its ancient history, 
 as in Ireland. So, also, it would be difficult to rival in 
 patient and conscientious work and solid learning such men 
 as Petrie, O'Curry, O'Donovan, Todd, and Reeves, to speak 
 only of those who have occupied themselves with the earlier 
 periods of Irish history and archaeojogy. The period has now, 
 however, arrived, when the cultivation of Comparative Philo- 
 logy, besides its own intrinsic worth, would confer important 
 advantages upon Irish literature, and very greatly facilitate the 
 study of the ancient MSS. I thus ran the risk of labouring in 
 vain, and of missing the opportunity of stimulating some of our 
 young scholars to enter, and earn for themselves a name in a field 
 of study which is so peculiarly their own, and for the cultivation 
 of which they possess so many advantages. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, I had no alternative but to prepare an explanatory 
 introduction — to venture in fact upon the hazardous undertaking 
 of becoming, without any special qualification, the interpreter of 
 the German School of comparative philology. 
 
 My first idea was to make an introduction of two chapters ; the 
 first to contain an explanation of the nature of roots and stems, the 
 formation of stems and their classification, and of derivation and 
 composition as distinguished from stems. In the second chapter I 
 proposed to give a summary of the case-endings of nouns in the 
 several Indo-European languages, in order to afford the student 
 an opportunity of comparing the Irish forms with those of the 
 other members of the family. As the limits which a periodical 
 necessarily imposes were exceeded by the first chapter, which 
 was of course the most important for my purposes, I was unable 
 to add the chapter on the case-endings. For the same reason, 
 
Preface. xiii 
 
 as well as on account of pressure of other occupations, I was only 
 able to publish, in No. V. of the Atlantis, Nos. 4, 5, and part 
 of 6, of the Celtic Studies connected with declension. It has been 
 stated above that Dr. Ebel's papers are based upon the Grammatica 
 Celtica. To study them profitably, indeed to do so at all, the reader 
 must have before him the part of that work on declension. As 
 many of those into whose hands the Atlantis was likely to have 
 come, may not have had an opportunity of consulting that book, 
 I thought it desirable to add in the form of an appendix, a trans- 
 lation of the part just alluded to; some of the shortest passages 
 in other parts of the book referred to by Dr. Ebel were likewise 
 translated, and placed among the foot notes. As the paper 
 on the Position of the Celtic possesses interest for a wider circle 
 of readers than those on declension, I translated it also, and 
 published it in No. VI. of the Atlantis. 
 
 Some friends having suggested that it would be desirable to 
 have separate copies of these papers printed before the type of 
 the Atlantis was distributed, I thought it a favourable opportu- 
 nity to add the Studies omitted through want of space, namely, 
 on the Celtic Dual, on the Degrees of Comparison, and an ex- 
 tremely important one, 9. Zur Lautlehre, which had been in the 
 meantime published in the first part of the third volume of the 
 Beitrdge; I have likewise added the chapter on Case-Endings. 
 I also took advantage of this opportunity to considerably modify 
 the first chapter in several parts, with a view of more clearly 
 distinguishing the different kinds of stems, and marking the 
 difference between stem-formation and derivation. Although 
 Dr. Ebel does not place his paper on the Position of the Celtic 
 among his Celtic Studies , I thought it more convenient to do so, 
 to avoid the necessity of a long title. I have also put all the 
 papers on Declension together as a chapter divided into sec- 
 tions, the shorter papers forming in every case a distinct section. 
 
 As it may add to the value of the paper on the Position of the 
 Celtic, to give a brief analysis of the discussion out of which it 
 arose, I will give here the substance of the note with which I 
 prefaced it in the Atlantis. 
 
 So soon as the Celtic was firmly established as a branch of 
 the Indo-European family of languages, the next question to be 
 determined was its position with respect to the other branches of 
 
xiv Preface. 
 
 the family. Tlie general opinion at one time was, that the Celtic 
 branch first separated from the parent stem. To this early sepa- 
 ration was attributed its apparent deviation from the family type, 
 above all, the mutilation and partial loss of its inflexions, which 
 is found even in the oldest Irish. In an admirable article, pub- 
 lished in the seventh volume of the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende 
 Sprac7iforschung, Dr. Lottner endeavoured to show, that no 
 special relationship could be scientifically established between 
 the Hellenic and Italic branches of the Indo-European family, a 
 doctrine which must appear heretical to most classical scholars. 
 In discussing this subject he had formed the opinion that the 
 Celts, Germans, and Lito- Slavonians had lived together as one 
 people, and from them the Celts first separated, and then the 
 Germans. In a short paper, entitled " Celtisch, GriechiscJi, 
 Lateinisc7" (Beitr. I. 429), Dr. Ebel discussed the position of the 
 Celtic, and on the whole supported Lottners view of an inti- 
 mate relation between the Celtic and German languages. Indeed, 
 he appears to have long entertained such an opinion ; for he says, 
 in the paper just alluded to: " I cannot deny that already on my 
 first acquaintance with Zeuss' Grammatica Celtica, the Celtic 
 made an impression on me of an intimate connection with the 
 Northern Languages, and that this impression had been conti- 
 nually strengthened during my Celtic studies". In the very same 
 number of the Beitr age, and immediately following the paper of 
 Dr. Ebel, there is a paper by the distinguished philologist Prof. 
 Schleicher, entitled, Die Stellung des Celtischen im Indogerma- 
 nischen Sprachsta?nme, in which he says : " If in those words of 
 Ebel (just quoted) I put Latin, instead of Northern languages, I 
 will accurately describe the impression which the study of the 
 Celtic made on me". As may be anticipated from this, Prof. 
 Schleicher is of opinion, that the Celtic is most nearly connected 
 with the Graeco-Latin branch, standing towards those languages 
 somewhat in the same relation that the German does to the Slavo- 
 Lettish, coming nearer to the Italic (Latin), however, than to 
 the Greek. The object of his paper is to bring forward argu- 
 ments in support of this Latin relationship, while he left to Ebel 
 the task of discovering the agreements between the Celtic and 
 the Northern Languages. The paper which is here translated 
 is Dr. Ebel's answer to that invitation. Instead, however, of 
 
Preface. xv 
 
 attempting to determine the agreements in question merely, he 
 has taken a wider range, and endeavoured to lay a solid founda- 
 tion from which the whole problem of the affinities of the Celtic 
 with all the other members of the Indo-European family may 
 hereafter be investigated. 
 
 Since the publication of Dr. Ebel's paper, Dr. Lottner has pub- 
 lished another under the title of Celtisch-Italisch (Beitr., ii. 309), 
 in which, without at all departing from his opinion regarding 
 the absence of special affinities between Latin and Greek, he 
 has slightly modified his views about the position of the Celtic. 
 This chance is due to the light which the Gaulish inscriptions 
 have thrown upon the forms of the Old Celtic. These inscrip- 
 tions reveal to us words which not only do not yield in antiquity 
 of form to those of classic Latin, but even attain, in many respects, 
 that of the archaic language of the Romans. They show, beyond 
 a doubt, that the inflexions which Irish has retained are older 
 than the absence of inflexions in Welsh, and that the wonderful 
 phonetic peculiarities of the modern Celtic, the umlaut, aspira- 
 tions, the nasals in the Old Celtic, are foreign to it. One inter- 
 esting result has followed the investigation of these inscriptions, 
 namely, that they give us in part the very forms which' were anti- 
 cipated by Dr. Ebel according to the phonetic laws of the later 
 Celtic. As I cannot give a translation of the whole of this 
 interesting paper, I may, however, state the ethnological deduc- 
 tion which he has made. First, as he had already shown in his 
 paper published in the Zeitsclwift, the European bough of the 
 Indo-European family, after its separation from the Asiatic one, 
 foimed a single people, from which the Hellenes (or perhaps the 
 Helleno-Phrygians) first separated. The remainder subsequently 
 split into two divisions, the South- West and the Northern. The 
 former became subdivided into the Italic and Celtic branches, 
 while the latter became subdivided into Germans and Slavonians, 
 the Slavonians in turn becoming further subdivided into Slaves 
 proper and Letts. Of course, much remains to be done before 
 this ingenious hypothesis can be looked upon as more than a 
 probable explanation, and more than this Dr. Lottner does not 
 claim for it. It has much to recommend it, however ; it rationally 
 explains the ethnological problem of the present European races, 
 and this explanation harmonizes with the ancient Irish tradition 
 
xvi Preface. 
 
 respecting the Celtic one. Although, genealogical traditions of 
 races reaching back into very remote times are not safe materials 
 out of which to frame ethnological theories, neither can they be 
 altogether disregarded ; and consequently a hypothesis founded 
 upon strictly scientific deductions, which, at the same time, 
 accords with the popular traditions, may be fairly considered to 
 possess many elements of truth. 
 
 It is almost unnecessary to say that an introduction such as that 
 which I have prefixed to Dr. Ebel's papers, could, from its nature 
 and objects, be to a great extent only a compilation from the works 
 of those scholars who are considered to be masters in the science. 
 Indeed, I have avoided, wherever I could, introducing any ex- 
 amples of my own. In the classification of stems, I have, however, 
 ventured to deviate in some degree from that usually followed, 
 whether with advantage or not remains to be seen. In an essay 
 intended to be merely explanatory of a system, and admittedly 
 compiled from the works of those who are authorities upon it, 
 it is not necessary to refer to those authorities in every case in 
 the text; here, however, it may be useful to mention the chief 
 books to which I am indebted for materials. These are : Bopp's 
 Vergleichende Grammatik (2nd ed.) ; Grimm's Geschichte der 
 Deutschen Sprache; Curtius, Die Bildung der Tempora u?id 
 Modi; and Heyses System der Sprachwissenschaft, edited by Dr. 
 H. Steinthal. 
 
 A great many notes have been added to the papers by Di\ 
 Ebel on Declension, and a considerable number of words added 
 to the lists in his paper on the " Position of the Celtic", espe- 
 cially to that of the Latin loan-words in Old Celtic. For the 
 most of these additions, which are distinguished by being en- 
 closed in [ ] , I am indebted to Whitley Stokes, Esq. I also 
 take this opportunity to give my best thanks to that distinguished 
 scholar, Prof. C. Lottner, from whom Celtic philology has so 
 much to expect, for the great pains he took in looking over the 
 proof sheets; and also to my friend, John E.Pigot, Esq., without 
 whose encouragement the task would never have been under- 
 taken. 
 
 With the \iew of rendering the materials contained in the im- 
 portant paper On the Position of the Celtic as serviceable as pos- 
 sible in the construction of that great desideratum of Irish lite- 
 
Preface. xvii 
 
 rature, a dictionary, I have added full Indices Verborum. This 
 addition has added much, to the size of the book, but I hope it 
 will be found to be a practical contribution to Irish lexico- 
 graphic materials. 
 
 In conclusion, I "wish to direct the attention of such of rny 
 readers as may not be members of the Irish Archaeological 
 and Celtic Society to a work published by that body, which 
 contains much that illustrates the subject of the following pages, 
 or that is actually supplementary to them, namely, Irish Glosses, 
 a mediaeval tract on Irish Declension, icith examples explained in 
 Irish, to which is added the Lorica of Gildas, with the Glosses 
 thereon, and a selection of Glosses from the Book of Armagh, 
 edited by Whitley Stokes, A.B. 
 
 In point of varied learning, skill, and cautious discretion in the 
 grammatical analysis, the work is unquestionably the best con- 
 tribution to the comparative philology of the Celtic languages 
 which has yet appeared in the English language, and may fully 
 rank with any similar works by German or French scholars. It 
 is at once a valuable and a timely contribution towards the 
 materials for making an Irish dictionary, and as such the Archae- 
 ological and Celtic Society has well expended its funds in the 
 publication of it. 
 
 The most valuable feature of the work in question, so far as 
 regards the Celtic Studies of Dr. Ebel, is the large number of 
 paradigms of the declension of Irish nouns and adjectives which 
 it contains. For the purposes of reference, I think it will be 
 useful to enumerate them all. 
 
 Masculine, neuter, and feminine a- and a-stems : noni. sing, cenn, stem cinna 
 (masc), p. 39 ; nom. s'mg.forcetal (h), stem forcitala (neut.), p. 51 ; nom. sing, 
 masc. mall, an adjectival stem, p. 97 ; nom. sing, rann, stem rannd (fem. ci- 
 stern), p. 38 ; nom. sing, clia, a masc. a-stem, p. 45. 
 
 Masculine and feminine la-stems : nom. sing, rannaire, stem rannaria (masc), 
 p. 37 ; nom. sing, caile, stem calid (fem.), p. 54 ; nom. sing. masc. nue, an adjec- 
 tival /a-stem, p. 97. 
 
 Masculine and neuter z-stems; nom. sing, faith, stem fdthi (masc), p, 36 j 
 nom. smg.Jiss, stem Jissi (neut.), p. 117. 
 
 Masculine w-stems : nom. sing, hlih, stem bithu (masc), p. 62. 
 
 Masculine osteins : nom. sing.Jili, stem filiat (masc), p. 36. 
 
 Masculine (/-stem : nom. sing, ri, gen. rig, a masculine g-stem, p. 119. 
 
 Feminine n-stem : nom. sing, talam, stem talaman, p. 48. 
 
 Anr-stems ; nom. sing, cara, stem carat, from carant (masc), p. 65. A para- 
 
xviii Preface. 
 
 digm of the declension of ainm (n), probably originally an ant-stem, but which 
 was in Old Irish a neuter ann-stem, is also given at p. 116. 
 
 Masculine r-stem : nom. sing, athir, stem athar, p. 39. 
 
 C-stems : nom. sing, cathir. According to Dr. Ebel (see p. 94), cathir is an r- 
 stem, taking the determinative suffix c, but Mr. Stokes considers it to be a c-stem, 
 p. 38. 
 
 Anomalous nouns : nom. sing, ben, all the singular and plural forms of which 
 are given, p. 121. 
 
 At p. 45 a paradigm of the declension of tlie article is also 
 given. What renders these paradigms the more valuable is, 
 that in almost every case the forms of the dual number are also 
 given. As several of the words declined by Zeuss and Dr. Ebel 
 are also declined by Mr. Stokes, the corresponding paradigms of 
 each writer may be instructively compared. 
 
 Dr. Ebel's papers are frequently referred to in Mr. Stokes's 
 book; and as each may be said to, in a measure, supplement 
 the other, the almost simultaneous appearance of the following 
 translation of the Celtic Studies, and of the admirably edited 
 book in question, may be deemed a fortunate coincidence. I 
 hope, also, that the introduction which I was obliged to prefix 
 to the papers of Dr. Ebel may likewise enable a larger circle of 
 readers to appreciate the importance of Mr. Stokes's contribution 
 towards our more perfect knowledge of the language of Ancient 
 Erinn. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 Chapter I. — Ox simple v, op.d-formation : roots, stejis, and derivatives. 
 
 § 1. Of Roots and Root-forms. Nature of a root as a phonetic symbol, p. 3. 
 The permutations or letter changes which take place in the same word 
 in different dialects of the same language, or in different languages of 
 the same family, not arbitrary, p. 3. Example of the law of transposi- 
 tion orprovection of sounds (called by Grimm Lautverschiebung), p. 3. 
 The analysis of words which have had a common origin does not give 
 roots, but only root-forms, p. 4. Root-forms of the same root often 
 very dissimilar : examples, p. 4. Objects of modern comparative ety- 
 mology, p. 4. Modern classification of the kinds of words of which 
 rational speech is composed, p. 4. Corporal and formal, or formational 
 words, p. 5. Corporal and formational roots, p. 5. Of the composition 
 of roots in words : 1. Parathesis; 2. Agglutination; 3. Amalgamation, 
 p. 6. Classification of languages according to their relative degree oi 
 composition, p. 6. Bopp's classification somewhat different from that 
 here given, p. 6. The amalgamating languages the most complex 
 are represented by the Indo-European or Aryan family of languages 
 such languages contain no uninflected roots in their primitive state 
 but many naked roots occur in their modern derivatives, pp. 6-7. 
 Roots preserve their identity ; exception to this in the process called 
 Root Variation ; this process gives rise to affiliated roots, one of which 
 is primary to the others ; all large roots are secondary ; example?, p. 7. 
 
 § 2. Of Elementary Word-formation and Inflexion. "Word-formation or 
 Word-building ; elementary words must be further modified by inflexion ; 
 the process of elementary word-formation and inflexion the same ; what 
 those are : — 1. internal phonetic change ; 2. addition of phonetic material, 
 p. 7-8. Vowel change a predominant process of this kind in the Semitic 
 languages ; only appears as ablaut in the Indo-European tongues ; defini- 
 tion oi ablaut ; chief agent of word-formation in the Teutonic languages, 
 p. 8. Of umlaut ; it acquires inflexional signification : exanrples, p. 8-9. 
 Of Breaking or Fracture, p. 9 (note on the German nomenclature em- 
 ployed, note 4, page 8). Progressive assimilation in the Finno-Tata- 
 rian family, a kind of umlaut ; the rule " caol le caoV in Irish, and the 
 weakening of the root vowel in Latin by the vowel of a prefix, may 
 be considered as progressive assimilation, p. 9-10. Affixes the chief agent 
 of word-formation in Indo-European tongues ; the affixes used in w r ord- 
 formation and inflexion, and in composition ; some of the affixes used 
 in word-formation and inflexion traceable to independent words ; — ex- 
 amples; generalization of this result; word-formation and inflexion 
 were originally synthesis of independent roots ;— this view is the basis 
 of the agglutination theory ; the theory now generally admitted ; some, 
 however, modify it so as to admit two kinds of affixes, p. 10-11. 
 
xx Contents. 
 
 § 3. Of the stem, a form intermediate between the root and the word ; dis- 
 tinction between roots and stems ; stems are of many kinds ; hence 
 there are four categories of phonetic forms, p. 11-12. Word-formation 
 consists of stem-formation and derivation; phonetic methods of 
 primary or pure stem-formation. — I. Modification of the root vowel : — 
 by (a) ablaut proper; (b) obscuration; (c) strengthening — either (1) 
 hy lengthening a short vowel, or (2) by gunation and diphthongation, 
 (note explanatory of those terms). II. Consonantal strengthening of 
 the root by — (a) duplication of final consonant ; (b) affixation of a 
 foreign mute consonant ; (c) affixation or intercalation of a nasal — by 
 (1) nasalizing an internal vowel, (2) affixation of the nasal in the 
 auslaut, either after vowels or after consonants, or (3) affixation of a 
 whole syllable accompanied by nasalization ; or (d) reduplication ; — 
 examples, p. 12-14. Exceptional cases of primary stem formation; 
 e. g. an intensive introduced into the root ; other classes of true stems ; 
 occasional difficulty in distinguishing stems from roots, and simple 
 words from stems, p. 14. 
 
 § 1. Of noun-formation and secondary stems. Separation of grammatical 
 categories by the addition of signs to stems ; signs by which a stem 
 becomes a verb ; sign of noun-formation (to which the present analysis 
 is confined) ; distinction of gender ; nominative sign — masc, fern., and 
 neuter; Bopp's view as to origin of neutral adj., ending-ata ,• relative 
 degree of preservation of the nominative sign s in different languages 7 
 p. 14-16. Introduction of a vowel between the stem and ending ; the 
 declension vowel (note 7 on the Finnish two-syllabled Stems), p. 16, 
 Cases of stems formed by a whole syllable — -derivative Stems, p. 16-17. 
 Two-fold classification of stems according to auslaut and relation to the 
 grammatical ending : I. vocalic stems — 1. pure stems ; 2. middle forms 
 produced by affixing a declension vowel; II. consonantal stems — 1. 
 pure stems ; 2. middle forms produced by affixing a syllable ending 
 ^consonantally, p. 16. Table of the classification of true stems, and of 
 derivative stems, p. 16-17. 
 
 § 5. Of vocalic stems. [I.] Pure stems; examples: Greek, Latin, Gothic; 
 Gothic nouns properly belong to second class, the Teutonic languages 
 having no pure stems (but see note 12, p. 28, for some probable excep- 
 tions), p. 18-19. [II.] Middle forms ending vocally. Division of all 
 vocalic stems into a- stems, i- stems, and u- stems, p. 19. (1) I. Stems, 
 Greek, Latin, Gothic ; peculiarities of adjectives derived directly from 
 stems, p. 19-20. (2) A- Stems. In Greek and Latin : 1. where the 
 primitive a is preserved or changed into e, — (a) stems with primitive 
 short a, (/3) stems with long a or e ; 2. where the primitive a is changed 
 into o in Greek, and u in Latin. A- stems with primitive a short ; 
 (examples). Gothic a- stems ; (examples) ; peculiarities of Gothic ad- 
 jectives — examples, p. 20-22. [III.] yd-, or IA- stems. Peculiarities 
 in the Gothic, the 0. H. German, M. H. German, and N. H. German 
 adjective forms of ya- stems — examples from the Latin and Gothic, p. 
 22-24. [IV.] Consonantal stems changed into vocalic (a- and i-) 
 stems. Examples from the Latin and the Greek. Apparently irre- 
 gular Greek stems. Analogy of certain Gothic nouns with the Latin 
 All these probably consonantal n- stems, (note 10, expressing a 
 doubt as to the hypothesis in respect to the Greek stems, and 
 giving a different explanation of Ahrens, p. 2i). Tables of ex- 
 amples. Gothic feminine nouns ending in -ei; probably mutilated 
 n- stems; (examples). Declension, in the Germanic (though not 
 in the Latin or Greek) languages, affected by the dropping of 
 the n. Examples. Peculiarity of the weak declension, in adding 
 the n. The weak adjective declension ; (examples). Examples of 
 vowel endings distinguishing genders. The s in "sanguis", p. 
 24-26. [V.]w- stems. Greek, Latin, Gothic. Peculiarities of adjec- 
 tives, p. 26-27 
 
Contents, xxi 
 
 § 6. Of consonantal stems. [I.] Pure stems. (1) S- stems ; Greek and Latin. 
 (2) Stems with sonant auslauts (semi-vowels : m, I, ?i, r, ng) ; Greek 
 and Latin. (3) Stems with medial auslauts ; Greek and Latin. (4) 
 Stems "with tenuis auslauts ; Greek and Latin. (5) Stems with 
 aspirated mute auslauts ; Greek. Gothic pure stems belong rather to 
 middle forms ; examples (note 12 already referred to giving examples of 
 some which are perhaps exceptions), p. 27-28. [II.] Consonantal 
 middle forms. The " thema'', distinguished from the true stem form. 
 (1) S- stems — Greek and Latin. (2) Stems with sonant auslauts. 
 L- stems. N- stems, R- stems, (Latin, Greek, and Gothic). (3) Stems 
 with medial auslauts. (4) Stems with tenuis auslauts (examples 
 from Greek and Latin), p. 28-31. 
 
 § 7. Of Derivation. Affixes : 1. single letters or syllables, not traceable to 
 independent words; 2. syllabic affixes, once independent words, but 
 modified so as to have lost that character. Difficulty of distinguishing 
 stem-formation from derivation. " Derivative Stems'' (Greek examples). 
 Examples showing the formation of words by the process of Derivation, 
 pp. 31-33. 
 
 § 8. Of Composition. Definition. Peculiar power of composition in the 
 Sanskrit and the Greek; in the Germanic languages. Composition 
 distinguished into: 1. synthetical; and 2. parathetical. Particle com- 
 position to be classed as parathetical. Introduction of a copulative 
 vowel in the older languages ; Greek and O. H. German ; Modern 
 German, and English (examples). Combination sometimes accom- 
 panied by phonetic changes in one or both the constituents (examples 
 in the Latin). Relation of the constituents of compound words (ex- 
 amples), pp. 33-34. 
 
 Chapter II. — On the case-exdincs of nouns in the chief Indo-Euro- 
 pean LANGUAGES. 
 
 § 1. The Accusative Singular. — (As to the nominative, refer to Ch. 1., § 4). 
 The sign of the accusative: m, in Sanskrit, Zend, Latin ; n, in Greek, 
 Lithuanian, and Old Prussian. Primitive sign probably m. In the 
 Latin: m affixed, 1. directly to vocalic stems; 2. Avith intercalated co- 
 pulative to consonantal stems. Transformation of Sanskrit m into 
 nasal ??, by " anusvdra" ; (note on " anusvara"). Observations as to 
 the Lithuanian, Latin, Oscan. Nominatives in modern languages 
 (Italian, Portuguese, Spanish), derived from the mutilated Latin ac- 
 cusative. Greek and Latin declensions compared. The Greek affix v. 
 Exceptions (stems in w and £v). In the Gothic the sign of the accusa- 
 tive lost, pp. 34-36. 
 
 § 2. The Genitive Singular. — The Sanskrit and Zend, p. 3G. The Latin. 
 The genitive in -ius, pp. 36-37. The Oscan, p. 37. In the Greek; 
 gen. sing, formed by : (a) affixing g to fern. 1st decl. ; (b) affixing c 
 with a copulative ; (c) where the noun does not form the gen. in g , 
 pp. 37-38. The Gothic. The Germanic languages, pp. 38-39. The 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian, p. 39. 
 
 § 3. The Dative, Locative, and Instrumental, Singular. The Sanskrit and 
 Zend, p. 39. The Latin. The Oscan, p. 40. The Greek, p. 40. The 
 terminations of adjectives (masc. and neut., and fern.), in the Gothic, 
 O. H. German, and M. H. German, compared; (Paradigm), p. 41. 
 The Lithuanian and Slavonian, pp. 41-42. 
 
 § 4. The Ablative Singular. Peculiarities in the Sanskrit, Zend, and Latin. 
 Ablative sign recognizable in adverbs, p. 42. 
 
 § 5. The Dual. Peculiar forms only found in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Sla- 
 vonian, and Lithuanian. (Note : reference to Ebel's observations on 
 the relics of the Dual in Irish). Traces in Latin, pp. 43-44. 
 
 § 6. The Nominative and Vocative Plural. Comparison of the Sanskrit, 
 Zend, Old Latin, and Greek. Endings in i. Neuters in a. Plural 
 endings in -as; opinions of philologists, pp. 44-45. The Gothic: 
 
xxii Contents. 
 
 (Paradigms of the strong and the weak declension). Comparison of 
 the Gothic with the Old and the Middle High German ; (Paradigm). 
 Formation of the plural in the modern languages, pp. 45-46. The Li- 
 thuanian and Slavonian, p. 46. 
 
 § 7. The Accusative Plural. The Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Oscan, and Latin 
 compared, p. 47. The Gothic and O. H. German, p. 47. The Gothic 
 -ns. Examples, p. 48. Parallel in Greek, p. 48i 
 
 § 8. The Genitive Plural. The Sanskrit (-dm), and Zend (-anm), p. 48. 
 The Latin (-rum), pp. 48-49. The Greek (-wv), p. 49. The Gothic. 
 The M. and N. H. German, p. 49. The Lithuanian and Slavonian, p. 50. 
 
 § 9. The Dative, Locative, Instrumental, and Ablative Plural. The San- 
 skrit and Zend, p. 50. Two forms in the Greek and Latin, pp. 50-51. 
 The Gothic, 0. and M. H. German, pp. 51-52. The Lithuanian and 
 Slavonian, p. 52. 
 
 Paradigm of all the case-endings of nouns in the chief Indo-European Lan- 
 guages. (The Sanskrit; Zend; Latin; Oscan; Umbriau; Greek; 
 Gothic ; O. H. German ; Lithuanian ; Old Slavonian ; Old Prussian). 
 Folding plate facing p. 52. 
 
 CELTIC STUDIES. 
 Chapter I. — On declension and the degrees of comparison in Irish. 
 
 § 1. Dopfis View oj the Aspirations and Eclipses in Modern Irish, and the 
 modifications which it undergoes through the old Irish forms. Zeuss' de- 
 termination of the Old forms of the article ; (notes, giving the passages 
 from Zeuss). Bopp's opinions modified as to the t and the h before 
 vowels. (Note on dona from donabis, correcting Dr. Ebel's theory re- 
 garding the 0. Irish dat. plur.), (note on "aspiration'' — "Infection", 
 or " mortification"), (note on the t in the nom. sing. masc. of the Irish 
 article), pp. 55-56. Bopp's opinion modified as to the nom. plur. masc, 
 p. 57. Discovery of the neuter, and of the accusative cases in Old 
 Irish, p. 57. 
 
 § 2. Stems which belong to the several orders and series of Zeuss. Objec- ' 
 tions to views of Pictet and Bopp as to the distribution of the vocalic 
 stems, pp. 57-58. Consideration of the words and suffixes which be- 
 long to the several classes. Examples, pp. 58-59. Examples of forms 
 in cognate languages, pp. 59-60. Adjectives, pp. 60-61. Verbal sub- 
 stantives taking the place of the infinitive,' pp. 61-62. Eorms of the 
 article, p. 62. 
 
 § 3. Test afforded by Irish Phonology for determining inductively the Primi- 
 tive Forms oj the Celtic Case-endings. Two close points of contact be- 
 tween the Irish and the German vocal systems : umlaut of a by i and 
 u, and fracture of i and u by a. Examples, pp. 62-63. The vowel of the 
 ending determinable by the vowel changes in the stem, p. 63. Table 
 of masc. and neut. endings. (I.) ; (examples), pp. 63-64. (Note : table 
 of hypothetical endings of masc. and neut.), p. 63. Table of endings 
 of fern, a- stems ; (examples), p. 64. Table of endings of masc. stems 
 (III.) ; (examples), p. 64. Table comparing auslaut in Old Irish and 
 N. H. German, p. 64. How the Gaedhelic has been harder than the 
 Gothic ; (examples), p. 65. Explanation of mutilations of the auslaut, 
 p. 65. Table : (Primitive period, — Pre-historic period, — Historic pe- 
 riod), p. G6. 
 
 § 4. Declension of Consonantal Stems. Zeuss' five classes. Analysis, p. 66. 
 Table of common endings, p. 67. As to the length in the ace. plur. 
 comparison with the Greek, the Latin, and the Gothic, p. 67. Obser- 
 vations on the several cases. Examples, pp. 67, 69. Table of declen- 
 sion of neutral n- stems, (I.), p. 69. Nouns of relationship in -thar, (II.), 
 p. 69. Table : (Primitive Period, — Pre-historic Period, — Historic 
 Period), p. 70. Addition of a " determinative suffix", ; (but, — note on 
 
Contents. xxiii 
 
 this theory of Ebel), p. 70. Comparison of Gaedhelic with the Classic 
 languages as to the consonant declension of the t-, n-, and r- stems, p. 71. 
 § 5. Declension of Masc. (and neut) a and ia- Stems, Stems included in 
 the vocalic declension, p. 71. Inflections of masc. a- stems; compared 
 with Sanskrit, etc. ; (examples), pp. 71-72. Anomaly in the neuters, 
 preparing for disappearance of the neut. in the Gaedhelic, pp. 72-73. 
 As to adjectives, p. 73. 
 § G. Declension of masc. I and U Stems. Consideration of each case, pp. 
 71-76. Table of declensions (of U stems and I stems), arranged ac- 
 cording to periods (Primitive, Pre-historic, Historic), but without the 
 secondary forms, p. 7G. 
 § 7. Declension of Jem. A and I stems. Confusion in their declension; how 
 the primitive stem only now to be recognized ; (but, — note on this). 
 Examples, pp. 70-77. Hypothesis of Dr. EbeL pp. 77-78 (see also for 
 completion, p. 154). Tables of forms of ia- stems compared with 
 those actually occurring, p. 79. Other examples of same degeneration 
 of original forms, p. 79. Modern Irish losing its inflexions, like the 
 Kymric. Examples, pp. 79-80. 
 § 8. The distinction of the plural in the Kymric No inflexions preserved in 
 Kymric except distinctions of plural, and this very arbitrarily employed. 
 As in the N. H. German: (1) old plural form remaining, and conse- 
 quently true inflexion ; (2) stem-ending preserved, dropped in the sing. ; 
 (3) a determinative suffix, wholly foreign in place of the ending, p. 81. 
 To (1) belong: 1. Kymric plur. without enlings; (examples), p. 81; 
 2. plurals in -i; (examples), p. 81 ; 3. plurals in -an and -iav, p. 82. 
 To (2) : especially n- stems ; (examples), p. 82. To (3): 1. many plur. 
 in -au and -iau in which the ending is foreign to the words — stem 
 proper ; (examples) ; 2. most words in -ion or -on ; (examples) ; 3. 
 endings -et, -ot, -ieit, -eit, and -ed, -yd, -oed ; (examples), pp. 82-83. 
 § 9. Note on a-, i-, d-, t-, and nt- stems. Gen. in -i and nom. in -as, in a 
 stems, found in Ogam inscriptions. Obscuration of a to o at a remote 
 period, p. 83. The neutral aill, p. 83. As to Mr. Stokes' corrections, 
 recognizing stems in -d, -t, and -nt, in Zeuss' Ordo Posterior, ser. 4, pp. 
 83-8-1. As to Dr. Ebel's view of the fern, in Zeuss' Prior, Ser. V., p. 
 84 ; fusion of i- and a- stems, p. 86. 
 § 10. On the Celtic Dual. Answer to Mr. Stokes. "Whether the Celtic has 
 a dual ; (examples), pp. 85-86. How much of it has been preserved, 
 pp. 86-87. Of undoubted dual-forms only the masc. and ace. of sub- 
 stantives, and the whole of the cases of the numeral Two, pp. 87-88. 
 The in of the article, p. 88. Few dual forms of consonantal stems pre- 
 served, p. 88. 
 § 11. On the Article in Modern Irish. Theory as to the article an, p. 88. 
 (But — note questioning this theory of Dr. Ebel), p. 89. Observations 
 on certain finer influences of neighbouring languages on one another, 
 p. 89. 
 § 12. On the so-called Prosthetic N. [" Prosthetic"=" Eclipsing". Theory 
 of Mr. Stokes and of Dr. Ebel, p. 90.] Correction of Zeuss' views as to 
 this n. Mr. Stokes' examples. Examples of this n as a relic of the 
 article, p. 90. Other examples, p. 91. Some spurious prepositions 
 recognized as accusative forms, p. 91. The n of ainm-n; previous ob- 
 servation of Dr. Ebel corrected in note, p. 91. Supposed three-fold 
 preposition do-air-in, p. 92. The n after verbal forms ; examples, p. 92, 
 § 13. On the degrees of comparison. As to the -ns stems. The -a in the 
 more ancient, -u in the newer secondary formations, p. 92. Explana- 
 tion of these formations, pp. 93-94. 
 
 Chapter II. — On the position of the Celtic 
 
 § 1. Views regarding the special affinities of the Celtic and words borrowed 
 from the Latin. Points of contact between the Celtic and the Italic 
 
xxiv Contents. 
 
 tongues on one side, and the Teutonic on the other, p. 97. Views of 
 Dr. Lottner and Professor Schleicher, p. 97. Celtic closer to Latin 
 than to Greek, p. 97. Points of agreement "between the Celtic and 
 the Northern tongues, p. 93. "Words in Celtic languages in common 
 with or borrowed from the Latin, p. 98. Method of denoting the 
 Kymric dialects, p. 98. Glossary of Latin loan-words in Old Celtic, 
 pp. 99-107. Words borrowed by the Latin from the Gaulish, and 
 later from the British, p. 107. 
 § 2. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Classic languages. Glossary of 
 words and roots exclusively common to the Celtic and Classic 
 languages, pp. 107-109. 
 § 3. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Classic, Teutonic, and Lito- Slavonian 
 languages. Glossary of words and roots common to the Celtic and 
 Classic languages, but also found in the Teutonic, Slavonian, and 
 Lithuanian, pp. 109-112. Of certain other roots to be added to this 
 list. Examples, pp. 112-113. 
 § 4. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Classic, and Teutonic lauguages. 
 List of words and roots common to the Celtic, Greek, and Teutonic, p. 
 113. List of those common to the Celtic, Latin (or Italic), and 
 Teutonic, pp. 113-114. 
 § 5. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Teutonic, and Lito- Slavonian 
 languages. Mutual borrowing among the languages. Examples of 
 borrowed words, pp. 1 14-1 15. List of words and roots common to the 
 Celtic, Lithuanian, Slavonian, and Teutonic, pp. 115-116. 
 § 6. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Teutonic. List of words and 
 
 roots common to the Celtic and Teutonic, pp. 116-119. 
 § 7. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Lito- Slavonian. List of words 
 and roots common to the Celtic, Lithuanian, and Slavonian, p. 119. 
 Original words in the Celtic, p. 119. Agreement with the Sanskrit 
 in nomenclature of the cardinal points, p. 119. Summary of results of 
 the foregoing tables, as regards the true relation of the Celtic to 
 other European languages, pp. 119-120. 
 § 8. Phonological affinities: — Vocalismus. Study of principles on which to 
 judge of an earlier or later separation of tongues yet imperfect. Ex-, 
 ample : comparison of treatment of the neuters in the Old Gaedhelic 
 and the Hebrew, — the Polish and the Slavonian. Want of a geography 
 of sounds ; (note on this subject), pp. 120-121. The elementary de- 
 velopement of the vocalismus only to be followed out with clearness 
 in the Gothic, p. 121. The Gothic short vowels, a, i, u, p. 121. The 
 Latin and Greek, and the Celtic compared, pp. 121-122. Analogous 
 vowel changes in Teutonic, Slavonian, and Celtic roots, p. 122. In 
 the diphthongal system the Celtic nearest to the Teutonic. Examples, 
 p. 122. 
 § 9. Phonological affinities: — Consonantismus. Celtic analogous to Lithua- 
 nian and Slavonian in having no aspirate in its older phonetic stage, 
 p. 122. Celtic in this contrasts with the Greek, p. 123. Deviations 
 from the Teutonic, p. 123. Agreements, p. 123. Changes of secondary 
 aspirates into medials, or medial-aspirates, p. 123. Hardening of 
 medials in the Celtic and Teutonic, p. 123. The Gaedhelic thicken- 
 ing of the n (or mi), p. 123. 
 § 10. Affinities of word-formation. The suffix -tion exclusively Italo-Celtic, 
 p. 123. Other suffixes ; (-U ; -id ; -aire ; -ire ; -doit ;) p. 124. The peculiar 
 suffix-combination : antat, {-atu, -etu), p. 124. Celtic word-formation 
 of a modern character, p. 124. Wider use of K than in the Classic 
 languages ; (-acK), p. 124. 
 § 11. Affinities of declension. Only the Pelasgic languages have fern, a- 
 stems. Agreement of Celtic with the northern languages, p. 124. 
 Masc. a- stems foreign to the Celtic, p. 125. Few fern, u- stems in 
 Celtic, p. 125. Celtic approaches the Classic languages in having 
 preserved more pure consonantal stems, but differs from them in treat- 
 
Contents. xxv 
 
 ment of s- stems, p. 125. As to the ablative, p. 125. As to the 6 in 
 the dative plural, p. 125. Want of pronominal declension, p. 125. 
 Agreement of gen. sing, and nom. plur. of masc. a- stems in the Old 
 Gaedhelic and the Latin, p. 1 25. Other agreements less exclusive, pp. 
 125-126. 
 
 §12. Affinities of gradation (cr comparison). Peculiar forms of gradation 
 in the Greek, the Latin, the Celtic. Analogy of some Gaedhelic 
 forms, p. 126. 
 
 § 13. Affinities of the pronouns. Celtic peculiarity in giving up the nom. 
 sing, of the 1. and 2. person, p. 126. Analogy with the Teutonic in the 
 3. person, p. 126. Analogy with forms in the Sanskrit, p. 127. The 
 ta ; the ana ; p. 127. 
 
 § 14. Affinities of conjugation. Peculiar combinations and new formations 
 in conjugation. Examples, p. 127. Remarkable analogy with Teutonic 
 and Slavonian, p. 127. Paradigm of Old Gaedhelic and Lithuanian — 
 ending of the present and preterite, p. 128. The Kymric -st, (2. pers. 
 sing, praet.) p. 128. Pictet's view of this -t, p. 128. Distinction of 
 the imperfect and perfect in the Slavonian by separate verbs, p. 128. 
 Use of the present as a future, p. 129. Peculiar force, in the Teutonic 
 and Slavonian, of the particle in composition, p. 129. Analogy in the 
 Celtic ; (1) the perfect denoted by a special particle ; (ru-; ro- ; ra-), 
 pp. 129-130. Peculiarity of Celtic in use of this particle, p. 130. (2) 
 The pres. and fut. changed into the perfect future exactum by this 
 particle (ro-), p. 130. (3) The present forms (especially the con- 
 junctive pres.) turned into future by it, p. 129. All three uses in the 
 Gothic, p. 131. Gaedhelic particle to tenses of incomplete action, 
 (nu-, no-), p. 131. Middle position of the Celtic, between the Italic 
 and Greek, and the Teutonic and Lito- Slavonian, p. 131. Other points 
 of contact to be sought in a comparative syntax of these languages, 
 p. 131. 
 
 Chapter III. — On Phonology in Irish. 
 
 § 2. Necessity of establishing an organic orthography ; and great importance 
 of a comparison of the modern Irish forms for the purpose. Schleicher's 
 opinion, p. 135. Want of linguistic materials on the continent, p. 
 135. Inaccuracy of those published: (examples in Zeuss, O'Dono- 
 van, etc.) p. 135. How to attain what is required, p. 135. Com- 
 parison wanted between Middle and Modern Irish forms, p. 136. 
 Disfigurement and irregularity of Modern Irish forms; (errors of 
 Pictet and Bopp), p. 136. Examples, pp. 136-138. Necessity of com- 
 parison with newer forms nevertheless ; (error of Zeuss), p. 138. 
 
 § 2. Vocalismus. The chief difficulty of the Irish phonetic system, p. 138. 
 Three kinds of e and o, p. 138. Suggestion of a mode of distinguishing 
 them in print, p. 138. Examples, p. 139. Of the a corrupted from 
 the o in Old Irish. Examples, pp. 1 39-141. Correction of mistake in 
 preceding chapter, (p. 88 ; § II. On the article, etc.) as to the modern 
 form of the article an, note, p. 140. 
 
 § 3. Consonantismus. — Aspiration of mediae after vowels. Important results 
 of comparison of the newer forms. Examples, p. 141. Influence of 
 the s, p. 141 . Comparison of the modern forms especially necessary to 
 deter dine whether the tenuis or media is to be aspirated or not. Ex- 
 amples, pp. 141-142. Aspiration of the simple m in Modern Irish. M. 
 for bh. Mm (or mb) in Old Irish, deduced from m (in inlaut) in Mo- 
 dern Irish. (Note : mm in several examples, compared with the nn 
 of the article), p. 142. Mediae after vowels always aspirated in Modern 
 Irish ; after consonants not so, except where a vowel dropped out, pp. 
 142-143. Mediae assimilated after iquids, p. 143 Observation on the 
 so-called Eclipse, p. 143. 
 
 2* 
 
xx vi Contents. 
 
 § 4. Consonantismus. — Aspiration of tenues after vowels. Tenues when 
 aspirated, pp. 143-144. Organic Medias changed into tenues in Old 
 Irish, in two ways, p. 144. Comparison of Modern Irish, pp. 144-145. 
 Observation as to the so-called eclipse of the tenuis, p. 145. Conclu- 
 sion : (Examples), p. 146. 
 
 § 5. Consonantismus. — Cases which afford occasion for aspiration after a 
 preserved or lost vowel: (I.) in inlaid ; (II.) in anlaut; (III.) in syntax. 
 Inference of aspiration from the presence of a vowel, p. 146. Examples. 
 Three categories. 
 (I.) In inlaut, p. 147. Examples from conjugation, p. 147. Confirma- 
 tion of Zeuss as to the /, n, s, d, t, th. (Observation as to O'Donovan 
 on the Modern Irish Passive and Participles), pp. 147-148. Examples, 
 from declension, p. 148. Derivatives in ~te, p. 149. Derivation with 
 various suffixes, p. 149. 
 (II.) In anlaut. Of the second member in composition, p. 150. Omis- 
 sion by Zeuss as to the exceptions to the aspiration rule, p. 150. 
 Grimm's observations as to t and d, in Mod. Irish, remaining un- 
 changed after liquids, not quite correct. ( u Mactire", explained), p. 
 150. Examples of other exceptions, p. 1 50. Explanation of " Dunpe- 
 leder" in Zeuss, p. 151. No aspiration following and Mac, in names, 
 p. 151. 
 (III.) Caution as to use of Mod. Irish in determining laws of anlaut (not 
 developed by Zeuss), p. 151. Phonetic changes, how produced in syn- 
 tax, p. 152. (1) Original terminations of the article, in the several 
 cases. Examples, p. 152. Phonetic laws after the article, p. 153. 
 Kule as to Eclipse (O'Donovan), apparently inexplicable, p. 153. Ex- 
 planation, however, by comparison of O'Donovan's examples from 
 Keating, p. 154. Observations as to confusion of case-endings (p. 78 
 et seg.) completed, p. 154. Peculiar use of ace. for nom. in Old Irish, 
 p. 154. Confusion in the spoken language ; (examples), p. 154. The 
 true ace. in the so-called dat. sing., p. 154. Comparison with Mod. 
 Greek, as to loss of dat., p. 155. Example (Table of Declension) of the 
 treatment of the anlaut after the article, p. 155. Explanation of so- 
 called Eclipse of s after is {in), p. 156. Of the Adjective after the, 
 article, p. ) 56. (2) Influence of auslaut on following anlaut between 
 adj. and subst., p. 156. Examples in Zeuss few, p. 156. Examples 
 for the aspiration of the adj., p. 157. Suppression of aspiration in cer- 
 tain cases, p. 157. Transvected nasal, p. 157. Examples for the as- 
 piration of the subst., p. 157. Correspondence with what is known of 
 the Dual : (O'Molloy and O'Donovan), p. 158. Eclipse after numerals, 
 p. 158. (3) Combination between subst. and succeeding genitive 
 much weaker, p. 158. Examples of nasal preserved in ace, p. 158. 
 Other examples, p. 159. (4) Pronouns : (Examples), p. 159. (5) 
 The anlaut after prepositions and other particles, p. 160. (6) Action 
 of the verb on the object, p. 161. 
 
 § 6. Loss of P in Celtic. Preservation of the guttural in the Gaedhelic 
 (replaced by the labial in the Greek and the Kymric). Examples, 
 p. 161. Primitive p replaced even by c or eh. Examples, p. 161. 
 Aversion to p in anlaut. Examples, pp. 161-2. Want in the Celtic 
 languages of the prepositions with/?- anlaut in the Sanskrit and other 
 cognate languages, p. 162. Assumption by Pictet and Bopp: (exam- 
 pies). "Frith". "Fir", p. 162. The Sanskrit " pra" and "pari", p. 
 1 63. The prefix " ro",^ " ire",_ pp. 163-4. 
 § 7. Loss of the P in Celtic (continued). Example of loss of p in anlaut in 
 " en" (avis), p. 164. Pictet and Pott as to " are", p. 164. Prepositions 
 in Old Irish in a double, and even a treble form, p. 164. Examples, p. 
 165. Fundamental meaning of " af', p. 165. 
 
 4 
 
Contents. 
 
 xxvn 
 
 L Series ; II. Ser. ; 
 Ser., p. 1 70. 
 Plural ; (exam- 
 
 172. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I.-ZEUSS ON THE INFLEXIONS OF NOUNS IN IRISH. 
 
 "Translation of the part of Chap. II. of Zeuss' Grammaiica Celtica, referred to 
 by Dr. Ebel.] 
 
 A. Declension. Two orders of declension, p. 169. 
 
 First Order.— The " Vocalic", p. 169. 
 
 Declension of Nouns, rnasc. and neut. Paradigm. 
 
 III. Ser., p. 170. 
 Declension of nouns Jem. Paradigm. IV. Ser. ; V, 
 I. Series. External Inflexion ; nouns in -e, p. 170. 
 Singular; (examples in all the cases), p. 170. 
 pies in all the cases), p. 171. 
 II. Series. Internal Inflexion, p. 171. 
 
 Singular; (examples), p. 171. Plural; (examples), p. 
 
 III. Series. External Inflexion, except dat. sing., p. 172. 
 
 Singular; (examples), p. 173. Plural; (examples), p. 173. 
 
 IV. Series. External Inflexion; fern, nouns in -e and -i, p. 173. 
 
 Singular; (examples), p. 173. Plural; (examples), p. 173. 
 V. Series. External and Internal Inflexion ; fem. nouns, p. 173. 
 Singular ; (examples), p. 1 71. Plural ; (examples), p. 1 71. 
 
 Second Order. — The "consonantal", p. 174. 
 
 Paradigm of five series; the first three liquid, the last two mute, p. 
 175. 
 
 I. Series. Subst. in -im t -in, taking gen. sing, -a or -e, etc. Exam- 
 ples, p. 175. 
 II. Series. Nouns taking in oblique cases -an, -in, and -in, -en; (two 
 divisions), p. 175. Examples, p. 176. 
 
 III. Series. Nouns of relationship, masc. and fem. in -ir, p 176. Ex- 
 
 amples, p. 176. 
 
 IV. Series. Derivatives in -id, declined by variation of internal vowels ; 
 
 (two divisions). Examples, p. 1 77. 
 V. Series. Contains fem. nouns in -r, to which are added the suffixes, 
 -ach, 'ich, ig, p. 177. Examples, p. 178. 
 The Dual Number, p. 177. 
 Paradigms of the series of the First Order. Examples from the MSS., 
 
 pp. 178-9. 
 Anomalous Substantives. Examples, p. 179. 
 
 (B) Diminutives. Instances from MSS., p. 180. 
 
 (C) Degrees of Comparison, p. 180. 
 
 Comparative. Two Forms. Examples, pp. 180-181. 
 Superlative. Two en lings. (Examples), p. 181. 
 
 II. THE CELTIC MSS. UPON WHICH ZEUSS' GKAMMATICA CEL- 
 TICA WAS FOUNDED ; AND THE TABLE OF THE ABBRE- 
 VIATIONS USED IN REFERRING TO THEM, P. 182. 
 
 INDICES VERBORUM TO POSITION OF THE CELTIC. 
 
 Indo-European or Primitive 
 
 Aryan. 
 South Aryan. 
 
 Sanskrit Index . p. 185 
 
 Old Persian ,, . „ 
 
 North- West Aryan. 
 Hellenic. 
 
 Greek Index . . „ 
 
 Italic and Romance. 
 Latin Index 
 Mediaeval Latin Index 
 Picenian „ 
 
 Sabine , , 
 
 Oscan „ 
 
 Umbrian , , 
 
 Romance „ 
 
 187 
 191 
 
 192 
 
XXV111 
 
 Contents. 
 
 Italian Index 
 
 P- 
 
 192 
 
 Windic or Liio- Slavonian. 
 
 
 Proven9al ,, 
 
 
 ;) 
 
 Old Slavonic 
 
 p. 195 
 
 French „ 
 
 
 }> 
 
 Polish Index 
 
 . 196 
 
 Teutonic. 
 
 
 
 Servian „ 
 
 »» 
 
 Gothic Index . 
 
 
 J> 
 
 Lithuanian Index 
 
 • ;> 
 
 Old Teutonic „ 
 
 
 193 
 
 Lettish „ 
 
 . 197 
 
 Old High German 
 
 
 n 
 
 Old Prussian „ 
 
 * j» 
 
 Middle High German Index 
 
 194 
 
 Celtic. 
 
 
 New High German 
 
 
 5> 
 
 Old Celtic Index 
 
 » 
 
 Old Saxon 
 
 
 J» 
 
 Old Irish „ 
 
 5? 
 
 Frisian 
 
 
 1) 
 
 Middle Irish „ 
 
 . 204 
 
 Low German 
 
 
 V 
 
 Modern Irish „ 
 
 • »> 
 
 Middle Dutch 
 
 
 J> 
 
 Welsh „ 
 
 iy 
 
 Anglo-Saxon 
 
 
 95 
 
 Kyrnric „ 
 
 . 208 
 
 English 
 
 
 195 
 
 Cornish „ 
 
 • u 
 
 Old Norse 
 
 
 5> 
 
 Armoric „ 
 
 211 
 
 ]LTIC INDEX TO PH< 
 
 3NOLOG12 
 
 ' IN IRISH. 
 
 
 Gaulish and Old 
 
 Celtic 
 
 
 Kymric Index 
 
 p. 220 
 
 Index 
 
 P 
 
 . 213 
 
 Cornish „ 
 
 »» 
 
 Irish Index 
 
 
 213 
 
 Armoric „ 
 
 • » 
 
 Welsh „ . 
 
 . 
 
 220 
 
 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 ON SIMPLE WORD-FORMATION: ROOTS, STEMS, AND 
 DERIVATIVES. 
 
 §. 1. Of Roots and Root-Forms. 
 
 THE method of investigation employed in the modern science 
 of Comparative Etymology may be described as an analytic 
 process, to which the words of cognate languages are subjected; 
 consisting in successively stripping from them certain letters or 
 syllables which have the symbolical power of expressing the quali- 
 ties, proportions, or relations in space and time, under which the 
 subject contemplates the object — that is, so much of the phonetic 
 whole constituting the word, as fixes or limits the idea intended to 
 be expressed by it, and makes it the symbol of a definite concep- 
 tion. By this stripping process we obtain a residual syllable or 
 nucleus to which the term Root (French, Racine; German, 
 Wurzel) is given. A large number of different words in the 
 same language, subjected to this kind of analysis, may leave the 
 same syllable or root ; hence we may consider the Root of a series 
 of words as a phonetic symbol of an individual but logically in- 
 definite idea, the limitation or logical definition of the idea being 
 given by the sounds or syllables stripped off. The assumption 
 of such mono-syllabic nuclei in words has given rise to the hypo- 
 thesis that the formative process or growth of languages was a 
 synthesis, the reverse of our analysis ; or, in other terms, that the 
 first symbols of ideas in language were Roots, out of which 
 were elaborated the more developed forms and words. 
 
 If we compare the different forms which the same word as- 
 sumes in the several dialects of a language, we shall find that the 
 difference is due to the substitution of certain letters for others. 
 A similar comparative study of all languages, shows us that they 
 may be grouped into families, the members of each of which may 
 be looked upon as dialects in a wider sense, of some more primi- 
 tive language. Although at first sight, the permutations, or letter 
 changes from one language to another, appear to be quite arbi- 
 trary, they nevertheless take place according to definite laws, 
 which are proper to each language. A very good example of 
 these phonetic laws is afforded by the remarkable permutation or 
 alteration in historical times of the mute consonants in the Teu- 
 tonic languages (Lautverscliiebiing), schematized by J. Grimm, 
 
 2 
 
4 Introduction. 
 
 according to which these consonants appear, in passing from the 
 Greek or Latin to the Gothic, and thence to the Old High German, 
 to be shifted forward in the direction in which the sounds are na- 
 turally developed — that is, the labial, dental, and palatal medials 
 pass into the corresponding tenues, and the latter into the aspi- 
 rates — thus the Gr. medial b is represented by the Goth, tenuis p 
 and by the O. H. G. aspirate pit or/; the Gr. p by Goth. / and the 
 O. H.G. 6, etc. ; the Gr. dental medial d by the Goth, tenuis t and 
 the O.H.G. aspirate th; the Gr. medial g, by the Goth, tenuis k, 
 and the O.H.G. aspirate ch, e.g.: Gr. ttovq, gen. ttoBoc, Goth./o- 
 tus, O. H. G. vuoz; Saicpv, Goth, tagr, O H.G. zahar (the sibilant 
 z for the aspirate ill) ; Lat. gelidus, Goth. Icalds, O.H.G. chalt y etc. 1 
 By the study of the phonetic laws which govern the permuta- 
 tions or letter changes in each member of a family of languages, 
 we may determine the words in each family which have had a 
 common origin. On analysing these words we obtain a series of 
 residual syllables, which, like the words from which they were 
 obtained, differ from each other, and are nevertheless but forms 
 of the same root. The primitive form of the root could only be 
 found in the mother tongue of the family ; but as no monument 
 of this language has been handed down to us, we can only dis- 
 cover this root inductively, by a comparative study of all the lan- 
 guages of the family. What we obtain by the analysis of the 
 words of a language, are not, therefore, properly speaking, roots, 
 but only Hoot Forms. The root forms of the same root may often 
 present so great a dissimilarity, that, without a knowledge of the 
 permutations of the letters, and a comparison of all the forms in 
 a family, we would not suspect any relationship between them. 
 Thus the German word wer presents at first sight so little 
 resemblance to the Latin one quis, that we could not suppose that 
 they were the same word, or even that they contained the same 
 root; and yet this becomes evident enough by comparing the 
 forms of the word in several languages, which give us the inter- 
 mediate links, e. g.: Skr. has; Gr., rig; Lat., quis; Goth., hvas; 
 O.H.G., huer; N. H. G., wer. The object of comparative ety- 
 mology is to determine first, the root forms, and then the roots ; 
 but it also includes that of the grammatical terminations which 
 are added to the roots. Comparative Etymology may, conse- 
 quently, be considered as a species of Palaeography which has 
 for its object the determination, from their mutilated relics, of 
 
 1 I do not profess, in this Introduction, to discuss the value of particular 
 laws, my object being merely to explain the nature of Eoots, Stems, etc. I have 
 endeavoured to state Grimm's law as simply as possible, but, of course, the form 
 in which I have given it is not wholly unobjectionable ; and this the more so, as 
 I am aware that some of the examples do not harmonize with Benary's impor- 
 tant law. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 5 
 
 the primitive forms of a language, — of that of the parent lan- 
 guage of a family of languages, — and, ultimately, of the parent 
 language of all ; exactly as the object of Palaeontology is to re- 
 construct from the bones, shells, etc., the forms which extinct 
 animals had when living. 
 
 Leaving out of consideration interjections, we may classify the 
 different kinds of words of which speech is composed according 
 to the following division, which is that usually followed by gram- 
 marians : — 
 
 CORPORAL WORDS. FORMATIONAL WORDS. 
 
 I. SUBSTANTIVES. 
 Noun-substantives. Pronominal substantives (pro- 
 
 nouns, /, tkou, he, she, it, who, 
 etc.) 
 
 II. ATTRIBUTIVES. 
 
 A. Words defining the subject — Predicate words. 
 
 a. Adjectives. 
 
 «. Qualitative adjectives. b. 1 Quantitative adjectives 
 
 (numerals, etc.) 
 
 2 Pronominal adjectives 
 
 (mine, thine, this, etc.) 
 
 3 Articles. 
 /3. Verbs. 
 
 a. Concrete verbs (to love). b. Abstract verbs (to be). 
 
 B. Words defining the Predicate — Adverbs. 
 
 a. Qualitative adverbs b. Adverbs of time, place, 
 
 (derived from adjectives). number, etc. 
 
 III. PARTICLES. 
 
 Prepositions. 
 Conjunctions. 
 
 This arrangement renders the distinction between the words 
 which constitute the materials of speech, and those which express 
 the varying relations of space, number, time, etc., very evident. 
 And as the words of each class may be subjected to the process 
 of analysis, we get two kinds of roots, distinguished also as Cor- 
 poral, and Formal or Formational Roots. As we may get the same 
 root from a noun, an adjective, a verb, or an adverb, a corporal 
 root must be considered to have the embryonic power of a whole 
 sentence ; that is, of expressing a whole concrete conception, but 
 without possessing any means of expressing the person, time, etc. 
 Corporal roots may therefore be considered as germs of nouns and 
 verbs, rather than as possessing the explicit power of either. 
 
 All languages may be classified into a few classes, according 
 to the manner in which the two kinds of roots are joined to one 
 
 2b 
 
6 Introduction. 
 
 another. We niay, for example, assume three stages of compo- 
 sition: 1, Parathesis, or the mere juxtaposition of roots; 2, Ag- 
 glutination, or the adhesion of roots ; 3, Amalgamation, or the 
 fusion of roots. 
 
 Parathesis. A language at this stage would consist of mono- 
 syllabic roots simply, the grammatical relations being expressed 
 by juxtaposition with other roots. The same root, according to 
 its position in a sentence, may perform the function of a noun, 
 an adjective, verb, etc. Pott calls such languages, of which the 
 Chinese affords an example, Isolating languages. 
 
 Agglutination. In this stage the grammatical relations — mood, 
 tense, person, and class of verbs, number, cases, etc., of nouns, 
 are expressed by affixes to monosyllabic roots, which, though 
 invariable in function, are not inseparable from the root, the 
 several relations being expressed by successively added affixes. 
 In some agglutinating languages all the affixes are suffixes : thus, 
 in the Finno-Tatarian languages, where the root-vowel, itself 
 inflexible, modifies the vowels of the suffixes, giving thereby 
 rise to the so-called vowel harmony. Other agglutinating lan- 
 guages have apparently almost exclusively prefixes, as the Kaffir 
 languages of South Africa. The Semitic languages show a 
 higher stage of agglutination by admitting of prefixes as well as 
 suffixes, the cases of nouns being expressed by prefixing prepo- 
 sitions, 2 and still more by employing internal vowel changes as 
 means of inflexion. 3 
 
 Amalgamation. When the corporal and formational elements 
 become so intimately blended that both fuse into an indissoluble 
 unity, the formational elements give rise to true inflexion, which 
 produces a complete logical distinction of the grammatical cate- 
 gories. Languages at this stage are called by Pott, Amalgamating. 
 
 Bopp's classification is somewhat different. He makes three 
 classes also, the first corresponding to the parathetical ; but in 
 the second he includes both agglutinating and amalgamating, 
 
 Do O O O ' 
 
 and makes of the Semitic languages a third distinct class. 
 
 The amalgamating languages are consequently those which 
 have the most perfect organization, and include the Indo-Euro- 
 pean family of languages, which comprises the Sanskrit, Latin, 
 Greek, Celtic, Slavonian, Gothic, and their modern descendants. 
 In their primitive state such languages cannot contain uninflected 
 roots. In process of time, however, and especially if great per- 
 
 2 The Arabic, however, has real case terminations. 
 
 3 Some examples illustrative of the process of agglutination in the Xorthern 
 Family of languages maybe found at pp. 92 and 9±, vol. I., of the Atlantis, in 
 the first part of my paper ' ' On the influence which the Physical Geography, 
 the Animal and Vegetable Productions, etc., of different regions exert upon the 
 Languages, Mythology, and early Literature of Mankind, etc." 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 7 
 
 turbations and mixtures of different peoples take place, trie gram- 
 matical elements affixed to the roots get shortened, mutilated, or 
 drop off wholly, so that the root is laid bare. In modern lan- 
 guages, as, for example, the English, we find several naked roots, 
 which, however, have the value of the words from which they 
 have been obtained by the gradual wearing off of the clothing; 
 thus the word hand is in reality a root-form, having now the full 
 signification of a primitive noun, which in Gothic had the form 
 handus. 
 
 No matter how great the phonetic modifications which a root 
 may undergo in producing a number of root forms, it preserves 
 its identity. Some philologists, however, admit of exceptions to 
 this rule ; that is, they consider that certain phonetic modifications 
 of a root may alter its signification so as to produce a new root. 
 The process by which this is believed to be effected is called 
 Root Variation, and may be described as a phonetic change that 
 modifies or tempers more or less the concrete value of the root, 
 without the latter ceasing to be a root. The result of this varia- 
 tion is to produce in the same language, or in cognate branches 
 of the same family of languages, two or more affiliated roots with 
 almost synonymous signification, but differing in a slight degree 
 phonetically. These synonymous roots may appear to have 
 been evolved, as it were, parallel to one another, or the one 
 to be primary, and the other secondary. Of two such synony- 
 mous roots we may consider the one which has the greatest 
 phonetic dimensions to be the secondary root. This hypothesis 
 has been so far generalized by some philologists that they believe 
 all roots of considerable phonetic dimensions to be secondary 
 roots, even where we can no longer detect the primitive root. 
 Many, on the other hand, do not admit that such a change can 
 at all take place in a root. Assuming, however, that this kind 
 of variation takes place, it must do so either: 1, by simple modi- 
 fication of one or more letters — vowels or consonants — e.g. y\a<p, 
 y\v(j) ; ypa(f), grab; or 2, by the addition of a soimd or sounds — 
 e. g. Skr. bhd, to shine, which gives the extended root bhdsh, to 
 speak, Gr. 0rj ($r)f±i), to speak, extended roots (pav, to shine, to 
 speak (<P<i(f)oq, TricpavaKui), (j>av, to shine ^cpaivoj) ; Skr. root ru, 
 to sound, extended root rud, to weep. In the change of the 
 root into a stem, to be described further on, there is no such 
 modification of the root-idea. 
 
 §.2. Of Elementary Word-formation, and Inflexion. 
 
 Assuming that language was synthetically developed from 
 isolated monosyllabic roots, we have next to consider how words 
 were formed from roots in the Indo-European, or amalgamating 
 
8 Introduction, 
 
 languages, to which family the following pages will exclusively 
 refer. The development of words from roots may be called 
 Word-formation, but the elementary words thus formed must 
 undergo further modification, in order to express the varying 
 relations of speech. Thus, a Verb must have special contri- 
 vances to express time, person, etc. ; and the Noun, number and 
 case, etc. This further modification is called Inflexion, or Word- 
 bending. The processes by which elementary Word-formation 
 and Inflexion are effected are fundamentally the same ; they are — 
 
 1. Internal phonetic change, which can only affect the root- 
 
 vowel, as the change of a consonant would necessarily 
 produce a change in the symbolic value of the root. 
 
 2. Addition of phonetic material to the root, which may be of 
 
 two kinds : 
 
 a. Such as springs from the root itself; or Duplication. 
 
 b. Affixes ; which may be Prefixes or Suffixes, but espe- 
 cially the latter. These Affixes may be : 
 
 a. Single sounds or syllables, which only are used as 
 formational elements of words, having by themselves 
 no signification in the fully-formed language, and do 
 not consequently occur isolated in it. 
 /3. Affixes which possess of themselves a distinct mean- 
 ing, and consequently may occur as isolated words 
 in the language. 
 In the Semitic languages, vowel-change is a predominant 
 mode of word-formation and word- inflexion. In the Indo-Euro- 
 pean languages it only appears as Ablaut;* that- is, an interchange 
 in the body of the root of the primitive pure short vowels, a, i, 
 u, but, at a later period, of the newer vowels e and o also, which 
 were produced by the softening of the primitive vowels. This 
 hind of vocalic change (ablaut) appears to have been a funda- 
 mental principle of word-formation in the Teutonic languages. 
 
 The vowel change known as Umlaut is the change or obscura- 
 tion of the fundamental root vowels a, o, u, into the impure or 
 obscure vowels, a, 6, u, under the regressive assimilating influ- 
 ence of i (or u) in the syllable immediately following the root. 
 In the Teutonic languages, umlaut by means of u only occurs in 
 the Old Norse, in which it has been fully developed ; umlaut does 
 
 4 Wherever special technical terms are invented in any language to express 
 certain definite ideas, they should be retained in translating from that language, 
 if the laws of euphony of the language into which the translation is made 
 at all admit of it. The words ablaut, umlaut, vorlaut, nachlaut, anlaut, inlaut, 
 and auslaut are convenient terms, and better than any which could be made out 
 of Greek words. I have consequently used them throughout. Ablaut, umlaut, 
 vorlaut, and nachlaut are fully explained where they first occur. Anlaut is the 
 initial sound, and auslaut is the final sound of a word. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 9 
 
 not at all occur in the Gothic. In the Zend umlaut is produced 
 by both the vowels (i and u), a becoming ai under the influence 
 of an i following, and au under the influence of an u following. 
 When the i is softened to e, the umlaut remains as a rule, and 
 even is retained when the e is dropt. Umlaut thus apparently 
 acquires the flexional signification of the ending, by the action of 
 which it was produced, and now acts as its substitute, although 
 originally it was a mere phonetic consequence of it. We have a 
 good example of this in the preterite of the conjunctive mood in 
 the O.H. German; the preterite forms of the strong conjugation, 
 which have conditional or potential signification, are charac- 
 terized by an i, i. In the M. and N. H. German, this i passes 
 into e, but leaves evidence of its existence in the umlaut of the 
 root vowel, which now characterizes the conjunctive: O.H.G. 
 Pnet. Ind. sing, first, second, and third persons, las, last, las; 
 prast. conj. last, lasis, lasi ; M. H. G., laese, laesest, laese. The 
 following are additional examples of umlaut: O. H. G., anti 
 (enti), M.H.G., Ende; O.H.G., Iwndi, hendi, N.H.G., Hdnde; 
 O.H.G., ti'dki, N.H.G., trdge. There is also a phonetic process 
 of regressive assimilation, the reverse of umlaut, and which is 
 called Breaking, or Fracture, by which i is changed into e, and o 
 into u, by the action of an a following. 
 
 The remarkable law of progressive vocal assimilation already 
 alluded to, and which constitutes so characteristic a feature of the 
 Finno-Tatarian family of 'languages, may be described as a kind 
 of progressive umlaut, which it will be useful to describe, as it 
 will be alluded to hereafter. In the languages of that family the 
 vowels may be divided into three classes : hard, a, o, u, and in 
 some languages,^; 2. soft, a, o, u; 3. neutral, i, and in some 
 languages, as the Finnish and Samoyede, e also. If the root 
 syllable, which is invariable in all the languages of the family, be 
 hard, the vowel of the suffixes cannot be soft ; conversely, hard 
 vowels cannot follow soft ones. The vowel i, and in Finnish, 
 etc., e, also, may be followed either by a hard or soft vowel. 
 The Irish rule of " broad to broad, and slender to slender", may 
 be looked upon as progressive assimilation; the Irish broad 
 vowels being a, o, it, and the slender e, i. Wherever this rule 
 is followed, a consonant, or consonants, should in every written 
 word lie between either two broad, or two slender vowels ; or, 
 in other words, if the vowel of a syllable be broad, the vowel of 
 the next succeeding syllable should be broad ; if the vowel be 
 slender, the following one must likewise be slender. 
 
 The peculiar weakening of the root vowel which is produced in 
 Latin words by the vowel of a prefix, whether due to composition 
 or reduplication, may likewise be looked upon as a species of pro- 
 
10 Introduction. 
 
 gressive assimilation analogous to that which exists in the Irish. 
 The Finno-Tatarian languages having no prefixes, all progressive 
 assimilation must affect not the root but the endings, hence the 
 difference between this phonetic change in the Latin and the 
 languages in question. The following examples will show the 
 character of the change in the Latin : under the influence of e, 
 i, and also o, a becomes i or e, e becomes i, ce passes into I, 
 au sometimes into <% into i, u into e — tango, tetigi ; pars, ex- 
 pers ; facio, efficio ; placeo, displiceo ; jacio, objicio ; annus, per- 
 ennis ; folio, refello ; carpo, decerpo ; cashes, incestus ; ars, iners ; 
 lego, diligo; rego, corrigo; quo3ro, inquiro; caedo, cecldi; claudo, in- 
 cludo; notusz=.gnotus, cognitus; juro, pejero, etc. There are, how- 
 ever, numerous exceptions, and in compound words formed by pre- 
 fixed particles or prepositions, such as cirewn, ante, per, etc., it does 
 not occur. In ago, abigo, we have a change into i produced by a. 
 Phonetic change, by means of affixes, is the great agent in 
 word-forming in the Indo-European languages. The first kind 
 of affixes are those employed in word-formation properly so 
 called, and in inflexion. The second kind of affixes — that is, 
 those which possess of themselves a distinct meaning — are used 
 in making compound words. Some of the first kind of affixes 
 may, however, be distinctly traced to independent words: as 
 examples may be mentioned the personal endings of the verbs, 
 the signs of many of the cases, etc. Thus the ending of the 
 first person in the Sanskrit and Greek was mi: bha-mi, tudd- 
 mi, ddsyd-mi; u-jil, (prr/nl, Dor. (fra-pi; in the Latin the i has 
 been lost, and the ending is now only m — su-m, inqua-m, dicere- 
 m; this mi is the pronominal stem ma softened to mi, as we 
 actually find it in mi-Jii. The first person plural ending in the 
 Sanskrit is -mas, in the Veda dialect, masi, in the Doric dialect 
 of the Greek, jueq: Skr., bhd-mas; Dor., (jya-fiig; in the Latin 
 it was mus, and in the O. H. German, mes. From the Veda 
 form masi, Curtius considers the ending to be made up of the 
 pronominal stems of the first and second pronouns: ma -{-si (si= 
 ti); that is, I-\-thou = ive. Again, the Greek endings, -era and 
 -cfoj, of the 1 Aorist (typa\pa for e-ypa^-aa), and of the future 
 (y(j>a^u) for ypafy-aii)), and of the Latin ending of the perfect, -si 
 (scripsi), are obtained from the verb, in the Greek d-jil, Dor. 
 IfjLfil, Lithuanian esmi, root as. And lastly, the Latin imperfect, 
 -bam, and the future, -bo, are derived from the xootfu (in j iiam, 
 fu-turus,fu-i). The English suffixes -ly, -hood, -ship, -some, are 
 also good examples, meaning originally like, state (A. Sax. had), 
 shape, same. Indeed, the distinction between simple word-for- 
 mation and composition cannot be always accurately defined; 
 practically, however, it exists in fully formed languages. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 11 
 
 If some of the affixes can thus be derived from significant 
 words, it is perfectly reasonable that philologists should endea- 
 vour to generalize the fact, and assume as probable that all word- 
 formino- and flexional affixes, which possess the symbolic signi- 
 fication of formational Avords, were originally formed by affixing 
 such words to the word to be grammatically modified. In mo- 
 dern languages where the flexional endings have been worn off, 
 their functions are again performed by words already existing 
 in the language. Such a view naturally leads to the assumption 
 that in the gradual development of languages all word-formation 
 and flexion were synthesis or composition. 
 
 The hypothesis that word-formation and flexion were primi- 
 tively synthesis, and that the phonetic additions by which they are 
 affected were at first independent words, constitutes the basis of 
 what is known as the agglutination theory. This theory is now 
 generally considered to be the correct one. Some philologists 
 seem disposed, however, to modify it so far as to admit two kinds 
 of word- forming and inflexional materials: 1, Simple sounds or 
 syllables, which were never words by themselves, their symbolic 
 power being derived from that which each individual letter is 
 considered inherently to possess; 2, independent words worn out 
 into word-forming and flexional elements. 
 
 §. 3. Of Primary Stem-formation. 
 
 In the foregoing sections three kinds of forms have been men- 
 tioned: 1, roots; 2, elementary word-forms; and 3, words clothed 
 with the inflexional elements, which express their relations to 
 each other as members of a sentence. But these do not include 
 every form. The simple word-forms are not as a rule obtained 
 by the direct addition of a grammatical element, derivational or 
 inflexional, to the root. Between the root and the grammatically 
 complete word there lies the ivord-stem (French, Radical; German, 
 Stamm, and corresponding to the Crude-form of some English 
 writers), to which, and not to the root itself, the grammatical 
 elements are added. Stem-formation is, consequently, the first 
 stage of word-formation, a stem is not a root, nor yet a complete 
 word. From the root it is logically distinguished in this, that 
 the unlimited, or, as we might say undulating contents of the 
 root are fixed or solidified, and rendered fit to serve as a symbol 
 of the completely determinate conception represented by the 
 grammatical word. While there are but two classes of Roots, 
 corporal . and formational, there may be many kinds of Stems : 
 for example, we may have verbal, nominal, pronominal, and 
 particle Stems — each kind of root branching into many stems, 
 according to the grammatical changes it may undergo. Instead, 
 
12 Introduction. 
 
 then, of three categories of phonetic forms, we have, in reality, 
 four : Roots, Stems, being of a two-fold kind, Simple word-forms 
 or derivatives, and Words clothed with inflexional elements. 
 
 Word-formation from roots consists, then, of two distinct pro- 
 cesses: 1, the formation of stems from roots, or, Stem-formation; 
 and 2, the formation of words from stems, or Derivation in its 
 simplest form. Both processes are effected by phonetic means to 
 be hereafter described, but here it may be useful to mention that 
 they cannot always be absolutely distinguished, — the same pho- 
 netic change or addition being at one time stem-formation, and at 
 another true derivation. There is, however, an essential diffe- 
 rence between stems and derivatives, the basis of the true stem 
 is the root, while the derivative always proceeds from the stem. 
 The two processes are, therefore, logically, even when not pho- 
 netically, distinct. 
 
 The Phonetic methods of primary or Pure Stem-formation 
 may now be described in detail ; they are : — 
 I. Modification of root-vowel. 
 
 1 . Ablaut proper, which is a very frequent change in the Greek ; 
 
 it is rather an accompaniment than a means of stem-forma- 
 tion. It does not often occur in the Latin, but in the Teu- 
 tonic languages it is very common, and was apparently 
 the primitive means of stem-formation. Examples: root 
 N.H.G. brack, stems brich, bruch; root ]3aX, stems ]3oA, 
 (5eX, verb £-/3aX-ov, nouns /3oX-?7, fi£\-og (tego, toga). 
 
 2. Obscuration of the root-vowels a and i to e, and of u to o. 
 
 The Greek and Latin have no fraction of u, i to o, e, the 
 change is always the inverse. As an example of the 
 breaking of a to e may be given: root lag, stems Xsy, 
 leg, verbs Xiyw, lego; and of i to e, the Teutonic root LIB, 
 to remain (zzAnr), Goth, liban, to live = O.H.G. leben. 
 
 3. Strengthening of the root-vowel, which may take place : 
 
 a. By lengthening the short vowel, as : root XaO, stems XrjO, 
 XaO, verbs XiiOw, Dor. XaOco, nouns XrjQri, Dor. XaOa. 
 
 b Gunation 5 and Diphthongation — Examples of guna- 
 tion: root i, stem «, verb elfiL; root <pvy, stem <pzvy, 
 verb (frbvyu) ; in Gothic, root bug, stem baug; root vit, 
 stem vait. Examples of Diphthongation: root <pav, 
 stem <paiv, verb (paivw ; root rav, weakened root form 
 rev, stem retv, verb teivw; root $a, stem <W, verb 
 Bald). The latter and similar roots ending in a 
 vowel show the true relation of the i to the root- 
 
 5 The term gunation is applied to the process by which e (ai) is produced by 
 prefixing a to i or i, or 6 (au) by prefixing a to u or u. Diphthongation and gu- 
 nation are well expressed by the German terms nachlaut and vorlaut. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 13 
 
 vowel in fyaivw. Curtius. has shown that in the 
 latter the form was (pav-i-w, a derivational i (Sanskrit 
 ya), being originally placed after the root, but which 
 by metathesis afterwards entered the root. Gunation, 
 according to some scholars, does not occur in the 
 Latin, and consequently the derivational i retains its 
 place outside the root in the verbs in io of the third 
 conjugation, as capio, morior, etc. This opinion is 
 not, however, strictly correct ; for although gunation 
 may be rare, the following examples show that it does 
 sometimes occur : foedus for foidus (if we may connect 
 7r£-TroiO-a.), root fid, wiO, bi(ii)d; anrum, aurora, com- 
 pare uro, us-tum, Sanskrit root ush. The occurrence of 
 this derivational i as an element of stem-formation 
 gives rise to a distinct and important class of stems, 
 which will be fully discussed further on in the section 
 on ya- or m-stems. 
 II. Consonantal strengthening of the root. 
 
 1 . Duplication or doubling of the final consonant. 
 
 In the Greek XX, dialectically pp and vv ; <r<x (Boeot.) per- 
 mutated in the new Attic to tt, root airap, cnrEp, stem 
 cnrtpp, verb (nreppu 6 ; root Krav, ktw, stem ktevv, verb 
 KTtvvii) (Lesbian). In the Latin there is frequent du- 
 plication of /, root pal, pel) stem pell, verb pello, and in 
 the German of I and m, root seal, O.H.G. scellan. In 
 the former case it is the result of the assimilation of a 
 derivational y by the final consonant. 
 
 2. Affixation of a mute consonant foreign to the root. In the 
 
 Greek and Latin a r is thus affixed frequently, e.g., root 
 |3Xaj3, stem /3Xa7rr, verb ]3Xa7rrw ; root tvtt, stem tvttt, 
 verb rvTTTU) ; root pac or pec, stem pect, verb pecto [the 
 Greek ktuq however suggests that the ct of pecto may be 
 radical]. In the Teutonic languages this process is not 
 now recognizable. 
 
 3. Affixation or intercalation -6f a nasal. 
 
 a. Nasalizing an internal vowel. This change is common 
 
 in the Latin — e.g., root pag, stem pang, verb pango; 
 root liq = Xnr, stem li?iq, verb linquo; root frag, stem 
 frang, verb frango; it also occurs in the Gothic, root 
 stap, inf. standan, Engl, stand, stood. 
 
 b. Affixation of the nasal in the auslaut: 
 
 a. After vowels. In the Greek we get from ra, ya, 
 rav, tsv, yev. It is sometimes combined with diph- 
 
 6 Such would have been the Lesbian form, at least ; Attic, aireipo). 
 
14 Introduction. 
 
 thongation, as in root /3a, stem fiaiv, verb fiaiva), 
 
 In the Gothic we have ga becoming gang. 
 ]3. After consonants. Only few examples in the Greek ; 
 
 e.g., root rap., tb/ul, stem tbjliv, verb tb/ulvu). In the 
 
 Latin we have sterno, sperno, etc. 
 c. Affixation of a whole syllable, accompanied by nasali- 
 zation, of which we can only find examples in the 
 Greek, e. g., vb, va, root Sa/u, stem Sa/uva, verb ^afi- 
 vaw ; as av, by which the root- vowel becomes likewise 
 nasalized, root \a6, stem \av9av, verb Xavdavu). 
 4. Reduplication . root, jiva, reduplicated stem jj.L-p.vn-, incho- 
 ative verb fjLi-jiv{]-GK-(jL). Lat, root min, men = Sk.T. 
 man=inva? stem me-min, verb memini. 
 
 All the more important methods of primary or pure stem-for- 
 mation are embraced under the preceding categories. There 
 are also a few exceptional cases, such as - where an intensive s is 
 introduced into the root, e. g., root fiiy, stem /uiay, verb fiicryto; 
 Latin, misceo (compare Ir. cummasc, commixtio), which must not 
 be confounded with the derivational sc of inchoative verbs. Be- 
 sides primary or pure steins, there are, however, other classes of 
 stems which are formed by the addition of a vowel, or of a 
 syllable ending with a consonant, and which will be described 
 hereafter. It may be well to observe here, that the circum- 
 stance of stems being formed by the addition of a whole syllable, 
 the introduction of an intensive s into the body of the root, etc., 
 shows us how cautious we should be in concluding that stem- 
 forms, which at first sight appear extremely simple, are the roots 
 themselves. For example, (pav and Kpiv, although apparently 
 forms of very moderate phonetic dimensions, have been, in 
 reality, enlarged from <pa and Kpi. Then again, it is necessary 
 to be careful to distinguish between the stem and the pure words 
 or stem-words. For example, \irog and corpus are true stems, 
 as is shown by attaching flexional elements to them ; thus, i irsa- 
 og contracted to stteoq, corpus-is softened to corpor-is. On the 
 other hand, (pL\i(w), Xoyo(c), fructu(s), are full words, contain- 
 ing the derivacional elements, w, c, s, respectively. 
 
 §. 4. Of Noun- formation, and Derivative Steins. 
 
 The formation of stems may be considered the first separation 
 of words into grammatical categories, but it does not complete it ; 
 for although some stems are essentially verbal, and others nomi- 
 nal, there are many which admit of being made the basis either 
 of verbs or of nouns. The complete separation is only effected 
 when one of the signs which characterize the complete ward is 
 
On Boots, Steins, and, Derivatives. 15 
 
 affixed to the stem. These grammatical signs are the derivational 
 and inflexional elements. 
 
 The characteristic signs by which the stem becomes a verb, 
 are the personal endings fit, m, ri ; m, s, t, etc. : root i , stem 
 u, verb ei/ul, — jil being the personal ending for the first person 
 sing. ind. ; Skr. root tud, stem tuda, verb tuda-si, — si being 
 the ending of the second person sing. ind. As Dr. Ebel's 
 paper does not deal with the verb, I shall confine myself exclu- 
 sively to nouns. The characteristic signs by which nouns are 
 formed are the gender and case endings. The vocative, from 
 its nature, ought to present us with the pure nominal stem, but 
 in the actual language this is not generally the case ; and hence 
 it is found more convenient to assume the nominative as the basis 
 of analysis. 
 
 One of the most characteristic distinctions between objects is 
 that which life affords, and accordingly the sign, by the affixation 
 of which to the stem the nominative form of the noun is pro- 
 duced, is a gender sign. For living objects, the sign primitively 
 affixed to noun-stems in the Indo-European languages was s. 
 Some scholars hold that neuter nouns were distinguished by t t 
 which they consider possesses a certain power of symbolizing 
 lifeless or inert bodies. But the evidence that t was ever used, 
 except in pronominal declension, as a sign of the neuter gender, is 
 very doubtful. The Gothic neut. adjective-ending ata is, accord- 
 ing to Bopp, merely a suffixed pronoun. Mankind has, however, 
 at all times, figuratively endowed certain lifeless objects with life, 
 and abstract conceptions, such as justice, virtue, etc., are ex- 
 pressed by words of masculine or feminine gender, according as 
 our fancy chooses to consider them of the one or other sex ; the 
 names which are used to symbolize these objects or abstract con- 
 ceptions take, accordingly, the sign of living objects. 
 
 The nominative sign s has, however, been but imperfectly pre- 
 served ; in the Sanskrit it is usually softened to h ; the feminine 
 forms, which incline to vocalic auslaut with long vowels, seem 
 to have thrown it off, apparently with the object of marking 
 the distinction of the sexes. This tendency to have vocalic 
 auslaut is well shown in the adjectives having the endings in 
 the Sanskrit, as, a, am; in the Greek, oq, a (17), ov. Even mas- 
 culine forms often lose the s. In the Zend and Lat. it is frequently 
 dropped altogether. In the Gothic it is generally only preserved 
 in masculine substantives with vocalic stems, and in masculine 
 adjectives and pronouns. In the O.H.G. the substantives have 
 altogether lost it,while in adjectives and pronouns it has become r. 
 
 The neutral t of the pronominal forms has to a great extent 
 been lost. In the Greek it does not occur at all : in the Latin it has 
 
16 Introduction. 
 
 become d : id, Mud, quid, etc. In the Gothic it occurs in the 
 pronouns is, si, ita; English he, she, it; Old Irish e, si, ed; Gothic 
 sa, so, thata, Anglo-Saxon se, seo, thdt = Greek 6, q, to for ror= 
 Sanskrit tat. In the O. H. German it becomes z: Gothic third 
 person of the pronoun masc. is, neuter ita = 0. H. German masc. 
 ir sometimes er, neuter iz, sometimes ez. In the Gothic blindata, 
 godata, O.H.German plintaz, guotaz, M.H. German blindez, guo~ 
 tez, the ending ata, as above observed, is a suffixed pronoun, 
 and cannot consequently be considered as a proof that t was the 
 sign of the neuter, in other than the pronominal declension. In 
 many cases the neutral t has been replaced by m or n, which, 
 however, belonged originally to the accusative singular. 
 
 The grammatical signs or endings cannot always be directly 
 affixed to stems ; this is especially the case with those beginning 
 with a consonant, and where the stem ends consonantally. If 
 in such cases the ending were affixed directly, the final stem- 
 consonant would be rendered liable to change, and the mo- 
 dification may proceed so far as to render the stem unrecogni- 
 zable. Therefore a vowel is introduced between the stem and 
 the ending, which originally had a mere phonetic function, 
 and possessed no etymological or grammatical signification. 
 The vowel by itself is always short, and consesequently very 
 changeable. It is often an extremely difficult problem to dis- 
 tinguish between the vowel thus added and a derivational 
 vowel, and therefore between a derivational and stem-form. It 
 is also an important one : for this vowel, though originally having 
 no stem-forming or derivational character, has gradually come 
 to be looked upon as an integral part of the stem - ending, 
 and has even penetrated where it was not absolutely required. 7 
 It will be useful to call this stem-forming vowel in nominal 
 stems the Declension Vowel, in order to distinguish it from a 
 second vowel which is sometimes used as a mere copulative in 
 the oblique cases, and which is never an integral part of the stem- 
 ending. A similar stem-forming vowel is found in verbal stems. 
 
 Forms which must be looked upon as true stems are, however, 
 
 7 In Finnish nearly all the stems are two-syllabled. The first or root syllable 
 is accentuated, the second has a short vowel auslaut. This short rowel, unlike 
 the root-rowel, which is invariable, sounds differently according as the stem is 
 pronominal or verbal. It is a mere rhythmical addition to the root which some- 
 times acquires the signification of a derivational suffix, and has consequently a 
 striking analogy to the declension vowel of the Indo-European languages, and 
 makes Finnish stems appear very much like those in the Gothic, which will be 
 described further on as vocalic middle forms. The affixation of this vowel is 
 the only mode of stem-formation in the Finnish; in Hungarian it has been to a 
 great extent obliterated. It would be extremely interesting to trace this rhyth- 
 mical stem-forming vowel through the whole Finno-Tatarian Family. Here 
 however, it would be out of place to dwell further on the analogy. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 17 
 
 sometimes made by the addition of a whole syllable, the consonant 
 forming the auslaut, taking the place of the declension vowel. 
 The forms produced in this way approach nearer to the character 
 of derivatives than those obtained by the mere addition of the 
 declension vowel, — indeed many of them have the character of 
 true derivatives. 
 
 In the Greek nouns in ttjc, we have a perfectly analogous class 
 of stems formed by the addition of a syllable ending vocally 
 instead of consonantally ; they are, however, in part undoubted 
 derivatives formed by affixing the derivational suffix rn to an 
 already fully formed stem. We may call all such stems, formed by 
 the addition of a syllable to verbal or nominal stems, which thus 
 perform, as it were, the function of roots, Derivative Stems, and 
 treat of them as a distinct class of vocalic or consonantal stems, 
 according as the suffix ends in a vowel or a consonant. But 
 as there is a real logical distinction between the true stems 
 which start from the root, and these pseudo-stems which are 
 derivatives of true stems, it will be better not to consider such 
 pseudo-stems under the head of stems, but to refer all of them 
 to the category of derivatives. 
 
 We have accordingly three distinct classes of true nominal 
 stems as regards their relations to the grammatical endings: — 
 1, primary or pure stems, to which the nominative s is directly 
 affixed; 2, stems which require a vowel between them and the 
 ending ; and 3, stems formed by the addition of a syllable end- 
 ing in a consonant in place of a vowel. The second and third 
 classes may be called secondaiy stems or, better still, middle 
 forms, that is, intermediate between pure stems and true deri- 
 vatives. Of the pure stems some have vocalic and some conso- 
 nantal auslaut. The middle forms, produced by affixing a de- 
 clension vowel, may all be looked upon as vocalic ending stems, 
 while the middle forms, which result from affixing a consonantal 
 ending sjdlable, are consonantal stems. 
 
 The following table, to which I have likewise added the 
 derivative stems, will render the classification of stems above 
 given more intelligible : — 
 
 I. True Stems formed from the Root. 
 
 Vocalic Stems. Consonantal Steins. 
 
 1. Pure Stems. 1. Pure Stems. 
 
 2. Middle Forms produced by: 2. Middle forms or stems produced 
 
 a. affixing the declension vowels, by affixing a syllable ending 
 a i, u. consonantally to the root. 
 
 b. ya-stems, or, a-stems, with an 
 intercalated i (y) before the de- 
 clension vowel. 
 
18 Introduction. 
 
 II. Pseudo, or Derivative Stems. 
 
 3. Stems formed by the addition of 3. Stems formed by the addition of 
 
 a derivational suffix ending in a a derivational suffix, ending 
 
 vowel, to an already fully-formed consonantally, to an already 
 
 stem. fully-formed stem. 
 
 §. 5. Of Vocalic Stems. 
 
 Pure Stems. All monosyllabic nouns may, strictly speaking, 
 be considered to be pure stem-words, in which the nominal sign 
 is directly affixed to the stem without any intervening phonetic 
 material. Such nouns occur in the Greek and Latin, though 
 they are not numerous. 
 
 greek: root /a, stem k7, noun kl-q (masc. gen. ki-6q), ypavg 
 (ypa-oc) ; SpvQ, Qd)Q (roots Spy, Oo, stems Spy, #a>) possess still 
 more of the character of pure stems. Some forms usually included 
 under this category are undoubtedly not primitive pure vocalic 
 steins ; for example, (3ovg may perhaps be more properly reckoned 
 among the consonantal stems, as it stands for )3of-c (root bo). 
 
 latin. In the Latin there are extremely few forms which can 
 be considered, strictly speaking, as pure vocalic stems. Perhaps 
 the only form is grus, stem gru, for it is doubtful whether the r 
 in the plural vi-r-es of vis (stem vir?), — and in the old form of the 
 genitive sueris (su-er-is) o£sus, Sanskrit, su-kara, — be not organic 
 instead of being, as is generally supposed, merely euphonic. 
 
 ootric. In the Gothic a number of such monosyllabic 
 words, belonging to what is called the strong declension, is to 
 be found ; in the masculine and feminine they have the nomina- 
 tive sign s, while in the neuter no suffix can be found, and the 
 stem accordingly occurs in its naked form, e.g. : masc. jisk-s, 
 dag-s, balg-s; fern, anst-s; and neut. leik. These nouns corres- 
 pond with the Greek nouns derived from consonantal stems: 
 6pi%, a'/£, 7rvp, and the Latin nouns urb-s, pon-s, met. In the 
 nominative case, the analogy is complete; but if we compare 
 them through all their cases, we shall find that in the Greek 
 and Latin the nouns of this kind affix the case-endings to the 
 stem in exactly the same way throughout, namely, its nomi- 
 native directly, and the others by means of a copulative vowel, 
 which is the same in all the cases, while the Gothic nouns 
 take different vowels in the plural. For example : 
 
 Nom. and Voc. . . fisko-s balge-is 
 
 Gen. . . fiske balge 
 
 Dat. . . fiska-m balgi-m 
 
 Ace. . . fiska-ns balgi-ns. 
 
 It would appear from this, that the Gothic nouns under con- 
 sideration are only relics of more primitive forms, still preserved 
 
On Boots, Stems, and Derivatives. 19 
 
 in the plural, but blotted out in the singular. According to this 
 view, all the nominal steins must have been clothed with a voca- 
 lic auslaut, which was either a or i, and called by Grimm the 
 Declension Vowels, a term which I have extended above to the 
 corresponding vowels of the vocalic middle forms in the Greek 
 and Latin. The primitive form of fisk-s must therefore have 
 been fiska-s, and of balg-s, balgi-s — forms which approach very 
 close to the Latin, as may be seen by comparing the primitive 
 form of gast-s, gasti-s = Latin, hosti-s. The view just put for- 
 ward is supported by the circumstance that there exists a class 
 of nouns, in which the clothing or declension vowel of the stem 
 is u, that are not syncopated like those with the vowels a and i. 
 Although at first sight the Teutonic languages appear to contain 
 the largest number of pure stems, the preceding considerations 
 apparently show that there are no pure nominal stems in those 
 lansruaffes. On this account I will include the whole of those 
 Gothic nouns under the middle forms with vocalic auslaut. 
 
 Middle Forms ending vocally. The term middle form 
 implies that we have passed beyond the stem, but have not 
 yet arrived at a true derivative. The nouns derived from 
 those middle forms have the same analosrv to those obtained 
 from pure stems, that the Greek verbs m au), cw, ioj, etc. — as 
 TLfiad), <pi\(w, fieOvii), — have to some of those in jull, — as elfd, 
 <pr)jj.i, etc. The nominal middle forms have, however, much 
 less of a derivational character than the verbs above named; 
 so that, while always bearing their mode of genesis in mind, 
 we may consider them as vocalic stems. 
 
 As the primitive vowels were a, i, u, — 'e and o having been 
 formed later, — the primitive stem-forming vowels must have been 
 also a, i, u. To these were added at later language-periods e and 
 o, — e being formed by the softening of a, e of i, and o of a. There 
 is also a secondary u produced from a, which must not be con- 
 founded with the primitive u. We may consequently include 
 all vocalic steins under a-stems, z-stems, and w-stems. 
 
 i-stems. — I-stems approach closest to the character of pure 
 stems. In the Latin the i often becomes e; in the Greek it 
 sometimes becomes in the oblique cases e. 
 
 greek. — The masculines and feminines of the third declen- 
 sion in -ig, gen. -tog, -£ioc, belong to the z-stems ; e.g., (pvaig (-tog) 
 ttoXiq. There are no neuter nouns in i. The adjectives like 
 'ISpig, ISpi are of this class. 
 
 latin. — The masculines and feminines of the third declension 
 in is, and the feminines in es, which do not take an augmenting 
 syllable in the genitive, belong to the z-stems, as, liosti-s, civi-s, 
 aede-s; the i being changed in the latter into the long e charac- 
 
 3 
 
20 Introduction. 
 
 teristic of feminines. In neuters the i is changed into e, hut in 
 the plural the i again appears: mar-e, mar-is, mar-i-a. The 
 stems, brevi, dulci, levi, of the adjectives, brevis, dulcis, levis, 
 belong to this category. 
 
 gotsic. — Among the Gothic z-stems which correspond to the, 
 preceding, may be mentioned the primitive forms : masc, gastis, 
 gardis, balgis, existing in the Gothic, in the syncopated forms : 
 gasts, gards, balgs, but showing traces of the vocalic clothing of 
 the stem in the plural: nom., gasteis, gardeis, balgeis; fern., 
 dedis, vaurtis, syncopated in the Gothic to deds, vaurts; nom. 
 plur., dedeis, vaurteis. It will be seen from the preceding, that 
 the feminines also retain the nominative sign s, the feminine form 
 appearing to be marked by a gunation of the vowels of the 
 endings in the genitive and dative singular, thus : 
 
 Masc. Fern. 
 
 Nom. . . gast-s ded-s 
 
 Gen. . . gast-is ded-ais 
 
 Dat. . . gast-a ded-ai 
 
 As in the Greek there are no neuters formed from {-stems. 
 
 In addition to the feminines above discussed, and all of which 
 belong to the strong declension, there is another peculiar class of 
 {-stems belonging to feminine nouns of the weak declension, such 
 as 7nanagei, gen. manageins, which will be better understood 
 when I treat of the a-stems. 
 
 Adjectives derived directly from stems, and not through other 
 forms, although differing essentially from substantives in their 
 flexion, exhibited primitively the same distinction of stems into 
 a-, i-, and ?/-stems, corresponding to the Greek adjectives in og, 
 a, ov, and vg, eta, v ; and to the Latin in us, a, w, and in is, 
 e. But the primitive distinction is very much obscured in the 
 Gothic, in which, with the exception of traces, the {-stems have 
 wholly died out, while only a few of the ^i-stems remain ; and 
 even these pass in the oblique cases into the a-stems, with the 
 addition of a derivational i (see the discussion of this subject 
 under the head a-stems), so that the primitive character of the 
 stem is only recognizable in the nominative. In the Gothic 
 adjective there are consequently only a- and w-stems to be dis- 
 tinguished. 
 
 a-stems. — greek and latin. — The a-stems in the Greek and 
 Latin admit of being divided into two classes : — 
 
 1. Stems in which the primitive a has been preserved un- 
 changed, or changed into e, and which maybe subdivided into : 
 a. Stems with primitive short a. 
 /3. Stems with a or e. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 21 
 
 2. Stems in which the primitive a has been changed into o in 
 the Greek, and into u in the Latin. 
 
 A-stems with primitive short a. In the Greek the masculines 
 of the first declension in -ag, -vg are referred to this class, e.g., /3o- 
 pzag, 'Epfieiag contracted to 'EpfiriQ ; the nominative g is retained, 
 but the vowel is inorganically lengthened. In the Latin, also, onl y 
 the masculines of the first declension, which, like the feminines of 
 the same declension, have lost the nominative s, belong to this ca- 
 tegory, as, scriba, agri-cola, etc. Pott considers the long vowel as 
 the result of contraction. It is probable that all the words belong- 
 ing to this form are, in reality, derivatives in the second degree 
 from nominal and verbal stems, that is, they contain, besides the 
 nominative s, a second derivational element, which may still be 
 recognized in the Greek nouns in tt]q, as, 7ro\iTr}g, etc., in which 
 the derivational suffix is the syllable ttj, as has been already 
 pointed out in discussing the different classes of stems at p. 17. 
 
 A-stems with ci or e. As was stated above, feminine nouns 
 prefer long vowels and vocalic auslaut ; accordingly we find that 
 this class includes the feminines of the first declension in the 
 Greek and Latin, all of which have no nominative s. In the Latin 
 the a is invariably shortened, but in the Greek it is partly re- 
 tained, or changed into rj and partly into a, e. g., x^P"? Sikij, 
 <T<pvpa. While the vocative of the a-stems, with primitive short 
 a, appears as a rule with the organic short a, that of the stems 
 with a or e is the same as the nominative, and consequently 
 sometimes has an inorganic short a whenever the nominative has 
 one. The primitive long vowel has been preserved in the form 
 e, and likewise the nominative s, even in the vocative, in the 
 nouns from stems of this class, which belong to the Latin fifth 
 declension, which is but an older form of the first, e.g., di-e-s, 
 fid-e-s. Here also we meet with forms which appear to belong 
 to the class of vocalic stems obtained by means of a derivational 
 syllable-suffix, as described above, the analogy being strongly sup- 
 ported by their admitting of being declined either according to the 
 first or fifth declension, e.g., materies or materia, canities or canitia. 
 
 A-stems, in which the primitive a has been changed in the 
 Greek into o, and in the Latin into u. This change occurs in 
 the words of the second declension in og, ov, and its, um ; those 
 in og and us are, as a rule, masculine (as in the Sanskrit is always 
 masculine) ; there are some, however, exceptionally feminine, as 
 17 TCKpoog, fagus, etc. The vocative shortens o, u, to e, has orga- 
 nically no nominative s, and in the neuter is the same as in the 
 nominative. To this category belong the Greek adjectives in 
 oe, a (r?), ov, and the Latin ones in us, a, um. From this it 
 will be seen that the vowel is shortened in the feminine in the 
 
 b3 
 
22 Introduction. 
 
 Latin, but not in the Greek ; but, on the other hand, some Greek 
 adjectives of this category do not distinguish the feminine at all. 
 
 gothic. — To the Gothic a-stems belong the masculine, fe- 
 minine, and neuter forms corresponding to the Greek forms in 
 oc, a, ov, and the Latin ones in us, a, um, discussed above, and to 
 the Sanskrit in as, a, am. For example : masc. dags, fisks, etc., 
 which are syncopated forms from dagas, fiskas, etc., as I have 
 already fully described, nom. plur. dagos, fiskos, etc. ; fern, giba, 
 bida, etc., nom. plur. gibos, bidos, etc. ; neuter, vaurd, leik, etc. ; 
 nom. plur. vaurda, etc. The masculines have lost the a in the 
 singular, but retained it in the form of o in the nominative 
 plural, e in the genitive, and a in the dative and accusative (see 
 declension ofjisks, pp. 18, 25) ; the feminines have retained the a 
 in the oblique cases as a or o, but have no nominative s. The 
 neuter form has lost the a in the singular as well as the neuter 
 nominative sign, if it ever had such : — the full form of the nomi- 
 native singular of vaurd, for instance, should have been vaurdat, 
 if we admit t to be the neutral sign of nouns, more probably 
 it was vaurdam = Latin verbum; it has retained it in the plural 
 vaurda. 
 
 I have already spoken of the Gothic adjectives, and here it is 
 only necessary to add that, although the distinction between the 
 clothing vowels of the stems was earlier obscured, and to a greater 
 extent in the case of the adjectives than in that of the substantives, 
 the signs of the genders have been much better preserved. In- 
 deed, in the latter respect the Gothic adjectives belonging to the 
 a-stems have endings of a much more primitive form than either the 
 Greek or the Latin, or even than the Sanskrit. 8 These endings 
 are s, a, ata, or, in the primitive form, s, a, t, as for example : — 
 
 Masc. Fern. Neut. 
 
 Primitive organic form . . bhnd-a-s blind-a blind-a-t 
 
 Syncopated Gothic form . . blind -s blind-a blind- a-ta 
 
 ya- (ya-) or ia-stems. — Besides the primitive a-stems, above 
 described, there exists another class of stems, which, as they do 
 not give rise to any essentially peculiar flexion, may be con- 
 sidered as a class of secondary forms of the simple a-stems. 
 They are formed by the intercalation of an i (y) between the 
 stem and the declension- vowel, and may accordingly be dis- 
 tinguished" as ya- {yd-) stems. 9 In the Gothic the stems of this 
 class are usually considered to be middle-forms, properly so 
 called, the Gothic a-stems being reckoned as pure sterns. I 
 
 8 On the assumption that t was the primitive neuter gender sign, which is not, 
 however, generally admitted. Bopp considers the ending -ata to be a suffixed 
 pronoun. See § 4, p. 15. 
 
 9 Ya- masculine and neuter ; Yd- feminine. 
 
On Roots. Stems, and Derivatives. 
 
 zo 
 
 think I was justified, however, in classing them along with the 
 middle forms of the Greek and the Latin, and, this being so, in 
 considering that the ya- {yd-) stems approached still nearer to 
 true derivational forms than any of those yet mentioned. 
 
 The Greek and Latin forms which come under this category, 
 are the substantives and adjectives in tog, la, iov, ius, ia, 
 ium — e. g., Kvpiog, 'idiog ; filius, medius, media, medium. 
 
 As the only forms of this kind referred to in Dr. Ebel's paper 
 are Gothic, and as the object of this sketch is merely intended 
 to elucidate that paper, I will not further consider the Greek 
 and Latin ia-(id-)stems \i)a-{y&-) stems], and will accordingly 
 confine myself to a few observations upon the Gothic ones. 
 
 In the Gothic the intercalated y is firmly retained before the 
 endings through all the cases, e. g. : haryis instead of hari-s 
 (the primitive organic form of which would be haria-s) ; gen. 
 haryis; dat. harya, etc. In the Old High German the nom. sing, 
 alone retains it. If the stem-syllable be long, or ends in two 
 consonants, yi changes into ei: Goth, hairdeis instead of hairdi-s 
 (the primitive form of which would be hairdia-s) ; O. H. G. hirti, 
 gen. hirtes; M. H. G. hirte, gen. hirtes. In the Modern High 
 German it passes into the weak declension: der hirte, des hirten. 
 Some of the feminines of this category retain the full organic 
 form, such as vrakya, braky a; and in some the i is even preserved 
 in the Old High German as y or e, as for example, suntya; 
 while other words throw off the a, e. g., Goth. — bandi, kunthi, 
 instead of bandya, kunthya. 
 
 The distinction between the a and the ?/a-stems disappears in 
 the masculines and feminines when the a and i of the Old Higrh 
 
 o 
 
 German are softened into e, — the two forms then coinciding; 
 the existence of such a distinction being only betrayed by the 
 umlaut of the stem-vowel in the ya series. The same observation 
 applies to the neuters, one example of which will suffice to show 
 their forms, e.g.: Goth, kuni, gen. kunyis, instead of the full or- 
 ganic form kunya-t, or kunya-m, or kuny-a; O.H.G. chunn-i, gen. 
 chunn-es, the i being dropped, as was already noticed in the case 
 of the masculines, in all the cases except the nom. sing. In the 
 Middle High German the i becomes & as in the other genders : 
 kunne, in which the umlaut of the stem-vowel betrays the pa- 
 stern. In N.H.G. frequently even the final e is dropped, as, 
 Goth, badi (from *badya), O.H.G. betti, M.H.G. bette, N.H.G. 
 bett, Engl. bed. 
 
 The adjective forms of the ya-stems are exactly analogous to 
 the substantives. In the Middle and New High German the cha- 
 racter of the stem is betrayed only by the umlaut. The striking 
 analogy between some of the Gothic and Latin adjective forms 
 
24 Introduction. 
 
 of the ?/a-stems, is well shown by the following comparison: 
 Lat. — medius, media, medium = Goth. — midis, midya, midyata. 
 
 CONSONANTAL STEMS CHANGED INTO VOCALIC (A- AND I-) 
 
 stems. — Some Latin ?z-stems drop the n in the nom. sing., e.g. : 
 in on, — homo, ordo, margo, of which the full forms with the no- 
 minative s should be, homons, ordons, margons; in on, — leo, 
 latro, carbo, the full forms of which should be, leon-s, latron-s, 
 carbons; the feminine verbal nouns in io, which is obviously 
 ion, with the n dropped — actio, ratio, statio, etc., the full forms 
 of which should be, actions, rations, stations. These nouns 
 give us in the inorganic form of their nom. sing, apparent 
 vocalic stems. A comparison between the full organic forms of 
 the verbal nouns, which are undoubted derivatives in the second 
 degree, and those of the other examples given above, affords 
 strong grounds for believing that the latter also are derivational 
 forms of the second degree. Except in not having a final n in 
 the nom. sing., these nouns are perfectly analogous, in all the other 
 cases, to the Latin nouns in in, especially to those in which the i 
 is softened to e in the nom. sing., e. g., pecten, etc. ; and the verbal 
 nouns flumen, tegmen, lumen, carmen, etc., and may be compared 
 with the Greek cucrig, gen. clktXvoq ; \ijiy\v, gen. Xifiivog ; arjdtjv, 
 gen. arjSovog; zlkwv, gen. zlicovog; \elju(i)v, gen. Xei/uwvog. 
 
 There is a class of Greek nouns, chiefly feminine, which 
 at first sight appear to form their stems in w, and which, as a 
 rule, do not take the nominative s, e.g.: 17 ttuOco, gen. 7rei06og, 
 the 0) being shortened to o ; 17 ?/x&>, S en - ^X°°£' e ^ c - Some are, 
 however, formed with the g , as 77 alSwg, gen. alSoog, the w being 
 shortened; ?jpwc gen. ijpbyog, etc., without the shortening of the 
 ii). According to Curtius, all these forms are the relics of muti- 
 lated w-stems. 10 There is an obvious difference, however, be- 
 tween them and the Latin forms homo, etc., with which, if this 
 hypothesis be correct, they would connect themselves, namely, 
 that the n appears regularly in the oblique cases of all the Latin 
 nouns, not only of those ending vocally in the nominative, but 
 even of those which take the nominative s, as sanguis, which is 
 evidently for sanguins. 
 
 In the Gothic, a class of nouns with vocalic auslaut is also found, 
 which exhibit a remarkable analogy with the Latin nouns just 
 discussed; for example, guma, Eng. g(r)oom, gen. gumins, which 
 may be equated with the Latin homo, gen. hominis; rathyo, gen. 
 rathyons, with the Latin ratio, gen. rationis; namo, gen. namins; 
 
 10 This hypothesis of Curtius, by which w, wc, ag, ar, are considered to be=: 
 a v, is, to say the least, extremely improbable. Ahrens is more likely right in 
 rsgarding aidug , etc., as original c-stems, to which a y (i) is superadded. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 
 
 25 
 
 nom. plur. namna, with the Latin nomen, gen. nominis; nom. 
 plur. nomina. The reasonable conclusion from this is, that these 
 vocalic forms are in reality consonantal n-stems, having more or 
 less of a true derivational character. According to this hypo- 
 thesis, their full nominative forms should be, guman-s, rathyon-s. 
 This hypothesis receives considerable support from the fact that 
 several of those forms have again taken up n in the Modern High 
 German, e. g. : 
 
 Gothic. 
 
 garda, 
 namo, 
 
 Old High 
 German. 
 
 bogo, . . 
 grabo, krapo, 
 garto, 
 
 namo 
 
 Middle High 
 German. 
 
 grabe, . 
 garte, 
 
 name. 
 
 Modern High 
 German. 
 
 . bogen. 
 
 . graben. 
 
 . garten. 11 
 (name and 
 ^also namen. 
 
 Probably all the foregoing examples may be referred to 
 n-stems ; but there is likewise a class of feminine nouns, which, 
 considering them as vocalic stems, may be classed as z-stems, 
 and which in the Gothic end in the diphthong ei, e.g.: audagei, 
 managei, gen. manageins, etc. ; they present the same peculia- 
 rities of inflexion as the others above mentioned, as will be shown 
 further on. In this case also we are led to the conclusion that 
 they are w-stems which have thrown off the n, not only by the 
 analogy of inflexion, but also by the fact that the greater part of 
 this class of nouns take up an n in the nominative in the O. H. 
 German; we thus get, along with maniki, manakin, while in 
 the N. H. German we have menge, unlike the a-stems. So also 
 O.H.G. odhin and odi, N.H.G. oede, O.H.G. sterchin, N.H.G. 
 stdrke. 
 
 The dropping of the n does not, as has been already remarked, 
 affect the declension of the Latin or Greek nouns ; but it is not 
 so in the Germanic languages, where a peculiar declension has 
 been developed, known as the weak declension, in contradistinc- 
 tion to the strong or true declension of words like fisks, dags, etc. 
 The difference will be better understood by the following com- 
 parison : 
 
 Strong : Nom. sing, fisks ; gen. fiskis ; dat. fiska ; ace. fisk ; plur. nom. fiskos. 
 Weak: „ nana; „ hanins; ,, hanin;,, hanan; „ hanans. 
 
 All the nouns of the class we have been here considering 
 
 11 Besides garda, there is also in the Gothic the word gards (plural gardeis)= 
 house, family, etc. ; but evidently having the meaning of garden also, as is 
 proved by veingards=vineya,rd ; aurtigards=orch.Sird. The German garten= 
 English garden, could not, however, be obtained from it ; but, on the other hand, 
 the English yard (as in court-yard) is derived from it. 
 
2Q Introduction. 
 
 belong to the weak declension, the great peculiarity of which is 
 the addition of an n to all the endings of the cases, except the 
 nominative singular and dative plural. It belongs to adjectives 
 as well as to substantives, but while the latter decline exclusively 
 strong or weak, adjectives may be declined according to either 
 declension. The weak adjective declension corresponds with that 
 of the substantive ; its chief peculiarity is that of having in the 
 nominative singular vocalic auslaut in all three genders, e. g. : 
 
 p .* . (Masc. fern, neut. 
 
 (blinda, blindd, blindo. 
 
 The same vowels characterise the genders of the substantive^ 
 e.g.: masc. hana; fern, tuggo; neut. hairto. In the Old High 
 German the masculine a and the feminine change to and a. 
 In Middle and New High German both the a and become e, so 
 that all genders end alike. This change is not, however, con- 
 fined to the vowels ; for although in the Gothic the case-endings 
 are not affected by the addition of the n, the genitive s is dropped 
 in Old High German, and ha?iins becomes hanin. In the Middle 
 High German, the uniform ending en took the place of all the 
 various endings, both singular and plural, with the exception of 
 the nominative singular. 
 
 The existence of the s in such Latin forms as sanguis (for 
 sa?iguin-s), which belong to the same class as ratio, no-men, 
 etc., justify, as I think, the additions of that nominative sign, in 
 reconstructing the full organic nominative forms of those and 
 similar nouns. For its addition in the analogous German nouns, 
 I have the great authority of J. Grimm ; but Bopp's discovery 
 that the primitive nominative sign in the Indo-European 
 language was s, places the matter beyond doubt. It is right, 
 however, to state that some philologists, amongst others Heyse, 
 consider that the full organic forms never had s. A full discus- 
 sion of this point, however important, is incompatible with the 
 limits of our space, and would be in other respects foreign to the 
 specific objects for which this introduction has been written. 
 
 u-stems. — greek. Under this head come the Greek words in 
 vg of the third declension, which retain the v in the oblique cases, 
 e.g.: nom. 6 \\Bv-g, voc. \x®v, gen. \ydv-og, etc., neut. clottv. 
 
 latijv. The Latin w-stems belong exclusively to the words 
 declined according to the fourth declension, such as those in its: 
 they are chiefly masculine, but also exceptionally feminine, e. g., 
 manus, socrus, etc. ; verbal nouns in tics, which may be con- 
 sidered to be true derivatives in the second stage, and to which 
 the observations made at p. 17 respecting derivative stems con- 
 sequently apply, e.g., ductus; neuters in ft, e.g., covnu. The nouns 
 
On Roots , Stems, and Derivatives. 27 
 
 of tlie second declension, which appear to contain i^-stems, are 
 a-stems, the a having been replaced by u. This secondary u is 
 much more unstable than the primitive u of the fourth declen- 
 sion, which is never suppressed by the vowel of the ending, but, 
 on the contrary, absorbs the latter in the genitive singular and 
 nominative and accusative plural, e.g., fructus, instead of fruc- 
 tuis, fructues. It has not wholly resisted modification, however, 
 having been, in most cases, softened into i in the dative and ab- 
 lative plural, e.g., from the older fructub us, has come fructibus; 
 in others, however, it has remained unchanged, as in acubus, 
 lacubus. The whole declension may be considered as a con- 
 tracted secondary form of the third declension. 
 
 gothic. The Gothic words founded on w-stems correspond 
 exactly with the Greek words in vg of the third declension, and 
 the Latin ones in us and u of the fourth. Unlike the Gothic a- 
 and z-stems, the w-stems are not syncopated, and consequently we 
 get them in their primitive organic forms, the masculine and femi- 
 nine taking the s in the nominative singular, e.g.: masc. vulthus, 
 sunns, nom. plur. sunyus; fern, liandus, nom. plur. liandyus, 
 vrithus, etc. The neuter exhibits no trace of a peculiar sign t 
 or m, e. g., faihu. The masculines and neuters preserve the u 
 in the singular in the Old High German, but lose the nomina- 
 tive s, e. g., sunu, vihu, etc. In the plural the i^-stems pass into 
 the Osteins ; and in the Aliddle High German they altogether 
 disappear, the masculines and feminines becoming confounded 
 with the z-stems, and the neuters with the a-stems. 
 
 I have already mentioned that the primitive distinction between 
 the a-, i-, and i^-stems was very much obscured in the case of ad- 
 jectives; and that, with the exception of traces, the ^-sterns had 
 wholly died out. The z^-forms of the adjective, which were not 
 very numerous, took s in the nominative of both the masculines 
 and feminines, but the neuters had no sign of gender, e. g.: nom. 
 masc. and fern, hardus; neut. hardu. The w-forms died out in 
 the Old High German, leaving for all adjectives only a-stems. 
 
 § 6. Of Consonantal Stems. 
 
 Pure Stems, s-stems. — greek and latin. — 6 juvg, (inus.) gen. 
 fivog, which stands for f±v<j-og,=muris for mus-is. In the forms 
 like ovg, gen. &)T-6g — (pug, gen. (faor-og, etc., either the r has be- 
 come g, or the nominative s has inorganically affixed itself, in 
 which case the t dropped out. In either case these forms belong 
 primitively to dental tenuis-stems, and not to the s-stems. Mus, 
 Jlos, mas, without the nominative sign. Except in vds, vdsis, s be- 
 comes r in Latin in the oblique cases, as it stands between vowels. 
 It sometimes appears duplicated, as in os, ossis, but here it stands for 
 st (compare oariov). 
 
28 Introduction. 
 
 STEMS WITH SONANT AUSLAUTS. (SEMI-VOWELS, M, L, N, R, NG). 
 
 — greek and latin: semi-vowels — nix for nigv-s, bos for bov-s, 
 etc. ; l-stems — aX-e, sal; n-stems — pig for piv-g , the liquid having 
 dropped out; (pp{)v, without the nominative sign; Pan, without 
 the nominative suffix; r-stems — x £ 'P' ^ ? /p> etc -' ft ir > without the 
 nominative signs. 
 
 STEMS WITH MEDIAL AUSLAUTS. GREEK AND LATIN: b'StetUS 
 
 <p\£\p for (p\if3-g, the -g being the nominative suffix ; urb-s, scobs; 
 d-stems — irovg for irod-g ; pes for ped-s; vas for vads, the dental 
 having dropped out ; g-stems — (p\6E, for (p\6y-g ; lex for leg-s, rex 
 for reg-s. 
 
 STEMS WITH TENUIS AUSLAUTS. GREEK AND LATIN: p-stemS 
 
 yv\p for yvir-g ; ops, etc. ; t-stems — <£we for (j>wr-g ; dens for dent-s, 
 pons for ponts, etc. ; h-stems — Xu-yJ for Xv^k-c, <7<£)'j? for o-0/jk-c ; 
 ^>a# for pac-s. 
 
 STEMS WITH ASPIRATED MUTE AUSLAUTS. GREEK: OplZ, for 
 
 rpix-Qi fo'lK for fiiix-Q- 
 
 gothic. — It has been shown m a previous section, that pure 
 consonantal stems, properly so called, do not exist in the Gothic, 12 
 and that the forms which at first sight might come in here, belong 
 rather to the vocalic middle forms, under which they have accord- 
 ingly been treated. I shall merely give here a few examples of 
 forms which might otherwise have come under the respective 
 categories above given for the Greek and Latin: saivs, fraiv; 
 bagms, liilm; stols,mel; stiur,figgvs; stabs, lamb; sands, land; 
 hugs, gagg; hup-s, skip; shufts, beist; striks, leik; munths, etc. 
 
 Consonantal Middle Forms. — The nominative of some of 
 the forms which come under this head exhibit the complete stem, 
 which in the oblique case may be unrecognizable, owing to let- 
 ter-changes or the dropping of letters. In most cases, however, 
 the stem can be better determined from the oblique cases, in 
 consequence of the nominative s, or the change of the vowel of 
 the affixed syllable so altering the appearance of the stem in the 
 nominative as to render it unrecognizable. The form of the stem 
 to which the case-endings in the oblique cases are affixed is 
 usually called the Thema, to distinguish it from the true stem- 
 form, with which it sometimes coincides, but generally not. 
 The neuter form of adjectives is best adapted for determining 
 their stems. 
 
 s-stems. — In studying the stems of this class, we should be 
 careful to distinguish the s-stems proper from words with the 
 auslaut s, in some of which the s is secondary, being formed by 
 
 12 Perhaps baurgs (f), a castle, town, gen. sing. nom. plur. baurgs; Gatk (n. 
 m.) gen. Guths, and some besides, are exceptions. 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 29 
 
 the softening of a t, etc., and in others it is the nominative 5, be- 
 fore which the liquid n and the mutes d and t have dropped out. 
 
 greek. — Neuters of the third declension in oc ( = Sanskrit as) 
 which show the pure stem in the nominative ; in the oblique 
 cases the o becomes e, and the g drops out, e. g. — yiv-og, gen. 
 ytv-s-og for yiv-za-og, and contracted to yiv-ovg. Adjectival 
 substantives in rig, sog = ovg, e.g., r) rpnjorjc ; — forms of this kind 
 may be considered as true derivatives. Adjectives in r\g, Eg, 
 e.g.: <ra(j>Y}g, vcKpig, gen. aa^-i-og for vaty-ia-og, and contracted to 
 (jacpovg. 
 
 latin. — To this category belong certain isolated masculine 
 and feminine substantives in Os, such as, honos, arbos, the s of 
 which was afterwards softened to r. The adjective vetus comes 
 under this head also. The substantives in is and us — pulv-is, 
 cin-is, Ven-iis, tell-us, are most probably r-stems, in which the r 
 has dropped out before the nominative s. Neuters of the third 
 declension in us (= Greek og), the affixed syllable us being 
 weakened before the oblique case-endings to or or er, e.g. : 
 corp-us, gen. corp-us-is, weakened to corp-or-is, genus, gen. 
 gen-us-is, weakened to gen-er-is. 
 
 stems with sonant auslauts. — The steins which come under 
 this category are : in the Greek those in v, p ; in the Latin and the 
 Gothic I, n, r. M does not occur as the auslaut of a stem in either 
 the Greek or the Latin. The pure stem is preserved in the nomi- 
 native in the neuter, — the vowel being always short in the Greek. 
 The other genders are distinguished in the Greek either by the 
 nominative s, before which the liquid drops out, or especially in 
 the feminines, by lengthening the vowel of the formational or 
 affixed syllable. No such distinction of gender occurs in the 
 Latin, the nominative s having given way to the liquid in almost 
 every case, except in a very few instances, e.g., sanguis for san- 
 guin-s. 
 
 L-stems: stem-forming syllable it — masc. Latin pugil, mugil. 
 
 N-stems: stem-forming syllable an — Greek neuter adjective 
 juiXav ; an — masc. iraiav, gen. iraiavog ; en — \ijur)v, gen. Xijuiv- 
 og, en — -"EXXrjv, gen. (l EX\r}vog ; in softened to en in the nomi- 
 native in peeten, and in the derivational suffix of verbal nouns, 
 -men, gen. -minis, e.g. — lumen, flumen, etc.; In — clktlv for clkt'iv- 
 g; on — Greek adjective iriirov, masc. substantives Sai/uwv, gen. 
 Sai/uiovog ', on — \eijuu)v, gen. Xsiiuiovog. To the preceding may 
 be added the nouns with vocalic auslaut, which are considered 
 to have thrown off the n, and which I have already discussed, 
 as, homo, Macedo, carbo, etc. 
 
 R-stems : stem-forming syllable ar — vitcrap, Latin Caesar, 
 Gothic Kaisar, fadar; ar — calcar, gen. calcaris; er — 6 ario g en - 
 
30 Introduction. 
 
 aipog, Latin anser; er—tcpanip — in this and similar words the 
 stem-forming syllable may be considered to be Tt)p, and to be a 
 derivational one for verbal nouns ; or — pijrojp, gen. prjTopog — 
 here the stem-forming suffix is rop, which may be compared 
 with the Latin ones in tor and sor, e.g., lector, cursor; — marmor 
 is produced, however, by duplication and not by suffix; ur — 
 masc. augur, gen. auguris, in which the u remains unchanged in 
 the genitive case ; turtur is a stem also formed by duplication ; 
 neuters which retain the u in the oblique cases — sulfur and the 
 duplicated stem, murmur; neuters which soften the u to o — 
 femur, gen. femoris, etc. 
 
 stems with medial AUSLAUTS. — Stem-form i rig syllables : ib — 
 adjective caelebs, gen. caelibis; ilb — 6 \aXv^, for yaXvfig, gen. 
 XaXvfiog; del — Xajunrag, gen. XajuiraSog, lampas, gen. lampddis; 
 ed — merces, gen. mercedis; id — iX-irlg, gen. kX-niSog, cuspis, gen. 
 cuspidis, praeses, gen. praesidis ; id — Kpijirig, gen. KpnTrlcog; od — - 
 custos, gen. custodis; ud — palus, gen. paludis. Ag is not found 
 either in the Greek or Latin; eg — lelex, gen. lelegis; ig — remex, 
 gen. remigis; ug — —ripv^, for irripvy-g (in the Greek the nomina- 
 tive s fuses with the labial mute b and in the Greek and Latin 
 with the palatals), gen. irripvyog. 
 
 stems with tenuis auslauts. — Stem-forming syllables: dp 
 — r) XcuXaip for \aT\cnr-g, gen. XalXairog ; ip — adeps, gen. adipis. 
 Princeps and similar words do not come here, as they are tine 
 compound words in which one of the constituent steins is the 
 pure stem ceps. Op and dp occur only in stems forming consti- 
 tuents of compound words, e. g., kvkXu)^/, gen. KvuXioirog, etc. 
 At — a great number of the Greek forms in at throw off the t in 
 the nominative, and are, therefore, somewhat analogous to the 
 Latin w-stems homo, ordo, etc., which throw off the n, e.g., aCjfia, 
 oro/uLa, Spajua, irpayiia, etc., which form their genitive in roc- 
 Sometimes r is replaced in the nominative by p or g, e.g., rjirap, 
 gen. r\7rarog ; Kpsag, gen. Kpiarog. To the same category belong 
 such forms in it, as jmiXi, gen. juzXirog. The Latin forms which 
 may be referred to stems in at, at, et, and et, drop the t in the 
 nominative, but retain the s, e.g., anas, libertas, teges (the e be- 
 comes long after a vowel, as in abies), quies. So likewise the 
 Greek forms in et and it, such as : lading, gen. eaOiJTog ; x^9 L ^-> 
 etc. The Latin forms in it have the i softened to e, e.g., miles, 
 gen. militis. The following forms also occur: it — Samnis, plur. 
 Samnltes; ot — 'ipwg, gen. zptorog; nepos, gen. nepotis; ut — salus, 
 gen. salutis. 
 
 To this category belong also the Greek forms in k and the 
 Latin in c, of which it will only be necessary to mention a very 
 few. Stem-forming syllables : qk, ac — iriva% for rrlvaK-g (we may 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 31 
 
 also add here the forms in -a/cr, as ava*, gen. avaaroQ) ; ah, dc — 
 OwpaZ; fornax, and the adjectives having the derivational suffix 
 ac, such as audax, capax, which inorganically retain the nomi- 
 native s in the neuter; ek, ec — aXwirr)^, gen., a\u)7T£Kog, the 
 neuter lialec, or, fused with the nominative s, masc, halex; ik, w 
 and Ic — (potviZ,, salix, gen., salTcis, radix, gen., radicis; 6c — Cap- 
 padox; oc,ferox; vk, uc — Kfjpus, gen., KripvKog, Pollux. 
 
 There are also in the Greek stems in vr, v6 but not in v$ ; in 
 the Gothic there are also stems in n, (t), and ?id, but as 
 my object is rather to show what stems are, than to give a de- 
 tailed account of all their forms, I will not dwell further upon 
 this part of the subject. 
 
 §.7. Of Derivation. 
 
 Having so often spoken of derivation as distinguished from 
 middle forms, and ya-stems, I think it will not be out of place 
 if I say a few additional words upon the subject here. Deriva- 
 tives are words formed by the addition of affixes to verbal, 
 nominal, and other stems. The affixes employed for this pur- 
 pose are of two kinds : 1 . Affixes consisting of single letters or 
 syllables, which in their present state are not only not inde- 
 pendent words, but cannot even be traced up with certainty to 
 independent words, though having a definite symbolical significa- 
 tion which modifies the meaning of the stem. 2. Syllabic af- 
 fixes which afford evidence of their having been once indepen- 
 dent words, but which in process of time have been modified 
 and have lost that character. 
 
 I have already remarked that Stem-formation cannot always 
 be absolutely distinguished from Derivation; this is especially 
 true in the case of the stems called middle forms, and derivatives 
 formed by the derivational affixes of the first kind, which often 
 consist of only a single letter. In discussing the different kinds 
 of stems, I have pointed out some examples of this difficulty in 
 the case of the Greek nouns in rrjc, the verbal nouns in rop, rr\p, 
 tor, sor, and men, for which I proposed the term Derivative Stems, 
 that is pseudo-stems formed upon already-existing stems, and not 
 starting from roots, as all true stems do. The derivatives formed 
 by the second kind of affixes are much less liable to be confounded 
 with true stems ; they often have, indeed, almost the character of 
 compound words, that is, of words formed by the union of two 
 or more stems. The proper distinction between Stem-forma- 
 tion and Derivation will, however, be best understood from a 
 few examples of the different kinds of words which are formed 
 by the latter process. From one kind of verbal form we may 
 derive several others, thus, by the addition of the suffixes (Gr.) 
 
32 Introduction. 
 
 cnc, (Lat.) sc, we get inchoative verbs, as, j3ock:cl> from /3ow, cresco 
 from, creo; by trie suffixes (Lat.) it, etc. (N.H.G.) er, etc., we get 
 frequentatives, as, cogito from cogo, Mapper n from Happen; by trie 
 suffixes (Lat.) #£, ul, etc. (N.H.G.) ^ 5 we obtain diminutives, as, 
 scribillo from scribo, ustulo from im), nstum, sduseln from sansen; 
 by tlie (Lat.) suffix ess we get intensives, as, capessere from 
 capere; by tlie (Lat) suffix wW, we get desideratives, as, esurio 
 from edo, esum. Or we may derive verbs from nouns by tlie ad- 
 dition of such suffixes as (Gr.) a, &v, aiv, etc. (Lat.) are, ere, ire, 
 etc., e.g., Anraw from Xiirag, icoXaictvii) from icoXat,, Xevkciivw from 
 Xzvicog, nominare from nomen, lucere from Zw«#, finire from finis. 
 We may in turn derive nouns from verbs, thus by the addition 
 of the suffixes (Gr.) evg, ™?C? rwp, fxog, etc. (Lat.) tor, tio or ti-on, 
 etc. (N.H.G.) el, ung, ing, t, d, etc., we get substantives such as 
 ypa(f)£vg from ypafyu), ttolyittiq from 7roi£(x>, 'Vijrwp from piw, 
 hvfjfiog from Svld ; victor from vinco, actio from a^o; Hebel from 
 lieben, Reibung from reiben, Findling from finclen, Macht from 
 7no gen, Jagd from jag en; and by the addition of the suffixes 
 (Lat.) ac, 5z7fs, fe, etc., we get adjectives, as loquax (for loquac-s) 
 from loquor, placabUis from placo , facilis from facio. So in like 
 manner we may get different kinds of substantives from one kind, 
 such as diminutives, feminines, etc. ; adjectives from substantives, 
 and the converse; adverbs from adjectives, etc., of which, how- 
 ever, we need not give examples. 
 
 The greater number of the affixes mentioned in the preceding 
 examples belong to the first kind. Those of the second class, 
 being, on the other hand, of greater phonetic dimensions, have been 
 less intimately fused with the stem, and consequently their histo- 
 rical development out of independent words can be more clearly 
 traced. This kind of derivation was originally without doubt 
 simple composition of the same kind as that by which compound 
 words are still formed in living languages. It is the first stage 
 of amalgamation from the mere agglutination which takes place 
 in the formation of such words, as, penknife, moonshine, etc. 
 Its transitional character is made still more evident by the cir- 
 cumstance that the affixes of this class are prefixes as well as 
 suffixes, and that the former differs from particle composition in 
 this only, that in the latter, two independent words still existing in 
 the language, combine together, while in the former, an indepen- 
 dent stem combines with a letter or stem not now independent. 
 
 In the Greek and Latin the derivatives of the second class are 
 neither so well marked nor so numerous as in the Germanic lan- 
 guages. The suffixes -aSrjc, -cpopog, -fex, -dicus, etc., are really 
 stems, and consequently we may consider w^ords ending in them 
 to be compound words, rather than derivatives, e. g., OsotiSfjg, 
 
On Roots, Stems, and Derivatives. 33 
 
 KavntyopoQ, artifex, mendicus, etc- In the English we have a 
 number of well marked derivational suffixes of this class; e.g., 
 -7i00^ = N.H.G. -heit, Goth, haidus, way, condition, as for instance, 
 girlhood; -sAzp=N.H.G. -schaft, O.H.G. scaf, shape, property, 
 etc., as partnership ; -c?om=N.H.G. -thum, Goth, dom, primitively, 
 judgment, tribunal, dignity or condition of a person in general, 
 as, for instance, dukedom; -some, a stem which signifies similarity, 
 and, hence, Goth, sama, Eng. same, e.g., handsome; -fo/ = N.H.G. 
 -lich, Goth, leiks, O.H.G. licit, Eng. like, similar, equal. Compare 
 in the Romance languages the Italian suffix -mente, Fr. -ment 
 (e.g., sainement, purement), from the Lat. mens. 
 
 § 8. Of Composition. 
 Composition is the union of two or more stems, or even words 
 with grammatical endings, so as to form one word, and may be 
 looked upon as the highest stage of word-formation. Some lan- 
 guages possess the power of forming compound words with great 
 facility, especially the Greek and Sanskrit. Among modern 
 languages, German possesses it to some extent. Two kinds of 
 Composition may be distinguished, the Synthetical and Parathe- 
 tical. The first kind is where the first word loses its inflection, 
 that is, occurs as a stem, and the last alone is inflected; the 
 second kind consists of mere juxtaposition, each element of the 
 compound retaining its inflexion. The parathetical may be con- 
 sidered to be the first stage of composition. Particle composi- 
 tion, such as that by which componnd verbs are formed by pre- 
 fixing prepositions, comes under the category of parathetical 
 composition In the older language-periods a copulative vowel 
 was frequently introduced between the constituent words — a 
 phenomenon which offers a remarkable analogy to the stem 
 copulative vowel. In the Greek, this vowel was generally o, 
 seldomer i, or e; in the Latin i, and exceptionally o, or u; in the 
 Old High German it was generally a, afterwards e; and in the 
 Modern German, as in the English, it has dropped out, 13 or an s, 
 and in the former language an en, which are flexional endings, 
 have taken its place, e. g., ^/^(o^po^oc, carn(i)fex, nacht(i)gall, 
 Hulf(s)buch, Tasch(en)buch, doom(s)day. It is worthy of remark 
 that the English word night(iii)gale presents a kind of transition 
 between the simple copulative i and the more usual Modern Ger- 
 man en. The copulative vowel belonged, in the older languages, 
 only to noun forms, and not to those obtained by the union of 
 verbs and particles. Combination is sometimes accompanied by 
 phonetic changes in one or both of the constituents ; such, for ex- 
 ample, as that which takes place in the stem-vowel in the Latin 
 
 13 It is, however, sometimes retained in N. H.G., as in Tage-buch. 
 
34 Introduction. 
 
 verbs, legere, colligere, and which has been already noticed when 
 
 discussing the subject of progressive assimilation, etc. 
 
 One of the constituents of a compound word represents the 
 fundamental idea or basis of the conception; the other, the 
 secondary idea by which the former is determined, modified, or 
 limited. The former may be compared to the root of a word. 
 and the latter to the grammatical affixes : with this difference, 
 however, that the latter are chiefly suffixes, while in compound 
 words the fundamental word is usually the last member ; the qua- 
 lifying word is consequently prefixed, eg., bride-grc: i. al.iss-wbi- 
 dow, and window-glass. In some Greek verbal nouns the reverse 
 position of the constituent members is apparent, e.g., <hi\6\oM:,c, 
 etc. It was probably the oldest form of composition, but has 
 almost wholly disappeared from written language, even from the 
 Sanskrit. Curiously enough, it exists both in the spoken English, 
 French, and German, e.g., breakfast, tire-botte, taugenichts. This 
 circumstance is interesting as to the question of the origin oi 
 f.rhxes 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ON THE CA$E-E>T>IX-ItS OF XOtEVS IX THE CHIEF ESE0O- 
 E UK OP E A\~ E AN OUAGE S. 
 
 §. 1. TJie Accusative Singular, 
 
 As the classification of stems discussed in the foregoing chapter 
 is based upon the manner in which they become nouns by 
 afrixing the nominative sign, I was obliged so far to anticipate 
 the subject of flexional endings, as to describe in section 4 of 
 the preceding chapter the character of the nominative ending. 
 I need not, thereibre, say anything further on that point here, 
 and will accordingly pass on to the oblique cases, and first to the 
 Accusative Sincmlar. 
 
 The sign of the Accusative in Sanskrit, Zend, and Latin, is m; 
 in Greek v, Lithuanian and Old Prussian n. It is probable that 
 in the primitive Indo-European language it was likewise m. 
 
 £AHK The m was affixed: 1. directlv to vocalic stems of 
 the masculine and feminine forms of substantives and adjectives — 
 via-m, jide-m, cive-m, manu^m; 2. with an intercalated copulative 
 to all consonantal sterns — reg-e-m, arbor-e-m. 
 
 The consonantal stems which have passed over into apparent 
 vocalic stems, alluded to at p. 24, follow the rule of consonantal 
 stems in the oblique cases, that is, require a copulative : ration- 
 e-m, carbon-e-m. According to some philologists, the i- (e-) 
 stems also take the copulative vowel like consonantal sterns, the 
 
Case- Endings of Xuuns. 35 
 
 declension vowel, or stem vowel, giving way before the flexional 
 copulative. According to this view, civem would be civ-e-m, not 
 cive-m with the i of the stem changed to e as was assumed above. 
 The first view is the simpler and more rational. 
 
 The Sanskrit m is usually transformed by anusvdra li into the 
 nasal n. The Lithuanian n is also similarly weakened. In the 
 Latin the in was generally disregarded in prosody, and suffered 
 elision before vowel anlauts. It was dropped altogether in the 
 most ancient Roman inscriptions, as, for example, in the epitaph 
 of L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul a.u.c. 494: Hec cepit 
 Corsica Aleriaque urbe x% for Corsicam Aleriarnque urbern. It 
 is curious that in the modern romance languages the nominative 
 singular has been frequently formed from such mutilated accusa- 
 tive forms: Italian — buono, imperative, leone, — bonum, impera- 
 tcrem, leonem. The Portuguese on the other hand retains in 
 many instances the m — liomem, virgem, som,z=hominem virgi- 
 tiem, sonum. The Italian forms its nominative plural from the 
 corresponding Latin case — parte, servi, -=.porto3, servi; the Span- 
 ish, on the contrary, forms it from the accusative plural — ricos 
 hombres, los servos, los caballeros. The Oscan has preserved the 
 accusative m in all declensions. 
 
 greek. The Latin declensions are richer and more varied 
 than those of the Greek. In the former there are five, which, 
 however, may be reduced to three ; the fourth may be included 
 under the third, and the fifth under the first, by which we can 
 assimilate them to the Greek. 16 The fuller endings of the Latin, 
 as, for example, the plural ones (-rum, -bus, etc.), may perhaps 
 be attributed to the absence of the article, which gives such 
 lucidity to the Greek declension, while it helps to weaken it, by 
 rendering the endings less indispensible, and perhaps also to the 
 frequent use of prepositions in the place of a greater number of 
 cases. The v may be found directly affixed to the vocalic stems 
 as in the Latin: ypav-v, irnyy-v- The stems in w and ev are, 
 however, an exception, as they do not form their accusative in 
 v : 77^w, r)\6-a ; fiauiXsog, fia<n\l-a. Attention has been already 
 drawn to the anomalous character of the stems in w (p. 24 j, 
 which Curtius believed to be relics of n- stems. According to 
 the hypothesis of Heyse regarding civem, mentioned above, these 
 stems would be considered to take a copulative, before which 
 the declension vowel o> gave way, and that afterwards the v was 
 
 1 * Anu-svara,° or "after sound", is the term used by Sanskrit grammarians 
 for the marks . (n) that is, a weakening of a nasal auslaut. 
 
 15 Bunsen — Beschreibung der Stadt Bom. III., 6L6, sqq. 
 
 16 A system which has been very successfully followed by Dr. Donaldson in 
 his Latin Grammar. 
 
 4 
 
36 Introduction. 
 
 dropped; so that the primitive form of ri\o-a would have been 
 i)y6-av. Many other explanations may also be given: it does 
 not, however, come within the objects of this introduction to 
 discuss them. 
 
 gothic. The accusative sign has been wholly lost in the 
 Gothic, except in the masculines of the adjectives, so that the 
 accusative form of substantives presents us with the naked stem. 
 The n in the accusative forms belonging to the' weak declension, 
 such as hanan, tuggon, etc., belongs to the stem, but was dropped 
 in the nominative, by which a class of apparent vocalic stems was 
 produced, to which allusion was made at p. 24. In the mascu- 
 lines of adjectives, we find the accusative sign preserved in the 
 form na, the a being merely an inorganic addition, which was 
 dropped in O. H. German, while the n has been preserved in 
 N. H. German : Goth, blinda-na, N. H. G. blinde-n. 
 
 §.2. The Genitive Singular. 
 
 Sanskrit and zend. The genitive singular endings in the 
 Sanskrit are: masc. and neut., sya; masc. and fern, s; masc., 
 fern., and neut., as and fern. as. In masc. and fern, the endings 
 s or as may be considered to be practically the same, the former 
 being affixed to vocalic stems, and the latter to consonantal; 
 especially as the stem vowels in the i- and w-stems are always 
 gunated in the genitive: e.g., kavi-s, sunu-s, gen. Jcave-s=:kavai-s, 
 sunos=sun-au-s. With these endings the feminine ending as- of 
 vocalic stems naturally connects itself, because if the stem vowel 
 be short, the genitive may be formed by s alone with a gunation 
 of the stem vowel, as well as with the ending as: e.g., prit-es = 
 prit-ai-s, or prit-y-ds In the latter the stem vowel has been 
 changed into y ; when the stem vowel is long, the % u are inva- 
 riably changed to y, v, and after a-stems a y is added, so that 
 the endings are in reality -yds, vds. The genitive singular end- 
 ings in Zend are: hS (also hyd) = Skr. sya; ao = Skr. as; s = Skr. 
 s; and o = Skr. as. 
 
 latin. The whole of the a-stems, that is those declined 
 according to the first, second, and fifth declensions, no longer 
 form their genitives singular in s. The word paterfamilias = 
 paterfamilias has, however, preserved the true ancient form of the 
 a-stems of the first declension, which corresponded with those of 
 the same declension in the Greek. And, again, on old monuments 
 we still find suaes provinciaes=zsuo2 provincial. The genitive 
 ending of the first declension has thus become m by the loss of 
 the s after the diphthongation of the stem vowel, In the second 
 and fifth, declensions the genitive ending has been replaced by 
 an affixed i, which had probably originally a locative significa- 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 37 
 
 tion ; in the second declension the flexional i absorbs the stem 
 vowel — scamn-i; in the fifth declension the stem vowel is not 
 absorbed, and except that after a consonant it is shortened, it is 
 not further affected — die-i, fide-i. 
 
 Stems with consonantal auslaut and pure vocalic stems, that is, 
 all nouns of the third declension, with the exception of the 
 middle forms in i (e), affix s with a copulative i, corresponding 
 to Skr. a, Gr. o (ogrrLat. is) : gru-is, urb-is. The observation 
 made respecting the ^-sterns, when discussing the accusative 
 ending, explains the reason why the i-stems are excepted; 
 some philologists believing that they take a copulative in the 
 genitive also. The zj-stems of the fourth declension belong like- 
 wise to this category ; we have the old forms fructu-is, senatu-is, 
 afterwards the s dropped off' and the ui contracted to u or i, as in 
 the dative : senatu. According to the oldest inscriptions, as for 
 example the Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus, it would ap- 
 pear that the copulative of the genitive was not i, but o or u, as 
 in the words nomin-us, senatu-os, domu-os, and later domu-us. 
 
 Bopp traces the genitive ending ins of some pronouns and ad- 
 jectives to the Sanskrit genitive ending sya. He supposes jus to 
 be obtained by displacement from sya or sja: hu-jus, cu-jus, illi- 
 us for illi-jus, etc. Donaldson, on the other hand, looks upon 
 the Latin jus as a weakened form of the ending yds. May not 
 this latter form represent in fact the first modification, which, 
 according to Bopp's view, sya must have undergone ? In con- 
 nection with the latter view it may be mentioned that Steinthal 
 has made the ingenious suggestion that the primitive genitive 
 suffix was sya, which he considers to be made up of the nomina- 
 tive s and the relative pronoun stem ya (fern, yd), so that we 
 might have two forms, a masc. sya and a fern, syd; the latter of 
 which would give exactly the fern, suffix yds, while the Latin 
 jus might have come from the masc. sya. 
 
 In the Oscan the genitive singular ending was as, for the first 
 declension, and eis for the second and third: Djuv-eis = Lat. 
 Jov-is. Here the Oscan forms are fuller and richer than those 
 of the Latin, for besides preserving the s in all cases, we have 
 traces both of the stem and the copulative vowels in the second and 
 third declensions, while the former has been absorbed in the Latin 
 second declension. In the Umbrian the genitive ended in s. or r. u 
 
 greek. The genitive singular is formed in the Greek by : 
 
 («) Affixing g to the feminines of the first declension in a, 17, 
 the inorganically shortened a of the nominative becoming a 
 or 7), corresponding to the Sanskrit feminine vocalic stems which 
 
 17 See the paradigms of the Umbrian declension quoted from Aufrecht u. 
 Kirchoff' s, Sprachdenkmaler, p. 115 sqq. in Donaldson's Varroniamis. 
 
 4b 
 
38 Introduction. 
 
 take the ending as — Movva, nupa, gen. Movarrj-g, ireipa-g. The 
 Attic ending wg of the z-stems is considered by some as the 
 complete representative of this Sanskrit as, by which ir6Xewg = 
 iroXyog is compared with the Skr. prityds. But, as Ebel points 
 out (p. 83), the Homeric TroXrjog leads rather to iroXzyog. 
 The ending tog is not confined to the feminines, for we have the 
 masculine fiacriXi-wg. 
 
 (h) By affixing g with a copulative o (Skr. a) to stems with 
 consonantal auslaut, pure vocalic stems and vocalic middle forms 
 in i, v, to), ev : \up-6g, crw/zar-oe, Kt-6g, aXriOi-og, l)(9v-og r)\6-og. 
 
 (c) Many nouns do not form their genitive in g ,as for exam- 
 ple the a stems of the first declension in rig, ag, and those of the 
 second declension in which the primitive a has passed into o ; in 
 the Attic these nouns have ov in the genitive. The Attic ov of 
 the first declension was obtained like the Ionic ew and the Doric 
 a, from the Homeric ao (fiop£ao,Alveiao) which was obtained from 
 a-io, and this from a-aio — Skr. sya, by dropping a. Bopp like- 
 wise explains the ov of the second declension from sya; in the 
 stems in a, and in the pronouns of the third person, d-sya be- 
 comes o-(tlo, the a then dropped out by which the Epic o-io 
 was formed, and then oo contracted to ov ; thus Xoyoio, Xvkoio, 
 and the Old Epic toio must have been obtained from the older 
 forms: Xoyo-aio; Xvko-<jio = Skr. vrXka-sya; to-gio = Skr. ta-sya. 
 
 goteic. The Gothic z'-stems which exist in the syncopated 
 form in the nominative, affix the genitive s to the full form, the 
 stem vowel i of the feminines being gunated : masc. nom. synco- 
 pated from gast-s (full organic form gasti-s), gen. gasti-s; fern, 
 nom syncopated form ded-s (for dedi-s), gen. dedai-s, nom. syn- 
 copated form anst-s (for ansti-s), gen. anstai-s. A similar guna- 
 tion occurs in both masc. and fern, of w-stems, which likewise 
 directly affix s to the gunated stem : mas. sunu-s, gen. sunau-s; 
 fern, handu-s, gen. handau-s. The mas. and neut. of the a- and 
 ?/a-stems affix the gen. s to the stem by a copulative, i, which 
 replaces the declension vowel a, or, in other words, they have 
 passed over to the i-declension : jisk-s, dag-s, vaurd, gen. jishi-s, 
 dagi-s, vaurdi-s; nom. and gen. haryis, hairdeis. The masculines 
 of ya-stems which decline according to the strong declension, 
 are therefore the same in the genitive as in the nominative 
 The feminine a-stems, on the other hand, have preserved the 
 declension a in the oblique cases — in the genitive as o, but 
 strengthened however before the genitive s: giba, gibo-s, a form 
 which may be compared with the Skr. genitives in as. 
 
 The masculine and neuter substantives and adjectives of the 
 weak declension affix the genitive s directly to the n, which is 
 the universal ending of the bases belonging to the weak declen- 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 39 
 
 sion: masc. hana, hanin-s ; neut. hairto, hairtin-s; fern, tuggo, 
 tuggon-s; fern, managei, managein-s. 
 
 In the Germanic languages the genitive s has been preserved 
 in all the strong masc. and neut. ; but the fern, already lost it in 
 the O. H. G. ; and in the N.H.G. they have lost all the flexional 
 endings in the singular. The copulative vowel i of the masc. 
 and neut. a and z-stems, becomes throughout e in the O.H.G: 
 Goth., masc fiskis, O.H.G. , visces; Goth., neut. vaurdis, O.H.G. 
 ivortes; Goth., masc. gastis, O.H.G. gastes. The fern, of the 
 a-stems lose the s in the O.H.G., but retain the long vowel, 
 which, however, becomes short in the M. H. G. : Goth., giba, 
 gibos ; O.H.G, kepa, kepa (0); M.H.G., nom. and gen. gebe. 
 The fern, of the z-stems likewise lose the s in the O.H.G. : 
 ansts, anstais; O.H.G., anst, ensti. The declension vowel of 
 the masc. w-stems likewise becomes e — Goth., sunus, sunaus; 
 O.H.G., sunn, sunes ; but the feminines appear to pass into the 
 ^•-declension, with the loss of the genitive s — Goth., handus, 
 handaus; O.H.G., hant, henti In the weak declension, the 
 genitive s is lost in the O.H.G.: Goth., masc. liana, hatiins; 
 O.H.G., liano, lianin ; M.H.G., liase, Jiasen ; neuter Goth., 
 hairto, hairtins ; O.H.G., herza, herzin; M.H.G., herze, herzen. 
 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian. In Lithuanian the genitive sin- 
 gular ending is s. The masc. a-stems have lost the s and end 
 in 6; according to Bopp tins is merely the lengthened stem- 
 vowel which replaces the suppressed case-ending. Schleicher on 
 the other hand explains this o as a contraction from aya which 
 arose from a-sya. The Lettish has also lost the ending in the 
 corresponding stems, while the Old Prussian has preserved it: 
 Skr. deva-sy a = Lith. diwo, Lett, deewa, O.Pr. deiwa-s. In z- 
 and zi-stems the stem vowel is gunated as in Gothic, and the 
 Lithuanian has preserved the guna in the masc. as well as in the 
 fern, z-stems; as in Sanskrit the ai is, however, contracted to e: 
 Lith. aiu^-s = Skr. ave-s. The genitive s has been lost in Old 
 Slavonic ; consonantal stems end in e, o-stems have the primitive 
 a of the stem, w-stems u, and z-stems the naked thema. The 
 Sanskrit ending sya is, however, represented by the pronominal 
 ending go: SI. to-go = Skr. ta-sya. 
 
 § 3. The Dative, Locative, and Instrumental, Singular. 
 
 Sanskrit and zend. The singular dative endings in the San- 
 skrit are: mas., fern., and neut., S; fern., ai; masc. and neut. 
 a-stems, ay a. In Zend the endings are also e, and ai. In the 
 Greek and the Latin it was perhaps i in all declensions. The 
 dative ending in the Gothic was perhaps a (e). The singular 
 locative endings in the Sanskrit are: masc, fern., and neut., i; 
 
40 Introduction. 
 
 fern. am. The masc. u- and i- stems, and sometimes the fern. 
 also, have a peculiar locative in au, before which the stem-vowel 
 is dropped, or becomes y. Bopp supposes that it Was obtained 
 from as, and that it is, therefore, a genitive form used in a loca- 
 tive sense. The singular instrumental endings in the Sanskrit 
 are: masc, fern., and neut., a, (yd); masc. and neut. a-stems, a, 
 with an intercalated n: e. g., givS-n-a. The Sanskrit locative 
 endings i and dm are represented in Zend by -i, and -a? and the 
 instrumental by a. 
 
 latin. — In the a-stems of the first declension, the datrve i, 
 instead of producing ai, fuses with the stem vowel into ce. The 
 o of the second declension, like the corresponding Greek w, has 
 arisen from oi, as is proved by the old datives, popoloi Romanoi. 
 It is worthy of remark, that while the locative i suppresses the 
 thema vowel in the genitive, the latter, in most cases, absorbs 
 the former in the dative. In the third, fourth, and fifth declen- 
 sions, the % is affixed as an independent sound, and often even 
 inorganically lengthened : su-i, urb-i, fructu-i. In some forms of 
 the fourth and fifth declension, the i is suppressed by the thema 
 vowel, u, e : tactu (Plautus), usu (Lucretius), facie (Lucilius). 
 The genitive ending having been replaced by a locative i in the 
 fifth declension, the genitive and dative coincide in that declension. 
 
 In the Oscan, the dative of the first declension was formed in 
 ai, like the locative, which had also 03; in the second declension 
 the dative ending was ui, the locative being in ei, and in the 
 third declension the dative ending was ei, corresponding to the 
 Umbrian in e for all declensions, which, unlike the ablative, was 
 probably (at least originally), long, although the morte in the epi- 
 taph of Plautus — Postquam morte datu st Plautus Comwdia luget, 
 if it be an Umbrian dative := morti, is short. The Oscan and Um- 
 brian dative endings ai, ei, and e, obviously lead to the charac- 
 teristic dative endings ai, 3, in the Sanskrit. This would seem to 
 show that the Latin dative i may not have had originally a loca- 
 tive signification, but is a true descendant of a primitive dative. 
 
 greek. — The Greek dative i fuses with the thema vowels, a, 
 e, 0, into a false diphthong in the a-stems, that is in the first and 
 second declensions: v)fi£pq, vlicy, o'/ko), for which we have also 
 the form o'Ikoi. With the vowels £, o, a true diphthong is pro- 
 duced : noXei, ri^ol. The stems declining according to the third 
 declension affix the dative i directly to the stem, without modi- 
 fication. The Epic form, <j)i, of the dative ending, will be no- 
 ticed in the section on the dative plural. The dative suffix in 
 the Greek, and perhaps also in the Latin, appears to have had 
 originally a locative signification, and which several words still 
 show : & g , 2aXa/xTvt, MapaOuvi. 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 41 
 
 gothic. The mas. and neut. substantives of the a-, ya-, and 
 z-stems belonging to the strong declension, form their datives in 
 a; in the a- and ya-stems the ending coincides with the stem 
 vowel, and in the i-stems replaces it: fiska, liarya, hairdya, 
 gasta. In the O.H.G. the dative of these forms is also «, 
 which in M. and N.H.G. becomes e. The feminine a- and i- 
 stems form their dative in i, which is however gunated as in the 
 genitive : giba, gibai; deds, dedai. We might explain gibai with 
 Bopp to be for gibai-a, with diphthongation of the stem vowel, 
 the dative sign having fallen off. In the same way the O.H.G. 
 dative of geba, gebo (u) would likewise be an extension of the 
 stem vowel without a dative sign. In the case of the fern, i- 
 stems, we must suppose upon Bopp's view that the stem vowel 
 was gunated : dedai for dedai-a. The dative of the z/-stems may 
 be explained in the same way ; there is no proper dative ending, 
 but instead of it au, produced by a gunation of the sterna, as in 
 the genitive: siui-au, hand-cm, for sun-av-a, hand-av-a. In the 
 O.H.G. the gunating a is replaced by an i. The consonantal 
 middle forms have lost their dative sign : fiyand for Jiyanda; 
 brothr for brothra. The nouns of the weak declension have no 
 dative suffix ; in the masc. and neut. they all end in in; and in 
 the fern, in on and ein; these endings become masc. in, fern, un 
 and in in the O.H.G., and en in all genders in the N.H.G. 
 
 According to Bopp the dative sign a was originally the suffix 
 of the instrumental = Skr. a. The masc. and neut. a- and z-stems 
 of the O.H.G. substantives, and adjectives, belonging to the 
 strong declension show an instrumental in u: tagu, gastu, wortu, 
 which Bopp believes to have arisen from a. The original instru- 
 mental has thus assumed a dative meaning, while a phonetically 
 different form has been developed out of it to express the instru- 
 mental. In the Gothic the adjectives have in their strong declen- 
 sion a special dative ending for the masc. and neut. ; the feminines 
 on the other hand correspond with substantives ; in the O. and 
 M.H.G., however, the feminines have likewise a peculiar ending. 
 These endings are pronoun endings which have passed over to 
 the adjectives. The following paradigm will render this passage 
 obvious : 
 
 Masc. and Neut. Fern. 
 
 
 r - 
 
 ■'i 
 
 r 
 
 i 
 
 
 Adject. 
 
 Pron. 
 
 Adject. 
 
 Pron. 
 
 Goth. . . 
 
 . blind-amma . . . 
 
 . th-amma 
 
 blind-ai 
 
 thiz-ai 
 
 O.H.G. , 
 
 , . plint-emu (emo) . 
 
 . d-emu 
 
 plint-eru 
 
 d-eru 
 
 M.H.G. . 
 
 
 . d-em 
 
 blind-er 
 
 d-er 
 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian. The dative ending in Lithuanian 
 is i (in fern, z-stems ei). In Old Slavonian consonantal and 
 w-stems end in i. This t, according to Bopp, corresponds to the 
 
42 Introduction. 
 
 Sanskrit dative ending e — ai. masc. and neut. o-stems end in u; 
 fern, a-stems in e; and Masc. and fern, ^-sterns in i. In Lithu- 
 anian the locative ends in e and je. Although this e is short, 
 Bopp thinks it has arisen from ai produced by the stem-vowel 
 and the locative i. In O. Slavonian the locative ending is i in 
 consonantal and w-stems, and is therefore apparently identical 
 with the dative ; in masc. and neut. osteins, and fern, a-stems it 
 is L The locative i has been lost in Lettish, the stem-vowel is 
 however lengthened in a-stems. The instrumental ending in 
 Lithuanian is mi, which is evidently connected with the plural 
 instrumental ending mis = Skr. bins, Zd. his. Masc. and fern, a- 
 stems do not, however, take the ending, the former end in u f 
 and the latter coincide with the nominative. 
 
 §. 4. Tfie Ablative Singular. 
 
 The Sanskrit, Zend, and Latin, have an ablative singular, but 
 in the dual and plural they express the ablative signification by 
 the dative, as other languages do by the genitive In the 
 Sanskrit the ablative endings are: masc. and neut. a-stems t; 
 masc, fern., and neut. of the other declensions as, which 
 resembles the genitive. But, as Bopp has concluded from the 
 analogy of the first and second personal pronouns, mat, tvat, and 
 from the Zend ablatives, the primitive ablative form was t. This 
 is further confirmed by the ablative suffix in the oldest Latin, 
 and in the Oscan, being d, and therefore quite distinct from the 
 dative. Thus we have on the Columna Rostrata: presented 
 sumod Dictator ed olorom in altod marid pucgnad vicet. ls The d 
 was however frequently apokoped : e. g. mari for marid, senatu 
 for senatud, etc. In the Umbrian the ablative ends in a vowel 
 which is sometimes a, i, and u, as well as e, and therefore does 
 not always correspond to the dative. In the Sanskrit the abla- 
 tive has the signification of whence in the sense, of space; in the 
 Latin it has, however, a wider application, because, in addition 
 to the proper ablative meaning, it often combines in its applica- 
 tion a locative and instrumental signification. 
 
 The ablative sign may also be recognized in adverbs, as in 
 bened, facillumed, which are evidently the old ablatives, bonod, 
 or bonud, facillumod or facillumud; and in prepositions suprad, 
 entrdd. According to Bopp, the ablative sign is also found in the 
 enclitic pronoun met (z=Skr. mat from me), which occurs in the 
 compounds egomet, memet, and in the conjunction sed, anciently 
 written set. The suffix tus ( = Skr. tas) in ccelitus, and the de in 
 
 inde, unde, are perhaps likewise related to it. 
 
 * 
 
 18 Donaldson's Varronianus, 2nd Ed., p. 229. The Oscan form praesentid 
 occurs on the Bantine Table, 1. 21. 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 43 
 
 §.5. Tlie Dual. 
 
 Peculiar dual forms of substantives are only to be found in the 
 Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Slavonian, and Lithuanian. 19 In the San- 
 skrit the dual endings are: nom., ace., and voc. niasc. and fern. 
 au (in the Veda dialect a, and in the Zend a) ; neut. % (which 
 fuses to e with the stem a); dative, instrumental, and ablative 
 bhydin in all genders ; genitive 6s, yds in all genders ; and loca- 
 tive 6s, which coincides, therefore, with the genitive. The Greek 
 has only two dual forms: 1. that of the nominative, accusative, 
 and vocative; and, 2. that of the genitive and dative. The nom. 
 ace. and voc. dual sign, in all three genders of the third declen- 
 sion in the Greek, is £ ; in the first and second declensions the 
 ending is suppressed and the stem vowels a, o, lengthened to a, 
 u) ; the same thing takes place in the masc. and feminine of the 
 i- and w-stems in the Sanskrit. The dative (also genitive) dual 
 suffix in the Greek is iv, which in the first and second declension 
 is affixed after the stem vowel, which fuses with the i into a 
 diphthong; in the third declension the affix is oiv instead of lv. 
 
 The Old Slavonian has preserved the dual ending more com- 
 pletely than the Lithuanian. Masc. a-stems end in the nom. 
 ace. and voc. in a; fem. and neut. a-stems in e (ye) ; masc. and 
 fem. z-stems in -i; and z«-stems in ii (generally = Skr. u), or they 
 pass into the a declension ; consonantal stems in i (sometimes in 
 e). The genitive and locative end in Old Slavonian in all gen- 
 ders in u, and the dative and instrumental in ma. In Lithuanian 
 masc. a-stems end in the nom. ace. and voc. in u, which Bopp 
 explains to have arisen from the Veda ending a. In the i- and 
 w-stems the ending is suppressed, as in the Sanskrit, but the stem 
 vowel is not, however, lengthened, as in that language. The 
 Lithuanian genitive dual ending ft, is borrowed from the plural ; 
 Bopp now however thinks that this u is a true dual ending, and, 
 like the corresponding O. Slavonian u, connected with the 
 Sanskrit genitive dual ending os: Lith. divej-u = Sk.T. dvay-ds 
 duorum, duarum (see Dr. Ebel's opposite opinion, p. 84). The 
 locative is lost in Lithuanian. The dative and instrumental 
 dual in Lithuanian is m. 
 
 If we compare the dative dual suffix in the Sanskrit bhydm, 
 which is also that of the instrumental and ablative, with the 
 plural suffix for the dative and ablative bhyas = Lat. bus, the y 
 being ejected, we see that bhya is common to both, and may 
 therefore be considered as the proper dative suffix, while the 
 proper dual sign may be assumed to be m, and that of the 
 
 19 See "On the Celtic Dual", §. 10. p. 85, for Ebel's observations on the 
 relics of dual forms in Irish. 
 
44 Introduction. 
 
 plural s. The dual sign m has been lost in the Zend, and the 
 dative accordingly ends in bya. Respecting the Greek dative 
 dual suffix there are two hypotheses. Bopp believes tv to be 
 nothing more than a crippled form of bhyam. Diintzer, on the 
 other hand, believes that the dual sign v=fi is simply affixed to 
 the singular dative form in i. 
 
 The only traces of special dual forms in the Latin are duo 
 and ambo; and in the Gothic and Old High German they are 
 only to be met with in the personal pronouns. 
 
 §.6. TJie Nominative and Vocative Plural. 
 
 The nominative and vocative are alike in all Indo-European 
 languages. In the Sanskrit the masc. and fern, ended in as: the 
 neuters ended in i, which was affixed to the stem with an eupho- 
 nical n between the stem vowel, which was lengthened, and the i. 
 In the Zend the masc. and fern, ended in 6, which represents 
 the Sanskrit as, and the nom. and ace. plur. of neuter nouns in 
 a, which was also the ending in the majority of the old languages 
 of the family. Bopp considers the Sanskrit i as merely a 
 weakened form of such an a. In the Oscan the first declension 
 ended in as, and the second in us; and in the Urnbrian, besides 
 as and us, the endings ar, or, also occur, the r being obviously 
 formed from s. In a fragment of Pomponius, which is found 
 in Nonius Marcellus, we meet with the nom. plur. laetitias 
 insperatas. These forms perfectly represent the Sanskrit as. 
 The Greek eg and the Latin es of the third declension likewise 
 represent the Sanskrit ending. In the fourth declension in the 
 Latin the ending is us, the u being formed by the fusion and 
 contraction of the stem vowel with the e (a) of the ending. In 
 the fifth Latin declension the ending es results from a similar 
 contraction of e-es into es. We may explain, in the same 
 manner, the long e of the ending of the i-stems of the third 
 declension, in which it is organic, as a contraction of i-es. In 
 the other forms of the third declension the e is inorganically long. 
 The duplicated form ds-as, which occurs in the Vedas, and which 
 appears to have been intended to mark in a very material manner 
 the plural number, has been suggested as an explanation of this 
 inorganic long e in the Latin ; but the simplest explanation is to 
 suppose an invasion of the form of the z-stems. This tendency in 
 the Latin to give z-fonns to nouns of the third declension, which 
 had not them originally, is illustrated by such words as navis from 
 vavg, civis from the Oscan cevs, etc. 
 
 All the masc. and fern, a-stems of the first and second declen- 
 sions in the Greek and Latin end in i. In the Greek the i com- 
 bines with the stem vowels a, o into ai, 01 ; in the Latin a- forms 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 45 
 
 of the first declension, the stem vowel and ending combine to ai, 
 which, as in the genitive, passes into oe. We have evidence 
 of this passage in the Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus, 
 where we find tabelai datai for tabelloe datoe. The i of the case- 
 ending has absorbed the u of the a-stems of the second Latin 
 declension in us — popidi, domini; bnt in Old Latin it was poplce, 
 from poplo-i, etc. On old inscriptions we find, instead of i, the 
 anomalous nom. plnr. ending eis = is: hisce magistreis. 
 
 Neuter nouns form their nom. and ace. plural in a, which in 
 the a- stems of the second declension in the Greek and Latin is 
 affixed in place of the stem vowel o, it, which is dropped — Swp-a, 
 dona; in the third declension the a is affixed without dropping 
 the declension vowel — 'iSpi-a, mari-a; this is also the case in the 
 fourth Latin declension — cornu-a. 
 
 According to Bopp the plural ending as is merely " an 
 extension of the singular nominative sign s, so that there lies in 
 the extension of the case suffix a symbolical indication of plu- 
 rality". This seems to imply that the a of the ending is in reality 
 the plural sign. This affords a simple explanation of the circum- 
 stance that, the nom. ace. and voc. plur. of neuter nouns are 
 formed by dropping the nominative s, which has a certain 
 positive gender character. Grimm and other philologists believe 
 the true sign of the plural to be s. Many forcible reasons may 
 be given in support of this view, which, however, cannot find a 
 place here. The plural ending i may be looked upon as the 
 pronominal ending, Skr. £ = a primitive ai, Lith. and Goth, ai, 
 Gr. 01, Slav, i, which invaded the substantives. 
 
 gothic. All masculines and feminines both of the weak and 
 strong declensions end in s in the Gothic. The masc. and fern, 
 a-stems of the strong declension end in 6s, which represents the 
 Sanskrit as, the long vowel of the Gothic being the result of a 
 contraction of the stem and case-ending vowels. The i-stems 
 end in eis; the zt-stems in yus (for ius). The ending of the masc. 
 and fern, of the weak declension is ns, which is directly affixed 
 to the stem ; the n is the characteristic sign of the weak declen- 
 sion, and, as has been pointed out at p. 25, is added to all the 
 cases except the nom. sing, and dat. plur. All the neuters end in 
 a; those of the weak declension having the characteristic n before 
 the a. The following paradigm will illustrate these rules : — 
 
 Strong declension. 
 
 A-STEMS. I-STEMS. U-STEMS. 
 
 Sing. Plur. Sing. Plur. Sing. Plur. 
 
 Masc. fisks . . . fiskos balgs . . . balgeis sunus . . . sunyus 
 
 Fern, giba . . . gibos ansts . . . ansteis handus . . handyus 
 
 Neut. vaurd . . . vaurda • faihu . . . 
 
46 Introduction. 
 
 Weak declension. 
 
 Masc. hana . . hanans 
 
 Fern, tuggo . . tuggons managei . manageins 
 
 Neut. hairto . . hairtona 
 
 In the O.H.G. the s dropped off in every case ; in the strong 
 declension the long vowel remains : vise, vised; pelk, pelhi; sunu, 
 sunt. In the weak declension the stem-forming a, 6 of the Gothic 
 has been obscured to u, and the ending is accordingly un : zunga, 
 zungiin. All the neuters drop the a, so that those belonging to 
 the strong declension have no ending, while those belonging to 
 the weak end, like the masc. and fern., in un: daz wort, diu wort; 
 herza, herzun. 
 
 In the M. and N.H.G. all the different vowels of the ending 
 become e in the masculines and feminines, so that the strong 
 nominative plurals all end in e, and the weak in en. This e has 
 likewise invaded the neuters in the N.H.G., which as a rule take 
 e : Worte, Sometimes instead of e, they take up er. This suffix 
 is not a flexional ending, and does not exist in the Gothic; it 
 first made its appearance, according to J. Grimm, in the O.H.G. 
 as ir attached to neuters. In the N.H.G. it has however invaded 
 the masculines also, in which, as well as in the neuters, the root 
 vowel is frequently diphthongated : neut. worter; masc. manner, 
 geister. The neuters of the weak declension end in M.H.G. like 
 the weak masculines in en : herze, Jierzen. 
 
 The plural forms of adjectives declining according to the weak 
 declension in the Gothic, Old and Middle High German, are like 
 those of the substantives. In the strong declension, on the other 
 hand, they have, with the exception of the Gothic neuters, forms, 
 which like those of the dative singular, appear to have passed 
 over from the pronouns. The following paradigm will illustrate 
 this invasion of the pronominal endings : 
 
 
 Masculine. 
 
 Feminine. 
 
 Neuter. 
 
 Goth, . . 
 O.H.G. . 
 M.H.G. . 
 
 r ■ i 
 Adject. Pron. 
 
 . . plint-e. . . di-e 
 . . blind-e . . di-e 
 
 r " *> 
 Adject. Pron. 
 
 blind-6s . . th-6s 
 
 plint 6 . . . di-6 
 
 blind-e . . . di-e 
 
 Adject. Pron, 
 blind-a . . th-6 
 plint-u . . di-u 
 blind-iu. . d-iu 
 
 It is worthy of remark that the modern languages, — Spanish, 
 Portuguese, French, and, with few exceptions, English, — form 
 the plural of all nouns in s. 
 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian. The s of the Sanskrit ending as 
 has been preserved in the Lithuanian ; the masc a-stems have, 
 however, taken the pronominal ending, which in substantives is 
 the diphthong ai, and in adjectives i. The s of the ending as 
 has been lost in O. Slavonian, but the vowel has been pre- 
 served as e. The crippling of the diphthong ai to i, which 
 
Case-Endings of Nouns. 47 
 
 occurs in Lithuanian adjectives, extends to siibstantives and pro- 
 nouns in O. Slavonian: vliiki lupi, for vluJcoi, ti=h\, om = illi. 
 The Lithuanian, on the other hand, contracts ai to e in the pro- 
 nominal declension: Lith. <e = Lat. hi, Skr. U, Goth, thai, Gr. rot'. 
 In Old Prussian, substantives, pronouns, and even adjectives of 
 masc. a-stems have ai, or occasionally for it ei and oi. In Lithua- 
 nian the stem-vowel is lengthened in i- and zj-stems ; in Sanskrit 
 the stem-vowel is gunated in the corresponding stems : Lith. dwys- 
 z=Skr. avay-as; Lith. svnu-s=: Skr. sunav-as. In Gothic evidence 
 of a similar gunation is found in the endings of the i- and u -stems 
 (p. 45); the gunating vowel has been preserved as i, which in 
 ^-sterns fuses with the stem- vowel to i (ei), and in i^-stems becomes 
 y before u: gastei-s, sunyu-s for suniu-s. 
 
 §. 7. The Accusative Plural. 
 
 The accusative plural endings in the Sanskrit are — masc. and 
 fern, s, as; masc. n; neut. i. In the Zend these endings are: 
 6 ( = Skr. as) for masc. and fern, consonantal, %-, and ij-stems 
 which is affixed with or without guna; o (Skr. s) fern, a-stems; 
 s ( = Skr. s) fern, i-, and t«-stems; and the peculiar ending eus of 
 masc. and fern, nouns in r, which Bopp explains from ahs, the 
 n becoming vocalized, and the a changed to e. In the Oscan, 
 the first declension had ass, and the second ziss. The masc. and 
 fern, a-stems of the first declension in the Greek and Latin 
 ended in as — Movtrag, mensds; those of the second declension 
 in ovg in the Greek, and os in the Latin. The i-stems, and the 
 stems with consonantal auslaut of the third declension in the 
 Greek, have the ending ag, which, in the case of the latter, is 
 affixed to the pure stem or thema : iroSa, TroSag. The w-stems, 
 which retain the u in their thema, end in Greek in vg: nom. 
 plur. l\0ve g, ace. l\9vg. The a-stems of the fifth declension, the 
 ^-sterns, and those with consonantal auslaut of the third, and the 
 w-stems of the fourth declension in the Latin, coincide with the 
 nominative plural, as do the accusative plural of all neuter nouns 
 in the Greek, Latin, etc. In the older Latin, however, the 
 accusative plural of z-stems and also of consonantal stems, ended 
 in eis or is. In the Umbrian the accusative plural ended iny in 
 all declensions. 
 
 The accusative plural ending of all masculine nouns, and of 
 the feminine forms of the u- and z-stems in the Gothic, is ns, 
 which is directly affixed to the full stem form : fisha-ns, oalgi-ns, 
 sunu-ns. The accusative plural of the feminine a-stems has not 
 n, and therefore coincides with the nom. plur. : gibos, bidos, etc. 
 
 In the Old High German, the accusative plural coincides 
 throughout with the nominative. 
 
48 Introduction. 
 
 The universality of the ns in the Gothic accusative plural, and 
 the circumstance that m (n) is the sign of the accusative, suggests 
 a very simple explanation of the plural suffix. Grimm, in tact, 
 regards it as the accusative singular -\- the plurals: the primitive 
 form would accordingly be -ms (-ns). The sign of the accusative 
 has therefore been wholly lost in the plural in the Greek and 
 Latin, and, except in the masc. a-stems, in the Sanskrit also; the 
 Greek and Latin have preserved the plural s, while the Sanskrit 
 forms which have preserved the ?i have lost the plural s. The 
 Greek and Latin accusative plural endings must, therefore, have 
 dropped an n, so that ag and as stand for arc and ams; ovg for 
 ore, and as for urns, oms. 
 
 Some examples of this complete accusative ending have been 
 preserved in the Greek dialects, e.g. Tov-g = Tovg. It has like- 
 wise been preserved in Old Prussian in the same form as in the 
 Gothic, both the masc. and fern, having the masc ending ns; the 
 Lithuanian, on the other hand, has only preserved the s? Skr. 
 decd-n, O.Pr. Mtva-ns deos, Lith. dekuu-s. In Lithuanian the 
 stem-vowel of fern, a-stems, masc. and fern, /-stems, and masc. 
 a-stems is short, while in the nom. it is long". The a of masc. 
 a-stems has been weakened to u. In Old Slavonian the accusa- 
 tive ending has been lost in all masc. and fern, stems ; steins in n 
 or r, however, add an i, which must probably be explained by 
 a transition into /-stems. 
 
 §. 8. TJie Genitive Plural. 
 
 sanskbit axd zend. The usual ending o£ the genitive plural 
 of substantives and adjectives in the Sanskrit is dm, which is 
 affixed directly to consonantal steins, and to vocalic stems by 
 means of an euphonic n between the stem vowel and that of the 
 ending: pad-am; civd-n-dni, priti-n-dm. This dm was probably 
 primitive sdm, a form which in fact we find in the pronouns 
 which preserve the primitive forms longer and completer than 
 the nouns, e.g. in the demonstrative te-shdm, (horum), tdsdm, 
 (harum). The s is the sign of the genitive singular, so that am is, 
 properly speaking, the genitive plural sign The genitive plural 
 in Zend is anm} in the a- and a-stems this ending takes a 
 euphonic n, as in the Sanskrit. 
 
 latin. The a-stems of the first, second, and fifth declensions, 
 form their genitive plural in rum. This rum represents the 
 Sanskrit sdm, and must have been anciently sum, which in 
 turn leads to an earlier sam=Skr. sdm. The Oscan genitive 
 plural suffix zum appears to confirm this view. The /-stems, and 
 the consonantal stems of the third declension, and the w-stems, 
 form their gemtive plural usually in wm=Skr. dm: mari-um, 
 
Case- Endings of Nouns. 49 
 
 lapid-um, fructu-um. The i-um of the i-stems has penetrated into 
 many forms among consonantal stems, such as terbium, serpen- 
 tiurn, etc. On the other hand, many ?'-stems drop the stem- 
 forming -i in the genitive plural: can-urn, vat-um. In some 
 antique forms belonging to consonantal stems of the third declen- 
 sion preserved in Varro and Charisius, the full form rum is 
 affixed to the stem by means of a copulative e: lapid-e-rum 
 instead of lapid-um, bov-e-riun instead of bo-um. We may also, 
 however, consider them as formed from the genitive singular by 
 the addition of urn: bover-wmzzbovis-um ; lapidfr-umzzlapidis- 
 urn. While, on the one hand, the full form rumzzsdrn was 
 sometimes found in nouns of the third declension, many a-stems 
 of the first and second formed their genitive plural in urn: 
 agricol-urn, vir-um. 
 
 greek. The genitive plural ends in the Greek in wv = Skr. 
 am. The ending of the first declension has a circumflex, 
 which points to an original form a-wv : Mouawv, old form 
 Movarait)v. This u-iov probably represents a fuller form awvzz 
 Skr. sdm = Osc&n zumzzhat. rum, so that Movaawv would re- 
 present a still more complete form Moucra-crwv = Lat. Musarum. 
 In the second declension the copulative o dropped out before the 
 ending : Xoy-ojv. In the third declension the suffix attaches itself 
 directly to the thema in consonantal and vocalic stems : 7roc-wv, 
 IxOv-(dv, -rrrixz-ojv, p>am\i-bjv. In the stems formed by the stem- 
 forming suffixes og and eg, in which the <x drops out, and the 
 thema vowel is z, the latter is however contracted with the end- 
 ing: Tpinpuv for rpinpi-wv ; aatyCov for aa(pi-wv. 
 
 gothic. In the masc. and neut. forms belonainrr both to the 
 strong and weak declension of the a-stems, the genitive plural 
 ends in e; that of the feminine a-stems ends in 6; and of the mas- 
 culine and feminine i and ?^-stems likewise in e. In the O.H.G. 
 all the a-stems form their genitive plural in 6, and the i and u- 
 stems in i, o, the usual n being intercalated in the weak declension 
 before the ending. The strong feminine a-stems likewise intro- 
 duce an euphonic n betw r een the stem and the ending, as in the 
 Sanskrit: Goth. fern, gib-d, O.H.G. kepo-n-6 (cf. Skr. r-wd-n-dm). 
 
 In the Middle and New High German, all the strong forms 
 end in e, and the weak forms lose the vowel-ending, so that the 
 genitive is always the same as the nominative. 
 
 The e, 6 of the Gothic is derived from a, so that the s and m 
 of the primitive ending have been wholly lost, and the vowel only 
 preserved. The s has however been preserved as z in the Gothic 
 in the adjectives and pronouns declined strongly ; in the adjectives 
 the stem vowel is diphthongated. The Gothic z becomes r in 
 the M. and N.H.G. 
 
50 Introduction. 
 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian. The Lithuanian genitive plural 
 ends in u. The Old Prussian has lost the vowel, and preserved 
 the consonant of the ending am as n. It has also preserved the 
 full form = Skr. sdm, in its pronominal genitive plural ending 
 son. The Old Slavonian has u; in the pronominal declension 
 it has, however, the ending chu, which Bopp explains as = Skr. 
 sdm, O. Pr. son. 
 
 §. 9. Tlie Dative, Locative, Instrumental, and Ablative Plural. 
 
 The dative and ablative endings in the Sanskrit for all gen- 
 ders is bliyas; for the instrumental the ending for all genders is 
 bhis, but the masculine a-stems form an instrumental in is. The 
 locative plural for all genders is su (shu). In the Zend the dative 
 and ablative end in byo, which fully represents the Sanskrit 
 bliyas; the instrumental ending is bis; and the locative hva 
 ( = Skr. su), sva ( = Skr. shu). 
 
 There are two forms of the dative plural ending in the Greek 
 and Latin, one of which is considered to be more ancient than 
 the other. The older form in the Greek is ai, aiv, and in the 
 Latin bus; the newer form, which is alike in both, is is. The 
 latter occurs in the first and second declension in the Greek and 
 Latin; in the former language the stem vowel combines to a 
 diphthong with that of the ending ; in the latter the stem vowel 
 fuses and contracts to is — mensis for mensa-is. The Oscan dative 
 and ablative plural endings a-is (first declension), u-is, o-is 
 (second deck), present us with similar uncontracted forms. The 
 suffix is may be looked upon with considerable probability as 
 the locative singular joined with the plural sign s. 
 
 The old Greek form <h, oiv, which is found in the third declen- 
 sion, originally occurred likewise in the first and second declen- 
 sions, as is proved by the old datives fiovaaicri, \6yoiai, a cir- 
 cumstance which shows that the ending is is of later origin. In 
 the Old Greek we find the fuller form <x<n — TravT-z-acn, Kvv-e-aai ; 
 this form occurs not only in Homer, but also in the Eolic, and to 
 some extent in the Doric dialects. Aufrecht, Benfey, and others 
 consider this suffix a&t to bave arisen from gfl = Zd. sva. The 
 a and o of the stems in the first and second declension must 
 have changed into at and 01 under the influence of the final i ; 
 this lengthening of the vowel in its turn reacted upon the 
 ending, and one a dropped out. 
 
 The Latin dative and ablative plural ending bus, which cor- 
 responds to the Sanskrit bhyas,m&yhe explained from the dative 
 ending bi in tibi (=ztu-bi) sibi, and mihi, the b being softened to 
 h in the latter. This bi or blii corresponds to the Sanskrit bhy- 
 am, hyam: tu-bhyam=tibi; mahyam mutilated from mabhyam-=. 
 
Case- Endings of Nouns. 51 
 
 mihi. It had evidently a primitive locative signification. Bopp 
 compares it with the Sanskrit preposition abhi, with which 
 the German bei (English by in the locative sense) is to be 
 connected. We may also connect ibi, which is the locative of 
 the pronominal stem i-s, and the analogous form ubi. Aufrecht 
 has shown that the basis of the endings bi in ibi and_i«fo\ and im 
 in illim, istim is a fim, which may be recognized in the Umbrian 
 locative plural suffix fern, which drops the m, and sometimes is 
 weakened to /. 20 And further that the Old Epic (pi, (piv is the same 
 case suffix. From all this it is evident that bhyas = bus is sim- 
 ply a singular locative dative bhi, combined with the plural 
 suffix as. Again, the plural ending of the Sanskrit instrumental 
 is bhis = Zd. bis =:h&t, suffix in nobis, vobis. Here too we have 
 evidently a compound suffix composed of a singular 6/ri=:Lat. 
 bi, and a plural s. This Latin suffix fully represents the 
 Greek (piv (in $aKpvo-(piv, 6pe<j-(ptv, etc.), which must have been 
 originally (pig = bhis, for (pig bears the same relation to (piv, that 
 the first person plural suffix fieg among the verbal endings, does 
 to the other form fizv. This original (pig was composed of a 
 singular (pi and the plural g; this (pi is now used along with the 
 plural form (piv without distinction for singular or plural, at one 
 time (piv and at another (pi ; the latter was, however, originally 
 singular and the former plural. In the Old Latin bus was used 
 in the first declension also, and at a later period to distinguish 
 the genders — deabus , ftliabus ; and seldomer in the second declen- 
 sion — jilibus, amicibus. Bopp thinks that the newer is of these 
 declensions has come from abus, obus, which, in the first place, 
 became ibis and then is, by dropping the b. Aufrecht, on the 
 other hand, believes the is to have arisen from ins. 
 
 Gothic. The sign of the dative plural in the Gothic and 
 O. H. G. was m for all nouns. In the M. H. G. the m is replaced 
 by n. The ending m w ? as attached directly to the thema in the 
 strong declension. In the Goth, and M.H.G. the m of the case 
 ending took the place of the characteristic n in the weak declen- 
 sion. In the strong adjectives the thema vowel a becomes ai 
 in the Goth., and e in the O. H. G. ; in the masc. nouns it is ob- 
 scured, and in the fern, it becomes 6. The Gothic dative plural 
 m is connected with the Sanskrit and Latin endings, bhyas, bhis, 
 and bus, bis, by the corresponding Lithuanian case suffix mus in 
 mumuszz nobis, yumus=:vobis, which appears in all other words in 
 the syncopated form ms. The Gothic has accordingly softened 
 b to m, and dropped the plural s : fiskam for jishams zzpiscibus. 
 
 20 The locative in the Umbrian appears to be formed by the addition of em to 
 the accusative singular and plural, thus: ace. sing, tutam loc. sing, tutam-em; 
 ace. plur. tutaf. loc. plur. tutaj-em. 
 
 5 
 
52 Introduction. 
 
 A trace of v the original ms remains in the Old Norse form.3 
 tveimr, thrimr — Jjat. duobus, tribus. 
 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian. In Lithuanian the dative plural is 
 formed by the addition of the pronominal ending mus or ms 
 above-mentioned; masc. a-stems end, however, in is. In Old 
 Slavonian the ending is mil, which is evidently a weakened and 
 crippled form of mus. The Lithuanian instrumental plural 
 ending is mis, which is apparently the singular ending, to which 
 the plural s is added. In the Old Slavonian we have also this 
 ending in the crippled form mi — the final consonant being 
 generally lost in that language. Stems in o form their instru- 
 mental in %, in which Bopp recognizes the Sanskrit d-is, Zd. d-is 
 (in which the b has been lost), Lith. a-is; according to this, the 
 s was lost and the i produced umlaut of the stem-vowel. Masc. 
 and neut. yo- (ya-) stems form their instrumental in i. The 
 locative plural is formed in Lithuanian by the endings sa, su, or 
 se, or, as in the Lettish, more frequently by s only. In Old 
 Slavonic the locative plural is formed by the pronominal genitive 
 ending chu. 
 
 The annexed paradigm, which contains all the case-endings 
 mentioned in the preceding pages, may be found useful in com- 
 paring the relative state of preservation of each case-ending in 
 the different languages of the family. 
 
PARADIGM OF THE CASE-ENDINGS OF NOUNS IN THE CHIEF INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 Nom. and Voc. -s, m, -t . . 
 
 -m . . . . 
 
 Accusative 
 Genitive 
 
 Dative 
 
 Locative 
 
 Instrumental 
 
 Ablative 
 
 -sya, -s, -as, -a 
 
 -e, -ai, -aya . 
 
 -i, -dm, e, au 
 -a (-ya), n-a 
 -t, -as . . . 
 
 Zend. Latin. 
 
 (-s), -m, t . -s, -m, -d. 
 -m, -hm, -Sin -m . . . . 
 
 -he, -In/a, do -is, -us, -i, -<B 
 (-s),-6. . 
 
 -d, -ad 
 
 (•i (fused to a) 
 
 Oscan. 
 -s. (-m), -d 
 
 (for oi), -u, -e, e-i 
 
 a-i, a-e, e-i 
 
 S1NCULAR. 
 
 Umbrian 
 
 -s, (-m). 
 
 -(/(when lost the same a-d, u-d, i-d, -a, -e, -i, -u . 
 as the dat., except that 
 a is represented by &.) 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Gothic. 
 
 -£, -v. . . 
 
 -s, -ta . . . . 
 
 -V, -a . . . 
 
 Lost except in masc. 
 adj., where it is -na 
 
 -£, -og, -ov . 
 
 - s 
 
 i (sometimes 
 fused into £, 
 y, V ) . .' . 
 
 -a, -ai, -au 
 
 O.B.German. Lithuanian. Old Slavonian. Old Prussian. 
 
 Lost (-r, -z) . . . -s . . 
 
 Lost except in masc. -h, -n 
 adj., where it is -71 
 
 s, when lost -a, -i, -n -s, -o . 
 
 -a, -i, -iu, -in, -in, -un -i, -ei 
 
 -c, je 
 
 Lost. 
 (-'<•), lost . 
 
 Nom. Ace. and) -au (in the Vedas -a) 
 Voc. J -t 
 
 Genitive and 
 Locative 
 
 Dative 
 Instrumental 
 
 Ablative 
 
 -os, yos . 
 
 -bhyd-m 
 
 -uo, -a, -i 
 
 bya 
 
 DUAL. 
 
 -f, -T, v 
 
 -a, e, t, u 
 
 Nominative 
 
 and 
 Vocative 
 
 Accusative 
 Genitive 
 
 -6, -a 
 
 (-as), -re, - 
 cs, -a, us 
 
 J -as, -lis . 
 
 its, -d (and other -ass. -uss? 
 forms like thi] nom.) -j'ss 
 
 ■ rum, -ttm 
 
 -zum, -urn 
 -ium, -im 1 
 
 -/,-<* 
 
 ' -os. -eis, -yus 
 ~) -ns, -na 
 
 -ar, -ag, -ovg -ns, -os 
 
 ls < ■"' \ -d,-i,-un 
 
 -6, -o n-o, n-o 
 
 lost 
 
 ■ai (ei, oi) 
 
 Dative 
 
 -bhyas . 
 
 Ablative 
 
 -bhyas . 
 
 Instrumental 
 
 -bhis, -is 
 
 Locative 
 
 -su (shu) 
 
 -by 6 . . 
 
 -bis, -is 
 -hva, -sva 
 
 {-bus, -is . . . -ais, -uis, -ois (- 
 
 \ iss 1 . •< 
 
 -fem 
 
 -}MS, -is . . . 
 -sa, -se, -su, -s 
 
 chu 
 
ON DECLENSION 
 
 AND THE 
 
 DEGREES OF COMPARISON IN IRISH. 
 
55 
 
 §. 1 . Bopps view of the aspirations and eclipses in Modern Irish, 
 and the modifications which it undergoes through the Old Irish 
 forms. 
 
 BOPPS sagacity has never been, perhaps, so brilliantly proved, 
 as in the discovery that the whole of the aspirations and eclip- 
 ses, by which the Modern Irish declension is apparently disfigured, 
 are nothing else than the relics and results of the after-action 
 of the old case-endings. 21 Zeuss 1 determination of the old forms 
 of the article has confirmed this supposition in the most complete 
 manner, as regards the n and the consonant aspirations; the t 
 and h before vowels are, however, to be somewhat differently ex- 
 plained. After what Zeuss remarks (pp. 59 and 63), 22 we cannot 
 help regarding the h as, in the beginning, a useless and arbitrary 
 
 21 Die Celtischen Sprachen, etc. S. '22, et seq. 
 
 22 ( a ) [The passages in Zeuss are as follows : — 
 
 P. 59 : "H is not found as a radical in the Irish ; and if in ancient MSS. S 
 besides the combinations ph, th, ch, the h is also seen alone, which only happens 
 at the commencement of words, it is nothing more than a breathing prefixed 
 to the initial vowel, as in the ancient Gaulish names : Hercynia, Helvii. This 
 h, neither a radical nor a necessary letter, occurs, without any fixed rule, in 
 one place, and is not found in another ; as : uile, huile (all), Wb. fq. ; €ula 
 (wise), Wb., heulas (wisdom), Sg. 209 a ; aui, hdui (descendants), Sg. 28 a 30 b ; 
 and so on. The ancient language knows nothing of that regular usage accord- 
 ing to which the modern dialects, Irish and Gaelic, prefix the h in a hiatus to the 
 initial vowel of a substantive following the forms of the article na (gen. sing, 
 fern., and nom. and dat. plur.) or preposition ending in a vowel. We find, 
 indeed, for example, inna kirise (of the faith), Sg. 209 b , but also inna idbairte 
 (of the offering), inna indocbale (of the glory), inna anme (of the soul), na 
 cecilse (of the Church), Wb. 22° 22 b 25 c 27 a ; na accobra (the desires), Wb. 20 c ; 
 la Atacu (with the men of Attica), Sg. 147 a ; a oentu (from unity;, Wb. 26 b 
 a albain (from Scotland), Marian. Scot. ap. Pertz. 7, 481". 
 
 P. 63, " The s drops out by ' infection' in the ancient language.* The more 
 recent language, indeed, which expresses the aspirate in its primary state as a 
 strong s, almost as ss, pronounces the same letter when mortified or ' infected' as h , 
 but I think this h is of still more recent origin than the A in a hiatus between the 
 article or a preposition and the initial vowel of a substantive following, of which 
 supra. For the ancient Irish MSS. either mark the mortified s, like the^ by a 
 dot [the punctum delens, used commonly in mediaeval MSS. to mark a letter 
 written by mistake, and to be omitted], or else omit it altogether".] 
 
 *[" Infection", or "mortification", as it is called by some grammarians. Dr. O'Donovan 
 calls it "Aspiration"; which he defines thus: "Aspiration, a grammatical accident, the 
 general use of which distinguishes the Irish, Gaelic, and other cognate dialects of the Celtic, 
 from all other modern languages, may be denned as the changing of the radical sounds of the' 
 consonants from being stops of the breath to a sibilance, or, from a stronger to a weaker 
 sibilance".— O'D., Gram., p. 39-40. 
 
 6 
 
56 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 addition before vowel anlauts, which, at a later period, perma- 
 nently fixed itself after vowel auslauts ; for the passage of s into h 
 appears to be foreign to the Gaedhelic branch of the Celtic ; in 
 the dative plural, where h likewise appears before vowels, it is not 
 s, but b, which has dropped off; for from do?iabis' 23 the Modern 
 Irish dona has been first developed through the Old Irish donaib 
 or donab. On the other hand, we also frequently find the t 
 (Zeuss, 55, 231, etc.) 24 after n in Old Irish, where otherwise d 
 should stand, before eclipsed s. Hence, we cannot look upon the 
 t in the nominative of the article as a substitute for s, but must 
 assume that it had been prefixed to the s in the more ancient 
 forms of the nominative, and afterwards remained when s dropped 
 off. The Old Umbrian appears to afford a parallel to this: 
 it never shows an ns, except instead of nns in Palsans, but 
 either nz or z (enze=onse) or s (neirkabas). Accordingly, in 
 the modern form of the lan'guage, this t is to be found wherever a 
 vowel has dropped out from between n and s, equally whether 
 the s belongs to the article (as in masc. an tiasg, the fish, instead of 
 (an(t)s iasg), or the noun substantive (as in fern, an tslat, the 
 rod, 25 instead of an(t) slat). 2& It is absent when s or another con- 
 
 23 [i. Kead *dunnabo (from *du-sannabo). Ebel's hypothetical donabis is due to 
 his theory that the 0. Ir. dat. plur. sprang from an instrumental (Sansk. -bhis). 
 But this theory is destroyed by the Gaulish inscription of Nismes (Revue Archeo- 
 logique, 1858, p. 44), in which Dr. Siegfried has recognized two datives plur. — 
 viz., matrebo namausikdbo (matribus nemausicis), which are genuine descendants 
 of the Indo-European datives plur. in -bhias, Sanskr. -bhyas, the i (j/) being 
 ejected as in Lat. -bus. In donaib the stem-vowel a has been weakened into «&'.] 
 
 24 (P) [The passages in Zeuss are as follows : — 
 
 P. 55. "The form NT, also, occurs in forms of pronouns coalescing with 
 the preposition in, but only when the preposition governs the accusative 
 case: inte (== in earn, fern.) Sg. b a ; intesi (gl. in ipsam) Sg. 199 a , 209 b ; 
 intiu (in eos) Sg. 7 a , Ml. 21 a . 28 a . Thence we might expect for the 
 other persons the forms : intium (= in me), intiunn (== in nos), intit (== 
 in te), intib (== in vos), intis (== in eum), which I have not met with in 
 MSS. The harder form, int, of the article prevails before vowels in the sing, 
 nom. of the masc. gender, in which, after the usual form of the article, m, 
 the hard form of the consonants is retained. Therefore the harder form nt seems 
 to contain in itself the signification of action (motion, in the preposition), of 
 hardness of form and of the masculine gender ; the softer nd that of the passive 
 (rest, in the preposition) of softening [of the letter] and of the feminine gender. 
 It is to be observed in addition, that the form of the article int prevails almost 
 always (the form ind is very rarely found) before the softened, or, as it is called, 
 the ' mortified' s in all the cases of the three genders in which ind occurs before 
 vowels (e.g. in the Article) ; this is, however, to be compared with the fact, 
 that even the particle ind in composition (in the ancient Gaulish ande-) be- 
 comes int before a softened or mortified s in the following word.] 
 
 P. 231. [Gen. sing, of the article, in]. "In, aspirating, before tenues and 
 medials ; Ind before liquids, mortified consonants, and vowels. ***** 
 Instead of the regular Ind the form INT also prevails before the mortified s, as 
 before at p. 55 [extract, supra, note ( 24 )], and here : intsechtaigtha (gloss : "simu- 
 ationis"), Ml. 31 a ; fomam intsommai (under a rich man's yoke), Ml. 27 d .] 
 
 25 The difference between an tiasg and an tslat is only graphic, as it is pro- 
 
On Declension in Irish. 57 
 
 sonant has dropped off; consequently, in the gen. and nom. plur. 
 fern, na slaite, instead of nds slaite, in the nom. sing. masc. an 
 sruth, the scholar, instead of an(t)s sruth; in the gen. plur. of both 
 genders na sruth, na slat, instead of nan sruth, nan slat; in the 
 dat. plur., dona srothabh, dona slataibh. 
 
 A third point in which Bopp's view undergoes a modification 
 through the Old Irish forms, is the explanation of the nom. plur. 
 masc, which in the Modern Irish is formed as in the fern, in na 
 with h before vowels, and without alteration of the following con- 
 sonants. Bopp thence concludes that in the Celtic the article, like 
 the substantive, in the masc. plur. originally ended in as; conse- 
 quently, that na has been deformed out of anas; but the Old Irish 
 ind, or in with an aspiration following, together with the fern, masc, 
 inna or na, show us that here also the masc originally ended in a 
 vowel as in almost all the Indo-European languages ; consequently, 
 that the modern na owes its existence to an inorganic extension 
 of the accusative form, or fern. plur. form, which we already find 
 in the Old Irish neutral plural inna, which leaves the consonants 
 following unaffected. 27 
 
 With the exception of these three points, the old forms confirm 
 throughout Bopp's discovery, according to which the nomin. 
 sing, masc, the gen. sing., and the nom. pi. fern., from their very 
 origin ended in s; the gen. plur. in n; the gen. and dat. masc, and 
 nom. and dat. fern, sing., in vowels. 
 
 The finding of the neuter, which has disappeared without 
 leaving a trace in the New Celtic (an or a in the nominative and 
 accusative singular, and the plural like the genitive), and of the 
 accusative (replaced in the Modern Irish by the nominative), in 
 the Old Irish forms inn (before consonants in) in the masculine and 
 feminine singular, inna or na in the plural of all three genders, — 
 and in which we can still plainly recognize the original ending 
 -n in the singular, and -s in the plural, — is an important enrich- 
 ment of Celtic grammar. 
 
 I hazard no supposition as to the relation of the old forms with 
 i, followed by nt, nd, nn, to the new with a and simple n; the 
 vowels of the endings can only be determined through a compa- 
 rison of the substantive-declension, to which we shall now proceed. 
 §. 2. Stems which belong to the several orders and series of Zeuss. 
 
 The philologist recognizes at first sight, in the first order 
 
 nounced an tlat, as in accurate writing even in the Old Irish s is provided with a 
 dot or left out, not only in this case but also after vowels. — Zeuss, 63. 
 
 26 [ii. The t in the nom. sing. masc. of the Irish article has been since shown 
 to be due to the law, pursuant to which, in Old Irish, d becomes t before aspi- 
 rated s, an tiasg, in O. Ir. mft'asc=an Old Celtic san(d)as-\-escas, subsequently 
 in(lshesc=dntiasc.~] 
 
 27 [See infra. §. 11. On the Article in Modern Irish, p. 88.] 
 
 6 B 
 
58 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 (Ordo Prior) of Zeuss (App. I., p. 169), a vocali c(or a conso- 
 nantal changed into a vocalic) declension, in the second order 
 (Ordo Posterior), consonantal stems; among the latter, the mas- 
 culine and the feminine n-stems and nouns of relationship in 
 -thir (=r Sanskrit -tar) being especially evident, as had been 
 already recognized and put forward by Pictet and Bopp. On the 
 other hand, I cannot, from external and internal grounds, agree 
 with both these masters in the distribution of the vocalic-stems. 
 
 Namely, if we compare the first paradigm or table of Zeuss 
 with the second, his remark, that the first is external, and the 
 second internal inflexion, is at once seen to be incorrect. We 
 have only to take, instead of ball, a word with e — as, for example, 
 fer, man — in order to at once see that the declension of cele (com- 
 panion) does not at all differ in the main from that of fer, except 
 that in the former a vowel preceded the dropped off ending, in 
 the latter a consonant. The vowel of the original penultimate 
 undergoes in both the same changes: nom. and ace. sing, and 
 gen. plur. cele, like fer, gen. and voc. sing, and nom. plur. celi, 
 as fir, dat. sing, celiu &s fur, ace. plur. celiu &sfiru; it is only in 
 the dative plural that a slight difference occurs between celib and 
 feraib. In short, I. is only a variety of II., and both are related 
 to one another, like the Gothic haryis or hairdeis to fishs. Let 
 us, therefore, assume for a moment that I. contains z/a-stems, II., 
 a-stems; there remain for III. u and z-stems. But a similar 
 relation to that between I. and II. also occurs in the feminine 
 between IV. and V., and the differences in the paradigm between 
 tuare and rainne in the genitive singular, tuari and ranna in 
 the nom. and ace. plur., are compensated by the secondary forms 
 of the fifth, which we find under the examples gen. sing, -a 
 and -o, nom. and ace. plur. -e and -z\ We could here also assume 
 in the fourth z/«-stems, in the fifth a-stems, and have only to 
 determine then what has become of the i or z-stems, in order 
 to remove the objection which could be raised upon external 
 grounds against such a division; for, if feminine zz-stems are 
 wanting, there is nothing remarkable in the circumstance. We 
 shall again find the feminine z-stems under V. ; the z-stems have, 
 however, either become ya or z-stems. We find many stems, 
 originally consonantal, changed into III. (exactly as in Latin in 
 the z-declension) : e.g., dis, dis (aetas) =. Sanskrit ayus, gen. aisso, 
 desa. 28 The feminine nem 29 (caelum) = Sanskrit nabhas, gen. nime, 
 
 28 [iii. It is impossible to equate dis with dyus, final s being never retained in 
 Irish, not even in the ns- stems.] 
 
 29 [iv. Nem (also nim) was an i-stem — not an a-stem — as we see from the Old 
 Irish gen. plur. nime in Oingus Cde D€: — 
 
 Sen a Christ mo labrad " Bless, Christ, my utterance, 
 
 a choimdiu secht nime. O Lord of seven heavens !"] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 59 
 
 according to V., reminds us of the Slavic forms mentioned in the 
 Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung, iv. 342 : voda == 
 Sanskrit udan, gora = opog, tima == Sanskrit tamas. If, accordingly, 
 we designate the five series set up by Zeuss as : I. b. masculine and 
 neutral ?/a-stems ; I. a. masculine and neutral a-stems ; II. mascu- 
 line and neutral i and a-steins ; III. b. feminine yd-stems ; III. a. 
 feminine a and i-stems, we shall find that this classification will 
 receive an external confirmation by a consideration of the words 
 and suffixes which belong to the several classes. 
 
 First, most loan-words harmonize, in the most strikingly accu- 
 rate manner, with their types in the declension. Compare, for 
 example, the a-stems — felsub zzphilosophus, 6rz=. aurum, 30 angel= 
 angelus, apstal = apostolus, ejjscop = e^isco^us,fial=. velum, idol 
 m. =idolum, ifurnn=infeTmim, saZm=:psaimus, tempul=tem- 
 plum, together with the genitive digaim = digammi, metir-=z 
 metri; the a-stems — (aZmswi? 31 = eleemosyna, epistil?=.ej)istol&) 
 persan = persona, riagol na$ri«Z= regula, pianzz-pcensi, fedb=: 
 vidua (no doubt borrowed ?) liter zzlitera, sillab = syllaba ; those in 
 ia and id — the masculine notaire, rectaire, tablaire, the feminine 
 y^swfo:=:philosophia; those in i — the masculine faith =z vates ; 
 in u — the masculine fers — versus, sens = sensus, spirut (gen. 
 spirito, spiruto) = sj)iritus. Proper names follow the same rule, 
 such as rdm, fem. = Roma, romdn, mas. =Romanus, titzziitus, 
 tiamthe = Timotheus, grec — Graacus, although I. a. has here en- 
 croached rather more, as the dat. aeneus, gen. adim, Socrait, 
 Aristotil, show. 
 
 The forms of the cognate languages afford a further confirma- 
 tion, and so do now and then also traditional Gaulish words. Fer 
 (sternum) corresponds to the Sanskrit vira still more accurately 
 than the Latin vir and Gothic vair (instead of vir stem vira) ; 32 
 the adjective fir to the Latin verus (compare rig™ — Latin rex) ; 
 din den to the Latin unus ; marb to the Latin mortuus (b = tv) ; 34 
 fescor fescar, masc. to the Lithuanian vakaras, Latin vesper; 
 bran, raven, to the Slavonian vranu, Lithuanian varnas (San- 
 skrit varna) ; run fem. to the Gothic runa; dia masc, the ano- 
 maly of which is only apparent, to the Latin Deus (instead of 
 Deus = Sanskrit deva) ; fere fem. probably to the Greek opyri ; 
 tuath fem. to the Oscan tovto, Umbrian toto; anirn, fem., from 
 
 30 [v. or is even found with the n of the neuter termination in the nom. sing. 
 or hglan (pure gold), where or h is exactly the Greek avpov.~\ 
 
 31 [vi. Recte airman : epistil is right — the i'm the last syllable being due to pro- 
 gressive assimilation — a phenomenon which Irish exhibits in common with 
 Finnish and Magyar.] 
 
 32 The Lithuanian form wyras, and the rarity of the Latin i, instead of a, before 
 r, speaks more in favour of vira than of vara. 
 
 33 [vii. Kecte n=Gaulish rix, a #-stem.] 
 
 34 [viii. The b in marb, now marbh, is a v. marb=*marva, Welsh, marw.'] 
 
60 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 which several cases are formed according to III. a. (Zeitschrift f. 
 vergl. Sp. vi. 213), and which corresponds in these to the Latin 
 anima; Ian to the Latin plenus (see supra) ; column to the Latin 
 columbaf 5 ardd, probably, to the Latin arduus ; nu m to the Latin 
 novus = Sanskrit nava, on the other hand, nue is related to the 
 Gothic niujis = Sanskrit navy a; aile to the Latin alius; conse- 
 quently we may refer uile to Gothic alls by assimilation from 
 Ij: the neuter cride represents exactly the Sanskrit hrdaya (less 
 accurately the Greek Kapdia), trede neut. (the Trinity) the San- 
 skrit tritaya; muir shows itself by the Gaulish mori- to be an 
 z'-stem, which, notwithstanding small deviations, the Latin mare, 
 Slav, more, Gothic marei, confirm; mug (servus) appears to be 
 identical with the Gothic magus (puer), and consequently an u- 
 stem ; fid neut. (arbor) resembles the Old Saxon widu, Anglo- 
 Saxon wudu, Old High German ivitu (Old Norse masc. vtf&r), 
 and besides is shown by the Gaulish vidu to be a w-stem, like cath 
 (pugna), bith (mimdus) by the Gaulish catu-, bitu-; the fern, set 
 (dat. seit, pi. seuit) via = Gothic sin/>s, like det (dot. deit = 
 Lat. dens), fluctuates between i- and a consonantal declension ; 
 finally the double forms ben and ban (rnulier) may be explained 
 either from* gvina 31 ( = Gothic qvino) and *gvano ( = Greek yvvri, 
 Boeot. fiava) or from *gvani ( = Sanskrit jani) and *gvana (exactly 
 as the Slav, zena can have been formed from zana or zina). 
 
 But even if we considered these agreements as merely acci- 
 dental, much more would the identity of the suffixes come out. 
 The adjectives come almost without exception under the classes I. 
 a. and b. in masc. and neut. III. a. and b. in femin., consequently 
 to a- and yd-stems, which in all the Indo-Eruopean languages are 
 the most numerous. The superlatives end in -em, of which I have 
 found no inflexions in Zeuss, and are probably derived from ima, 
 or am, certainly from -ama, which is inflected according to I. a. 
 Of the adjectives the fern, abstracts in -e are very generally 
 formed according to III. b., which corresponds to the Sanskrit yd, 
 Lat. -ia, Greek -ia, Old High Germ, -i, Middle High German -e, 
 e.g., amprome (improbitas) from amprom, sulbaire (eloquentia) 
 from sulber, doire (miseria) from doir, soire (nobilitas) from 
 soir, firinne (justitia) from, fir ian, luinde, bitterness, from lond, 
 n6ibe (sanctitas) from noib, etc. Among the masc. in -e (I. 
 b.) the words in -ire or -aire, corresponding to the Slav, -art, 
 as echire, echaire (mulio), and many loan-words (from the Lat. 
 
 35 [ix. Colum (recte colomb), gen. coluimb, is a masc. a-stem, not fern, like 
 columba.~] 
 
 36 [x. Recte nua. The nom. plur. of sit (see below) has the masc. article in 
 Zeuss, p. 237.] 
 
 37 [All words to which an asterisk is prefixed are hypothetical.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 61 
 
 -arius) distinguish themselves ; among the adjectives those in -de 
 = Sanskrit -tya, only of larger use, e.g. nemde (coelestis), talmande 
 (terrestris), colnide (carnalis), etc. ; the Sanskrit -taya occurs in 
 the numeral adjectives dede, trede corresponding also in gender 
 to the Sanskrit tritaya, catushtaya. We must, therefore, accord- 
 ingly compare the modern fern, in -mhuin, as produced from the 
 older -maine, not with the Sanskrit neuter in -man, but with the 
 Latin fern, in -monia (seachmuin=sechtmaine, consequently not 
 accurately corresponding to the % Lat. septimana), especially as 
 even the Old Irish already sometimes exhibits retrenchment, as 
 testemin, festimin stands by the side of the Lat. testimonium, the 
 neut. aill by that of the mas. aile=. alius. 
 
 The verbal substantives, which take the place of the infini- 
 tive, are particularly interesting. Those of them that apparently 
 contain the naked root, as cumang (posse, potentia), fulang (to- 
 lerare), may be recognized by their declension according to I. 
 a., as a-stems, to which the Sanskrit gerund in -am, and the 
 locative in -e, by which the Indian grammarians frequently ex- 
 plain the roots, are parallel. Pictet (De raffinite des Langues 
 Celtiques avec le Sanskrit, p. 161) compares the infinitive in t, 
 th, d, dli, with the Sanskrit -turn; Bopp (p. 56) rather with the 
 Slavonic -ti, especially because of the form tinn; we find among 
 the suffixes in Pictet, the Irish adh compared with the Sanskrit 
 -atliu. We shall become acquainted with tinn further on under 
 consonantal declension ; about the other forms the Old Irish sup- 
 plies us with information. There -ad and -ud follow the second 
 mode of inflexion, -t the third; we are consequently the more 
 entitled to presuppose in the former two suffixes w-stems (like 
 the Lat. -tus, from which the supine, Sanskrit -tu, from which 
 the infinitive and gerund -turn, -tvd), as, according to the latest 
 statements of Schleicher (Beitrage, I. 27), even the Slavonic 
 infinitive in -ti belongs to this formation ; on the other hand, the 
 feminine forms in -t (according to III. a.) are not to be sepa- 
 rated from the feminine abstracts in Sanskrit -ti, Greek -A (oi), 
 Lat. -ti (si), Gothic -ti, \i, di. The feminines in -dl (III. a.) 
 remind us of the peculiar Slavonic participles in -lu; but it 
 would be difficult to decide whether -a or -i has dropped off 
 in them. The feminine in -em are a-stems, which correspond 
 to the Greek verbal-nouns in -juij ; the masculine in -am, -om, 
 -um, remain obscure to me. Finally, -ent, -end, according to I. 
 a., I consider to be borrowed, a supposition to which the forms 
 legend, scribend, already point. The masculines in -id, gen. 
 -ada, in which Zeuss, p. 766, suspected an original -at, still 
 deserve to be mentioned ; the proper stem-ending is -ati, abso- 
 lutely like the Sanskrit -ti, Greek n (in /udvTig), only differently 
 
Q2 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 employed, as it appears in the Irish, as a taddhita suffix. 38 The 
 part. perf. pass, appears to be the only exception to this regular 
 correspondence with the cognate languages : they do not end in 
 -th or -d, according to I. a., as the analogy with the Sanskrit, 
 Greek, Latin, and Gothic would lead to, but in -the, according 
 to I. b. ; but the original form still lies before us in the preterite 
 passive of the impersonal conjugation (sing, -d, plur. -tha); we 
 have consequently to recognize in the ordinary form an addition 
 {-ya or -aya) similar to that in the Old Welsh -etic. On the 
 other hand, the part. fut. pass, -thi, properly -thi, accurately links 
 itself to the Sanskrit -tavya, Greek -riog (Lat. -tivus). 
 
 If, finally, we compare the forms of the article, which, accord- 
 ing to Bopp's view, also belong to an a-stem, and exactly agree 
 with the stems in I. a in the distinguishing cases, gen. sing, and 
 nom. pi. masc, there will be found sufficient external grounds to 
 justify our division. We shall now pass to the inner character- 
 istics which exist in the Irish phonetic relations, in order to de- 
 velope and explain, as far as possible, the individual forms. 
 
 §. 3. Test afforded by Irish Phonology for determining induc- 
 tively the Primitive Forms of the Celtic Case-Endings. 
 
 The Irish vocal system exhibits two very close points of con- 
 tact with the German, the umlaut or obscuring of an a by i 
 and u, and the fracture of an i and u by a. In reference to the 
 first, it is particularly remarkable that the three kinds of assimi- 
 lation of the a before i and u, which we generally find separated 
 in different languages and language-periods (complete assimilation 
 as in the Sanskrit giri and guru, diphthongation as in the Zend, 
 pairi and pauru, umlaut proper as in the Old Norse hendi and 
 hond), appear here side by side ; thus the well-known particle ar- 
 is written air-, ir-, er- [and aur-'j ; the accusative plural of ball, at 
 one time bullu, at another baullu; rolaumur (audeo) also rolomur. 
 As umlauts of a there consequently occur: — 1, ai or i, more 
 rarely e; 2, au or u, more rarely o; inversely % changes into e, o 
 into u, under the influence of an a following, as in the Old High 
 German ; thus, for example, in the gen. feda, moga from fid, 
 mug. We may see how far the last law has extended itself, from 
 the fact that it has even invaded foreign names, as e£aZ= Italia; 
 but when Zeuss ascribes the same influence to a succeeding o 
 and u, it should be considered that o and a often interchange, as 
 in the gen. etha or etho from ith, where the e owes its origin 
 rather to the a than to the o; but, on the other hand, o and e 
 arise from simple weakening — namely, before double consonants, 
 
 38 [So the Indian grammarians call the secondary suffixes.] 
 
On Declension in Irish 63 
 
 so probably also in felsub — philosophus. 39 We can just as little 
 recognize an umlaut of the e into i, for where we have reason to 
 consider e as primitive, there is produced by a succeeding i or u, 
 not i or iu, but ei or eu, for example, in the plural geinti (gentes) 
 in the dat. neurt, from nert (virtus, valor). 40 Zeuss has pro- 
 ceeded in a one-sided manner, inasmuch as he has everywhere 
 taken the vowel which appears in the nominative as the primi- 
 tive one ; while, in cases like nime, giun, it is rather the i 
 changed into e by a that again appears. On the other hand, it 
 must be admitted that umlaut is sometimes produced by an e not 
 derived from i, as in gen. rainne from rann (pars). According 
 to this, the rule for the Old Irish (we pass over here the vowel 
 changes in the Modern Irish, and slight deviations, such as oi for 
 ai, ea, eo, for ao) may be expressed somewhat as follows : under the 
 influence of a succeeding a, i changes itself into e, u into o ; under 
 that of a succeeding i (exceptionally also an e), a into i or ai 
 (or e), e into ei, u into ui, o into oi; finally, under that of a suc- 
 ceeding u, a into u or au (or o), i into iit, e into eu. It is unne- 
 cessary to observe that the factor very often disappears, and the 
 fact remains, so that, just as in German, we can determine by 
 the vowel-changes in the stem the vowel of the ending, a cir- 
 cumstance of so much the more importance, because it will soon 
 appear that the Irish, even in its oldest form, is much more 
 weakened in the auslauts than, for instance, the Gothic. 
 
 If we apply the rule just given to determine the vowels of 
 these endings, we obtain, in the first instance, for the masculine 
 and neuter, according to I., the following endings : — 
 
 Sing. Nom. -(a)s, -(a)n . . Plur. -i, -d 
 
 Ace. -(a)n . . -u, -d 
 
 Gen. -i . -an 
 
 Dat. -u -abis 41 
 
 Examples: ball (membrum) ball, baill, baull or bull, baill 
 ballaib or ballib; fer (vir), fer, fir, fiur, fir, firu, fer, feraib; 
 
 39 [xi. Here (at least as to the breaking of i into e by o) Zeuss seems right 
 and Ebel wrong. Thus : 
 
 Bretan=Brito (Book of Armagh) ; lenomnaib (lituris), Zeuss, 739, compare 
 Lat. lino ; lebor from liber (Zeuss, 744) ; senod (Cormac), from si/nodus (y=i) 
 cenel=ceneth(o")l=01d Welsh cem'tol.] 
 
 40 [xii. E seems changed into i by a succeeding i in the following instances : — 
 Aristotj'l (gen. sing.), Zeuss, 887, magisttr, nom. pi. of magister, Zeuss, 1057, 
 heriti'c (=haereto'ci) Zeuss, 1055.] 
 
 41 [xiii. Regarding the remarks in notes 23 and 39, the hypothetical endings 
 for the masc. and neut. may be set down as follows: 
 
 Sing. nom. . . . os, on Plur. i, a 
 
 ace. . . . on us, d 
 
 dat. . . . u dbo (abo ?) 
 
 gen. . . . i dn 
 
 and these agree with the Gaulish endings of the a-declension, so far as they 
 
 have been established.] 
 
64 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 neuter, imned (tribulatio), pi. imnetha imneda. We recognize 
 here distinctly the a-stem balla, fera instead of fir a, imnetha 
 instead of imnitha ; fira harmonizes in a remarkably beautiful 
 manner with the Gothic and Latin stem vira (for vair indicates 
 a previous short i) in opposition to the Sanskrit vira. The 
 feminine a-stems lead back to : — - 
 
 Sing. Nom. -a 
 
 Ace. -an . 
 
 Gen. -e(s) or -(a)s 
 
 Dat. -i or e 
 
 Plur. -as 
 
 -as 
 -an 
 -abis 
 
 Examples: nem (heaven), nem, nime, nim (stem nimd, hence 
 the nom. nim is still found singly) ; delb (effigies), delb, delbe, 
 deilb, plur. delbce (instead of delba), gen. delb, dat. delbaib, with 
 primitive e, therefore it is in the dative not dilb, but deilb. The 
 masculine stems, according to III., exhibit, in the immediately 
 preceding stage approximately the following forms : — 
 
 Sing. Nom. (-is or -us) 
 
 Ace. (-in or -wi) 
 
 Gen. «(s) or 6(s) 
 
 Dat. u ? or -i ? 
 
 Plur. -d(s), -e(s), i(s) 
 -u -i 
 
 -e(n) 
 -ibis (-abis ?) 
 
 Examples: nom. denmid (doer) instead of denmadis, gen. 
 denmada; nom. bith (world), dat. biuth instead of bithu; gnim 
 (action) ace. plur. gnimu; aitribthid (possessor), gen. aitrebthado, 
 nom. ace. plur. aitribthidi. 
 
 It is easily seen that the forms which are attainable by imme- 
 diate conclusion, do not admit, in any way, of a direct compa- 
 rison with the primitive forms, as the Gothic, to a certain extent, 
 do, but still require an intermediate stage to connect them. A 
 baill ballu, or ballui, must necessarily have preceded balli, ballu, 
 assumed from baill, baull, a nimd the nima, deduced from nem, 
 a firm (oxfirun?) thefiru changed into firu, &firdn, the hypo- 
 thetical firan in the gen. pi. In short, the oldest historical forms 
 of the Irish, in regard to the conservation of the auslaut, stand, at 
 most, and even scarcely, upon a level with the New High 
 German, 42 as the simple comparison of the Irish and the German 
 ball may show : — 
 
 Sing. 
 Plur. 
 
 (Irish, 
 
 . Nom. ball, 
 
 \ German, 
 
 ,, ball, 
 
 Jlrish, 
 
 „ baill, 
 
 (German, 
 
 „ balle, 
 
 Ace. ball, Gen. baill, Dat. baull. 
 
 „ ball, ,, ball(e)s, „ ball(e). 
 
 „ baullu, ,, ball, ,, ballaib. 
 
 ,, balle, „ balle, ,, ballen. 
 
 We find that long vowels have disappeared in the auslaut 
 often even with succeeding consonants ; equally so, short vowels, 
 with succeeding s; only long vowels before s have preserved 
 
 42 [xiv. Ebel would not now say this. See, infra, " On the so-called pros- 
 thetic n", §. 12, p. 90.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 65 
 
 themselves in a shortened form: (forms such as cele (socius), con- 
 sequently presuppose either a celias, celeas, with a fallen off end- 
 syllable, or a celes with a shortening of the vowel before the 
 fallen off s; we shall more correctly explain firu from firus 
 than from firun, as we everywhere [except in the article aud 
 teora n\ see that the long vowel in the genitive plural has dis- 
 appeared along with the n). We could not, in view of such 
 mutilation of the original endings, venture to think of anything 
 like a satisfactory development of the case-endings, were it not 
 that fortunately the above-mentioned law for the vocalism, and 
 the changing of the consonants between the article and substan- 
 tive, puts into our hands a test. 
 
 The end-consonants, except m and r, have evidently all dis- 
 appeared; m is changed, according to rule, into n, only traces of 
 which have, still, been preserved ; 43 5 no longer occurs at the end ; 
 t, which appears in its place in the Old Irish as int, and in the 
 Modern Irish an t, shows us that it has only disappeared in the 
 immediately preceding period, only after the dropping out of the 
 short vowel. The Gaedhelic has, consequently, been harder than 
 the Gothic, in so far that, besides s and r, it also suffered an n in 
 its auslaut, probably derived, however, from m, not a primitive 
 n. 44 Of these three consonants, s was the first which dropped off, 
 for it does not appear in any declension or conjugation-ending; 
 not even in the article, where, however, its former existence is 
 betrayed by the t in the nom. int ant, and by the conservation 
 of the original anlaut after the form inna na; the second that 
 dropped off was the n derived from m, which is still visible at 
 least in the article in the ace. inn, and in gen. plur. innan nan 
 (besides here and there also, e.g. in teora ngutte, Zeuss. 310) ; 
 r has preserved itself to the present day in the nominative athir 
 athair (pater). 
 
 The mutilations of the auslaut appear to have taken place in 
 this wise ; in the first place the short vowels in the auslaut and 
 before consonants were dropped, the long ones in the auslaut 
 shortened, then (or also contemporaneously, a supposition to 
 which the Lat. -um, instead of -urn, would lead us) the long 
 vowels before n were shortened, hereupon s dropped, finally the 
 long vowel was again shortened, and the short vowel together 
 with n dropped. From the primitive Gaedhelic to the Gaedhelic 
 of the oldest monuments, we would have, consequently, to pre- 
 suppose three or four periods, which may be represented by an 
 example, somewhat in the following manner: — 
 
 43 [xiv. See the last mentioned paper.] 
 
 44 [See on this passage the author's paper referred to in the last two notes ] 
 
66 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Primitive period. Pre-historic period. Historic period. 
 
 Sing. Nom. . . . Dallas, balls, ball. 
 
 Ace ballan, balln, ball. 
 
 Gen balli, balli, baill. 
 
 Dat ballui, ballu, baull. 
 
 (ballu?) 
 
 Plur. Nom. . . . balli, balli, baill. 
 
 Ace ballus, ballu, baullu. 
 
 Gen ballan, ballan, ball. 
 
 Dat ballabis, ball(a)bis, ball(a)ib. 
 
 Still later weakenings of the auslaut sometimes occur, as the 
 Old Gaedhelic shows in neut. aill from aile (similar to the Old 
 Latin alid) ; the Old Kymric especially distinguishes itself from 
 the Gaedhelic by greater weakenings, e. g. as all (alius) and oil 
 (omnis), instead of the Gaedhelic aile anduile. The adjective in the 
 Welsh exhibits an interesting difference, inasmuch as here the 
 change of i and u into e and o first takes place in the feminine, 
 hence a fern, gwen, cron is opposed to the mas. gwyn (albus) crwn 
 (rotundus). We may consequently presume that in the Welsh 
 the fracture was only introduced when the shoit end-vowels were 
 thrown off, consequently crunnas crunnd were already become 
 crunn(s) crunna, whilst, in the Gaedhelic, the falling off only fol- 
 lowed the introduction of the fracture. 
 
 §. 4. Declension of consonantal stems. 
 
 Now only are we in a position to attempt an explanation of 
 the endings ; but, in consequence of the extremely difficult i- and 
 w-stems, we shall begin with the declension of the consonantal 
 stems. We find in Zeuss five classes (not exactly in the most 
 convenient order), of which I. and II. contain n-stems, III. and 
 V. /"-stems, IV. ^-sterns ; 45 of these d appears to have arisen out of t. 
 The inflexion is most regular in the masculine-feminine w-stems 
 (IL), and in the masculine J-stems (IV.). Both subdivide them- 
 selves according to the vowel of the genitive into two divisions, 
 in which we recognize, according to the phonetic laws of the Irish, 
 stems with a and with i; those in -man may be compared with 
 the Sanskrit -man, -iman, -van, and with the Greek -fiov (compare 
 brithem judge and rjjEiuwv) ; those in -tin or -sin are, in a similar 
 way, as in the Umbrian and Oscan, shortened from -tian, which 
 again appears in the nom. -tiu, and consequently express the Lat. 
 -tio, -tionis, with which they also agree in gender ; the infinitive use 
 of these abstracts (comp. Zeuss, 462) explains the infinitives in 
 
 45 [xv. Zeuss' series V. contains c-stems (in some instances z'-stems, which, in 
 the oblique cases, go over to the c-declension), and under his fourth series he has 
 put d-stems, ^-sterns, and ant-stems. Among his irregular nouns he gives ri, 
 gen. rig, the sole example of an Irish ^-stem. Mi: (a month) gen. mis, is a 
 ns-stem. So were the comparatives in iu, Sanskrit iydhs, though undeclined in 
 the oldest Irish.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 67 
 
 -tinn, -sinn of the present language, which consequently are not 
 at all directly connected with those in -t and -dh; probably a si- 
 milar contraction of the stem lies at the basis of those in -id, be- 
 cause in the nominative along with ogi (hospes),yiZi (poeta), tene 
 (ignis), the fuller form coimdiu (dominus) shows itself. Analysis 
 yields the common endings : — 
 
 Sing. Norn, (long vowel) . . . Plur. -is 
 
 Ac. -in {-en) . . . -as 
 
 Gen. -as .... -an (-an) 
 
 Dat. -i . . . -abis 
 
 Which explain themselves without difficulty. The length in 
 the accusative plural is remarkable ; it is proved by anmana (ani- 
 mas), Jileda (poetas). As a change into the vowel-declension (like 
 in the Latin -es,-eis, -is) in consequence of the a, in opposition to 
 the -u or -i, which alone occurs in masc. vocalic stems, is not to be 
 thought of, this -a must be either an inorganic lengthening, or -as 
 has been produced from -ans, which has been already surmised 
 to be the original ending of the accusative plural (Zeitschrift 
 f. v. Sprachforschung I. 291, V. 63); the latter is probably the 
 true explanation. Among the other endings, -as is remarkable 
 by the peculiar tincture of the Gaedhelic vocalismus. For while 
 the Greek, Latin, and Gothic agree in the weakening of the a 
 in the genitive -oc, -us, -is, -is, in contrast with this in the Gothic 
 even the nom. plur. -as remains pure, the Gaedhelic, on the other 
 hand, in direct antithesis to the Gothic, has retained the genitive 
 pure, — hence menman, noiden, druad, coimded, instead of men- 
 manas, noidinas, druadas, coimdidas, and has weakened the nom. 
 plur. to -is (or -es like Greek -tc?) consequently forming anmin, 
 aisndisin, druid, filid. The accusative singular with its -in or 
 (-en) may be compared with the Lat. -em, — in the Zend, even 
 with a-stems, em, — hence menmain (for which also menmuin and 
 menmin), airitin, torbataid or -tid, coimdid. The genitive plural 
 has, of course, first shortened its -an to an, and then dropped it ; 
 the dative singular may, probably, be referred as in the Greek 
 and Gothic to the original locative. By the dropping off of the 
 endings and the influence of the end-vowels, the gen. sing, and 
 plur. on the one side, and the ace. and dat. sing, and nom. plur. 
 on the other, of necessity became alike in sound. The dat. plur. 
 took up a copulative vowel, as in the Latin and Gothic, an a, 
 which by the influence of the dropped i has become ai or i; 
 before this -aib, -ib, syncope frequently occurred as before the -a 
 of the accusative plural, e. g. in traigthib (pedibus), always as it 
 appears in the feminines in -tiu, the i of which, however, has 
 acted upon the succeeding vowel ; hence dat. -tnib, ace. -tnea or 
 tne. Zeuss' supposition of an accusative plural *druida, for which 
 
68 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 we might expect *druada, appears to be erroneous. 46 We meet 
 with various forms in the nom. sing, of em-stems, e. g.: masc. 
 menme (mens), masc. brithem (judex) fern, anim (anima), fern. 
 talam (terra) ; of the feminine m-stems passing into iu, sometimes 
 weakened into -u; of the masc. ad-stems as a rule weakened to 
 -u, and in tenge (lingua) to e; of -id generally -i, also, however, 
 -iu in coimdiu (Dominus), -u in dinu (agna), and the adjective 
 bibdu (guilty), -e in tene (ignis), gen. tened, stem tenid (instead 
 of tanid as the Kymric tan shows); no ending in traig (pes). 
 The form druith (druida), 47 from the stem druad, appears to 
 depend upon the same transition into the i- declension as Lat. 
 cards, juvenis, from the stem can, juven; for druith points back 
 to *druadis. According to the analogy of the Sanskrit, the em- 
 stems should have formed the nom. -a, which first was weakened 
 to a, then fell off; brithem, anim, are, consequently, forms per- 
 fectly in accordance with rule. The preservation of the vowel 
 in menme, weakened, however, to e, appears to have been caused 
 by the double consonants (as, perhaps, also in the gen. pi. athre, 
 from athir, see further on). The -iu of the m-stems has arisen 
 from the primitive -id (by passing through -ia or iu; the Lat. 
 -io, Umbrian -iu speaks in favour of the latter), the u having 
 been retained probably by means of the preceding vowel as in 
 the dative celiu, as opposed to baull. The d- or ^-sterns pro- 
 bably took originally, as in the Lat. and Greek, an s, lengthened 
 the vowel before it as compensation for the t, and retained the 
 shortened vowel after the dropping off of the s; e. g. *domnats 
 (domnds) *domnus, *do?n?iu, domnu (profunditas). Or -ad was 
 originally long, as shortening often takes place in the Gaedhelic, 
 for example, in the adjectives in *acA = Kymric auc, awe (i. e. 
 dc) ? In coimdid, together with coimdiu, shortening of the base 
 of the stem may be assumed as the Welsh masc. in -iat (-iad, pi. 
 -ieid), given by Zeuss (p. 806) come very near. Guiliat (qui 
 videt) especially appears nearly to correspond to the Gaedhelic 
 filid,^ the nom.Jlli would, consequently, be contracted from Jiliu, 
 for which the dative duini together with duiniu affords an ana- 
 logy. 49 Traig shows itself to be a Astern by Welsh troet, pi. 
 
 46 [xvi. Druide is the ace. pi. in the Liber Hymnorum. This may perhaps 
 have arisen, by progressive umlaut, from *druadi, if drui (like brathair) have 
 passed over to the i-declension. The ace. pi. brdithre occurs in the epilogue to 
 the Felire (609).] 
 
 47 [xvii. Ebel has here been misled by Zeuss : druith. is the nom. dual, not the 
 nom. singular, which must have been drui Q=.*drua(d)-s).'] 
 
 48 [See " Note on a-, i-, d-, t- and nt- stems", §. 9, p. 83.] 
 
 49 Zeuss, 755, considers the o?as primitive, and compares the Kymric -ed, -id, p. 
 803 ; but, in my opinion, the masculine in -id ought rather to be compared with 
 the Gaedhelic in -id, -aid, gen. -ada, and the Kymric -(/(now -dd) ; although 
 
On Declension in Irish. 69 
 
 traet; Cornish troys, pi. troyes, treys; Armoric troad, pi. treid; 
 but the nom. sing, traig and accus. plur. traigid are difficult to 
 explain : the best way is, perhaps, by the assumption of a neuter 
 (Zeuss, 274), by which the want of the ending would be jus- 
 tified ; but the i in traigid is remarkable : we should have ex- 
 pected *traigidd, *traigeda, traiged. Other deviations will be 
 treated of hereafter; as regards cil (canis), whereof only the 
 comp. banchu (bitch), and the derivative conde (caninus), occur 
 in Zeuss, we may ascribe to the Old Irish the forms : ace. cuin, 
 gen. con, dat. cuin; plur. nom. cuin, ac. cona, gen. con, dat. 
 conaib.™ The neutral w-steins (I.) all derived with the suffix 
 -man deviate from the expected form : — 
 
 Sing. Nom. and Ace. -m . . Plur. -man (from -mand, manci) 
 
 Gen. *-man . . -man 
 
 Dat. *-main . . -manaib 
 
 Putting aside slight fluctuations between a and e (e.g. nom. plur. 
 ingramman, gen. ingremmen) in the gen. and dat. sing., the 
 dative exhibits an exceptional m instead of n: anmim, anmaim 
 (nomini), which appears to have arisen from assimilation ; the gen. 
 anma, anmae, anme, has dropped the n. The remaining forms 
 are made in a perfectly normal manner, but the nom. sing, ap- 
 pears to have weakened the a of the original end -ma to i, be- 
 fore it fell ofT, because of the continual occurrence of umlauts : 
 ainm (nomen), beim (plaga), ingreim (persecutio), teidm (pestis), 
 togairm (vocatio), senim (sonitus). 
 
 The nouns of relationship in -thar (III.) contain the original 
 a of the nom. sing, weakened to i, either by the influence of the 
 liquids (Bopp, p. 1), or, as appears to me more probable, because 
 the a weakened to a should have dropped out in the third period 
 (as in balldn, ballan, ball); but this could not take place, in con- 
 sequence of the unpronounceable double consonant (thr) thence 
 resulting, and so at least the lightest vowel was chosen. The 
 same reason caused, no doubt, the retention of the vowel in the 
 gen, and dat. sing., the syncope of which was to be expected ac- 
 cording to the analogy of other languages and of the plural cases 
 (although a formation atharas, athars, athar, athari, athir, would 
 not be impossible), and in the gen. plur. the retention of the end- 
 ing-vowel in its weakened form e; bl at least, there is no reason to 
 assume for the Old Irish a transition into the z-declension, which 
 
 ancient, it is not primitive (compare Lat. lapid, Greek e\7rid, KopvO, Zeitschr. 
 f. v. Sp. iv., 325, 332). 
 
 50 [xviii. Kather thus : ace. coin h, gen. con, dat. coin ; plur. nom. coin, ace. 
 cona, gen. con h, dat. cunaib.] 
 
 51 [xix. This gen. plur. in e only occurs in athre, brdithre, and is certainly due 
 to a passage over to the /-declension, Mdthair forms its gen. plur. regularly — 
 thus : mdthar h.~] 
 
70 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 to be sure would easily explain the form athre, but which even 
 the Latin patrum spurned. In the dative plural, a, and not i, is 
 also used as a copulative vowel, as athraib shows, 52 and if braith- 
 rib occurs beside it, we must either view it as an invasion of 
 the secondary i, or an indication of the early introduction into 
 Irish of orthographical confusion. The nom. plur. is not sup- 
 ported by evidence ; we cannot put it down otherwise than as 
 athir, as Zeuss does. On the other hand, there is no evidence 
 to entitle us to assume with Zeuss an ending -u for the masc, as 
 we have no where detected, except in the nom. druith, a transi- 
 tion into the vocalic declension. We accordingly assume the 
 following genetic development : — 
 
 
 Primitive period 
 
 Pre-historic period. 
 
 Historic period. 
 
 Sing. Nom 
 
 athar 
 
 athar 
 
 athir 
 
 Ace. . . 
 
 atharin 
 
 athirn 
 
 athir 
 
 Gen. . . 
 
 athras 
 
 athars 
 
 athar 
 
 Dat. . . 
 
 athri 
 
 athir 
 
 athir 
 
 Plur. Nom. . . 
 
 atharis 
 
 athirs 
 
 * athir 
 
 Ace. . . 
 
 athras 
 
 athra 
 
 * athra 
 
 Gen. . . 
 
 athran 
 
 athran 
 
 athre 
 
 Dat. . . 
 
 athrabis 
 
 athraibs 
 
 athraib 
 
 The addition of a determinative suffix already shows itself in the 
 Old Irish in some r-stems (V.) ; in the Modern Irish its action has 
 been felt over a much wider circuit, and has even penetrated the 
 nouns of relationship. 53 Unfortunately, too few forms of this class 
 have been preserved to us to give a complete idea of the declen- 
 sion, nevertheless we see from the existing ones of cathir (oppi- 
 dum) : — 
 
 Sing. . . . cathir, cathraig, cathrach, cathir. 
 Plur. . . . cathraig. 
 
 — at least so much clearly, that these words, to which nathir 
 (natrix) likewise belongs, even when assuming this suffix, fol- 
 lowed a consonantal declension. Bopp's conjecture, adopted by 
 Kuhn also, in his review (observation 15), that this ch (g) repre- 
 sents an original k, is now completely justified by the Irish pho- 
 netic law, according to which the tenuis between vowels changes 
 into the aspirata (fluctuating into media) ; but to his comparison 
 of the Gothic brothrahans and the Sanskrit -aha may be added 
 
 52 [xx. In Gaulish e was used as a copulative vowel, as is shown by mdtrebo 
 (matribus), cited supra. Note 23, p. 56] 
 
 53 [xxi. This " deter minatrre suffix" is a dream. The Old Irish nouns to 
 which Ebel alludes (though c'-stems in the nom. sing.), have, like yvvrj, passed 
 over to the c-declension in the oblique cases. There are, of course, c-stems in all 
 cases. Thus tethra, gen. tethrach (a scald-crow), is the Greek rirpa^ gen. 
 rsrpaKog. The gen., dat., and ace. pi. of cathair may be set down with certainty 
 as cathrach h, cathrachaib, cathracha, respectively ; for huasalathrach (patriarch- 
 arum) occurs in St. Patrick's hymn {Liber Hymnorum), and huasalathrachaib 
 (patriarchis) in Zeuss, p. 827 (the nom. sing, is huasalathair, cf. Ang"-Sax. heah- 
 fcedher), and coercha (sheep, ace. pi.) for cderacha, in St. Brogan's hymn, v. 33.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 71 
 
 the still more apt one of the Greek -k in yvvi) yvvaiKog, like the 
 opposite employment of the c in Latin, senex, senectus, along 
 with senis (compare the essay of Ourtius on individualizing suf- 
 fixes in Zeit. f. v. Sp. Bd. iv.) The dative cathir, no doubt, 
 likewise rests upon a similar mutilation, as is frequently found 
 among the ?i-stems, and should not have been placed by Zeuss in 
 the paradigm; the normal form would be cathrich or cathraich, 
 in the plur. ace. cathracha, gen. cathrach, dat. cathrachaib may 
 be expected. 
 
 In its most ancient stage the Gaedhelic, consequently, harmon- 
 izes with the classic languages by the conservation of the conso- 
 nant declension of the t-, n-, and r-stems ; it even exceeds the 
 Latin in the conservation of the purity of the nom. ace. and gen. 
 plur. ; on the other hand it associates itself to the Gothic by the 
 passage of the s-stems into the vocalic declension, which takes place 
 as in the Slavonic languages in two ways : by an addition in dis, 
 disa, contrasting with the Sanskrit ciyus; by a loss in nem (nima) 
 in contrast to the Sanskrit nabhas, with a change of gender, as 
 in the Slavonic tima, against the Sanskrit tamas. 
 
 §. 5. Declension of masc. {and neut.) a- and iA-stems. 
 
 According to what has been said above, the vocalic declension 
 includes masculine and neutral a-, i-, and w-stems, feminine a- and 
 i- (i-) stems ; feminine w-stems are wanting, as in the Lithuanian. 
 
 We have already carried back the inflexions of the masculine 
 a-stems to the oldest attainable Celtic forms. Most of them 
 scarcely require an observation. The nom. sing, -as, -a, -an, in- 
 stead of -am, gen. plur. -an instead of -dm, agree exactly with the 
 Sanskrit ; the dative plural -obis presupposes a more ancient pho- 
 netic condition than we find preserved either in the Sanskrit in- 
 strumental -dis or in the dative -ebhyas, and which is easiest 
 explained from the instrumental (primitive form -abhis), for 
 the dative form -abhyas would have led (through -abias -abeas, 
 or through -abis -abi, through -abe*s -abS) to -abe or -aibi. bl (The 
 -ai in -aib is not a diphthong, but umlaut, as the secondary form 
 -ib shows ; it is, consequently, not comparable with the Sanskrit 
 -3 m -Sbhyas). The dat. sing, -ui (or u? undoubtedly formed out 
 of -ui) and the ace. plur. -us agree with the Lithuanian and Slavo- 
 nian, being in the former -ui and -us, and in the latter -u and -y; 
 the gen. sing, and nom. plur. -i agree with the Latin (besides 
 the dat., Latin -6 from ~oz = Oscan -ui). In the nominative plural 
 the pronominal ending (Sanskrit-e = primitive -ai, Lithuanian -ai, 
 Gothic -ai, Greek oi, Latin i, older form -ei, Slavonian -i), has, 
 
 51 [xxii. See note 23, p. 56.] 
 
72 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 consequently, penetrated into the substantive declension in the 
 Celtic also, as it does every where except in the Sanskrit, Gothic, 
 Umbrian, and Oscan, and indfir (pronounced indir) from innifiri 
 corresponds exactly with Mi viri; this i has, consequently, been 
 formed out of -ai or -ex. On the other hand, in the genitive singular, 
 the most difficult form, the -i corresponds to the Latin -z, which, as 
 is well known, is written not -ei, but -i in Lucilius, and in the Sen. 
 Cons, de Baca, an important circumstance for the correct explana- 
 tion of the Latin form ; as for the rest, the explanation is easier in 
 the Irish than in the Latin. Of the primitive ending = Sanskrit 
 asya, not only y, which has everywhere fallen away, but also 
 a vowel-flanked s must have disappeared in the Irish (Zeuss, 60, 
 63); thus arose -ii (as in z'£A = Kymric, iot, /cc = Kymric iacc) 
 which of course coalesced immediately into i; it only remains 
 doubtful whether this -a also belongs to the Kymric or exclu- 
 sively to the Gaedhelic. 52 The agreement of both forms with the 
 Latin is, no doubt, the chief reason why the words borrowed 
 from the Latin have mostly preserved, in so strikingly faithful a 
 manner, the declension-type, and that transitions into this declen- 
 sion have only taken place from the third Latin one ; — a change 
 which the gen. -is induced, as, for example : socrdit, in conse- 
 quence of socratis (even in the nom. preceptoir, plur. preceptor i, 
 in consequence oft. preceptor is), not the reverse, except where it 
 was necessary to join a word to a known ending, as in peccad 
 masc, gen. pectha pecilio from peccatum, in consequence of the 
 many words in -ad having similar meaning. The words in -e, 
 sometimes written -a, and ya- (ia- and aia-) stems form a subdi- 
 vision of the a-stems ; in them either -i before -a was changed into 
 -e, or -ia was contracted into -3, -ii into -i, — these long vowels 
 being naturally shortened in the auslaut ; all forms admit of being 
 explained in both these ways in the most perfectly satisfactory 
 manner. The -u in the dat. sing, remained here in the combina- 
 tion -iu in the auslaut, for which, however, -u and -i also occur; 
 in the dat. plur. a slight shortening took place, as iib did not give 
 -ib, but -ib. bZ 
 
 The neuters exhibit a curious anomaly, inasmuch as the prim- 
 itive -a of the nom. and ace. plur., shortened to -a in the second 
 period, should have dropped off in the third ; if we connect with -a 
 of this case an analogous singular phenomenon, namely, that the 
 inna, 7ia, of the article, as in the feminine, does not affect the suc- 
 
 52 [xxiii. In the Old Irish, as in the Latin, the gen. sing, of masc. and neut. a- 
 stems was originally the locative sing., and has nothing whatever to do with 
 asya. Ebel is now inclined to admit this. See, infra, On the Position of the 
 Celtic, §. 11, p. 125. 
 
 53 Zeuss erroneously remarks, page 248 : quae -ib dativi non inficiens ex -ab de- 
 fecisse videtur. The observation would have been in place at p. 253. 
 
On Declension in Irish. 73 
 
 ceeding consonants, we shall be able to assume, with great pro- 
 bability, that in the Gaedhelic the disappearance of the neuter, 
 which in the Kymric can be no longer detected, had even then 
 already been prepared in the plural, by the invasion of the femi- 
 nine form, for the inna of the article does not admit of being ex- 
 plained otherwise than from innds. The Irish na cenSla (nationes) 
 consequently admits of being compared with the Italian le arme 
 instead of ilia arma. Even the accusative plural masculine 
 inna, na, appears to rest upon an inorganic invasion of the femi- 
 nine form, because the substantive forms lead us to expect rather 
 *innu, *nu [conversely -iu, (-it) = Lat. eos, occurs suffixed to the 
 prepositions, even as feminine] ; this form has also penetrated 
 in the Modem Irish, from the accusative even into the nomi- 
 native, so that a difference of genders is nowhere to be found 
 in the plural. The -ia stems form the plnr. nom. regularly in -e, 
 as in the singular. 
 
 The adjectives mostly follow the rule of the substantives, 
 only that the ?<2-stems readily shorten the ace. plur. mas. into -i, 
 and the nom. plur. neuter often shows -i instead of the more 
 normal -e. The --/, which the a-stems often exhibit in the 
 neuter plural, is mere remarkable, and is hitherto inexplicable 
 to me. 54 A stem sdinia, instead ofsdnia, may probably be assumed 
 for sain (di versus), in consequence of the ai. This has main- 
 tained itself in the form of the nom. plur. ; in the others it has 
 shortened itself like aile into aill. But how are we to explain 
 isli, dilsi, comaicsi? Of the pronominal a-stems, a form has, 
 however, been preserved, in spite of the frightful ravages here 
 occasioned by the phonetic laws, which sets aside the only reason 
 which could probably be still put forward (except the accidental 
 similarity with the stem-auslaut a in the Sanskrit) in favour of ex- 
 plaining the gen. -a of the following class by the Sanskrit -asya. 
 Of the stem a, there have been preserved : gen. sing. masc. and 
 neut. d, with affection of the succeeding consonants, consequently 
 primitively a vowel-ending stem ; gen. fern, a without affection, 
 consequently for as; gen. pi. an, a, consequently produced from 
 an instead of am. Bopp therefore believed himself able to explain 
 the masc. a by asya, and the fern, a (instead of as) by asyds. But 
 now di appears as the most ancient form of the gen. sing. masc. and 
 neut. (in Zeuss, 334, 345), besides ae, e (evidently e) also (Zeuss 
 347) ; consequently asya modified itself in the first instance into 
 di, and from thence issued the Gaedhelic forms a and e like the 
 
 54 [xxiv. Adjectival a-stems never exhibit i in the nom. pi. But (as was to 
 be expected) this is done by adjectival i-stems, such as sain, isil, ddis, comacuis, 
 whence sdini, isli, dilsi, comaicsi. The adjectival z-declension exists at the present 
 day. See the paradigm (geanamhail), O'Donovan's Grammar, p. 112.] 
 
 7 B 
 
74 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Kymric y, e. Thus even tills form, which in consequence of its 
 shortness must have sounded fuller, differs very little from the 
 usual genitive of the a-stems. The neuter of the article an, -which 
 has weakened itself even to a, rests no doubt on a primitive 
 form anat,™ which from the outset must have become ana, an, be- 
 cause anan (instead of anam) must have always retained an n; 
 the fundamental -at also explains the more violent shortening in 
 the neut. aill, as compared with the masc. and fern, aile.™ 
 
 §. 6. Declension of masc. i- and u-stems. 
 
 The explanation of the case-endings is much more difficult in 
 the following classes, where the separation of the masculine u- 
 and i-, and the feminine a- and i-, stems, is already difficult. 
 
 The i- and ?<-stems sound in the nom. and ace. sing, perfectly 
 alike, for -is, -in, -i must drop off like -us, -un, -u; even the vowel 
 of the stem does not always give us information, although denmid 
 (factor), for example, proves itself by the genitive denmada to 
 have been altered from denmad, muir (mare) announces itself by 
 its ui as an i-stem ; we must, therefore, endeavour to ascertain 
 the stem from other sources, as, for instance, in bith (mundus), 
 from the Gaulish bitu; in fid (arbor), from the Gaulish vidu and 
 the Saxon widu; in the verbals in -ad, from the analogy of the 
 Latin in -tus, etc. The only case which shows the stem clearly, 
 the accusative plural, 57 the -us and -is of which have changed into 
 -u and -i, is imfortunately only very weakly represented, so that, 
 in many cases, no certainty can be attained. In the dative 
 singular -ui and -i are certainly to be assumed; these should 
 become -u and -i, and leave behind umlaut, but most words 
 take no umlaut (no doubt, in consequence of the primitive 
 length of the stem-vowel). Among the whole of the examples 
 in Zeuss, biuth alone shows umlaut, which he accordingly has 
 placed in the paradigm. It would appear as if the endings -a, 
 -o, -e established a difference in the genitive singular ; but this is 
 by no means the case, as aithrebthado, from the nom. aithribthid 
 (possessor), for example, shows a decided z-stem; we must look 
 upon -o rather as an obscuring of the -a, e, exactly as -ea and 
 -eo are the result of the subsequent action of a preceding sound, 
 or of one which had preceded. The explanation apparently 
 
 55 [xxv. More probably tbe neut. article an (a before a noun beginning with a 
 tenuis) stands for sa-n — the n being the neut. ending, and the sa the well-known 
 pronominal stem. The s appears in composition with non-aspirating prepositions.] 
 
 56 [For confirmation of this hypothesis see, infra, "On the so-called pros- 
 thetic n", §. 12, p. 90.] 
 
 57 [xxyi. The nom. and ace. plur. (-i) and dat. plur. (-i6) of z-stems show 
 the stem clearly enough. But Ebel here, as elsewhere, suffers from the incom- 
 pleteness of Zeuss's collection of examples.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. lb 
 
 nearest at hand, that -o is derived from -aus ( = Sanskrit -6s), is, 
 consequently, to be rejected, and we are to assume either that 
 -aus, as well as -ais, has become -a, or, to start from the funda- 
 mental form, -avas and -ajas, which must likewise become -as, 
 -a; as the dative cannot be explained from- avi, -aji, the first hy- 
 pothesis is, probably, to be preferred. 58 According to the analogy 
 of the consonantal declension (compare also Gothic -yus and -eis), 
 a fundamental form -avis and -ajis is to be laid down for the 
 nom. plur. ; -ais must arise from -avis, and this, on the dropping 
 of the s, could be contracted to -a, -e, or -i; -ajis, in consequence 
 of the preponderance of the i-sound, passed, as it appears, exclu- 
 sively into -i, certainly at least in the masculine in -ati (nom. 
 -id, gen. -ada) ; the auslauts were, as everywhere, subsequently 
 shortened, so that, along with -ai, -ae, -a, -e, and -t, also occur, 
 e.g.: gnimai, gnimae, gnirna, gnime, gnimi, from the stem gnhnu 
 (action). The form rnogi, from the stem mugu, along with mogae, 
 is interesting, as their common origin from mogai is betrayed by 
 their o. The ending -e of the gen. plur. is remarkable ; it appears 
 to announce itself in moge as a degeneration of moga ; on the 
 other hand, it has produced umlaut in forcitlaide (praacepto- 
 rum) ; either there existed formerly a difference here, as in the 
 nominative plural, so that -avan contracted itself into -an, -ajan 
 into -ian, -en, or, the umlaut in forcitlaide is inorganic, and -e 
 is in both cases degeneration of -a, from -dn=-avdn and ajdn, 
 which forms we take as a starting point according to the ana- 
 logy of the Gothic -ive and -e instead of -iye. The dative plural 
 shows a remarkable anomaly, the normal -ib of the z'-stem in- 
 deed appears in it, but not the -ub or -uib to be expected in the 
 w-stem, but, instead of it, -aib (compare aitrebthidib , mogaib) ; 
 either interchange has here taken place between ui and ai, a cir- 
 cumstance otherwise without example (ui for ai is frequent), or 
 the generality of the ending -aib introduced it inorganically here 
 also, in the same manner as in the Greek iroXtcri, tt^xzctl the t ap- 
 pears to have penetrated by means of the false analogy of the other 
 cases. The neuter plur. in the nom. and ace. rind (constellations) 
 mind (insignia), fess (scita), appears, at first sight, to be altogether 
 anomalous without an ending, which is the more striking as even 
 the a-stems show an ending where one ought not to expect it ; if, 
 
 58 [xxvii. Surely it is easier to assume that the z'-stems (with one or two ex- 
 ceptions, such as tir, tire) passed over in the gen. sing, to the w-declension. 
 Hence the -o (-a) = -6s, -aus. The fern* a-stems likewise, in the gen. sing. — 
 with five exceptions (inna, oena, mnda, cacha, nacha) — have passed over to the 
 i-declension, and consequently exhibit the ending e = es, of which the e was 
 probably produced, by a very ancient contraction, from a-i (cf. Goth, anstais). 
 Here, of course, as also in the Sanskrit and Lithuanian dves, awes, " ewe's", 
 the stem- vowel has been gunated.] 
 
76 
 
 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 however, we start from a fundamental form -vet, -ja, in which the v 
 sm&j were dropped, a development -d, -a, may also be conceived 
 (perhaps we should even take a — ava, aja for a starting point, 
 with inorganic gunation, in which case rind would bear the same 
 relation to gnima, as ra\ka does to Ta\hg). In spite of much ob- 
 scurity in details, it is at least clear from the preceding, that the i- 
 and w-stems by no means so fully coincided from their origin, as 
 would appear from the representation of Zeuss. For the sake of 
 greater clearness, we shall here also attempt to give an idea of the 
 declension arranged according to the different periods, without 
 the secondary forms however : — 
 
 
 
 
 U-STEMS. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Primitive period. Prehistoric period. 
 
 Historic period. 
 
 Masc 
 
 . Sing. 
 
 Nom. . 
 
 bithus 
 
 biths 
 
 bith 
 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 bithun 
 
 bithu 
 
 bith 
 
 
 
 Gen. . 
 
 (bithavas) bithas? 
 
 betha 
 
 betha 
 
 
 
 Dat. . 
 
 bithui 
 
 bitbu 
 
 biuth 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. . 
 
 (bitkavis) bithais 
 
 betliai 
 
 betha 
 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 (bithuns) bithus 
 
 bithu 
 
 bithu 
 
 
 
 Gen. . 
 
 (bithavan) bithavan 
 
 bethan 
 
 * betha 
 
 
 
 Dat. . 
 
 bithubis 
 
 bithui bs 
 
 * bithuib 
 
 Neut. 
 
 Sinar. 
 
 . . . 
 
 fidu 
 
 fid 
 
 fid 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 . . . 
 
 (fidva) fida 
 
 I-STEMS. 
 
 feda 
 
 fed 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Nom. . 
 
 denmadis 
 
 denmids 
 
 denmid 
 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 denmadin 
 
 denmidn 
 
 denmid 
 
 
 
 Gen. . 
 
 (denmadajas) denmadas? 
 
 denmada 
 
 denmada 
 
 
 
 Dat. . 
 
 denmada 
 
 denmadi 
 
 denmid 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. . 
 
 (denmadajis) denmadis? 
 
 denmidi ? 
 
 denm 
 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 (denmadins) denmadis 
 
 denmidi 
 
 denmidi 
 
 
 
 Gen. . 
 
 ( denmada j an) denmadajan 
 
 denmadan 
 
 * denmada 
 
 
 
 Dat. . 
 
 denmadibis 
 
 denmidibs 
 
 denmidib 
 
 Neut. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 • • • 
 
 fissi 
 
 fiss 
 
 fiss 
 
 
 PL , 
 
 
 (fissja) fissa 
 
 fessa 
 
 fess 
 
 According to this view, it is only the dative plural of the 
 w-stem mogaib that appears to be distinctly inorganic ; the gen. 
 plur. moge shows a weakening of the a into e, which we shall 
 presently find again in the feminine. 
 
 §. 7. Declension of fern, a- and i- stems. 
 
 The feminine a and i-stems have suffered still greater confu- 
 sion in their declension, so that the primitive stem can now only be 
 recognized from the vocalization of the nom. sing, and by com- 
 parison with other languages. 59 Thus the following show them- 
 
 59 [xxviii. It is true that in the Old Irish the fern, a-stems have in the 
 gen. (but see note 58), dat. and ace. sing, gone over to the ^-declension; and 
 in the dat. this was the case in Gaulish, as we learn from Belesami (nom. Bele- 
 sama) in the inscription of Vaison. But in the Old Irish the fern, j-stems are 
 f with very few exceptions*) still clearly distinguishable from the fern, a-stems. 
 
 * Oabdil and its compounds are declined in the plur. like a-stems, so idbairt, ej/ert. 
 
On Declension in Irish. 11 
 
 selves by e and o to be a-stems: ess, iress (fides), nem (ccelum), 
 toft (voluntas), breth (judicium), crocli (crux), ingen (filia), 
 aimser (tempus), and tlie words in -em, sucb as moidem (laus), 
 cretem (fides) ; by ia instead of 3 — grian (sol), briathar (ver- 
 bum), bliadan (annus); by comparison — run (mysterium) == 
 Gothic runa, fere (ira)z=.bpy{), the words in -acht and -echt, 
 which presuppose a Sanskrit -akatd and -ikatd, and which are 
 not consequently derived directly from the stem-substantive, but 
 through a hypothetical adjective in -ach or -ech ( = Sanskrit -aha, 
 -ika), as for example, deacht (divinitas), which is not obtained 
 directly from dia, but through *deach (clivinus). We must con- 
 sider as i-stems especially the verbal-nouns in -t, such as epert 
 (locutio), tabart, tabairt (datio), and also iarjigid (inquisitio, 
 quaestio) ; the secondary forms, as muing, £. = mung, m. (a mane), 
 quoted by Pictet, (Op. cit. p. 123), appear to be 2-stems (whose 
 nominative -i, -i, >, cannot be distinguished in its actual state 
 from -is, >s, >). No certain distinctions can be at all recognized 
 in the case-endings, and nothing can be based upon the secondary 
 forms. The genitive singular shows, for instance, along with 
 the dominant -e, also -a and -o; but if we would assign the -a to 
 the «-stems, and the -e to the z-stems, we find our proposition con- 
 tradicted by the circumstance that -e is the commonest ending, 
 and appears just in those words the vowels of which point to -a, 
 as in nime, irisse, ingine, and that -a occurs frequently in charac- 
 teristic z-stems, as in eperta; if, on the other hand, we would 
 assign -a to the ^-sterns, from the analogy of the masculine, and -e 
 to the a-stems from the analogy of the Latin -ce, the feminine of 
 the adjectives like cacha, nacha, (and even dena, along with aine), 
 will remain unconsidered; consequently -a is clearly the oldest 
 form in both classes, it weakened itself into -o and -e, even in the 
 same words; e. g., duile and dulo, from dul (mundus, res, crea- 
 tura), and the umlaut before e, in spite of its universality, is in- 
 organic ; the fundamental forms -as and -ajas had also to follow 
 the same course : -as, -a, -a, or if we prefer starting from -ais in- 
 
 In addition to the circumstance that the a- stems in general have their gen. sing, 
 in - e, whereas the i-stems make it in -o (a), the nom. and ace. pi. of fem. {-stems 
 end in -i, but those of the a-stems in -a. Next, the gen pi. of fem. i-stems ends in 
 ae, -e; that of fem. a-stems has no ending. Thus nime, dule, caille, rigne, infinite, 
 bliadne, fochraice,Jochide, are the Old Irish genitives plur. respectively of nem, 
 nim (heaven), dull (a thing), caill (a wood), rigain (a queen), infinit (an infinitive), 
 bliadain (a year), (not bliadan as Ebel wrongly gives it) ; fochricc (a reward), 
 fochaid (tribulation). Thirdly, the dat. pi. of fem. i-stems ends in -ib, that of 
 a-stems in -aib (dirmib, Zeuss, p. 670, probably comes from * dirim : cf. Welsh rhij ).] 
 60 In the Lord's Prayer, as given by O'Donovan, there is, however, bid do toil 
 (thy will be done), which indicates an i-stem.* 
 
 * [xxix. Toil here is the accusative sing., according to the regular Old Irish syntax 
 (Zeuss, p. S94) : the nom. sing, is lol, which was anciently a fem. d-stem.] 
 
78 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 stead of -ajas, we have -ais, -ai, -a. The i -stems could form the 
 dat. sing, in 4, -i (or -aji, i, 4, which is less probable), the a- 
 stems either in (-di), -4, e, or (-ai), 4, i-, as in the nominative 
 plural of the masculine ; both of them consequently agree, as may 
 be expected, in the umlaut. An -is, 4, -i might have been ex- 
 pected in the nominative plural, as in the masculine, from the 
 fundamental form -ajis; but an ais, -ai, -a, was equally possible; 
 and if the examples give -a, -e, and 4, an -ai, 4, 4 is not impossible, 
 even in the case of a-stems (compare Greek -at, Latin -ae) : con- 
 sequently a separation of both classes, according to the ending, 
 is neither a priori necessary, nor in the actual state possible (see 
 the examples in Zeuss, 262, 263) ; although, no doubt, the as- 
 sumption of a primitive difference between -a (from -as) and 4 
 (from -ajis) would have much in its favour. What is most striking 
 is, that no ending whatever is found, not only mpersin from persan 
 (persona), which is treated in Modern Irish altogether as an «-stem 
 (nom. pearsa), but also in aimsir; and only in the vowel is there 
 an indication of 4. Zeuss considers the e and i as secondary forms, 
 which have resulted from assimilation: litre, epistli, appear to 
 speak in favour of this view, but not bliadni; for an a has been 
 here dropped. The following hypothesis appears to me to offe] 
 most advantages : the feminines in 4 formed like the masculines 
 the nominative plural in 4 (see above), those in -a, contracted -di 
 (as in the Greek and Latin), into e or /, which, in consequence of 
 its genesis from -di, yielded somewhat more resistance to re- 
 trenchment than the 4 of the masculine resulting from -ai, and 
 which therefore maintained itself, in part, in the weakening -e, 4, 
 and in part actually dropped off; but the form -a rests (as in 
 Slav, -y, -e), on an interchange with the accusative, which already 
 in some instances took place in the old language, but which has 
 deformed the whole declension in the modern. This hypothesis 
 is supported by the nominative plural of the z'd-stems, which never 
 contain -e, but everywhere 4; a circumstance which points to an 
 earlier 4 generated from 4e or 4i. The class -distinctions are com- 
 pletely obliterated in the gen. plur. (without ending), dat. (-aib 
 and 4b without distinction), and ace. plur., 61 which often termi- 
 nates in ~a even in undoubted i-stems, e. g., idbarta (oblationes), 
 seldom in 4, as duli (res), epistli (epistolas). 
 
 If almost everywhere here, an invasion occurred of the most 
 numerous a-stems, the reverse appears to have taken place in 
 the accusative sing., which exhibits, almost without exception, 
 umlaut or a primitive i; only delb (imaginem) and nem (caelum) 
 point to an ending -an (an). Even if we were to assume that -an 
 
 61 [See Note 59, p. 76.] 
 
On Declension in Irish. 79 
 
 was changed, as in the Zend, into -en (in the consonantal declen- 
 sion we were led to an accusative -in or -en), the cause why this 
 degeneration did befall the primitive -an of the feminine rather 
 than the -an of the masculine, would still remain unexplained. 
 The m-stems partake of the above mentioned deformities in the 
 accusative singular, which terminates in -i instead of -e, and in 
 the accusative plural, which likewise ends in -i, on the other 
 hand the gen. sing, -e leads us back to the primitive -a of this 
 case ; the nominative plural -i appears to be formed according to 
 rule, except that all the end syllables are shortened. Accordingly, 
 instead of the forms to be expected, — which are somewhat as 
 follows : 
 
 Sing. Nom. 
 
 -a -a — 
 
 
 -is 
 
 >s > 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -an -an — 
 
 
 -in 
 
 In I 
 
 Gen. 
 
 -as -a -a 
 
 
 -as 
 
 -a -a 
 
 Dat. 
 
 -i -i > 
 
 
 -i 
 
 -* I 
 
 Plur. Nom. 
 
 -X -i )(?) 
 
 
 -is 
 
 -i -i 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -as -a -a 
 
 
 -is 
 
 -i -i 
 
 Gen. 
 
 -an -an — 
 
 
 -ajdn 
 
 -an -a 
 
 Dat. 
 
 -dbis -aibs -aib 
 
 
 -ibis 
 
 -ibs -ib 
 
 -we find the following actually occurring : 
 
 
 
 Singular 
 
 >_ (-) 
 > e (-a, o) 
 > 
 
 Plural 
 
 • 
 
 -a (-1) 
 -aib (-ib) 
 
 in which d represents the after-action of the retrenched i. The 
 same degeneration of the original forms occurs, as may be ex- 
 pected, in the Modern Irish, where an cholam (columba) fluctuates 
 in the gen. sing, and nom. plur. between na colaime and colama, 
 and even in the dat. sing, between do'n cholam and cholaime; it is 
 still further increased by the circumstance that the genitive has 
 also frequently thrown off the inflexion vowel, e. g. na hoigh from 
 an oigh (virgo). In general, however, the a-stems appear to have 
 assumed the ending -e; the z-stems on the other hand -a, e.g.: slat 
 (rod), gen. sing, and nom. plur. slaite; sgiath (wings), gen. sgeithe; 
 neamh (heaven), gen. neimhe; hutfeoil (flesh), has however, gen. 
 sing, and nom. plur. feola; and oigh, although in the gen. sing., it 
 has hoigh, in the plural it is na hogha. The fluctuation has even 
 passed over to the masculine, for iasg (fish) forms gen. disc, plur. 
 disc or iasca; and sruih (scholar), in both cases smith or srotha. 
 Already in the Old Irish, the vocative has been replaced through* 
 out in the plural by the accusative ; in the singular there are only 
 some forms of the a- and a-stems preserved, e.g. fir horn, fire, as 
 in other languages ; duini from duinie; and among consonantal 
 stems the single one ath(a)ir in the Lord's prayer. We have 
 already found in the Old Irish beginnings of a permutation of the 
 
80 Ebel's Celtic Studies. 
 
 accusative and nominative. The consonantal n- and ^-sterns suffer 
 likewise a peculiar mutilation in the Old Irish. The secondary 
 forms of anim (anima) ; gen. a?ime, dat. and ace. anim, admit of 
 being explained from a vocalic base : not so the anomaly, which 
 not unfrequently occurs, that the nominative directly supplants 
 the dative and accusative. Examples: do foditiu (ad tolera- 
 tionem), do aurlatu (ad obedientiam), ace. aurlatu (obedientia) ; 
 compare also Pictet's observations (Beitrage zur vergleichenden 
 Sprachforschung, I. 82 sq.), where the reverse is likewise proved. 
 The circumstance that, in the Modern Irish, there is mostly (ex- 
 cept in the anlaut) no difference to be found between the nomi- 
 native and dative singular, agrees with the foregoing; it con- 
 sequently appears that the accusative first was identified with 
 the nominative, and then the dative. The language is, therefore, 
 in a fair way to lose all its inflexions like the Kymric dialects, 
 and first of all the genitive plural, which now is already mostly 
 like the nom. sing. ; — properly speaking, only the gen. sing, and 
 plur. and dat. plur. are yet retained : nay, even the latter has been 
 already deprived of its ending in the article, in the same way as 
 the adjectives have lost all their inflexions. The decision as to 
 the origin of the modern forms of the consonantal stems is ren- 
 dered more difficult by this phenomenon. Only few still corre- 
 spond to the old form, thus breitheamli (judex), gen. breitheamhan, 
 nom. plur. breitheamhuin, with brithem, gen. britheman, nom. 
 plur. brithemain. DaileamJi (butler), for example, deviates al- 
 ready in the gen. daileamhidn, from ddlem (caupo), gen. ddleman. 
 The majority have affixed -e or -a either in the nom. plur. or in 
 both cases, and it is difficult to decide whether we are to look upon 
 this as a simple transition into the vocalic declension (as in New 
 High German brunnen, instead of brunn), or whether the nom. 
 in -a is not really an accusative ; perhaps the accusative form first 
 passed into the nominative, and then the genitive singular fol- 
 lowed the analogy of the nominative plural now appearing vo- 
 calic. A striking example of this mixture of forms is afforded 
 by cu (cards) ; gen. con (perfectly normal), or cuin (a- stem) ; 
 dat. coin (normal) ; nom. plur. cona (accusative form), or con (spu- 
 rious formation), or coin (normal) ; gen. cu (mutilated), or con 
 (normal) ; dat. conaibh. The nominative plural athara from athair 
 (father), has assumed the accusative form, and thereby got the ex- 
 ternal appearance of a vocalic stem, an example in which it was 
 followed by the gen. sing, athara (in use besides the primitive 
 athar); side by side with them forms with -ach have been intro- 
 duced; e. g.: aitlireach (as in Old Irish cathir). 62 The applica- 
 
 62 [xxx. Aitlireach is simply due to a passage over to the c- declension. So 
 
On Declension in Irish. 81 
 
 tion of the suffix -adh (compare denmid, denmada, or tenga, ten- 
 gad), as an inflexion-copulative, is new; e. g., in the plural bo- 
 gadha (for bogha, bows), considered also by Pictet (Op. cit. 128) 
 to be a new formation ; but, perhaps, it may help us to an expla- 
 nation of the Kymric plural forms. 
 
 §. 8. The distinction of the plural in Kymric. 
 
 The Kymric, on which we must in conclusion cast a glance, 
 has preserved nothing more of its whole inflexions, even in the 
 oldest documents, than the distinction of the plural, but this it 
 employs very arbitrarily: compare trimeib (tres filii) with mei- 
 bion, meibon, and tyreu (turres) with tyroed. Obviously, as in the 
 New High German, this is of three kinds : either the old plural 
 form remains, consequently true inflexions, as brilder, gdste, 
 fische, from the Gothic brothrjus, gasteis, JisMs; or the ending 
 of the stem, dropped in the singular, behind which the gramma- 
 tical ending has disappeared, as in mannen, where the -an of the 
 Gothic manna (stem mannart), which has vanished in the singular, 
 has been preserved, while the proper ending, the s of mannans, 
 has been dropped; or a suffix (determinative), wholly foreign to 
 the stem, like the German -er in eier, to which true inflexion- 
 endings were, at an earlier period (Anglo-Saxon dgru), attached, 
 but wlrich, after their loss (as in the Old High German nom. 
 eigir), exactly occupies the place of the ending, like German 
 lander instead of lande, except in the dative plural. 
 
 To the first kind belong : 1, the Kymric plurals without end- 
 ings, and with umlaut, such as Welsh llygeit = Cornish legeit 
 (oculi) ; Welsh seint=z Aimoric sent (sancti) ; Welsh chwaer (soro- 
 res), from chwior; tract = Cornish treys, Armoric treid (pedes), 
 from troet, Cornish troys, Armoric troad, — or without umlaut, as 
 tridyn (tres homines), teir morwyn (tres puellae). 'All these 
 forms have lost an -i, probably a primitive 4 or -is (-is?), 
 and consequently may be compared to the Gaedhelic forms 
 such as maicc (filii), to which the Welsh meib, or traigid, the 
 Kymric traet, treys, treid correspond; for instance, the mascu- 
 line verbals in -iat, -iad, pi. -ieid, such as guiliat, are parallel 
 to the Gaedhelic in-z, pi. -id (filid) (see above). 2. The plurals 
 in i, such as meini (lapides), from maen, Corn, esely (mem- 
 bra) = Armoric ysily, from esel, appear to correspond to the 
 Gaedhelic -i (in ia- and feminine stems) ; but interchanges occur, 
 however, such as Cornish meyn, Armoric mem, alongside of 
 Welsh meini, and this even in the same dialect, e. g. : Cornish tell, 
 and also tylly (foramina), from tol, which do not allow a strict 
 
 in Early Middle Irish we have mainistir (from monasterium),.makh\g its gen. sing. 
 ?nanestrech. Zeuss, xxviii. so altdir, from alture, gen. altdrach.'] 
 
82 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 separation to be effected. As further instances may also be ad- 
 duced llestri, Cornish, and Armoric, listri, "which represent 
 Gaedhelic *lestir, while on the other hand dyn is the Gaedhelic 
 doini. 3. Finally, the plurals in -au and -iau with their different 
 formations (Zeuss, 290, 122), also belong originally to this 
 category; e. g. tyreu (turres), Cornish detliyow = Armoric diziou 
 (dies) ; -au appears to have belonged originally to the w-stems, 
 the verbals in -at (-iat), -ad, pi. -adau also correspond to the 
 Gaedhelic abstracts (infinitive) in -ad, -ud, which take -a in 
 plural, so that -au may be very well explained from the Sanskrit 
 -avas. Pictet's {Op. cit., p. 135) comparison with the Sanskrit 
 -as, which changes into -6 before sonants, although adopted by 
 Bopp and Kuhn also, is certainly erroneous. But afterwards 
 confusion came in here likewise, so that we see -au exactly like 
 the Slavonian -ov and the Greek -ev and other determinatives 
 applied to other stems also, and hence even arose -iau. Besides, 
 all three suffixes occur in both genders, so that perhaps the -i of 
 the feminine may confirm the above assumed Gaedhelic funda- 
 mental form of the nominative plural. 
 
 The second kind embraces especially n-stems, such as the ap- 
 parently anomalous hi (canis), the plural of which is in Welsh, 
 cdn, cwn, Cornish ken, and which corresponds exactly with the 
 Gaedhelic cu, plur. cuin (the Gaedhelic u is the Kymric i); and 
 z/c/i = ox, plur. y chain (ancient, ychen) = oxen ; — further, Welsh 
 brawt, which has lost its final r, plur. brodyr, (Cornish brand and 
 broder, while in the Armoric sing, breur, breer, the d has yielded, 
 plur. breuder). 
 
 Kuhn (p. 595) wished also to include under the third category 
 the -an of gen. cluasan (the ears), but in this word it belongs un- 
 doubtedly to the third, as cluas is evidently the old stem, which, 
 in the beginning, was treated in the declension like dis. 
 
 To the third kind belong the following : 1. Many plurals in -au, 
 -iau, in which the ending is foreign to the word-stem proper, such 
 as penneu (capita), stem pinna (or pinda) = Gaedhelic cinna, from 
 which nom. cenn, dat. ciunn, or breicheu (brachia), stem toeich, 
 instead of breclii ; 2, most words in -ion (or -on), e.g. — deneon, 
 dynyon (homines), from the stem dini (instead of dinia, as the 
 Gaedhelic duine shows), or meibion (filii), along with which appear 
 likewise after numerals the forms meib, dyn, and all Welsh plural 
 adjectives, e.g. meirwon, along vnthmeirw, from marw (mortuus) 
 = Gaedhelic marb, plural mairb (moirb). The -n consequently 
 takes exactly the same place here as in the German adjectives 
 and many feminities. 3. The endings -et, -ot, -ieit, -eit, and -ed, yd, 
 oed, which otherwise occur as derivatives, and in this respect have 
 been already compared above with the Gaedhelic -ad, -id, likewise 
 
On Declension in Irish. 83 
 
 join many stems as determinatives, in which respect they are 
 parallel with the -ad, in Irish bogadha, already compared, if I am 
 not mistaken, by Kuhn. (Both forms are related to one another, 
 as x a 9 lT 1S to ^ 7rt ^ in the Greek.) Compare the following 
 words in -t: merchet (flliae), from merch (is this identical with 
 Lithuanian, merga? cf. p.), Cornish denys (homines), Armoric 
 bretonet (Britanni) with those in -ed : Welsh, bydoed (mundi) 
 from bytz=z Irish bith, Cornish eleth = Armoric aelez (angeh). 
 On the other hand, the favourite suffix of the Gaedhelic -adh is 
 not employed as a determinative in Kymric. 
 
 In the representation of my results, I have altogether followed 
 the same analytical way which I had gone in the investigation 
 itself, in order to rendei the verification easier to the reader. 
 Some points will require completion and correction. On the 
 whole, I hope that the results obtained will be found correct. 
 
 §. 9. Note on a-, /-, d-, r-, and nt- Stems. 
 
 According to a communication of Mr. Stokes, that has reached 
 me through Professor Kuhn, 63 the a-stems show in the Old Off am 
 inscriptions not only the gen. in i — MAQVI 64 (a form which ex- 
 plains by its qv not only the Kymric map, but also the Gaed- 
 helic mace without aspiration), — but also the nominative in -as 
 (CORPIMAQVAS— Cormac). This highly interesting form 
 may accordingly be placed by the side of /uapicav, Pausanias, x. 19, 
 11, in which we are now justified in recognizing the true Gaulish 
 accusative of marcas* (ngen. marc^ w. 3, march, plur. meircli). 
 The Ogam secondary forms in -os, show us at what a remote 
 period the obscuration of the a to o was already common. I 
 would not, with Stokes, 65 deduce the length of the dat. plur. from 
 the single form sceldib, as even feminine a-stems fluctuate between 
 -ab, -ib, aib, which indicates a short vowel; and the id-stems 
 invariably show -ib, instead of the -ib to be expected. 
 
 That the neutral aill rests on a vocalic fundamental form, the t 
 or d being dropped (like Greek a\Xo), as was already suspected (p. 
 90), is confirmed by the mortification of the s in alaill sain, Z. 364. 
 
 According to an observation kindly communicated to me, 
 
 Mr. Stokes now recognizes in Zeuss' Ordo Posterior Ser. 4., 
 
 three kinds of stems, in -d, -t, and -nt. The latter, to which dime, 
 
 fiadu, car a, ndma (ndmae), belong, correspond accurately with 
 
 the participles in -ant, 66 as, for instance, car a (from cairim, amo), 
 
 fiadu {^vedant, — Stokes) ; dinu appears to be connected with the 
 
 63 [Published in the Beitrage z, v. Sp. i. 448.] 
 
 64 [Given in Mr. Stokes' paper, "Bemerkungen iiber die irischen declina- 
 tionen"— Beitr. z. v. Sp. i. 333.] 
 
 65 [Idem, 336.] 66 Also, Stokes' view, Beitr. i. 457. 
 
84 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Sanskrit root dhe (" suckling") ; cara and ndma likewise occur in 
 the nom. in Zeuss, who has mistaken the true relation, and led 
 rne astray: imcara fa aescare (sive amicus, sive inimicus), 674, 
 831, and bannamae (inimica), together with the ace. bannamit 
 (hostem), 820, the ace. carit, 1055, 1062, escarit, 1056. These 
 stems appear to be of the common gender like the Latin participles. 
 On the other hand, the -it in nebcongabthetit stands no doubt er- 
 roneously for -itk (as generally in all abstracts). That traig is a 
 neuter appears to be confirmed by traig cethargarait, 1018 (Gl. 
 proceleusmaticum, consequently an ace.) ; it looks like a participle 
 ( = rp£Yov), but inflects the dat. plur. traigthib, ace. plur. traigid; 
 traigthech (pedes, pedester), and traichtechdae, instead of triag- 
 thechdae (pedester), are derivations ; the neuters have, therefore, 
 perhaps thrown out the n, and taken a weak form (traigthib = 
 tragitdbis). The Kymric troet, plur. traet, appears to rest on stem- 
 extension, — compare Welsh, 2. cilid, 3. cilyd, with Gaedhelic 
 cele; at least, a Kymric car, tan, stands parallel with the Gaedhelic 
 cara, tene, so that we have to recognize in the Kymric forms 
 rather the nominative, than, as in the Romance languages, the 
 accusative (see further on). The comparison made in the' article 
 on declension (page 68) between the Kymric guiliat and the 
 Gaedhelic filed falls to the ground with the explanation of Zeuss ; 
 see the corrections to pages 149 and 806, at the end of the 
 Grammatica Celtica. 
 
 I cannot as yet make up my mind to give up my former view 
 respecting the feminines in the Ordo Prior, Ser. 5 of Zeuss, 
 namely, that an almost complete fusion of the i- and a-stems took 
 place, and that only few relics of a stricter separation of the 
 forms have been preserved. Along with the ace. plur. in -i, to 
 which suliZ. 339, likewise belongs, there occur, however, forms 
 with -a from undoubted ^-sterns, as gabdla ; along with the 
 dative in -aib, forms occur in ib from a-stems, as airmib from 
 dram, slebib from sliab; so that nimib also does not prove a stem 
 *nami (the nom. nim along with nem, ace. nem, the adjective 
 nemde=*nimatya seems to point to *nimd, as also the Kymric 
 nef, which perfectly corresponds to the feminine of the adjective in 
 the Welsh, while i, u, disappear without umlaut in the Kymric ; 
 further, that nem- never occurs before the endings with e, t, but 
 always nim-; the gen. plur. nime is however remarkable). But I 
 cannot adopt Mr. Stokes 1 view about the gen. sing, in -e, -a ; for, 
 in the first place we should not start from Sanskrit -es, but from 
 the fundamental form -ais (or ay as?), out of which -a (o), and -e 
 could be developed in the masculine stems ; but -yds is a special 
 Sanskrit form, which does not again occur in any European 
 language (for that ttoXswq is not to be explained from it, but 
 
On Declension in Irish. 85 
 
 from *7roXf?/oc, is proved by the Homeric ttoXvoq, the unjustly 
 attacked masc. fiavrvog, and the neuter acrrswg, which, although 
 questioned, is a well-attested form with the Tragic Poets); se- 
 condly, because umlaut is as little known before a (o) among i- 
 stems as a-stems: compare jlatha , flatho , or even focheda, fochodo ; 
 a occurs even before -e in ergabale; we could not consequently 
 lay down as a basis any such form as -yas, and must, as I believe, 
 assume that the umlaut in both classes has only been introduced 
 inorganically with the change of the a into e. &7 The analogy of 
 the gen. plur., especially the invaluable nclndida™ appears even to 
 speak in favour of our starting, both here and in the masculine of 
 Ser. III., from -ajas (not from -ais). 
 
 As regards the z-stems, it appears to me more and more pro- 
 bable, that they have almost throughout passed, as in the Greek, 
 into the za-class (7r6Tvia=pat?ii, etc.) 
 
 I have found the umlaut in the dative of the w-stems, in 
 immognom, Z. 984. 
 
 §. 10. On the Celtic Dual. 
 
 Agreeably to the wish of Mr. Stokes, I here give my views 
 about the Celtic Dual. It appears to me that the answering of 
 two preliminary questions is in the first place needful: 1. has 
 the Celtic a dual to show? 2. how much of it is preserved? 
 
 As regards the first question, there can be no doubt that the 
 declension of the numeral two presents us with true dual-forms ; 
 for the nom. and ace. masc. da (as it stands written in all ex- 
 amples, more correctly however da, compare ddu, Zeuss 369, 
 and Welsh 1. 2. dou, 3. den, now dau) exactly represents the 
 Sanskrit dvdu, Latin duo, Greek Svo for the older Suw (Sfw in 
 SwdeKa), and the primitive vocalic ending is proved by eter da 
 son. Z. 197. The nom. and ace. fern di = Welsh 2. did, 3. dwy, also 
 agrees exactly with the Sanskrit dve, Slavonic dime, Lithuanian 
 dm; the dative deib ndillib evidently points back, according to 
 the correct observations of Stokes, to a *dvdbhim weakened 
 from dvdbhydm (or rather *dvabhim, cf. Svotv instead of §v6(piv). 
 We have consequently also to refer the genitive da to *dvaans = 
 Skr. dvayos, at all events the aspiration in da charpat is erro- 
 neous ; 69 the n in the nom. and ace. neut. is however difficult to ex- 
 plain. But that dual-forms are likewise preserved in the declen- 
 sion of substantives, is proved by the peculiarity of the Kymric 
 
 67 [See notes 58, 59, pp. 75, 76.] 
 
 68 [xxxrv. Dula is, unfortunately, only found in a Middle Irish MS. : in Old 
 Irish MSS. it is always either dale or duile.~] 
 
 69 [It is possible that the aspiration after the genitive dual is correct, as this 
 case ends only in Sanskrit in s, but in a vowel in Zend, Lithuanian, Slavonic] 
 
86 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 dialects to put, after the numeral 2, the same forms as in the 
 singular. The Welsh uab instead of mab in (W. 3) deu uab, — 
 the Gaedhelic mace in da mace, is evidently as little a true sin- 
 gular form as the Gaedh. fer after cet and mile is a true nom. 
 sing. ; but the form of the nom. sing comes just as well where it 
 distinguishes itself from the only conceivable genitive plural, as 
 here, where the greatest similarity exists between the genitive 
 plural and the nominative singular ; in deu uab = da mace a true 
 dual has consequently been preserved (as the primitive form of 
 substantives has generally been preserved in the Kymric after nu- 
 merals, e.g. trimeib = Gaedh. trimaicc, that it is *tris maqvi, instead 
 of the usual meibion), and the agreement of the nom. dual with 
 the nom. sing, in most cases, caused by the Celtic phonetic laws, 
 has led in other cases to an unwarranted extension of the singular 
 form. The Celtic with its dual in the nom. of substantives stands 
 therefore in an interesting contrast to the Teutonic languages, 
 which had already lost the dual in the substantive in its earliest 
 stage, but have preserved it in the Gothic verb. 
 
 But the detection of the nom. dual leaves the second question 
 still unanswered. Even in the Greek the genitive-locative is 
 lost, and replaced by the form of the instrumental-dative-abla- 
 tive ; duo and ambo in the Latin have not remained in undis- 
 turbed possession of the accusative, indeed the nom. is replaced 
 in the feminine by duae; nay even the Lithuanian, notwithstand- 
 ing its close affinity to the Slavonian (the only European lan- 
 guage which has completely preserved the dual in all forms), has 
 undoubtedly lost the locative, and very probably replaced the 
 genitive by the genitive plural (in spite of Bopp's opposite view, 
 compare Gram. I. 2 Ed. 442; Schleicher, Lith. Gram. 171; — 
 according to Schleicher Beitr'age, I. 115, s is not dropped in 
 Lithuanian). It need not therefore at all surprise us, if all the 
 dual cases have not been preserved in Irish, and the less so, as 
 the Gaedhelic, like the Kymric adjective, always appears in the 
 plural : Gaedh. da druith aegeptacdi, da ngruad corcra, da nainm 
 cosmaili; W. (3) deu was ieueinc. In fact it may be proved, 
 that even the substantives of the ordo prior (see Appendix I.) 
 series 2 and 5, consequently a-stems and feminines, and all con- 
 sonant stems {ordo posterior), have lost the genitive dual, and 
 replaced it by the genitive plural. The primitive ending of 
 this case -aus = Skr. -6s, could scarcely ever (if the phonetic 
 laws laid down in Gram. Celt. I., 165 sqq. are correct; and that 
 they are, the almost transparent clearness in which the greater 
 part of the case-endings appear according to them, is a guaran- 
 tee) so wholly disappear as that, in Old Irish at least, an -a as 
 a contraction of -a or -au would not have remained ; but as we 
 
On Declension in Irish. 87 
 
 find not alone from consonantal stems da arad, but also from 
 a-stems da-tarb, da mace, da charpat (instead of carpat), da 
 lethcend (no doubt more correctly lethchend, as a vowel (i) has 
 dropped out in the composition, stem letldz=.\j2X. latus, Gr. 
 rrXarog, letliclienn is ri/uiKpaipa), da carachtar, nay even from 
 a-stems (indarann) without endings, we must look upon them as 
 genitive plurals, which, as in the Lithuanian, have taken the 
 place of the genitive dual. (To the preceding examples may be 
 further added a cla'syl. 7a. 369, that is a da sillab, with a wrong 
 mortification point ; I am in doubt about the stem of da og, whe- 
 ther it is ogi or oga?) The form of the article in, also, which 
 even as arising from innan is very strange, does not admit of 
 being at all explained from innds (innaus). The dd in inddd 
 aimserda is probably only a sign that dd should not be aspirated. 
 In the same way we shall consequently have also to explain the 
 forms of the m-stems — dagutae, inda gutae fern. ; z-stems — inda 
 leitliesin (n. or m.) ; ^-sterns — inddd aimserda, da lino, which 
 might admit of being explained perhaps otherwise also as real 
 dual forms. It is evidently an accident that we should find just 
 here a form in -o among i«-stems, while the genitive plural other- 
 wise generally ends in -e, and only once in -a (Stokes, Beitr. I. 
 346) ; and least of all should it have misled Zeuss to place even 
 in series 1 and 2 the form of the genitive singular in the para- 
 digma. The dative remains doubtful, as the whole of the forms 
 may be explained as well from -bin as from -bis, and the Greek 
 and Lithuanian have just preserved this case: indibmaigib, dib 
 cetaib Z. 311, 313, deib hdillib, clondib dligedib remeperthib , dib 
 rannaib, dib consonaib 194, indib nuarib deac, dimutaib, deib 
 traigthib; I would, however, almost prefer, here also, the expla- 
 nation as dative plural, because the Celtic has retained so very 
 much less of the dual than the Greek and Lithuanian, no verbal 
 and no adjectival forms. 
 
 Of undoubted dual-forms we accordingly have only the nom. 
 and ace. of substantives, and the whole of the cases of the numeral 
 two. The masculine a-stems, with the exception of the one- 
 syllabled dd, da, have thrown off the ending -a, shortened from 
 -a, ( = Ved. Slav, -a, Gr. -w, Lat. o) or -au ( = Skr. -du), hence 
 nom. da mace, da mod, da son, ace. indamer (?), inda articul, eter 
 da son, Z. 197; the ar II. canoin (pro duobus canonicis) kindly 
 communicated by Mr. Stokes, is consequently to be completed 
 dd canoinech (more correctly chanoinech.). The neuters, in de- 
 viating from the Sanskrit and Slavonian, connect themselves with 
 the Greek and Latin, inasmuch as they likewise presuppose an 
 ending -a, older -a (or -au) — da ngruad corcra, addnimechtar, da 
 cenel; hence from m-stems — danorpe, da llae, indagne, ace. masc. 
 
 8 
 
88 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 or neut. da sale (dat. sig. dit sailiu Incant. Sg. in Zeuss). A neuter 
 da g (two g's) also appears, 710. The feminine a-stems agree on 
 the other hand with the Skr. -e, Slav, -e, Lith. -z, for they show 
 the after-action of -i, -% (still preserved in di = dve, Welsh dui) : 
 nom. diflisc (sing, flesc. ■=*flisca), di hudir, ace. di rainn, di drim, 
 di persin, indibrethirso ; from za-stems nom. digutai, diguttai, 
 di mili, Z. 315, ace. indiguthaighthi airdixi, 966. The i- and u- 
 stems appear to have simply lengthened the end- vowel. This was 
 of course followed by a subsequent shortening, and then a drop- 
 ping of the lengthened vowel : hence nom. masc. da preceptoir from 
 -on, -Sri, da atarcud from -idu, -idic (gen. sing, attaircedo, nom. 
 attdrcud like spirut, gen. spirito, spirto, spiruto), ace. masc. danog, 
 ddnog from *ndgu, masc. or neut. indarecht from *rechtu, ace. 
 neut. indd errend from -randi ? 
 
 The in of the article consequently arises in the nom. and ace. 
 masc. and neut. from *inna, *innd; in the fern, from *inni, 
 *inni. It appears to have penetrated in the other cases in the 
 same way that in the Greek -oiv has done in the genitive, or rw 
 in feminines ; the frequent interchange, in the Irish, of the dat. 
 and ace. after prepositions, is also to be taken into account, as 
 well as the dying out of the cases which has been observed in 
 Modern Irish (p. 80). The in cannot be well explained, organi- 
 ically, at least, in the gen., in the dative not at all. 
 
 Very few dual forms of consonantal stems have been unfortu- 
 nately preserved. Of these the nom. da druith, and ace. da sligid, 
 agree best with the Greek -e, for a Sanskrit -du, or a Vedic -a, 
 would have led rather to druad and sliged. Nom. da thene, ace. 
 da are, nom. ace. da ainm, da nainm appears to be decidedly 
 inorganic. The frequent coincidence of the form with that 
 of the nom. sing, has here, no doubt, brought about the invasion 
 of the singular forms. 
 
 In conclusion, it should not be forgotten, that in the Kymric 
 not only are the commencing consonants in the substantives 
 softened in the dual, but likewise in the following adjective, 
 which is a proof that here also the nom. and ace. dual ended 
 primitively in a vowel. 
 
 §.11. On the Article in Modern Irish. 
 
 In the modern Irish article an, about the relation of which 
 to the old int, ind, I could not hitherto come to a satisfactory 
 conclusion, I now recognize, with certainty, an intrusion of the 
 neutral form, as the most colourless and weakest, precisely as the 
 Middle High German had formed to its neuter daz a masculine 
 and feminine der, diu, and the Lithuanian and Slavonian (to 
 to) its tas, ta, tu, ta. The English use of that (pronoun) and 
 
On Declension in Irish. 89 
 
 the (article) for all genders is especially important in this re- 
 spect. 70 
 
 It is a fact worthy of attention, but one hitherto scarcely 
 noticed, that, besides the coarser, I may say the material, action 
 of languages upon one another, which shows itself in the evi- 
 dent borrowing of words and forms, a finer, a more spiritual 
 influence is exerted. Thus, certain words, without being bor- 
 rowed, are preserved living and active, by the neighbourhood of 
 other languages, and some forms of thought and sound, words, 
 expressions, conversational phrases, are so to say, indigenous in 
 the soil. A comparative syntax would bring many examples of 
 this kind to light, especially in the languages which have grown 
 up on Celtic ground, and might determine how much may be 
 ascribed to accident, and how much to intellectual influences. In 
 the Phonology, for example, the Kymric id, oi, representing the 
 Gaedhelic e (even in loan-words like cera, W. 2. kuyr, 3. kwyr, 
 Cornish V. coir, Armoric coar) is parallel with the French oi, 
 representing the Latin e (avoir = habere) ; again, the Celtic action 
 of the final sound on the following word has a parallel in the 
 transporting of the final s to the next word in les amis, etc. 
 Among the words and word-forms which have been preserved on 
 Celtic ground, we may mention: English, witness = Gaedhelic 
 jiadnisse (testimonium), and the English names in -ton, along 
 with the Gaulish in -dunum. Of importance in Syntax are : the 
 French intercalation of the pronoun in je faime, je ne faime pas, 
 as in both branches of the Celtic ; the French cest moi and the 
 English it is me = Gaedhelic isme; the English leaving out of the 
 relative in, the man (whom) 1 saw, as in the Gaedhelic. 71 Now, 
 in this respect the English that, the, for all genders, are not 
 without importance for the Celtic also, and permit us to conclude, 
 that in the Modern Irish an fear for the Old Irish in fer, an 
 analogous process has taken place. — The relative an (a, no, n) 
 appears to belong to the same stem ; we may compare the fluctua- 
 tion between the relative and the demonstrative in the Homeric 
 language, the peculiar use of the Old Persian hya, which Bopp 
 also, 72 as I myself did, 73 now looks upon as an article, and the 
 German antiquated relative so. 
 
 70 [xxxi. This is an ingenious error. The neut. article is quite lost in 
 Middle Irish, and the Modern Irish article an (an t before a vocalic anlaut), 
 bears the same relation to the Old Irish in (int) that the Modern Irish preposition 
 an (written a n-) does to the Old Irish in ; or the Modern Irish interrogative par- 
 ticle an does to the same particle in the Old Irish, viz., in. But here, as elsewhere, 
 more is to be gained from Ebel's mistakes than from many another man's truths. 
 The relative an, a, is doubtless identical in form with the neut. article =*sa-n. 
 Ebel has since corrected this error. See, infra, On Phonology in Irish, §. 2. p. 138.] 
 
 71 [But the two last named constructions are found also in the Scandinavian 
 languages, where no Celtic influence is possible.] 
 
 72 Vergl. Gram. I. 473. 2nd Ed. 73 Zeitschrift f. Vergl. Sp. v. 305. 
 
90 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 §. 12. On the So-called Prosthetic n. 
 
 [The term Prosthetic w, used by Zeuss, is what Irish grammarians erro- 
 neously call an eclipsing n. Mr. Stokes in the papers above quoted, and Dr. 
 Ebel here show that this n, in the majority of cases, belonged to the word imme- 
 diately preceding that to which it seems prefixed.] 
 
 Mr. Stokes, in his valuable observations on the Irish declen- 
 sion, has agreed with my remark, that the n of the inflexion has 
 been preserved in teora nguttae, and here and there also be- 
 sides the n of the article, and has communicated several examples. 
 Zeuss, curiously enough, has altogether misunderstood this n, 7i 
 and everywhere looked upon it either as a superfluous addition 
 or as a shorter form of the article, e. g., before aile, although 
 there it appears only in the nom. neut. and ace. sing, and gen. 
 plur. of all of the three genders, — often in combinations where 
 no article is possible. As a relic of the article I Lave met with 
 this w, only in very few places, and then as the remains of the 
 shortest forms: an (a-n-) in tresngne, Z. 611, where the E of 
 tres still indicates an a dropped out, and ni epur nIsin (non 
 dico hoc, instead of anisin) 352 ; in (ace. dual) in etarndi- 
 rainn 278, 614, probably as gen. dual in cechtarnai, nech- 
 narnai 369 (compare the plur. innan Ai). The n in lasin 
 ngutai (instead of lasinn gutai) 619, 1017. The most of the 
 other examples are clear enough. I shall give here some proofs, 
 which may easily be increased. Nom. and ace. neut. folad waill, 
 OLCC WAILL, DES.(i.e., desimrecht) waill, pronomen waill 363, 
 
 IMB&LRE ftAILL 580, MOR WAMRI 596, 889, GRAD 7ZEPSCUIP 1048, 
 
 am. nach annse tiduib (ut non difficile vobis) 703, huare 
 
 ISDILMAIN 72DOCHECHTAR 369, AND^DE mSIU 319, 704, ANUA- 
 THATH mSIU 353, ANDLlGED mSIU 353, MOOR WIMNITH 21, MOR 
 ftUILE 609, 889, DLIGETH WIMMOGNAMA 984, CACH WBELRE 489, 
 FRI CACHWAE 319, MIND MABSTALACTE 229, RAD hvfi 55, ATA 
 DECHOR 72AIMSIRE 1037, ATA DECHOR ftETARRU 374, ISSAIN CACH- 
 
 tiab (previously, ilsenman) 367, dered ^betho 985, is-fuath 
 
 WEPERTA 985, SAINRETH 72ANMMAE 1025, ARACUMACTTE WANGID 
 
 Ni ARMISOM archumactte ([nam] potestatem nequam non nume- 
 rat ipse pro potestate) 247, nIfail nach waiccidit (non est 
 ullum accidens) 1016, nicumscaichthi cumacht^: wairi (non 
 mutanda potestas propterea) 1015, n! fitir imorro olc wetir 
 (nescit autem malum omnino) 1003, laa mBRATHA 479, allaithe 
 
 7ZDEDENACHDIUD [no doubt ALLAITHEN DEDENACH DIUD = die 
 
 extremo (ace. temp.) in fine] 316, isnoichtech re wiuil (est 
 undetricenale spatium Julii) 1075, isgnath gao et f!r wand 
 359. So also — arindi atreba toxal wand 359? Ace. masc. co r!g 
 
 74 [xxxii. Not so. See Zeuss G. C, page 263, where he conjectures that 
 the very form cited here by Ebel, teora h, may stand for teoran.'] 
 
On Declension in Irish 91 
 
 h ilainglech Colman's hymn — Lib. Hymn. 10 (to the many 
 angel'd king), according to a friendly communication of Mr. 
 
 Stokes, COFER WAILE Z. 884, MARUDBAITSIUS NACH71AILE 434, 
 INBITH 71UILE 366, TRESINNOEDECDE ftUILE 1074, FOCHOSMUILIUS 
 
 fiADAROE 481, infogur nisiN 1014; without the article, besta- 
 tidwisin 611, aes wesci 1074 (three times), nifail chumscugud 
 
 ftHUIRDD AND 369, TAR RECHT 72AICNID 613 RECHT WIMBIDI 229, 
 
 leth TiGOTHO 1013 (consequently leth is also masc. like recht), 
 
 CONROIGSET DIA 7ZAIRIUIBSI 1076, AIRTHECH. CACHGUT^ AGUTH 
 WINDI 966, TODDIUSGAT GUTH nlNTIU 1017, CEN RIAN WETROM 
 
 616. So also no doubt: nach waile 368, toiniud ?ziressach 229, 
 nert wainmnedo 975, attlugud mBuiDE 1048 (the ace instead 
 of the dat. ?), cach^oen crann 999? I am not quite certain of 
 the gender in, fri cumtach wecolso 260, cumtach tiirisse 
 
 1045, ECOSC ftABSTAL 585, TAIBRITH ATEICHTE ttDOIB (no doubt 
 
 neuter) 56. Ace. fern, fricach waimsir 367, cech waidche 
 (instead of aidchi) 888, isarnach windocbail moir 262, hi 
 cach tzdeilb 7 hi cach tarmorcenn 367 (translated by Zeuss 
 as the dat.), i persin tiaili 363, frirainn tiaili 608, cen 
 gutai wetarru 1017; also doubtless, roscarsam frib denus 
 
 mBEICC 310, HIRES 71ABARCHE 229, SERC 7ZDEE 55 (just as 
 
 nem, delb occur in the ace), cen alpai 74ETARRU 616, 75 frial- 
 pai rcDESiu 595. Gen. plur. masc. innamball waile 229 ; fern. 
 
 NA LITER WAILE 1012, LITER 7ZAILE 1012 ; neut. ANMAN WADIECHT 
 
 433. 
 
 Some spurious prepositions, it would appear, may be recognized 
 as accusative forms by the n, most distinctly taresi in — u. tar- 
 hesi ni (u for i) 1012, olcc taresi nuiLCC 617, but indegaid 
 also in — indegaid wde 619, indegaid wgutt^ 1013, and do- 
 chum in — dochum itBEE 620, dochum niRissE 461 (bis). 
 
 The n of ainm-n belongs to the stem in — ainm wafstil 229, 
 
 AINM 71HETHA 255, AINM WGNUSO 975, AINM WDILES 1025, 
 
 doberr ainm jidoib 45 7. 76 According to this my observation 
 (p. 65), " probably derived, however, from m i and not a primi- 
 tive w", must consequently be cancelled, and the single example 
 with an aspiration ainm thrIuin Z. 249, considered as an irre- 
 gularity. 77 As yet I have failed in finding for the masculine 
 and feminine w-stems an example of the aspiration, or of a morti- 
 fied s, f; I have also, however, nowhere found an n ; it conse- 
 
 75 According to Stokes (Beitrage zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung I. £68) 
 the n of alpai-n and inrindide-n belongs to the stem. 
 
 76 See last note. 
 
 77 [xxxiii. The n in ainm rcapstil does not belong to the stem, but (as in 
 pronomen naill cited by Dr. Ebel himself, supra) is simply an example of the 
 natural tendency to prefix after all neuters in the nom. and ace. sing, an n (m 
 before b) to the following adjective, if this begin with a vowel or a medial.] 
 
92 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 quently appears as if the neuter only preserved the N as in the 
 Latin and Slavic, — *anmen like nomen and ime, while the mascu- 
 line and feminine dropped it,— *brithema like homo and kamy. 
 The wis much less clear in cechtarnai, nechtarnai Z. 369 
 (which I consider to be a relic of the gen, dual of the article in, 
 on account of dochechtar nhai, evidently the dative, and of the 
 genitive plural innan ai), sliab nossa 888 (perhaps ace. ?), sirid 
 inrindide nuile (see note 75) 366, 586, arbertar as noen 
 
 TARMOIRCIUNN 592, FAR NOENDEILB 670, AM. INLOCHAIRNN 
 
 naffracdai 676, where it appears to be in part actually er- 
 roneous; cotIr nerend 74, appears to indicate a change of 
 gender (comp. recht, leth, nert) ; even theie, however, Zeuss 
 also gives fir nerend (viri Hibernise) with an enigmatical n. 
 There is perhaps a threefold preposition do-air-in contained 
 
 in TAIRNGIRE, DURAIRNGERT, DORAINGRED Z. 56, 868; in the 
 
 same way that con became mutilated in frecndirc ecndirc. 
 
 But, very strange, the n appears very often after verbal forms ; 
 mostly, perhaps exclusively, in dependent sentences, frequently 
 after the so-called relative — aswoindae inspirut 360, aswed 
 
 675, AM. ASftE ASSPLENDOR 333, AS72IRESS 456, AS720IPRED 476, 
 AM, AS92INDEDUR 580, ORE AS^DIUL 703, CEIN BASmBEO INFER 
 230, 675, HORE ASWAMAIRESSACH 705, LASSE BAS WUAIN (nUAIR ?) 
 
 do 229, aswdirruidig[the] anainmsin 265, ammi weulig 252, 
 consechat wulcu 457, ata wanman sidi 894, ni cumcat ca- 
 maiph ille 7 iste beta naithfoilsigthecha dondi as ipse 
 667, intain bes winun accobor lenn 603. 78 
 
 Notwithstanding that several examples still remain unex- 
 plained, the vast majority show quite clearly, nevertheless, that 
 the n is prosthetic, if at all, only in exceedingly few cases ; espe- 
 cially the forms assumed by Zeuss, naill, naile, naili, nisin, 
 nIsiu, and nand for and decidedly fall to the ground. 
 
 13. §. On the Degrees of Comparison. 
 
 Among the consonantal stems we have not mentioned the 
 interesting ~n$ stems, the comparative, because no declensional 
 forms of them are any longer to be recognized, with the excep- 
 tion of adverbial dative forms, which offer nothing peculiar 
 (immou, magis, indoa, minus indlaigiu, minus, intserbu amarius, 
 indluindia commotius). As in the accusative plural, the 
 primitive -ans has split itself into -a (consonantal stems, femi- 
 nines, and the article) and -u (masc. a-stems), so here also we 
 find both forms, the ~a in the more ancient, the -u in the newer 
 secondary formations. Of the former rnda with its parallel forms, 
 
 78 May it be, that as in Greek, an v tyekKvariKov existed ? Stokes also compares 
 ammi-h with eafiev. 
 
On the Degrees of Comparison. 93 
 
 corresponds to the Lat. major, Goth, mais, maiza; the Kymric 
 form, W. mwy, Corn, moy, Armor, muy, which deviates somewhat 
 in the vowel, has still preserved the j, i, and like all similar 
 forms, has thrown off the final vowel, together with the s. Oa 
 (minor) appears to have been formed after the superlative oam = 
 Skr. avama, instead of Skr. avara, therefore properly : inferior, 
 deterior; nessa = W. nes has been already several times com- 
 pared with the Gothic neJiv nehvis, its superlative with the Osc. 
 Umbr. nesimo, and the dropping of a guttural surmised ; tressa 
 (fortior) — cf. W. traJia (audax, fortis) — exhibits the (in Sanskrit) 
 regular throwing off of the suffix before the comparative ending, 
 in opposition to tren, instead of tresn? (just as mdo along with 
 mar); messa (pejor) appears to find its positive in the prefix mi- 
 (Z. 833) = Goth, missa, although the latter aspirates the follow- 
 ing consonants; in this respect, however, it has a companion 
 in du-, which certainly represents the Skr. dus-, Gr. dvg-. The 
 ss of the last examples appears to have arisen from sj, just 
 as rr in ferr (melior) = Kymr. guell, gwell, whose Oscan and 
 Teutonic affinities are compared in the Zeitschr. f. v. Sp. VI. 
 421, does from rj, (compare also Skr. variyas, Gr. apdwv?). 
 Lia (plus) has been elsewhere compared 7 ^ with the Greek 
 ttXuujv, and ire shown to be a comparative. 80 The only compa- 
 rative of that kind, which has joined itself to the second forma- 
 tion in the Gaedhelic, laigiu or lugu (minor) — W. Uei, has re- 
 mained true to the first — places itself alongside the Skr. laghiyas 
 = Lat. levior but Gr. l\a<j<jwv; the substantive lagait (parvitas) 
 is derived from this adjective. In the same manner the Gaedh. 
 siniu = Lat. senior, and the Welsh hyn, deviate from one another. 
 Among the Kymric forms liwy (longior), is (humilior), uch (al- 
 tior), ieu (junior) = Skr. yaviyas which exhibit the rejection of 
 the suffixes of hir = Gaedh. sir, isel, uchel= Gaedh. uasal, are 
 particularly interesting. 
 
 The second form u- is evidently only a contraction from -iu, 
 in the same way as daltu occurs in the dative of the ia- stems 
 instead of daltiu, maccidondu in the ace. plur. of the same stems 
 instead of maccidondiu, and ditu, tichtu, epeltu in the nom. sing. 
 of the £m-stems instead of ditiu, tichtiu, epeltiu; for the same 
 reason laigiu and lugu, uilliu and oillu (plus), toisigiu and 
 toisechu (prior) appear side by side. The majority of stems 
 follow this formation, namely all derivative ones, hence isliu, 
 huaisliu instead of the Welch is, uch. In the Kymric -ach corre- 
 sponds to it (with retention of the s as ch), while the Gaedhelic 
 -a has fallen off in the Kymric. The superlative in the Gaedhelic 
 
 79 [See his paper, infra, " On the Loss ofp in Celtic", p. 161.] 
 
 80 [See the paper referred to in note 79.] 
 
94 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 separated into -am and -em, does not distinguish itself in the 
 Kymric -am. How are these different forms to be explained ? 
 
 In the first place let us recollect the double formation in the 
 Teutonic and Slavonic, which have been already compared with 
 one another in the Zeitschr. f. v. Sp. v. 309 sqq.; as Goth. -iza. 
 Church- Slav, -ii, so does the Gaedh. -a belong almost exclusively 
 to the defective comparatives, as the Goth, -oza, Ch.-Slav. -ei, so 
 does the Gaedh. -iu attach itself to all secondary formations. We 
 know further that j disappears in every position in the Gaedhelic 
 and at least in the middle in the Kymric, except where it is 
 preserved as the vowel i. Finally, we found (p. 54), that the 
 ending ~e (dat. -iu) not only represented the Skr. -ya, but also 
 frequently -aya, an origin which is still sometimes marked by 
 the writing -ae (gen. -ai). Now as the Kymric forms (and also 
 the single Gaedh. form ferr), as well as the analogy of the 
 Teutonic and Slavonic, compel us to assume a shorter form 
 than the Gaedh. -iu as the basis of the Gaedh. -a, the following 
 hypothesis may best recommend itself: — The Celtic formed two 
 kinds of comparatives, an older one in -jans, a newer one in -ajans 
 (-aijans?-djans?); the -ns fell off in both in the Gaedhelic, as in 
 the ace. plur., and left behind a long vowel, which was afterwards 
 shortened ; the^" dropped out in the first form, but left behind some 
 traces in Gaedh. messa, tressa, ferr (.?), in W. mwy, llei, hwy (?); 
 in the second, -aja contracted itself to -a in the Kymric, and -aj 
 to -e, i in the Gaedhelic ; in the Kymric, the s remained as ch 
 after the (primitively long?) a, as in chwech six = Gaedhelic se, 
 but fell off with the vowel in the shorter form. If this hypothesis 
 be correct, the e (i) of the Gaedhelic superlative (stem -ima, nom. 
 -em, gen. -im) must have been shortened from e or i. 
 
 In Modern Irish, -iu has become e (passing through i?) as in 
 the nominatives of the w-stems, e.g. laige from laigiu, like naoidhe, 
 from noidiu (compare Pictet, Beitrage I. 83). 81 
 
 81 [The following is the passage referred to. " Eriu, as it appears, is a still 
 more ancient form of the nominative and accusative. It is so in two quotations 
 by O'Connor from Eochaid's poems (belonging to the ninth century — Proleg. 
 II., 40, 42). 
 
 H Eriu oil ordnitt Gaedil, — Hiberniam totam ordinavit Gadelius ; H Eriu 
 con huail con idnaib, — Hibernia cum gloria, cum armis (probably the accusative 
 which cannot be determined, as the continuation is wanting). For this ending 
 iu instead of the later e, compare in Zeuss (Gram. Celt., 268), noidiu, infans, 
 Jrescsiu, spes, deicsiu, visio, ermitiu, reverentia, etc. (later and now naoidhe^ 
 fresce, deicse, airmidhe), all of them having n, nn in the oblique case, where how- 
 ever the u has disappeared, noiden, infantis, deicsen, visionis, etc., as in Erenn, 
 Eireann. The proper name Fridriu or Frigriu (Ordnance Survey of Ireland), 
 poem of Aileach, 1. 40, 43), whose genitive is Fridrenn (39), Frigrinn (1), Frigrind 
 (2, 53) is another example".] 
 
ON THE POSITION OF THE CELTIC. 
 
97 
 
 §. 1. Views regarding the special affinities of the Celtic, and 
 words borrowed from the Latin, 
 
 THE European members of the Aryan family of languages 
 form a chain, both ends of which reach over into Asia. The 
 Greek undoubtedly shows the most numerous points of contact 
 with the Asiatic tongues. On the other hand, however, the 
 Slavonian exhibits the greatest number of special agreements 
 with the Iranian. 82 So in like manner the neighbouring links, 
 within the chain itself, are universally acknowledged to be the 
 most closely connected with one another, Greek and Italian, 
 Slavonian and Lithuanian, Lito-Slavonian and Teutonic. Very 
 naturally, therefore, in the Celtic also, winch lies nearly in the 
 middle between the others, most points of contact will be found 
 with the Italic on the one side and the Teutonic on the other, 
 and through both with the other already established branches of 
 the European division. It is, of course, very difficult to decide 
 to which of the two it stands nearest, perhaps even impossible 
 at present, when, as regards the question of the separation of 
 languages, so much is still debateable, and when a comparative 
 syntax is still quite wanting. 
 
 Lottner has pronounced in favour of the " Northern"; Schlei- 
 cher for the Pelasgian languages; both, notwithstanding the 
 divergence of their views in other respects, agree in placing the 
 Latin nearer to the Celtic than to the Greek. I look upon so 
 much only as proved, that the Celtic stands closer to the Latin 
 than to the Greek. The circumstance that feminines in -oc, -us, 
 only occur in the Classic languages appears to me to prove con- 
 clusively a nearer connection of those languages with each other 
 than with any other. In other respects also I have not adopted 
 Lottner's view in so wholly unconditional a way as Schleicher 
 appears to assume ; but, on the contrary, I have often expressly 
 
 82 To this category belongs, besides many other points that Schleicher has 
 brought forward, also the frequent occurrence of the suffix -ka where it is foreign 
 to other tongues, e. g., Slav, sladuku (dulcis) = Lith. saldus, like Old Persian 
 vazarka (magnus) = Skr. vrhat. 
 
98 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 indicated, in general as well as in particular, the points of 
 contact of the Celtic with the Classic languages. This shall 
 not, however, deter me from exposing the points of agreement 
 of the Celtic with the northern tongues, in accordance with his 
 request. Only I shall take the liberty of beginning with a 
 point which Schleicher designedly left aside, namely, with the 
 vocabulary of the Celtic, partly in consequence of the accidental 
 direction of my studies, partly in order to at once meet a fore- 
 gone conclusion, that many (although certainly not Schleicher) 
 might draw from this very source in favour of a closer relation- 
 ship with the Latin. 
 
 Indeed, it appears at first sight as if the Celtic languages had 
 an especially large number of words in common with the Latin. 
 If, however, one looks closer, by far the greatest number (even 
 in Old Gaedhelic, but still more in the Kymric dialects) are 
 seen to be foreign or loan-words, often so deceptively assimi- 
 lated, that when one is about to take off the mask, he involun- 
 tarily draws back his hand. So says, for example, Zeuss 
 (p. 80) : Non tanguntur certe tenues in vocibus peregrinis re- 
 ceptis. But words like accidit (t=n£), ethemlagas (th=i) which 
 yet, unquestionably do not belong to the earliest loans, show 
 what little claim this rule can have to general validity. At 
 most, we can only judge thereby of the greater or lesser perfec- 
 tion of the appropriation and mastery of the foreign material, and 
 in this respect the Kymric surpasses almost the Gaedhelic. 
 
 I have constructed two glossaries from the Grammatica Celtica, 
 of which the Old Gaedhehc one may be considered to be pretty 
 complete ; the Kymric one may, however, undergo considerable 
 enlargement. From these I give the following lists, as the foun- 
 dation of further glossarial researches. In order to supply in 
 some degree at least the want of an organic orthography, I have 
 retained here also the method of denoting the Kymric dialects 
 which I adopted on a former occasion; 83 unmarked words are 
 Old Gaedhelic. I did not like to pass over the Kymric, because 
 the peculiar phonetic relations of the two branches of the Celtic 
 family necessitate a mutual supplementing and explanation; 
 besides, loan-words are often accidentally wanting in the old 
 documents of the one or other dialect in Zeuss. In the case 
 of the loan-words, a peculiar difficulty occurs in the Kymric 
 dialects, as it is often scarcely possible to decide whether a word 
 has been introduced directly from the Latin, or through the 
 French, Anglo-Norman, or even the English. The decision 
 
 83 Beitr., I. 427. [See Appendix II., p. 184, for an explanation of the abbre- 
 viations used in the following lists.] 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 99 
 
 is the more difficult because the Kymric vowel-changes mostly 
 agree with the French (especially in the treatment of S) ; and 
 because in the case of the dialects with regard to which the 
 idea of such a medium would first arise, Cornish and Armoric, 
 our sources are too modern to help us to answer the question from 
 the chronological side. In order to avoid, as much as possible, 
 mistakes in this respect, I have only indicated the medium 
 where it appeared to me certain. The Old Gaedhelic, especially, 
 contains a great number of Latin words (or of Greek ones bor- 
 rowed through the Latin) from the domain of the Church and of 
 science ; but others also are not wanting. 
 
 LATIN LOAN-WORDS IN OLD CELTIC. 
 
 abbas=[a&], V. abat, W. 2. pi. ab- 
 ba deu. 
 
 [abecedarium, aibgiter, W. egicyddor.~\ 
 
 abstinentia=a6stam*. 
 
 &ccent\is=aiccent aiccend, d. aicciund; 
 [W. 3 acen.~] 
 
 accidens=accwfrf aiccidit n. 
 
 facer, aicher, W. 3 egr.~] 
 
 acetum : dctegim (aceo). 
 
 [actualis, achtailJ] 
 
 acutus=t/c«^; noacuitigjide (acuenda 
 esset). 
 
 adj ectivum— at/iec?, adiecht. 
 
 adorare : adras (qui adorat), adrorsat 
 (adoraverunt), adrad (adoratio). 
 
 adu\teT-i\im=adahr-as. 
 
 [adversarius Mid. Ir. aibhersedir.~] 
 
 altare=a/to'tV f., V. altor ; [W. 3. 
 allor.~\ 
 
 altum=W. 2 alt allt all, 3. allt (collis, 
 acclivitas, scopulus), V. ah (litus). 
 
 anachoreta=V. ancar. 
 
 ancora=i/?#or, V. ancar, [W. 3. angor], 
 (the i as in ind- (dvn) and imb- (dfityi) 
 and g like d in ind- (Gaul, ande-) make 
 the borrowing a little doubtful ; the 
 borrowing of the same word in other 
 European languages (compare for in- 
 stance Lith. inkaras), and of other 
 naval expressions in the Celtic, speak 
 however for it). 
 
 aDgelus=aw^eZ aingel, "V. ail, P. eyll el, 
 Arm. ael el hel. 
 
 aninial=W. 3. aniueil, pi. "W. 2. any- 
 ueilyeit, 3. anniueileit aniueileit anni- 
 ueilet, Arm. aneualet. 
 
 apostohis=apstal, V. Arm. apostol, P. 
 pi. abestely. 
 
 applicare : Arm. em em applicquet. 
 (applicate vos). 
 
 [aratrum, arathar W. 3. aradr.~\ 
 
 argentum=[azr<7e£, argat], W. 2. ariant, 
 
 3. aryant, V. argans, P. arghans, 
 Arm. argant. (External evidence of 
 the borrowing is no doubt wanting, 
 the evident borrowing of the name 
 of gold, as well as pbysico-geographi- 
 cal reasons, speak however in its fa- 
 vour). [? cf. Gaulish Argentora- 
 tum.~\ 
 
 (?) anna — arm, arma, d. isind-airmm 
 (in armatura), W. 2. 3. arueu arfeu, 
 P. arvow. 
 
 arniilla=W. 1. armel. 
 
 [ars, art.~\ 
 
 articulus=a rticol, geu. sing.=n. pi. 
 articuil, d. artucol. 
 
 asinus= [asan~], W. 3 assen, V. P. asen 
 (The grounds for the borrowing are 
 elsewhere given). 
 
 atomum=afo?72, in the phrase 7 unga 
 7 atom (et uncia et atomum), not 
 recognized by Zeuss, 312, 1076. 
 
 axLCtoritas=augtortds. 
 
 [Augusti (mensis), augaist, W. awst.~\ 
 
 aurum=or (gen. air), W. 2. 3. V. eur, 
 P. owr, Arm. aour. (The r undoubt- 
 edly indicates borrowing, cf. Sabin. 
 ausum and Lith. duksas. Grimm con- 
 sequently errs in his Geschichte d. d. 
 Sprache 1027;. 
 
 [baculum, bachall, W. 3. bagl.'] 
 
 [balbus, balb.'] 
 
 [baptista, bauptaistJ] 
 
 bwptizo=baitsim ; ace. baithis, dat. 
 baithius, W. 3. bedyd m., Arm. badez 
 (baptisma). 
 
 barba=W. 3. baraf, baryf; V. barf 
 baref. (The borrowing is no doubt 
 remarkable, I cannot however ex- 
 plain otherwise /in contradistinction 
 to Lith. barzda, Slav, brada, O.H.G. 
 bart.) 
 
 [barca, bare, W. barg.~] 
 
100 
 
 Ebd's Celtic Studies. 
 
 M. Lat. baro=TV. 8. barwn. 
 
 [basilica, baislic] 
 
 [basium, bay, P.] 
 
 battuere : V. bat (nuniisina\ TV. 2. Y. 
 
 bathor (numularius, trapezita), P. 
 
 bat ales (proeliari). 
 [beatus=Mid. Ir. biat] 
 benedico : headaches (benedicis), /lo&Sen- 
 
 dachat (salutant vos), indatbenda- 
 
 chub (benedicam te) : bendacht, TV. 
 
 3. bendith, Arm. bennoez (benediction ; 
 
 W. 2. bendicetic, P. benegis, Ann. 
 
 ben(n)iguet (benedictus). 
 bestia=TV. 3. bwyst-uil (appears to be 
 
 compounded with nuZ like the Ger- 
 man Maulthier, etc.), 0. Gaedh. 
 
 be'isti f. pi 
 blasphemare (Fr. bIamer)=T?. blamye. 
 [Med. Lat. brace, braich, W. 3. and Y. 
 
 &ro^.] 
 [braehiuni, brace, Y. brech. W. 3. 
 
 6rez'c/<.] 
 brassica=5 /-aisecA. 
 brevis (svllaba)=6/-e/6. 
 broccus brocchus (see Diez). Fr. broche 
 
 =Y. broche (spinther). [Mid. Ir. 
 
 [bulla, boll, TV. bwL] 
 
 buxus=Y. box. 
 
 ealanms=[TV. 1. colaiRemiou],W. 3. fee- 
 
 Jeu-yn m. (singulative); V. kalagueli 
 (stra men turn). 
 
 M. Lat. caldaria=W. 1. callaur, Y. 
 caltor. [Arm. &ao?er.] 
 
 [ealhdus. callaid.] 
 
 calix=[cai/ec^], Y. kelegel. 
 
 [camisia, ca//«5€.] 
 
 [cancella. eai'/^e/.] 
 
 cancellarius=\V. 2. kaghellaur, kyghel- 
 laur. 
 
 cancer=TV. 1.. Y. cancher. 
 
 candela=Y. cantuil, W. 3. canmcyll : 
 candelarius=ca/H^/o';V, Z. 744 ; can- 
 delabrum : Y. cantul-bren. 
 
 canon=acc. candin. 
 
 [capellanus. Mid. Ir. cabellanacht.'] 
 
 capistrum=TV. 1. cepister, 2. kebyster, 
 pi. kebi/sireu kelesteryeu. 
 
 [capitulus, caiptpl.~] 
 
 [captus. cacht, TV. 3. cae^.] 
 
 [caput, cant.'] 
 
 carbimculus=ca/-7«oco/ Z. 1163. [TV- 3. 
 carbicncl.] 
 
 carcer=e«/rar (gen. pi. earere, dat 
 carcdir); TV. 3. karchar. 
 
 (?) caritas (cf. charite)=K. * cardaut 
 (beneficmnO in TV. 3. cardotta (jnen- 
 dicare\ Tne ending -taut (==tdt) 
 occurs especially in loan-words. 
 
 car(o)enum instead of car(o)enaria 
 
 =Y. ceroin (cupa), [TV. 1. ceroenhou, 
 
 gl. dolea.] TV. 3. herwyn (lacus. le- 
 
 bes). 
 [carpentum. carpat.~] 
 pasesas={cdise\, TV. 2. terns, 3. caws, 
 
 Y. caws cos. 
 castellum=: [c a is e/]. pi. W.2. c est ill, 2. 
 
 cestyll. 
 [castus. cast; castitas, castoit.] 
 catena=W. 3. cadwyn. 
 cathedra=TV. 3. cadeir (sella), Arm. 
 
 cador. 
 [cathohcus, cathlac] 
 [Med. Lat. cattns=V. hat, TV. 3. cath.~] 
 [caucus, cuacn, TV. 3. cawg.] 
 caoles=V. caul (olera). 
 causa=dat. cdis. 
 [cedria. cedirJ] 
 
 [cella. cell, Y. tal-gel gl. cellarium.j 
 census=cw (census, fiscus. vectigal . 
 cera=[ceiV], TV. 2. kuyr, 3. kwyr,Y. coir, 
 
 Arm. coar. 
 [cervical. ce'rchaill.] 
 [cervisia, ceirbsire, ••brewer".] 
 character=camcfaar n. (littera). 
 chorda=P. pi. kerdyn (funes), V. cor- 
 
 den (fidis). 
 christianus=[cresen], TV. 3. cristatpn, 
 
 Arm. christen. 
 [chrisma, crismaL~] 
 [ciheium, cilic] 
 circare (see Diez)=TV. 3. kyrchu, Arm. 
 
 querchat. querchit (qmerere, per- 
 
 gere, intrare). 
 [eircinus, cercenn, TV. 1. circhinn.] 
 circulus=acc. cercol. 
 cireumnexus==c;Vc«w7?e.r. 
 civitas=W. 3. kiwtawt; kiwtawticyr 
 
 (cives). 
 clarus=P. clear, Arm. scler (with pre- 
 fixed s). 
 [classis. dais.'] 
 
 [claustrum, V. clauster, cloister.'] 
 clericus = [clerech], Y. cloireg, Arm. 
 
 cloarec. 
 [clima. climata. pi.] 
 M. Lat. clocca=[c /occ,],Y. cloch; clechir 
 
 (tintmnabiihmi), clechti (cloccarium), 
 
 clochmuer (carnpana\ 
 coccus: TV. 3. coch (ruber \ pi. coch- 
 
 yon. 
 colonic TV. 3. kalaned pi. habita- 
 
 tores). 
 (?) comrnba=co /«//?. V. colom, Arm. 
 
 coulm, (cf. Slay. golq.oi in Schleicher, 
 
 106). 
 columna=TV. 2. kolouen (i.e. columina. 
 
 with an intercalated vowel;, 0. Gaedh. 
 
 [colomna. n. pi.], columnat (columel- 
 la:. 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 101 
 
 *cominitiare, Fr. commencer; Arm. [culcita, coleaid.~] 
 
 comancc (initium), m=mm. cultellus=W. 1. cultel (" artuum"), 
 
 commatres=Arm. coma(e)zreset. celeell ("culter"), 3. cyllell, pi. cyl- 
 
 commodum—comad-as ; comadasogod leill kylleil (sica) ; V. collell (" cul- 
 
 (accommodatio). tellus"), kellillic (" artavus"). 
 
 [communio, Mid. Ir. command, W. 3. culter=W. 1. cultir, [W. 3. cwlltor], V. 
 
 cymun.] colter. 
 
 [Med. Lat., companium, companacht.~\ cuprum=V. cober. 
 
 [compar, W. 3. cymhar.] [cymbalum, cimbal.] 
 
 comparativus=co mparit, pi. -iti, gen. [cypressus, cuprisi] 
 
 -ite. daemon=gen. demuin, gen. pi. demne. 
 
 compatres=Arm. compizrien. damnare=P. dampnye, Arm. daffny ; 
 
 concedere : Arm. concedis (consensi). P. dampnys, Arm. dqfnet, daffnet 
 
 confessio=[coi6se], Arm. coffes. (damnatus). 
 
 confligere : conflecktaigthi (congredi- [debilis, diblide, gl. senium.] 
 
 endum). decedere=Arm. decedy. 
 
 confortare=P. comfortye ; dyscomfortys decima=W. 2. decum, degum. 
 
 (debilitatus, turbatus). defendere=Arm. difen ; [W. 3. diffenii], 
 
 [consecratio, coisecrad; consecravit, V. diffennor (" excusator"). 
 
 cusecar.~] denarius=a?j'rcaiY, Arm. diner. 
 
 Consilium=[ci<m/], Arm., V. cusul, P. [deprecatio, diprecoit.] 
 
 cussyl cusyll cusill. descendere=W. 3. disgynnu, P. dys- 
 
 consona = conson, gen. consine. [W. kynna, Arm. disquennet. 
 
 cyson.] desiderabat=P. deserya. 
 
 [conucula (Med. Lat.), cuigel, V. kigel, despectus=P. dyspyth, Arm. despez. 
 
 W. cogail.~] (li&bol\is=diabul, Arm. diaoul, P. pi. 
 
 conventus=W. 3. hoveint m. (monas- dywolow dewolow. 
 
 terium, fr. convent). diaconus=V. diagon; O. Gaedh. pi. 
 
 [coquina, cuicenn.~\ bandechuin (diaconissae). 
 
 coquus=[coic], W. 1. coc (pistor), V. dictSLtoT=dictatdir. 
 
 kog (coquus); coquina=:W. 3. kegin, [dies Jovis, deyow, P.] 
 
 V. keghin (the k proves the borrowing, [dies solis, dew suit, P.] 
 
 the true Kymric forms have p : V. digamma=cfa7ai7ft. 
 
 popei (pistrinum), peber (pistor), W. dignus=Arm. din (French or di- 
 
 2. popuryes, pophuryes, f.). rectly ?). 
 eorona=[Mid. Ir., corohi\^V. curun ; W. [diluvium, diliuJ] 
 
 3. coronawc (coronatus). discere=P. dysky, Arm disquif; W. 2. 
 corrigia=W. 1. corruui, 3. carreL desko (didicerit) ; P. dyskas (doc- 
 (?)corylus=co/Z; W. 2. coll (coryle- trina). 
 
 turn); col ennf^=V .col-viden(corylus). discipulus==c?esaJDwZ, V. discebel, Arm. 
 
 craticula=W. 1. gratell. desquebl, pi. P. dyscyplys dyscyblon, 
 
 creator = V. creador, Arm. croeer Arm. disguiblion. 
 
 crouer ; creatura=V. croadur(?), [discretus, discreit.] 
 
 Arm. croeadur. — W. 1. creaticaul discus = \jesc~], W. 3. dyscyl disgyl 
 
 (genialis). (discus, lanx). [W. 1. disci.'] 
 
 [credulus, credo,!.] divinator=Arm. diuiner. 
 
 [crepusculum, crepscuil.] doctus=W. 3. doeth (prudens), pi. 2. 
 
 [creta, criad.] doythion (sapientes), 3. doethon 
 
 [cribrum, ribar.] (docti). Also Arm. doetaf (fallo) ? 
 
 crudelis=Arm. cruel (French, or di- dolor=W. 3. dolur. 
 
 rectly ?). [dominica (dies), domnach.] 
 
 crux=crocA, V. crois, P. croivs. draco=[e/rac], W. 3. dreic, pi. dreigeu. 
 
 crystallus [Mid. Ir., crisdal], trans- dubitare=Arm. douetaf; douet (du- 
 
 formed in W. 3. krissant m. bius) ; doetanc (dubitantia). 
 
 (?)cucullus (first in Martial and Juve- (?) durus=[dur], W. 1. dur (dirus), 3. 
 
 nal)=[cocAw//] , V. cugol. — According dyrys (durus). 
 
 to Diefenbach (n. Jahrb. f. Phil. u. ecclesia=dat. abl. aeclis, gen. ecolso 
 
 Pad. lxxvii. p. 756) ; the Latin word ecilse, etc. ; W. 2. eccluis, 3. eglwys, 
 
 had been already borrowed from the V.P. eglos, Arm. ylis. 
 
 Celtic. eleemosyna=a/Waw., ace. almsin (erro- 
 
102 
 
 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 neously given as a nominative at 
 
 p. 59). 
 elephantus=W. 3. elijfeint, V. oliphans. 
 emendare : W. 2. emendassant (emen- 
 
 darunt). 
 episcopus=ejoscojo, V. escop, pi. W. 2. 
 
 epscip, 3. escyb; archiepiscopus=V. 
 
 archescop, Arm. archescob, pi. W. 3. 
 
 archescyb. 
 epistola=e/nsft7. 
 eremita=V. ermit. 
 esculus : escal-chaill (esculetum). 
 (?) esox—[iach], W. 3. ehawc, V. ehoc ; 
 
 the Latin was perhaps borrowed from 
 
 the Celtic). 
 French, estonner, etonner=Arm. esto- 
 
 naff. 
 etymo\og-ia^=ethemlag-as. 
 excommunicatus=W. 2. yskumunetic, 
 
 according to Z. also=eskemun ; 3. 
 
 ysgymunn (maledictus). 
 evangeliurn=V. geaweil, Arm. auiel? 
 faba=sei&, (cf. frenum, flagellum). 
 facies, Engl. fa,ce=B.fetkfyth. 
 fagus=W. 3.Jfa,Jfa-wyd. [0. Ir.fagde, 
 
 faginus, Z. 765.] 
 [falco==-V.falhun, Arm. faWhoun.'] 
 fallere : P. fall (defectus), fyll (deest), 
 
 fallens (deficiunt, peccant), Arm. fall 
 
 (malus), V. guin fellet (acetum, i. e. 
 
 vinum corruptum). 
 favere (faustus): V. Jodie (felix). 
 femininum==/e»iin. 
 
 fenestra^V./enester. [Mid. Ir. sinistir.'] 
 fibula=W.l./wa£ 
 ficus=V. Jic-bren ; O. Gaedh. Jiculdae 
 
 (ficnlnus). 
 fides=P. fethfyth, Arm. fezfeiz. 
 £.g\irsu=ind-Jigor (figuratio). 
 finis=W. 2. fin, P. fin-weth, Arm. fin- 
 
 uez; finire=Arm. jf m'ssa/ (Romance, 
 
 finisco). 
 firmamentum=[M. I. Jirmamint.], V. 
 
 firmament. 
 flagellum=sro^e/?, W. 3. ffrowyll. 
 flamma=W. S.fflam f., Y.flam. 
 [flecto, slechtaim.~] 
 foeniculum = V. fenochel. [W. 3. 
 
 ffenigl.~] 
 M. Lat. follis (cf. Diez-Worterbuch, 
 
 where, however, the perfectly analo- 
 gous German Windbeutel is forgot- 
 
 ten)=W. 3.ffol, Y.fol, P. folfoll, 
 
 Arm. foil (stultus). 
 M. Lat. fontana=W. 2. finnaun f., 3. 
 
 ffynnawn ; V.Junten; F.fyntenfynteon; 
 
 Avm.feunteunfeunten, pi. feuntenyou. 
 M. Lat. forestis foresta=W. 3. fforest 
 
 m., Arm. forest. 
 forma=V. fitrf. [W. 3.ffurf] 
 
 fossa=W. 2. Arm. Jos, f oss. 
 
 fragrare (with dissimilation) : V. flair 
 
 (odor), Arm. flerius (foetidus)." 
 frenum=snan, W. 1. Jruinn, 2. fruyn, 
 
 3. ffrwyn. 
 fructus=Arm. Jruez; W. 3. diffrwytk 
 
 (sine fructu). 
 fugere=W. 3.ffo; P. fo (fuga).— V. 
 
 fadic (profugus). 
 fulgur, French foudre=Arm./owfrr. 
 funis=W. 1. pi. Juniou (vittae), 2. pL 
 
 Junenneu (ligamenta). 
 fur=V. fur (sollers, prudens), Arm. fur 
 
 (sapiens). 
 furca=W. 3.fforch. 
 furnus=V. Jorn (clibanus). [0. Ir. 
 
 surnnJ] 
 fustis=W. Z.ffust (flagellum) ; ffustawd 
 
 (pulsavit). [suist.~\ 
 geminantur=e?ftnata?\ 
 gentes=genti geinti (m. as in French) ; 
 
 gentlide (gentilis); gen. f. geintlecte 
 
 (gentilitatis) 1059. 
 genitivus=g enitiu f. 
 [gens, pi. geinti; gentilis, geintlide.~] 
 gerxmd'mm=gerind. 
 [glossa, gluais.~\ 
 [gradale, Mid. Ir., greddilj] 
 gi8idus=grdd n. (gen. grdid), V. grat. 
 ypd(p(i) : W. 2. gref (liber, chirogra- 
 
 phum), W. 1 . grefiat (notarius). 
 gratia=P. gras. 
 [gratias agimus, grazacham.'] 
 gravari=P. grevye. 
 gravis (accentns)=graif. 
 M. Lat. gridare (quiritare)=W. 3. gryd 
 
 (clamor), grydiaw (vociferari), gridu- 
 
 an (vociferatio). 
 [habilis, W. 3. abl.~] 
 haeresis = ace. innerese ; haeretici= 
 
 heritic pi. 
 [Med. Lat. hanapus=V. hanaf] 
 (Fr. haster, hater=Arm. hastomp, fes- 
 
 tinemus). 
 [hastula, asdul.'] 
 [historia, Mid. Ir. sdairJ] 
 [honor, onoirJ] 
 
 (? hora=war, P. or, W. awr ?) 
 hospes=W. 3. pi. ysp. 
 humilis=[ww2af], V. huuel; humilitas= 
 
 (Ji)u?nalddit (h)omalddit, V. huueldot. 
 [hymnus, ymun.] 
 idolum— icfo/ m. 
 [idus, id.'] 
 [imago, V. auain.~] 
 (impedicare ?) Fr. empecher = Arm. 
 
 ampeig (impedimentum). 
 imperator=W. 3. amherawdyr, f. am- 
 
 herodres ; V. e?nperur, f. emperiz; W. 
 
 3. amherodraeth f. (imperium). 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 103 
 
 inccnsum (cf. Fr. encens)= V. encois 
 
 (thus), incoislester (tlmribuluin). 
 int'amis=Arni. iffam. 
 infernum=t/Mrr»n, gen. ifirnn ; W. 2. 
 
 ufern, 3. ujffern, B.yffarn yfforn. 
 iniinitivus=/////V/. 
 
 [initium, init, W.ynyd, '"Shrovetide".] 
 [instrumentum, Mid. Ir. instrumint.~\ 
 [interjeetio, iuteriecht.] 
 i nterrare=Arm. enter raj. 
 [V jejuiiiuni, aine.] 
 j iidex : iug-suide, (tribunal). 
 [jusculum=V. iskel.] 
 justitia=Arm. iusticc. 
 [kalendar, calann.~\ 
 laicus [7(/(v//],V./< w, pi. W. 2. lleycyon. 
 
 [W. 1. /<!cvc.s, gl. niaritae.] 
 [latex=V. fad. ] 
 latro •-■— V. lader; P. fader ladar, pi. 
 
 ladron laddron; \Y. 3. /A A//- llevdyr. 
 [lector, tei/toir.] 
 [lectus, t< e/it.] 
 legalitas=Arm. haltet. 
 l&gGre=legend ; airlech (recita), inroleg 
 
 (mini legit?) etc. 
 legio : W. 3. kaer-Uion (eastra legio- 
 
 num). 
 leo=W. 3. Hew, V. leu. 
 liber=&5wr Ichor, V. fruer; pi. P. 
 
 luffrow, Arm. A iffriou. 
 [ligo, W\ I., pi. tiuatt.] 
 lilium=V. A'AV. 
 
 (?) linum ftn (rete), K. ftn (linum). 
 u.qmd&==lechdach. 
 littera (not litera)- --titer ; W. 3. ////- 
 
 thyr-en, V. lither-en (singulative). 
 loculus==V. logel. 
 locus=fac, Arm. lech, W. 3. //<- (in no 
 
 case primitively related, as the 0. 
 
 Lat. stlocus shows). 
 [loeusta=V. legest, W. 3. llegest ' lob- 
 ster'.] 
 longa (syllaba)=A>A///. 
 (navis) longa=\V. 3 /Aw/ f. (navis), 
 
 pi. 2. loggeu loggou, 3. Uongeu; W. 3. 
 
 llyghes Uynghes (elassis); O. Gaedh. 
 
 [/<>////], /(>/7<>m//\(navigatione),Z. 1 129. 
 [lorica, luirech. ] 
 lucerna = luacharnn, V. lugarn. [W. 
 
 ttygorn.'] 
 \umiris=l it na'ir. 
 magister=nom. pi. magistir, ace. pi. 
 
 magistrw, V. maister. l\ Arm. mester. 
 (?)ma,ior~—[M(ier,i)H>r->iiuer],W. 1. 2. V. 
 
 watV, W. 3. waer. 
 maledicis = matdachae <• maledictio = 
 
 maldacht; maledic == Arm. millic; 
 
 maledictus=W. 2. mettdicetic. 
 malitia : Arm. dima/iec, diuaticc. 
 [malva=V. ma/o«.] 
 
 | mancus==V. wm/^ (leg. mane ?), Arm. 
 
 mane] 
 manere : Arm. manen (manebam). 
 | manna, mainnJ] 
 
 [mantellum=.ma<a?, V. mantel.'] 
 [maims, man.'] 
 margaritae=W\ 3. mererit. 
 niartulus (inartellus)— W. 1. morthol 
 
 (seta), 3. myrthiv (malleus). 
 maxtjriwai===martre f. pi. martri; Arm. 
 
 mar/ir. 
 niaseulinum--»/<f.sv»/. 
 medicus=V. medhec, W. 3. medic ,• 
 
 \Y. 2. medhecynyaet f.=V. medhec~ 
 
 uaid (medicina); W. 3. medeijiny- 
 
 aeilni (mederi). 
 membra=mewi6ur, pi. 
 memoria tin buir. 
 mendicus : mindechu mindchichthiu 
 
 (tenuior, properly mendicior), mind- 
 
 eliitjitir (emendicant). 
 mensa==[mios], V. mnis, W. 3. mwys (?) 
 
 cf. Goth, mis, O.II.G. mias. 
 mensura — Arm. musur t (c£.W. 1. doguo- 
 
 misnram ? Z. 107G). 
 
 meretriz —mertrech, meirddrech. 
 metrum : gen. metair metir. — W. 3. 
 metrut (cogitabas). 
 
 miles = mit, W. 3. mitier; militia 
 
 mitfe. 
 (?)miHe=wn7e f., K. /////(from mitia?). 
 [millefolium. V. min/ct.] 
 ministrare: Arm. ministren (ministrem), 
 
 V. me tast ear (pincerna). 
 (minus facereDiez) Fr. mesfaire, me- 
 
 faire: Ann. mesjectouryen (malefac- 
 
 tores). 
 M. Lat. mirare: Arm. mir (serva), miro 
 
 (videbit), »«'ret=P. meras (servare. 
 
 videre). 
 minis: P. mdrih (miraculum); Arm. 
 
 maruaill (mirabile) -Fr. merveille. 
 modus=moa' (gen. muid, dat. mud). 
 (?)molina=-mu2ien7i (pistrinum), K. wc- 
 
 ftn, pi. W. 3. melineu. 
 monaehus=[01d Ir. and] V. manae/i, pi. 
 
 W. 2. meneieh; f. W. 3. manaclus, 
 
 V. mauaes. 
 monasteriuni- gen. pi. mom's/ re. 
 moralis: dat. moral '-its (praecepto). 
 [mortieinium, muirtchenn.'] 
 morus— V. moyr-bren. 
 [Med. Lat. muito=moft V. mots.] 
 (?)mulus=acc. pi. mulu. 
 murus=[mMr], W. 3. mur, pi. muroed. 
 mutil=miit ; mutU8=:W. 3. /nut. 
 niyrias=W. 3. mijrtl. 
 myrtus : mirt-chaill (myrtetum). 
 natalicia=W, 2. nodolye, 3. nadolic 
 
 (nativitas). [0. Ir., nottaie.] 
 
104 
 
 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 [nates, ndt.] 
 
 natio=Arm. nation. 
 
 negotium=W. 3. neges f. 
 
 neutrum=newfor, neutrdlde, 
 
 [nimbus, nimb.~] 
 
 notsu=not pi. 1011, nota, 1016; nota- 
 
 Tius=notai?'e notire, Arm. noter. 
 [novellus, W. 1. nouel.~] 
 numerus=:W. 1. nimer, W. 3. Arm. 
 
 niuer nifer, P. nevor. 
 (? nuptise : W. 3. neithawr ?). 
 obediens=Arm. obediant. 
 [oblatio, oblann.] 
 offerre : W. 2. of rum, Arm. oferen, pi. 
 
 offer ennou (oblatio). \oiffrenn.] 
 olea: ola-chrann (oliva), ola-chaill (oli- 
 
 vetum) ; V. ohu-bren (oliva), — oleum 
 
 =W. 1. V. oleu. 
 [operarius, V. oberor.~] 
 optativus=o/tfcuY optit. 
 opus [opera?]=o6ar ? (saibes inobar, gl. 
 
 inanem fallaciam Z. 1040) usually 
 
 oipred, gen. oipretho ; P. o6er ; Arm. 
 
 o&er auber, pi. oberou enffrou ; P. 
 
 oberor (operarius) ; V. drochoberor 
 
 (maleficus). 
 oraculum: [aiVecaZ], oirclech (flamen= 
 
 oraculicus). 
 [orate, oraiV, W. 1. arawf.] 
 [oratio, ace. s. orthain.] 
 ordo=ore? orofc? or£ wr£, Arm. ?/rz; or- 
 
 dmo=oi7-dni?nm ; Arm. ordren (ordi- 
 
 natio), ordrenhat (ordinare). 
 [ostiarius, oistreoir.] 
 ostreum=V. estren. [W. 3. histr, Arm. 
 
 histren.] 
 [paganus, pagan.'] 
 pagus=P. pow, U. Armoric (of the year 
 
 833) pou. [W. paw.] 
 [pallium, caille, W. 3. joalL] 
 [palma=V. W. 3. pal/.'] 
 palus=W. 3. pawl, pi. polyon. 
 (palus) M. Lat. padulis (?)=W. 2. pull 
 
 (fossa, lacana), V. pol (puteus) ; W. 3. 
 
 pyllaivc (lacunosus, paluster). 
 [panis, pain.'] 
 
 papa=/)a/Jo, W. 2. pap, pi. papeu. 
 papilio=/jMj0a#, W. 3. pebyll (tentorium, 
 
 Fr. pavilion), 
 [papyrus, joai/jer.] 
 paradisus == [partus], Arm. paradis, 
 
 paradoes. 
 parare=W. 3. peri (facere, jubere)? 
 paries=V. pomnt {ui^=e instead of e as 
 
 in the French paroi). 
 [parochia, pairche, Mid. Ir. fairche.] 
 pars=W. 1. part parth pard f., Y.parth, 
 
 Armoric parz perz. [Irish pairt.] 
 pascha=W. 2. 3. pasc, O. Gaedh. ace. 
 
 caisc. f. 
 
 [passio, pais.] 
 
 patella=[W. 1. patel,] W. 2. padell f., 
 
 V.padel-koern (" sartago") i. e. patella 
 
 ferrea. 
 pauper=Arm. pi. peoryen. 
 pausa (?)=r.W. 1. Arm. poues (quies), P. 
 
 powesough (quescite) ; but W. 2. po- 
 
 guis-ma, etc. (a place of rest), 
 pavo— -W. 3. pawin, V. paun. 
 pax=Arm. peuch. 
 peccatum=£>eccac? m., W. 3. pechaut, 
 
 Arm. pechet, pi. pechedou. 
 pedester= W". 3. pedestyr (pedes). 
 [rr'eXeKvg, W. 1. pelechi gl. clavae.] 
 [pelliceus, pellec] 
 pensus (Romance peso)=[p2ss], W. 3, 
 
 pwys, P. poys (gravis, ponderosus). 
 [pentecoste, cingcidisJ] 
 penultima=joene«^. 
 peregrinus = V. pirgirin. [W- 3. pe~ 
 
 rerin.] 
 perfectus, Fr. parfait : Arm. parfetaff 
 
 (perflcere). 
 [pergaminum, V. parchemin.] 
 persona=persan, W. 3. person. 
 petere=P. pesy, Arm. pidif pidiff"; 
 
 Arm. peden, ph pedennou (oratio 
 
 precatio) ; P. pi. pesadow — appetere, 
 
 =Arm. appetaff. 
 phial*=W. Z.ffiol, Y.fiol 
 philosophus=/e/sM& ; philosophia=/e#- 
 
 sube. 
 pethedic (minutus) W. 3. appears to be 
 
 from the same stem as French petit ; 
 
 its th points back to tt or ct. [Ir. pit, 
 
 W. peth.] 
 [pinnaculum, penakyll, P.] 
 pinus=V. pin-bren. 
 piper : [scipar.], W. 3. pebreid, pybreid 
 
 (piperosus). 
 pirus=-V. per-bren. 
 [piscis=V. pise, W. 3. pysg.] 
 [piscator=V. piscadur,~W .3. pysgadwr.] 
 [plaga, plag.] 
 plangere (properly planctare) = P. 
 
 plentye (accusare). 
 plenus : Arm. plen (omnino). 
 p]ebs=0. Arm. (year 862) phi plue, 
 
 plueu ; Sp. ploe ploue, pi. ploueou ; V. 
 
 plui (vicus, parochia); Arm. ploeys 
 
 (plebani). 
 (?) plicare=W. S.plycca; Arm. pliga- 
 
 dur (voluntas, beneplacitum). 
 pluma=[cZw?;z], V. pluuen (penna) ; "W. 
 
 1. plumauc, V. plufoc (pulvinar) 
 poena=pe1rc pian; Arm. poan (angustia), 
 
 pi. poanyou; P. peynys (dolores). — 
 
 Arm. penedour (amictione gravatus), 
 
 W . 3.periydyaw(-poenitQie), O. Gaedh. 
 
 pennit (poenitentia). 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 105 
 
 pommaille (Fr.)=Arrn. pomell. 
 pondo=W. 1. punt m. 
 pons— W. 2. pont, V. pons. 
 populus=popiiI,~V.pope/,pobcI,~P.pobyU. 
 (?) porcellus=W. 3. parchell, V. por- 
 
 chel. [Ir. orc=porcus.~] 
 porta, portus=/je>/^ m. (domus), Beitr. 
 
 I. 334; W. P. porth m. pi. VV. 3. 
 
 pyrth, P. porthow (porta). 
 portare=W. 3. porthi (perferre), por- 
 
 thes ; P. porthas (nutrivit) ; Arm. 2. 
 
 porz (quaere, adjuva), porzit (subve- 
 
 nite, sublevate) ; W. S.porthant (pro- 
 
 visio, nutritio), porthmon (hospes, 
 
 caupo). 
 ipositivvLS=posit. 
 postilena=.\V. 1. postoloin. 
 postis=:W. 2. post (columna). 
 praebendarius=V. prounder. [pi. pron- 
 
 teryon P.] 
 praeceptum=p>-ece/?Z f. ; praeceptor= 
 
 preceptdir. 
 praedico = predchim, predach, predag ; 
 
 Arm. prezec (praedicare). 
 praelatus=[pre?atf], Arm. prelat. 
 praeservare : Arin.j»?-eseryo(pragservet). 
 praestare : Arm. prestis (praestitit). 
 prandium— />/-o?W (prandere). 
 [presbyter, cruimther ?] 
 pretiare : P. praysys (celebratus). 
 primus=/>>7/«, W. 3. prij-. 
 princeps=P. prins, pryns, pi. princis. 
 [prior, Mid. Ir., ba.n-prioir.'] 
 prison (French) : Arm. diprisonet (ex- 
 car ceratus). 
 probus: amprom (improbus), amprome 
 
 (improbitas), rondpromsom (q. id pro- 
 
 bavit ipse), promjidir (probabitur) ; 
 
 Arm. proffe, prouffe (probaret) ; P. 
 
 previs, prefis (probatus). 
 [prologus, prolach.~] 
 pronomen=/)rono»ien n. 
 [propositus, propost.~] 
 propheta=V. prqfuit, pi. P. projusy. 
 prudens=W. 3. prud. 
 psalmus=sa///?, pi. sailm, ace. salmu ; 
 
 psalterium=dat.safo'r, Arm. psaulter. 
 [psalterium, saltair, gen. saltrach.~] 
 [purgatorium, purgatoir.'] 
 purpura=corcwr, W. 2. porffor. 
 purus=jj?wr], W. 3. pur, purdu,purgoch, 
 
 purwynn. 
 putana (Rora.)=W. 3. putein. 
 (?) puteus=cwte, Beitr.1. 334 (strikingly 
 
 reminds us of the Low German haute, 
 
 kute, a pit), 
 [quadragesima, corgais, W. grawys.'] 
 [quaestio, ceist.~] 
 [quinquagesima, cingices.'] 
 [rastrum, rastal, W. 1. rasd.~] 
 
 recommendare (Fr.)=Arm. recommant. 
 
 ? regnare=Arm. renaff— but compare 
 Arm. roen (rex) — ? 
 
 regula=-r2'«^»/, riagol ; Arm. reol. 
 
 [reliquiae, reiUc.~] 
 
 remus=/-a/ft (cf. Fr. rame), V. ndf. 
 
 rendere for reddere (Rom.) : Arm. rento 
 (reddet). 
 
 rete=V. i'uid, Arm. roed. [W. 3. rhiuyd.] 
 
 rosa : ros-chaUl, ros-tdn (rosetum), 
 rostae (rosarium). 
 
 [ruta, V. rutc.~] 
 
 [sabbatum, saboit, pi. sapati.~\ 
 
 sacerdos=sacarc/t/. 
 
 [sacrificium, sacorbaic.~\ 
 
 sacrilegium=Arm. sacrihig. 
 
 saccus=[sacc], V. sack. 
 
 [saeculum, saigulJ] 
 
 [saliva, W. haliw, O. Ir. saile.~] 
 
 [salicastrum, saUestar, W. elestrJ] 
 
 saltus=safr, gen. salto (astronom.). 
 
 salutar&=Arm. saludomp (salutemus). 
 
 salvare. Fr. sauver (with the old diph- 
 thongal Norman pronunciation, see 
 Diez. Rom. Gramm. I 2 , 425)=^P. saw 
 (salva), sawye (salvabat), sawye (sal- 
 vatus). 
 
 sanctus=:[.s i a»cA<], W. Arm. sant, pi. W. 
 2. 3. seint, Arm. sent. 
 
 [Med. Lat., sappetus, V. sibuit.'] 
 
 scabellum=V. scauel. 
 
 scala=W. 3. yscawl, pi. ysgolyon. 
 
 (?) scandere=W. 3. yscynnu ; W. 2. 
 eskenho, eskynho (scanderit). 
 
 schola=[sco/, gen. scide~\, V. scol; V. 
 scolheic=W. 3. yscolheic (scholasti- 
 cus), pi. W. 2. escoleycyon, pi. ysco- 
 higyon; W. 2. escolectaut (status 
 scholaris). 
 
 sciens : V. skientoc ; P. slcentyll, shyntyll 
 (sapiens) ; Arm. squient (spiritus, in- 
 telhgentia) ; V. diskient (insipiens), 
 gaan ascient (" energuminus"). 
 
 scribere=scribend ; V. scriuit, scriuen 
 (scriptura), scriuiniat (scriptor) ; P. 
 screfe (scribere). 
 
 scrinium=sc?'i'n m. 
 
 scripulus=W. 1. scribl; O. Gaedh. 
 lethscripul (dimidio scripulo). 
 
 scutella=V. scudel, P. scudell (discus, 
 
 lanx). 
 [sebum, V. suif,"W. 3. swyf, Arm. soav.~\ 
 securus=P. sur. 
 
 senator=se/zafcMr. 
 [senior, seinser.~] 
 sensus=sens, dat. pi. siansib. 
 sepelire=Arm. sebeliaf. [sepultura, sa- 
 
 baltair.~] 
 (? septimana = sechtmaine). [V. sei- 
 thum.~] 
 
 9b 
 
106 
 
 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 [septuaginta, septien.] 
 sernionarius=Arm. sarmoner. 
 [serus, W. hicyr.~] 
 
 sextarius— W. 1. hestaur, pi. hestoriou, 
 3. hestaicr f., (the h in the loan word 
 is remarkable). 
 [Med. Lat. sicera, V. sicer.] 
 signum=[seV], Arm. sin. 
 [situla, [Mid. Ir. sitheuL] 
 solariuni=[Mid, Ir. soiler,] V. soler. 
 solitarius=Arm. soliter. 
 [Med. Lat. solta,V.so/s,"W. swllt^v. sou.'] 
 (somniari) Fr, songer=Arni. soingcf 
 
 (credo), 
 [sophista, Mid. Ir. soifist.~] 
 (sors) Fr. sorte=Arm. sceurt, i.e. sort 
 
 (modus), 
 soutenir (Fr.)=Arm. soutenet (susten- 
 
 tatus). 
 spatium=W. 3. yspe.it. 
 sperare: Arm. esper (spes). 
 [spina, Mid. Ir. spin.] 
 [spiraculum, spirucuL] 
 s~pmtvis=s pirut, V. spirit, Arm. speret. 
 spoliare— W. 3. yspeilaw ; dispeilaio 
 
 (denudare, gladium). 
 [spongia, sponge.'] 
 [sponsa, Mid. Ir. pusta, W. pivys, 
 
 yspwys.] 
 stabuluin=[W. 1. stebill, pi.], W. 3. 
 ystubyl. — V. steuel, W. 2. estauell, 3. 
 ystauell f. (triclinium, cubiculum) 
 appears to belong also to this place ; 
 but compare also Fr. estaminet. 
 stagnum=sM«. 
 
 [stannum, Mid. Ir. stanamhaiL] 
 status=Arm. stat. 
 stendardo (Romance), W. 3. yston- 
 
 dard f. 
 stimulus=W. 1. sumpl. 
 stola=V. stol. 
 stragulum=V. strail (tapeta), strati 
 
 elester (matta). 
 strata=W. 2. strut istrut, 3. ystrut 
 
 (vallis aperta, planities). 
 stratura (M. Lat )=\_sruthur], "W. 1. 
 
 strotur. (stravi=W. 1. strouis?). 
 strigilis=V. streil. 
 superlativus = superluit superlit, pi. 
 
 superluti. 
 sy]laba.=sillab. 
 
 synodus=[Mid. Ir. senudh], V. sened. 
 tSLbeil&rms=tabIuire. 
 [taberna, Mid. Ir. tuibherne.] 
 [tabes, tdm.] 
 ta\entu.m=tullund (facultas, ingenium, 
 
 Fr. talent). 
 tardare=Arm. turdomp (tardemus), 
 
 tardet (tardate). 
 [tellus, telluir, gen. tellrach.] 
 
 ternpero="W. 1. temperum (condio), 
 templuni==:te??i/w/, Arm. P. tempel. [W. 
 
 3. teml] 
 tempt are=P. t empty e. 
 (?) tendere=W. 3. tynnu ; Arm. emten- 
 
 net (se recipere), teniff (pergam) ; P. 
 
 tensons (tetenderunt). 
 terminus=P. termyn (terminus,tempus). 
 [tertia (hora), teirt.] 
 testis=?es£, V. tist, Arm. test, pi. W. 2. 
 
 testion; iestimomxim=teslimin, V. tis- 
 
 tuin, P. tustunny; W.2. testu (testari). 
 [theca, tiuch.] 
 [theoria, teoir.] 
 [thesis, teis.] 
 thronus=Arm. iron. 
 thus : tus-hstar (turibulum). 
 [Titan, Mid. Ir. titul] 
 titulus=^frta/ titol, ace. pi. titlu. 
 [Fr. tonneau, V. tonnel.] 
 tomeamentum (M. Lat.)=W. 3. twrnei- 
 
 meint. 
 t&rqxLQS=muin-torc, W. 3. torch. 
 torta=[for*Q, W. 1. 3. torth (panis). 
 tTd.ct\is=[tracht],W. 3 trueth (sabulum 
 
 maris), V. trait (arena), 
 [totus, tot-muel gl. Totus Calvus.] 
 traditio (Fr. trahison)=P. treuson. 
 tribunus : trebun-suide (tribunal). 
 trinitas==*n»ic?di£, [W. 1. trintuut], Arm. 
 
 trindet. 
 [tripus, TV. 3. tribedd, V. tribet.] 
 tristis: [TV. 1. trist, P. trest], TV. 3. 
 
 tristit tristyt tristweh (tristitia), tristan 
 
 (tristem esse). 
 tructa=V. trud. 
 [truncus, TV. 3. truck, V. trech.] 
 (?) tuba=gen. tuib. 
 [tunica, tuinech.] 
 (?) turba=TV. 3. ticryftwrwf. 
 turris=[ft«V], W. tier, m., pi. 3. tyreu, 
 
 tyroed, V. tur. 
 [tympanum, timpun.] 
 ultima=?<ft, ace. u.Ut. 
 uncia = i*H<7ae unga (see above: ato- 
 
 mwri). 
 unguere, unctare=P. untye. 
 [unicornis V. uncorn.] 
 ursus=V. ors. 
 (?) va.gma.=[Jaigen], TV. 3. gwuin, V. 
 
 guein, P. goyn. 
 velum=/?«/ (velamen), [V. guih] 
 venenum=TV. 3. gwennwyn ; gwenivynic 
 
 (venenosus), V. guenoinreiat (vene- 
 
 ticus). 
 [versatile ? Mid. Ir. fersuid, TV. 3. 
 
 gicerthyd.] 
 versus=/ers, gen.jersujerso. 
 ? Yerus=fir, V. Arm. guir, TV. 3. 
 
 gwir, P. gwyr.- ? 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 107 
 
 vetus: Jetar-Iaice fetarlice fetarlicce viperae— W. 3. pi. gwiberot. 
 
 (vetustas). virtus=P. vertu ; 0. Gaedh. gen. ferto 
 [? vidua = fedb, V. guedeu, W. 3. ferte, nom. pi. forte, ace. firtu (virtus, 
 
 gweddw.j prodigium). 
 
 [vigil, figil] [visio,^?*.] 
 
 villani=W. 2. pi. byleynyeyt. vitium=Arm. vice, (Fr. "vice), 
 
 [vinea, fine.'] [vocula, Jocu1.~] 
 yiau.m=finjinn, K. guin. 
 
 To these are to be added a number of French words in the 
 Armoric. Even from this list, which would, of course, be 
 greatly enlarged if we were to include the more modern words, 
 and in which, no doubt, many old loan-words are certainly only 
 accidentally wanting, we can see what numerous borrowings took 
 place already in ancient times, from the Latin, Middle Latin, 
 and Romance. And even though the borrowing be doubtful 
 in the case of some words (certainly not many), nevertheless 
 the majority of the apparently exclusive correspondences of 
 Celtic and Latin have been thereby removed. 
 
 The Lathi has taken other words from the Gaulish, partly 
 already in the classical period ; and later also from the British 
 (as covinus) ; in any case, however, their number is not very 
 great ; in regard to some of them there exist, too, doubts, which 
 at present we are unable to solve. Those are especially impor- 
 tant, which, although taken at a late period, have nevertheless 
 passed into the Romance languages (as vertragus =It., veltro, 
 etc., from this again V. guilter, molossus) ; but for our present 
 object we may here fitly pass over these. 
 
 §. 2. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Classic languages. 
 
 The Celtic has about the following words and roots, in com- 
 mon exclusively with one or both of the classical languages (or at 
 all events, with such peculiarities of form or meaning as only 
 recur in them). 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS EXCLUSIVELY COMMON TO THE CELTIC AND CLASSIC 
 
 LANGUAGES. 
 
 aer diar m., W. 3. aioyr=arjp, aura (or ardch=L&t. arduus (Gr. 6p96g appears 
 derived from aer perhaps itself bor- to have been FopOog), not a loan- 
 rowed?) word as the Gaulish Ar duenna 
 
 ag (root): atomaig (impellit me)=Lat. (" heights", Gehenna " ridges") shows. 
 
 adigit; — ayto, ago. as (a, es)=l£, ex. 
 
 ailighn (muto)==-aXKaaa(x). V. auhel, Arm. auel {aura), W. 3. 
 
 *ainm, W. 3. enw, P. (h)anow, Arm. awel (flatus). — V. anauhel (procella), 
 
 hanu=6vofia (in the form). =ae\\a ? 
 
 [aft=Lat. artus.] V. W. 3. auon f. (flumen), pi. W. 3. 
 
 W. 3. alarch m., V. elerhc=L&t. olor? auonyd=Lat. amnis? 
 
 anim, V. Arm. enef=. Lat. anima [ball=(paXX6g.'] 
 
 (Zeitschr. VI. 213). V. her, W. 3. bereu (veru)— 0. Gaedh. 
 
 [arba (read arva~), "W. 3. erw, V. erv, berach, birdae ("verutus") — = Lat. 
 
 ere?«=Lat. arvumJ] veru (CJmbr. berva, berus ?). 
 
108 
 
 Ebel's Celtic Studies. 
 
 ? bethe C'buxus"), [W.bedeu], V. bed- 
 even (" populus'') = betida betidla ? 
 (according to Pliny, Gaulish). 
 
 *bou; O. Gaedh. bdchaill, V. bv.gel 
 (bubulcus, pastor), TV. 1. &ou^ (sta- 
 bulum) ; also W, 1 and 2. V. buck 
 (vacca) ?=/3o{/c, bos (in the form ; 
 the other languages preserve the 
 guttural). 
 
 V. Arm.-6/-ec^, TV". 3. breich=lrachium, 
 
 [bnide ' x e\\ov< ^ =b a di us, Pr. bai bay.'] 
 
 can (root) : W. 3. lcanu, P. ca«e (canere), 
 TV. 3. datkanu (recitare, revelare), 
 O. Gaedh. forchunforcanimforchanim 
 (praecipio), foircthe (eruditas), jor- 
 cited forcetal (doctrina), forcitl(a)id 
 forcetlid (praeceptor), tercital (va- 
 ticinium), doaurchanaim (sagio), 
 cet la /(/(cantor), also eel (augurium) 84 
 and gen. ciud (instrumenti musici)? ; 
 — "V. cheroot (cantor), canores (can- 
 trix), — Lat. cano. 
 
 TV. cann, V. can (albus)=Lat. Cand- 
 idas (cf. the loan-words under can- 
 dela). 
 
 car (root) (widely ramified in both 
 languages, no doubt also the source 
 of the, so far as I know, exclusively 
 French form cherir) — Lat. cams? 
 
 TV. 3. karw, V. caruu=Lat. cervus (if 
 it be not borrowed? — the O.H.G. 
 hiruz shows another suffix). 
 
 cathir (civitas), K. cair caer (oppidum) 
 =Lat. castrum ? 85 (compare as to the 
 phonetic relations sethar siur, TV. 3. 
 chwior=Goik. svistar). 
 
 claideb, TV. 2. cledif, 3. cledyf, Arm. 
 clezef, P. clethe (fundamental form 
 * cladibas)=^Lat. gladius. 
 
 cldi, TV. 2. cloeu pl.=Lat. clavi. [a loan- 
 word ?] 
 
 endm (ps)=Kvr)firi ? 
 
 corp, K. corf==Lat. corpus, [a loan- 
 word ?] 
 
 cos (pes)=Lat. coxa ? [cosia ?] 
 
 cretim (rel. cretes crettes creites, pi. 
 cretite), TV. 3. cret (fides), Arm. cridif 
 =Lat. credo, (see Stokes Beitr. I. 
 458). [loan word.] 
 
 [cruitr TV. 1. V.], V. croider (perhaps 
 also 0. Gaedh. criathar, gl. cere- 
 brum ?)=Lat. cribrum. 
 
 TV. 3. civydaw, P. coihe=Lat. cadere ? 
 (in the form rather=cec?ere). 
 
 ail (tergum)=Lat. cuius. 
 
 di. TV. 1. Arm. di, P. the, TV. 3. y= 
 Lat. de. 
 
 du- (do-~)—()vQ-, Skr. dus-. 
 
 [TV. 3. ffer=ucpvp6v.] 
 
 [/i=Lat. virus, ioe, Skr. visha.] 
 
 V. gurah, TV. 3. gwrach (anus) — -/pave.? 
 
 [ibim, Lat. bibo, Vedic pibdmi.] 
 
 inis gen. tnse, TV. 2. mis, 3. y^s f., 
 Arm. enes=Lat. insula ? (if perhaps 
 this be a diminutive formation, not 
 as Pott would make it=th'a\og). 
 
 itir etir etar, P. intre yntre, Arm. entre 
 (foreign to the TVelsh)=Lat. inter. 
 [Skr. antar.] 
 
 ith gen. etha (frumentum), V. yd 
 seges) : Lat. ador (interchange be- 
 tween d and t in ithim likewise). 
 
 V. yorch (caprea)= Z,6pl,, dop% ? 
 
 TV. 3. keissaw (instead of *kessiaiv, 
 *kassiau) scarcely=Lat. quaerere? 
 
 (Gaulish XayKia Diod. Sic. V. 30. pro- 
 bably an erroneous supposition, other- 
 vr\se=laneea, Aoy%?7). 
 
 [lacht], V. lait (he), TV. 1. lafever 
 (" lacocula"), TV. 2. laethauc (lac 
 praebens)=Lat. lac. 
 
 *le'ic (sine), leicci (sinit): general, but 
 in the form exactly=linquit. 
 
 liac, TV. 3. llech f. ; lapis, XiOoe, Xaiy£? 
 
 lobur [ W. llwfr] (infirmus) : Lat. labor, 
 labo, labes? 
 
 loth gen. loithe (palus, coenum), TV. 3. 
 lludedic (coenosusj ; Gaul. Luteva, 
 Lutetia — Lat. lutum. 
 
 matin, V. metin, TV. 3. yr meitin (mane) 
 — Lat. matutinus (borroAved ?). 
 
 [mil], V. mel=mel, p.e\i. 
 
 midiur-sa (puto), TV. 3. medivl medol 
 (cogitatio), medylyaw (cogitare) — 
 p.klo\xai, meditor. 
 
 TV. 3. mynyd, V. menit, P. meneth= 
 Lat. mons ; emineo ? 
 
 naue (gen.), noe=navis, vavg. [Skr. 
 ndv, ndu.] 
 
 nczaJfAim.(z==dh)==v?']9eiv,v££iv,iiere? 
 
 nert, K. nerth (virtus) ; dvr\p, Osc. Umbr. 
 ner, Sab. Lat. nerio, Nero. 
 
 TV. 2. 3. oet. (aetas), 3. hoedel hoedyl 
 (vita), oetaivc oedawc (aetate provec- 
 tus)=Lat. aetas? (v could have 
 dropped out as well in Celtic as in 
 Latin, but compare also the still un- 
 explained ui, oe in the verbal substan- 
 tives). 
 
 [saiget] , TV. 3 saeth, P. se^=Lat. sagitta 
 [borrowed ?] 
 
 84 [Compare with this rather Old Korse heill, omen.] 
 
 85 [Castrum is probably for cad-trum, and cannot be connected with caihair, 
 gen. cathrach— an Old Celtic *cateirax, cfr. cataracton.] 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 109 
 
 sai=Lat. sagum. 
 
 *saillim=a\\ofiai, salio (Goth, salta a 
 
 different form). 
 sarkail samal (similitudo)==-*sa?wa/t; 
 
 amail amal (=dat. loc. *samaii) W. 
 
 2. mal, P. avel, Arm. euel (ut) ; cos- 
 mail cosmuil cosmil (=* consamali),\7 . 
 
 3. kyffelyp kyffelyb (consimilis) — Lat. 
 simitis. 
 
 W. 3. sarff—Ski. sarpa, Lat. serpens 
 
 (tpTrerov). 
 sciath (0. Arm. scoit-, scoe£-)=Lat. 
 
 scutum ? (the vowel is different). 
 secA (praeter, extra, supra), K. hep heb 
 
 (sine)=^sec?./s, t/caf . 
 W. 2. Ae^'c, V. Ae%e/u=Lat. sa&r. 
 
 § 
 
 su- [W. fo-]=Skr. sw-, Gr. ev. 
 
 tar, W. 2. tries, 3. e?ros, P. c/ris drys 
 (Arm. dreist)=Lsit. trans, Umbr. trdf. 
 
 W. 1. tarater, 2. taradyr=Taperpov, 
 terebra. 
 
 tarvos (Gaulish), O. Gaedb. tarb, W. 2. 
 taru,F. tarow=taurus, ravpog (conse- 
 quently to be separated from Slav. 
 turu, O. Norse \>ior, Goth, stiwr). 
 
 tlr, K. tir (terra) nearest affinity— Osc. 
 teeriim (possibly Lat. terra). 
 
 [iian, W. 3. oen, V. oin=agnus, for 
 avignus, " ewe-born" ?] 
 
 urde, W. 3. gwyrcl, V. <7«iV* = Lat. 
 
 viridis. 
 Jdith=L&t. vates (borrowed ?). 
 
 3. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Classic, Teutonic, and 
 Lito- Slavonian languages. 
 
 Others may no doubt be placed side by side with Latin ones, 
 but are not the less Teutonic, Slavonian, and Lithuanian. The 
 following occur more or less generally, for instance: — 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS COMMON TO THE CELTIC AND CLASSIC LANGUAGES, BUT 
 ALSO FOUND IN THE TEUTONIC, SLAVONIAN, AND LITHUANIAN. 
 
 actus ocus (vicinus), comacus (vicinus), 
 comaicsiu f. (vicinia), W. 3. agos, P. 
 ogas (vicinus), W. 2. kauaens, 3. 
 kyfagos (propinquitas, vicinitas), V. 
 carogos (affinis, consanguineus) — 
 first in the Greek lyyvg, ayxh but 
 also Lat. angustus, O.H.G. angi; 
 Slav, qza jaza, azu vazu (vinculum), 
 Lith. anksztas ankszta (N.H.G. enge). 
 The conjunction acus ocus ocuis (et) 
 appears to be a dat. loc, as it has the 
 power of aspirating. From the same 
 root comes octe ochte (necessitudo), 
 compare Lat. angor, angustia, Slav. 
 jeza (morbus). Interchange be- 
 tween cc and ng occurs elsewhere 
 likewise, e. g. in cumacc, cumang, 
 cumacht. 
 
 <3i7e,K. all=alius, aXKog, Goth, alisalja- 
 (O.H.G. ali- in some few words, 
 among which may be mentioned 
 elithiotic, as was already observed by 
 Graff — W. 2. alldut, pi. alltudion); 
 in this form (with I) it is wanting in 
 the Slav, and Lith. 
 
 ainm (see supra)=Goth. namo, Slav. 
 ime, Prussian emnes. 
 
 dis dis, Gen. disa aisso, dissa desa (aetas), 
 W. 1. ois (seculum), 3. oes (vita), V. 
 huis (seculum), P. oys (aetas) ; nearest 
 affinity=Skr. dyus, but then also aiwv, 
 aevum, Goth, aivs, O.H.G. ev:a; is 
 wanting in the Slav, and Lith. 
 
 ar (root) (arare) ; general in all Euro- 
 pean languages. 
 
 athir (K. tat, like Gr. T8Tra)=pater, 
 Trarrjp, Goth, fadar ; is wanting in the 
 Slav, and Lith., which again differ 
 from each other. 
 
 ben, ban (mulier), V. benen (sponsa), 
 benenrid (femina), benenuat (matrona), 
 P. benyn (mulier), pi beny?ias=yvvrj, 
 Boeot. (3dva, Slav, zena, Goth, qvens 
 gvino, O.H G. chona ; is wanting in 
 the Latin and Lithuanian (however 
 there is Prus. *gannci). 
 
 bar, ber (root), (Jerre) general. 
 
 brdthair brdihir, W. 1. braut, 3. brawt pi. 
 brodyr, V. brand broder, Arm. pi. 
 breuder=f rater, (pprjrrjp (Zeitschr. 
 VII. 436), Goth, brojpar, Slav, bratru 
 bratu, Lith. brolis. 
 
 bou (see supra) = O.H.G. chuo, Slav. 
 govedo, Lettish gows. 
 
 bin be'o (vivus), bethu beothu (vita), beod 
 (vivus), biad (victus, esca), beoigidh 
 (vivificat) ; W. 3. byw, Arm. beo, P. 
 beu (vivus), V. bin (vita), W. 3. bywyt 
 m., Arm. buez buhez, P. bewnas be?"- 
 nans (vita), Arm. benaj (vivam), P. 
 6ewe(vivere) ; vivus, (Siog, Goth, qvius, 
 Lith. gyvas, Slav, zivu, etc. 
 
 cride n. =icapdi.a, cor, Goth, hairto, 
 Lith. szirdis, Slav, srudice. 
 
 camm (curvus, obliquus), dat. pi. cam- 
 maib, cammderc (strabo), camihuisil 
 
110 
 
 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 (casus obliqui), W. 2. 3. Arm. V. 
 cam. (curvus), V. camhinsic (injus- 
 tus), Gaul. Camba, Cambodunum, 
 Mopnca[i(3ri ; Gr. /ca/z7rrw, Lith. kam- 
 pas a corner, kumpas crooked. 
 
 [cnu, Lat. nux for cnux, hnot, Eng. nut.'] 
 
 crmm f., Y.prif, W. 3. />r?// (vermis)= 
 vermis, Goth, vaurms, Lith. (Jcirmis), 
 kirmele', k\rminas, Slav. czruvx,czrwl 
 (but czruminu), — Gr. sX/xivg?). 
 
 cu, K. ci=Kvu>v, canis, Goth, hunds, 
 Lith. szw (Slav, sw&a, sobakd). 
 
 W. 3. cudyaw (abscondere, celare), P. 
 cuthe, Arm. c«<ze£ (occultare)=/c6u0w, 
 further Lat. cutis, O.H.G. hut f., 
 hutta f. 
 
 W. 3. keffyl (equus vilis)=Lat. caballus 
 (icafiaXXrjg probably borrowed), Slav. 
 kobyla, kobylica, koni, Lith. kumele, 
 kumelukas, (kuinas, probably bor- 
 rowed). 
 
 [de'r], W. 1. dacr-lon (uvidus), pi. W. 3. 
 dagreu, P. dagrow (lacrimae)=<5aKpt>, 
 lacr-ima, Goth, tagr, Lith. aszara ; 
 is wanting in Slav. 
 
 daw (quercus), daurauch (quercetum), 
 daurde dairde (quernus), derucc 
 (glans), W. 3. V. dar, pi. deri, Sg. 
 W. 3. derwen 86 (quercus); dopv, dpiig, 
 Goth, triu, Slav, drevo (arbor), druva 
 (ligna), Lith. derva ; is wanting in 
 the Latin. [? Dr. Siegfried compares 
 laurus from daurus, as lingua from 
 dingua, lacrima from dacrima, 
 etc.] 
 
 dam (root) (in the Celtic, with a pecu- 
 liar application of meaning) : fodai- 
 mim-se (patior, tolero), W. 1 . guodeim- 
 isauch (sustulistis), P. gotheff gothe- 
 vell, Arm. gouzaf gouzaff (tolerare) 
 =domo, da/jiaZto), Goth, timan, tamjan. 
 
 det, K. dant m. (V. dans, pi. W. 3. 
 danned)=dens, ddovg, Goth, tunbus, 
 O. Norse tonn, O.H.G. zand zan, 
 Lith. danth ; is wanting in Slav. 
 
 dess, W. 2. dehou, 3. deheu, P. dyghow= 
 Se£,i6g, dexter, Goth, taihsvs, Slav. 
 desinu ; Lith. deszine (dextra). 
 
 dia (dies), W. 2. diu dihu, 3. dyw along 
 with dyd, V. det, P. dyth deth, pi. 
 dethiow, Arm. deiz, pi. dizioa=La,t . 
 dies, Slav, dim, Lith. dend; it is 
 wanting with this meaning in Ger- 
 man and Greek. 
 
 dia (deus), W. 2. diu dyu dyuu dyhu 
 duhu duo, 3. duw, V. dug, Arm. doe 
 — W. 2. duyuaul (divinus)=c/e?;s, 
 6s6g (?), Lith. devas, Lettish dews; 
 
 is wanting in German and Slavonian. 
 [But cf. O.N. tivar " gods".] 
 
 dorus, W. 1. rc?r?<s], cfor, pi. 3. doreu, 
 W. 3. G?nt?s, V. darat-=-Qvpa, fores, 
 Goth, efowr dauro, Lith. durys, pi. 
 Slav, e/w/7. 
 
 ecA, K. ep=^equus, 'Linrog, O. Sax. eAw, 
 O. Norse, idr; Lith, dssra (equa); 
 is wanting in Slavonian. 
 
 W. 3. V. Arm. elin, (ulna)=Goth. 
 aleina, wXkvn, Lat. ulna; in the 
 Lith. Slav, there is another suffix, 
 where it is not wholly different. 
 
 gaim-red, W. 1. gaem, 2. 3. gayaf, V. 
 goyf, Arm, gouaff — W. 3. kynnhaeaf, 
 V. kyniaj (auctuninus, i.e. forewinter) 
 =/«ems, %twj/ %h/jwj/, Lith. zema, 
 Slav, zwrca ; is wanting in German. 
 
 1, gen (root Skr. jan) — in gigno (g)nas- 
 cor, yiyvofiai, yevvdoj, Goth, kum, 
 N.H.G. kind, Slav, zenti (gener), 
 Lith. g\mti; appears in Celtic partly 
 with g: nogigned (nascebatur), ro- 
 gen(a)ir (na'tus est), dogentar gentar 
 genthir (fiet), dogniu (facio), fogni 
 (servit), gnim (factum), fogndm 
 (servitus), congnam (contributio), 
 gnethid (operarius), gein (ortus) Z. 
 466, gen. geine Z. 1043, geinddae 
 (genitalis), W. 3. Arm. ganet, P. 
 genys (natus), W. 2. guneyr (fit), 3. 
 givnaf(fsLcio, fa,ciam)=P. gwraffgraj, 
 Arm. groaff graf gruif griff, etc. ; 
 partly with c : cenel (natio, gens, 
 genus), cenelae (genus), cenelach 
 (generalis), cenaelugud (generatio)= 
 W. 1. cenitol (generatio), cenitolaidou 
 (natales), 2. kenedel, 3. kenedl kenedyl 
 (genus), V. kinethel (generatio)= 
 yhvi.Q\ov. 
 
 2 gen. (root — Skr. jna) — in yiyvwoTcw, 
 (g)nosco, Goth, kan, Lith. zindu, Slav. 
 znaja ; 0. Gaedh. adgen-sa adgeuin 
 (cognosco), etargeiuin (noscit), gne 
 (ratio), aitngne (sapiens, n. cognitio), 
 irgnae, etargne, etarcne (cognitio), 
 itargninim (sapio prudentia), nom- 
 etargnigedar (me commemorat). 
 
 ithim (mando), estar (edit), W. 3. ryt 
 yssu (comesum esse) ; the primitive 
 d in W. 2. heuedac (comessatio, 
 epulae) ; the root ad is general. (The 
 derivational ith (puis), "W. 1. iot 
 "pulsum" appears to correspond to 
 the Greek tidap). 
 
 W. 3. ieuanc, pi. ieueinc, V. iouenc 
 jouonc, P. yonk, sup. W. 2.3. ieuhaf; 
 O. Gaedh. dclachdi (juvenilia), 
 
 86 Erroneously explained in Zeitschr. VII. 211 ; — en is singulativ. 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 Ill 
 
 ticmil (tiro) =juvenis (juvencus), 
 Goth, juggs compar. juhiza, Lith. 
 jdunas, Slav, junii (Servian junak 
 hero), (Gr. rjfin ?). 
 
 W. 1. iou, V. ieu=jugum, Zvyog, Goth. 
 juk, Slav, igo (i. e.- jtgo instead of 
 jugo), Lith. jungas. 
 
 lagait (parvitas), laigiu lugu (minor), 
 lugimem (min\ma.m),W . 3. llei (minor) 
 — skaaawv; Lat. lews, Slav, liguku, 
 Lith. lengvas, Goth, leihts. 
 
 Idn, W. 3. llawn, P. Arm. /e» Ze»tt (ple- 
 nus), 0. Gaedh. lane Idine (impletio), 
 lanma /r(impleti), linmaire (plenitudo) 
 =plenus, Slav, pliinu, Lith. pilnas, 
 Goth. /mZZs (i. e. fulns), the Greek 
 has only the root, not the same deri- 
 vatives; Goth, (fulljan) and Celtic 
 have verbs derived from it: W. 3. 
 llanw (implere), O. Gaedh. forldn 
 (abundavit), rolin (implevit), comal- 
 naclar (implet), linad (explere). 
 
 il, compar. lia, etc. See Beitr., I. 
 340. 
 
 leth led (latus, dimidium), = lotus, 
 rrXdrog, O.H.G. Mat plat. 
 
 lethan, W. 1. lltan (latus) — tcXcltvq, 
 Lith. platus, Goth, braids. 87 
 
 ligim (lingo)=\a'Yw, lingo, Goth, laigo, 
 Lith. laizau, Slav. liza. 
 
 tnalg (root) ; Mod. Irish nieilg milk, old 
 gloss do omalgg mulxi, Z. 71 ; every- 
 where. 
 
 man (root) : rommunus rommunus (scio, 
 didici), domuinur-sa domoiniur clome- 
 nar-sa (puto, spero), admuinur (volo), 
 ni cuman Urn (nescio) and many deri- 
 vatives ; W. 2. menoent (voluerint), 3. 
 mynych mynnych (vis, voles), mynnir, 
 (placet), P. mynny (vis), Arm. menaf 
 mennaf minif (volo, posco, cogito), 
 W. 3. gofyn, P. govynny (interrogare); 
 memini, fikjxova, Goth. man, Slav. 
 pameti (memoria) &c. 
 
 mar (root) : marb (mortuus), W. 2. Arm. 
 maru (mori) ; general (German and 
 Greek only in derivatives). 
 
 mdthir, suppressed in Kymric by the 
 endearing word mam (=* mamma), 
 preserved however in V. modereb, W. 
 1. pi. modreped (matertera),=?nater, 
 firirnp, O.H.G. muotar, Slav, mati; 
 Lith. mote' (mulier). 
 
 meddn, W. 2. meun, 3. mywn (medius, 
 medium) : cognate words everywhere 
 even though nowhere with this suffix. 
 
 melim (niolo), damil-si (edis) ; general 
 (Gr. nv\t] along with aXeio). 
 
 mi (Beitr. 1. 461), [rnistae menstruus], 
 W. 2. mis, 3. mys, V. mis=fxi]v, Ion. 
 fieig, mensis, Lith. menu (instead of 
 mines), Slav, meseci; deviating some- 
 what Goth, mena (luna), meno)ps 
 (mensis). 
 muir, K. mor (mare) ; general (Gr. 
 
 ■jr\np:pvpic.). 
 masc (root — otherwise misc) : cummasc 
 gen. cummisc (commutatio), commes- 
 catar (miscentur), V. commisc, W. 
 3. cymysc (mixtio), P. kemeskis, 
 hemyskis (commixtio), Arm. kem- 
 meski (misceo) ; O. Gaedh. cumsciget 
 (mutant), rochumscigther (immuta- 
 tum est), nicumscaichthi (non mutan- 
 dum est), do not appear to belong 
 to this root, because of conosciget 
 (mutant), conroscaigissiu (summe- 
 visti), conoscaige-siu (admoveto) ; 
 misceo, /.liayoj, Lith. maiszyti, Slav. 
 mesiti, O.H.G. misrjan. 
 in niul u (in nubibus) = vt<p's\r), nebula, 
 O.H.G. nibul; Slav. Lith. another 
 suffix, and partly another significa- 
 tion. 
 noct ; 0. Gaedh. innoc(h)t (hac nocte), 
 [W. 1. henoid~], K. nos (nox) ; general. 
 nu, [recte nua~] nue nuae, niiide (novus, 
 novicius) ; general in forms which 
 partly correspond to the Skr. nava, 
 and partly navy a. 
 V. ow=Lat. agnus, Ch. Slav, agnica, 
 
 agnici jagnlcl, agne jagne. 
 din den, K. wn=Lat. unus (O. Lat. 
 oenos), Goth, ains, Lith. venas, Lett. 
 wens. [Prus. ainsJ] 
 V. palff.=palma, TraXdfin, Ang. Sax. 
 
 O.H.G. folma. 
 W. 3. V. rud (ruber) ; general. 
 roth=L&t. rota, O.H.G. rad, Lith. 
 
 rdtas. 
 salann, V. haloin halein (sal)=sa?, a\c, 
 
 Slav, soli; Goth. salt, 
 [suari], W. 3. V. Arm. hun=somnus, 
 vttvoq, Slav, sunu (Lith. sdpnas, Lett. 
 sapnis a dream), O. Norse svefn. 
 smith (rivus, fiuvius, torrens), W. 2. 
 frut f., 3. frwt., Y.frot=*Sk.Y. srotas ; 
 Gr. psoj (apepio), Slav, struja struga, 
 O.H.G. stroum, Thracian ^Tpv/aojv, 
 Lith. sraume. 
 V. hveger (socrus), hvigeren (socer)=r 
 kicvpoQ eicvpa, socer socrus, Slav. 
 svekru, svekry svekruvi, Goth, svaihra, 
 svaihro. 
 W. 3. sych = siccus (O.H.G. biseh, 
 bisihan Graff VI, 133?), Gr. aavKog 
 
 87 [Much nearer is Old Norsey?afr=.English_y?a£.] 
 
112 
 
 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 (aav\p.6g, aavcrapog, but also avxf-iog, 
 avx/Mipog), Lith. sausas, Ch. Slav. 
 suchu. 
 sethar siur (also siar, fiar according to 
 Stokes), TV. 8. c/acior, pi. cJucaer 
 chwioryd, V. /m*r [recte Am'r] = 
 Goth, svistar, Slav, sestra, Lith. sesfi', 
 Lat. soror; it is wanting in Greek, 
 unless perhaps sVapoc iralpog belongs 
 to it. 
 
 1 sak (root — to follow) : sechem (sequi), 
 saigim (adeo), doseich (persequitur). 
 saichdetu (consequential, sechimtid 
 (sectator)=se9»or, t—ojiai, Goth. sa- 
 Jean, sokjan, Lith. seku. 
 
 2 sak (root — to say) : saigid (loqui, 
 disputare), saiged (dicit), dosaig 
 (dicit), saiges (g. dicit). insce (serrno), 
 TV. 3. heb (inquit)=*'/?sece, ivv&tte, 
 Lith. sakau, O.H.G. sag en. 
 
 sad (root — to sit): insddaim (jacio), 
 dordsat, doforsat (condidit, consti- 
 tuit), adsaitis (residebant), sosad 
 sossad (turris. positio), suide (sessio), 
 suidiguth suidigud (positio) ; TV. 8. 
 gor-sed-ua (sedes sublimis), P. set-va 
 (sedes), settyas (posuit)=V£a;, sedeo, 
 Goth, sitan, Slav, sesti, Lith. s'e'sti. 
 
 W. 3. heul, V. heuul, P. houl (sol) ; per- 
 haps, also, 0. Gaedh. soillse f. (lu- 
 men) ?=Goth. sauil, Lith. sdule, Lat. 
 sol (doubtful Gr. i']\iog=aFs\iog, it 
 would be much better to consider it 
 with Curtius=ows//. ? ); Slav, slumce 
 (deviates). 
 
 [Gaulish 6'eno-magus], sen,K.hen=L&t. 
 sen-ex (Gr. 'dvn), Lith. se'nas old, senis 
 an old man, Goth, sin-eigs sinisto, 
 O.H.G. siniscalc ; it is wanting in 
 Slavonian. 
 
 teg tech (domus), gen. idul-taigaz (fani), 
 dat. taig (the fundamental form is, 
 consequently, *tagi), W. 3. ty, pi. tei, 
 
 Arm. ti ty, V. ti — from which tigerne, 
 
 dat. tigerni (dominus), TV. 1. tigern; 
 
 cf. Lat. tug-urin.ni ; Gr. rkyog, 0. 
 
 Norse \ak % O.H.G. dach, Lith. stdgas 
 
 (roof). [Ir. a-staig.'] 
 temel m. (obscuritas), W. 3. tywyll (6b- 
 
 scurus. obscuritas), V. tivulgou, P. 
 
 tevolgorv (tenebrae)=Slav. tuna, Lith. 
 
 tamsa, Lat. tenebrae, temere (blindly), 
 
 O.H.G. demar (crepusculum) ; it is 
 
 wanting in Greek. 
 \tana~], W. 3. teneu (tenuis), P. teneiven 
 
 (latus) ; tenuis, ravaog raw-, O.H.G. 
 
 dunni, Slav. tiniku. 
 tiiath, K. tut (populus)=Lith. Lett. 
 
 Prus. tauta, Osc. tuvtu, Umbr. toto, 
 
 Goth. ]>iuda ; it is wanting in Slav. 
 
 and Gr. (as in Lat.). 
 og, V. uy, W. 2. pi. uyeu=ovum, i66v, 
 
 O.H.G. ei, Pol. jaje, Ch. Slav, ai-ce 
 
 joke ; it is wanting in Lithuanian. 88 
 fich (municipium. pagus)=i7c*/s, oIkoc, 
 
 Goth, veins vehs, Slav, visi (prae- 
 
 dium), Lith. vesz-pats lord, vese'ti to 
 
 be a guest. 
 fer, V. gur, W. 3. gwr (ground form 
 
 * wra)==Lat. vir, Goth, vair, O.H.G. 
 
 icer (weralt hominum aetas, seculum, 
 
 generatio), Lith. vyras, Lett, icirs ; 
 
 it is wanting in Slav, and Gr. 
 fedb, V. guedeu=Got\i. viduvo, SI. 
 
 vidova, Prus. widdewu, Lat. vidua ; 
 
 it is wanting in Greek ; ijiOeog is 
 
 scarcely connected. 
 fescor, TV. 3. ucher, V. gurthuper, P. 
 
 gicesper, Arm. gouspei'=vesper, sWt- 
 
 pog, Lith. vdkaras, Slav, veczeru; it 
 
 is wanting in German. 
 TV. 1. gulan, V. gluan, Arm. g!oan= 
 
 Goth, vulla, Lith. vilna, Slav, vluna, 
 
 Lat. /a>?a ? ; Gr. anov is another 
 
 form. 
 
 To these are to be added tlie generally recurring roots Skr. 
 as-, bhu, dhd (O. Gaedk denim (facio), Arm. doen doan, P. doyn 
 (facere), and in tlie British compounds W. 3. bydaf, P. bethajf, 
 Arm. bezajf, bizif), vid, cru (in all European tongues klu) 
 and the numerals below 1000. If some of them are wanting 
 in individual languages, it does not signify much for our pre- 
 sent object, as here also we find everywhere agreements between 
 the north and south. For example, daru [?] and the root 
 sru are wanting in the Latin, vaskara, ghaima in the Teutonic, 
 
 88 [The Teutonic words are scarcely connected with the Greek and Latin : 
 O.H.G. ei, O.N. egg, A. Sax. dgg ; Crimean Gothic ada, point to original 
 ADDIA, compare Skr. anda, egg.^\ 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 113 
 
 svastar, tamas, vidhavd in the Greek, dvja in the Lithuanian, 
 akva, dacru, dant, sdna, and the root sak in the Slavonian. 
 Even the absence of words from two languages (e.g. Lat. and Lith. 
 gand, Tent, and Gr. diva, Slav, and Gr. sduala i tautd, vira, 
 aina, Teut. and Slav, daiva) becomes for us of higher significa- 
 tion, only when these are the two nearest related languages,* say- 
 Latin and Greek, or Slavonian and Lithuanian. 
 
 §. 4. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Classic, and Teutonic 
 
 languages. 
 
 Of words which are wanting in the Lithuanian and Slavonian, 
 the Celtic has the following in common with the two Classic 
 languages and Teutonic : axle, athir, elin, palf nude ( ?) With 
 the Greek and Teutonic it has, for example : 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS COM3I0N TO CELTIC, GREEK, AND TEUTONIC. 
 
 dark (root — Skr. drc) : Arm. derch (as- 
 pectus), 0. Gaedh. airdircc erdirc 
 irdircc, pi. erdarcai (conspicuus= 
 TrepiSt ptcijg ?), erdaircigidir (eonce- 
 lebrat)=^lp/cw, O.H.G. zorht zoraht, 
 zorft. 
 
 * K. garan=ykpavog, O.H.G. chran-uh 
 (in the form) in opposition to Lat. 
 grus, Lith. gerv'e f, Slav, zeravll 
 (* geravjas) m. 
 
 lang (root) : loingtech (acceptus, gratus), 
 fidang (tolerare), immefolhgai imme- 
 folngai immolhgai (efficit), immejorling 
 vmforling (efficit) — this form shows 
 the composition, contrary to Zeuss 
 756, notwithstanding arqfulsam (tole- 
 remus) — indlung (findo), indlach (dis- 
 ceptatio), cuimlengaithi (congredien- 
 dum) ; cf. Xayxavuj ? O. H. G. ga- 
 lingan. 
 
 trag (root) : Gaul, ver-trogns ; O. Gaedh. 
 traig, K. troit (pes) ; rpexoj, Goth. 
 \ragja. 
 
 ban ben (root) : dofuibnimm (succido), 
 eiirdibnet (perimunt), imdibenar (ab- 
 
 sciditur), immeruidbed (circumcisus 
 est), be'/nen pi. (vulnera, jilagae), [P. 
 l(>iiij)itin~], tobe (decisio), nebthdbe nepJi- 
 thdbe (praeputium), imdibe (circum- 
 cisio), etardibe (iuterritus),6as(mors), 
 batkach (moribundus) ; secondary root 
 balm : epil (interit), atbela (morietur) 
 =0ev in Qovog, ttsQvov, Tre<pii<JO[iai, 
 ddvvijtpaTog, Goth, banja a wound, 
 O.H.G. bana f. (homicidium), Initio 
 m.(occisor), banon (quatere, exercere), 
 0. Norse bana to kill, bani m. (occisor, 
 homicidium). 
 
 (?) borg (borcc, borggde), P. burges (bur- 
 gensis)=Goth. baurgs, also Gr. irvp- 
 yog (cpovpicog)? — (may have been 
 borrowed from the German). 
 
 gen, dat. giun (os, oris) — compare xaivu), 
 O.H.G. ginen ginon? ; the Latin 
 hiare has different forms. 
 
 [scath~\, V. scod (umbra)=Goth. ska- 
 dus, Gr. (TKorog? 
 
 sid, W. 3. hedwch (pax)=Goth. sidus, 
 Gr. ZOog, rjOog? 
 
 The following are Celtic, Latin (or Italic), Teutonic: 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS COMMON TO CELTIC, LATIN (OR ITALIC), AND TEUTONIC. 
 
 Goth, alan, 
 
 ad- 0. Gaedh. only in combinations, as 
 already in Gaulish, Kymric ad- and 
 at (difficult \ o be distinguished from 
 aith=* ati, see Beitr. I. 3L2)=Lat. 
 ad, Goth. at. [But also Lith. at.'] 
 
 asil, K. esel (membrum)=Lat. ala, 
 axilla, O.H.G. ahsala ? 
 
 al (root): notatt (qui te alit), altram 
 
 (nutritio) — Lat. ah, 
 
 aljan, 0. Norse ala. 
 \caecli\, V. cute (luscus, monophthal- 
 
 mus):=Goth. haihs; Lat. caecus. 
 W.3. crych (Gaul. Crixus?), O. Gaedh. 
 
 crichaib (sulcis), W. 1 . clicked (ruga) 
 
 =Lat. crisjms ; O.H.G. krus. 
 Gaulish, Kapvov ri]v aaXitiyya, Hesych. 
 
114 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 (kcl^vv%, Schol. II. a, 219). Kyrn. corn TV. 1. taguel. 2. taicel (silens), TV. 3. 
 
 =Lat. cornu, Goth, haurn. leici (tacere), TV. 3. P. taw (tace)= 
 
 gabor (caper), TV. 2. V. gauar, TV. 3. Lat. tacere, Goth. Ipahan ? 
 
 gafar (capra) = Lat. caper, capra, red recht (lex), TV. 2. ra'M reyth reis 
 
 O. N. Ao/r, Ang. Sax. hafer. (lex), Arm. reiz rez (rectus, Justus) 
 
 gab (root), Kymr. cav (i. e. cabfi)= =Lat. rectus, Goth, raihts, O.H.G., 
 
 Lat. capio, Goth, hafja. 0. Sax. relit n. 
 
 li,W. 3. lliw, P. Zyzu (splendor, color, tenge, gen. sing. pi. te?igad=Qoth. 
 
 gloria) — V. liuor (pictor), disliu (de- tuggo, Lat. lingua (dingua), although 
 
 formis) — Lat. liveo livor lividus, with a different suffix in each lan- 
 
 O.H.G. pit pliwes lead (Stokes). guage. 
 
 nathir, V. nader=Jja.t. natrix, Goth, drog droch, TV. 3. drive, P. drok (malus), 
 
 nadr, O.H.G. natra natara. (The W. 3. drycket (malitia), O. Gaedh. 
 
 0. Gaedh. with its declension, stands drochgnim, ace. pi. drochgnimu 
 
 as it were midway between Teutonic (malefactum), V. drocger (infamia), 
 
 and Latin). drocgeriit (infamis), drochoberor 
 
 nessa, superl. nesam=Osc. Umbr. ne- (maleficus) — cf. Lat. trux, O. H. G. 
 
 simo, Goth, nehv-, already alluded to. triugan — Skr. root druh. [cf. 
 
 [niae~\, V. noi=La,t. nepos, O.H.G. nefo, rpvx^ ?] 
 
 A. Sax. nefa, and V. guins, P. givyns, Arm. guent (i.e. 
 
 necht, V. wort=Lat. neptis, O.N., A. Kymr. *guini)=La.t. ventus, Goth. 
 
 Sax., O.H.G. nift, O.H.G. niftila. vinds. [Skr. vdta.'] 
 
 [nid], V. neid=L&t. nidus, A. Sax., caille (velamen) — cf. Lat. occulo, celo, 
 O.H.G., nest. (The Slay, gnezdo is O.H.G. helan, heli f. (amictus, vela- 
 obscure.) mentum), Goth, huljan, O.H.G. 
 
 V. pisc=L&t. piscis, Goth, jisks. nulla (hiille) ; [caille is probably bor- 
 
 [ri, gen.] rig, V. rwy=Lat. rex, Goth. rowed from pallium.'] 
 reiks (O.H.G. rich). 
 
 §. 5. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic, Teutonic, and Lito- 
 Slavonian languages. 
 
 Among the words the Celtic has in common with the Ten- 
 tonic, Lithuanian, and Slavonian, besides those above quoted, 
 which recur in Latin or Greek, we must no doubt remove 
 many more which have come into all or several of these 
 languages in the same way, by borrowing from the Latin, as for 
 example: angelus z=I^ith. angelas, Ch. Slav, anigelu, O.H.G. 
 angil, engil (Got. aggilus from the Greek), O. Gaedh. angel 
 aingel; or apostolus ^lAth. apdsztalas, Ch. Slav, apostolu (Goth. 
 apaustaulus) , O.H.G. postul, Arm., Com. apostol, O. Gaedh. 
 apstal. Mutual borrowing among the other languages did not 
 take place to anything like the same extent, and we run 
 much less risk of mistaking the apparent relationships due to 
 borrowing for primitive relationships, in this case, than in the 
 comparison of the Celtic and Latin. The Cornish has borrowed 
 the most from the Teutonic languages (especially from the 
 English), like the Armoric from the Romance (French), next 
 to them the Welsh ; the mutual influence between Gaedhelic and 
 the Teutonic tongues may be considered as evenly balanced. 
 The following are certainly borrowed: V. mesclen N.H.G. 
 muschel, redior=:Eing. reader, herring Eng. herring, hot (capu- 
 tium)=:Eng. hat, roche (fannus), streing (fibula) = Eng. string, 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 115 
 
 P. strek (radius sanguinis), strekis (plagae) = strike, V. strifor 
 (contentiosus), P. stryff (contentio), strevye (altercari) = strive; 
 W. 3. helym helm, iarll (conies) = O.N. iarl, A. Sax. tori, 
 ysl(e)ipanu, to draw or tie (a bow), ysivein pi. ysiueinieit = O.N. 
 swein (Eng. swain), ysmwg (vapour) = Engl, smoke. On the 
 other hand, W. 2. 3. talu (solvere) and the German zahlen have, 
 perhaps, come from a common source. 
 
 The agreements of the Celtic with all three languages, or, at 
 all events, with the Teutonic and Slavonian, at the same time, 
 are certainly not exceedingly numerous, but for the most part 
 all the more significant. Thus we again meet in Celtic with 
 certainly a part, and very probably others, of those very words 
 and forms which Schleicher has pointed out as exclusively 
 common to the Teutonic and Slavonian. 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS COMMON TO CELTIC, LITHUANIAN, SLAVONIAN, AND 
 
 TEUTONIC. 
 
 aball (malus), W. 2. aball (mali), abal- 
 len, 2. 3. V. auallen f. malus), P. 
 avell (pomum), W. 3. aual, pi. an rfeu 
 aueleu (poma), Itwylbre/nd (uisdi)-— A. 
 Sax. dppel, Frisian appel, O.H.G. 
 aphid aphol, 0. Norse epli n. (malum); 
 Lith. obel\s f. (malus), o6«7as=Lett. 
 dbols (malum); S\a,v.jabluko jabluka 
 (pomum), ablani ablorii jablani (ma- 
 lus). 
 
 crocann, crocenn (receptaculum), W. 3. 
 crochann (vas, olla), V. crogen (con- 
 cha) — cf. O.H.G. kruog (lagena, 
 amphora) ; Ch. Slav, kruczagu (vas 
 fictile), hrucziminica a drinking house, 
 krucziviniku host ; Lith. karczama 
 a drinking house (N.H.G. krug) — 
 Lett, krogs borrowed. — ? 
 
 crauett f. W. 2. (pala fornacea), V. 
 graidor (sculptor) — Goth, graham,, 
 SI. greba (fodio), grobu (sepulcrum), 
 Lith. grabas; the root is also no 
 doubt Gr. (ypa^w), but with this sig- 
 nification it is, according to Schlei- 
 cher, Teutonic and Slavonian. 
 
 doddUm (fundo), foddli (distinguit),jfott- 
 drodd (qui id di visit), fodlaidi (divi- 
 dendus), fodad fodd (divisio) — also 
 dil (gratus), ddiu, ddem ,- ddes (pro- 
 prius, certus, fidelis)? — W. 1. didaul 
 (expers)=Goth. dadjan (dividere), 
 SI. deldi, Lith. dalyti, Lett, dallit to 
 share, Prus. dellieis imper. share with; 
 Goth, dads, Lith. dalis f . a share. 
 
 W. 1. drogn (coetus), drog (f actionem), 
 i.e. no doubt drogg drong — cf. the 
 perhaps Gaulish, drungus (a troop) 
 with its un-Latin anlaut [_dr^ — Goth. 
 
 dr'mqan to perform military service, 
 gadrauhts a warrior, O.H.G. truhtin 
 (dominus), truhtinc (paranymphus), 
 O. Norse droit f., pi. drottir a troop, 
 servants, drottinn lord, drdttning 
 queen ; Lith. draiigas, dradgalas a 
 companion, partner, SI. drugu (socius, 
 alter, amicus), Lett, draudse {i.e. 
 * draugid) a community. 
 
 du do, K. do dy di y=Goih. du, A. Sax. 
 to, O.H.G. za zi zuo, Slav, do, Lith, 
 da-, is wanting in 0. Norse. 
 
 Ir. droighean, Welsh draen has been 
 compared by Grimm (Gesch. d. d. 
 Spr. 1028) with Slav, trunu, Goth. 
 \>aurnu& ; this comparison is, how- 
 ever, only right if a guttural be sup- 
 posed to have fallen out in the Skr. 
 trna, Goth, and Slav., so that Lat. 
 truncus and Gr. rtpxvog might also be 
 connected therewith. O. Gaedh. drai- 
 gen (" pirus") and V. drain (spina), pi. 
 V. Arm. drein, P. dreyn, are found in 
 Zeuss along with 0. Gaedh. driss 
 (vepres), dristenach (dumetum), W. 
 3. dryssien f. (frutex) — ? 
 
 V. er (aquila)=Goth. ara, Lith. en's 
 (Beitr. I. 234), erelis, Lett, erglis, 
 Slav, orilu. 
 
 [_ged],V. guit(a,uca),i.e. *gidd (anser)= 
 N.H.G. genter,A.S&x.gandra, O.H.G. 
 ganzo, Pliny ganta; also Lith. gan- 
 dras (a stork) ? 
 
 viang mace (root) (already spoken of in 
 the Zeitschr. VI. 238 in the significa- 
 tion augere, also in existence in deri- 
 vatives mar (magnus), mace (filius) — 
 the Goth, mag (possum)=Sl. mogq,, 
 
116 
 
 Ebel's Celtic Studies. 
 
 Lith. mdku moke'ti (to be able, to un- 
 derstand, to count, pay), etc., are spe- 
 cially represented by O. Gaedh. cu- 
 maing cumuing (valet), cumang (po- 
 testas.posse). cumacc (potens), cumacht 
 cumacht(a)e n. (potentia)=TV. 3. ky- 
 foeth kyuoeth (potestas), 0. Gaedh. 
 curaachtach (potens), comp. cumacht- 
 chu (potior)=TV. 3. kyuoethawc (po- 
 tens), V. chefuidoc (" ornnipotens"). 
 Esj)ecially the Lithuanian tenuis 
 agrees in a wonderful manner with 
 the Celtic forms. 
 
 menicc menic, TV. 3. mynych.'P. menough 
 (frequens)=Goth. manags, Slav. 
 mnogii (multus) ; 0. Gaedh. meince 
 (abundantia)=Goth. managei, N. H.G. 
 menge; mencain (penus). 
 
 nocJit-chenn (nudus capite), P. noyth, 
 Arm. noaz = Goth. naqva)ps, O. 
 Norse naktr (nakinri), O.H.G. nachat ; 
 Slav, nagu, Lith. nit gas. — The Lat. 
 nudus is a different form ; it is want- 
 ing in Gr. 
 
 TV. 3. priawt, V. gur priot (sponsus), 
 Arm. priet (maritus)=0.H.G. t /hW;7 
 fridil, M.H.G. vriedel (amasius), also 
 used for the husband) — Lith. pre- 
 telius, SI. prijateli (amicus). Either 
 priawt is to be compared with brawt 
 (frater). therefore almost exactly— 
 Q.H.Gr. friudil, &c. (with /for r), or a 
 participle (amatus), to which the 
 "Welsh per. pass. TV. 3. -at, -et, -it, 
 -icyt, -aict), and Arm. part, (-et) ac- 
 curately agree : in the latter case the 
 adj. priaict (proprius), — from whence 
 also TV. 2. ampriodaur (dou possi- 
 dens), — represents the Homeric (piKoc, 
 and N.H.G. "werth" (cf. yny priawt 
 person, in (his) proper person). It is 
 in any case one of the most interest- 
 
 ing agreements between the Celtic, 
 German, Slavonian, and Lithua- 
 nian. 
 
 sil (semen), TV. 3. hen (serere), hewyt 
 (satum est) — connects itself to a root 
 form, which, according to Schleicher, 
 is exclusively Germano - Slavonian : 
 Goth, saian, SI. sejati, Lith. se'ti, 
 sekla, se'mens. 
 
 The root rdd, no doubt general, but 
 in certain significations only Celtic, 
 Teutonic. Litho- Slavonian (cf. Beitr. 
 I. 426 seq.) 
 
 snechti (nives) — the root is general 
 (fundamental form *snigh). but the 
 s has only been preserved in the 
 northern languages: Lith. snegas, 
 Slav, snegu, Goth, shaivs (=*snaigas, 
 *snaigvas~) ; in the Gr. ayavvupoQ 
 there is still a trace (=*aya<jvixFoc) ; 
 in the Lat. nix nivis (=*nihvis, nigvis) 
 it has wholly vanished. 
 
 flaith f., gen. flatha flatho (imperium), 
 fla(i)themnacht f. (gloria, dignitas, 
 gradus), flaithemnas (gloria), TV. 3. 
 gwlat (regio), pi. gwladoed gwledyd, 
 V. gulat (patria), P. gwlas (terra) — 
 fundamental form *vlati with the 
 same transposition of the medial to 
 the tenuis as in ithim (edo) — V. vu- 
 ludoc (dives), TV. 1. guletic (potens), 
 3. gwledic (imperans, princeps)— 
 Goth, valdan, SI. vladiti vlasti vlada 
 (imperare), Lith. valdau valdyti, 
 Lett, ivaldit (N. H. G. walten, to 
 govern). 
 
 TV. 3. gwerth (pretium), gwerthawr 
 (pretiosus), P. gwerthe (vendere), 
 gorthye (venerari) — Goth. vair)>s, 
 Lith. vertas, Pruss. werts (the latter 
 was perhaps borrowed, as the Polish 
 wart certainly was?). 
 
 §. 6. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Teutonic. 
 
 Tlie correspondences with, the Teutonic are most numerous ; 
 some of them are no doubt the result of borrowing, while 
 in the case of others, the relation is not clear; many, how- 
 ever, give no occasion for such a supposition. Compare for 
 instance : 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS C03I3ION TO CELTIC AND TEUTONIC. 
 
 agathar (timet), aichthi (timendus)= 
 Goth. 6g, ogan. 
 
 aithirge ithirge (poenitentia), aidrech 
 (poenitens), taidirge i. e. do-aithirge 
 (misericordia), P. eddrek, edrege, 
 poenitentia)=Goth. idreiga. 
 
 arbae orpe n.=Goth. arbi; orpam m., 
 pi. horpamin=GrOth. arbja, comarpe 
 =gaarbja; comarbus (cohereditas) : 
 nomerpimm (trado me, confido), no- 
 birpaid (tradite vos, confidite), nachi- 
 berpidsi (ne conf.), roerbad (com- 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 
 
 117 
 
 rnissum est) pi. roairptha ; innarbar 
 (abigitur, reoiovetur), arenindarbe 
 (ut abigat), nackimrindarpai-se (quod 
 non me repulit), arnachitrindarpi- 
 ther (ne sis exheredatus) represents 
 exactly N.G.H. enterben. 
 
 bnga (contentiones), bagim (glorior), 
 bdgul (praeda) — O.H.G. bdgan biag 
 (contendere, objurgare), bdgen (con- 
 tendere), bdga f. (contentio), O. 
 Norse baga (obstare, resistere), baeg- 
 jash (vexare, molestare), bdgi m. 
 (difficultas), bdgr (molestus). 
 
 bldil biail budil,W. 1. bahell, 2. bin/all (se- 
 curis), 1. laubael (handbill)=O.H.G. 
 bihalpihal bigil pig'd, M.H.G. bit — stdl 
 unexplained in both languages. 
 
 bolg bole (uter), Gaul. bulga==Goth. 
 balgs, O. H. G. pale, O. Norse bdgr 
 (follis, uter). 
 
 borg=Goih. baurgs (see supra). 
 
 (?) V. boch=O.H.G. boch pocfi, 0. 
 Norse bokki, A. Sax. bucca — cf. O. 
 Gaedh. cuilennbocc (" cynyps' 1 ) — ■ 
 borrowed from the German, accord- 
 ing to Grimm. 
 
 W. 3. bwa (arcus) — 0. Gaedh. fidbocc 
 (arcus ligneus)=0. Norse bogi, A. 
 Sax. boga, O.H.G. bogo poco. 
 
 W. 3. bwrd bord m., pi. byrdeu (mensa) 
 =Goth. bawd a board, fotubaurd 
 a footstool, 0. Norse bor% n. a board, 
 table, ship, 0. H. G. bort borti borto 
 m. (ora, navis, mensa). 
 
 W. 3. blodeu, V. blodon (flos)=O.H.G. 
 bluot f , M.H.G. bluotm. f., pi. bl'dete. 
 — the Lat.yZos has a different suffix. 
 
 brden (pluvia)=Goth. rign. The root 
 also in /fyg^w, Lat. rigo, the special 
 word-formation only recurring in the 
 Teutonic. 
 
 budid f. (victoria, bradium), buide boide, 
 Z. 611 gratiae), biddech (gratus, con- 
 tentus), ho-buidnib (copiis); W. 1. 3. 
 Arm. bud (bradium, victoria, for- 
 tuna), W. 1. budicaid, 3. budugawl 
 (victoriosus, felix), W. 1, bodin (tur- 
 ma), pi. bodiniou, 3. by din f. — the 
 root is the same as in Goth, ana- 
 biudan, faurbiudan (jubere, mandare), 
 the fundamental signification was pro- 
 bably to announce=Skr. bodhaydmi 
 (denuntiare) ; cf. N. H.G. aufgebot 
 with bodin. — The signification is dif- 
 ferent in Slavo-Lithuanian. 
 
 (?) W. bad m., pi. 3. badeu (scaphae)— 
 cf. 0. Gaedh. bddud (naufragium)=: 
 boot, not High German, 0. Norse 
 bdtr, A. Sax. bat — borrowed from the 
 Celtic, according to Grimm. 
 
 cath, K. cat (pugna) — Gaul. Caturiges, 
 Catuslogi — O.H.G. hadu (only in 
 names), A. Sax. heaZo, M.H.G., 
 N.H.G. hader. 
 
 (?) "W. 1. can; 2. car, Gaul, carrus 
 (Caesar). — O.H.G. Icarra garra 
 charra f., O. Norse kerra (appears to 
 have come into German through 
 borrowing). 
 
 W. 3. craff (firmus), P. cryff, cref 
 (fortis, gravis), Arm. cref creff (fir- 
 mus, tenax), criff (fortis), craf (ava- 
 rus), W. 3. kyngryfet (aqua fortis), 
 craffu (f-utiter incedere), creff t (ars) 
 — cf. O.H.G. chraft (not in Tatian), 
 A. Sax. craft, 0. Norse Icreftr, and 
 hramph. — ? 
 
 cruim (curvus)=O.H.G. chrump, A. 
 Sax. crumb (remoter and doubtful 
 Lat. eurvus, Lith. kreivas, Slov. krivu). 
 
 "W. 2. cussan, V. cussin (osculum) — 0. 
 Norse, A. Sax. coss, O.H.G. elms. 
 
 dorche f. pi. (tenebrae)=A. Sax. deorc, 
 Eng. dark, O.H.G. tarch, O. Norse 
 dockr (obscurus). 
 
 dun (arx), AY. 2. 3. din (castellum)= 
 0. Norse, 0. Sax. A. Sax. tun, O.H.G. 
 zun, Engl, town (on the names of 
 places see Beitr. II., part 1). 
 
 gabul (furca, patibulum) = O.H.G. 
 gabala. 
 
 guide Q)ilo praeditus), Gaul. Gaesati, 
 gaesum^O.H.Q. get; A. Sax. gar. 
 
 gell (pignus)=Goth. gild (tributum)? 
 (see giall). 
 
 V. gJiel (sanguisuga)=O.H.G. egala, 
 ecala. 
 
 W. 3. gerihi (virga), V. garthou (sti- 
 mulus) may, no doubt, be compared 
 with the O.H.G. gartja (switch), 
 but the Goth. gazds=O.B..Gr. gart, 
 N.H.G. gerte (goad, switch, whip), 
 points to a borrowing into Celtic 
 from the Teutonic. 
 
 giall (obses) (gell (pignus) Z. 64, see ' 
 supra), V. guistel (obses), W. 3. 
 gwystyl (obses, pignus), P. gustle 
 (spondere), Arm. goestlas (spopondit) 
 =O.H.G. gisalf 
 
 Q)glass glas (glaucus), Arm. glisi (livor, 
 aegritudo) — 0. Norse, O.H.G. glas, 
 A. Sax. glas (vitrum). 
 
 V. grou (arena) — O. Norse griot (la- 
 pides, saxa), A. Sax. gr'eot (scobs), 
 O.H.G. grioz (glarea). 
 
 (V. hos (ocrea), W. 3. hos(s)an, pi. 
 hossaneu (braccae) = O.H.G. hosa 
 (caliga), A. Sax. hos (calcaneum), 
 hosa (caligae). Evidently borrowed, 
 but by whom ? 
 
118 
 
 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 (W. 2. hucc (sus), V. hoch (porcus)= 
 Engl, hog ; the latter appears to have 
 been borrowed from the Celtic (A=s, 
 therefore related to sus). According 
 to Grimm, it was the Celtic which 
 borrowed from the German, N.H.G. 
 haksch (verres) — ?) 
 
 iarn (gen. hiairn. Inc. Sg.), W. 3. heyrn, 
 V. hoirn (0. Arm. haiar?i-,hoiarn-)= 
 Goth, eisarn, O.H.G. isarn, 0. Norse 
 isarn iarn. 
 
 [eo], V. hiuen (taxus)=O.H.G. iwa f. ; 
 A. Sax. iv, 0. Norse yrm. (cf. Zacher 
 das Goth. Alph. p. 10. seq.) 
 
 \_ldr], W. 1. laur, 3. llawr (solum), V. 
 lor, P. ler tear (pavimentum, solum) 
 — with the dropping of p=-flur, 
 M.H.G. vluor? (Grimm 307 also 
 compares A. Sax. flor, Engl, floor). 
 
 V. Arm. lag at, P. lag as, W. 3. llygat 
 (oculus) — A. Sax. locian, O.H.G. 
 luogen, N.H.G. lug en — Skr. root lax? 
 
 land: dat. isind- ithlaind (in area), W. 
 3. lann (area, ecclesia), 0. Arm. lann, 
 Ital. Fr. Provencal landa, lande= 
 Goth. land. 
 
 V. loven (pecliculus)==C>.H.G. A. Sax. 
 O.N. lus (?) 
 
 Mm (saltus), "W. 1. lammam (saho), 
 lemenic (salax), W. 3. llemhidyd (sal- 
 tator)=M.H.G. limpfen to limp (Jam 
 N.H.G. lahm, Engl, lame) ? Thence 
 also W. llamp=Qoih lamb (the hop- 
 ping) ? 
 
 loathar (pellis)=O.H.G. ledar, O.N. 
 ledr ; A. Sax. le%er (funis)? — The 
 meaning would answer, yet the 
 Gaedh oa and the O.H.G. e differ. 
 
 marc, K. march (Gaul. ace. [iapicav)= 
 O.H.G. marach, f. meriha, M.H.G. 
 march (marc). 
 
 mi- (is wanting as a prefix in Kymrie) 
 =Goth. missa, N.H.G. mis-. To this 
 is to be added the comp. messa (pe- 
 jor); further W. 3. gormes f., pi. 
 gormesseu gormessoed (miseria, afflic- 
 tio, infortunium). 
 
 mong, W. mwng, pi. W. 1. mogou 
 (read moggou i.e. mongou)=mdhne, 
 O.H.G. mana, once manha, M.H.G. 
 man (?). 
 
 mucc, W. 3. moch (sus), according to 
 Grimm. N.H.G. mucke (?). 
 
 W. 3. ychen pi., O. Arm. oAe?i=Goth. 
 auhsans (the Latin vacca deviates). 
 
 o's, uas, uch, Corn, ugh, Arm. us (supra), 
 gen. uasal, K. uchell (altus) — cf. 
 Gaul. Uxellodunum, Brit. o'v^tWov, 
 ovt,t\\a — Goth, auhuma, auhumists 
 (supremus). The Picenian Auximum 
 
 has a different meaning (Zeitschl 
 III. 248). 
 
 lobar, Kymr. lavar (loqui), 0. Gaedh. 
 amlabar, V. aflauar (mutus), mab 
 aflauar (infans)=N.H.G. plappern 
 (blappen, blappern) ? — Bopp com- 
 pares Skr. lap, the I appears however 
 to be old. 
 
 run, K. n'n=Goth. runa, 0. H. G. run 
 (mysterium). 
 
 sam (sol), W. 1. ham, 2, 3. V. haf, Arm. 
 Aq^"(aestas) — 0. N., 0. H. G. sumar, 
 A. Sax. sumor sumer. — Also Goth. 
 sunna, sunno, A. Sax., O.N. sunna, 
 O.H.G. sunna sumna ? Pictet and Leo 
 Meyer (Zeitschr. IV.) have explained 
 differently. 
 
 scoloca (servi [scholastici?]), banscala 
 (servae) — Goth, skalks ? 
 
 seol sdol (velum, carbasus), W. 1. huil, 
 V. guil (velum)=0. N. segl, 0. H. G. 
 segal, A. Sax. segel. 
 
 set (via), dat. se'it, pi. seuit seuit ; se'tche 
 (uxor), dat. seitchi (properly a female 
 fellow-traveller, Gefdhrtin; a word 
 from the nomadic time?) ; W. 1. hint, 
 Arm. hent (via), thence V. camhinsic 
 (injustus), eunhinsic (Justus)— Goth. 
 sin)>s ; 0. H. G. sind m. 
 
 slid m. pi. (ostreae), Sg. slice (lanx)= 
 O. H. G. snecco (Umax), A. Sax. sne- 
 gel (limax, cochlea, testudo), 0. N. 
 snigil (limax), more especially M.N.L. 
 slecke (Umax). 
 
 snathe m. (filum), dat. sndthiu; V. snod 
 (vitta), V. W. 3. snoden (filum), W. 
 
 3. ysnoden (vitta) cf. 0. N. snara 
 
 (laqueus), 0. H. G. snuor f. (filum) 
 from the same root. 
 
 [such and] W. 1 . suh (vomer) according 
 to Haupt in Z.=rO.H.G. sech(?). 
 
 tre, tri, Kym. ^rui=Goth. \>airh (Beitr. 
 1.312). 
 
 idle, K. o//=Goth. alls. 
 
 (h)uathath (Ji)uathad huathad hothad 
 (singularis, singularitas), gen. uathid 
 hodid, dat. othud uathuth, ace. hua- 
 thath ; uaithed (singularis, solus, soli- 
 tarius); f. ace. pi. huathati (singu- 
 lares), dat. pi. uathataib (t=thth) ; 
 dthatnat (pauculus) — of one stem with 
 da (minor) from Skr. ava: but also 
 comparable with Goth. au\>eis (de- 
 sertus) N.H.G. oc?e=Skr. "avatya. 
 [? Lat. pau-cus]. 
 
 fen (plaustrum), Brit. Belg. covinus= 
 0. N. vagn, O.H.G. wagan, A. Sax. 
 vdgen. (The Greek and Slavonian 
 have different suffixes). 
 
 fladnisse (testimonium)=O.H.G. giwiz- 
 
Oji the Position of the Celtic. 119 
 
 nesi f., givokn.es n., A Sax. gevitnesse, folcaim folcaimm (humecto, lavo), W 
 
 gevitnes, Engl, witness. 2. 3. golchi, Arm. guelchi, P. go/hi/ 
 
 .fid n., K. guid, Gaul. vidu-=0. N. vfiSr (lavare) — A. Sax. volcen, O. Sax. 
 
 m.,0. Sax. vidu,A. Sax. w*rfw, O.H.G. wolcan, O.H.G. icolchan (nubes) as 
 
 t«*ta n. (Beitr. I., L60), with an equal moist or moistening ? 
 
 change of meaning, thence, for ex- TV". 3. gicyllt, V. guilt, P. gwi/Is=Goth. 
 
 ample, V. colviden (corylus), with vilpeis. 
 the singulative suffix. 
 
 §. 7. Glossarial affinities of the Celtic and Lito- Slavonian. 
 
 The exclusive agreements between- the Celtic and the Lito- 
 Slavonian are very much less numerous. To these belong, for 
 example : — 
 
 WORDS AND ROOTS COMMON TO CELTIC, LITHUANIAN, AND SLAVONIAN. 
 
 Gaedh. K. bran (corvus)=Slav. vronu, TV. Arm. merch (filia, puella), V. moroin, 
 
 Lith. vdrnas (corvus), vdrna (cornix). TV. 3. morwyn (puella) [O. Ir. moru] 
 
 TV. 3. Arm. gatlaf, P. gallof (possum, perhaps=Lith. merga, mergele? 
 
 potero)=Lith galiii gale'ti. TV. 1. 2. melin, 3 melyn (flavus, lividus), 
 
 Gaedh. nem, K. nef, SI. nebo n., Lett. f. 1. melen, pi. 1. milinon, 3. melynyou, 
 
 debbes f. with the signification hea- V. milin (fulvus, flavus)=Lith. me'- 
 
 ven (contrary to Lat., Gr., Lith., and lynas blue? according to Diefenbach 
 
 Germ.). (Beitr. I. 483) from M. Lat. melinus 
 
 c«jVe £ (accusatio, nota, culpa), cairigud = jjurjkivog, in this case, however, 
 
 m. (reprehensio), [TV. 1. cared, gl. ne- we ought to expect Kymr. muffin, 
 
 quitiae,] TV. 3. kergd m. (reprehen- moilin. 
 
 sio) — Ch. Slav, karati (rixari), Lith. (?) glun, TV. 3. Arm. glin m. (genu) — 
 
 Jcoravdti (punire). perhaps=Sl. koleno (genu), Lith. 
 
 Gaedh. cruim in the form=Lith. Jcirmis kulnis, heel, kelys knee? (g instead of 
 
 (the Lat., Gr., and Germ, have lost kin gabor, gabimm also), 
 the &). 
 
 Finally, the Celtic also is of course not wanting in words 
 which heretofore have not been found in any primitively related 
 tongues, or, at least, in any European language. Of the first 
 kind is, for example, tene, K. tan, in contradistinction to the 
 Skr. agni, Lat. ignis, Lith. ngnis, SI. ogni, as well as to the 
 Greek 7rup, Umbr. pir, O.H.G. fur: among the special agree- 
 ments with the Sanskrit, the similar nomenclature of the points of 
 the compass (Z. 67. 566) is particularly remarkable. 
 
 All these glossarial agreements and deviations would of course, 
 taken by themselves, prove very little, as we find even between the 
 most nearly related idioms, striking differences, such as between 
 Slav, and Lith. in the case of the name of God, between Lat. and 
 Umbr. in the appellation of fire. Where, however, the same or 
 nearly related words recur in great numbers, there we have at 
 least every inducement to further investigate whether special 
 agreements may not be found in the grammar also, and in this 
 expectation we are rarely disappointed. Among the words and 
 forms quoted in the preceding pages (and I believe I have been 
 perfectly impartial in their selection), there recur exclusively 
 
 10 
 
120 EheVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 about fifty undoubtedly in the Teutonic tongues, not quite 
 forty certainly in the Latin ; if to these we add about twenty 
 which certainly recur in Latin and Teutonic, about a dozen in 
 Latin and Greek, at least as many in Teutonic and Lito- 
 Slavonian, it follows that the degree of relationship between 
 the Celtic and Teutonic on the one hand, and the Celtic and 
 the Latin on the other, is pretty nearly the same, with however 
 some preponderance to the side of the Teutonic, which is still 
 further somewhat strengthened by the few Teutonic-Greek agree- 
 ments. The Lithuanian and Slavonian on the one hand, and the 
 Greek on the other, are decidedly further removed as regards 
 glossarial resemblances, being as compared with each other about 
 equal. With the Celtic they are chiefly connected by the Teutonic 
 and the Italic tongues. The Celtic prepositions also show that a 
 similar proportion is to be expected in the grammar ; among them, 
 for instance, ad is again found in Teutonic and Latin only, di and 
 tar only in Latin, ire only in Teutonic, and du in Teutonic and 
 Slavonian. 89 The prefixes du- and su-, which otherwise are every- 
 where wanting, lead nearer to the Greek, while the privative cm- 
 is again found in Greek, Teutonic, and Latin (the SI. Lith. u- in, 
 for example, iibagas, ubogu, appears to correspond rather to the 
 Skr. ava-y 
 
 §. 8. Phonological affinities; — Vocalismus. 
 
 In Phonology, the principles according to which we might 
 judge of an earlier or a later separation of tongues, are as yet 
 by no means finally established, and agreements between unre- 
 lated languages, and differences between the nearest related ones 
 here present themselves often so strikingly, that we should avoid 
 deciding about their relationships according to such data. 
 Thus, for example, the treatment of the mutes in O. Gaedh. 
 agrees in the most wonderful way with that in the Hebrew 
 
 Cfe *^> n -> ^ even T: : instead of IE?), while the Polish 
 wholly departs from the Slavonian rules (as in ivilkz=1uith. 
 vilkas, in opposition to O. Slav, vluku). I think that a geo- 
 graphy of sounds is chiefly wanting to arrive at a conclusion as 
 to how far the phonetic laws of languages are affected by phy- 
 sical, genealogical, or social influences; 90 in this the vocalismus 
 
 89 \Du occurs in composition in 0. Lat. : in-dw-perator, in-c/w-pedio.] 
 
 90 [I am glad to find that so competent a philologist as Ebel has come upon this 
 idea of a geography of sounds, which, so far as I am aware, I was the first to put 
 forward, though crudely, in Vol. II. of the Atlantis. If such a man as Dr. Ebel 
 were to turn his attention to this subject, the foundation of an important branch 
 of science might be laid. Briicke's attempt to classify all the articulate sounds 
 which could possibly be produced by the tongue ( Grundziige der Physiologie und 
 Systematic der Sprachlaute. Wien, 1856), affords a basis to begin upon, for if we 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 121 
 
 as well as the consonantismus, and the relations of both to one 
 another, should be taken into account. The above-mentioned 
 phonetic similarity of the Gaedhelic and Hebrew, for instance, 
 appears to be due to similar physical conditions; the spora- 
 dically occurring one of the Polish with the Lithuanian to social 
 (historical) circumstances. The agreement already pointed out 
 by Lottner of the Goth, mikils with the Gr. and Lat. /uiyag 
 magnus, in contrast to the Skr. mahat, appears to point to a closer 
 relationship between the European tongues ; so in like manner the 
 Goth, daur with Gr. and Lat. dvpa, fores, in contrast to Skr. 
 dvdra. One of the most important points in connection with, 
 and most conclusive evidence of, earlier or later separation of 
 the individual languages, namely, the elementary develope- 
 ment of the vocalismus, can be followed out with clearness 
 unfortunately only in a single language, the Gothic. The 
 Gothic triad of the, short vowels a, i, u (as in Skr. and O. Per- 
 sian), speaks unanswerably for a proportionably early separation 
 of the Teutonic from the other European tongues, at a time 
 when none of the then united languages had developed an e and 
 6; in like manner the Lithuanian must have separated from the 
 Slavonian before the latter had developed an 6; the Lithuanian 
 from the Lettish before the long a was changed into 6. The 
 Latin and Greek, on the other hand, admit of the assumption 
 of e and 6 before their separation. The sign no doubt only, and 
 not the sound of o, was wanting to the older Umbrian and the 
 Oscan. The Latin and Greek afford a marked contrast to the 
 Teutonic in the circumstance, that perhaps everywhere in them, 
 certainly at least as the rule, the a has been changed into z, only 
 through e; in the Latin also through o into u; in Teutonic, on 
 the other hand, it is the reverse, a being changed into e through 
 i, and into o through u. The Celtic takes in this respect so far 
 a middle place, inasmuch as a direct passage of a into o (and e) 
 cannot be denied already in Gaulish nominatives like ^eyo/uapog, 
 and accusatives as vefj.r}Tov, as also in the (primitively long) 
 Old Gaedhelic genitive endings -o (I. 177, 180); it places itself, 
 however, by the side of the Teutonic by the circumstance that 
 in both riving branches u has passed into o, i into e (not o, e 
 into u, i), and just as in Teutonic partly by breaking (fer: 
 *firas = O.H.G wolf: Goth, vulfs), partly by simple weakening 
 (Arm. ed: Welsh and Cornish yd = O.N. son: Goth, sunus ; 
 compare also Slav, snocha, deni for older snucha dint), and the 
 u and i appear here also for Sanskrit a, without the middle stages 
 
 knew all possible sounds, and could classify them, we would merely have to 
 determine in what part of the world each sound occurred. I hope to return to 
 this subject at another time. — W.K.S.] 
 
 10 b 
 
122 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 o and e, as in Teutonic and Slavonian: coic, Kym. pimp = Qoth.. 
 fimf =$kr. panca ; Gaul, dula (irajunrtBovXa probably Graecised) 
 = Skr. data; duine Kymr. dyn, den (homo), perhaps from a root 
 dan = Sav in Svtjtoc? Decide, therefore, as we may regarding 
 the interesting agreement spoken of in Beitr. I. 163, of the 
 Celtic and Teutonic in breaking and umlaut, whether we recog- 
 nize herein with Lottner (Zeitschr. VII. 27. cf. Schleicher KS1. 
 Formenlehre p. 11) a certain family likeness, or in consequence 
 of its later origin, leave it with Schleicher (Beitr. I. 442) unno- 
 ticed, the direct passage of a into o and e (ocht, echznocto, eguus) 
 should not, at all events, be looked upon as a proof of a closer 
 relationship to the Latin, especially as it also occurs in Slavonian, 
 the o of which nevertheless was evidently originated only after its 
 separation from the Lithuanian. Vowel-changes analogous to 
 those in Teutonic and Slavonian are besides also found in the 
 Celtic roots: guidimm (precor), where ui is umlaut from u, along 
 with ro-gdd (rogavi), foddli (distinguit), along with fo-ro-dil 
 (di visit), Idnad, along with linad (complere), brdth, along with 
 breth (judicium). I will not, however, lay much stress upon 
 all these agreements, in consequence of the uncertainty which 
 still generally prevails in such questions. But in the diphthongal 
 system the Celtic comes decidedly nearest to the Teutonic, and 
 at least much nearer to the Lito- Slavonian than to the Latin or 
 Greek. The Teutonic starts from four diphthongs: ai, ei, au, in, 
 and after all the changes has returned in New High German to 
 four : ai, ei, au, eu. The Celtic most distinctly leads back to four 
 diphthongs : ai, oi, au, iu. The Lito- Slavonian appears also to 
 have had only four diphthongs before it divided, to which the 
 ' Slav, e, i, va, it, and the Lith. ai, ei, and e (both = Prus. ei) au, 
 u, point back ; the Lith. ui and Slav, y appear to be of later 
 origin. In the Latin and Greek, on the contrary, six diphthongs 
 evidently lie at the base of their system : ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou. An 
 interesting analogy, although of later origin, occurs between 
 Gaedh. ia, ua, along with $, 6, O.H.G. ia, ua (ie, uo), along with 
 Goth. 3, 6 (Grimm. Gesch. d. d. Spr. 844), and Lith. e, u, Slav. 
 e, va for the guna diphthongs ; on the other hand the Kym. u 
 = Gaedh. oi (oe) agrees with the Lat. it for the older oi (oe). 
 
 §. 9. Phonological affinities; — Consonantismus. 
 
 In its consonantismus the Celtic connects itself with the 
 Lithuanian and Slavonian in this, that in its older phonetic 
 stage it had no aspirate. The Kymric ch is throughout only a 
 sharpening of the spirant h for s, as in Slavonian, and of similar 
 origin, only that it has not attained the extension of the Slavonic 
 ch; the Gaedhelic/is a hardening of the initial v, the Kymric/ 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 123 
 
 (jf ) is nowhere, as Zeuss thought, a primitive aspirate, but has 
 arisen from s or belongs to loan-words (see Beitrage, II. 82), 
 only the Gaulish / is still obscure. In this respect the Celtic 
 stands in marked contrast to the Greek, with its three aspirates, 
 somewhat less so to the Latin, which to be sure has no aspirates, 
 but whose spirants / and h rest upon old aspirates. It deviates 
 from the Teutonic inasmuch as the latter has preserved dia- 
 lectically to the present day an aspirate th, and has also ch 
 in the Frankish, but it agrees with it therein that, in both 
 languages the aspirates which do occur are all hysterogens, and 
 rest upon older tenues. Gaedhelic and Teutonic exhibit some 
 agreement in this also, though it is of later origin, that the 
 secondary aspirates have also frequently changed themselves 
 into medials (or medial- aspirates) . The change of the old 
 aspirates into medials is common to all European languages, 
 in the Greek occasionally, chiefly after nasals ; in the Latin 
 pretty regularly in inlaut; in the others almost without ex- 
 ception ; here the Celtic and Teutonic agree best, because sibi- 
 lants often take the place of old aspirates in the Slavonian 
 and Lithuanian. The Celtic exhibits a remarkable approach to 
 the Teutonic in the occasionally occurring hardening of the 
 medials, as for instance in the root gen, where even the Gaulish 
 affords the combinations Oppianicnos, Toutissicnos* 1 in tenge 
 (along with Goth, tuggo, therefore, for * denge), in inlaut in 
 itliim, ith, cumacc along with cnmang (here likewise in accord 
 Lith. moku, as opposed to Slav, moga), rofetar (scio) along with 
 Goth, vait =Ski\ veda. This looks almost like a beginning 
 of the German provection of sounds; but on the other hand 
 medials occur instead of tenues in gabor, Kymr. gavar=zlja.t. 
 caper capra, Teut. * hafar, in Gaedh. gabdil = Cym. cavael, 
 Lat. cape're, Teut. hafjan, in Gaul, ande-, Gaedh. ind- com- 
 pared with Gr. avri, Goth, and-, with which the Lith. gelbetizz 
 Goth, hilpan agrees. The Gaedhelic thickening of the n [rather 
 nn~\ into nd in certain positions, Z. 54, is decidedly of later 
 origin ; it has peculiar analogy to the Goth, hunds, N.H.G. je- 
 inand, O.H.G. pliant ( = Fr. pan). Considering the ignorance 
 which for the moment exists, as to how far phonetic relations 
 may be taken as a measure of relationship, I have meanwhile 
 thought it would be useful to also bring forward such agreements 
 as are of demonstrably later origin, or which might appear in 
 the present discussion of inconsiderable importance. 
 
 §. 10. Affinities of word-formation. 
 
 In word-formation, the suffix -Hon appears to be exclusively 
 
 91 See Pictet's recently published Essai sur quelques inscriptions en langue 
 Gauloise. 
 
124 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Italo-Celtic (the contraction to -tin only in Oscan, Umbrian, and 
 Celtic), not much exclusively northern can be opposed to it; the 
 use of -li as an infinitive suffix is akin no doubt to the Slavonian 
 -lu in the participle ; it is confined, however, to the single gabdil 
 and its compounds. Other suffixes aie generally, or pretty gene- 
 rally diffused, such as -id in the feminine abstracts in e, -ti in the 
 infinitives, 92 the latter seldomest in Latin. The following seem 
 to have been borrowed: -aire -iW = Goth. -areis, Slav, -art, Lith. 
 -orius (from the Latin -arius, which appears to have arisen 
 from *-asius) ; and -doit = W. 2. -taut -daut, 3. -daivt, Arm. det 
 (from Lat. tas), both chiefly in loan-words (likewise the Kymr. -es 
 of the fern. = Romance issa from the Greek -taaa, and -ids m. 
 = Romance -his from the Latin -ensis). The suffix-combination 
 *-antat, [rather *-antdt\ in O. Gaedh. -atu, -etu (Z. 272) is quite 
 peculiar to the Celtic. The Celtic word-formation, however, so 
 far as it is known to us, bears a modern character like that of 
 the Romance ; such a heaping-up of suffixes, as is the rule in the 
 known Celtic languages, is a very rare occurrence in the Latin 
 especially. The use of the suffixes has especially much more 
 widely extended itself in composition; while, for instance, an 
 aoTrAoc clvott\oq sufficed for a Greek, and an inermus, at most 
 changed into inermis (instead of Hnermius ?) for a Roman, the 
 O. Irish, like the Kymric, could scarcely attain in the Greek 
 way (\6yog, aXoyog, aXoyia) to an amlabar (mutus) = V. 
 aflauar, or W. 2. anuab (cltskvoq), but mostly had recourse to 
 suffixes: cretem, ancretem, ancretmech (rr belief, unbelief, unbe- 
 lieving). In general k especially has attained a much wider ex- 
 tension than in the Classic languages : already in the Gaedhelic 
 -ach plays as a determinative suffix a much more important part 
 than in the Latin (senex) and Greek (yvvaiKog), and numerous 
 forms such as apstallac(h)t, brithemnac(h)t may be opposed to 
 the single senectus; but in the Welsh participles in -etie the -ic 
 places itself completely by the side of the Slav, sladukii, etc. 
 The Celtic agrees with the Teutonic, especially in the deri- 
 vation of the ^verbs in -aigimm and -igur; while cumachtagimm, 
 cumachtaigim still connects itself with cumachtach, like the 
 N. H.G. bemdchtige with mdchtig; asmecnugur (eradico), nomis- 
 ligur (humilio me) go quite as far beyond the limits as the 
 N.H.G. peinige, reinige (In Graff. IV. 3, there are only three 
 such verbs without adjectives: bimitnigon, chruzigon, tiligon). 
 
 §. 11. Affinities of declension. 
 As regards the declension, the circumstance which I have 
 
 92 See ante, pp. 60, Gl. 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 125 
 
 already touched upon in the introduction, namely, that the 
 so-called Pelasgic tongues only have feminine a-stems (-oc, -as), 
 appears to me of importance ; the Celtic here agrees with the 
 northern languages. Masculine a-stems, which, beside the Latin 
 and Greek, occur also in the Slavonian and Lithuanian, appear 
 to be just as foreign to the Celtic as to the Teutonic: com- 
 pare, however, Stokes. 93 The Celtic has just as few feminine 
 w-stems as the Lithuanian, 94 and at bottom also the Slavonian, 
 whose -y (ui) is transformed into -uvi, -vi and -va (Schleicher 
 K. Slav. Formenlehre, 214). On the other hand, it ap- 
 proaches to the Classic languages at least nearer than the Teu- 
 tonic and Lito- Slavonian in this respect, that it has preserved 
 pure more consonantal stems ; it, however, again separates itself 
 from them by the treatment of s-stems, and lastly the passage 
 of vocalic stems into consonantal ones seems to be found in 
 Europe exclusively in the Classic languages. The preservation 
 of the ablative, if it were established, would certainly speak 
 strongly for the connection of the Celtic with the Latin ; that has, 
 however, as yet by no means been done, and least of all by forms 
 like innurid** whose d could not possibly represent a primitive 
 final ablative -d or -t. (In the opposite case the construction of 
 prepositions with the dative would bring the Celtic close to Teu- 
 tonic). I cannot lay the same weight as Schleicher does upon 
 the preservation of the b in the dative plural ; the absence of any 
 contraction in this case rather indeed places the Celtic nearest to 
 Teutonic. But then it approaches the Greek and Latin by 
 the total want of the peculiar pronominal declension, which no 
 doubt, on the other hand, has left evident traces in the 
 Umbrian pusme and esme, esmei. The agreement between the 
 genitive singular and nominative plural of the masculine a-stems 
 in Old Gaedhelic and Latin, appeared to me from the very 
 first extremely remarkable; the deviation of the Oscan and 
 Umbrian from the Latin in both cases on the one hand, and 
 the reappearance of the fundamental form -ai in the nominative 
 plural of the Lithuanian and Slavonian, as also the Greek, had, 
 however, hindered me from drawing further conclusions from it, 
 especially as I could never thoroughly convince myself of the 
 correctness of Rosen's interpretation of the Latin genitive -i 
 adopted by Bopp. The communication of the old locative 
 forms by Stokes 96 now to be sure throws a new light upon 
 this genitive also, and makes me more favourable to Bopp's 
 view. To draw further conclusions from so wonderfully exclu- 
 sive an agreement as that which the Latin exhibits to the 
 
 93 Beitr. I. 464. 94 See ante, p. 58. 
 
 95 Beitr. I. 454, 96 Beitr. I. 334. 
 
126 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Celtic, in opposition to its nearest relatives, remains, however, 
 always attended with uncertainty, because the other agreements 
 in the case-forms (dat. -iu -u, voc. -£, ace, pi. -us) recur every- 
 where except in Teutonic. In the consonantal declension the 
 gen. sing, -as, nom. pi. -is or -es, by the side of the Greek -oc> 
 -£C (Old Lat. gen. -os -us), and in opposition to the Gothic -is, 
 -as, bring the Celtic phonetically close to the "Pelasgic"; but 
 similar points of contact are also found between very remotely 
 related tongues. 
 
 §. 12. Affinities of Gradation. 
 In the gradation or comparison, the Greek isolates itself from 
 the analogy of the other languages by its superlative suffix -tcitoq 
 (simple -roc, and arog is also, except in numerals, foreign to the 
 others), the Latin by its -issimus (=is + timus); the Celtic -am, 
 -em (*-amas, *imas) likewise occur only sporadically elsewhere 
 (in prepositional derivatives), its -imem nowhere. The Sanskrit, 
 Greek, and Teutonic -ista, is wanting in the Latin and Celtic, 
 and every proper superlative suffix in the Lithuanian and Sla- 
 vonian (except remains like Lith. pirmas=Goth. frumd). The 
 superlative forms in the Gaedhelic particle-composition iarm-, 
 remi-, tairm-, tremi-, correspond to the Lithuanian pirm, Goth. 
 fram (both used as prepositions and prefixes) ; com- before 
 (vowels and) aspirated consonants, Z. 842, is no doubt a form 
 of the same kind. I have already 97 mentioned a very significant 
 analogy between the Celtic, Teutonic, and Slavonian, and at- 
 tempted to explain the Celtic forms, — the double formation of 
 the comparative in Old Gaedhelic -a and -iu (-u), Goth, -iza and 
 oza, Slav, -ii (-iszi) and -ei: a similar relationship appears to 
 exist in the Lithuanian between the comparative {-esnis, adv. 
 -jails) and the superlative (-jdusias, adv. jdusei). 
 
 §. 13. Affinities of the Pronouns. 
 
 The Celtic differs from all its relatives in the pronoun in the 
 giving up of the nominative singular of the first and second per- 
 son ; for me, me (cf. Fr. moi) is either originally the accusative, 
 or formed from the stem of the oblique cases, and til, tu, appears 
 aspirated as a true vocative only in the combination athusu (o 
 tu), otherwise it resists aspiration, and has accordingly been 
 explained by Stokes as the accusative. But the pronoun of the 
 third person exhibits in the noun e, si, ed, whose feminine we 
 again find in the Kymr. hi, an extremely striking similarity with 
 the Teutonic ; this exactly resembles the Gothic is, si, ita, and 
 the retention of d in primary auslaut even appears to indicate a 
 
 97 See ante, p. 91. 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 127 
 
 form *ita. The accusative feminine -se (as the t instead of d in 
 inte, intesi, shows) and the accusative plural -su, -siu, (cf. intiu 
 and the almost constant double r in airriu, erriu, erru, and 
 constantly in etarru and form) correspond to the Old High 
 German sia and sie, sip, siu; perhaps indeed the Old Latin forms 
 like sum, sos, may likewise be here compared, but not in the 
 nom. sing. fern. We only find in the Sanskrit forms corres- 
 ponding to the genitive di, d pi. ah; 9s so likewise to the dative 
 plural -aib, -ib — *abis [rather -abo] (compare doib, doib, doaib- 
 sem along with 2. duib, duibsi, foraib,forib, along with 2. foirib 
 fuirib, indib is, on the contrary, common to 2. and 3). The 
 pronoun ta, the use of which in its isolated form is foreign to the 
 Latin, otherwise preserved everywhere, appears to be preserved 
 in the dative uad, ood, f. uadi, plur. uadib, uaidib, the d of which 
 cannot be easily explained otherwise, so likewise in indid. The 
 pronoun ana, which is foreign to the Classic languages, and on 
 the other hand is preserved pure in the Lithuanian ans, Slavonic 
 onii, in the Gothic jains with a (hardly merely phonetic) addition, 
 is evidently again found in the Celtic article, although it ap- 
 pears there are in the Gaedhelic forms with a prefixed s also 
 (from sa ?) 
 
 §. 14. Affinities of Conjugation. 
 
 But, most remarkable of all is the position of the Celtic with 
 respect to all the cognate languages in the conjugation. Very 
 peculiar combinations and new formations have occurred here, 
 to such an extent that, for instance, the old ending of the first 
 person singular present -u ( = Lat. -o, Gr. w, Lith. -u, Goth, -a, 
 O.H.G. ~u, Slav, -a for primitive -*ami) has been preserved pure 
 only in extremely few Old Irish forms: bin (sum), tdu (sum), 
 dogniu (facio), deccu (video), tiagu (venio), tucu, tuccu (intelligo), 
 roiccu (indigeo), togu (eligo), and is to be recognized in some 
 others, at least by the umlaut, e. g. forchun (praecipio). Again, 
 striking agreements with the Latin occur in the formation of the 
 tenses and the passive. Notwithstanding these circumstances, a 
 wonderful analogy with the Teutonic and Slavonian is found to 
 exist, which points to a most special connection of these lan- 
 guages, the result either of long continued unity, or of a very 
 special relationship of the mind of the peoples. The Old Gaedh- 
 elic paradigm completely connects itself with the Lithuanian in 
 this respect, that the present and the praeterite have quite the 
 same endings, not even deviating in the singular, as in the Greek ; 
 compare, for instance — 
 
 98 See ante, p. 73. 
 
128 EbeVs Celtic Studies, 
 
 Pres. 
 
 Praet. 
 
 i.e. 
 
 gniu 
 
 ro-gnius 
 
 -su 
 
 gnf 
 
 ro-giiis 
 
 -si 
 
 gni 
 
 ro-gni 
 
 -*sati(?) 
 
 gniam 
 
 ro-gensam 
 
 -*samas 
 
 gniith 
 
 ro-gensith 
 
 -*satis(?) 
 
 gniat 
 
 ro-gensat 
 
 -*santi 
 
 The Kymric -st of the second person singular praet. has been 
 looked upon as the more primitive form, and compared with the 
 Latin -isti, although in the Celtic there is nothing in the plural 
 analogous to Lat. -istis (Lottner, Zeitschr. VII. 41) ; that this 
 explanation does not strictly apply, but rather that the Kym. -t, 
 as Pictet" had already surmised, is, as in many other verbal 
 forms, a relic of the pronoun (e.g. O. Ir. carim, cairimj, is 
 shown by the corresponding O. Ir. deponential form: ru-ces- 
 taigser (disputasti), which has no -t, while the third person ro- 
 labrastar (locutus est) has preserved the -t (ill), which has 
 frequently disappeared in the present, and always in the pre- 
 terite. This seeming agreement may, however, be accidental, 
 even unreal. The Kymric agrees more closely and certainly 
 with the Slavonian, as Schleicher 100 remarked, in the combi- 
 nation of the roots bliu-\-dJ\d; W. 3. bydaf= Ch. Slav, bqdq; 
 but in a more general manner there may be also compared the 
 Ch. Slav, idq, (eo) jadq. (ascendo), Goth, iddja (ivi) and the -da 
 in German weak praeterites, -da- in the Lithuanian imperfect and 
 present participle. This composition with -dhd extends farthest 
 in Slavonian idq, and next to it in Welsh bydaf, bydwn, byd; 
 even W. 3. oedwn (eram), the d of which is wanting in the pre- 
 sent wyf, also appears to explain itself in the same way, and perhaps 
 even the awd in the 3rd per. sing, praet. (Z. 504, frequentissima 
 et omnibus verbis communis terminatio, ita ut in hodierna, lingua 
 eadem (scripta -odd) sola pro hac persona in usu sit), though -awt 
 in the passive, no doubt, also appears by the side of it. It is 
 particularly remarkable that this -d likewise passes over into the 
 root composition peculiar to Kymric (especially Welsh) so that 
 for example in gwybydy (scis) three roots occur fused together, 
 gwyd-\-bu-\-da, and in gwnathoed (fecerat), even as many as four, 
 gwyn + aili + oe -\- da. All these agreements in particulars appear 
 insignificant, however, compared to a pervading analogy in the 
 Slavonian, Teutonic, and both branches of the Celtic, which has 
 forced itself from the beginning, on me at least, as one of the 
 strongest proofs of the correlation of these languages. 
 
 As is well known, the Slavonian dialects mark the distinction 
 between the imperfect and perfect, continuous and momentary 
 action, which the Greek, Latin, and Romance languages express 
 
 99 De l'affinite, etc. 150. 10 ° Beitr. I. 505. 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 129 
 
 by special tense-forms, by separate verbs, trie composition with 
 prepositions playing therein a great part. Thus, for instance, 
 almost the whole of stem verbs are imperfect in the Polish, but 
 become perfect by composition. What appears strangest to a 
 foreigner is, that the present is wanting in perfect verbs, because 
 the form of the present has assumed a future signification ; but 
 we again find the same phenomenon, because it is founded in 
 the idea of the verb, in the Greek ei/ut, whose present has 
 future, whose moods and imperfect, have aoristic signification. 
 That this phenomenon does not, as it at first seems, stand 
 isolated without any analogy in other languages, was shown by 
 Grimm in his introduction to the translation of Wuk's Servian 
 Grammar (1. seq.) and he expressly pointed to a similar dis- 
 tinction in German (" starb" and " verstarb", " ich reise and 
 " ich verreise morgen"), and also indicated that a still more accu- 
 rate agreement with the Slavonic might be found in Old 
 German. 101 Schleicher 102 has worked this out farther and more 
 accurately, in the first instance only in relation to the future 
 in the Gothic and Slavonian, glancing however at other forms 
 which characterize the Gothic compositum as verbum perfectum. 
 An extremely interesting point with regard to this has been 
 overlooked, namely, the translation of the Greek part. aor. by 
 the part, praes. of compound verbs: usstanda?ids avaaraq Math. 
 c. ix. v. 9 ; gastandands araq Mark, c. x. v. 49 ; gahaasjands 
 aicoiHjag c. x. v. 41. 47; ushlaupands av ai\ rjS/j (rag, afvairpands 
 awofiaXcov v 50, andhafjands cnroKpiOeiG, v. 51, andbindandans 
 Xticravrtg, c. xi. v. 2, gataujandan KaTEpyaaa/Lievov I. Corinth. 
 c. v, v. 3; samcfy gagaggandam izvis avva\Oivrwv v/mwv, c. v. 
 v. 4 (where Massmann, altogether wrongly, and entirely misun- 
 derstanding this peculiarity, prints, contrary to the manuscript, 
 gaggandam). The whole power to alter the sense here resides 
 in the particle, which, when no other is present, is ga-. In New 
 High German, such distinctions as also occur in the passage of 
 Tatian, already quoted by Grimm : ihaz siu bdri, inti gibar (ut 
 pareret, et peperit) have for the most part been obliterated, 
 but sometimes petrified also: thus in the ge- of the part, praes., 
 the prototype of which may likewise be found in Gothic, e. g. 
 fulan gabundanana ttwAov SaSsjuivov, Mark, c. xi. v. 2. 4. 
 
 What herein especially separates the Teutonic and Slavonian 
 from other tongues which have something analogous, is the great 
 force of the particle in composition, and we meet with a perfectly 
 
 101 The verbs with a double theme in Greek and Sanskrit offer a somewhat 
 analogous phenomenon, e.g., \afi(3dv(o imperfect, 'i\a(3ov perfect; compare also 
 the future use of the conj. \dj3oj in Homer. 
 
 102 Zeitschr. IV. 187 seq. 
 
130 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 analogous order of tilings in the Celtic languages also. In the 
 old languages, wherever another particle (O. Gaedh. m, W. 2. 
 ed, 3. yd) has not effected its suppression, we also always find 
 the idea of the perfect denoted by a particle, and as in Teutonic 
 by ga-, by a special one: ru- (ro, ra, W. 2. P. re, W. 3. ry, 
 Arm. ra), wherein I have already (infra, p. 163, with Stokes's 
 concurrence, Beitr. I. 459) conjecturally traced the Sanskrit pra. 
 This particle denotes exactly, as in Gothic and Slavonian, the 
 perfect as well as the future, and, just as in German, its use in 
 the modern language is limited and fixed for certain cases. The 
 Celtic deviates in its grammatical form from the Teutonic in 
 this, that its ru- remains before or (like the Greek augment) 
 after other prepositions : ni roimdibed (non est circumcisus), im- 
 meruidbed (circumcisus est), while the German ge- does not 
 enter into true composition. The reason of this after-position 
 of the ru- in Old Irish is obviously this, that here, as in the 
 oldest Greek and Sanskrit, the prepositions remain in perpetual 
 tmesis (sit venia verbo !) as the treatment of the so-called infixed 
 pronouns shows: imm-itm-ru-idbed (circumcisus sum properly: 
 me circumcisum est) ; forms like asrobrad (dictum est) therefore 
 agree perfectly with German ones, such as ausgesprochen (in 
 separable composition). The Kymric, which does not actually 
 affix its pronouns after other prepositions, also does not put the 
 ru- in the middle, but the Cornish and Armoric deviate therein 
 from the Welsh, that the two former put the pronouns also before 
 ru-, the latter allows them to follow. 
 
 At the other side of the Channel we find this particle — Firstly 
 before the praeteritum along with the usual sign of the tense : 
 O. Ir. rorelus (manifestavi), W. 1. ro-gulipias (" olivavit"), 2. 
 re-briuasei (vulneraverit), P. re-werthys (vendidi), re-wresse (fe- 
 cerat), so also in the passive before the original participle, in 
 order to denote the perfect: O. Gaedh. ro-noibad (sanctificatus 
 est), P. re thyskas (instituti simt), W. 3. ry echewit (relicti sunt). 
 
 Secondly, before the present and the future (like Gothic g'a- 
 before the present participle), which are thereby changed into 
 the perfect future exactum: O. Gaedh. ro-comalnither (com- 
 pletum est), ro-ainmnichte (denominatum sit), arnachit-r-indar- 
 pither (ne sis exheredatus), ro-beimmis (fuissemus), ra-n-glana 
 (emundaverit se) ; the treatment of the infinitive in Welsh is 
 extremely interesting in this respect: 2. e-re kafael (se invenisse, 
 properly: suum invenisse), 3. ry-gaffel (accepisse), which accu- 
 rately corresponds to that of the participle in Gothic. 
 
 Thirdly, before present forms, especially the conjunctive and 
 secondary present, which acquire thereby a future signification, 
 as robia, robbia, ropia (erit), or, what is analogous to it, conjunc- 
 
On the Position of the Celtic. 131 
 
 tive signification (cf. Gr. oirwg ttoii]gu, also firi Xaj3>?c, along with 
 ju?7 Xa/xj3ave, like Latin ne dixeris), therefore goto- corro- conro- 
 (ut), e.g. conrochra (ut amet), conrogbaid (ut sumatis), conrobam 
 (ut shnus). We only find the second and third methods in 
 Armoric, but here the custom of the language has gradually 
 decided for the use in the conjunctive, which connects itself 
 more especially with the third way. The Gothic also shows all 
 three uses. 
 
 The Gaedhelic has only so far passed beyond the limits of 
 the Slavonian and German as to have also given a particle to 
 the tenses of incomplete action, nu-, no- (explained by Stokes 
 as the Skr. ami, Beitr. I. 470), only in simple verbs however, 
 mostly also only to the secondary tenses, seldom to the primary 
 present, and future. I will not even venture to make a surmise 
 as to what the Kymric yd (W. 2. ed, P. y, Arm. ez), which 
 occurs before all tense-forms, signifies, and what may be its 
 origin ; 103 the Gaedhelic du (do), which we find instead of the 
 ru (ro), does not differ, probably, from the preposition du; mu 
 (mo) instead of nu (no) is obscure to me. 
 
 The use of the particle before the future and for the future, 
 was perhaps much more extensive in Celtic in ancient times, 
 and has thus probably in part become the cause why the future 
 has disappeared, in Gaedhelic in so many instances, in Kymric 
 almost wholly; at all events, the Celtic is in most beautiful 
 harmony with the Slavonian, and above all with the Gothic, 
 as regards its use of the verbal particles. 
 
 At least equally significant analogies of the Celtic to the Teu- 
 tonic (and in a secondary degree to the Lito- Slavonian) as to 
 the Italic (and further on to the Greek) have then everywhere 
 presented themselves ; a kind of middle position will accordingly 
 scarcely be denied to it. It appears, however, as if the pheno- 
 mena which it has in common with the Teutonic were precisely 
 those which chiefly indicate the intellectual life, the internal 
 character of the language. In this category I include, besides 
 the great extension of the composition with independent words, 
 as well as with suffixes, the twofold formation of the degrees of 
 comparison, and the importance of the verbal particles. 
 
 In conclusion, it may be mentioned that a comparative syntax 
 might bring to light many peculiar points of contact between 
 the Celtic and Teutonic, such as the use of the infinitive with 
 do, the government of the accusative by cen (sine) ; and that in 
 general, the Celtic, so far as it is known to us, bears in its syntax 
 so decidely modern a stamp that, to me at least, it is very difrl- 
 
 103 [The Gaulish ate- ?] 
 
132 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 cult to imagine its connection with the Latin to be so intimate 
 as Schleicher does. In this respect, the Latin evidently bears 
 the most antique stamp, the Greek a much more modern one 
 (for instance, bj the freedom in the use of the infinitive and by 
 the use of the article) ; again, the Lithuanian and Slavonian a 
 much more antique one than the Teutonic ; but the most modern 
 of all is the Celtic ; so that many things in the Romance lan- 
 guages appear to rest upon Celtic peculiarity. Of this, perhaps, 
 another time. 
 
ON PHONOLOGY IN IRISH. 
 
135 
 
 §, 1. Necessity of establishing an organic Orthography; and 
 great importance of a comparison of the Modern Irish forms 
 for the purpose. 
 
 SCHLEICHER has justly remarked, that an organic ortho- 
 graphy is, above all things, necessary to enable us to get a 
 right knowledge of the Old Irish language. This aim will, no 
 doubt, be only to some extent satisfactorily attained when more 
 extensive and more connected linguistic monuments shall be in 
 our hands than we have at our service on the Continent, and 
 when the editors will strive to attain a greater literal accuracy 
 in their publication, than unfortunately appears to have been 
 hitherto mostly done. Take a few examples in order to show 
 how little, on the whole, one can trust to the literal accuracy of 
 citations: — Zeuss quotes the same word from the same place 
 three times differently spelled, 263 beisti, 1009 bessti, 1059 
 bessti; O'Donovan gives the following from Cormac's Glossary in 
 two different ways, 292 tibradaibh, 360 tipradaibh, so likewise 
 151 carput, 252 carbat, as dative singular. Fortunately we see, 
 at least in the first case (although we may remain in doubt as to 
 the reading of the codex), by the Middle Irish oclit m-biasta, 
 and na n-ocht m-biast (Visio Adamnani in O'Donovan 440, 441), 
 as well as from W. 3. bwystuil, that the e is long, and conse- 
 quently that bessti is wrong, and in both the other examples the 
 tiprait of the Leabhar Breac (O'D. 249) and carpat in Cor- 
 mac's Glossary (O'D. 3), as also the Latin loan-word carpentum, 
 prove that the true O. Ir. form required two tenues p and i, 
 which sunk to media? only in Middle and Modern Irish, — tobar 
 (Keating in O'D. 394) and carbad. In tipra (or tipru?), gen. 
 tiprat, an nt-stem (Stokes Beitr. I. 457), the^> appears, however, 
 to have arisen from b, by means of the hardening action of an ori- 
 ginal preceding mute, as in idpart, aedparthi, and in the examples 
 in Zeuss 80, consequently ti- instead of tid- as taith-, taid- (Z. 
 852) derived from doaith^—Ql tid-barid (offerte) Z. 253. 
 But we have not everywhere at our disposal similar sources 
 
 104 So likewise probably in timne n. (mandatum, prseceptum) from do- aith-mne 
 
 11 
 
136 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 from which to obtain aid in determining the true old form, and 
 where a new and unknown word presents itself to us, we are at 
 present almost helpless. The necessity is then the more press- 
 ing for Celtologists to use every available means for fixing the 
 phonetic laws, and establishing an organic orthography. For 
 this purpose the most important of all is the comparison of the 
 Middle and Modern Irish forms, where this is possible ; the com- 
 parison of the scanty remains of the Gaulish language, which 
 are almost confined to proper names, and the Kymric dialects, are 
 only of secondary importance, and last in order is that of the 
 other Aryan languages. 
 
 The Modern Irish is often so strangely disfigured, even in 
 comparison with the Old Irish, and from want of literary cultiva- 
 tion has (like vulgar languages generally) become so very irre- 
 gular that a direct comparison of its words and forms with those 
 of Sanskrit and the kindred languages would be very daring, 
 and hazardous, in a still higher degree, for instance, than if we 
 were to directly compare the New High German with the 
 Sanskrit. Most of the errors in the first comparative investiga- 
 tion of the Celtic by Pictet and Bopp were due to this cause, and 
 it was only by the publication of old Irish forms in Zeuss' Gram- 
 matica Celtica that a firm ground was gained and a solid founda- 
 tion laid for Celtic philology ; everything correct that had been 
 found before that time, we must consider as the especially lucky 
 result of a wonderful divinatory faculty. 105 Who could, for in- 
 stance, recognize the root gab (capere) in the imperatives fagh 
 (find) fag (leave), tog (raise), the first of which has even a pre- 
 sent faghaim, without such forms as the infinitives dyaghbdil, 
 dydgbhdil, do tliogblidil, which have still preserved the ending 
 consonants. The O. Ir. forms fagebtis (haberent, caperent) — 
 together with fogbaidetu (usura) — , fodcbat (gl. deponant, i. e. 
 relinquant) Z. 1072, foracab (reliquit), fotrdcbussa (reliqui te), 
 fdcab (he left) Tir. in O'D. 437, lastly cotaucbat Z. 1072, and 
 cotaocbat (attollunt se, surgunt) supply the explanation, and the 
 Middle Irish faghbait, faghbat (they obtain, find) O'D. 241, fo- 
 ghebha (thou wilt get) 242, and, on the other hand, fagbas, 
 fagbus (he leaves), 155, tdgbhaidh (raise), 180, show the pas- 
 
 (root man). Cf. taithminedar, taidminedor, taidmenader (significat, memorat) 
 in Z. and Mid. Ir. timnais (he bids), in O'D. 155 ; damnae (Tirechan in O'D. 
 436) appears=c?o-??2ne. 
 
 105 Unfortunately M. Pictet has again lately (Beitrage, II. 84 sq.) trodden the 
 same dangerous path. I cannot, according to what has been said above, recog- 
 nize as conclusive, nor yet disprove, the examples which are there to prove the 
 passage of p into/, so long as the corresponding older forms shall not have been 
 pointed out, and only regret that so highly deserving a scholar does not deter- 
 mine to forsake a way which, I am firmly convinced, is an erroneous one. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 137 
 
 sage. The first form contains consequently, one preposition fo-, 
 after which the media was aspirated, the other several preposi- 
 tions fo- ad- and do- fo- od, whilst d dropped, after it had 
 changed the following media into tenuis, which however again 
 
 DO , O 
 
 sunk to a media in Middle Irish ; the gh in fagh is, according to 
 this, mere root anlaut, the g in fag and tog,''u\ which the fusion 
 of several prepositions is also indicated by the length, is the 
 softening of the c which has arisen from dg. The form gheibhim 
 (I find), given as a parallel form to faghaim, shows by the 
 aspirated anlaut, which clearly distinguishes it from gabhahn 
 (I take), O. Ir. gabimm-se (accipio, sumo), the loss of a preposi- 
 tion ending with a vowel, perhaps fo-, for do- in an-dorogbid (gl. 
 donantes), in Z. 1042, produces a different meaning; on the other 
 hand, in bheirim (I give), parallel form of tabhraim, likewise 
 plainly distinguished from beirim (I bear), by the anlaut, do- 
 appears to have fallen off, for already O. Ir. dobiur along with 
 tabur, i. e., do- fo- bur (do) exists. In deirim (I say), also, just 
 as in the above-mentioned forms, a bh has been dropped, which 
 is still retained in the perfect dubhras (Keating — dubhari), and 
 is confirmed by the O. Ir. do-m-ber-som (quae dicit ille) ; the 
 imperative abair (Mid. Ir. still apair O'D. 239), and the so- 
 called conjuctive go-n-abraim, on the other hand, contain the 
 same root ber lm combined with another preposition (aith- Z. 80) 
 cf. epiur epur (dico), apir (dicis) atbeir adbeir epeir epir (dicit), 
 also dianaiper (de quo dicit), Z. 1068, dian-eprem (de quo dici- 
 mus), and many other forms in Z. to which nadipru, nadipro 
 (who would not speak), Tir. in O'D. 436, instead of nad-idbru, 
 appear also to connect themselves. Less striking disfigurations, 
 but still sufficiently great to warn us of the necessity of extreme 
 caution and moderation in the use of Modern Irish, are, for 
 example, the softening of tenues to mediae almost everywhere 
 in the inlaut, but even in the anlaut in get (what), gibe (whoever), 
 gach (each, every), gan (without), go (to, with), and go (that), 
 with the part. verb, gur, instead o£ cia (quid?), cip e, cib e (qui- 
 cunque), each (omnis), cen (sine), co (ad, cum), co (donee, ut) 
 and coro; the loss of the initial/in ri (with), and ar (upon), for /W 
 (7rpoc) and for (super) 107 , which is probably only a continuation 
 and repetition of an older phonetic process, so that a change into 
 
 106 Cf. Skr. bru, Zend mru, Gr. pep and Fpe (spew, prjrcjp), Lat. ver-bum, Goth. 
 vaur-d. 
 
 107 In the Modern Irish ar, the two prepositions ar and for are so mixed up that 
 it is difficult in each particular case to determine which of them we have to deal 
 with ; the forms with suffixed pronouns undoubtedly contain for, and not ar : orm, 
 ort, air, uirre or uirri, orrainn, orraibh, orra, or ortha, as evidently results from a 
 comparison of the Old Irish— -form (more correctly formrri), fort, foir, fair, fuiri, 
 furnn (Z. 1005) fornn form, foirib fuirib furib, form (c. d.foraibforib), on the 
 
138 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 /immediately preceded the frequent loss of the p, thus for ex- 
 ample patar may have first changed into fatar, and then into 
 athir; loss of a vowel in da ("of which", also "which" and "if") 
 for dian (from do-an, cf. Z. 892), the auslaut of which may still 
 be recognized in the eclipse following ; consonantal metathesis in 
 bearla, beurla for belre (lingua, sermo), for which berli is once 
 found in Z. 9, in baistim for baitsimm (baptizo), eistim for eitsimm 
 (ausculto), easbog (Mid. Irish easpog) for epscop, Cornish, escop 
 (episcopus). 
 
 However necessary in such cases we may find the Old Irish 
 in the elucidation of the Modern Irish forms, and however 
 clearly we may thereby discern the error into which the direct 
 comparison of the latter with those of the other languages might 
 lead us, the comparison of the newer forms is not less instructive 
 and important for correctly understanding the older ones, nay, is 
 often indispensably necessary, and a closer attention to those 
 forms would have saved Zeuss from many errors. As sufficient 
 preliminary investigations have not yet been made to render it 
 possible to give a systematic representation of Irish phonology, 
 I shall only touch in the following pages upon a few points to 
 which my studies have led me. 
 
 §. 2. Vocalismus. 
 
 The most difficult part of the Irish phonetic system to bring 
 to a fixed standard, is the Irish vocalismus, because three kinds of 
 e and o appear to exist, which do not always admit of being dis- 
 tinguished with certainty, and further, because even the question 
 of the priority of a or o, a or e, u or o, i or e in individual cases 
 is oiten beset with insuperable difficulties (at least for the pre- 
 sent). In order to indicate graphically the threefold genesis of 
 the e and o without the use of new type, I propose, firstly, to 
 leave the e and o, which have arisen directly from a without the 
 action of another vowel, unmarked, equally whether they 
 sounded e and o in Gaulish, or came into existence later by the 
 simple weakening of a (perhaps in the auslaut from 6 and 6?); 
 secondly, to mark the umlaut caused by i and u with the sign of 
 shortness, by which we gain at once a sign for original and 
 secondary i and u, for ai and au m diphthongal and such as arises 
 from umlaut ; and lastly, to denote the breaking by a, especially 
 
 one hand, and dirium, erut-su, airi (the feminine does not occur), erunn, dirib 
 airiuib-si, airriu erriu erru on the other. For the only deviating form O'Dono- 
 van adduces Middle Irish, for raind, with which orrainn accurately agrees. 
 
 108 Perhaps the most convenient way would he just to write this umlaut every- 
 where ai, au. This mode of marking appears to me to be very convenient for 
 Zend also, in order to distinguish the i and u in gairi, tauruna, from the original 
 in gdus. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 139 
 
 weakenings from i and u by e and 6, the former to be under- 
 stood completely in the sense of the M. H. G. e, the latter, how- 
 ever, in the opposite sense of 6 in O. Norse. 
 
 Examples: 1. O. Celtic e in ech (equus), Gaul, epo-, W. 3. 
 ebawl, V. ebol (pullus) ; breth (judicium), Gaul, vergo-bretus; nert 
 (virtus), Gaul. Nerto-marus, Esu-nertus, W. C. nerth, Arm. nerz; 
 nemed i. e. nemedh (sacellum), Gaul, vefinrov i. e. vb/ustov, Ver- 
 nemetis, W. 2. neuat, 3. neuad (aula) ; O. Celtic o in orcaid (occi- 
 dit), orcas (qui occidit), i. e. org-, Gaul. Orgeto-rix, W. 1. orgiat 
 (caesor) ; ocJit (octo), Gaul. Octo-darus, W. 2. uith, 3. wyth; — 2, 
 umlaut by i — aith-, aid-, ed-, ith-, id-, Gaul, ate-, Kymr. at-, et- 
 (perhaps also W. 2 ed-, e-, 3. yd-, y-, P. y-, Arm. ez-, e-, the 
 verbal particle, = Skr. ati ?) ; air-, er-, ir-, Gaul, are-, Kymr 
 ar-; erbaid (committit), erbid (tradite), root arb; umlaut by u — 
 rolaumur, rolomor (audeo) — more frequently ai (oi) and au — 
 baill, boill, baull, baullu, billlu; 3. breaking of i — etha, betha, etal, 
 cenn, tuisiil; breaking of u — mo'ga, loth (lutum), crochad; simple 
 weakening perhaps in felsitb, cruch, domun (Gaul, dumno-)? In 
 order to distinguish ia = e and na = 6 from contracted ia and ua, 
 I mark the former with the grave accent on a — e. g., Mad, (victus, 
 esca) from *bivatha (fiiorog), hence gen. biith Mid, Mod. Ir. Mali, 
 on the other hand, dia (deus), from *deva, gen. dei, de, so also 
 uathath, uathad (singularis) ■=. othad. 
 
 Even though it be established that the a in Mid. Irish mara 
 (maris), mainistrech (monasterii) is corrupted from the o of 
 O. Irish mora, monistre (monasteriorum), and the same observa- 
 tion very probably applies to the Mid. and Mod. Ir. a of many 
 endings (e.g., part. pass, in -ta, O. Ir. te) as compared with O. 
 Ir. e, we cannot thence by any means conclude that this is every- 
 where the case ; thus, for instance, that in the gen. sing, betho 
 (mundi), we have an older form than betha m , in aecaillse, an older 
 form than aecolsa (ecclesiae). The Mod. Ir. affords us little help 
 in this investigation, because the uncertainty of the O. Ir. ortho- 
 graphy (which, for example, leaves the umlaut of the a by i at 
 one time unmarked, and at other times writes it ai, oi, ui, e, i, 
 and even ae and oi) is not only in great part retained here 
 (leaving out of consideration the action of the well known rule 
 — caol le caol, leathan le leathan — a rule which, however, in its 
 turn acts disturbingly), but also by arbitrarily confounding the 
 simple vowels, has reached so great an extension that almost any 
 short vowel may stand for every other. Thus a is found for u 
 in chugam for cuccumm (ad me) in the ace. pi. chicca for cuccu (ad 
 eos) as in Middle Irish already ; a for i especially before n (ana- 
 
 109 Although Mr. Stokes, in his valuable Irish Glosses, p. 159, appeals for it to 
 the ogamic gen. Atilogdo or Apilogdo. 
 
140 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 logous to tlie French pronunciation of £?i=:Lat. m, in dans = 
 de intus, sangHer=smgvlari.s even written), in the article an = 
 ind, ant = int uo , in the preposition a(n)=ih, in the interrogative 
 particle an(n)=in, while the prefix in- or ion- has preserved the 
 i of the old ind- in colann (a body) =colinn (caro); even u for 
 i in the preposition um=imm (also with suffixes iimam, etc.); 
 o for 6 in romam, etc., roimpe^remi. In spite of this confusion 
 in the elements, which for the e}^e is considerably increased by 
 the well known rule according to which fear is written for fer 
 (gramen), fear for fer (vir), fedrr for ferr (melior), even neoch, 
 noch for nech (qui, properly aliquis), the Modern Irish comes to 
 our aid even in the vocahsmus, whenever we have to do with 
 the explanation and origin of true or apparent diphthongs. The 
 O. Ir. ai has, for example, a threefold meaning, as a true diph- 
 thong, as umlaut from d, and as umlaut from a; the usual mode 
 of marking these in MSS. is not sufficient to properly separate 
 these three sounds according to their different origin, the diph- 
 thong appearing at one time with, and at another without, an 
 accent, being consequently not sufficiently distinguished from 
 either the short or the long umlaut. (In the marking of the 
 umlaut by ai and di above proposed, the accent for the diphthong 
 ai may be dispensed with). The parallel forms also (pi, ae, oe, 
 for the diphthong, e, i for the umlaut at, a without umlaut for d%) 
 do not give full security, for ae is sometimes found for e, namely 
 in anlauts and auslauts, and di and oi sometimes for the umlaut 
 ai, especially before liquids (Zeuss, 32). But if we compare Mod. 
 Irish, the diphthong ai, ae appeal's transformed into ao (or its 
 umlaut aoi) : caora =. caira (ovis), caoin = cdin (bonus), gaoth 
 (already Mid. Ir.)= gdiih gdid (ventus), maoin (wealth) = 0. Ir. 
 pi. maini (opes, pretiosa, dona), saobh (bad, evil) = s«i&, sdeb, 
 soib soeb (falsus), saoghal (world) =saigul, maor (steward) = Mid. 
 Ir. timer; the umlauts, on the other hand, have remained un- 
 changed, maith (bonus), ainm=ainmm (nomen), aimsear = aimser 
 (tempus), cailleach (a hag):=caillech (anus, monacha), gabhdil 
 =gabdil (sumptio), except that, as already hi O. Irish, oi fre- 
 quently occurs for a%, and seldomer ei — coill (wood) = caill (sil- 
 va), clomne = clainne (prolis), anoir = anair (easterly), eile oile = 
 aile (alius). The Modern Irish does not suffice, however, to 
 distinguish ai and oi, for it expresses both by ao (aoi) e. g., aon 
 (unus)=o#w oin, caol=zcoil (macer), coaga = coica (quinquaginta) 
 — cuig = coTc (quinque), is remarkable. The Kymric dialects 
 which have retained the ai, ae, as for instance the Welsh, but 
 change oi, oe into u (with few, perhaps, apparent exceptions), 
 
 ■ 10 The explanation of the newer form -which I have attempted at p. 88, is 
 incorrect, hecanse this phonetic peculiarity of the Modern Irish had escaped me. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 141 
 
 e.g., un — Irish oen, may be here appealed to. Umlaut ail and 
 diphthong au (au, ou, do, 6) appear to be less sharply distin- 
 guished, as the former is replaced by u or o, and the latter by 
 6 or u, which is sometimes shortened, or its length is not 
 marked, cf. aue (nepos) and o ua, augtortds (auctoritas), and 
 ughdar, pronounced udar (auctor) ; the inorganic ail instead of 
 ai in aud-, aur* (Z. 7. 8) does not occur at all in Modern Irish. 
 
 §. 3. Consonantismus — Aspiration of Media? after Vowels. 
 
 The comparison of the newer forms yields us much more impor- 
 tant service in the consonants. Thus, for instance, at p. 119, a 
 formse (already proposed by Stokes, Beitrage I. 450) for the ace. 
 fern, siu for the ace. pi. was deduced from inte (in earn), intiu 
 (in eos), airriu (propter eos) ; etarru (inter eos), form (super 
 eos), and the Modern Irish which has only preserved the dative 
 after di and do (diobh, doibh), but otherwise puts the accusative 
 everywhere, offers proofs in abundance which confirm this con- 
 clusion. The s of se and siu, su is preserved in thdirse, thdirsi 
 (over her) and thdrsa (over them) ; it has changed into t after s 
 in the secondary form thdrsta and in aiste, -ti (out of her), asta 
 (out of them), likewise in uaiste, -ti (above her), uasta (above 
 them), in which consequently s oi. st is to be considered as origi- 
 nally ss (the original auslaut of tar(s) is perhaps still to be recog- 
 nized in the rr of thorrainn, thorraibh, -orrainn, orraibh from 
 for occur also, however, and the O. Ir. torunn has single r) ; th 
 for s after vocalic auslaut in fuithe, -thi (under her) and fiitha 
 (under them), uaithe, -thi (from her), and uatha (from them), 
 trithe, thi (through her) and triotha ^through them), similarly 
 after r in the secondary form ortha; rr for rs in idrre, -ri (on 
 her), orra (on them), eatorra (between them) where at the same 
 time the depressed tenuis in eidir is preserved; original tenuis 
 preserved by s in aice, -i (with her) and aca (with them), chuice, 
 -i (unto her), and chuca (imto them), while aige (with him) and 
 chuige (unto him), prove vocal anlaut by the media; tenuis after 
 nasals derived from an original media in uimpe, -i (about her), 
 umpa about them, from a secondary one (?) in innte, -i (in her), 
 ionnta (in them), directly intercalated in roimpe, -i (before her) 
 and rompa (before them), on the other hand roime (before him). 
 All these examples are in the highest degree important and 
 interesting by the constancy with which the s, which has else- 
 where generally disappeared, makes its influence still left in the 
 latest language period, and most strikingly of all in roimpe (for 
 roimsi the p as in Lat. dempsi, demptum) along with roime with 
 aspirated m. 
 
 But we especially want very often the Modern Irish to deter- 
 
142 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 mine whether tenuis or media is to be read aspirated or not. 
 As is well known, the oldest documents do not always very accu- 
 rately mark the aspiration even in tenues, still less in the case of 
 f and s, and not at all as a rule in the case of ruedias and m, or 
 at most mark the unaspirated pronunciation by duplication, and 
 in the MSS. of Zeuss, wherever the aspiration is indicated, the 
 aspirated tenuis is found for the media. Thence arises a double 
 ambiguity, inasmuch as we may fluctuate equally between d and 
 dli as between dh and tli; but this ambiguity is still further in 
 creased by the circumstance that tenuis not only occurs for double 
 media, but also inversely media here and there for pure tenuis. 
 As the Middle Irish MSS. also do not always accurately mark 
 the aspiration of the media, it is often only the Modem Irish 
 which can here help us, for the latter, in spite of the above men- 
 tioned corruption, has, by completely dropping aspirated conso- 
 nants, and a wide spread lowering of pure as well as aspirated 
 tenues, fortunately maintained accurately, on the whole, the 
 limits between aspiration and pure pronunciation, with the excep- 
 tion of some verbal forms before which particles have dropped, 
 and some particles whose anlaut is aspirated as, cheana (already), 
 bheos, fds (yet) for cene (jam), heos (adhuc), co and tar in the 
 formulae cliugam, thorm (cf above.) 
 
 The simple m which in O. Irish is not protected by consonants, 
 becomes always aspirated in Modern Irish ; ^domain mfudumain, 
 fudomain (profundus) becomes doimin (although the second 
 vowel was probably intercalated here merely to ease the pronun- 
 ciation on the dropping of the O. Irish ending), and this m has 
 likewise (even in Middle Irish) frequently taken the place of an 
 original bh as in naorh instead of noib (sanctus), neam-, neim- in- 
 stead of neb- (negative prefix), claidhem instead of claideb (gla- 
 dius), fealsam instead of felsub, which has in consequence fol- 
 lowed the false analogy of brithem. We may, therefore, with 
 perfect security deduce from m in inlaut in Modem Irish, m or 
 mm (mb) in Old Irish, which to be sure we are not as yet always 
 able to explain; thus anam points back to animm (anima) Z. 
 1059, ainm to ainm (nomen), uaim to uaimm (a me), etc., as im, 
 trim, urn, does to imm (imb) ni while dom has become dam (to 
 me), rem roim (before). 
 
 An original media after vowels is always aspirated in Modern 
 
 111 As in imm from mb, so may the m=in in Cormac (for ogamic Corpimaguas, 
 where the vowel dropped should produce aspiration) have been assimilated from 
 pm, in ammi (sumus) from sm; in animm, ainm, uaimm it is just as unsatisfac- 
 torily explained as in 1 sg. and pi. of the verb : and singularly enough the Kymric 
 shows just here a softening, V. enef Arm. enef, eneff] (anima), W. 3. enw, P. 
 (Ji)anoic, Arm. hanu (nomen), "W. 3. ohonqf, ahanaff(a. me, de me), just as in 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 143 
 
 Irish, adharc, brdgha, buidhe, croidhe, a n-deaghaidh, foghlaim, 
 adhradh, gen. adhartha; therefore, no doubt, to be thus re- 
 presented in Old Irish: adarc (cornu), brdge (cervix), blade 
 (flavus), cride (cor), indegaid-h (post), foglaim (cornprehensio), 
 adrad (adoratio). The change between aspirated tenues and 
 mediae also points in the same direction; the final med. asp. is a 
 softening from ten. asp. in adrad (probably also in indegaid) as fre- 
 quently happens, cf. cailleach, Old Ir. cailltch, gen. caillighe. After 
 consonants the mediae in Modern Irish also remain without aspi- 
 ration, except where a vowel has dropped out, drd, fearg, bolg, 
 borb, O. Ir. — ardd (altus),/erc for fergg (ira), bolc^bolgg (bulga), 
 borp, i.e. borb (stultus); Stokes (Beitrage II. 102) has, therefore, 
 rightly looked upon such forms as dealbh, marbh, tarbh, where 
 the mediae appear aspirated after liquids, as proving bh = v. n2 
 
 On the other hand, the mediae are often assimilated after 
 liquids, especially after m and n [as partly already in O. Irish, 
 uall (superbia), gen. uailbe], thus in agallam = acaldam, accal- 
 da?n, acaltam, i. e., accalddam (allocutio), iomad Corm. Glos. 
 (many) z= imbed (copia, ops), ionamz^indiumm (in me), binn 
 (melodious) = bind, clannz=. eland (proles), cunradh, Mid. Ir. cun- 
 dradh (a covenant), O. Ir. eundrad (merx), connavcas (I saw), 
 for cond. (root dare in SlpKw, etc.), coinneal (a candle), cf. eain- 
 dloir (candelarius), even Middle Irish bennacht, bennachadhz=. 
 bendacht, bendachad (benedictio) likewise mallacht-=maldacht 
 (maledictio). 
 
 The so-called eclipse also depends upon the assimilation, so 
 far as it affects mediae, inasmuch as na-m-ball (membrorum) is 
 pronounced nammall. I suspect, therefore, that in O. Irish also 
 the dot over h and Wi before mediae had more to do with the 
 media than witjr the nasal, and consequently that rad ridd is to 
 be pronounced rad ne (notwithstanding the apparently contra- 
 dictory mode of writing frecdairc, dofoirde), because nasals other- 
 wise regularly drop out before tenues, but not before mediae, or 
 rather remain when tenuis becomes media, as in ind- (Gaul. 
 ande-), ingor (Lat. ancora). Another assimilation according to 
 which codhladh (sleep), ceadna (the same), colna (of the flesh), 
 are pronounced colladh, cSana, colla, is not indicated in writing. 
 
 §. 4. Consonantismus — Aspiration of Tenues after Vowels. 
 The original tenues (and the hard spirants s, f) like the 
 mediae, are always aspirated in true Celtic words after vowels, if 
 
 1 sg. -of, while although an Arm. dif, diff corresponds to the Irish dom, dam, we 
 have on the other hand W. 3. im, ym, P. thym. From this it appears that the mm 
 in these cases is exactly comparable with the nn of the article, and was perhaps 
 produced under the influence of the original accent. 
 
 112 Derbh (certus) along with dearbh is very curious, so likewise is easbha 
 (defect), pi. gen. easbhadh, cf. ace. tesbaid (defectum), dat. tesbaith. 
 
144 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 a vowel or liquid follows, but not before mutes, except in the 
 combination ct, which is sometimes written cht, also, as it ap- 
 pears, not before (dropped) v; and in this the Modern Irish has 
 altered nothing, except that it has logically carried out the cht; 
 with oscillation in Old Irish of aspirated tenues to mediae, especi- 
 ally in th, less so in ch, in which latter in Modern Irish it has 
 much more extensively spread. After consonants (as before 
 mutes) tenuis remains without aspiration, also after those which 
 have dropped out, hence t, c, instead of nt, nc (likewise /, s, 
 instead of nf, ns); but Modern Irish has here frequently lowered 
 the tenuis to media, both original and secondary. 
 
 The old Irish has changed organic mediae into tenues in two 
 ways: 1. before dropped vowels, by which the media has to a 
 certain extent passed into auslaut, and thus become hardened to 
 tenuis, for example in tdirci (efficit) from do-dtrci, in the com- 
 pound prefixes int- from in-do-, tair- from do-air- (flair-) taith- 
 from do-aith-, tes- from do-es-, tiar- from do-iar-, timm- from 
 do-imm-, tin- from do-in-, tind- from do-ind-, the same with the 
 
 dropping of an /in tu-, to- from do-fu-, do-fo-, in tor-, tor- (tuar-, 
 tur-, ter-) from do-for, with the dropping of an s in intsamail, 
 intsliiiclit, in the article int- from ind-'s-, and in the abovemen- 
 tioned prepositions with suffixed pronouns ; 2. by the collision 
 of two mutes, in which the first, if it was a media, became 
 on that account hardened, and then induced the hardening of the 
 second, just as if it was an original tenuis or aspirate, atomaig 
 from ad-dom-aig , cotondelcfam from cot-don-delcfam (cot- accord- 
 ing to Stokes, Beitrage II. 106 — Welsh cant-), fritammiurat 
 from frith-damm-iurat, and others given by Zeuss, 336, edpart, 
 idpart from aith-bart, but has then generally been dropped, 
 or more correctly has assimilated itself (for gemination often 
 remains unexpressed in O. Irish, and in the case of consonants 
 capable of aspiration, always in Modern Irish, only 11, nn, rr 
 are written), thus in acaldam accaldam (allocutio) from acl-gal- 
 dam u3 (pronounced atgaldam, atcaldam), epil (pent) along with 
 aibail Z. 1012 (pronounced atpail) from aith-bail, ecne (cognita) 
 along with aidgne aith-gne, frecre (responsum) from fritli-g(a)re, 
 conucbad (ut attolleret) from conuad-gabad, doopir (privat, aufert) 
 from do-od-bir. 
 
 In the first case the Modern Irish preserves the tenuis which 
 is thus produced, e.g. in tim-, in the article ant and in the above 
 examples of prepositions with pronouns ; in the second it allows 
 
 113 Cf. adglddur (jrpoaayoQivia), adglddathar (appellatur) ; so also comalnad 
 (impletio) along with Ian (plenus). The abovementioned hardening is also, no 
 doubt, the reason for the mode of writiDg^, dd, bb, for c, t, p. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 145 
 
 the same tenuis (the second mute) to again sink to a media, but 
 does not aspirate it, e.g., iodhbairt (an offering) = idpairt, agallain 
 (a dialogue) = acaldam, ei-blim (I die), likewise *eptimm, eagna 
 (wisdoni):=£cfte (sapientia), admidm (I confess) cf. ataimet (profi- 
 tentur) from ad-daimet; both united show themselves in the 
 
 abovementioned togbhaim, where the t of tocbaimm from do-fo- 
 od-g) has remained, but the c has sunk to g. It has likewise 
 changed the original tenues, to which (n)t and t(v) consequently 
 belong, everywhere into mediae after vowels: codladh (sleep) = 
 cotlad (somnus) dat. cotlud, Z., S22, fad=fot (longitudo), cead=: 
 cet (centum), ceadna (the same) = cetne (primus), creidim = cretim 
 (credo), sometimes even geminated ones as, for instance, clog= 
 clocc (clocca), beag (little) = becc bee (parvus, paucum), along with 
 these there are however mac = mace (films), cnoc (a hill) — cnocc 
 (gibber, ulcus), also emit (a harp) =crot, i. e., crott (crotta), breac 
 (a trout), gen. brie, which points to *brecc (cf N.H.G. briche); 
 trocaire (misercordia) from trog-caire (amor miseri) also remains 
 unchanged. Fluctuations occur here after consonants; after s 
 generally softening ; less frequently and more properly in Gaelic 
 after eh (after gh, — ughdar, O. Irish augtortds); after I and r the 
 tenuis is preserved — ole, marc, mart, fait, corp; but p often 
 passes into b after l Ui \_Alpa, gen. Alpan Cormac's Gloss, in 
 O'Don. 3. 354 (Scotland), ace. Alpai-n (Alpes) Z. 616, from 
 which cenalpande (cisalpinus), therefore properly "highland", has 
 become Alba, already Middle Irish gen. Alban in O'Don. 83, dat. 
 Albain 251], less frequently after r (yet carbad = carpai), t re- 
 mains also after n in muintir, muintear, but c passes into g — 
 rangas (I reached), thdngas (I came), in Middle Irish still rdnca- 
 tar (they reached), O'Don. 246, tdncamar (we have come), 252. 
 It is evident that the so-called eclipse of the tenuis, and 
 of /, which sinks to bli under similar conditions, (strictly speak- 
 ing no eclipse can be spoken of in the case of s, as the t before it 
 belongs to the article, otherwise we would be obliged to consider 
 the p of umpa to belong to the eclipse) also depends upon this 
 sinking to mecliag, and has properly nothing whatever to do with 
 the nasal, which is generally dropped before it. Just as in the 
 middle the tenuis has changed into a media indifferently, whether 
 a nasal has fallen out before it or not, as cet, etar become cead, 
 eidir, exactly as bee becomes beag, the former is, however, acci- 
 dentally the more frequent, so in the anlaut, imder certain con- 
 ditions, every tenuis not protected by consonants also passes into 
 a media, and it is a simple accident that in most cases a nasal 
 originally preceded, and that consequently, as a rule, the funda- 
 
 114 Probably the bh in dearbh, easbha maybe thence explained ; see note 112, 
 p. 142. 
 
146 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 r 
 
 mentally different eclipses of the tenues and mediae go hand in 
 hand; that this is not a necessary condition is shown by the 
 eclipse after ea-, ei- (O. Ir. e- along with es-, like Lat. e along 
 with ex), which only occurs with tenues, eagcdir (injustice) = 
 ecoir (incongruus) , eadtrom Qight) = Strum (levis), not with me- 
 diae, eadoimin (shallow) , because no nasal is present. 
 
 From what has been said above, we may consequently con- 
 clude with perfect safety that Modern Irish tenuis corresponds to 
 O. Irish tenuis, Modern Irish dura to O. Irish dura, on the other 
 hand aspirates to aspirates with exceptions, Modern Irish mediae 
 to Old Irish mediae only if aspirated, or in the combinations rd, 
 lg, rg {Id and nd have been assimilated to 11, nn), while after 
 vowels, s and ch every pure media points to an old tenuis, after 
 I and r at least b is of uncertain origin. We may therefore in- 
 fer from drd ardd (sublimis) — written ardd, art, ard, from fearg 
 fergg — written fere, from bolg bolgg — also written bole, likewise 
 from agallam accalddam — written acaldam and acaltam, from 
 binn bindd; on the other hand borb would not lead with cer- 
 tainty to borbb, if we did not find burbe written along with 
 burpe. The circumstance that dura point back to dura will, 
 however, be of especial use to us in the case of dentals, for the 
 purpose of getting rid of some errors into which Zeuss has fallen 
 in several passages of his grammar, in consequence of having ne- 
 glected the newer forms. 
 
 §. 5. Consonantismus — Cases ivhich afford occasion for Aspira- 
 tion after a preserved or lost Vowel: (I.) in Inlaid; (II.) in 
 Anlaut; (III.) in Syntax. 
 
 As is well known, the same laws which govern aspirations 
 after vowels, apply in general to those cases also where vowels 
 had originally existed, but dropped out, so that we may infer 
 from the appearance of aspiration the former presence of a vowel 
 in inlaut as in anlaut ; if, therefore, for example, s before mutes, 
 (according to O'Don., also before m, cf. fosmachtu, Z. 6Q6, con- 
 sequently before consonants capable of aspiration generally) be 
 not infected by preceding vowels, as the mode of writing tesst 
 shows, a doinscann-som, intinnscana (incipit) from do-incF-sc., in- 
 do-ind'-sc, will stand opposed perfectly according to rule to the r 
 inthamuil, intsliucJit from ind's. The aspiration rule is, how- 
 ever, subject to so many exceptions in this case, inasmuch as it 
 also depends upon the nature of the preceding consonants, that 
 in the uncertainty of the ancient orthography we can only attain 
 safe results by a comparison of all individual cases with constant 
 reference to Modern Irish. 
 
 Such cases as afford occasion for aspiration by a preserved 
 or lost vowel, belong essentially to three categories : 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 147 
 
 (I.) In Inlaut. In the inlaut of a word before, and in the 
 derivative or flexional endings, especially in the word-forming 
 suffixes -ath, -eth, -uth, -id, -ach, -ech, -ithe (-Tde), and before the 
 -t (th, d) of different conjugational endings. In all these cases 
 occasion also often occurs for the dropping of a vowel in 
 inflexion and derivation, and Zeuss (page 84, with which the 
 examples 762 seq. may be compared) has correctly remarked 
 that "the t of the ending is not aspirated after I, n, s, and that 
 a tt (or t) arises from t-t, th-f. 
 
 The following examples are from the conjugation: con-festa 
 (ut scias), marufeste marrnfeste (si sciretis), condigente (faceretis), 
 nigette (Z. 264, "non faceretis"?) conrochretesi (concrederetis), 
 conndruchretesi (ne crederetis) — with t for tt — along with nis- 
 cartha (non abesses), nongabthe (q. sumebatis), fut. secund. fol- 
 nibthe Z. 454; deponentials — rofestar (scit) nifiastar (nescit), 
 miastar (judicat) and the preterites in -astar, -istir, -estar; pas- 
 sive forms — arna fur astar (ne fuscetur), samaltir (comparatur), 
 adcomaltar (conjungitur), clonelltar (q. declinatur), manireltar 
 (nisi manifestatur), frisduntar (obstruitur), asagnintar (signifi- 
 catur), gentar, do-gentar (fit, fiet), nomglantar (,,emungor") non- 
 lintarni (iruplenrur) , nonnertarni (q. confortamur) for tt, con- 
 intorgditar (ut non circumveniamur) and honuntogaitami (ex 
 quo fraudamur), sluintir (signiflcatur) with t for dt, on the other 
 hand derbthair, scribthar oinaichthir, cairigthir, lobrigthir, sui- 
 digthir, intoichther, indtuigther, arosailcther, a-carthar, itarscar- 
 thar, anasberthar, asrirther, fristacairther, berthir (differently 
 nomthachtar („angor") and genthir, Z. 470 !) ; preterites — 
 doronta (facta sunt), asridenta (inquinata sunt) along with dorur- 
 gabtha (prolata sunt) ; secondary tenses — nolintae (solebat 
 repleri), conulintae (ut compleretur) along with arna eperthe, 
 doberrthe, roberrthe, nocrochthe, na ructhae; past participles — 
 accomallte acomoltae (conjunctus), comchlante (conseminatus) 
 with t for dt, remfoiti (praemissi) so also dlutai ace. pi. (flxa) 
 1015 for tlit., forbanda (secta) 845 with d after n. On the other 
 hand, remeperthe, sulbairichthe, atdchutmthe, loiscthe, aurgabtlia, 
 (timmorte is curious with the c dropped as in the preterite 
 dobimchornartt, further imdibthe (circumcisus)and/o« , c^/ie (erudi- 
 tus) 115 where, after the loss of the n of ben- and can-, we should 
 expect uninfected t, forngarti (jussi) appears like timmorte to be 
 formed without a copulative vowel) ; future participle — eclustai, 
 sastai, imcasti, airillti, denti, forcanti, cocarti, for cocartti (einen- 
 dandum), in opposition to eperthi, imcabthi, (aichti is curious !). 
 The whole of the examples, with the exception of the evidently 
 
 115 Imdibthe and foircthe may be compared with Sanskrit and Greek forms, 
 such as hata, (parog, from han, (pev. 
 
148 Ebel's Celtic Studies. 
 
 corrupt genthir, confirms throughout the observation of Zeuss ; the 
 omission of the aspiration takes place only after I, n, s, d, t, th, in 
 opposition with crochthe, among others, except in the case of nom- 
 thacthar and aichti (timmorte and forngarti may be explained in 
 this way, that these verbs go in accordance with series III. of 
 Zeuss) ; it is therefore singular that O'Donovan, in the rule for the 
 Modern Irish passive and participles, puts tenuis after all aspirates 
 ch, gh, th, dh (others do not here occur), except in the verbs in 
 -ighim, as well as after I, 11, n, nn, s, while, on the other hand, he 
 puts the aspirate after d and t. He at the same time admits, how- 
 ever, that the sound remains the same after d and t, whether we 
 write t or th. This rule also receives no confirmation otherwise, 
 inasmuch as t is everywhere found in derivation and flexion both 
 in Old and Modern Irish after I, n, s, t, d, th, dh (only with 
 softening in d after n, seldomer after /), on the other hand th 
 appears equally constant after ch, gh, as after all other mutes. 
 
 The suffix -tu masc, -atu, -itu (cf. Beitr. II. 81), seldomer -ti, 
 especially affords us examples from the declension, as it is usually 
 affixed without a copulative (hence tabairt, epert): gen. pectha, 
 pectho, nom. plur. pecthi, pecthe, pectha, gen. pecthe, dat. pecthib, 
 &cc. jiecthu (pectha Z.1003) fromjieccad [i.e. peccatli) , gen. cro'chtho 
 from crochad, e'tarscartha from e'tarscarad, cursagtha from ciirsa- 
 
 gad, d&nigikea from daiugud, foilsichtho indfoilsTgthe from fotl- 
 sigucl, incholnXchtlio inchohugthta from inchohugud, intsechtaigtha 
 (read ints.) from sechtaigud, sulbarrichthe Z. 618 froni sulbair- 
 igud; gen. iarfaichtheo iarfaigtho, dat. pi. icrrfaigthib Z. 1070 
 from iarfafgid, iarjXgid f., dat. pi., debthib from debuith; on the 
 other hand, gen. relto from relath, relad (manifestatio) , ind- 
 aerchoiltt'a from erchmliud (deflnitio), cesta cesto from cesath 
 chad (passio), nerta from nertad (exhortatio) , tairmchrutto from 
 *tairmchruthad (transformatio) , gen. dag-imrdta, drog-imrdto 
 (it is to be read thus), nom. pi. imbrdti imrdti, ace. imrdtiu, 
 (Z. 1068), from imbrddud imrddud (cogitatio). 116 Here also t 
 remains after I, n, s, and dental mutes, but is aspirated after all 
 other consonants, and the Modern Irish confirms this by the 
 plurals sgealta, sedlta, cedlta, nealta, bailte, coillte, aitheanta, 
 leinte, teinnte, linnte, cluainte, mointe, tdinte, cointe, brointe, and 
 the genitives ionganta, tionnsganta, cosanta, deanta from sgeal (a 
 story), sedl (a sail), cedl (music), ileal (a cloud), baile (a town), 
 coill (a wood), aiihne (a commandment), leine (a shin), teinne 
 (fire), linn (a pool), cluain (a meadow), moin (a bog), tain 
 (a flock), cu (a greyhound), bro (a quern), iongnadh (wonder), 
 
 116 Zeuss, 851, erroneously assumes a nominative dagimrai. Stokes (Beitrage 
 I. 450) also is in error respecting tairmchrutto (crochia appears to be careless 
 writing). 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 149 
 
 tionnsgnadh (beginning), cosnadh (defence), dSanadh (doing), in 
 opposition to the plurals murtha, cogtha, toirthe, teangtha, the 
 genitives dadrtha, adhartha, cunnartha from mur (a wall), 
 cogadh (war), toradh (fruit), teanga (a tongue), daoradh (con- 
 demning), adhradh (adoration), cunnradh (a covenant), in which 
 it makes no difference whether the suffix -at is originally word- 
 forming as in teinne, or determinative as in cu. 
 
 Derivatives in -te (i. e. -tia or -taja) after s, I, n, in which, how- 
 ever, d appears generally after I and always after n (evidently 
 pure d and not dh), see in Zeuss 763 seq.; whether, however, 
 mistae (menstruus), conde (caninus), anmande (animalis), tal- 
 mande (terrestris), eiscsende (,,intensivus"), cenalpande, aniendae, 
 which are evidently derived from consonantal stems, have 
 actually lost a vowel before the suffix, remains doubtful ; the d is 
 to be read aspirated after r and other consonants as after vowels, 
 bithgairddi (perpetuo breves), has been wrongly explained, like 
 cethargarait, it belongs to an i- stem, and is to be further carried 
 back to an nt- stem. To the examples for tt, t from ft, oVt, 
 tlit, am-brotte (momentaneum) , gutte gutae (vocalis) — from 
 which ahgutas 750 (vocalitatem suam) — , aicnete (naturalis), 
 scote scotae (,,violarium") from scoth (a flower), are evidently 
 to be added uathate (singularis) from uathath, from which ace. 
 pi. fern, huathati, dat. pi. uathataib, and slabratae (the gloss 
 catinensis being erroneous) from slabrad (catena), which Zeuss, 
 769, erroneously places under -ant, so also, most probably, du- 
 nattae (castrensis) from *diinad, cf. a righduinte (their royal 
 forts), Cormac's Glossary in O'Don. 233, arsate (antiquarius), 
 cf. arsid (a genitive as it appears) Zeuss, 581, plur. tuati (gen- 
 tiles) 1043, from tucith (populus), perhaps also tecnate (domes- 
 ticus) ; in the consonantel stems with the nom. -atu, -etu we may 
 assume *-ntat, but they could also have arisen from *-tvat (cf. 
 Skr. -tva n., Lith. -tuva m., Slav, -stvo n., but especially Lat. 
 -tut f. in juventus, virtus, servitus, senectus), which is sufficient 
 reason for their retaining the tenuis -t U7 as in the pronouns of the 
 second person. Mod. Irish examples : saoghalta (worldly), gallda 
 (exotic), fireanta (righteous), grianda (sunny), banda (feminine), 
 also with assimilation daonna (human) = doinde; on the other 
 hand, mordha (majestic), feardha (masculine), or dha (golden). 
 
 Derivation with various suffixes : ecintech (inflnitus), from cin- 
 niud (defmitio) huatigitir (rarescunt), from uathad, boltigetar 
 (olent), from bolad, muntith (in^titutor), from munud; ingrentid 
 (persecutor), lintidi (fartores), irchoiltith (maledicus),from irchol- 
 lUd — esartaid (caesor) is remarkable, exactly like timmorte! — 
 
 117 Nebmarbtu, -tath are at all events correct forms, and unjustly doubted by 
 Zeuss, 763. 
 
150 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 muntar (familia) is also, no doubt, to be placed under this category, 
 and not to be compared with Gaulish ko/uovtoqioq ; centat (capi- 
 tulum), from cenn, srdthataih, read -tat (aculeus), from srdthath; 
 on the other hand, epertith, berrthaid, doilbthid, debthach, and 
 dephthigim, tirthat, from tir, etc. — Compare the Modern Irish in- 
 finitive, do chantain, but cFfearthain. — In diltuih, for example, 
 the stem- vowel has been ejected, and because / precedes, we do 
 not on this account know whether a mere vowel, or n, or a 
 dental mute dropped with it. 
 
 (II.) In Anlaut. In the anlaut of the second member of a 
 compound, whether the first member be a noun, a numeral, 
 or a particle, the second a noun or a verb. Neither here 
 nor in the syntax has Zeuss brought together the exceptions 
 to the aspiration rule ; but we may assume a priori, that the 
 well ascertained law, according to which the dentals are not 
 aspirated after I, n, s, t, d, th, dh, has in the main come into 
 play also in composition and syntax, because it has a pure 
 phonetic reason in the homorganeity of these consonants. 
 Grimm (Geschichte der deutschen Sprache, 375) observes about 
 Modern Irish " the Unguals t and d suffer, however, no aspira- 
 tion after liquids, but remain unchanged"; but this is taken at 
 once in too wide and too narrow a sense, for m and r do not 
 hinder the aspiration, 118 and the mutes hinder it as well as n; 
 what he further says, " I find also mactire, son of the land, as the 
 poets call the wolf, not macthire", may be very simply ex- 
 plained in this way, that this is not true composition, but merely 
 juxta-position of the substantive with the governed genitive (= 
 maqvas tirais), where there exists no reason for aspiration. Ac- 
 cording to O'Donovan, 336 seq., aspiration does not occur (except 
 in the case of s with a mute following, to which, according to p. 
 54, we must also add m) with d, t after n, d, t; finally, in 
 some cases not specially stated; I, s and the aspirated th, dh 
 are not there mentioned, but it is scarcely to be doubted that 
 they exert the same influence on d, t following, as we even find 
 dall-ciach (a blinding fog) given without aspiration, so likewise 
 athtkaoiseach (a deposed chieftain), and aithdheanam (remaking) ; 
 but, however, aithteidhte (re-heated), athdoidhte (reburnt). Now, 
 if even the Mod. Irish, in which aspiration is so widely spread, 
 that it has come in after every particle in composition, with 
 few exceptions 119 (ea- or ei-, eas-, con-, or coin-) has, nevertheless, 
 
 118 Compare imdhiden (shelter, defence), urdhairc eardhairc (illustrious, re- 
 nowned). 
 
 119 The eclipse after di is perfectly enigmatical in diombuidheach (unthankful), 
 diombuan (perishable), analogous to diomolaim (I dispraise) on the other hand, 
 with aspiration, dfomor (very great), dicheannaim (I behead), diothoghluidhe 
 (impregnable). 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 151 
 
 preserved in the above position the d and I pure ; with much 
 greater certainty may we look for the same thing in Old Irish, 
 where the original limits of aspiration are exceeded only in very 
 few instances (in du~ and mi- for *dus- and *mis-). Accord- 
 ingly, we find 5 preserved before mutes in banscala (servae), cdin- 
 scel (bonus nuntius), drogscela (malos nuntios), soscele (evange- 
 lium), athscribend (rescriptum), incomscrib'ndaUh (syngraphum), 
 dosceulaim (experior), doinscannsom (incipit), after the verbal 
 participle in roscarsam (recessimus) ; t after n in — banter isrmd 
 (obstetrix), grientairissem (solstituim), medontairismul (medias- 
 tinus) — compare Mid. Ir. baintigerna (domina), in Stokes 1 Irish 
 Glosses, — fintan (vinetum), cdinteist (bonum testimonium), cdin- 
 toimtiu (bona cogitatio), cdintol (bona voluntas), caintaidlech 
 (satisfactio), sentinni pi. (anus), intonnaigim (inundo), intursitib 
 (irriguis), tintuth (interpretatio), fointreb (supellex) ; 120 after I in 
 ind-idultaigae (fani), iltoimdden (cld = t, multarum opinionum), 
 after s in rostdn (rosarium), after t in rechttcurcid (legislator), 
 after th in frithtasgat (adversantur), frithtaidechtae (contradic- 
 tionis), for which fritt*, frit- is also written ; we have, consequently, 
 to consider d after n in banddlem (hospita), bandea (dea), ban- 
 dechuin (diaconissae), bandachlach (leno) — cf. Mid. Ir. baindea in 
 Stokes' Op. cit. — cdinduthracht (bona voluntas), sendmne (vetus 
 homo), and after I in ilddni (multae artes), as dura, a hardening 
 to t occurs after t, th, d (see supra), biddixnugnd, i.e., bithd., 
 however occurs, Zeuss, 781. For some other exceptions, such as 
 the above mentioned atbaU for athbail, idpart for idhbhart, where 
 the hardening comes into play, at the same time (leaving out of 
 consideration faulty spelling), I have not been able as yet to find 
 any fixed rule ; only we must not take for an exception what is not 
 one, as for instance the name Dunpeleder, Zeuss, 821, in which 
 the p has remained pure, because this is no more a case of true 
 composition than the above inactive, or the family names with O 
 and Mac, which for the same reason are not. aspirated, e. g., 
 O'Briain (gen. I Bhriain, dat. dTJa Bhriain, ace. ar O'Mbriain, 
 according to O'Molloy, in O'Donovan, 369). 
 
 (III.) In Syntax. In Syntax, the Modern Irish should be used 
 only with the greatest caution for determining the laws of anlaut 
 (which were not very clearly or completely developed by Zeuss), 
 because it has here given way still more to the tendency to use 
 this, originally a purely mechanical phonetic change, as a dyna- 
 
 120 Zeuss indeed assumes (195,848), after in- also in composition unchanged an- 
 laut, as, however, the n does not drop out anywhere, we must presuppose a 
 fundamental form, like Greek hi, consequently aspiration which is supported by 
 inchosc (significatio), etc. 
 
 12 
 
152 JEbeVs Celtic Studies 
 
 mic agent, a tendency that was already visible in the particle 
 composition, and arbitrary rules of scribes and grammarians, who, 
 as a rule, had no idea of the nature of aspiration and eclipse, have 
 had their share in still further disturbing and confusing the 
 original rule ; nevertheless it may be here also of real service to 
 us, if we consider perfectly unbiassed each grammatical form as 
 that which it is, and not what it pretends to be, and bestow the 
 necessary attention on the actual or apparent exceptions. 
 
 The phonetic changes are dependent in Syntax on two con- 
 ditions: not merely on the nature of the sounds which come 
 together, but also on the greater or lesser logical correlation of 
 the words, a condition which did not at all come into consideration 
 as an independent one in inlaut and composition ; as in French, 
 the pronunciation of the final consonant of the first word, even 
 if it be capable of becoming sonant, does not take place between 
 every two words, so in Irish, also, the auslaut does not exert in 
 every position its influence upon the following anlaut. The 
 closest combination is formed by the substantive with the pre- 
 ceding article and pronominal genitive, the preposition with its 
 case, the verb with particles and pronouns, which, in writing, 
 are either enclitic or proclitic; the substantive is less closely con- 
 nected with a succeeding adjective (as a rule, a preceding one 
 enters into composition) still less with a dependent genitive, 
 the connection of the verb with a substantive, as subject or 
 object, is the loosest. Next to this, the very unequal action of 
 the auslaut is of importance: original s- auslaut does not appa- 
 rently lose its protecting action in any position in Old Irish, 
 upon succeeding initial consonants; final n also occurs often, 
 where the combination is by no means so particularly close, as 
 in guidimse dia nerutsu; there are even phenomena which appear 
 to point to an v ^{Xkvgtikov (cf. p. 90) ; on the other hand, 
 the aspiration required by vocalic auslaut often does not occur 
 even in the anlaut of the adjective, still more frequently in that 
 of a dependent genitive. Many instances of omission are, of 
 course, only a consequence of careless and imperfect writing, as, 
 for instance, s and f often appear without a dot ; but others are 
 due to perfectly determinate phonetic laws, especially to the two 
 frequently mentioned above; this is especially seen after the 
 article, by comparing the older and newer form. 
 
 (1.) The article originally ended in s in the nom. sing, masc, 
 gen. sing., and nom. plur. fern., dat. and ace. plur. of all genders 
 (the neuter appears to have early passed over into feminine in 
 the plural) ; in n in the nom. sing, neut., the ace. sing, and gen. 
 plur. of all genders; in vowels in the gen. sing. masc. and 
 neut., nom. plur. masc, dat. sing, and nom., and ace. dual of all 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 153 
 
 genders ; according to this we have to expect in the ace. sing, 
 (and nom. plur. nent.) and gen. plur. n (m) before vowels and 
 medise, assimilation before liquids, and pure anlaut in the case 
 of tenuis, s and/; in the gen. sing, masc, neut., nom. plur. masc. 
 and dat. sing, aspiration, which is not written for medise, and in 
 other instances pure anlaut of the following substantive or 
 adjective. Most examples, also, agree with these observations, 
 leaving out of consideration neglected aspiration, especially of s 
 and/, which, however, in the case of s is generally made observ- 
 able by a preceding t for d; gen. inspirto, intesa, etc., should not, 
 however, be reckoned among negligences of writing, they are to 
 be looked upon rather as actual exceptions, according to deter- 
 minate laws. The s, in inspirto, cannot be aspirated on account of 
 the following mute, hence the article is not written here either int- 
 or ind-, because the t is hardened out of d or intercalated only 
 before s (for which of the two explanations is the correct one, re- 
 mains for the present still doubtful, as even in Modern Irish, roimpe, 
 from roim si also appears along with uimpe, from utinU si) ; on this 
 account insenduine does not get a t in the nom., but it does in the 
 gen. intsenduini, inaccurately written indsenduini, and the pro- 
 nouns sa (so, se) and sin, which are not aspirated, no doubt, be- 
 cause a double consonant originally existed in anlaut, form every- 
 where with the article inso insin (Zeuss, 275, 353, seq.). That 
 the dental has also been preserved pure in intesa by the preced- 
 ing sound (n or d), consequently that an aspirate is not to be pro- 
 nounced here any more than in induini, and that Zeuss, 231, 
 232, 236, with all the observations appertaining thereto, is 
 decidedly in error, is shown, besides, by the constancy in the 
 examples (nom. fern, indtogas, gen. masc. neut. intairmchrutio, 
 intesa, intaidlich, dat. ontechtairiu, dontorud, isintnisiulsin, 
 ontrediu, dindtrediu, iarsintairgiriu, hisiniorunt, hontecnataiu, 
 dintecnatatu, issintodochidiu, isintuaichli, nom. masc. pi. intu- 
 isil), also by the Modern Irish, which has maintained the same 
 rule. 
 
 The laws of anlaut after the article look, to be sure, on first 
 sight, and as represented by the grammarians, wonderful enough ; 
 that the nom. fern, and gen. masc. cause aspiration, and the gen. 
 pi. eclipse agrees with the old rule ; but that eclipse should 
 occur in the dat. sing, after all prepositions, except do in West 
 Munster, as G'Ponovan gives at p. 63, — and except do and de, as 
 is stated at p. 393, — that s suffers the so-called eclipse onlv after 
 do, de, is with the article, consequently aspiration with an inter- 
 calated t before it, p. 70, — that t and d, as a rule, suffer in the sin- 
 gular as little eclipse as aspiration, while in the genitive plural, 
 on the other hand, they are regularly eclipsed, — appears enigma- 
 
 12 B 
 
154 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 tical, and the contradictory rules of the grammarians respecting 
 the anlaut of adjectives (p. 110-117), appear to make the matter 
 completely inexplicable. But if we examine this phenomenon 
 closer, and compare the use of the prepositions and the examples 
 from Keating (p. 394, seq.), light will be thrown upon this pecu- 
 liarity, in which the confusion of speech among the people, and 
 the foolish caprice of grammarians, have gone hand in hand, and 
 immediately the exceptions become satisfactorily explicable. At 
 p. 78 seq. (ante) attention has been before directed to the confu- 
 sion in the case-endings, which had partially begun already in Old 
 Irish, and which has been carried to an extreme in the Middle and 
 Modern Irish ; we can now complete and correct what has been 
 there said. In the first place, almost every distinction between 
 nom. and ace. has disappeared, in the singular, the nominative 
 form, in the plural at one time the latter, at another time the 
 former, has alone been preserved, and even where in an isolated 
 instance both forms occur, they appear to be promiscuously used ; 
 the accusative form has very early replaced the nominative in 
 the plural of the article ; in the singular, on the other hand, the 
 nominative has replaced the accusative, of which the Middle 
 Irish already affords examples (cf. der in the Allemannian dialect 
 of German). The syntactical peculiarity of the Old Irish of 
 putting the accusative in many instances in place of the nomina- 
 tive, especially in the passive, and the complete similarity of 
 both cases in the plural, which often originally existed or arose 
 at an early period, as well as the slight difference in the singular 
 masculine, which completely disappeared before tenuis, and s, 
 /, facilitated this intermixture ; in addition to this, in the article, 
 both were from the beginning alike in the feminine plural ; and 
 in the noun, the accusative and vocative plural were the same, 
 the latter being the only true accusative form, which is still pre- 
 served, and which may also be recognized as such by the unal$ 
 tered anlaut of a following adjective. The confusion has gone 
 so far in the spoken language, that this form occurs for the dative 
 in the plural even after prepositions, one says, indeed, do na 
 fearaibh (to the men), but also do na capuil (to the horses), 
 O'Donovan, 83 seq.—7rpbg tovq (ro7c) tWoi; O'Donovan directs 
 the supposed accusative to be put after gan (without), and idir 
 (between), in the singular, in reality, therefore, the nominative. 
 The true accusative form is to be found, on the other hand, in 
 the so-called dative singular, for o^nm-bdrd is as little a true 
 dative as the French au poete ( = ad ilium poetam). Even in 
 Old Irish the dative distinguished itself from the accusative in 
 the vowel only in the a- (ia-) and w-stems, which were capable 
 of an u umlaut, and this distinction must have ceased i^ Modern 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 155 
 
 Irish with, the loss of this umlaut ; all feminine and .consonantal 
 stems formed both cases alike, from the beginning with i-uni- 
 laut; there only remained, consequently, the difference of the 
 auslaut towards the anlauts following. But we have already 
 seen in the case of the pronominal suffixes, that the dative has 
 only maintained itself after de and do in diobh and doibh; on 
 the other hand, the accusative has come in after all other pre- 
 positions, as the peculiar phonetic phenomena in aca, etc., show; 
 consequently in that which the grammarians call the dative sin- 
 gular, a true dative is only to be recognized after de and do; 
 after other prepositions, on the other hand, the accusative ; and 
 we should not wonder that in Keating, and in the North Munster 
 dialect, the article gives rise to aspiration only in these cases 
 (both prepositions, except in the County of Kilkenny, soimd alike 
 do), while everywhere else it produces eclipse. Here, also, then, 
 similarity of form has gone hand in hand with syntactical cor- 
 ruption ; the Modern Irish is surpassed in the latter respect by 
 the Modern Greek, which has wholly lost the dative, and even 
 combines cnrb and fd (/uleto) with the accusative. The occur- 
 rence of the dative after all prepositions (even gan and idir) in 
 the plural of substantives, is, no doubt, due to an effort to gain a 
 prominent distinction, which was not given here by the form of 
 the article (iia without change of sound). Hence there have 
 been preserved pure in the written language, the dative plural, 
 only that already in the earliest times the article had begun to 
 become truncated to na, the genitive singular and plural, and 
 the nominative singular, in all instances; the dative singular, 
 on the other hand, only after de, do, the acccusative singular 
 after the other prepositions (gan and idir excepted), never as 
 objective case, the nominative and accusative plural only where 
 they have sounded alike as in the vocalic feminine stems, other- 
 wise they are always confounded. If we now study the treat- 
 ment of the anlaut after the article, everything may be satisfac- 
 torily ..explained conformably to the old rule, e. g.: — 
 
 m. n. 
 
 an t eari 
 
 an fear 
 
 an sruth 
 
 from 
 
 int- 
 
 5* 
 
 an ein 
 
 an fir 
 
 an t-srotha 
 
 ,. 
 
 ind- 
 
 d. 
 
 dd'n ein 
 
 do'n fear 
 
 do'n t-srutli 
 
 55 
 
 doncl 
 
 « 
 
 o'n ein 
 
 o'n bh-fear 
 
 o'n srufh 
 
 55 
 
 inn- 
 
 SQ- D. 
 
 an uair 
 
 an chlann 
 
 an t-suil 
 
 55 
 
 ind- 
 
 £'• 
 
 na h-uaire 
 
 na chloinne 
 
 na sulci 
 
 55 
 
 na- 
 
 d. 
 
 ddn uair 
 
 do' 'n chloinn 
 
 dd'n t-suil 
 
 55 
 
 dond- 
 
 (a) 
 
 o'n uair 
 
 o'n g-cloinn 
 
 o'n sul 
 
 55 
 
 inn- 
 
 pi. n. 
 
 na h-uaire 
 
 na clanna 
 
 na sidle 
 
 5' 
 
 na- 
 
 d. 
 
 na n-uar 
 
 na a -claim 
 
 na sul 
 
 
 nan- 
 
 g- 
 
 do-na-li-uaraibh 6 na clannaibh do na suilibh 
 
 
 nab- 
 
156 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 "When, therefore, s suffers the so-called eclipse after is (in) as 
 in Keating — is in t-saoghal (in the world), the dative form is 
 there exceptionally preserved, while 'san seanchus (in the history) 
 contains the usual accusative form ; it is perfectly according to 
 rule that t and cl should remain pure after do'n (den, isin) for 
 they are withdrawn by the n from the aspiration which should 
 occur here ; after other prepositions the strict rule requires, how- 
 ever, eclipse as well as in the genitive plural. But even the 
 most abnormal modes of treatment of anlauts (as in Kilkenny 
 and Tipperary, where b, f, g, suffer eclipse, c and p aspiration 
 after all prepositions, and s is eclipsed, that is, aspirated by t; a 
 real dative is preserved here, as the aspiration of the c, p, s 
 shows, but b and g are assimilated with the nasal to m and ng y 
 the softening of the f to b h is curious) agree, however, in 
 this, that t and d, after the article, are nowhere aspirated ; proof 
 enough that in the Old Irish, also, we have to deal with a dis- 
 tinct law, and not with a negligence of writing. If individual 
 writers have also changed the anlaut of substantives without the 
 article, e. g., have eclipsed in the genitive plural, it is because 
 they have totally misapprehended the cause of the phenomena, 
 it is, therefore, wholly unjustifiable. 
 
 That the adjective after the article is subject to the same laws 
 of anlaut as the noun substantive, may be concluded a priori; but 
 in general the case occurs very seldom, as the adjective comes 
 mostly after the substantive, in the opposite case composition 
 takes place, although they are sometimes separately written, as in 
 arnoib briathraib, Zeuss, 926 (read amoibbriatliraib, as the ab- 
 sence of the ending requires). In Modern Irish such combina- 
 tions are, to be sure, mostly written separate, but the adjective 
 remains unchanged, and the anlaut of the substantive is aspirated 
 (except in instances like seanduine) so that the composition is 
 readily recognizable (O'Donovan, 347, 349). — Besides the pro- 
 nouns each, cecli, nach, alaile, and the cardinal numerals which 
 regularly precede (indala appears to be compound, the ordinary 
 numerals besides cetne and tanaise always precede the substan- 
 tive) sain occurs now and again inflected before the substan- 
 tive (saini persin in the nom. fem. plur., but hipersonaib sainib), 
 mostly, however, compounded ; title fluctuates, cStne, also, mostly 
 precedes, but sometimes comes after the substantive ; aile and 
 tanaise are, on the other hand, always placed after it. 
 
 (2.) The same influence of the auslaut on the following anlaut 
 occurs, of course, between adjective (adjectival numeral and pro- 
 noun) and substantive, whenever the adjective has attributive 
 value, whether it goes before or after ; the examples in Zeuss are, 
 however, few, as the aspiration is never noticed in the case of b, d, 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 157 
 
 g, m, and very irregularly in the case of s and /, and for the 
 reasons above given must often be suppressed in the case of t 
 (d). Examples for the aspiration of the adjective: in the nom. 
 fern., mo thol cholntde, each thuare; in the gen. neut., indfolaid 
 chetnai; in the dat. neut. isindanmaim chetntdiu, hi togarmim 
 freendaire ; 121 in the dat. fern., dingutai thdisig, iar ridgoil chenelaig, 
 for learn chli; in dual fern., diguttai fodlaidi. The aspiration 
 is suppressed according to determinate rules in: gen. masc, in- 
 chnunn toTrthich, toirthig ; in the dat. neut ;, far diidl tan. (tdn- 
 aisiu); in the dat. fern., do persui tanaisi, hi perstn tanaisi, isin- 
 depistil tdisich; from negligence in the dat., huandlwtthi sei'm, 
 etc. Examples of the transvected nasal are given at p. 90. 
 That the principle has not lost its force, we see in the Modern 
 Irish, where we again find in the adjective placed after the sub- 
 stantive aspiration and eclipse, under the same conditions (and 
 also the same confusion in the dat. sing.) as in the case of the 
 substantives; aspiration occurs in the voc. sing., only after con- 
 sonants in the nom. plur., not after vowels, na fir threana, but 
 treasa mora, because in the former -i was the original auslaut, 
 and in the latter s; in like manner, the voc. plur. preserves the 
 
 original anlaut — a fear a triana. 
 
 Examples for the aspiration of the substantive: in the gen. 
 masc, alaili thriiun (I have not as yet found nom. fern, sing.); 
 in the dat. masc, re each thuisiul, dnach fochun ailiit, isindinchorp , 
 in den sosiith sill-, 1017, neut., icachthir,fem., on chetni phersXn ; 
 in the nom. plur., (inchamthuisil appears to be a compound), 
 itchethir chet; the aspiration is prevented in the dative (f.) ondd- 
 entoisrinn; left out from negligence in con alailiu fogoir, 6 din 
 sil., don chetni per sin, hi cetni persin, in den sill., 1017, and re- 
 markably enough in almost all cases which I have yet found, 
 after each — gen., catch ceneuil, dat., do cech cenelu, do each eeneoll, 
 do each ceneolu, ocech cenelu, hi each ceniul, do each ceniul, do each 
 cathrur, do each corp, hi cech caingnim, icach sens (does a similar 
 euphonic law rule here, except in the last instance, as in the case 
 of t after dentals ? JYephplandatu maybe regular). The curious 
 cachnden chrann, 999 (the subject in the ace like cech consain, 
 1017), maybe explained as composition, as in the nom., denchoim- 
 diu, oinchorp, 587, ace in denchorp, 580, tri den pheccad (on the 
 other hand each den creitfess, gen. fern., inna oena meite), and is 
 therefore to be read, cach-n denchrann; aon is always to be looked 
 upon as in composition with its substantive in Modern Irish, for it 
 
 121 These two formulas show that of the two attempted explanations given in 
 Bsitrage, I., 451 (Stokes' " Observations on the Irish Declension") only the 
 second is possible : anma?ibi, anmambi, anmammi, anmaimm. 
 
158 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 aspirates tlie anlaut of the substantive, e.g., aoii cJiluas (one ear), 
 £, aon chraun masc. If the masc. follows da (which in Mod. Irish 
 has also replaced the fern, di), in the same form as in the nom. sing., 
 the fern, in the same form as in the dative singular, but both being 
 aspirated, da clirann, da chluais, and that the adjective in the 
 plural occurs with aspiration, we have an exact correspondence 
 with the little we know of the dual in Old Irish (see p. 86 seq.), 
 and even the n of the old neutral form dan, is still to be recognized 
 in the eclipse in da d-trian (two thirds) ; O'Molloy had also sus- 
 pected relics of the dual in it, and ODono van's argument against 
 this view, as well as in respect of the form after cead, mile and the 
 decades, is only in part true ; that is, the apparent similarity of 
 form which as a rule occurs between the nom. sing, and plur. of 
 both genders, and between the nom. sing, and dual masc, has 
 gradually led to the use of the nom. sing, after these numerals 
 even where the gen. pi. (or nom. dual masc.) had preserved the 
 original difference. The occurrence of eclipse after seacht, ocht, 
 not, deich, is easily explained, and was already founded in the 
 Old Irish by the n after these words. The explanation is more 
 difficult of the pure anlaut after cidg and mile, where we should, 
 certainly, have expected primitive vocalic auslaut ; in the former, 
 according to the analogy of Tri/nirE, quinque, in the latter, in con- 
 sequence of the Old Irish di mili, which points to a feminine ; 
 the consonantal auslaut which we must assume in cead (perhaps 
 already O. Ir. masc, compare the above cetliircMt) and se (for 
 ses = sez), as in the plural forms, tri and ceithre, is easily under- 
 stood; we have Osteins mfiche, and the remaining names of the 
 decades, whose nom. sing, are pronounced fiche, tricha triocha, 
 gen., fichet fichead, *tric1iat triochad, and nom. plur. (like the 
 dat. and ace sing.) *fichit ficliid, triclitt trochaid, etc. 122 
 
 (3.) The combination between the substantive and a succeed- 
 ing genitive is much weaker. Examples of the nasal preserved in 
 the accusative, (frislond nilfolad, 1029), nominative neuter (torbe 
 nimdibi), and the genitive plural, are numerous enough (compare 
 On the so-called prosthetic n, p. 90) ; but, as has been already 
 above remarked, no very particularly close combination is neces- 
 sary for this ; on the other hand, aspiration occurs rather seldom. 
 The nom. fern., trebaire chollno, toll chollno, ciall chesto, ciall 
 chesta (the neut., ahun thriuin is singular, beside the ainm-n of 
 the examples in p. 91), dat., hitosiig sain, 1011, do immfolung 
 fail, 1016, in den sosuth sill., 1017, do thcridbse superlaTt, 6 ilioil 
 
 122 The doubt expressed at p. 433, vol. I., of the Beitrage is removed by this ; 
 fich'e, tricha, for primitive i-icint, *tricant, now approach much closer to the 
 Sanskrit trimqat, and are a mean between the latter and the Latin viginti, tri- 
 ginta ; in meaning they express the Greek slicac, rpiaKccg. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 159 
 
 cholno, do lani chetbutho, are opposed, for example, in great num- 
 ber, besides the regular ond des tudithe, dothabairt toirse, by the 
 nom. fern., bandea cruithnechta, bandea tened, hii*es creitme, cidll 
 cech miad (tir tairngiri may, like tir-n-erend, depend upon a 
 change of gender) ; by the gen., eisseirgi cr., the dat., do hicc cdich, 
 illestur ferce, fomdm pectho, a rainn pectlia, di red pectho, do de- 
 chrugud persine, isdiri ceneoil, hi claar cridi, di muntir cessair, do 
 each ceneolu serbe, oc ascnam tire tairngiri, hifoisite cesto, so that 
 it would appear the fluctuation could scarcely have been here 
 confined merely to writing. According to O'Donovan, 368, seq., 
 aspiration in Modern Irish, also, is generally only usual in proper 
 names, although Keating used it also in other cases ; but it has 
 here inorganically extended itself to cases like Airdeasbog Chaisil 
 (the Archbishop of Cashel), and consequently is used as a purely 
 dynamic agent ; on the other hand, the above mentioned excep- 
 tion, which the family names with and Mac make, rests fully 
 upon the Old Irish anlaut laws. 
 
 (4.) The pronouns stand in such intimate combination, as well 
 with the substantive as with the verb, that many depend upon 
 both parts of speech, not merely as enclitic or proclitic, but even 
 penetrate between the preposition (verbal particle) and the verb. 
 Thus the anlaut of the noun is under the influence of the so- 
 called possessive pronouns, i.e., the genitive of the personal pro- 
 nouns, whether the latter appear in their complete form (absoluta 
 of Zeuss), or in a shortened form (infixa of Zeuss) ; mo, do, 3. 
 masc. d end in vowels, o. fern, a., originally in s, the plurals, ark, 
 farh or barn, i.e., bharh and ah, in nasals, hence : — motliol, moch- 
 land, imchidmriug, domthoschid ; thual=:dofual,itchdimthecht (in- 
 accurately, dosenmdthar, itsenmdthir, cutseitchi); achesta (inaccu- 
 rately apectha); aggnim; arnet, arndiis, armbrethre, arloure-ni, 
 arsoire-ni ; farnintliucht, farcluu,forserce ; ananman, ambes,accur- 
 sagad. This influence is even now still felt in : — mo 'mil, mtfuil, 
 do chos; a cheann; a ceann, a h-inghean; dr g-cinn; bhar g-cosa; 
 a g-cinn. The anlaut of the verb is dependent upon the pre- 
 ceding personal pronoun (infixa of Zeuss), but the decision as to 
 their original auslaut is rendered more difficult by the contra- 
 dictory ways in which they are written, and also by the circum- 
 stance that Modern Irish has not this kind of combination. Vo- 
 calic auslaut appears to be certain in 1. and 2. sing. — ni m 
 charatsa, nomthachtar, nimtha, nimptha, foincl iridic! ifider - sa, 
 nudamchrocha, cofordumthesid-se, fritumthiagar, fordomchomai- 
 ther, rotchecldadar; we find, however, condumfel, aromfoimfea, 
 immumforling,fomfirfidersa, romsoirsa, coatomsnassar ; rodchur- 
 sach, to be sure, is found in 3. sing. ; but, on the other hand, we 
 have immidforling , cenodfil, rondpromsom (with rel. n), n- and 
 
160 EbeVs Celtic Studies. 
 
 s-, appear never to aspirate — ronsdir, nisfabnr, there is, however, 
 nonchretid-si (ut in eum eredatis) ; we read in 1. plur., fonsegar, 
 nunsluinfem-ni, nonsdirfea, ronsoirni cininfil, ronjitid-ni, ninfor- 
 teit-ni (conintorgditar, homcntogaitarni, nintd are indifferent in 
 consequence of the n-t), in 2. plur. atobci, nobcarad, fordubcech- 
 na, forndobcanar, rondobcarsam-ni, robcar-si, nondubcairim-se, 
 robclandad, nibtd, dobtromma, atobsegatsi, cotobsechfider, nondob- 
 sommigetar, nobsoirfa-si, nachibfel, condibfell, manudubfeil, rob- 
 fothiged, and jet nidan chumachtig and atdubelliub (i. e., atdud- 
 felliub) appear to point to aspiration ; in 3. plur. da-, as well as 
 sn-, seem to be without aspirating power — nodascara, rondasaib- 
 set, nondasoirfea, noshguid-som, dosinbera, nisfttir, nosmoidet, nis- 
 fitemmar, rospredach, roscomal. The combination between the 
 verb and relative pronoun is equally close — an (anasbiursa, ar- 
 rocar, acarthar, apredchimme) and no (nocretim, nopredchim-se, 
 correctly or negligently written ?) ; it is curious that in Modern 
 Irish the nom. a aspirates and eclipses only after prepositions, or 
 as absolute neuter (what, all that). 
 
 Enclitic pronouns and pronominal adverbs are, for their part, in 
 respect to the anlaut, under the influence of the preceding word, 
 the suffixed pronoun sa (se, so, su), even in respect to the vowel. 
 We must, consequently, conclude from the circumstances that the 
 s remains uninfected, that an original double consonant existed in 
 anlaut, not only for som (sein) as Stokes has correctly remarked 
 (Beitrage, I. 469), but also for su, sa, so (se, siu, sin), espe- 
 cially as intitliall, with aspiration, stands opposed to intfsiu, and 
 messe, tussu are found, whilst with the article we have, as was 
 mentioned above, not intso or indso, but inse, insin; only it re- 
 mains doubtful whether all these pronouns belong to the same 
 stem (say sva-n), or whether the -sa after pronouns is to be sepa- 
 rated from the (as it appears) adverbial -sa, -sin, after substan- 
 tives. Simple anlaut, on the other hand, is betrayed by the dative 
 siu, and the compound pronouns side (saide, nom. plur saidai, 
 Z., 9), sodain by the aspiration in desiu, Z., 595, and 6'suidi, dat. 
 fern., olsuide, am. sodain, arsodain, olsodain, olsodXn, fosodm. 
 
 (5.) I have nothing to add to what Zeuss has said on the treat- 
 ment of the anlaut after prepositions and other particles ; that 
 the s after reh, con, in, iarh, for, tri (and in part also after la, a, 
 fri) belongs to the article, is now, I believe, generally admitted. 
 I know no explanation for the hardening of mediae in the verb 
 substantive (also ni tenat, Z., 585, for ni denat) after to and 
 ni, which, nevertheless, otherwise produce aspiration ; trithemel, 
 trichretim, along with tresinfuil, among others, is equally striking. 
 The dies (duus) before in- in the indirect interrogative is, no 
 doubt, contracted from do-fius, du-Jkis (ad sciendum). Com- 
 pare English to wit. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 161 
 
 (6.) The action of the verbs on the object as regards anlaut 
 must have been already in Old Irish very weak. Zeuss gives 
 only two examples, and O'Donovan has nothing about it in 
 Modern Irish ; on the other hand, the aspiration • of the anlaut 
 after ba, budh is given by him, also, as a rule, while in the docu- 
 ments in Zeuss, more examples without aspiration after the root 
 bu may be found than with it. 
 
 §. 6. Loss of P in Celtic. 
 
 One of the most interesting phonetic peculiarities of Gaedhelic 
 is a certain aversion to p, which is manifested in different ways. 
 
 Firstly, the Gaedhelic, as was long since remarked, has very 
 frequently preserved the guttural where other languages, especially 
 the Greek and the Kymric, have allowed the labial to replace it: 
 thus, in accordance with the Latin, as opposed to the Greek and 
 the Italic dialects, in the interrogative pronoun and all deriva- 
 tives, Ir. cdch = Kymr. paup, quivis, Gaedh. nach wc/i = Kymr. 
 nep aliquis; in the numerals Gaedh. ce£foV := Kymr. petguar 
 four, and Gaedh. co/c = Kymr. pimp five; further, for example, 
 in Gaedh. mace =Kymr. map films, Gaedh. eland = Kymr. plant 
 proles, Gaedh. crarm = Kymr. pren arbor, Gaedh. cren = I£ymr. 
 prenu emere, Gaedh. ech = Kymv. *ep> equus (Gaul, epo-, Welsh 
 ebawl a foal), Gaedh. seek praeter = Kymr. hep sine, also, no 
 doubt, Gaedh. cenn = KymT. penn caput, although Pictet (Bei- 
 trage 86) considers penn =pinda older. Compare, also, Gaedh. 
 sechim sequor, sechitir sequuntur, in opposition to which the 
 defective Welsh heb inquit may be equated with the Greek 
 
 2VVE7TS. 
 
 Secondly, even c or ch has sometimes replaced primitive p xn 
 even in loan-words, as caisc (pascha), cor cur (purpura) ;" 1 - 4 the 
 circumstance is somewhat different with cuingeis, which, like 
 O.H.G. fimfcliasti is only half borrowing, half imitation of pente- 
 cost ; I cannot, however, look upon fescor or fescar vesper, as bor- 
 rowed, for the Welsh ucher, as opposed to Corn, gwespter, Arm. 
 goitsper, likewise betrays a guttural (ch=sc) like Lith. vakaras, 
 Slav, vecerit. Cht is found for pt (as in Low German, nichte for 
 nifte) in secht septem, seclitmaine septimana, necht neptis. 
 
 But in anlaut an aversion to p shows itself in an especial 
 
 123 To this category I also reckon the first guttural in cdic, as in Lat. quinque 
 and coquo, which I attribute to assimilation (as in pare the second labial in iriince. 
 
 and 7T67TWV). 
 
 124 Pott, Hallesche Literarische Zeitung, 1844, S. 289, Anmerkung. 
 
162 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 manner, not only in inconvenient combinations likeps, where, for 
 instance, Gaedh. salm agrees with O.H.G. salmo for psalmo, but 
 in the most convenient pi and pr, nay even before vowels, and not 
 merely in Gaedhelic only, where perhaps the majority of cases 
 of p- anlaut is due to borrowing (as in German, cf. peccad pecca- 
 tum, persan persona, precept praecepturn, amprom improbus, prim 
 primus, for the true Celtic cetne), but frequently also in Kymric, 
 which is otherwise, however, as little averse to p as, perhaps, the 
 Greek. It especially strikes one that, at first sight, we cannot 
 discover, in both branches of the Celtic family, a single one of the 
 many prepositions in Sanskrit and the other cognate languages 
 withp- anlaut (para, pari, pra, prati, and their relatives). Pictet 
 and Bopp have assumed that the p in these words has passed 
 either into b or /, and very little of importance can be objected 
 against the examples of the b for p in Pictet (De l'afnnite, etc., 
 p. 49), isolated examples also occur in all languages of an irre- 
 gular change between tenues and mediae, in Celtic, for example — 
 Gaedh. gabar, Kymr. gafar=.\udX. caper, O. Norse hafr, A. Sax, 
 heifer; Gaedh. gabdl = I£ymr. kafael, Lat. capere, Goth, hafjan, 
 conversely, Gaedh. tenge = Goth, tuggo; Gaedh. ithim = Skr. admi, 
 Lat. edo, Goth, ita; but the pretended change o£p into /is there- 
 fore the more doubtful. Scarcely one of the examples quoted 
 has direct evidence m its favour, but certainly the parallel 
 Kymric, gu, gw, does not admit of the assumption of the direct 
 passage of p into /, at most, of one through the mediation of v, 
 from which the Gaedhelic f, and the Kymric gu,*\veYe then 
 evolved according to their special phonetic laws. So, for example, 
 Gaedh. frith, Kymr. gurth, certainly admit of being connected 
 with the Sanskrit prati by a Celtic fundamental form *vrith, 
 *verth ( = *vrati, *varti), by which the aspirates would be deve- 
 loped in both languages perfectly according to rule, in the Gaed- 
 helic between the vowels, in the Kymric in the position rt. The 
 end vowel in isolated use must then, however, have dropped off 
 very early, as the Gaedhelic has there only the form fri, which 
 does not infect the following consonants ; for the o before the ar- 
 ticle belongs as little to the preposition an in this case as in re, iar, 
 in, tri. But the transformation of the Sanskrit pra to Gaedh. for, 
 Kymr. guor, appears altogether improbable to me ; for the Celtic 
 preposition (with which the intensive guor-, Gaul, ver- appears to 
 be identical) is obviously related to Gaedh. fo, Kymr. guo, in form 
 and meaning exactly like super to sub, virap to vtto, Goth, ufar 
 to uf (which also agree in the double construction), therefore, 
 also, as Skr. upari to upa. Only a doubt can, therefore, exist 
 as to whether the Celtic had perhaps (like the Slavonian in na = 
 ava and po = upa) dropped the initial vowel, and then changed 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 163 
 
 p into v, or whether it had softened and suppressed the p after 
 the u, so that the fundamental forms *va and *vari from u(p)a and 
 n{p)ari, common to the Gaedhelic and Kymric, had developed 
 themselves; the latter is my subjective conviction. If the i, 
 dropped in for, guor, no longer exerts, almost anywhere, 125 an 
 action upon the following consonant, it shows that the Celtic 
 agrees with the Latin, Greek, and Gothic in the early rejection 
 of that vowel ; but perhaps a trace of the i may be recognized 
 (as in O. Norse yfir in opposition to Gothic ufar) in the Gaulish 
 intensive prefix ver-, the e of which may have arisen either di« 
 recibly, or through the intermediate stage of i from a by the in* 
 fluence of i in auslaut. 
 
 The Sanskrit pra and pari are rather to be found in a fourth 
 class, among words which have wholly lost the p in anlaut, as 
 in the Gaedhelic t'as^ = Kymr. pise, pysg piscis, athir pater, 
 which includes in both languages the root Skr. par (pr), which 
 always appears here, as in German, Greek, and Latin, with I for 
 r. To this category belong, with a preceding liquid, Gaedh. Ian 
 = Kymr. laun (Welsh llawn, Corn, len leun, Arm. leun) plenus, 
 lane plenitudo, lanad and linad implere, rolin implevit, Welsh 
 llewni implere, lloneit plenitudo (quantum implet) ; with a pre- 
 ceding vowel, Gaedh. comalnad impletio, comalnadar implet, 
 comalnamar implemus, comallnithe impletus. From the same 
 root descends further *paru much = Skr. puru, Gr. iroXv, Goth. 
 jilu, which the Gaedh. il (for pil) very accurately represents, 
 whence ilar multitudo, ilde, pluralis; the Gaedh. comparative 
 lia agrees with the Greek ttXhwv, Lat. plus; compare further 
 Welsh liaus, lliaws, laws, multus, multitudo = Corn, luas, leas, 
 W. llaiver = Corn. Hewer multus, Gaedh. laur, fowr=Corn. loar 
 sufficiens, satis and loure sufficientia, W. lluossyd multitudo. 
 
 Similarly Gaedh. lethan, Kymr. litan, llydan broad, Welsh 
 lledann to spread out (llet) lied and llyd latitudo, connect them- 
 selves with Skr. prthu for prathu, Gr. TrXarvg; the Kymric 
 adjectives in -lit, -llyd, fern, -lied with the meaning " full of some- 
 thing", if they are really compound, belong in their second part 
 either to the root in question, or to the preceding one. 
 
 I now likewise recognize the Skr. pra in the prefix ro, which 
 appears in inseparable combination as an intensive particle, and 
 in separable combination, as nota praeteriti especially; to the 
 
 125 We find, nevertheless, in O. Ir., the secondary forms forchanim forchun 
 praecipio, forchain praecipit, forthe'it adjuvat, forchongrim mando jubeo, for chon- 
 gair mandat, along with Jorcanim (forcetal doctrina), forfeit, forcongrim for- 
 congur, forcongair, in Modern Irish, foircheann for the old forcenn finis ; the rarer 
 form Joir- owes its i, no doubt, to the influence of the vowel of the following 
 syllable (as in foirbthe for forbuide). Zeuss, p. 212, also mentions eclipse in 
 Kymric alor^ with aspiration, which likewise proves vocalic s-enesis. 
 
164 EleTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 same stem belong Gaedh. re, ren, remi (superlative form as 
 primum?) and Kymr. rac (=:Skr. prac?) I suspect the Skr. 
 pari [but compare the next section] in the Gaul, are, whose 
 fundamental form appears to be *'ari; compare Gaedh. ar, air, 
 er, ir, Kymr. ar, er, yr, which may be very well compared with 
 the Gr. irepi, in the meaning generally, and in the shades of 
 meaning which it expresses ; thus the intensive er agrees with 
 the Gr. wipi, 7T£p, Lat. per in permagnus. If a separation could 
 be carried out between ar and air, 1 would prefer comparing ar 
 with the Gr. irapa; Caesar's A rmorica might then be justified as 
 TrapaXid; Aremorica (jrspi^aXaacnog) may, however, be also ex- 
 plained. The Com. and Arm. war contains, perhaps, an indica- 
 tion of the lost labial; the form am- also, w r hich the primitive 
 an assumes in Gaedh. amires (unbelief), amiressach (unbelieving), 
 may owe its origin to the subsequently dropped p of ir-es. 
 
 Finally, the Gaedh. ire ulterior (erroneously described by 
 Zeuss as a comparative, for ireiu is the comparative), may be 
 referred to the stem Skr. para, and compared with its nearest 
 akin the Greek Trepalog. 
 
 §. 7. Loss of P in Celtic, continued. 
 
 Since the preceding was written, I have found an interesting 
 example of the loss of p in anlaut in in (&yis) = *ethn, V. hethen 
 (volatile), W. 1, aetinet plur., (volucres), — with the derivatives V, 
 idne (auceps), ydnic (pullus), the compositum, W. 1, etncoilhaam 
 (angoror), — and the related words, W. 3, adaned, plur., (pennae), 
 W. 1, atar, 2, 3, adar, (coll. aves), sing. W. \ f eterinn masc, 2, 3, 
 ederyn (avis, volucris), evidently from the root pat (rrtrofjiai), — 
 compare Skr., patatra, patra, A. Sax. fe*8er, O.H.G. fedara, Gr. 
 TTTtpov, and Lat. penna, from *petma. Pictet (Beitr'age, II. 90), 
 like Pott (Etymologische Forschungen, I. 2te Aim 1 ., 699 seq.), 
 equates Gaul, are-, with the Vedic dra; I cannot, however, con- 
 vince myself that this, in descent as in meaning, still very ambi- 
 guous word has been preserved as a preposition in European lan- 
 guages, 126 and therefore, I still assume the loss of a p in this pre- 
 position; but I entirely give up the equation with pari, irzpi, to 
 which I was even then persuaded with difficulty by the form 
 air-. Many prepositions appear in Old Irish just as in Lithuanian 
 (Schleicher's Lit. Gram., p. 133), in a double, nay, even in a 
 treble form, a circumstance which I did not formerly observe, the 
 shortest mostly occurring in independent use, the stronger in com- 
 
 126 Also I do not see why (notwithstanding Pott's energetic protest against it) 
 Lat. ad and ar, which only appear before labials, could not have coexisted 
 during a long period as dialectically different forms, just as well as N.H.G. 
 sanft and sacht, as the transition of d into r is proved by meridies. 
 
On Phonology in Irish. 16' 5 
 
 position, and before pronominal suffixes, with which the pecu- 
 liar intercalated syllables in Kymric may be compared. Exam- 
 ples: in (ingiun, itossuch) in (inchosc) inaV (indiumm), con c. d. 
 (condiuiti, coseitchi) com (comchesaa) rarely con (cosmil), cos 
 (?) c. a. (co osnada) cue (cucci), reii (renairite, recach) rein 
 (remib) remi (remiepur, remtliechias), iarh (iarmbaithius, iar 
 timnu) iarma (iarmafoich, iarm(s)uidigthe) once iarh (iarfaigid) ; 
 as (abas, asind-) ass (esib) as (asoirc), tars (tar crick, tar sin-, 
 3. taraxs) tarmi (tairmthecht), tris (tritliemel? tresin-, 3. triit) 
 trpmi (tremdirgedar), fri's (fricach, frissin-, 3. friss) frith' 
 ( frithcheist) seldomer fris (frisbiur); 6 (hotJml) uad (uad- 
 fialichthi); even fortheit along with forfeit points to for. 
 Thus ar (archiiinn, archenn) also represents undoubtedly a 
 fundamental *ara (therefore, perhaps, *pard), air (airchinri) and 
 airi (airiumm) on the other hand, very probably a strengthened 
 form *are from *(jp)arai, and Ausonius' measurement Aremoricae 
 need not be at all looked upon as forced by the hexameter ; hence 
 *ara — ar is to trapa as *are = air is to trapai = Eith. pre (pry-, 
 p?7-):=Slav.£>n, and Gaul, aremoricos would be *irapai6a\a<j<jiog, 
 as the modern Breton arvorek TraoaOaXaaaiog. But the funda- 
 mental meaning of ar- appears to be N.H. G. vor [Engl, fore] 
 (jjro and prae) from which fur, with all its shades of meaning, 
 was developed, which the English for and French pour might 
 denote: ar ch iunn (vor dem angesicht, before the face), archenn 
 (vor das angesicht), arse (pour cela, for that), arnaib uilib 
 cumactib (prae omnibus potestatibus), airi (therefore, e'est 
 pourquoi), doaurchanim (portendo), argur (Goth faurbiuda, 
 N.H.G. verbiete), arah {pour que) ; even the conjunction ar 
 is to be found in the English for; again anair is properly 
 N.H.G. von vorn [Engl, from before], airther = 7rapoir£pog (irpo- 
 TEpog), O.H.G. fordoro, aire and airecJi represent the Skr. purva 
 and the N.H.G. vorig. Now how does all this agree with para, 
 which the Gr. irapd is supposed to represent? At the risk of 
 being considered a very great heretic in etymology, I answer, 
 certainly not with Skr. para to which Greek and Latin forms in £ 
 and e correspond (irapa either not at all, or only in certain combi- 
 nations), and which is itself only weakened from *apard; but no 
 doubt with the *pard of the primitive Indo-European language, 
 which appears again in Skr. purd, but is preserved in Gr. rrapd, 
 as is * paras, Skr. puras, in the Gr. Trapog ; for notwithstanding 
 the Gothic faura, the Sanskrit purd has no more preserved the 
 primitive vowel than p>ur as, because Goth, faur may be equated 
 with it, hence not only Zend paoiirva, but also Old Persian pa- 
 ruva represent Skr. purva, and the Goth, fairnja (fairneis) 
 with the more modern derivative, represents the Skr. purdna, 
 
166 EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 all being relatives of the Lat. prae, pro, por-, trie Gr. irapa, 
 wapai, irpo, tlie Lith. pra, pre, Slav, pra, pro, pri, as well as of 
 the O. Ir. ar and air, and as vor ethically modifies its meaning 
 to filr, so it also weakens itself in meaning to an (compare 
 praebere = 7rape\£tv). I have already spoken above of Modern 
 Irish ar, to which the supposition of Pictet respecting Old Irish 
 for applies. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 13 
 
169 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 L— ZEUSS ON THE INFLEXIONS OF NOUNS IN IRISH. 
 [The following pages contain a translation of the part of the second chapter 
 of the Grammatica Celtica of Zeuss, concerning the inflexions of the noun, to 
 which reference is so frequently made in the Celtic studies of Dr. Ebel. One 
 of the most remarkable features of Zeuss' work is the large number of examples 
 taken from MSS. which he has brought forward as the basis upon which his 
 grammatical canons are founded. Thus the examples given in the part of the 
 chapter here translated fill considerably more than thirty pages. All these 
 examples not being necessary for the purposes for which this translation was 
 made, only a small selection of them has accordingly been given. 
 
 (A) Declension. 
 In the Old Irish language, the nouns of which have preserved a 
 great variety of forms — hi this respect far surpassing the Welsh even 
 of the same period — we find two orders of declension, of which the 
 first, on account of the prevalence of vowels in the inflections, may be 
 called the " vocalic", and the second, for a similar reason, the " con- 
 sonantal order". To the former belong the adjectives, which do not, 
 as in other languages such as the German and Sclavonic, possess pe- 
 culiar forms of their own ; substantives alone are found in the latter, 
 though in less number than in the first. In both orders the flexional 
 vowels are either exterior, applied to the end of the word, or inte- 
 rior, placed immediately before the final consonant, whether it be a 
 radical or derivative one. There are, moreover, some anomalous 
 nouns differing from the usual forms of declension, and exhibiting 
 others peculiar to themselves. 
 
 FIRST ORDER. 
 Substantives and adjectives of the masculine and neuter genders 
 agree in their declensions. Those of the feminine gender have forms 
 of their own. I shall give first a table of all the forms of declension, 
 which I call series, with a paradigm of each ; and then substantives 
 and adjectives from the codices confirming the forms of all the 
 series here exhibited, or even such as present any slight varieties. 
 
 declension of nouns Masculine and Neuter. 
 Paradigms : I. — Cele (a companion). It has not appeared so neces- 
 
 13 b 
 
170 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 sary to give an example of a derivative of this first series, such as 
 echire (a horseman, a muleteer ?), tectire (an envoy), as of the follow- 
 ing, on account of the internal vowels inflected : II. ball (a member), 
 primitive, tuisel (a case), derivative example. III. bith (the world), 
 primitive, dilgud (forgiveness), derivative. 
 
 The neuter differs so far only from the masculine, that the ac- 
 cusative and vocative are formed like the nominative ; and, in the 
 plural number, the same three cases take peculiar inflexions, dif- 
 ferent from the masculine, as will be rendered evident by the 
 examples which follow : — 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 I. 
 
 Series. 
 
 II. 
 
 Series. 
 
 III. 
 
 Series. 
 
 
 cele 
 celi 
 celiu 
 
 
 A 
 
 bith 
 
 betho 
 
 biuth 
 
 A 
 
 Nom. 
 Gen. 
 Dat. 
 
 ball 
 baill 
 baull 
 
 tuisel 
 tuisil 
 tuisiul 
 
 dilgud 
 
 dilgotho 
 
 dilgud 
 
 Ace. 
 Voc. 
 
 cele 
 celi 
 
 ball 
 baill 
 
 tuisel 
 tuisil 
 
 bith 
 bith 
 
 dilgud 
 dilgud 
 
 Nom. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 celi 
 
 cele 
 
 celib 
 
 celiu 
 
 celiu 
 
 baill 
 
 ball 
 
 ballib 
 
 baullu 
 
 baullu 
 
 tuisil 
 
 tuisel 
 
 tuislib 
 
 tuisliu 
 
 tuisliu 
 
 betha 
 
 bithe 
 
 bithib 
 
 bithu 
 
 bithu 
 
 dilgotha 
 
 dilguthe 
 
 dilguthib 
 
 dilguthu 
 
 dilguthu 
 
 declension of nouns — Feminine. 
 
 Paradigms : IV. — tuare (food). V. rann (a part), primitive, briathar 
 (a word), derivative. 
 
 Sim 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 IV. Series. 
 
 V. 
 
 Series. 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 A 
 
 Nom. 
 
 tuare 
 
 r 
 rann 
 
 briathar 
 
 Gen. 
 
 tuare 
 
 rainne 
 
 brethre 
 
 Dat. 
 
 tuari 
 
 rainn 
 
 brethir 
 
 Ace. 
 
 tuari 
 
 rainn 
 
 brethir 
 
 Voc. 
 
 tuare 
 
 rann 
 
 briathar 
 
 Nom. 
 
 tuari 
 
 ranna 
 
 briathra 
 
 Gen. 
 
 tuare 
 
 rann 
 
 briathar 
 
 Dat. 
 
 tuarib 
 
 rannib 
 
 briathrib 
 
 Ace. 
 
 tuari 
 
 ranna 
 
 briathra 
 
 Voc. 
 
 tuari 
 
 ranna 
 
 briathra 
 
 I. Series. — Of nouns externally inflected, and ending in -e, 
 which in the different cases becomes -i, -iu, -ib. Neuter nouns in the 
 nom. ace. and voc. plural vary from -e to -i. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nominative. — Substantive Masculine — cele (a companion, husband), Wb. 
 Sg. ; duine (a man), Wb. ; dalte (a disciple), etc. 
 
 Subs. Neut. (I give examples only of such as are met with the article), 
 anesseirge (the resurrection), Wb. 30 b ; atrede (trinitas), acetharde (four), Wb. 
 cumachtae (power), Sg. 6 a . 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 171 
 
 Adjectives. Masculine, ce'etnefer (first man), Wb. 7 b ; intathir nemde (the Hea- 
 venly Father), Wb. 4 b ; derivative adj. in de, te, the, are of frequent occurrence. 
 
 Adjectives. Neut. anuile (all), anuilese (all this), Wb. 16 b ; ni nuae hdo anatrabsin 
 (this possession is not new to him), Ml. 17 b . 
 
 Genitive. — Subst. Masc. corp induini (the man's body), Wb. 12 a . 
 
 Subst. Neut. claar cridi (table of the heart), Wb. 15 a ; comalnad sosce'Ii (fulfil- 
 ment of the Gospel). 
 
 Adj. Mas. comalnad indhuili recto (fulfilment of all the law), Wb. 20 a . 
 
 Adj. Neut. dinsid cetni diil (accusative of the first declension), Sg. 91 b . 
 
 Dative. — -u occurs frequently instead of -iu. 
 
 Subst. Masc. do duiniu (to the man), Ml. 20 d ; donduini (to the man), Wb. 4 b . 
 
 Subst. Neut. dondediusin (to these two), Wb. 9 C ; hi farcridiu (in your heart), 
 Wb. 5 d ; In esseirgu, in heseirgiu (in resurrection), Wb. 4 b 13 b ; iarnesseirgiu 
 (after resurrection), Wb. 3 C . 
 
 Adj. Masc. donchoimdid nemdu (to the Heavenly Lord), Wb. 27 e . 
 
 Adj. Neut.^ar cetnu diull (in the first declension), Sg. 90 b . 
 
 Accusative. — Subst. Masc. imfolngi induine firian. imfolngi induine sldn (facit 
 hominem justum, salvum), Wb. i d . 
 
 Subst. Neut. ni dilgaid anancride (you forgive not the spite), Wb. 9 C ; pred- 
 chimmi sosce'le (we preach the Gospel), Wb. 14 c . 
 
 Adj. Masc. lasinnathir nemde (with the Heavenly Father), Wb. 19 d . 
 
 Adj. Neut. cen imdibe stdride (without bodily circumcision), Wb. 2 d . 
 
 Vocative. — Subst. and Adj. Mas. a iudidi{0 Jew !), Wb. l d ; a mar thormachtai 
 (gl. macte, magis aucte) Sg. 76 a . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nominative. — Subst. Masc. comarpi (co-heirs), Wb. 19 c . 
 
 Subst. Neut. -e in Nom. and Ace, ataat ilehenele (there are many kinds), 
 Wb. 12 d . 
 
 Adj. Masc. d€nemdai (heavenly gods), Sg. 39 a . 
 
 Adj. neut., na accobra colnidi (the carnal desires), Wb. 20 c . 
 
 Genitive. — budid innam railed talmande (victory of the worldly soldiers), Wb. 
 ll a . 
 
 Dative. — donah huilib doinib (to all men), Sg. 189 b . 
 
 Accusative. — Subs. Masc. friar ceiliu (against our companions ; i. e. against 
 others), Wb. 33 b ; eter doini (amongst men), Wb. 28 b . 
 
 Subst. Neut. same as Nom. ; ruchualatar ilbelre (they heard many tongues), 
 Wb. 12 d . 
 
 Adj. Masc. farnuili baullu (all your limbs), Wb. 3 b . 
 
 Adj. Neut. na huli dorigniussa (all that I have done), Wb. 24 b . 
 
 Vocative. — No instances occur for this series in the MSS. Elsewhere, how- 
 ever, the Voc. plural agrees with the Ace. ; and here it may be fixed for the 
 masc. -iu, and for the neut. -e, -i. 
 
 II. Series. — Internal inflection, whereby in several cases, especially 
 the Gen. Dat. sing, and Nom. phiral, the signs of the cases — i and u — 
 either accompany or suppress the final radical or derivative vowel. The 
 vowels which are most frequently so affected are a and e. A in those 
 cases either becomes ai (pi, u%) and au, or disappearing leaves the i 
 and u. But e with i and u becomes i and iu. The vowels o, 6, d, of 
 more rare occurrence, and sometimes a in position, never admit of u 
 by their side, but with i they become oi (ui) 6i, at ; <?, for which eu is 
 sometimes found, with i becomes etui, iui, eoi ; with u iu ; 6i and di 
 are nowhere changed. Substantives and adjectives neuter take a 
 in the nom. ace. voc. plural. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nominative. — Subs. Masc. inball (the limb), Wb. 12 b ; inmacc (the son), Wb. 
 Sg. infer (the man), passim. 
 
172 Appendix. 
 
 Subst. Neut. anaccobor (the will, desire), Wb. 3 d ; anderbad (the certainty), 
 Sg. 90 a . 
 
 Adj. Masc. inspirut noib (the Holy Ghost), Wb. 4 a ; derivatives in ach, ech are 
 very frequent. 
 
 Adj. Neut. atir romanach (the Eoman land). 
 
 Genitive Subs. Masc. ainm thriuin (a hero's name), Sg. 96 a ; di muntir 
 
 Cessair (of the family of Cassar), Wb. 24 b . 
 
 Subst. Neut. imchloud diill (change of declension), Sg. 31 b ; recht haicnid (law 
 of nature), Sg. 217 b . 
 
 Adj. Masc. isinanmim inspiruto noib (in the name of the Holy Ghost), Wb. 9 C . 
 
 Adj. Neut. asainreth indanma dilis (that is peculiar to a proper name). 
 
 Dative. — Subs. Masc. dondaum (to the oxj, Wb. 10 d ; dofiur, donfiur, do Sen 
 fiur (to the man, to one man), Wb. 10 b , ll c , 21 a . 
 
 Subst. Neut. far cetnu diull (in the first declension; diall), Sg. 90 b . 
 
 Adj. Masc. on spirut noib (from the Holy Ghost), Wb. 14 c . Adjectives in ach 
 are not changed : donbrdthir hiressach (to the faithful brother), Wb. 10 b . 
 
 Adj. Neut. ar anmmaimm dilius (for a proper name), Sg. 27 a . 
 
 Accusative. — Subst. and Adj. Masc. ar 6en fer (for one man), Wb. 4 b . 
 
 Subst. and Adj. Neut. ataidlech (the satisfaction), Ml. 23 a ; cen sdithar (without 
 labour), Wb. 27 b . 
 
 Vocative.— a fir (oh man !), Wb. 10 a . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nominative. — Subst. Mas. adimmaicc (you are sons), Wb. 9 a . Itcorp 
 inboillsin (these limbs are a body), Wb. 3 b ; 
 
 e is changed, as in gen. sing. : asberat mo beiuil (my lips say), Wb. 12 d . 
 
 Adj. Masc. slain (saved, slan), Wb. 28 b ; adib iressich (you are faithful), Wb. 12 d . 
 
 Subst. and Adj. Neut. differ by the termination a : dtercitla (their prophecies ; 
 tercital) Ml. 19 b . 
 
 Adj. Neut. cecha dethidnea domundi (all worldly cares), Wb. 3 d . 
 
 Final i is also met, especially in derivatives : itsaini inna rinn (there are dif- 
 ferent stars), Ml. ; isli (gl. sunk, stars) Cr. 18 b ; isli doibsom infechtsa innahi rup- 
 tar ardda dunnai (those [stars] are now low for them, which were high for us), 
 Cr. 18 b . 
 
 Genitive. — Subst. Masc. irchre flatho romdn (the decline of the Eoman 
 Empire), Wb. 26 a . Riagoil sengrec ([the] rule of the old Greeks ), Sg. l a . 
 
 Subst. Neut. : airitiu na forcetalsin (the reception of these doctrines), Wb. 16 a . 
 
 Adj. Masc. esseirge innanuile marb (the resurrection of all the dead), Wb. 13 d ; 
 indocbdlinna noib innim (the glory of the saints in Heaven), Wb. 13 c . 
 
 Adj. Neut. foragab duaidinna anman adiecta cen tabairt anman trenfriu (David 
 assigned to them nouns adjective, without the addition of appellatives), Ml. 30 a . 
 
 Dative. — Donaib ballaib ailib (to the other members), Wb. 12 b . 
 
 Accusative. — Subst. Masc. far nuili baullu (all your members), Wb. 3 b . 
 
 Adj. Masc. la marbu (with the dead), Wb. 25 b . 
 
 Subst. and Adj. Neut., same as in the nom. fodaimimse imnetha (I suffer tribu- 
 lations), Wb. 23 b . 
 
 Vocative. — Subst. and Adj. Masc. a Romanu (oh Romans!), Sig. 41 b ; a 
 Galatu burpu (oh foolish Galatians), Wb. 19 b ; a Judeu et geinti hireschu (oh 
 Jews and faithful Gentiles), Wb. 3 a . 
 
 Adj. Neut. inna anman adiecta (the nouns adjective), Ml. 30 a . 
 
 III. Series. — Of nouns externally inflected, except the dat. sing., in 
 which the internal u occasionally appears. Endings peculiar to this 
 series, besides the u just mentioned, ib dat. plural, and u ace. and voc. 
 plural, are : -o gen. sing, for which a is of frequent, and e of rare 
 occurrence ; -a nom. pi., for which -e and -i are also met with ; -e 
 gen. pi. : neuter substantives do not take an ending in those cases 
 of the plural which differ from the masculine, but present their 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 173 
 
 naked form. I have met with no adjectives of this series, unless it 
 happens that tualang, pi. tuailnge (gnari) 127 , be one, Wb. 17 b . 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nominative. — Sub. Masc. bith (the world) ; mug (a slave), Wb. And deri- 
 vatives in as, chas, ad, id, thid, ud, igud. 
 
 Subst. Neut. atir (the Earth), Sg. 33 a . 
 
 Genitive — Masc, imnetha inbetho (tribulations of the world), Wb. 14 b ; mdrad 
 daggnimo (magnifying of a good deed), Wb. 6 a . 
 
 Neut., ainm renda (name of a constellation), Sg. 73 a . , 
 
 Dative. — Masc, isinbiuthso (in this world), Wb. 12 d ; do mdrad doe (to the 
 magnifying of God), Wb. 15 c . 
 
 Neut., di thir (of the Earth), Wb. 9 b . 
 
 Accusative. — Masc, tri denpheccad (through one sin), Wb. 3 a . 
 
 Neut., crenas tiir (who purchases land), Wb. 29 d . 
 
 Vocative. — I do not know an example of the vocative of this series. 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nominative. — Masc adib mogce (you are slaves), mogi sidi uili (these are all 
 slaves), Wb. 3 b . 7 d . The ending i is only found in sub. masc in -id, -thid : 
 foglimthidi (disciples) 13 a . 
 
 Neut., itsaini inna rinn (there are different stars), Ml. 
 
 Genitive. — log apecthe (the reward of their sins), Wb. l e . 
 
 Dative — diamogaib (to his slaves), Wb. 22 d . 
 
 Accusative. — Mas., na ddnu diadi (the divine gifts), Wb. 28 c . 
 
 Neut., inna mind (gl. insignia, celebramus nostras redemtionis), Cr. 41 c . 
 
 Vocative. — Does not occur ; by analogy, bithu, gnimu, etc. 
 
 IV. Series. — Of nouns fern, externally inflected, ending in -e and 
 -i, and, therefore, corresponding to mas. and neut. nouns of the first 
 series in -e, -i, and -u. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nominative. — Masc. : lane, lanoz (fulness), Wb. 26 d , 27 a ; firinne, (truth) 
 Wb. 2 d . 
 Adj. Jirinne rectide (righteousness of the law) Wb. 24 a . 
 Genitive. — Maicc soilse (sons of light), Wb. 25 c . 
 Adj. hifoirciunn na cetnae rainne (at the end of the first part), Sg. 18 b . 
 Dative. — Subst. cofailti (with joy), Wb. 24 b . 
 
 Adj. icomairbirt nuidi (in understanding the [New Testament]), Wb. 3 C . 
 Accusative. — Subst.: cenfirinni (without truth), Wb. 2 a . 
 Adj. tresinfuil spirtaldi (through the spiritual blood), Wb. 20 d . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nominative. — Subst. cit sochudi (though there be many), Wb. 4 d . 
 
 Adj. inna ranna aili (the other parts), Sg. 22 a . 
 
 Genitive. — Subst. do airbirt biuth inna tuaresin (to enjoy this food), Wb. 10 c . 
 
 Adj. etarcne nardun diade (knowledge of the divine mysteries), Wb. 26 c . 
 
 Dative. — Ibartolaib \_Inbartolaib c ?~\ marbdib (in your mortal wills), Wb. 3 b 
 
 Accusative Subst. inna lobri (the infirmities), Wb. 6 C . 
 
 Adj. adciamni na runa diadi (we perceive the divine mysteries), Wb. 12 c . 
 
 V. Series. — Of nouns fern, inflected both externally and internally, 
 and corresponding at once to Series II. and III. mas. and neut. Special 
 vowel endings are : -e in gen. sing., -a in nom. and ace. pi. ; besides 
 internal -i in dat. and ace. sing., if the last syllable admit of the in- 
 sertion. 
 
 127 [Tualaing properly means able, competent.] 
 
174 Appendix. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nominative. — Subst. (of frequent occurrence inthe codices): ess, iress (faith), 
 nem (Heaven), lam (the hand), etc. 
 
 Adj. also numerous : sere mdr (great love). 
 
 Genitive. — Subst. tuag nime (rainbow), Sg., 107 b . 
 
 Adj., airde serce more insin (this is a sign of great love), Wb. 24 c . 
 
 Instead of -e, the regular case-ending, -o and -a occur (or vice versa -e for -o, 
 -a in Series III. mas. and neut.), whether by affinity or dialectical variety ; luct 
 inna cecolsa (those who are of the church), Wb. 12 b . 
 
 Dative. — Subst., isindinducbdilsin (in this glory), Wb. 4 C ; isinbliadinsin (in 
 this year), Cr. 32 b . 
 
 Adj., o laim deiss (on the right hand), Sg. 17 b . 
 
 Accusative. — Subst., tri kiris (through faith), W"b. 2 C ; pridchossa hiris (I 
 preached the faith), Wb. 7 b ,yW toil de (against the will of God), Wb. 4 C \fri etdil 
 (against Italy), Wb. 6 d . 
 
 Adj., isarnach nindocbdil mdir (it is for every great glory), Wb. 23 b . 
 
 Vocative. — A ndib ingen (oh holy virgin! gl. marg.), Sg. 112 a . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nominative. — Subst., lama et cossa (hands and feet), Wb. 12 b ; na bretha (the 
 (judgments), Wb. 17 b , inna ranna (the parts), Sg. 22% 26 b ; na briathrasa (these 
 words), Wb. 28 c . -e and -i also occur in many, as the result of assimilation : 
 octhdelbce andsom (gl. sunt formce octo), Sg. 166 a ; na litre (the letters), Sg. 10 a ; 
 inbertar epistli udin (shall the letters be sent from us ?), Wb. 15 a ; aihissi (gl. con- 
 flictiones ; sing. nom. aithiss, Wb. 13 b , compos, ut iress ?) Wb. 29 b ; teora bliadni 
 (three years), Cr. 32 b . 
 
 Adj. in -a: beisti olca (evil monsters, or reptiles), Wb. 31 b . Adj. in -i: itne- 
 phchumscaichti na teora litreso (these three letters are unchangeable), Sg. 10 a . 
 
 Genitive. — Subst., etarcne naruun (knowledge of the mysteries), Wb. 26 c . 
 
 Adj., inna teora liter (©f the three letters) Sg. 
 
 Dative. — Ho Idmaib (from hands), Wb. 9 a ; donaib teoraib personaib uathataib 
 (of the three persons singular), Sg. 186 a . 
 
 Accusative. — Subst., adciamni na runa (we perceive the mysteries), Wb. 12 c ; 
 fri tola inbetho (against worldly desires) Wb. 29 a . 
 
 Adj., nigette [nigente ?] na brithemnachta becca (you would not form slight 
 judgments;, Wb. 9 C . 
 
 Subst. and Adj. in -i: acosmiligmer dvli ecsamli(we compare things dissimilar) 
 Sg. 211 a . 
 
 Vocative. — ni riccim forless a chossa (I require not your aid, oh feet !), 
 Wb. 12 a . 
 
 SECOND ORDER. 
 
 Nouns of this class end for the most part in consonants, or rather 
 have in some cases consonantal endings which, being originally, no 
 doubt, derivative, show traces of an internal derivative inflection, 
 with the mutable vowels a, e, and i preceding the final consonant. 
 The final consonants are the liquids in, n, r, and the mutes d, ch, 
 which with the internal vowels form a series of terminations — ir, ar, 
 ir; in, an, in; id, ad, id, etc. The one series of the substantives in 
 -m and -im, which I place first, developes certain special forms. If t 
 appears instead of a, two divisions arise : (a) an, in, ad, id; (b) en, 
 in, ed, id. Which discrepancy of vowels can scarcely be ascribed to 
 assimilation, in the face of such forms as senman, menrnan, foirbthetad^ 
 orpamin, and others. 
 
 Examples of the liquid series (I.) (II.) (III.) : ainm (a name), beim 
 (a stroke), menme (the mind), ditu ditiu (a roof), athir (a father). 
 
 Examples of the mute series (IV.) (V.) druid (aDruid), cathir (a town). 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 
 
 175 
 
 
 I. Series. 
 
 •V- . 
 
 II. Series. 
 
 III. Series 
 
 
 ( 
 a. 
 
 
 r 
 
 a. 
 
 > 
 b 
 
 ' ^ 
 
 Sing. Nom. 
 
 ainm 
 
 beim 
 
 menme 
 
 ditiu 
 
 athir' 
 
 Gen. 
 
 anma 
 
 beme 
 
 menman 
 
 diten 
 
 athar 
 
 Dat. 
 
 anmim 
 
 bemim 
 
 menmin 
 
 ditin 
 
 athir 
 
 Ace. 
 
 ainm 
 
 beim 
 
 menmin 
 
 ditin 
 
 athir 
 
 Plur. Nom. 
 
 anman 
 
 bemen 
 
 menmin 
 
 ditin 
 
 athir 
 
 Gen. 
 
 anman 
 
 bemen 
 
 menman 
 
 diten 
 
 athre 
 
 Dat. 
 
 anmanib 
 
 bemnib 
 
 menmanib 
 
 ditnifc 
 
 i athrib 
 
 Ace. 
 
 anman 
 
 bemen 
 
 menmana 
 
 ditne 
 
 athru 
 
 
 Nom 
 
 
 IV. Series. 
 
 
 V. Series. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 r 1 
 
 druid fili 
 
 cathir 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 druad filed 
 
 
 cathrach 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 druid filid 
 
 
 cathir 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 druid filid 
 
 
 cathrich 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom, 
 
 
 druid filid 
 
 
 cathrich 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 druad filed 
 
 
 cathrach 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 druidib filidib 
 
 
 cathrichib 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 druida fileda 
 
 
 cathracha 
 
 I. Series consists of some substantives in im, m, taking in the gen. 
 sing, -a or -e; in the dat. -im, with duplicated m ; and in the plural 
 either an or en, these two endings forming two distinct classes. In the 
 first (a), the noun ainm, of constant occurrence, is proved to be of the 
 neut. gender, from the passage (Sg. 56 b ) : ashdirruidig. anainmsin V2% (this 
 noun is derived). Of the same gender, no doubt, are all other nouns 
 of this form. Of the second class (b) but few examples occur, and these 
 not uniform. There is no instance of a vocative in this or any of 
 the other series. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nom. — (a) ainm, ainmm (a name), Wb. Sg. passim. 
 
 (b) beim (a blow), ingreim (persecution), Wb. 18 d . 
 
 Gen — (a) indanma dilis (of the proper name), Sg. 26 b ; (b) no example found 
 in the codices. 
 
 Dat. (a) isinanmim inchoimded ihu. cr. (in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ), 
 Wb. 9 C . 
 
 (b) ocmingraimmaimse (at my persecution), Ml. 33 a . 
 
 Ace (a) cen ainm (without a name), Sg. 21 l a . 
 
 (b) ni agathar dingreim (his persecution is not dreaded), Wb. l a . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nom. — (a) asbertar ananman (their names are mentioned), Wb. 28 a . 
 (b) bemen digle (strokes of revenge), Wb. 17 d . 
 GrEN.=r(a) diall nanmann (declension of nouns), Sg. 27 a . 
 (b)foditiu nan ingremmen (endurance of the persecutions), Wb. 23 c . 
 Dat. — (2L),inanmanaib hit. (in Latin names), Sg. 6 a ; (b) no example known; 
 b&nnib in the table is, therefore, hypothetical. 
 Ace. — (a) tre anman (by nouns), Sg. 29 a . 
 
 II. Series. — Consists of nouns taking in the oblique cases an, in, and 
 in, en, whence two divisions. To the first belong derivatives in -min, 
 ■man, -mn (which is reduced, however, in the nominative to -me, or • m 
 
 128 [Uncontracted form ashdirruidigthe anainmsin.~\ 
 
176 Appendix. 
 
 only), to the second belong derivative nouns in -in which in the same 
 manner in the nom. becomes -iu, -u. In the oblique cases singular, 
 likewise, especially the dative, other curtailed forms are found by the 
 side of the fuller. These fuller forms of derivatives appear in the 
 case of secondary derivatives : menmnihi (gl. dissensiones, from the 
 sing, menmniche ; menme), Wb. 18 a ; brithemnacht, brithemnact (judge- 
 ship), Wb. 6 b ; brithemandu (gl. judiciali, from the nom. brithemande — 
 brithem), Ml. 26 c ; anmande (pertaining to the soul — anim), Wb. 13 d ; 
 talmande (pertaining to the earth — talam), Wb. 3 d ; noidenacht (in- 
 fancy — noidiu, an infant), Wb. 24 d ; caintoimtenach (well-thinking — 
 toimtiu), Ml. 31 b ; ermitnech (gl. reverens — ermitiu), Ml. 32 b . For the 
 vowels a, e, I add brdtharde, brotherly, from brdthir. 
 
 To the second division (b) of this series belong numerous feminine 
 nouns in tu, derived from verbs (tu for tiu, not to be confounded 
 with masculines in -tu, gen. -tad, of the fourth series, and derived 
 from adjectives). There are other feminines of the second class in 
 -tiu, and in siu, derived also from verbs. In the first division are 
 met both masculines, as, brithem, and feminines, as, talam, anim. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nom. — (a) isbeo indanim (the soul is living) Wb. 4 a . 
 (b) toimtiu (supposition), Wb. 23 a . 
 Gen. — (a) roscfornanme (eye of your soul), Wb. 21 a . 
 (b) dliged remcaissen, dliged remdeicsen, (law of Providence), Ml. 19 d , 27 d . 
 I) at. — (a) bum et talam, bum et italam (in Heaven and Earth), Wb. 21 a . 
 (b) oc tuiste duile (at the creation of the elements, i.e., of the world), Wb. o c . 
 Ace. — (a) accobor lammenmuin (desire in the mind), Wb. 3 d . 
 (b) nertid arfrescsinni (he strengthens our hope), Wb. 5 d . 
 The final iu, u of the nom. seems to have disappeared from some nouns in t, 
 as, fortacht (help) Ml. l a ; bendacht (benediction), Sg. 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nom. — (a) matuhe ata horpamin (if these be heirs), Wb. 2 C . 
 
 (6) derbaishdisin (the very pronunciations), Sg. 3 b . 
 
 Gen. — (a) do ice anman sochiride (for the salvation of many souls), Wb. 24 d . 
 
 (6) dedliguth innan iltoimddensin (in right of these many opinions), Sg. 26 b . 
 
 Dat. — (a) diarnanmanaib (for our souls), Wb. 24 d . 
 
 (b) huafoisitnib (from confessions), Sg. 33 a . 
 
 Ace. — (a) aforcital iccas corpu et anmana (the doctrine "which heals bodies and 
 souls), Wb. 30 d . 
 
 (6) for genitne (by genitives), Sg. 45 a . 
 
 III. Series. — Of nouns of relationship, mas. and fern, in -ir, there 
 is but one class, as e never occurs for a in the interior. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nom. — Athir (father), mathir (mother), brdthir (brother), Wb. Sg. passim. 
 
 Gen. — Brdthir athar (gl. father's brother), Sg. 56 a . 
 
 Dat.— Dondathir (to the father), Wb. 13 b . 
 
 Ace. — Lasinnathir nemde (with the Heavenly Father), Wb. 19 d . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nom. — No instances in the codices, athir by analogy. 
 
 Gen. — JIaic iridegaid anathre (sons after their fathers), Wb. 30 b . 
 
 Dat. — Uambraithrib (from their brothers), Wb. 33 d . 
 
 Ace. — Does not occur. I supply mas. athru, brdthru — fern, mdthra. 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 177 
 
 IV. Series. — Of derivatives in -id, forming in the oblique cases by 
 the variation of the internal vowels two divisions (a) ad, id; (b) ed, id. 
 To the first belong very frequent nouns in -u, shortened from -id, as 
 above, -u, -iu, from -in. The ending id, has been preserved only in 
 the word druid, in the others becoming -e, as : tenge (a tongue), ume 
 (brass). The terminations of the second class have also become in 
 the nom. -iu, -i, or -e. The full form of the derivatives here also, as 
 in the second series, is apparent from nouns and adj. of secondary 
 derivation: filedacht (poetry; fill, gen. filed), Sg. 213 a ; oigedacht 
 (hospitality, ogi) Wb. 26 b ; to which I add, Tenedon (tene, tened), a 
 Gaulish topographical name. Further traigthech (gl. pedester ; trai- 
 gid, Wb.) Sg. 38 b , 50 b . 
 
 The nouns of both divisions are masculine. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nom. — (a). Abstract Nouns in u from adjectives are very frequent. The end- 
 ing is either -u simple, or the fuller -atu, -etu. 
 
 Adj. of different form taking -u: artu (height), = arddu, ardu (from art, 
 ardd, ard); domnu (depth, from domun) Incant. Sg. So also -atu, -etu: ddnatu 
 daring) Sg. 90 a . 
 
 Adj. in -ide, -de, -te, taking -u : Sentu (unity, adj. Sente, Sende, Wb. 7 C ); corpdu 
 (corporality, adj., corpde), Wb. So also, -atu, -etu : fiiuchaidatu (humidity, 
 adj., fiiuchaide), Cr. 18 c ; foirbthetw (firmness), Wb. passim. 
 
 (6) coimdiu (Lord), Wb. ; tene (fire), Sg., 69 b . 
 
 Gen. — (a) tech nebmarbtath (house of immortality), Wb. ] 5 C . 
 
 (b) bandea tened (goddess of fire, Vesta), Sg. 53 a . 
 
 Dat. — (a) ondnephpiandatu (from the impunity), Ml. 28 a . 
 
 (6) dofilid (to a poet), Sg, 14 a . 
 
 Ace. — (a) cen torbatid (without utility), Wb. 12 d . 
 
 (b) lassincoimdid (with the Lord), Wb. 25 b . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nom. — (a) doriyensat druid (druids made), Wb. 26 a . 
 (b) intan labratar indfilid (when the poets speak), Sg. 162 a . 
 Gen. — (a) from the Irish Annals : Muiredac na tengad (Muiredach [professor] 
 of the languages) Tigern. ap. O'Con. 2, 275. 
 (6) dolbud filed (poetic fiction), Sg. 71 b . 
 Dat. — sechdaptkib (to the agents), W b . 19 d . 
 Ace. — (a) lasnafiledasin (with these poets), Sg. 63 b . 
 
 V, Series. — Of certain feminine nouns in -r, to which are added the 
 suffixes -ach, -ich, -ig. The cases, though not all, of the noun cathir 
 (a town), are met with in the codices, and the same declension is 
 followed by nathir (a serpent) with the article in Sg. : indnathirsin (gl. 
 natrix, i. e. serpens hie) 69 a . and doubtlessly by others in ir. Vestiges 
 of this formation appear to have been preserved in the modern 
 Irish: caora (a sheep, old form: cdir, cderf) Gen. eaorach, pi. nom. 
 caoirigh. gen. eaorach, dat. caorchaibh, voc. (ace.) caorcha. It is cer- 
 tainly preserved in some others in ir, as : lair (Old Irish lair, a mare, 
 Sg. 49 b =Za-2r), lasair (a flame), gen. larach, lasrach, pi. laracha, las- 
 racha. Here, also, the derivative ch, appears in the adj. cdirchuide, 
 Sg. 37 (ovine) ; compare the Gaulish name Caeracates in Tacitus, 
 and perhaps also Caracalla, the name of a Gaulish robe, (for caera- 
 callaf), it is wanting, however, in trechatharde (gl. tripolites), Sg. 38 b . 
 
178 Appendix. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Nom. — Cr. dim [din~\ issi inchathir (therefore Christ himself is the city), 
 Wb. 21 c . 
 
 Gen. — aitribtheid inna cathrach asb. tibur (gl. Tiburs : an inhabitant of the 
 town which is called Tibur), Sg. 124^. 
 
 Dat. — One would expect -ich, -ig, by analogy, but the contracted form of the 
 nom. obtains in Wb. 13 b . : robot issinchaithir (he was in the city). 
 
 Ace. — Romuil doforsat incathraig (Romulus founded the city), Sg. 31 b . 
 
 PLURAL. 
 
 Nom. — ilehatkraig (many cities); Sg. 13 a . 
 
 The other cases must be supplied : Gen. cathrach. Dat. cathrichib (or cathrib?) 
 Ace. and Voc. cathracha. 
 
 Hie Dual Number. 
 
 After the twofold formation of the Irish declension, we may here 
 add a few words concerning this number, on account of the small 
 number of examples furnished by the codices for all the series given 
 above. It does not, of itself, denote two persons or things, as for 
 instance in Greek, but constructed with the numerals dd, di, dib, it 
 presents in the language of our codices mixed sing, and pi. forms, 
 relics no doubt of more ancient forms peculiar to this number. 
 
 The only form of the article in any case or gender, is, in before d, 
 the initial letter of the numeral, which in one of the following 
 examples is written dd, hard. 
 
 We shall give, first, paradigms of the series of the first order, and 
 then such examples as occur in the codices. The forms enclosed in 
 brackets are hypothetical, or formed by analogy. 
 
 
 MASC. AND NEUT. 
 
 
 I. Series. 
 
 II. Series. 
 
 III. Series, 
 
 Nom. cele (i?) 
 
 
 ball 
 
 bith 
 
 Gen. celi 
 
 
 (baill) 129 
 
 betho 
 
 Dat. celib 
 
 
 (ballib) 
 
 bithib 
 
 Ace. cele 
 
 
 ball 
 
 bith 
 
 
 FEMININE. 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 ^Series. 
 
 
 V. Series. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 tuari 
 
 
 rainn 
 
 Gen. 
 
 tuare 
 
 
 rann 
 
 Dat. 
 
 tuarib 
 
 
 rannib 
 
 Ace. 
 
 tuari 
 
 
 rainn 
 
 I. SERIES. 
 
 Nom. — The Nom. Masc. appears to occur in the adj. dadruith cegeptacdi (two 
 Egyptian Druids) Wb. 30 c . 
 
 Neut. indagne (the two forms), Sg. 168 a . 
 Gen. and Dat. — Gen. and dat. are not met. 
 
 129 [xxxv. Eecte ball, which aspirates,* must, therefore, have had a vocalic 
 auslaut (-o -au?) and so cannot possibly be (as Ebel supposes, On Decl. in 
 Irish, §. 10 On the Celtic Dual, p. 85) identical with the gen. plur.] 
 
 * We say (e.g.), aihair an dd maefhionn (fattier of the two fair sons), cailleach an dd adharc 
 fhionn (hag of the tvro white horns). 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 179 
 
 Ace. Masc. or Neut. : dobir dasale. dabir imduda are {arcaX Xsyopsva) 
 
 Incant. Sg. !3 ° 
 
 II. SERIES. 
 
 Nom. — Masc. : da mod, (two moods) Sg. 138 b . 
 
 Neut. : comescatar da cenel indib (gl. two genders are mixed up in them), Sg. 61 a . 
 Gen.— Of the gen. no instances. 
 
 Dat. — Neut. : frisgair intestiminse dohdib dligedib remeperthib (this testa- 
 ment answers to the two previous laws), Sg. 193 b . 
 Ace. — imbir indamer (ply the two fingers), Incant. Sg. 
 
 III. SERIES. 
 
 Nom. — Met da atarcud and (there will be two relations there), Sg. 198 b . 
 
 Gen Cechtar da lino (either of the two parts), Sg, 162 b . 
 
 Dat. — Corns. 6 dib nogaib (composed of two parts), Sg. 98 a . 
 
 Ace. — Andiall foadanog (the declension in both its parts), 98 a . Sg. 
 
 Neut. : indd €rrend (gl. stigmata, porto), Wb. 20 d . 
 
 IV. series. 
 
 Nom. — It dlgutai bite indeog. (there are two vowels in a diphthong), Sg. 18 a . 
 Gen. — Fogor dagutce indeog. (the sound of two vowels in a diphthong), Sg. 18 a . 
 Dat. — Evidently do dib guttib. 131 
 Ace.— Adj. in Sg. 74 b , indi rainn ihgraidi (into two intelligible parts). 
 
 v. series. 
 
 Nom T>i huair (two hours), Cr. 31 b . 
 
 Gen — Cechtar indarann (either of the two parts), Sg. 74 b . 
 Dat. — Ni chen dliged anephdiall 6 dib rannaib (gl. alteruter, alterutrius non 
 absque ratione non declinatur ; i. e. non declinatur e duabus partibus), Sg. 75 a . 
 Ace. — Coitchenaso etir di drim (common to two numbers), Sg. 72 a . 
 
 Duals of the second order are very rare. The following are in- 
 stances : — 
 
 Tuicsom inda nainmso (he understands these two names), "Wb. 21 d ; da druith 
 cegeptacdi (two ^Egyptian Druids), Wb. 3(K 
 
 Anomalous Substantives. 
 
 Which do not follow a fixed rule and form like all those above 
 enumerated, but have peculiar and shifting forms of their own. 
 Of this kind are : dia (God), dia (a day), duine (a man), ben (a 
 woman), rig (a king), Id (a day). 
 
 I. Dia (God) : sing. gen. etargne hdee (knowledge of God), Wb. 21 a ; dat. 
 6 dia (from God) ; ace. fri dia (with God), Wb. 20 d ; voc. a dde (oh God). 
 Wb. 5 b ; plur. nom. de nemdai son (Heavenly Gods), Sg. 39 a ; dat. do deib (to the 
 Gods), Sg. 39 b ; ace. tarsna deo (by the Gods), Sg. 217 b ; Fern. sing, dea, — in 
 composition bandea (goddess), Sg. 60 a ; plur. bdndoe (goddesses), Sg. 53 b . 
 
 II. Dia (day) : each dia (daily), Wb. 13 c ; indiu, hindiu (to day), Wb. ; fride, 
 fridei (by day) ; dia brdiha (in the day of judgment), Wb. 23 c . 
 
 III. Duine (man) — the radical ui becomes di in the plur. ; sing. gen. corp duini (a 
 man's body), Wb. 12 a ; dat. donduini (to the man), Wb. 4 b ; ace. imfolngi induine 
 sldn (he saves man), Wb. 4 d ; voc. a duini (0 man), Wb. l c ; plur. nom. inddini 
 
 130 [xxxvi. Da sale is salivam tuam (da for du, do) ; im du da are, "around 
 thy two temples" ; are (tempus capitis) gen. arach, is a c-stem. These examples 
 are, therefore, improper.] 
 
 131 [xxxvii. Rather do dib hguttib, where dib n=the Sansk. dwdbhydm, Greek 
 dvolv (from dvo<piv).^\ 
 
180 Appendix. 
 
 bi (the living men), Sg. 39 a ; gen. ice incheneli ddine (the salvation of the race of 
 men), Wb. 26 d ; ace. corcefri dia et ddini (peace towards God and men), Wb. 20 d . 
 
 IV. Ben (woman) — interchanges with the forms ban, mnd: iccfe inmndi (thou 
 wilt heal the woman), Wb. 10 a . 
 
 V. Rig (king) : sing. gen. itaig rig (in the king's house), "Wb. 23 b ; dat. ainm 
 diarig (gl. Lar rex Vejentorum, i. e., the name of their king), Sg. 64 a ; plur. gen. 
 hi lebraib rig (in the books of kings), Ml. 30 b ; ace. conroibtis ocdenum rectche 
 la riga (gl. volentes esse legis doctores, i. e., to the kings),Wb. 28 a . 
 
 VI. Za(day) is inflected from the forms Id, lae, and laithe, lathe (neuter). Sing. 
 n. alaithe, Ml. 21 c ; gen. ammi maicc lai (we are the sons of day), "Wb. 25 c ; dat. 
 illau bdiss (in the day of death), Wb. 29 c ; ace. fri laa brdtha (to doomsday), Wb. 
 29 a ; plur. gen. ar lin laithe (in the number of days), Ml. 17 d . 
 
 (B) Diminutives. 
 Common to both, subst. and adj., like the declension of the first 
 order. The instances that occur, especially in codex Sg., present the 
 following terminations, -an, -en, and -that, which are more usual in 
 the mas. and neut., and -ene, -ne, -not, -net in the fern. 
 
 Masc. and neut. AN in substantives : duindn (a mannikin), Sg. 47 b ; tdiddn 
 from tdid (a thief), 47 b . In adjectives beedn (gl. paullulus), Sg. 48 a ; trogdn 
 (gl. misellus), 48 a . 
 
 Numerous old proper names have the same ending: Tresan, Gibrian, Veran, 
 Abran, Petran (vita S. Tresani, Boll., Febr. 2, 53). 
 
 En : duinen (mannikin), Sg. 45 a . 
 
 That: srdthathat (a sting), Sg. 47 a ; centat (gl. capitulum), 47 a . Chat, 
 Nat, Net, are less frequent : duinenet (a mannikin), 45 b . 
 
 Fern. Ene : lare'ne (from lair, a mare), Sg. 49 b . 
 
 Nat in subst. : siurnat (gl. sororcula), Sg. 46 b ; talamnat (gl. terrula), 48 a . 
 
 Net, Nit -.fochricnet (gl. mercedula), Sg. 47 a ; tonnait (gl. cuticula), 46 b . 
 
 (Q) Degrees of Comparison. 
 
 Comparative and superlative. The forms of the first, in the- old 
 language, are the more copious, these are either regular or irregular, 
 
 COMPARATIVE. 
 
 Of this there are two forms, -ithir, -iu, -u, — the first of which may 
 be compared with the Creek orspog, and the second with the old 
 Latin -ios, -ius, the s of which passed into r. Inflections are not 
 found. 
 
 Ithir I have only met in one codex Wb., and in one passage 27 d : islerithir. 
 
 Iu and u are used indifferently, though the former is more usual in mono- 
 syllables, the latter in polysyllables. The particle de is often met after the com- 
 parative, corresponding seemingly to the Latin eo. 
 
 Iu : nibia di mutaib bes huilliu inoensiU. (there cannot be more of mutes in one 
 syllable), Sg. 7 a ; leriu (more industrious), 41 a ; semiu (more slender), 14 b ; goiriu 
 (more pious), 40 b . 
 
 U: oillu oldate cdiccet jer (more than fifty men), Wb, 13 d ; isassu, ba assu 
 (easier), Wb. 15 c ; ata lobru (that are weaker), Wb. 12 b ; gliccu (wiser), Wb. 26 d ; 
 istairismechu infer (the man is firmer), Wb. 28 b . There are some anomalous 
 comparatives either in a, which sometimes becomes o, or with peculiar forms of 
 their own. Of the former the principal are : — mda, mdo, mda, mdo (greater), 
 messa (worse), nessa (nearer), tressa (stronger). Besides da (less), lia (more), 
 ire (ulterior), ferr (better). 
 
 Mda from adj. mar (great), for which mdr also occurs. From the form 
 mar are produced mda, md, mdo : asmda alailiu (greater than another), Wb. 
 12 a . From mdr are made mda, mdo, md : mda leu sercc atuile (greater with 
 
Zeuss on the Inflexions of Nouns. 181 
 
 them is the love of their own will), Wb. 30 c ; Jresciu fogchricce asmoo (hope 
 of the reward, which is greater), Wb. 10 c . 
 
 Messa (worse) : fodaimid nech asmessa duib (endure one who is worse to you), 
 Wb. 17 b ; creitmechsin asmessa ancreitmeck fthis believer is worse than an 
 infidel), Wb. 28 d . 
 
 Nessa (nearer) : isnesa do geintib (he is nearer to the Gentiles), Wb. 2 b ; innahi 
 ata nessa (those which are nearer), Cr. 44 a . 
 
 Tressa (stronger): combad tressa de hiress apstal do fulung (that the faith 
 of the Apostles might be stronger to endure), Wb. 25 a ; ishe dim [din?'] ambe's 
 adi inti diib bes tresa orcaid alaile (it is their habit that the stronger kill the 
 weaker) Ml. 19 d . 
 
 The three following comparatives, on account of the verbs accompanying 
 them regularly in the sing., appear to have been originally substantives, with 
 a comparative signification. They also sometimes act as adverbs in their naked 
 form. 
 
 Oa (less) : acoic indid oa q. xxx (the five in it less than thirty) Cr., 33 b . 
 
 Lia (more, a greater number) : nabad lia diis no thriur dam (let there be not 
 more than two or three) Wb. 13 a ; itlia sillaba o Ulitrib (there are more syllables 
 of many letters), Sg. 71 a . 
 
 Ire (ulterior): aither. ni ashire olddta m. ocus aui (patronymics no further than 
 sons and grandchildren), Sg. 30 b . 
 
 Ferr (better) : niferr neck alailiu and (no one better than another there), Wb. 
 2 a ; nipatferr de (they are not better of it), Wb. 12 d . 
 
 In the majority of the foregoing examples, the particle as, preceding the com- 
 parative, is evidently the verb subst. 3 pers. sing, in dependent position. It is 
 often, however, a different word, increasing the sense of the gradation, ex. gr. 
 the comparative : ni asse acleith rafitir aslia (it cannot be easily concealed, many 
 know it), Wb. 23 c , or of the superlative : asmaam. The meaning of compara- 
 tive is still further increased by its repetition with the intervening formula ass : 
 corrop moo assa moo et corrop ferr assa ferr donimdigidesseirc [donimdigid des- 
 seirc] de et comnessim (so that it may be better and better, you increase your love 
 of God and [your] neighbour), Wb. 23 b ; ferr asaferr (better and better), Wb. 15 c . 
 
 SUPERLATIVE. 
 
 There are two endings, -era and -am, the former of adjectives 
 which form their comparatives in -iu -u, the latter of anomalous 
 adjectives ending in a in the comparative. Internal inflexion occurs 
 in the forms ending in am. 
 
 Em : faillsem (most clear, lucid, front /o//ws, open, clear), Cr. 40 a ; tdisigem (the 
 first ; in the verse : primus de Danaum magna comitante caterva), Sg. 42 a . 
 
 The following are instances of the fuller form, -imem, -ibem, -bem after a double 
 consonant or diphthong radical : huaislimem (the highest), Ml. 28 d ; itdoini saibi- 
 bem dogniat inso (they are most false men who do this, — from saib false, or pro- 
 perly delusive), M1.3 a . 
 
 Am: oam (the least), Wb. 13 b ; asmaam ro'sechestar arsidetaid (it is he has 
 reached as great an age as possible), Sg. 208 b , ata nessam (the nearest) Incant. 
 Sg. comnesnam (the neighbour [lit. " nearest]), Ml. 36 a . Gen. : des&erc de et com- 
 nessim (love of God and (our) neighbour), Wb. 23 b . Dat. : ho chomnesam (from 
 a neighbour), Ml. 36 a . Ace. : galar bess fairechomnessam (the disease which is 
 over on his neighbour). Cod. Camar. ; athis forachomnesam (reproach against his 
 neighbour), Ml. 36 a . 
 
182 
 
 II.— THE CELTIC MSS. UFON WHICH ZEUSS' GRAMMATICA 
 CELTICA WAS FOUNDED; AND TABLE OF THE ABBREVI- 
 ATIONS USED IN REFERRING TO THEM. 
 
 The following list of MSS. used by Zeuss in his Grammatica Celtica, and of 
 the abbreviations he uses in referring to them, may be found useful to those 
 who may not have that work : — 
 
 Irish MSS. 
 
 1. Codex Prisciani Sancti Galli (No. 904). A copy of Priscian preserved at 
 St. Gall, and thickly interspersed with marginal and interlinear glosses. Zeuss 
 denotes this MS. by Sg. 
 
 2. Codex Paulinus Bibliothecae nunc Universitatis Wirziburgensis — marked 
 M. th. f. 12. An MS. containing the epistles of St. Paul, formerly belonging to 
 the cathedral church of Wurzburg, but now to the university. Zeuss refers this 
 MS. to the eighth century ; although smaller than the St. Gall MS., it exhibits 
 the same copiousness of glosses, if not greater, as they accompany the text after 
 the manner of a continuous commentary, less by single words (like the St. Gall 
 MS.) than explaining the context of St. Paul by Irish sentences. Zeuss denotes 
 this MS. by Wb. 
 
 3. Codex Mediolanensis bibliothecae Ambrosianae (marked C, 301, and 
 denoted by Zeuss, Ml.), an MS. of St. Jerome's commentary on the Psalms, con- 
 taining a mass of glosses, not less than the MSS. above mentioned. Zeuss 
 agrees with Muratori and Peyron, that these commentaries were written by St. 
 Columbanus, the founder of Bobbio, from whence the MS. was transferred in 1606. 
 by Cardinal F. Borromeo, when he established the Ambrosian Library. Zeuss 
 had only time to copy a small part of the glosses of this MS. 
 
 4. Codex bibliothecae Carlisruhensis (No. 83, denoted by Zeuss, Cr.), an MS. 
 formerly belonging to the monastery of Reichenau, containing " Computus de 
 signis XII. et intervallorum ; Beda de ratione temporum". The text of Bede 
 is interspersed with Irish glosses. 
 
 5. Codex Prisciani bibliothecae Carlisruhensis, No. 223, denoted by Zeuss, 
 Pr. Cr., a MS. of Priscian, also formerly belonging to Reichenau. It contains 
 much fewer glosses than the St. Gall one, with which it agrees in part, and in 
 part differs. 
 
 6. Codex Sancti Galli (No. 1395), containing a collection of fragments from 
 ancient MSS., made by Ildefonso von Arx, chief librarian. Folio 419, vol. II., 
 has Irish formulae of incantation, hence Zeuss denotes it by Incant. Sg. 
 
 7. Codex Civitatis Camaracensis (No. 619) an MS. belonging to the City 
 of Cambray, containing the canons of an Irish Council held in 684 ; in one place 
 in the middle of the book is preserved a fragment of an Irish sermon on self- 
 denial intermixed with Latin sentences. The book was compiled for Alberic, 
 Bishop of Cambray from 763 to about 790. 
 
 Welsh MSS. 
 
 1. The vellum MSS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford,— Auct. F. 4-32, 
 described by Wanley, in his catalogue of Anglo-Saxon MSS. 2, 63. The parts 
 which supplied material to Zeuss being : a, a part of the grammar of Eutychius, 
 
Celtic MSS., etc. 183 
 
 with interlined Welsh glosses, from p. 2 b to 9 a ; b, the exordium of Ovid's Art 
 of Love, p. 37 a to 45 b , also containing interlined Welsh glosses. These glosses 
 he believes to have been written in the eighth or ninth century, c, The alphabet 
 of Nemnivus, giving the forms of the letters and their Welsh names ; d, some 
 accounts of weights and measures in Welsh, intermixed with Latin, at p. 22 b 
 to 23 a . 
 
 2. A later vellum MSS. (Bodl. 572), containing theological tracts, and in the 
 middle, from p. 4l b to 47 b , a list of Latin words with Welsh ones, which are 
 written either over the Latin, or in the same line, with the sign .i. (id est), 
 according to the custom of glossographers. 
 
 3. The MS. of the Church of Lichfield (formerly of that of Llandaff), con- 
 taining the Gospels, in various parts of which (e.g. p. 9 b 10b, 71 a , 109 b ), donations 
 made to the Church of Llandaff at very ancient periods, not later than the 
 glosses of the first Oxford MS., are noted in Latin, but with Welsh names, and 
 even sentences, which Wanley has already published (p. 289). 
 
 4. The Luxemburg Folio, a single leaf with Welsh glosses of the ninth cen- 
 tury, which Mone found in the town library of Luxemburg, pasted to the 
 cover of another MS. 
 
 The glosses of these four MSS. have been published by Zeuss in the appendix 
 to the Grammatica Celtica. 
 
 5. Liber Landavensis, or book of Llandaff, compiled from more ancient docu- 
 ments about the year 1 132. It contains many descriptions of boundaries of land, 
 and also privileges of the bishopric, written in Welsh. It has also scattered 
 through it Welsh proper names, especially of men and localities. This book Avas 
 published in 1840 under the title, "The Liber Landavensis, Llyfr Teilo, or the 
 Ancient Register of the Cathedral Church of Landaff", from MSS. in the 
 Libraries of Hengwrt and of Jesus College, Oxford, with an English translation 
 and explanatory notes by the Rev. W. J. Rees, published by the Welsh MSS. 
 Society, Llandovery, 1810. 
 
 6. Codex legion Veaedotianus, or the Venedotian MS. of laws. This MS., 
 which belongs to the Hengwrt collection, is considered to have be en compiled in 
 the twelfth century. The latest edition of these laws, the first collection of which 
 is attributed to Hywel Dda (Howel the Good), who died a.d. 950, was pub- 
 lished by the Record Commission, under the title " Ancient Law s and Institutes 
 of Wales" ; comprising laws supposed to be enacted by Howel the Good, modified 
 by subsequent regulations under the native princes prior to the conquest by 
 Edward the First : and anomalous laws, consisting principally of institutions 
 which by the statute of Ruddlan were admitted to continue in force. With an 
 English translation of the Welsh text, 1841. 
 
 7. The Red Book of Hergest (Llyfr coch o Hergest), now in the Library of 
 Jesus College, Oxford. It is the chief of all the MSS., preserving the middle 
 forms between the old and the living languages. Turner determined this MS. to 
 be of the fourteenth century. The principal narratives relating to the history 
 of Arthur and his Knights of the Round Table, which it contains, were published 
 in three volumes, under the title of "The Mabinogion, from the Llyfr coch 
 o Hergest, and other Welsh MSS., with an English translation and notes, by 
 Lady Charlotte Guest". London, 1849. 
 
 Cornish MSS. 
 
 1. The vellum MS. marked Vesp. A. 14, in the Cotton collection in the British 
 Museum. It is the most ancient monument which is known to exist of the 
 Cornish language, and dates most probably from the twelfth century. It has 
 been transcribed by Zeuss himself, and printed entire in the Grammatica 
 Celtica, vol. II. 1100. It is also printed, more correctly, and arranged alpha- 
 betically, by Mr. Edwin Norris, in the second volume of his Cornish Drama. 
 
 2. A Cornish poem on the passion of Christ, of which four copies are extant, 
 Of these, one is in the British Museum, and two are in the Bodleian Library. 
 Both Cornish text, and an English version made in 1682, were published in 
 London in 1826, under the title " Mount Calvary, or the history of the passion, 
 death, and resurrection of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ", written in Cornish 
 
 14 
 
184 Appendix. 
 
 (as it may be conjectured) some centuries past, interpreted into the English 
 tongue in the year 1682, by John Keigwin, Gent., edited by Davies Gilbert. 
 Mr. Whitley Stokes has recently published in the Transactions of the Philo- 
 logical Society of London (1862) a new and corrected edition of this poem, with 
 a translation, which is a^great boon, as the former edition was almost worthless. 
 
 Armoric MSS. 
 
 1. The Chartularies of the monasteries of Bhedon or Roton and Landevin. 
 The former probably began at the end of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh 
 century, and ended in 1 162 ; and the second in the beginning of the eleventh 
 century. Those which have been printed will be found in Courson's Histoire des 
 peuples Bretons dans la Gaule et dans les ties Britanniques, Paris 1846, and Dona 
 Morice's Memoires pour servir de preuves a Vhistoire ecclesiastique et civile de 
 Breiagne. 
 
 2. The life of St. Nonna, or Nonita, a dramatic poem preserved in a paper 
 MS., which was found by Marzinus, notary to the Bishop of Quimper, on 
 Ids pastoral circuit, and presented by him to the editor. This MS., which 
 Zeuss thinks belongs to the fourteenth century, has been published under the 
 title : Buhez Santez Nonn, ou vie de Sainte Nonne, et de son fils Saint Bevy 
 (David) Mystere compose en langue bretonne anterieurement au 12 me Siecle, 
 publie d'apres un manuscrit unique, avec une introduction par VAbbe Sionnet 
 et accompagne dhine traduction litterale de M. Legonidec et d^un facsimile du ma- 
 nuscrit, Paris, 1837. 
 
 Abbreviations used in Dr. EbeTs Celtic Studies. 
 
 Irish words. All the Celtic words not specially distinguished by letters, 
 whether quoted by Dr. Ebel or added to his lists, are Old Irish, and are taken 
 from the Irish MSS. in the foregoing list. As the language of all of them is of 
 about the same age — the eighth or beginning of the ninth century, — Ebel has 
 not thought it necessary to indicate the particular MS. from which the word is 
 borrowed. 
 
 Welsh words. "Words taken from the Welsh MSS. 1, 2, 3, and 4 in the fore- 
 going list, are indicated by W. 1 ; those from 5 and 6, by W. 2 ; and those 
 from 7, by W. 3. 
 
 Cornish words. Words taken from the Cornish MS. 1 are indicated by V ; 
 those from MS. 2, by P. 
 
 Armoric words. All words taken from the Armoric MSS. 1 and 2 in the 
 foregoing list, are indicated by the abbreviation Arm. 
 
 The other abbreviations used by Dr. Ebel are : 
 
 A.S.=Anglo-Saxon M. Ir.=Middle Irish 
 
 Ch. Sl.=Church Slavonic N.H.G.=New or Modern High German 
 
 Corn.=Cornish O.H.G.=01d High German 
 
 Fr.=French O. Ir.=01d Irish 
 
 Gaedh.^=Gaedhelic O.N.^Old Norse 
 
 Gaul.=Gaulish O.S.=01d Saxon 
 
 Goth.=Gothic Osc— Oscan 
 
 Gr.=Greek Pruss.=Prussian 
 Incant. Sg. refers to the Irish MS. No. 6 Sab.— Sabine 
 
 K.=Kymric Slav, and Sl.=Slavonian 
 
 Lat.=Latin Skr.=:Sanskrit 
 
 Lett.=Lettish Umbr.=Umbrian 
 
 Lith.=Lithuanian Z. refers to Zeuss' Grammatica Celtica ; 
 Med. Lat.=Mediaeval Latin. the numbers to the pages. 
 
 M.H.G.=Middle High German 
 
 An * prefixed to a word indicates, as mentioned at Note 37, p. 60, that the 
 word is hypothetical. The mark 2, used at p. 79 to indicate the degeneration of 
 the case endings, is only an arbitrary sign. 
 
INDICES VERBORUM TO POSITION OF THE 
 
 CELTIC. 
 
 [The figures after the words, except where there is a special reference to a note, indicate 
 the page; the italic letters after the figures refer to the columns, — a indicating the first or 
 left hand column, and b the second or right hand column ; where these letters are not found, 
 the word occurs in the general text. 
 
 All the old Celtic and old Irish words which have been explained or analysed by Mr. Stokes 
 in his Irish Glosses, are indicated by the letters St. ; the numbers which follow those letters 
 without the letter p, refer to the numbers in his commentary on that work ; where the letter p 
 precedes the figures, the latter refer to the page of that work. 
 
 The letters C, I, w, after a word, indicate that it is also to be found in the list of Latin loan 
 words given at p. xx. of Mr. Stokes' edition of Cormac's Glossary, published by Messrs. 
 Williams & Norgate, London, 1S62. Whenever the word is spelled differently in Cormac from 
 what it is in Zeuss, the word as spelled by the former is given in brackets.] 
 
 INDO-EUROPEAN, OR PRIMITIVE ARYAN. 
 
 akva, 113 
 agni, 119 
 antar, 1086 
 ava, 1186 
 avatya, 1186 
 as (root), 112 
 aina, 113 
 ghaima, 112 
 tauta, 113 
 daiva, 113 
 dacru, 113 
 dant, 113 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 agni, 119 
 
 arm, 131 
 
 antar, 1086 
 
 anda, note 88, p. 112 
 
 ava, 1186, 120 
 
 as (i-oot), 112 
 
 ayus, 109a 
 
 avja, 113 
 
 j an (root), 1106 
 
 jna (root), 1106 
 
 tamas, 113 
 
 trna, 115a 
 
 daia, 122 
 
 dus-, 1086 
 
 Greek. 
 
 dydvvityog, 1166 
 * ayaavixpog, 1166 
 ayxh 109a 
 ciyoj, 107a 
 
 daru, 112 
 
 diva, 113 
 
 dus, 1086 
 
 dha (root), 112, 128 
 
 nava, 1116 
 
 navy a, 1116 
 
 nau, 1086 
 
 panca (pancan), 122 
 
 pra, 130 
 
 bhu (root), 112, 128 
 
 rad (?) (root), 1106 
 
 vaskara, 112 
 
 SOUTH ARYAN. 
 
 drc (root), 113a 
 druh (roof), 1146 
 dvara, 121 
 dha (root), 112, 128 
 nava, 1116 
 navya, 1116 
 nau, 1086 
 
 panca (pancan), 122 
 pibami ( Ved.) 1086 
 pra, 130 
 
 bodhayami, 117a 
 bhu (root), 112, 128 
 mahat, 121 
 lax (root), 118a 
 lap (root), 1186 
 vata, 1146 
 
 vid (root), 112 
 vidhava, 113 
 visha, 1086 
 vira, 113 
 sak (root), 113 
 sana, 113 
 sarpa, 109a 
 sauala [?], 113 
 su-, 1096 
 sru (root), 112 
 svastar, 113 
 
 vid (root), 112 
 
 vidhava, 113 
 
 visha, 1086 
 
 vira, 113 
 
 vrhat, note 82, p. 97 
 
 v6da, 123 
 
 cru (root), 112 
 
 sarpa, 109a 
 
 su-, 1096 
 
 sru (root), 112 
 
 srotas, 1116 
 
 Old Persian. 
 
 vazarka, note 82, p 97. 
 
 NORTH-WEST ARYAN. 
 
 HELLENIC. 
 
 cieXka, 1076 
 
 drjp, 107a 
 
 amy, 109a 
 
 afekiOQ, v. i}\iog, 112a 
 
 aKovaag, 129 
 
 dXeoj, Ilia 
 
 aXkdaao), 107a 
 aWofiai, 109a 
 dXXog, 109a 
 aXoyia, 124 
 a\oyo£, 124 
 &\g, 1116 
 
 14b 
 
186 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 djifyi, 99a 
 avaTrndrjffag, 129 
 
 dvCLGTCtQ, 129 
 
 dvrjp, 1086 
 avoTrXog, 124 
 dvrl, 99a, 123 
 aoirXog, 124 
 d-rrofiaXuv, 129 
 arroKpidug, 129 
 areicvog, 124 
 -arog, 126 
 
 avxfJ-og, v. aavx^og, 112a 
 avxuvpog, v. tjavxfiog, 
 112a 
 
 /3dva (Boeot), 1096 
 /3io£, 1096 
 /3ou£, 108a 
 j3paxi<i>v, 108a 
 /3p£%w, 117a 
 
 ysv£0\ov, 1106 
 ytwaw, 1106 
 yEpavog, 113a 
 y'iyvo\iai, 1106 
 ytyvuxTKU), 1106 
 ypdcjxo, 1026, 115a 
 ypaug, 1086 
 yuvatKOf, 124 
 yyj/?7, 1096 
 
 Sdicpv, 110a 
 dafid^oj, 110a 
 dedefi&vov, 129 
 fo£i6e, 110a 
 depKU), 113a 
 flop?, 1086 
 #6pt>, 110a 
 flpug, 110a 
 fog-, 1086 
 
 eyyvg, 109a 
 U, 1076 
 ?0oe, 1136 
 fl^ap, 1106 
 e7/ii } 129 
 hvaXog, 1086 
 eicdg , 109a 
 t/cypog, c/cupd, 1116 
 ZXafiov, 129 
 eXatrtrwj/, Ilia 
 sX/iivg, 110a 
 evn, 112a 
 ivvstte, 112a 
 Eirojiai, 112a 
 Ipiov, 1126 
 ipn-frov, 109a 
 -£ff, 124 
 
 ££7T£pof, 1126 
 eralpog, 112a 
 sVapog, 112a 
 tv, 1096 
 
 ttp%, 1086 
 ?wyo£, Ilia 
 
 i]j3r}, Ilia 
 riQog, 1136 
 ??i0£O£, 1126 
 ijXiog, 112a 
 
 0ai/ (roo*)> 122 
 Osog, 110a 
 ^rog, 122 
 Ovpa, 1106, 121 
 
 t£w, 112a 
 log, 1086 
 
 'iTTTTOg, 1106 
 
 -((Taa, 124 
 
 Ka(3dXXr]g, 110a 
 Kd/jnrru), 110a 
 Kapdia, 1096 
 KarEpyaadfiEVOV, 129 
 kevOoj, 110a 
 KvrjfXT], 108a 
 Kvu)v, 110a 
 
 \dj3w, 129 
 Xay%dvw, 113a 
 
 \a'iy£> 1086 
 \afi(3dv(o, 129 
 \fi%w, 1116 
 Xi0oc, 1086 
 \6yoc, 124 
 Xoyx*], 1086 
 Xvaavreg, 129 
 
 fikyag, 121 
 /tedofxai, 1086 
 /i£\e, 1086 
 /f£ig, (Ion.), Ilia 
 fikfiova, Ilia 
 /xt]Xivog, 1196 
 fiiayu), 1116 
 /u»7v, v. )UB£, Ilia 
 fxrjrrjp, Ilia 
 IxvXr], Ilia 
 
 va£f, 1086 
 v'eeiv, 1086 
 VE<pkXr}, 1116 
 i^0«v, 1086 
 
 6£ot>c, HOa 
 6dvvr)<parog, 1136 
 
 o~licog, 1126 
 bvofxa, 107a 
 o/cwf, 231 
 
 6p0o C (Fop0og),lO7& 
 -og, 124 
 
 rraXafir), 1116 
 7rarrjp, 1096 
 TrsAfKWf, 1046 
 7repidepicr)g, 113a 
 7rE([>r)<T0fiai, 1136 
 
 7TS(pVOV, 1136 
 
 7r\drof, Ilia 
 irXarvg, Ilia 
 7rXr]^jxvpig, 1116 
 7rvp, 119 
 
 Tcvpyog (tyovpicog), 1136 
 7rwXov, i29 
 
 p£W ((TpfiFw), 1116 
 
 aavKog, 1116 
 
 <ravxpog,v. avxfJ-og, 112a 
 aavcrap6g,v.aavKog, 112a 
 cncorof, 1136 
 (rpsFoj, v. pah), 1116 
 (rra'e, 129 
 
 <srpv\iov ( Thracian), 1116 
 (TvvaxOsvrojv, 129 
 o<pvpov, 1086 
 
 raupog, 1096 
 ravaof, 1126 
 raw-, 1126 
 -rarog, 126 
 7-£yog, 1126 
 repErpor, 1096 
 Tspxvog, 1156 
 rerra, 1096 
 -rog, 126 
 rp£%w, 113a 
 rpvx^i 1136 
 
 vfxihv ,129 
 i)7H/0£, 1116 
 
 (paXXog, 1076 
 0ei/, 1136 
 <piXog, 116a 
 <p6vog, 1136 
 ippqrrip, 1096 
 
 Xaivo), 1136 
 XEifjaov, 1106 
 %twv, 1106 
 
 wXevj?, 1106 
 yoi>, 1126 
 
Latin Index, 
 
 187 
 
 ITALIC AND ROMANCE. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 abbas, 99a 
 abecedarium, 99a 
 abstinentia, 99a 
 accentus, 99a 
 accidens, 99a 
 accoinmodatio, 106a 
 aceo, 99a 
 acer, 99a 
 acetum, 99a 
 actualis, 99a 
 acuenda esset, 99a 
 acutus, 99a 
 ad-, 113a 
 adigit, 107a 
 adjectivum, 99a 
 ador, 1086 
 adorare, 99a 
 adoratio, 99a 
 adulterium, 99a 
 adversarius, 99a 
 aer, 107a 
 aetas, 1086 
 aevum, lc9a 
 agnus, 1096, 1116 
 ago, 107a 
 alius, 109a 
 ala, 113a 
 alo, 1 136 
 altare, 99a 
 altura, 99a 
 amnis, 1076 
 anacboreta, 99a 
 ancora, 99a 
 angelus, 99a, 114 
 angor, 109a 
 angustia, 109a 
 angustus, lU9a 
 anima, 107a 
 animal, 99a 
 apostolus, 99a, 114 
 appetere, 1046 
 applicare, 99a 
 arare, 1096 
 aratrum, 99a 
 arcbiepiscopus, 102a 
 arduus, 1076 
 argentum, 99a 
 -arius, 124 
 arma, 996 
 arrnilla, 996 
 ars, 996 
 articulus, 996 
 artus, 107a 
 arvum, 107a 
 asinus, 996 
 
 atomum, 996 
 
 auctoritas, 996 
 
 augusti, 99a 
 
 aura, 107a 
 
 aurura, 996 
 
 avignus, v. agnus, 1096 
 
 axilla, 113a 
 
 baculum, 996 
 badius, 108a 
 balbus, 996 
 baptista, 996 
 baptizo, 996 
 baptisnia, 996 
 barba, 996 
 barca, 996 
 basilica, 100a 
 basium, 100a 
 battuere, 100a 
 beat us, 100a 
 benedico, 100a 
 benedictio, 100a 
 benedictus, 100a 
 bestia, 100a 
 betula, betulla, 10Sa 
 blasphemare, 100a ' 
 bibo, 1086 
 bos, 108a 
 
 bracbium, 100a, 108a 
 brassica, 100a 
 brevis, 100a 
 broccus, broccbus, 100a 
 bulla, 100a 
 buxus, 100a 
 
 caballus, 110a 
 cadere, 108a 
 caecus, 1136 
 calamus, 100a 
 callidus, 100a 
 calix, 100a 
 camisia, ICOa 
 cancella, 100a 
 cancellarius, 100a 
 cancer, 100a 
 candela, 100a 
 candelarius, 100a 
 candelabrum, 100a 
 cano, 108a 
 candidus, 108a 
 canis, 110a 
 canon, 100a 
 capellanus, 100a 
 caper, 114a, 123 
 capere, 123 
 capio, 114a 
 capistrum, 100a 
 
 capitulus, 100a 
 capra, 114a, 123 
 captus, 100a 
 caput, 100a 
 carbunculus, 100a 
 career, 100a 
 caritas, 100a 
 car(o)enum, car(o)enaria, 
 
 100a 
 carpentum, 1006 
 carus, 108a 
 caseus, 1006 
 castellum, 1006 
 castra, 103a 
 castrum (for cad-truni v. 
 
 note 85), 10Sa 
 castus, 1006 
 castitas, 1006 
 catena, 1006 
 cathedra, 1006 
 catholicus, 1006 
 caucus, 1006 
 caules, 1006 
 causa, 1006 
 cedere, 100a, 108a 
 cedria, 1006 
 cella, 1006 
 celo, 1146 
 census, 1006 
 cera, 1006 
 cervus, 108a 
 cervical, 1006 
 cervisia, 1006 
 character, 1006 
 chorda, 1006 
 christianus, 1006 
 chrisma, 1006 
 cilicium, 1006 
 circare, 1006 
 circinus, 1006 
 circulus, 1006 
 circumflexus, 1006 
 ci vitas, 1006 
 clarus, 1006 
 classis, 1006 
 claustrum, 1006 
 clavi, 108a 
 clericus, 1006 
 clima, 1006 
 coccus, 1006 
 coloni, 1006 
 columba, 1006 
 columella, 1006 
 columna, 1006 
 *cominitiare, 101a 
 commatres, 101a 
 commixtio, 1116 
 
188 1 .: J ictS Verborwm to Pt \ - ■ r the Ce 
 
 commodum. K la 
 communio, 101a 
 compar. 101c 
 com-; uativus, Ilia 
 compatres. 1 ". 1 
 concedere 1 l« 
 confessio, 101a 
 confligere, 101a 
 confortare, 101a 
 consecratio, 101a 
 consilium, 101a 
 consimilis. 10J 
 consona, 101a 
 conventus. 101 
 coquina, 101a 
 coquus, 101a 
 cor, 1 
 
 I 
 corona, 101a 
 eoronatus. 1 . 1 
 corpus. 1 - 
 corrigia, 101 
 corylus. 1. 1 
 coryletum, 101a 
 costa, 10 r 
 coxa v. costa. 1 
 craticula, 101a 
 
 3r, 101a 
 creatura, 101a 
 credo, 1 
 credulus, 101a 
 crepusculum, 101a 
 
 . la 
 cribruin, 101 - 
 crisT 
 
 erudelis, 101a 
 cm:: 
 
 la 
 101a 
 
 cultel 
 
 cuprum, 1 
 cuttus, 1 1 1 
 ; , 110a 
 cymbalum, 1016 
 as, 1016 
 
 ..:±a, v. lacrima, 110 
 daem i 
 damnare, 1016 
 
 110a 
 
 )16 
 decedere, 10 1 1 
 decima, 1 
 defendere, M 
 denarius. ! 
 
 dens. 110a 
 
 deprecatio, 1016 
 
 deseendere, 11 I 
 
 liesidexabat, 10W 
 
 ]fsx . ■::':.?. 11 1: 
 
 deus, 11( 
 
 dexter, 110a 
 
 diaoolus. 1016 
 
 diaconus, 1016 
 
 diaconissae, pi, K 
 
 dictator, 1016 
 
 dies, 110a 
 
 diesjovis, 111 
 
 lies soils, iOU 
 
 digamma, 1016 
 
 digitus, 1011 
 
 diluvium. 1 
 
 dinsnia, v. linsua. 11. . 
 
 1144 
 discere, 1 '. 
 discipulus. 1016 
 discretua, 1116 
 discus. 1 : 
 
 :16 
 doctus, 101 
 dolor, 1016 
 dominica. I 1 - 
 donio. 11 1 
 draco, 1016 
 drungus, 115a 
 
 dubitare. 1014 
 
 dubi d 
 
 dubitantia, 1016 
 durus, 1016 
 
 ecclesia. 1 I 
 
 i : 
 
 eleera osyna. 1016 
 elephants 
 emendare, 103 
 emin: 
 -ensis. 124 
 episcopus, 102 a 
 epistola, 102 a 
 equus, 1106, 122 
 eremita, 102a 
 esculus, 102 
 esox, 102a 
 etymologia, Il- 
 ex. 107ft 
 
 excomrnunicatus, 102a 
 evangelium, 102a 
 
 faba, 1 - 
 facies, 102 
 iagus, 102 
 faginus, 102 
 
 falco, I 
 
 : - 
 
 favere, 102 
 
 i;ailraaa:n. I 1 ' . 
 fen-srra, 102 
 ferre. 109J 
 fibula, 102a 
 ficus. 102 
 fieulnus. 102a 
 fides, 102 i 
 figura, 102 a 
 finis, 102 a 
 ±L-^:raie:::ura. Ml 
 flagelium, 1 
 fianrma. 102 a 
 flecto. 102a 
 flos, 11". 
 foeniculum. 1 
 fores. 1106,121 
 forma, 102 a 
 fossa. 102* 
 frazrare. 1021 
 frater, 1096 
 frenmn. 102 
 fructus. H .' 
 fbgere, 102 
 i 102* 
 fulgur, 102 
 funis. 102 
 fur, 1026 
 furca, 103 
 furnus, 102 
 fastis, 1026 
 
 geminantur. 102 
 gentes, li- 
 as, 1026 
 gentilitatis. 1 _ 
 genitivus, 102 
 gens. 1 : . 
 gerundrai 
 gigno, 1106 
 gladia- 
 
 gradale. 102 
 gradus, 102 
 gratia (sratias agimas), 
 
 1026 " 
 grarari, 1026 
 gravis, 1026 
 grus, 1 
 
 habilis, 102 
 haeresM 
 haeretici, pi 102 
 hastula. 102 
 hiare. 11! 
 hiems, 11 
 bistoria. 1 - 
 honor, 102 
 bora. I 
 hosp; - 102 
 
Latin I tided'. 
 
 18 l J 
 
 humilis. 1026 
 humilitas, 1< \ 
 Iniunus, 1026 
 
 idolum, 1026 
 idus, 1026 
 ignis, 119 
 imago, 1026 
 iinpedicare, 1026 
 irnperator, 1026 
 itnperium, 1026 
 improbitas, 105a 
 improbus, 105a 
 incensum, 103 
 indupedio. note SO, p. 120 
 iaduperator. note 89, p. 120 
 inermis (*ineraiiusj, 12-1 
 infamis, 103a 
 infernuni, 103a 
 infinitivus. 103" 
 initium. II 
 insece, 112a 
 instrumentum, 103a 
 insula, 10S6 
 inter, 101 
 interjectio, 103a 
 inter rare, 103a 
 -issimus. 126 
 -isti, 128 
 -istis, 12S 
 
 jejuniuni, 103a 
 judex. 103^ 
 juguni, Ilia 
 jusculum, 103" 
 justitia, 103a 
 j uveitis, Ilia 
 juvencus, Ilia 
 
 kalendar, 103a 
 
 labes, 1086 
 
 labo, 1086 
 
 labor, 1086 
 
 lac, 10S6 
 
 lacrima, v. dacrima, 110a 
 
 laicus. 103a 
 
 lana, 1126 
 
 lancea, 1086 
 
 lapis, 10S6 
 
 latex, 103a 
 
 latro, 103a 
 
 latus, Ilia 
 
 laurus, v. daurus, 110a 
 
 lector, 103a 
 
 lectus, 103a 
 
 legalitas, 103a 
 
 legere, 103 a 
 
 legio, 103 a 
 
 leo. 103a 
 
 levis, Ilia 
 
 liber, 103a 
 
 ligo, 103a 
 
 lilium, 103a 
 
 lingo, Ilia 
 
 lingua, v. dingua, 110a. 
 
 1146 
 linqu.it, 1086 
 linucu, 103" 
 liquida, 103" 
 littera, 103a 
 liveo, 114" 
 lividus, 1 1-4" 
 livur. 114a 
 loculus, 103a 
 locus, 103a 
 locusta, 103a 
 longa, 103a 
 longa (navis), 103a 
 lorica, 10! 
 lucerna, 1 
 lunaris, 103a 
 lutum, K 
 
 magister, 103a 
 ma gnus, 121 
 «r, 103" 
 maledk-i-. 
 maleJictiu. 1 
 maledictus, 103a. 
 rnalitia. I 1 
 malva. 103" 
 mancus, 1036 
 manere, lo3 / > 
 manna. 103^ 
 mantellum, 103- 
 manus, 1036 
 mare, 1116 
 margaritae, 1036 
 martulus (martellus),1036 
 martyriuni, l( 
 masculinum, 1035- 
 mater. Ilia 
 matutinus, 10S6 
 medicus, 1036 
 medicina, 1036 
 meditor, 1086 
 medius, medium, 111a 
 mel, 1086 
 membra, 1036 
 memini, Ilia 
 memoria, 1036, Ilia 
 mendicus, 1036 
 mensa, 1036 
 mensis, 1116 
 mensura, 1036 
 meretrix, 1036 
 metrum, 1036 
 mille, 1036 
 millefolium, 1336 
 
 miles, 1036 
 militia, 1036 
 ministrare, 1035 
 minus (minus facere), 1 
 mirabile, 1036 
 miraculum, 1036 
 mirus, 103^ 
 misceo, 1116 
 modus, 1036 
 molina, 1036 
 molo, Ilia 
 monachus, 1036 
 monasterium, 1036 
 mons, 1086 
 moralis, 1036 
 mori, Ilia 
 morticinium, 1036 
 mortuus, Ilia 
 morus, 1036 
 mulus, 1036 
 mulxi. Ilia 
 murus, 1036 
 muta, 1036 
 myrias, 1036 
 mvrtus, 1036 
 
 nascor (gnascor), 1 106 
 natalicia, 1036 
 nates, 104a 
 natio, 104a 
 natrix, 114a 
 navis, lu3a, 10*6 
 nebula, 1116 
 negotium, 104 
 nepos, 114a 
 neptis, 114a 
 nere, 1086 
 nerio, Xero, 1086 
 neutrum, 104a 
 nidus, 114a 
 *nigvis, nihvis. v. nix. I 
 rimbus, 104a 
 nix, nivis, 1166 
 nosco (gnosco), 1106 
 nota, 104a 
 notarius, 104a 
 novellus, 104a 
 norus, 1116 
 nox, 1116 
 nudus, 116a 
 numerus, 104a 
 nuptiae, 104 a 
 mix (cnux), 110a 
 
 obediens, 104a 
 oblatio, 104a 
 occulo. 1146 
 octo, 122 
 
 oenos, O. L., 1116 
 offeree, 104a 
 
190 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 olea, 104a 
 olor, 107a 
 operarius,- 104a 
 optativus, 104a 
 opus, 104a 
 oracuhim, 104a 
 orate, 104a 
 oratio, 104a 
 ordinare, 104a 
 ordinatio, 104a 
 ordino, 104a 
 ordo, 104a 
 ostiarius, 104a 
 ostreurn. 104a 
 ovum, 1126 
 
 paganus, 104a 
 pagus, 104a 
 pallium, 104a, 1146 
 palma, 104a, 1116 
 palus, 104a 
 panis, 104a 
 papa, 104a 
 papilio, 104a 
 papyrus, 10 la 
 paradisus, 104a 
 parare, 104a 
 paries, 104a 
 parochia, 104a 
 pars, 104a 
 pascha, 104a 
 passio, 1046 
 patella, 1046 
 pater, 101)6 
 paucus, 1186 
 pauper, 1046 
 pausa, 1046 
 pavo, 1046 
 pax, 1046 
 peccatum, 1046 
 pedester, 1046 
 pelliceus, 1046 
 pensus, 1046 
 pentecoste, 1046 
 penultima, 1046 
 peregrinus, 1046 
 perfectus, 1046 
 pergaminum, 1046 
 persona, 1046 
 petere, 1046 
 phiala, 1046 
 philosophus, 1046 
 philosophia, 1046 
 piimaculum, 1046 
 pinus, 1046 
 piper, 1046 
 pirus, 1046 
 piscis, 1046, 114a 
 piscator, 1046 
 pistor, 101a 
 
 pistrinum, 101a 
 plaga, 1046 
 plangere, 1046 
 plenus, 1046, Ilia 
 plebs, 1046 
 plicare, 1046 
 plum a, 1046 
 poena, 1046 
 poenitere, 1046 
 poenitentia, 1046 
 pondo, 105a 
 pons, 105 a 
 populus, 105a 
 porcellus, 105a 
 porcus, 105a 
 porta, portus, 105a 
 portare, 105a 
 positivus, 105a 
 postilena, 105a 
 postis, 105a 
 praebendarius, 105a 
 praeceptum, 105a 
 praedico, 105a 
 praelatus, 105a 
 praeservare, 105a 
 prae stare, 105 a 
 prandium, 105a 
 presbyter, 105a 
 pretiare, 105a 
 primus, 105a 
 princeps, 105a 
 prior, 105a 
 probabitur, 105 a 
 probatus, 105a 
 probus, 105a 
 prologus, 105a 
 pronomen, 105a 
 propositus, 105a 
 propheta, 105a 
 proprius, 116a 
 prudens, 105a 
 psalmus, 105a 
 psalterium, 105a 
 purgatorium, 105a 
 purpura, 105 a 
 purus, 105a 
 puteus, 105a 
 
 quadragesima, 105a 
 quaerere, 1086 
 quaestio, 105a 
 quinquagesima, 105a 
 quiritare, 1026 
 
 rastrum, 105a 
 rectus, 1146 
 reddere, 1056 
 regnare, 1056 
 regula, 1056 
 reliquiae, 1056 
 
 remus, 1056 
 rete, 1056 
 rex, 1056, 114a 
 rigo, 117a 
 rogavi, 122 
 rosa, 1056 
 rosetum, 1056 
 rota, 1116 
 ruber, 1116 
 ruta, 1056 
 
 sabbatum. 1056 
 saccus, 1056 
 sacerdos, 1056 
 sacrificium, 1056 
 sacrilegium, 1056 
 saeculum, 1056 
 sagita, 1086 
 sagum, 109a 
 sal, 1116 
 
 salicastrum, 1056 
 salio, 109a 
 saliva, 1056 
 salix, 109a 
 saltus, 1056 
 salutare, 1056 
 salvare, 1056 
 sanctus, 1056 
 scabellum, 1056 
 scala, 1056 
 scandere, 1056 
 schola, 1056 
 scbolasticus, 1056 
 sciens, 1056, 
 scribere, 1056 
 scrinium, 1056 
 scripulus, 1056 
 scutella, 1056 
 scutum, 109 a 
 sebum, 1056 
 securus, 1056 
 secus, 109a 
 sedeo, 112a 
 senator, 1056 
 senex, 112a, 124 
 senior, 1056 
 sensus, 1056 
 sepelire, 1056 
 sepultura, 1056 
 septimana, 1056 
 septuaginta, 106a 
 sequor, 112a 
 sermonarius, 106a 
 serpens, 109a 
 serus, 106a 
 sextarius, 106a 
 siccus, 1116 
 signum, 106a 
 similis, 109a 
 situla, 106a 
 
Latin Index. 
 
 191 
 
 socer, 1116 
 socrus, 1116 
 sol, 112a 
 solarium, 106a 
 solitarius, 106a 
 somniari, 106a 
 somnus, 1116 
 sophist a, 106 a 
 soror, 112a 
 sors, 106a 
 -sos, 127 
 spatium, 106a 
 sperare, 106a 
 spina, 106a 
 spiraculum, 106a 
 spiritus, 106a 
 spoliare, 106a 
 spongia, 106a 
 sponsa, 106a 
 stabulum, 106a 
 stagnum, 106a 
 stannum, 106a 
 status, 106a 
 stimulus, 106a 
 stlocus (O. L.), 103a 
 stola, 106a 
 stragulum, 106a 
 strata, 106a 
 strigilis, 106a 
 -sum, 127 
 superlativus, 106a 
 sus, 118a 
 syllaba, 106a 
 synodus, 106a 
 
 tabellarius, 106a 
 taberna, 106a 
 tabes, 106a 
 tacere, 1146 
 talentum, 106a 
 tardare, 106a 
 -tas, 124 
 taurus, 1096 
 tellus, 106a 
 temere, 1126 
 tempero, 1066 
 templum, 1066 
 temptare, 1066 
 tendere, 1066 
 tenebrae, 1126 
 tenuis, 1126 
 terebra, 1096 
 terminus, 1066 
 terra, 1096 
 tertia, 1066 
 testis, 1066 
 testimonium, 1066 
 theca, 1066 
 theoria, 1066 
 thesis, 1066 
 
 thronus, 1066 
 
 thus, 1066 
 
 Titan, 1066 
 
 titulus, 1066 
 
 torques, 1066 
 
 torrens, 1116 
 j torta, 1066 
 I totus, 1066 
 
 tractus, 1066 
 
 traditio, 1066 
 
 trans, 1096 
 
 tribunus, 1066 
 
 trinitas, 1066 
 
 fcripus, 1066 
 
 tristis, 1066 
 
 tructa, 1066 
 
 truncus, 1066, 1156 
 
 trux, 1146 
 
 tuba, 1066 
 
 tugurium, 1126 
 
 tunica, 1066 
 
 turba, 1066 
 
 turris, 1066 
 
 tympanum, 1066 
 
 ulna, 1106 
 ultima, 1066 
 uncia, 1066 
 unctare, 1066 
 unguere, 1066 
 unicornis, 1066 
 unus, 1116 
 ursus, 1066 
 
 vacca, 118a 
 vagina, lu66 
 vates, 1096 
 velum, 1066 
 venenum, 1066 
 ventus, 1146 
 vermis, 110a 
 versatile, 1066 
 veru, 1076 
 versus, 1066 
 verus, 1066 
 vesper, 1126 
 vetus, 107a 
 vicus, 1126 
 vidua, 107a, 1126 
 vigil, 107a 
 villani, 107a 
 vinea, 107a 
 vinum, 107a 
 viperae, 1076 
 vir, 1 126 
 viridis, 1096 
 virus, 1086 
 virtus, 1076 
 visio, 1076 
 vita, 1096 
 
 vitium, 1076 
 vivus, 1096 
 vocula, 1076 
 
 Mediaeval Latin. 
 
 baro, 100a 
 brace, 100a 
 
 caldaria, 100a 
 cattus, 1006 
 clocca, 1006 
 cloccarium, 1006 
 companium, 101a 
 conucula, 101a 
 
 follis, 102a 
 fontana, 102a 
 foresta, 102a 
 forestis, 102a 
 
 gridare, 1026 
 
 hanapus, 1026 
 
 melinus, 1196 
 mirare, 1036 
 multo, 1036 
 
 padulis, 104a 
 
 sappetus, 1056 
 sicera, 106a 
 solta, 106a 
 stratura, 106a 
 
 torneamentum, 1066 
 
 Plcenian. 
 
 Auximum, 118a 
 
 »abine. 
 
 ausum, 996 
 nerio, 1086 
 
 ©scan 
 
 ner, 1086 
 nesimo, 114a 
 teerum, 1096 
 tuvtu, 1126 
 
 Unibriau. 
 
 berus, 1076 
 berva, 1076 
 esme, 125 
 esmei, 125 
 nesimo, 114a 
 
192 Indices Verbornm to Position of the Celtic, 
 
 ner, 1086 
 pir, 119 
 pusme, 125 
 toto, 1125 
 traf, 1096 
 
 Romance. 
 
 -esis, 121 
 finisco, 102a 
 ^issa, 121 
 peso, 1046 
 putana, 105a 
 rendere, 1056 
 stendardo, 106a 
 
 Italian. 
 
 landa, 118a 
 veltro, 107, 118a 
 
 Provencal. 
 
 > 
 
 landa, 118a 
 
 French. 
 
 bai, 108a 
 blamer, 100a 
 broche, 100a 
 
 cbarite, 100a 
 cherir, 108a 
 commencer 101a 
 
 empecber, 1026 
 enceiis, 103a 
 estaminet, 106a 
 estonner, etonuer, 102a 
 
 foudre, 1026 
 
 baster, bater, 1026 
 
 lande, 118a 
 
 merveille, 1036 
 mesfaire, rnefaire, 1036 
 moi, 126 
 
 pan, 123 
 parfait, 1046 
 paroi, 104a 
 pavilion, 104a 
 petit, 1046 
 pommaille, 105a 
 prison, 105a 
 
 rame, 1056 
 recommendare, 1056 
 
 sauver, 1056 
 sou, 106a 
 songer, 106« 
 sorte, 106a 
 soutenir, 106a 
 
 talent, 106a 
 tonneau, 1066 
 trabison, 1066 
 tribunal, 1066 
 
 vice, 1076 
 
 Gothic. 
 
 ada (Kr. Goth.) note 88, 
 
 page 112 
 * ADDIA (Prim.), note 
 
 88, page 112 
 afvairpands, 129 
 aggilus, 114 
 ains, 1116 
 aivs, 109a 
 alan, 1136 
 aleina, 1106 
 alis, 109a 
 alja-, 109a 
 aljan, 1136 
 alls, 1186 
 anabiudan, 117a 
 and-, 123 
 
 andbindandans, 129 
 anbafjands, 129 
 apaustaulus, 114 
 ara, 1156 
 arbi, 1166 
 arbja, 1166 
 -areis, 124 
 at-, 113a 
 aubsans, 118a 
 auburoa, 118a 
 aubumists, 118a 
 auf>eis, 1186 
 
 balgs, 117a 
 
 TEUTONIC. 
 
 ban] a, 1136 
 baurd, 117a 
 baurgs, 1136, 117a 
 braids, Ilia 
 broj^ar, 1096 
 
 dailjan, 115a 
 dails, 115a 
 daur, 1106, 121 
 dauro, 1106 
 driugan, 1156 
 du, 1156 
 
 eisarn, 118a 
 
 fadar, 1096 
 
 faurbiudan, 117a 
 
 fimf, 122 
 
 fisks, 114a 
 
 fotubaurd, 117a 
 
 fram, 126 
 
 frunia, 126 
 
 fulan, 129 
 
 fulls (i.e. fubis), Ilia 
 
 fulljan, Ilia 
 
 ga-, 130 
 gaarbja, 1166 
 gabundanana, 129 
 gadraubts, 1156 
 gagaggandam, 129 
 gabausjands, 129 
 gastandands, 129 
 
 gataujandan, 129 
 gazds, 1176 
 gild, 1176 
 graban, 115a 
 
 bafja, 114a 
 haihs, 1136 
 bairto, 1096 
 haurn, 114a 
 bilpan, 123 
 buljan, 1146 
 bunds, 110a, 123 
 
 iddja, 128 
 idreiga, 116a 
 is, 126 
 ita, 126 
 -iza, 126 
 Tzvis, 129 
 
 jains, 127 
 juggs, Ilia 
 jubiza, Ilia 
 juk, Ilia 
 
 kan, 1106 
 kuni, 1106 
 
 laigo, Ilia 
 lamb, 118a 
 land, 118a 
 leihts, Ilia 
 
Old High German Index. 
 
 19; 
 
 mag, 1156 
 manags, 116a 
 managei, 116a 
 man, Ilia 
 mena, 1116 
 menojps, 1116 
 mes, 1036 
 mikils, 121 
 missa, 118a 
 
 nadr, 114a 
 namo, 109a 
 naqvaj^s, 116a 
 nehv, 114a 
 
 og, 116a 
 ogan, 116a 
 -oza, 126 
 
 qvens, 1096 
 qvino, 1096 
 qvius, 1096 
 
 raihts, 1146 
 reiks, 114a 
 rign, 117a 
 runa, 1186 
 
 saian, 1166 
 
 salt, 1116 
 
 salta, 109a 
 
 sakan, 112a 
 
 sarnajj, 129 
 
 sauil, 112a 
 
 si, 126 
 
 sidus, 1136 
 
 sineigs, 112a 
 
 sinista, 112a 
 
 sinj^s, 1186 
 
 sitan, 112a 
 
 skadus, 1136 
 
 skalks, 1186 
 
 * snaigas, * snaigvas 
 
 snaivs, 1166 
 snaivs, 1166 
 sokjan, 112a 
 stiur, 1096 
 surma, 1186 
 sunno, 1186 
 sumis, 121 
 svaihra, 1116 
 svaihro, 1116 
 svistar, 108a, 112a 
 
 tagr, 110a 
 taihsvs, 110a 
 tarn j an, 110a 
 timan, 110a 
 triu, 110a 
 tuggo, 1146, 123 
 
 tunjms, 110a 
 
 J?ahan, 1146 
 )?airh, 1186 
 f^aurnus, 1156 
 J?iuda, 1126 
 jpragja, 113a 
 
 ushlaupands, 129 
 usstandands, 129 
 
 vair, 1126 
 vairj?s, 1166 
 vait, 123 
 valdan, 1166 
 vaurms, 110a 
 veins, vehs, 1126 
 viduvo, 1126 
 vityeis, 1196 
 vinds, 1146 
 vulfs, 121 
 vulla, 1126 
 
 Old Teutonic. 
 
 * hafar, 123 
 hafjan, 123 
 
 Old High German. 
 
 ahsala, 113a 
 ali-, 109a 
 angi, 109a 
 angil, v. engil, 114 
 aphul, aphol, 115a 
 
 baga, 117a 
 
 bagan, v. biag, 117a 
 
 bagen, 117a 
 
 bana )t /, 1136 
 
 bano, m., 1136 
 
 banon, 1136 
 
 bart, 996 
 
 biag, v. bagan, 117a 
 
 bigil, v. bihal, pigil, 117a 
 
 bihal, v. pihal, 117a 
 
 bimunigon, 124 
 
 biseh, 1116 
 
 bisihan, 1116 
 
 blat, v. plat, Ilia 
 
 bluot, 117a 
 
 boch, v. poch, 117a 
 
 bogo, v. poco, 117a 
 
 bort, 117a 
 
 borti, 117a 
 
 borto, 117a 
 
 charra, v. karra, garra, 
 
 1176 
 chona, 1096 
 
 chraft, 1176 
 chrannb, 113a 
 cbrump, 1176 
 chruzigon, 124 
 chuo, 1096 
 cbus, 1176 
 
 dach, 1126 
 demar, 1126 
 dunni, 1126 
 
 ecala, 1176 
 
 egala, 1176 
 
 ei, 1126, note 88,/?. 112 
 
 elitliiotic, 109a 
 
 engil, v. angil, 114 
 
 ewa, 109a 
 
 fiur, 119 
 folma, 1116 
 friudil, fridil, 11 6« 
 
 gabala, 1176 
 
 galingan, 113a 
 
 ganzo, 1156 
 
 garra, v. karra, 1176 
 
 gart, 1176 
 
 gartja, 1176 
 
 ger, 1176 
 
 ginen, 1136 
 
 ginon, v. ginen, 1136 
 
 gisal, 1176 
 
 giwiznes (neut.), 119a 
 
 giwiznesi (Jem.), 1186 
 
 glas, 1176 
 
 grioz, 1176 
 
 hadu, 1176 
 helan, 1146 
 heli, 1146 
 hiruz, 108 a 
 hnot, 110a 
 bosa, 1176 
 nulla, 1146 
 hut, 110a 
 hutta, 110a 
 
 isarn, 118a 
 iwa, 118a 
 
 karra, v. garra,chirra, 1176 
 kramph, 1176 
 kruog, 115a 
 krus, 1136 
 
 ledar, 118a 
 luogen, 118a 
 lus, 118a 
 
 mana (ma.nh.a-), 111 
 maracb, 118a 
 
194 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 meriha,/. v. marach, 
 mias, 1036 
 niiscjan, 1116 
 muotar, Ilia 
 
 nachat, 116a 
 natra, natara, 114a 
 nefo, 114a 
 nest, 114a 
 nibul, 1116 
 nift, 114a 
 niftila, 114a 
 
 pale, 117a 
 phant, 123 
 pigil, v. bigil, 117a 
 pihal, v. bihal, 117a 
 plat, v. blat, Ilia 
 pli, 114a 
 pliwes, 114a 
 poch, v. boch, 117a 
 poco, v. bogo, 117a 
 postul, 114 
 
 rad, 1116 
 reht ? 1146 
 richi, 114a 
 run, 1186 
 
 sagen, 112a 
 sech, 1186 
 segal, 1186 
 sia, 127 
 sie, 127 
 sind, 1186 
 siniscalc, 112a 
 sio, 127 
 siu, 127 
 snecco, 1186 
 snuor, 1186 
 stroum, 1116 
 sumar, 1186 
 sumna, 1186 
 sunna, 1186 
 
 tarch, 1176 
 tiligon, 124 
 triugan, 1146 
 truhtin, 1156 
 trubtinc, 1156 
 
 wagan, 1186 
 wer, 1126 
 weralt, 1126 
 witu, 119a 
 wolchan, 1196 
 wolf, 121 
 
 za, zi, zuo, 1156 
 zand, zan, 1 LOa 
 
 1186 
 
 zi, v. za, 1156 
 
 zoraht, v. zhort, 113a 
 
 zorht, 113a 
 
 zorft, v. zohrt, 113a 
 
 zun, 1176 
 
 zuo, v. za, 1156 
 
 Middle High German. 
 
 bil, 117a 
 
 bluot,/)/. bliiete, 117a 
 bader, 1176 
 limpfen, 118a 
 man, 118a 
 march (marc), 118a 
 vluor, 118a 
 vriedel, 116a 
 
 New High German. 
 
 aufgebot, 117a 
 ausgesprocben, 130 
 
 bemachtige, 124 
 blappen, blappern, v. plap- 
 pern, 1186 
 
 enge, 109a 
 enterben, 117a 
 
 gefahrtin, 1186 
 genter, 1156 
 gerte, 1176 
 
 hader, 1176 
 haksch, 118a 
 hulle, 1146 
 
 jemand, 123 
 
 kind, 1106 
 krug, 115a 
 
 lahm, 118a 
 lugen, 118a 
 
 macbtig, 124 
 maultbier, 100a 
 menge, 116a 
 mis-, 118a 
 mucke, 118a 
 muscbel, 114 
 
 ode, 1186 
 
 peinige, 124 
 
 plappern,u. blappern, 1186 
 
 reinige, 124 
 
 walten, 1166 
 
 werth, 116a 
 windbeutel, 102a 
 
 zahlen, 115 
 
 Old Saxon. 
 
 ehu, 1106 
 reht, 1146 
 tun, 1176 
 vidu, 119a 
 wolcan, 1196 
 
 Frisian. 
 
 appel, 115a 
 
 Low German. 
 
 kaute, kute, 105a 
 
 Middle Hutch. 
 
 slecke, 1186 
 
 Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 agg, note 88,/>. 112 
 appel, 115a 
 
 bat, 117a 
 boga, 117a 
 bucca, 117a 
 
 coss, 1176 
 craft, 1176 
 crumb, 1176 
 
 deorc, 1176 
 
 eorl, 115 
 
 flor, 118a 
 folma, 1116 
 
 gandra, 1156 
 gar, 1176 
 gevitnesse, 119a 
 gevitnes, 119a 
 gia's, 1176 
 greot, 1176 
 
 hafer, 114a 
 heaSo, 1176 
 hos, 1176 
 bosa, 1176 
 
 iv, 118a 
 
 leSer, 118a 
 
Old Slavonic Index. 
 
 195 
 
 locian, 118a 
 lus, 118a 
 
 nest, 114a 
 nefa, Ilia 
 nift, 111a 
 
 segel, 1186 
 snegel, 1186 
 sumor, sumer, 1186 
 surma, 1186 
 
 to, 1156 
 tun, 1176 
 
 vagen, 1186 
 volcen, 1196 
 vudu, 119a 
 
 English. 
 
 dark, 1176 
 
 flat, note 87, p. Ill 
 floor, 118a 
 
 hat, 114 
 herring, 114 
 hog, 118a 
 
 lame, 118a 
 
 nut, 110a 
 
 reader, 114 
 
 smoke, 115 
 strike, 115 
 string, 114 
 
 strive, 115 
 swain, 115 
 
 town, 1176 
 
 witness, 119a 
 
 Old Norse. 
 
 ala, 1136 
 
 baegjask, 117a 
 baga, 117a 
 bagi, 117a 
 bagr, 117a 
 bana, 1136 
 bani, 113b 
 batr, 117a 
 belgr, 117a 
 bogi, 117a 
 bokki, 117a 
 borS, 117a 
 
 coss (koss), 1176 
 
 dockr, 1176 
 drott, pi. drottir, 1156 
 drottin, 1156 
 drottning, 1156 
 
 egg, note 88, p. 112 
 epli, 115a 
 
 flatr, note 87, p. Ill 
 
 glas, 1176 
 griot, 1176 
 
 hafr, 114a 
 
 heill, note 84, p. 108 
 
 iarl, 115 
 
 iarn, v. isarn, 118a 
 
 ior, 1106 
 
 isarn, 118a 
 
 kerra, 1176 
 kreftr, 1176 
 
 ledr, 118a 
 lus, 118a 
 
 naktr (nakinn), 116a 
 nift, 114a 
 
 segl, 1186 
 snigil, 1186 
 snara, 1186 
 son (sonr), 121 
 sumar, 1186 
 sunna, 1186 
 svefn, 1116 
 svein, 115 
 
 tivar, 1106 
 tonn, 110a 
 tun, 1176 
 
 Jjak, 1126 
 j?ior, 1096 
 
 vagn, 1186 
 vi£r, 118a 
 
 yr, 118a 
 
 WINDIC OR LITO-SLAVONIAN. 
 
 Old Slavonic. 
 
 ablani, abloni, v. jablani, 
 
 115a 
 agne, v. jagne, 1 116 
 agnica, Ch. SI, 1116 
 agnici, v. jagnici, 1116 
 aice, v. jaice, 1126 
 anigelu, Ch. SI, 114 
 apostolu, Ch. SI, 114 
 -ari, 124 
 azu, 109a 
 aza, 109a 
 
 bada, 128 
 brada, 996 
 bratru, 1096 
 
 A. Slavonic. 
 bratu, 1096 
 
 czrivi, 110a 
 czrtiminu, 110a 
 czruvi, 110a 
 
 dehti, 115a 
 deni, v. dini, 121 
 desmti, 110a 
 dmi, 110a, 121 
 do-, 1156 
 drevo, 110a 
 drugti, 1156 
 druva, 110a 
 dvM, pi. 1106 
 
 * geravjas, v. zeravll, 113a 
 
 gnezdo, 114a 
 golctbi, 1006 
 govedo, 1096 
 greba, 115a 
 grobu, 115a 
 
 ida, 128 
 
 igo (jigo), Ilia 
 
 ime, 109a 
 
 jablani, 115a 
 jabltlko, jabluka, 115a 
 jada, 128 
 
 jagne, v. agne, 1116 
 jagnici", v. agnici, 1116 
 jaice, v. aice, 1126 
 jaza, 109a 
 
196 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 jeza, 109a 
 junu, Ilia 
 
 karati,119aa 
 kobyla, 110a 
 kobylica, 110a 
 koleno, 1196 
 koni, 110a 
 krivti, 1176 
 krticzagu, 115a 
 krticziminica, 115a 
 krucziviuiku, 115a 
 
 ligiikti, Ilia 
 liza, Ilia 
 
 moga, 1156, 123 
 mati, Ilia 
 meseci, 1116 
 mesiti, 1116 
 innogu, 116a 
 
 nagu, 116a 
 nebo, 119a 
 
 ogni, 119 
 onti, 127 
 orllu, 1156 
 
 Lithuanian. 
 
 angelas, 114 
 anksztas, 109a 
 ankszta, 109a 
 ans, 127 
 apasztalas, 114 
 aszara, 110a 
 aszva, 1106 
 at-, 113a 
 auksas, 996 
 
 barzda, 996 
 brolis, 1096 
 
 da-, 1156 
 dalis, 115a 
 dalyti, 115a 
 dantis, 110a 
 deni, 121; 
 dena, 110a 
 derva, 110a 
 deszine, 110a 
 devas, 110a 
 din! 
 
 draugalas, 1156 
 draugas, 1156 
 durys, 1106 
 
 pameti, Ilia 
 plunti, Ilia 
 prijateli, 116a 
 
 sladukii, note 82, p. 97, 124 
 
 sejati, 1166 
 
 sesti, 112a 
 
 sestra, 112a 
 
 sladuku, note 82, p. 97, 124 
 
 slunice. 112a 
 
 snegu, 1166 
 
 snocha v. snucha, 121 
 
 snucba, 121 
 
 sobaka, 110a 
 
 soli, 1116 
 
 srudice, 1096 
 
 struja, 1116 
 
 struga, v. struja, 1116 
 
 sucbu, Ch. SL, 112a 
 
 suka, 110a 
 
 sunti, 1116 
 
 svekru, 1116 
 
 svekruvi, 1116 
 
 svekry, v. svekru, 1116 
 
 tima, 1126 
 tiniku, 1126 
 trtinu, 1156 
 turti, 1096 
 
 B. Lettic. 
 
 erelis, 1156 
 eris, 1156 
 -esnis, 126 
 
 gale ti, 119a 
 galiu, 119a 
 gandras, 1156 
 gelbeti, 123 
 gerve, 113a 
 gimti, 1106 
 grabas, 115a 
 gyvas, 1096 
 
 inkaras, 99a 
 
 jaunas, Ilia 
 -jaus, 126 
 -jausei, 126 
 -jausias, 126 
 jungas, Ilia 
 
 kampas, 110a 
 karczama, 115a 
 kelys, 1196 
 kirmele, 110a 
 kirminas, 110a 
 kirmis, 110a, 119a 
 koravoti, 119a 
 
 vazvi, 109a 
 veczeru., 1126 
 ridova, 1126 
 visi, 1126 
 vlada, 1166 
 vladiti, 1166 
 vlasti, 1166 
 vluku, 120 
 vltina, 1126 
 vranu, 119a 
 
 zena, 1096 
 zenti, 1106 
 zeravli, 113a 
 zima, 1106 
 zivti, 1096 
 znaja, 1106 
 
 Poiish. 
 
 jaje, 1126 
 
 wart, 1166 
 wilk, 120 
 
 Servian. 
 
 junak, Ilia 
 
 kreivas, 1176 
 kuinas, 110a 
 kulnis, 1196 
 kumele, 110a 
 kumelukas, 110a 
 kumpas, 110a 
 
 laizau, Ilia 
 lengvas, Ilia 
 
 maiszyti, 1116 
 melynas, 1196 
 menes, v. menu, 1116 
 menu, 1116 
 merga, 1196 
 mergele, 1196 
 moketi, 116a 
 m&ku, 116a, 123 
 mote, Ilia 
 
 nugas, 116a 
 
 obelis, 115a 
 obulas, 115a 
 -orius, 124 
 
 pilnas, Ilia 
 pirm, 126 
 pirmas, 126 
 
Old Irish In dew. 
 
 197 
 
 plat us, Ilia 
 pretelius, 116a 
 
 ratas, 1116 
 
 sakau, 112a 
 saldus, note 82, p. 97 
 sapnas, 1116 
 saule, 112a 
 saiisas, 112a 
 sekla, 1166 
 seku, 112a 
 semens, 1166 
 Senas, 112a 
 senis, 112a 
 sesti, 112a 
 sesii, 112a 
 Scti, 1166 
 snegas, 1166 
 snocha, 121 
 snttcha, 12 L 
 sraume, 1116 
 stogas, 1126 
 szu, 110a 
 
 szirdis, 1096 
 
 tamsa, 1126 
 tauta, 1126 
 
 ugnis, 119 
 
 vakaras, 1126 
 valdau, 1166 
 valdyti, 1166 
 varna, 119a 
 varnas, 119a 
 venas, 1116 
 vertas, 1166 
 vese'ti, 1126 
 vesz-pats, 1126 
 vilkas, 120 
 vilna, 1126 
 vyras, 1126 
 
 zema, 1106 
 zinau, 1106 
 
 Lettish. 
 
 abols, 115a 
 
 dallit, 115a 
 
 debbes, 119a 
 
 dl-ws, 110a 
 
 draudse (*draugia), 1156 
 
 erglis, 1156 
 
 gows, 1096 
 
 krogs, 115a 
 
 sapnis, 1116 
 
 tauta, 1126 
 
 waldit, 1166 
 
 wens, 1116 
 
 wirs, 1126 
 
 Old Prussian. 
 
 ains, 1116 
 dellieis, 115a 
 eranes, 109a 
 * ganna, 1096 
 tauta, 1126 
 werts, 1166 
 widdewu, 1126 
 
 Old Celtic. 
 
 ad-, 113a 
 
 ande-, 99a, 123 (St. 734) 
 Argento-ratum, 996 (St. 
 
 607) 
 Arduenna, 1076 
 ate, note 103,^. 113 
 
 bulga, 117a (St. 217) 
 
 Camba, 110a 
 Cainbodunum, 110a. (St. 
 
 p. 150) 
 carrus, 1176 
 
 cataracton, note 85, p. 108 
 * catarax, note 85, p. 108 
 Caturiges, 1176 
 Catu-slogi, ! 1176(St. 1003) 
 Cebenna, 1076 
 covinus, (Brit., Belg.) 
 
 1186 
 Crixus, 1136 
 
 dan (root), 122 
 drungus, 115a 
 dula, 122 (see 7rf/x7T£- 
 SovXa ; St. 765) 
 
 Gaesati, 1176 (St., Gai- 
 
 sati, 216) 
 gaesum, 1176 
 
 CELTIC. 
 
 Kdovov ri]V aakTriyya, 
 
 1136 
 Kdpvv%, 114a 
 
 XayKta, 1086 
 Lutetia, Luteva, 1086 
 
 fiapKav, ace, 118a 
 Mopacdfifit), 110a 
 
 ve/xrjTOVj ace, 121 (St. 
 423) 
 
 ov^eWov, ovZeWa (Brit.), 
 
 118a (v. St. 13J 
 Oppianicnos, 123 
 
 TrefnrkdovXa, see dula, 122 
 (St. 765) 
 
 'Seyojuapog, 121 (St. 423, 
 
 p. 156) 
 Seno-magus, 112a 
 
 tarvos, 1096 (St. p. 159) 
 Toutissicnos, 123 
 
 Uxellodununi, 118a (St. 
 13) 
 
 vertragus, 107, 113a (St. 
 74) 
 
 vidu, 119a (St. 46) 
 
 Old Irish. 
 
 ab, 99a (C. I to.) 
 
 aball, 115a (St. 555) 
 
 abstanit, 99a 
 
 accidit, v. aiccidit, 99a 
 
 accus, v. ocus, 109a 
 
 acbtail, 99a (C l w.) 
 
 actegim, 99a 
 
 acuit, 99a 
 
 accus, v. ocus, ocuis, 109a 
 
 achtail, 99a (C. Liv.) 
 
 actegim, 99a 
 
 acuit, 99a 
 
 acus, v, ocus, ocuis, 109« 
 
 ad-, 113a, 120 
 
 adaltras, 99a (St. 882) 
 
 adgensa, 1106 
 
 adgeuin, 1106 
 
 adiect, adiecbt, 99a 
 
 admuinur, Ilia 
 
 adrad, 99a (C. I. w.) 
 
 adras, 99a 
 
 adrorsat, 99a 
 
 adsaitis, 112a 
 
 aeclis, dat. abh; v. gen., 
 
 ecolso, ecilse ; 1016 
 aer, v. aiar, 107a 
 ag (root), 107a 
 agathar, 116a 
 
198 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 aiar, v. aer, 117a 
 
 -aib, v. -ib, 127 
 
 aibgiter, 99a (C. /. w.) 
 
 aiccent, aiccend, dat. aic- 
 ciund, 99a 
 
 aiccidit, v. accidit, 99a 
 
 aicher, 99a ( C. I. w.) 
 
 aichthi, 116a 
 
 aidrech, 116a 
 
 aile, 109a, 113 (St. 158) 
 
 ailigirn, 107a 
 
 aine, 103a (C. I. iv.) 
 
 aingel (angel), 99a, 111 
 (C. l.w.) 
 
 ainm, 107a, 109a (St. 
 991) 
 
 airdircc, v. erdirc, irdirrcc. 
 113a 
 
 -aire, v. -ire, 124 
 
 airecal, 104a 
 
 airget, v. argat, 99a 
 
 airlech, 103a 
 
 airriu, 127 
 
 ais (ois), gen. aisa, aisso 
 (oissa, oesa), 109a (St. 
 735,812) 
 
 aith (*ati-), 113a (St. 155) 
 
 aithgne, 1106 
 
 aithirge, v. ithirge, 116a 
 
 al, (root) 113a 
 
 almsan, ace. almsin, 1016 
 
 (C.l.w.) 
 alt, 107a 
 altoir, 99a 
 altram, 113a 
 -am, 126 
 
 amail, arnal, 109a 
 amlabar, 1186, 124 (St. 
 
 1133) 
 amprom, amprome, 105a 
 ana, 127 
 ancretem, 124 
 ancretmech, 124 
 angel (aingel), 99 a, 114 
 anim, 107a, 109 
 apstal, 99a, 114 (C. I. w.) 
 apstallacht, 124 
 ar (root), 1096 
 arafulsam, 113a 
 arathar, 99a 
 arbae, v. orpe, 1166 (St. 
 
 752, p. 163) 
 ardd, 1076 
 arenindarbe, 117a (St. 
 
 752) 
 argat, v. airget, 99a 
 arm, arm a, v. dat. fsind- 
 
 airm, 996 
 arnachitrindarpither, 
 117a, 130 
 
 art, 996 (C. I. w.) 
 articol, gen. sing., nom. 
 
 pi., articuil, dat. ar- 
 
 tucol, 99-5 
 arva (arba), 107a 
 as (a, es), 1076 
 asan, 996 
 
 asdul, 1026 (astol, C. I. w.) 
 asil, 113a 
 asmecnugur, 124 
 asrobrad, 130 
 atbela, 1136 
 athir, 1095, 113 (St. 13, 
 
 1046) 
 athusu, 126 
 atom, 995 
 atomaig, 107a 
 -atu, v. -etu, 124 
 augtortas, 995 (St. 1107) 
 augaist, 995 (C. I. iv.) 
 
 bachall, 996 ((7. I. w.) 
 
 badud, 117a 
 
 baga, 117a 
 
 bagim, 117a 
 
 bagul, 117a 
 
 baislic, 100a (C. I w.) 
 
 baitsim, ace. baithis, dat. 
 
 batbius, 996 
 bal (root), 1136 
 balb, 996 (C. l.w.) 
 ball, 1076 (St. 638) 
 ban, v. ben (root), 113a 
 ban (mulier), v. ben, 1096 
 
 (St. 21) 
 bandechuin (pi.), 1016 
 banscala, 1186 
 bar, v. ber (root), 1096 
 bare, 996 (C. l.w.) 
 bas, 1136 
 bathach, 1136 (St. p. 
 
 163) 
 bauptaist, 996 (C. l.w.) 
 beisti, f.pl., 100a ( C. I. w.) 
 bemen (pi.), 1136 
 ben, v. ban (root), 113a 
 ben (mulier), v. ban, 1096 
 bendacbae, 100a 
 bendacht, 100a (C. I. w.) 
 beo, v. biu, 1096 
 beod, 1096 
 beogidir, 1096 
 beotliu, bethu, 1096 
 ber, v. bar (root), 1096 
 berach, 1076 
 bethe, 108a 
 bethu, beotbu, 1096 
 biad, 1096 (St ; 477) 
 biail, biail, buail, 117a 
 birdae, 1076 
 
 biu, v. beo, 1096 
 
 biu, 127 
 
 bochaill, 108a (St. 583) 
 
 boide, v. buide, 117a 
 
 bolg, bole, 117a (St. 217) 
 
 boll, 100a (St. 159 ; C I. 
 
 w.) 
 borg (borcc), 1136, 117a 
 borggde, v. borg, 1136 
 bou, 108a, 1096 
 brace, 100a (C. I. w) 
 braich, 100a (C. I. w.) 
 braisech, 100a 
 bran, 119a 
 brath, 122 (St. 336) 
 breth, 122 (St. 336) 
 brathair, brathir, 1096 (St. 
 
 1047) 
 breib, 1006 
 brithemnacht, 124 (St. 
 
 336) 
 broen, 117a 
 buaid, 117a 
 
 buail, v. biail, biail, 117a 
 buide, v. boide, adj. 108a, 
 
 (St. 803), subst. 117a 
 buidecb, 117a 
 buidnib, 117a 
 
 caech, 1136 
 
 cacht, 100a (C. I. w.) 
 
 cailech, 100a 
 
 caille, 104a, 114b (C. I. 
 
 w.) 
 caimse, 100a (eaimmse, C. 
 
 /. iv.) 
 caindloir, 100a (St. 44) 
 caingel, 100a 
 caiptel, 100a (C. I. iv.) 
 caire, 119a 
 cairigud, 119a 
 caisc, 104a (C. I. w.) 
 caise, 1006 (C. l.w.) 
 caisel, 1006 ( C. I. w.) 
 calann, 103a (CI w.) 
 callaid, 100a (C. I. w.) 
 camm, 1096 
 cammaib, dat. pi., v. 
 
 camm, 1096 
 cammderc, 1096 
 camthuisil, 1096 
 can (root), 108a 
 canoin (ace), 100a (C. I. 
 
 iv.) 
 car (root), 108a 
 carachtar, 1006 
 carcar, gen. pi. carcre, 
 
 dat. carcair, 100a 
 carim, cairim, 128 
 carmocol, 100a 
 
Old Irish Index. 
 
 199 
 
 carpat, 1006 (C. I. w.) 
 
 cast, 1006 
 
 castoit, 1006 (C.Z.w.) 
 
 cath, 1176 
 
 cathir, cathair, 108a (St. 
 
 13) 
 cathlac, 1006 (C. I. w.) 
 cathrach, gen. v. cathir, 
 
 note 85, p. 108 
 caut, 100a 
 cedir, 1006 
 ceir, 1006 (C. I. to.) 
 ceirbsire, 1006 
 ceist, 105a (cest, C. I w.) 
 eel, 108a 
 
 cell, 1006 (eel, C. I. w.) 
 cen, 131 
 
 cenaelugud, 1106 
 cenel, 1106 (St. 676) 
 cenelach, 1106 
 cenelae, 1106 
 cercenn, 1006 (C. I. w.) 
 cerchaill, 1006 (C. /. w.) 
 cercol (ace), 1006 
 cetlaid, 108a (St. 3) 
 cilic, 1006 
 cimbal, 1016 
 cingcidis, 1046 
 cingices, 105a (cingciges, 
 
 C. I. w.) 
 circumflex, 1006 
 ciuil (gen.), 108a 
 cis, 1006 (C. /. w.) 
 * cladibas, 108a 
 claideb, 108a 
 clais, 1006 
 clechir, 1006 
 clechti, 1006 
 clerech, 1006 ( C. I. w.) 
 climata (pi), 1006 ( c - '• 
 
 w.) 
 clocc, 1006 
 cloebmuer, 1006 
 cl&i, 108a 
 
 clum, 1046 (C. I. w.) 
 cnam, 108a (St. 269) 
 cira, 110a 
 
 coehull, 101a (C. I. w.) 
 coibse, 101a ( C. I. w.) 
 coic, 101a, 122 (St. 776; 
 
 C. I. w.'j 
 c&is (dat.), 1006 (St. 434, 
 
 ace sing.) 
 coisecrad, 101 a (St. 880) 
 colcaid, 1016 (C. l.w.) 
 coll, 101a 
 colomna (nom. pi.), 1006 
 
 (C /. w.) 
 colum, 1006 
 columnat, 1006 
 
 com-, 126 
 comacus, 109a 
 comadas, 101a 
 comadasogod, 101a 
 comaicsiu, 109a 
 comalnadar, Ilia 
 comarbus, 1166 
 comarpe, 1166 
 commescatar, 1116 
 companacht, 101a 
 comparit, pi. -\t\,gen. -ite, 
 
 101a 
 conflechtaigthi, 101a 
 congnam, 1106 
 conoscaigesiu, 1116 
 conrobam, 131 
 conrochra, 131 
 conrogbaid, 131 
 couroscaigissiu, 1116 
 conson, gen. consine, 101a 
 corcur, 105a 
 corgais, 105a 
 coro-, corro-, conro-, 131 
 corp, 108a (C 7. w.) 
 cos, 108a 
 cosmail, cosmuil, cosmil, 
 
 * consamali, 109a 
 credal, 101a 
 
 crepscuil, 101a (C. I. w) 
 cresen, 1006 (C. I. w.) 
 cretem, 124 
 cretes, crettes, creites, pi. 
 
 cretite, v. cretim, 108a 
 cretim, 108a 
 criad, 101a 
 criathar, 108a (St. 700; 
 
 (C. I. w.) 
 cricbaib, 1136 
 cride, 1096 (St. 1102) 
 crismal, 1006 
 crocann, crocenn (leg. 
 
 croccan), 115a (St. 56) 
 croch, 101a 
 
 cruim, 110a, 1176, 119a 
 cruimther, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 cu, 110a 
 
 cuach, 1006 (C. I. w.) 
 cuicenn, 101a (cucenn, C. 
 
 I w.) 
 cuigel, 101a 
 cuilennbocc, 117a (St. 
 
 498) 
 cuimlengaithi, 113a (St 
 
 gl. N? 45, p. 147) 
 ciiisil, 101a (C. I. w.) 
 cul, 108a (C.l. w.) 
 cumacc, 109a, 116a, 123 
 cumacht, 109a, 116a 
 cumachtach, 116a, 124 
 cumacht(a)e, 116a 
 
 cumacbtagimm, cumacht- 
 
 aigim, 124 
 cumachtchu, comp. v. 
 
 cumachtach, 116a 
 cumaing, 116a 
 cum an (v. ni cuman lim), 
 
 Ilia (St. in; 
 cumang, 109a, 116a, 123 
 cummasc, gen. cummisc 
 
 1116 
 cumsciget, 1116 
 cumuing. v. cumaing, 116a 
 cupris, 1016 
 cusecar, 101a 
 cute, 105a 
 
 dairde, daurde, 110a (St. 
 
 554) 
 dam (root), 110a 
 damilsi, Ilia 
 dark (root), 113a 
 daur, 110a (St. 554) 
 daurauch, 110a (St. 554) 
 daurde, dairde, 110a (St. 
 
 554) 
 deccu, 127 
 demne, gen. pi. v. demuin, 
 
 1016 
 demuin, v. demne, (gen.), 
 
 1016 (C. I. w., deman) 
 * denge, v. tenge, 123 
 denim, 112 (St. 899) 
 der, 110a 
 
 derucc, 110a (St. 554) 
 der wen, 110a 
 descipul, 1016 (deiscipuil, 
 
 n. pi., C. I. w.) 
 dess, 110a (leg. des, St. 
 
 386) 
 de't, 110a 
 di, 1086, 120 
 dia (dies), 110a (St. p. 
 
 163 ; dia, C. I. w.) 
 dia (Deus), 110a (St. 81 
 diabul, 1016 
 diblide, 1016 
 dictatoir, 1016 
 digaim, 1016 
 dil, diliu, dilem, 115a (St. 
 
 1120) 
 diles, 115a 
 dilui, 1016, 115a 
 dinair, 1016 
 
 dipreeoit, 1016 (C. I. w.) 
 discreit, 1016 (C. I. w.) 
 do, du, 1156, 131 (St. 570) 
 do-, v. du-, 1086 (St. 85) 
 doaibsem, 127 
 doaithirge, v. taidirge, 
 
 116a 
 
 15 
 
200 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 cloaurchanaim, 108a (St., 
 
 doaurchanim, 704, 837) 
 dodalim, 115a 
 doforsat, 112a 
 dofuibnimm, 113a 
 dogentar, 1106 
 dogniu, 1106, 127 (St. 908) 
 doib,doib, 127 
 doiseich, 112a 
 -doit, 124 
 
 domnach, 1016 (C I io.) 
 domenarsa, Ilia 
 domoiniur, Ilia 
 donminursa, Ilia 
 do-ornalgg, v. omalg, Ilia 
 dorche, /. pi, 1176 (St. 
 
 331) 
 dor&sat, 112a 
 dor us, 1106 
 dosaig, 112a 
 doseich, 112a 
 drac, 1016 (C. I w.) 
 draigen, 1156 (St. 559) 
 driss, 1156 (St. 587) 
 dristenach, 1156 (St. 587) 
 droch, drog, 1146 
 drochgnim, 1146 
 drochgnimu, ace. pi, 1146 
 drog, drocb, 1146 
 droUhean, 1156 
 du, do, 1156, 120, 131 (St. 
 
 570) 
 du-, v. do-, 1086, 120, 131 
 
 (St. 85) 
 duib, 127 
 duibsi, 127 
 duine, 122 (St. 89) 
 dun, 1176 (St. 674) 
 dur, 1016 
 
 6, v. si, ed 
 
 ech, 1106, 122 (St. 17) 
 
 ecolso, ecilse, yen., v. 
 
 aeclis, 1016 
 ed, v. e, si, 126 
 -em, 126 
 
 emnatar, 1026 (St. 1010) 
 eo, 118a 
 epil, 1136 
 
 epistil, 102a (C. I. w.) 
 epscop, 102a (St. 982 ; C. 
 
 l.w.) 
 erdaircigidir, 113a 
 erdarcai, pi. v. airdircc, 
 
 113a 
 erdirc, v. airdircc, irdircc, 
 
 113a 
 erriu, erru, 127 
 escalchaill, 102a (St. 115) 
 estar, 1106 
 
 etar, etir, v. itir, 1086 
 etardibe, 1136 
 etargeiuin, 1106 
 etargne, etarcne, 1106 
 etarru, 127 
 ethemlagas, 102a 
 etirdibnet, 113a 
 -etu, v. -atu, 124 
 
 fagde, 102a 
 
 fallen, 1066 
 
 faith, 1096 (St. 2) 
 
 fedb, 107a, 1126 
 
 fellsube, 1016 
 
 felsub, 1046 (St. p. 159) 
 
 fernin, 102a (femen, C. l^ 
 
 w.) 
 fen, 1186 
 fer, 1126, 121 
 fers, gen. fersa, ferso, 1066 
 ferte, nom. pi., v. ferto, 
 
 1076 
 ferto, ferte, gen, 1076 (C. 
 
 I. IO.) 
 
 fescor, 1126 (St. 224 ; C. 
 
 I. w.) 
 fetarlaice, fetarlice, fetar- 
 
 licce, 107a 
 fi, 1086 
 
 nadnisse, 1186 (St. 959) 
 fial, 1066 
 
 fiar, v. sethar, 112a 
 fich, 1126 
 ficuldae, 102a 
 fid, 119a 
 fidbocc, 117a 
 figil, 107a (C. I. io.) 
 fimf, 122 
 
 fin, f mn, 107a (C. /. tv.) 
 fine, 107a (C. I. iv.) 
 fir. 1066 
 * firas, 121 
 firaib, forib, 127 
 firtu, ace., v. ferto, 1076 
 fis, 1076 (CI. w.) 
 fiaith, gen. Hatha, fiatho, 
 
 1166 
 fia(i)themnacht, 1166 
 fiaithenmas, 1166 
 fiur, 118a 
 
 focul, 1075 (C. I. to.) 
 fodail, fodil, 115a 
 fodaimimse, 110a 
 fodali, 115a, 122 
 fodlaidi, 115a 
 fognam, 1105(St. 815) 
 fogni, 1106 
 foircthe, 108a 
 folcaim, folcaimm, 1196 
 
 (St. 1045) 
 
 fondrodil, 115a 
 foraib, foirib, forib, 127 
 forcanim,forchanim, 108a 
 forchun, 108a, 127 
 forcital, forcetal, 108a (St. 
 
 837) 
 forcitl(a)id, forcetlaid, 
 
 108a (St. 837) 
 forlan, Ilia 
 forlongis, 103a 
 forodil, 122 
 forru, 127 
 
 fuirib, v. foraib, 127 
 fulang, 113a 
 
 gab (roof), 114a 
 
 gabail, 123 
 
 gabor,114a, 1196, 123 (St. 
 
 372) 
 gabimm, 1196 
 gabul, 1176 (St. 135) 
 gaide, 1176 (St. 216) 
 gaimred, 1106 
 ged, 1156 
 
 gein, gen. geine, 1106 
 geinddae, 1106 
 geinti, v. genti, 1026 
 geinti, pi, 1026 (geinte, 
 
 C. I. io.) 
 geintlecte, gen. Jem., v. 
 
 gentlide, 1026 
 geintlide, 1026 
 gell, 1176 
 
 gen (root Skr. jan), 1106 
 gen (root Skr. jna), 1106 
 gen, dat. giun, 1136 
 genitiu, 1026 
 genti, v. geinti, 1026 
 gentlide, 1026 
 gentar, genthir, 1106 
 gerind, 1026 
 giaU, 1176 (St. 216) 
 glass, etfas, 1176 (St., note, 
 
 p. 91) 
 gluais, 1026 
 glun, 1196 
 gne, 1106 
 gnethid, 1106 
 gnfm, 1106 (St. 908) 
 gniu, 128 
 grad, gen. graid, 1026 (C. 
 
 I. io.) 
 graif, 1025 
 
 grazacham, 1025 (C I. w.) 
 guidimm, 122 (St. 870) 
 
 heritic, pi, 1026 
 hiairn, gen. v. iarn, 118a 
 ho buidnib, 117a 
 hodid, gen. v. uathid, 1186 
 
Old Irish Index. 
 
 201 
 
 (h)omaldoit, v. mnaldoit, 
 
 1026 
 horpamin, (pi.) v. orpam, 
 
 1166 
 hothad,t\ (h) uathath, etc. 
 
 1186 
 huathad, v. (h)uathath, 
 
 etc.), 1186 
 huathath ace., v. (h)ua- 
 
 thath, etc. 1186 
 huathati, fern. ace. pi., v. 
 
 uaithed, 1186 
 (h) umaldoit, v. umaldoit, 
 
 1026 
 
 iach, 102a (St. 216) 
 
 iarm-, 126 
 
 iarn, v. gen. hiairn, 118a 
 (St. 608, 812) 
 
 -ib, v. -aib, 127 
 
 ibim, 1086 
 
 id, 1026 
 
 idol, 1026 (C. l.w.) 
 
 ifurnn, gen. ifirnn, 103a 
 (iffearn, iffern, St. 519) 
 
 il,». lia, lllo(il, St. 13) 
 
 irab-, 99a 
 
 imdibe, 1136 
 
 imdibenar, 113a 
 
 immefolngai, immefoln- 
 gai, immolhgai, 113a 
 
 immeforling, imforling, 
 113a 
 
 -imem, 126 
 
 immeruidbed, 1136, 130 
 
 iramumruidbed, 130 
 
 immolhgai (see immefol- 
 ngai, etc.), 113a 
 
 ind-, 99a, 123 (St. 734) 
 
 indatbendachub, 100a, v. 
 bendacht 
 
 ind-figor, 102a 
 
 indib, 127 
 
 indid, 127 
 
 indlach, 113a 
 
 indlung, 113a 
 
 infinit, 103a 
 
 ingor, 99a (St. 68) 
 
 inis, gen. inse, 1086 
 
 init, 103a 
 
 innarbar, 117a 
 
 innerese (ace), 1026 
 
 innoc(h)t, 1116 
 
 innurid, 125 
 
 inobar, v. saibes, 104a 
 
 inroleg, 103a 
 
 insadaim, 112a 
 
 insce, 112a 
 
 inte, 127 
 
 interiecht, 103a 
 
 intesi, 127 
 
 intiu, 127 
 
 -ire, v. -aire, 121 
 
 irgnae, 1106 
 
 isiad-airmm, dat. v. arm, 
 
 996 
 isind-ithlaind dat., v. land, 
 
 118a 
 itargninim, 1106 
 ith, gen. etha, 1086, 123 
 
 (St. 1037) 
 ithim, 1086, 1106, 1166, 
 
 123 (St. 40) 
 ithirge, v. aitbirge, 116a 
 itir, v. etir, etar, 1086 
 iugsuide, 103a 
 
 labar, 1186 
 lacht, 1086 
 laech, 103a (C. I. w.) 
 lagait, Ilia 
 
 laigiu, lugu, Ilia (St. 
 f 923) 
 
 laine v. lane, Ilia 
 Ian, Ilia (St. 13) 
 lane v. laine, Ilia 
 lanad, 122 
 land, dat. isind-ithlaind, 
 
 118a (St. 132) 
 lang (root), 113a 
 lanmair, Ilia 
 lar, 118a 
 lebor, v. libur, 103a (libar, 
 
 St. 371 ; C. I. w.) 
 lechdach, 103a (St. 1071) 
 lecht, 103a ( C. I. w.) 
 led, leth, Ilia 
 legend, 103a (St. 853) 
 legtoir, 103a 
 * leic, 1086 
 leicci, 1086 
 leim, 118a 
 
 leth, led, Ilia (St. p. 156) 
 lethan, Ilia (St. 13,925) 
 lethscripul, 1056 
 li, 114a 
 lia, v. il, Ilia 
 liac, 1086 (liacc, St. 133, 
 
 573, p. 156) 
 libur, v. lebor, 103a 
 ligim, Ilia 
 
 lim (ne cuman lim), 111a 
 lin, 103a (St. 863; C. I. 
 
 w.) 
 Hnad, Ilia, 122 
 linmaire, Ilia 
 liter, 103a (letir, C. I. w.) 
 loathar, 118a 
 lobur, 1086 
 loc, 103a 
 
 loing, 103a 
 
 loingtech, 113a 
 
 long, 103a (St. 574 ; C. 
 
 I. IV.) 
 
 loth, gen. loithe, 1086 
 luacharnn, 103a 
 lugimem, Ilia (St. 923) 
 lugu (see laigiu), Ilia 
 luirech, 103a (St. 154) 
 lunair, 103a 
 
 mace, v. mang (root), 1156 
 
 mace (Alius), 1 1 56 
 
 maer (v. mor-maer), 103a 
 
 (C. I. w.) 
 magistir, nom.pl., magis- 
 
 tru, ace. pi., 103a (St. 
 
 365) 
 mainn, 1036 
 maldachae, 103a 
 maldacht, 103a (St. 915) 
 maledic, 103a 
 malg (root), Ilia 
 man, 1036 
 man (root), Ilia 
 manach, 1036 (C. I. w.) 
 mang (root, v. mace), 
 
 1156 
 mar (root), Ilia 
 mar, 1156 (mar, St. 663) 
 marb, Ilia (St. p. 159) 
 marc, 118a 
 martre, fern. pi. martri, 
 
 1036 (St. 738; C.l.w.) 
 masc (root), v. misc, 1116 
 mascul, 1036 
 matal, 1036 
 naathir, Ilia 
 matin, 1086 (C. I. w.) 
 me, me, 126 
 mebuir, 1036 
 medon, Ilia 
 meince, 116a 
 meirddrech, 1036 
 melim, Ilia 
 membur (pi), 1036 
 mencain, 116a 
 menicc, menic, 116a 
 mertrech, 1036 (C. I. w.) 
 messa, v. mi-, 118a (St. 
 
 1117) 
 metair, metir (gen.), 1036 
 
 (metuir, C. I. w.) 
 mi, 1116 (St. 1117) 
 mi-, 118a 
 
 mias, 103b (C. I. iv.) 
 midiur-sa, 1086 
 mil, 1086 
 mil, 1036 
 mile (fem.\ 1036 
 '15 B 
 
202 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 mindchichthiu, 1036 
 mindchigitir, 1036 
 mindeclm, 1036 
 mirt-chaill, 1036 (St. 115) 
 misc (root), v. masc, 1116 
 mistae, 1116 (St. 1051) 
 mo-, mu-, 131 
 mod, v. muid, mud, 1036 
 molt, 1036 
 mong, 118a 
 
 monistre (gen. pi), 1036 
 m&r v. maer, 103a (St. 
 
 663) 
 moralus (dat.), 1036 
 mori, Ilia 
 moru, 1196 (mora, St. 
 
 1020) 
 mu-, mo-, 131 
 mucc, 118a (St. 1029) 
 mud, dat, v. mod, 1036 
 muid, gen., v. mod, 1036 
 muin-torc, 1066 (St. 744) 
 muir, 1116 (St. 860) 
 muirtchenn, 1036 (C. I. 
 
 w.) 
 mulenn, 1036 (St. 701 ; 
 
 muilenn, C. I. w.) 
 niulu (ace. pi), 1036 (St. 
 
 295) 
 mur, 1036 (C. I w.) 
 mtit, 1036 
 
 nachiberpidsi, 1166 
 nachimrindarpai-se, 117a 
 nat, 104a 
 
 nathir, 114a (St. 88) 
 naue (gen.), noe, 1086 
 nebthobe, v. nephthobe, 
 
 1136 (St. 987) 
 necht, 114a (St. 224) 
 * nem, 119a (St. 812) 
 
 nephthobe v. nebthdbe, 
 
 1136 
 nert, 1086 
 nessa, nesam, 114a (St 
 
 1117) 
 neutor, 104a (neutur, C. 
 
 I w) 
 neutralde, 104a 
 ni-, Ilia, 130 
 niae, 114a 
 nicumanlim v. ni, cuman, 
 
 lim, Ilia 
 nicumscaichti, 1116 
 nid, 114a 
 
 nimb, 104a (C. I w.) 
 niroimdibed, v. roimdibed, 
 
 130 
 riiule v. niulu, 113 
 niulu, dat. (in niulu) 1116 
 
 noacuitigfide v . acuit, 99a 
 nobbendachat, 100a 
 nobirpaid, 1166 
 nocht-chenn, 116a 
 noct, 1116 
 nogigned, 1106 
 nometargnigedar, 1106 
 nomerpimm, 1166 
 nomisligur, 124 
 not,nota, 104a 
 notail, 113 a 
 notaire, notire, 104a 
 notlaic, 1036 (C. I w.) 
 nu-, no-, 131 
 
 nu (nua), nue, nuae, nuide, 
 1116 (St. 21, 803) 
 
 oa, 1186 (St. 758) 
 obar, 104a 
 oblann, 104a 
 ocbt, 122 
 ochte, octe, 109a 
 oclachdi, 1106 (St. 758) 
 ocmil, Ilia (St. 758) 
 ocus v. accus, 109a 
 ocus, ocuis (e^) v. acus, 
 
 109a 
 og, 1126 (St. 955) 
 6in, &en, 1116 
 oipred, 104a (St. 889) 
 oipretho, gen., v. oipred, 
 
 104a 
 oir, gen., v. or, 996 
 oirclecb, 104a 
 ois, v. ais, 109a (St. 
 
 812) 
 oissa, oessa, gen., v. ais, 
 
 ois, 109a 
 oistreoir, 104a 
 olachaill, 104 a 
 olachrann, 104a 
 (h)omaldoit, v. (h)umal- 
 
 doit, 1026 
 omalgg, (v. do omalgg), 
 
 Ilia 
 onoir, 1026 
 ood, v. uad, 127 
 optait, optit, 104a 
 orait, 104a (oroit, C. I. 
 
 w.) 
 ord (ordd, ort, urt), 104a 
 
 (St. 943; C.l.w.) 
 orpam, v. pi h&rpainin, 
 
 1166 
 orpe, v. arpae, 1166 
 orthain, ace. sing., 104a 
 
 (C. I w.) 
 ort, v. ord, 104a 
 6s, v. uas, ucb, 118a 
 othatnat, 1186 
 
 othud, dat., v. uathuth, 
 1186 
 
 pagan, 104a 
 
 pain, 104a (C. I. w.) 
 
 paiper, 104a 
 
 pairche, 104a (C. I. w.) 
 
 pairt, 104a (C. I. w.) 
 
 pais, 1046 (C. I. w.) 
 
 papa, 104a 
 
 partus, 104a 
 
 peccad, 1046 (C. I w.) 
 
 pellec, 1046 
 
 pen, v. pian, 1046 
 
 peneult, 1046 
 
 pennit, 1046 (pennait, C. 
 
 1. w.) 
 persan, 1046 (St. 87) 
 pian, v. pen, 1046 
 piss, 1046 (C. l.w.) 
 plag, 1046 
 popul, 105a 
 port, 105a (St. 676, 725 ; 
 
 C. /. w.) 
 posit, 105a 
 predacb, 105a 
 predchim, 105a 
 precept, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 preceptoir, 105a 
 predag, 105a 
 prelait, 105a 
 prim, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 proind, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 prolach, 105 a 
 promfldir, 105 a 
 pronomen, 105a 
 propost, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 pupall, 104a 
 pur, 105a ( C. I. w.) 
 purgatoir, 105a 
 
 ra-, v. ru-, ro-, 130, 131 
 
 rad, 1166 
 
 ram, 1056 
 
 ranglana, 130 
 
 rastal, 105a 
 
 rect, reebt, 1146 
 
 reilic, 1056 (relic, C. I. 
 
 w.) 
 remi-, 126 
 ri, 114a 
 riagul, riagol, 1056 (St. 
 
 61) 
 ribar, 101a (C. I. to.) 
 rig, gen., v. ri, 114a (St. 
 
 1036) 
 ro-, v. ra-, ru-, 130, 131 
 roainmnichte, 130 
 roairptha, pi. v. rcerbad, 
 
 117a 
 
Old Irish Index. 
 
 203 
 
 robeirnmis, 130 
 robia, robbia, ropia, 130 
 rochumscigther, 1116 
 rocomalnither, 130 
 roerbad, 1166 
 rofetar 123 
 rogad, 122 
 rogen(a)ir, 1106 
 roiccu, 127 
 roimdibed, 130 
 rolin, Ilia 
 rolabrastar, 128 
 rommunus, rommunus, 
 
 Ilia 
 rondpromson, 105a 
 ronoibad, 130 
 ropia, v. robia, 130 
 rorelus, 130 
 roschaill, 1056 
 rostae, 1056 
 rostan, 1056 
 rotb, 1116 
 
 ru-, v. ra-, ro-, 130, 131 
 rucestaigser, 128 
 run, 1186 
 
 sabaltair, 1056 (C. I. w.) 
 saboit, 1056 (C. /. w.) 
 sacardd, 1056 (sacart, C. 
 
 l.w.) 
 sacc, 1056 
 sacorbaic, sacarbaic, 1056 
 
 (C. /. w.) 
 sad (root), 112a 
 sai, 109a 
 saibes (saibes inobar), v. 
 
 inobar, 104a 
 saichdetu, 112a 
 saiged, 112a 
 saiges, 112a 
 saiget, 1086 (St. 214) 
 saigid, saiged, 112a 
 saigim, 112a 
 saigul, 1056 (St. p. 146) 
 saile, 1056 (St. 651; C. 
 
 l.w.) 
 sailestar, 1056 (soilestar, 
 
 C. I. w.) 
 * saillim, 109a 
 sailm, pi., v. salm, 105a 
 sak (root — to say), 112a 
 sak (root — to follow), 
 
 112a 
 salami, 1116 (St. 977) 
 salm, 105a (C. I. w.) 
 salmu, ace, v. salm, 105a 
 salt, 1056 [C. I. w.) 
 saltair, 105a 
 
 saltir, dot., v. saltair, 105a 
 salto, gen., v. salt, 1056 
 
 saltrach, gen., v. saltair, 
 
 105a 
 sam, 1186 
 samail, samal, * samali, 
 
 * samali, 109a 
 sancht, 1056 (St. p. 161 ; 
 
 C. I w.) 
 sapati, pi., v. saboit, 1056 
 scath, 1136 
 sciath, 109a 
 scipar, 1046 
 scol, 1056 (St. 338) 
 scoloca, 1186 
 scribend, 1056 (St. 853) 
 serin, 1056 (C. 1. w.) 
 scnle, gen., v. scol, 1056 
 sech, 109a 
 sechem, 112a 
 sechimtid, 112a 
 sechtmaine, 1056 
 seib, 102a (C. I. w.; St. 
 
 109) 
 seinser, 1056 (seindser, C. 
 
 I. IV.) 
 
 seit, dat, v. s6t, 1186 
 seitchi, dat., v. setche, 
 
 1186 
 sen, 106a (C. I. w.) 
 sen, 112a (St. 735) 
 senatoir, 1056 
 sens, 1056 
 seol, s&ol, 1186 
 septien, 106a 
 set, 1186 (St. 470, 1073) 
 setche, 1186 
 sethar, siur (siar, fiar), 
 
 108a, 112a 
 seuit, seuit, pi., v. set, 
 
 1186 
 si, v. e, ed, 126 
 siansib, dat. pi. v. sens, 
 
 1056 
 siar, v. sethar, 112a 
 sfd, 1136 
 sil, 1166 
 sillab, 106a 
 siur, v. sethar, 112a (St. 
 
 216) 
 slechtaim, 102a 
 slice, 1186 
 slid, pi. 1186 
 snathe, 1186 (St. 817) 
 snathiu, dat., v. snathe, 
 
 1186 
 snechti, 1166 
 soillse, 112a 
 sool, v. seol, 1186 
 sosad, sossad, 112a 
 spiracul, 106a (C I. w.) 
 spirut, 106a (C. /. w.) 
 
 sponge, 106a ( C. I. w.) 
 
 srathar, 106a (St. 262) 
 
 srian, 1026 (St. 109, 1039) 
 
 srogell, 102a 
 
 sruth, 1116 (St. 999) 
 
 stan, 106a 
 
 su-, 1096, 120 
 
 suan, 1116 
 
 such, 1186 
 
 suide, 112a (St. 812) 
 
 suidiguth, suidigud, 112a 
 
 suist, 1026 (sust, C. I. w.) 
 
 superlait, superlit, pi. 
 
 superlati, 106a 
 surnn, 1026 
 
 ta, 127 
 
 tablaire, 106a 
 
 taidirge, v. doaitbirge, 
 
 116a 
 taig, dat., v. teg, 112a 
 taigae (idultaigae, gen., v. 
 
 teg) 112a 
 * taigi, v. teg, 112a 
 tairm-, 126 
 talland, 106a 
 tarn, 106a (C. I. w.) 
 tana, 1126 (St. 1017) 
 tar, 1096, 120 
 tarb, 1096 
 tau, 127 
 tech, v. teg, 112a (St. 
 
 569) 
 teg, v. tech, 112a 
 teirt, 1066 (C. I. w.) 
 teis, 1066 
 tellrach, gen., v. telluir, 
 
 106a 
 telluir, 106a (tellur, C. 
 
 I. w.) 
 temel, 1126 
 tempul, 1066 
 tene, 119 
 
 tengad, pi., v. tenge, 1146 
 tenge, gen. sing., 1146, 123 
 teoir, 1066 (St. 744; C. 
 
 l.w.) 
 tercital, 108a 
 tesc, 1016 * 
 test, 1066 (teist, C. I. w.) 
 testimin, 1066 (testimon, 
 
 testimoin, C. I. w.) 
 tiach, 1066 (St. 41, 371) 
 tiagu, 127 
 
 tigerne, dat. tigerni, 1126 
 timpan, 1066 
 tir, 1096 (St. 703) 
 titlu, ace. pi., v. titul, 1066 
 titul, titol, 1066 
 tobe, 1136 
 
204 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 togu, 127 
 
 tort, 1066 (C. I. w.) 
 
 tot-mael, 1066 
 
 tracht, 1066 
 
 trag (root), 113a (St. 74) 
 
 traig, 113a (St. 71) 
 
 tre, tri, 1186, 120 
 
 trebun-suide, 1066 
 
 tremi-, 126 
 
 tri, v. tre, 1186 
 
 trindoit, 1066 
 
 til, tu, 126 
 
 tuath, 1126 (St. 423) 
 
 tucu, tuccu, 127 (St. p. 
 
 165) 
 tuib, gen., 1066 
 tuinech, 1066 (C. I. to.) 
 tuir, 1066 
 tus-lestar, 1066 (St. 1131) 
 
 uad, ood, 127 
 
 uadi(/e?«.), 127 
 
 uadib, uaidib, dat., v. uad, 
 
 127 
 liaithed, 1186 
 uan, 1096 
 uar, 1026 
 uas, v. 6s, 118a 
 uathataib, dat.pl., v. liaith- 
 
 ed, 1186 
 uathath, uathad, v. (h)ua- 
 
 thath, 1186 
 uathid (hodid), gen., v. 
 
 (h)uathath, 1186 
 uathuth, dat, v. 6tkud, 
 
 1186 
 uch, v. 6s, and uas, 118a 
 uile, 1186 
 
 uilt, ace, v. ult, 1066 
 ult, 1066 
 umal, 1026 
 (h) umaldoit, v. hunialdoit 
 
 1026 
 ungae, unga, 1066 
 urde, 1096 
 urt, v. ord, 101a 
 
 *vlati, 1166 
 
 Middle Irish. 
 
 aibherseoir, 99a (St. 517) 
 
 banprioir, 105a (St. 23) 
 biait, 100a 
 
 cabellanacht, 100a (cabil- 
 
 lanacht, St. 172) 
 command, 101a 
 coroin, 101a (St. 75) 
 
 crisdal, 101 
 
 fairche, 104a (C. Lie.) 
 fersaid, 1066 (St. 568) 
 firmaniint, 102a (St. 749) 
 
 gredail, 1026 (St. 854) 
 
 instrumint, 103a 
 
 orc(?), 105a (C. I.w.) 
 
 proiste, 100a (St. 852) 
 pusta, 106a 
 
 sdair, 1026 (St. 84) 
 seuadh, 106a (St. 551 ; 
 
 senod, C. I. w.) 
 sinistir, 102a 
 sitheal, 106a (St. 241 ; si- 
 
 thil, C. I ic.) 
 soifist, 106a (St. 842) 
 soiler, 106a (St. 740) 
 spin, 106a 
 stanamhail, 106a (St, 610) 
 
 taibkerne, 106a (St. 169) 
 tital, 1066 (C. I. ic.) 
 
 Modern Irish. 
 
 astaig, 1126 
 meilg, Ilia 
 pit, 1046 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 aball, 115a 
 
 aballea, 115a 
 
 abbadeu,/>/. 99a 
 
 abl, 1026 
 
 acen, 99a 
 
 agos, 109a 
 
 alarch, 107a 
 
 all, v. allt, 99a 
 
 alldut, v. pi. alltudion, 
 
 109a 
 allor, 99a 
 allt, alt, all, 99a 
 alltudion, pi., v. alldut, 
 
 109a 
 amherawdyr, 1026 
 aniberodraeth, 1026 
 amherodres, 1026 
 ampriodaur, 116a 
 angor, 99a 
 aniueil, v. pi. anyueilyeit, 
 
 99a 
 aniueileit, anniuieleit, v. 
 
 anyueilyeit, 99a 
 
 anniueileit, v. aniueileit, 
 
 anuab, 124 
 
 anyueilyeit, pi. v. aniueil, 
 
 aradr, 99a 
 
 araut, 104a 
 
 archescyb,/)/., 102a 
 
 arfeu, v. arueu, 996 
 
 ariant, v. aryant, 99a 
 
 armel, 996 
 
 arueu, v. arfeu, 996 
 
 aryant, v. ariant, 996 
 
 assen, 996 
 
 aual, pi. aualeu, aueleu, 
 
 115a 
 auon. 1076 
 auonyd, 1076 
 -awd, -awt, 128 
 awel, 1076 
 awr, 1026 
 awst, 995 
 awyr. 107a 
 
 bad,/)/, badeu, 117a 
 
 bagl, 996 
 
 bahell, v. buyall, 117a 
 
 baraf, baryf, 996 
 
 barg, 996 
 
 bar-wn, 100a 
 
 baryf, v. baraf, 996 
 
 bathor, 100a 
 
 bedeu, 108a 
 
 bedyd, 996 
 
 bendicetic, 100a 
 
 bendith, 100a 
 
 bereu, 1076 
 
 blodeu, 117a 
 
 bodin, pi. bodiniou, 117a 
 
 bord, v. bwrd, 117a 
 
 boutig, 108a 
 
 brag, 100a 
 
 braut, brawt, 1096, 116a 
 
 breich, 100a, 108a 
 
 brodyr, pi. v. braut, 1096 
 
 buch, 108a 
 
 bud, 117a 
 
 budicaul, 117a 
 
 budugawl, 117a 
 
 buyall, v. bahall, 117a 
 
 bwa, 11 7a 
 
 bwl, 100a 
 
 bwrd, v. bord, 117a 
 
 bwystuil, 100a 
 
 byd, 128 
 
 bydaf, 112, 128 
 
 bydin, 117a 
 
 bydwn, 128 
 
 byleynyeyt, pi. 101 a 
 
 byrdeu, pi. v. bwrd, 117a 
 
 byw, 1096 
 
 bywyt, 1096 
 
Welsh Index. 
 
 205 
 
 cadeir, 1005 
 cadwyn, 1006 
 caeth, 100a 
 calamennou, 100a 
 callaur, 100a 
 cam, 110a 
 cancher, 100a 
 cann, 108a 
 cannwyl, 100a 
 car, v. earr, 1176 
 carbwncl, 100a 
 cardotta, 100a 
 cared, 119a 
 carr, v. car, 1176 
 carrei, v. corruui, 101a 
 cath, 1006 
 cawg, 1006 
 caws, 1006 
 celeel, 1016 
 cenitol, 1106 
 cenitolaidou, 1106 
 cepister, v. kebyster, 100a 
 ceroenhou, 1006 
 cestill, cestyll, 1006 
 chwaer, chwioryd, pi., v. 
 
 chwior, 112a 
 chwior, 108a, 112a 
 circhinn, 1006 
 eledif, cledyf, 108a 
 cloeu, pi, 108a 
 coc, 101a 
 
 coch, pi. cochyoD, 1006 
 cogail, 101a 
 coll, 101a 
 colenn, 101a 
 coronawc, 101a 
 corruui, v. carrei, 101a 
 craff, 1176 
 craffu, 1176 
 crauell, 115a 
 creaticaul, 101 
 crefft, 1176 
 cret, 108a 
 criched, 1136 
 crochann, 115a 
 cristawn, 1006 
 cruitr, 108a 
 crych, 1136 
 cudyaw, 110a 
 cultel, 1016 
 cultir, 1016 
 cussan, 1176 
 cwlltor, 1016 
 cwydaw, 108a 
 cyllell, pi. cylleill, v. kyl 
 
 leil, 1016 
 cymhar, 101a 
 cymsc, 1116 
 cymun, 101a 
 cyson, 101a 
 
 dacrlon, 110a 
 
 dagreu, pi. 110a 
 
 danned, pi. 110a 
 
 dar, v. pi. deri, 110a 
 
 datkanu, 108a 
 
 -daut, dawt, v. -taut, 
 
 124 
 decum, degura, 1016 
 dehou, deheu, 110a 
 derwen, 110a 
 desko, 1016 
 di, 1086 
 didaul, 115a 
 diffenu, 1016 
 diffrwyth, 1026 
 dihu, v. diu (dies), 110a 
 din, 1176 
 disci, 1016 
 disgymm, 1016 
 dispeilaw, 106a 
 dm (dies), v. dihu, dyw, 
 
 dyd, 110a 
 diu (Deus), v. dyhu, dyu, 
 
 dyuu, duw, duhu, duo, 
 
 110a 
 doeth, 1016 
 doethou, 1016 
 doguomisuram, 1036 
 dolur, 1016 
 dor, pi. doreu, 1106 
 doythion, doeth, 1016 
 draen, 1156 
 dreic,/>?. dreigeu, 1016 
 drog, 115« 
 drogn, 115a 
 dros, v. trus, 1096 
 drus, 1106 
 dnvc, 1146 
 drws, 1106 
 drycket, 1146 
 dryssien, 1156 
 duhu, v. diu, 110a 
 duo, v. diu, 1 10a 
 dur, 1016 
 duw, v. diu, 110a 
 duyuaul, 110a 
 dyd, v. diu (dies), 110a 
 dyhu, v. diu (dies) 
 dyrys, 1016 
 dyscyl, disgyl, 1016 
 dyu, dyuu, v. diu, 110a 
 dyw, v. diu (Deus), 110a 
 
 eccluis, 1016 
 
 ed, v. yd, 121, 130, 131 
 
 eglwys, 1016 
 
 egr, 99a 
 
 egwyddor, 99a 
 
 ehawc, 102a 
 
 elestr, 1056 
 
 eliffeint, 102a 
 elin, 1106, 113 
 emendassant, 102a 
 enw, 107a 
 
 epscip, pi. v. escyb, 102a 
 erekafael, 130 
 erw, 107a • 
 
 escolectaut, 105 
 escoleycyon, v. pi. ysco- 
 
 leigyon, 1056 
 escyb, v. epscip, 102a 
 eskemun, 102a 
 eskenho, eskynho, 1056 
 estauell, v. ystauell, 100a 
 eur, 996 
 
 ffa, 102a 
 ff\iwyd, 102a 
 ffenigl, 102a 
 ffer, 1086 
 ffiol, 1046 
 main, 102a 
 ffo, 1026 
 ffol, 102a 
 fforch, 1026 
 fforest, 102a 
 ffrowyll, 102a 
 ffrwyn, 1026 
 ffurf, 102a 
 ffust, 1026 
 ffustawd, 1026 
 ffynnawn, 102a 
 fin, 102a 
 finnaun, 102a 
 fos, foss, 1026 
 fruinn, 1026 
 frut, 1116 
 fruyn, 1026 
 frwt, v. frut, 1116 
 fual, 102a 
 funenneu,/?/., 1026 
 funiou, pi., 1026 
 
 gaem, 1106 
 
 gafar, 114a 
 
 gallaf, 119a 
 
 ganet, 1106 
 
 gauar, 114a 
 
 gayaf, 1106 
 
 gerthi, 1176 
 
 glin, 1196 
 
 gofyn, Ilia 
 
 golchi, 1196 
 
 gormes, pi. gormesseu, 
 
 gormessoed, 118a 
 gorsedua, 112a 
 gratell, 101a 
 grawys, 105a 
 gref, 1026 
 grefiat, 1026 
 
206 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 griduan, 1026 
 gryd, 1026 
 grydiaw, 1026 
 gulan, 1126 
 guletic, 1166 
 guneyr, 1106 
 guodeimisauch, 110a 
 gwain, 1066 
 gweddw, 107a 
 gwennwyn, 1066 
 gwenwynic, 1066 
 gwerth, 1166 
 gwerthawr, 1166 
 gwerthyd, 1066 
 gwiberot, 1076 
 gwir, 1066 
 gwlat, pi. gwladoed, 
 
 gwledyd, 1166 
 gwledic, 1166 
 gwledyd, pi, v. gwlat 
 
 1166 
 gwnaf, 1106 
 gwr, 1126 
 gwrach, 1086 
 gwyllt, 1196 
 gwyrd, 1096 
 gwystyl, 1176 
 
 haf, 1186 
 
 haliw, 1056 
 
 ham, 1186 
 
 he-, 1096 
 
 heb, 112a 
 
 hedwch, 1136 
 
 helic, 109a 
 
 helym, helm, 115 
 
 henoid, 1116 
 
 hestaur, pi. hestoriou, 
 
 106a 
 hestawr, 106a 
 hestoriou, v. hestaur, 106a 
 heu, 1166 
 heul, 112a 
 hewyt, 1166 
 heyrn, 118a 
 hint, 1186 
 histr, 104a 
 hoedel, hoedyl, 1086 
 ho(s)an, pi. hossaueu,1176 
 hucc, 118a 
 huil, 1186 
 huu, 1116 
 hwylbrenni, 115 a 
 hwyr, 106a 
 
 iarll, 115 
 
 ieuhaf, 1106 
 
 ieuanc, pi. ieueinc, 1106 
 inis, v. ynys, 1086 
 iot, 1106 
 
 iou, Ilia 
 
 istrat, v. strat, 106a 
 
 kaerllion, 103a 
 kagbellaur, kyghellaur, 
 
 100a 
 kalaned, pi., 1006 
 kanu, 108a 
 karchar, 100a 
 karw, 108a 
 
 * kassiau, v. keissaw, 1086 
 kauacus, 109a 
 
 kaus, 1006 
 
 kebyster, v. eepister, pi. 
 
 kebystreu, kebesteryeu, 
 
 100a 
 keffyl, 110a 
 kegin, 101a 
 keissaw, 1086 
 keleuyn, 100a 
 kenedel, kenedl, kenedyl, 
 
 1106 
 kerwyn, 1006 
 keryd, 119a 
 
 * kessiaw, v. keissaw, 
 1086 
 
 keuedac, 1106 
 kiwtawt, 1()06 
 kiwtawtwyr, 1006 
 kolouen, 1006 
 koveint, 101a 
 krissant, 101a 
 kuyr, kwyr, 1006 
 kyfagos, 109 a 
 kyffelyp, kyffelyb, 109a 
 kyfoeth, kyuoeth, 116a 
 kyghellaur, v. kaghellaur, 
 
 100a 
 kylleil, jdZ., v. cyllell, 1016 
 kyngryfet, 1176 
 kynnhaeaf, 1106 
 kyrchu, 1006 
 kyuoeth, v. kyfoeth, 116a 
 kyuoethawc, 116a 
 
 laethauc, 1086 
 laiSver, 1086 
 lammam, 118a 
 lann, 118a 
 laubael, 117a 
 laur, v. llawr, 118a 
 leeces, 103a 
 lemenic, 118a 
 litan, Ilia 
 huou, ph, 103 a 
 llamp, 1 1 8a 
 llanw, Ilia 
 llawr, v. laur, 118a 
 llawn, Ilia 
 lie, 103a 
 
 llech, 1086 
 llegest, 103a 
 Uei, Ilia 
 
 lleidr, lleidyr, 103a 
 llemhidyd, 118a 
 Hew, 103 a 
 lleycyon, pi, 103a 
 lliw, 114a 
 
 llong, pi. llorigeu, 103a 
 lludedic, 1086 
 Uwfr, 1086 
 llygat, 118a 
 llyghes, llynghes, 103a 
 llygorn, 103 a 
 llythyren, 103a 
 loggeu, \oggou,pl. v. llong, 
 103a 
 
 maer, 103a 
 mair, 103 a 
 mal, 109a 
 manaches, 1036 
 maru, Ilia 
 medeginyaethu, 1036 
 medhecynyaet, 1036 
 medic, 1036 
 medwl, medol, 1086 
 medylyaw, 1086 
 meitin (yr meitin), 1086 
 meldicetic, 103a 
 melen, 1196 
 melin, melyn, 1196 
 melineu, 1036 
 melynyon, pi, v. melen, 
 
 1196 
 meneich, 1036 
 menoent, Ilia 
 merch, 1196 
 mererit, 1036 
 metrut, 1036 
 meun, Ilia 
 milinon, pi, v. melen, pi. 
 
 melynyon, 1196 
 milwr, 1036 
 mis, 1116 
 moch, 118a 
 modreped, Ilia 
 mogau, pi (leg. moggou), 
 
 118a 
 morthol, 1036 
 morwyn, 1196 
 mur, pi. muroed, 1036 
 mut, 1036 
 mwng, 118a 
 mwys, 1036 
 mynnir, Ilia 
 mynych, mynnych. Ilia, 
 
 116a 
 mynyd, 1086 
 myrd, 1036 
 
Welsh Index. 
 
 207 
 
 myrthw, 1036 
 niys, v. mis, 1116 
 mywn, Ilia 
 
 nadolic, v. nodolyc, 1036 
 neges, 104a 
 neithawr, 104a 
 nifer, v. niuer, 104a 
 nimer, 104a 
 niuer, v. nifer, 104a 
 nodolyc, v. nadolic, 1036 
 nouel, 104a 
 
 oedawc, v. oetawc, 1086 
 
 oedwn, 128 
 
 oen, 1096 
 
 oes, 109a 
 
 oet, 1086 
 
 oetawc, v. oedawc, 1086 
 
 ofrum, 104a 
 
 ois, 109a 
 
 oleu, 104a 
 
 padell, v. patel, 1046 
 
 palf, 104a, 113 
 
 pall, 104a 
 
 pap,/?Z. papeu, 104a 
 
 parchell, 105a 
 
 part, parth, pard, 104a 
 
 pasc, 104a 
 
 patel, 1046 
 
 pau, 104a 
 
 pawin, 1046 
 
 pawl, v. polyon, 104a 
 
 pebreid, v. pybreid, 1046 
 
 pebyll, 104a 
 
 pechaut, 1046 
 
 pedestyr, 1046 
 
 pelechi, 1046 
 
 penydyaw, 1046 
 
 pererin, 1016 
 
 peri, 104a 
 
 person, 1046, 116a 
 
 peth, 1046 
 
 petbedic, 1046 
 
 piumauc, 1046 
 
 plycca, 1046 
 
 poguisma, 1046 
 
 polyon,/*?., v. pawl, 104a 
 
 pont, 105a 
 
 popuryes,pophuryes, r 101a 
 
 porffor, 105a 
 
 porth, v. pyrth, 105a 
 
 portbant, 105a 
 
 porthes, 105a 
 
 porthi, 105a 
 
 portbmon, 105a 
 
 post, 105a 
 
 postoloin, 105 a 
 
 poues, 1046 
 
 priawt, 116a 
 
 prif. 105a 
 
 prud, 105a 
 
 pryf, 110a 
 
 pull, 104a 
 
 punt, 105a 
 
 pur, 105 a 
 
 purdu, 105a 
 
 purgoch, 105 a 
 
 purwynn, 105a 
 
 putein, 105a 
 
 pwys, 1016, 106a 
 
 pybreid, v. pebreid, 1046 
 
 pyllawc, 104a 
 
 pyrth, pi, v. porth, 105a 
 
 pysg, 1046 
 
 pysgadwr, 1046 
 
 rascl, 105a 
 
 re-, v. ry, 130 
 
 rebriuasei, 130 
 
 reith, reyth,reis, 1146 
 
 rhwyd, 1056 
 
 rogulipias, 130 
 
 rud, 1116 
 
 rygaffel, 130 
 
 ryt yssu, 1106 
 
 ry (ry echewit), v. re-, 130 
 
 saeth, 1086 
 
 sant, v. pi. seint, 1056 
 
 sarff, 109a 
 
 scribl, 1056 
 
 seint, pi., v. sant, 1056 
 
 snoden,'1186 
 
 stebill, pi., 106a 
 
 strat, v. istrat, ystrat, 1 C6a 
 
 strotur, 106a 
 
 strouis, 106a 
 
 suh, 1186 
 
 sumpl, 106a 
 
 swllt, 106a 
 
 swyf, 1056 
 
 sych, 1116 
 
 taguel, v.taVel, 1146 
 
 talu, 115 
 
 tarater, taradyr, 1096 
 
 taru, 1096 
 
 -taut, v. -daut, 124 
 
 taw, 1146 
 
 tawel, v. taguel, 1146 
 
 tei, pi, v. ty, 112a 
 
 teml, 1066 
 
 temperam, 1066 
 
 teneu, 1126 
 
 testion, 1066 
 
 testu, 1066 
 
 tewi, 1146 
 
 tigern, 1126 
 
 torch, 1066 
 
 torth, 1066 
 
 traeth, 1066 
 
 tribedd, 1066 
 
 trintaut, 1066 
 
 trist, 1066 
 
 tristau, 1066 
 
 tristit, tristyt, tristwch 7 
 
 1066 
 truch, 1066 
 trus, v. dros, 1096 
 turwf, v. twryf, 1066 
 twr, v. tyreu, 1066 
 twrneimeint, 1066 
 twryf, twrwf, 1076 
 ty, v. pi, tei, 112a 
 tynnu, 1066 
 tyreu, tyroed,/*/., v. twr, 
 
 1066 
 tywyll, 1126 
 
 ucher, 1126 
 ufern, uffern, 103 a 
 uyeu, pi, 1126 
 
 * vira, 1126 
 
 wyf, 128 
 
 y, 1086 
 
 yd, v. ed, 121, 130, 131 
 
 ychen, pi , 118a 
 
 ymun, 1026 
 
 ynyd, 103a 
 
 yny (yny priawt person), 
 116a 
 
 ynys, 1086 
 
 yscawl, v. pi, ysgolyon, 
 1056 
 
 yscolheic, v. escoleycyon, 
 1056 
 
 yscoleigyon, pi, v. esco- 
 leycyon, 1056 
 
 yscynnu, 1056 
 
 ysgolyon, pi, v. yscawl, 
 1056 
 
 ysgymunn, 102a 
 
 yskumunetic, 102a 
 
 ysl(e)ipanu, 115 
 
 ysmwg, 115 
 
 ysnoden, 1186 
 
 ysp, 1026 
 
 yspeilaw, 106a 
 
 yspeit, 106a 
 
 yspwys, 106a 
 
 ystabyl, 106a 
 
 ystauell, 106a 
 
 ystondard, 106a 
 
 ystrat, v. strat, 106a 
 
 yswein, pi. ysweinieit, 
 115 
 
208 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 Kyniric. 
 
 ad-, v. at-, 113a, 120 
 
 all, 109a 
 
 at-, v. ad-, 113a 
 
 bran, 119a 
 
 caer, cair, 108a 
 
 * cardaut, 100a 
 
 cat, 1176 
 
 cav (i.e. cabh), Ilia 
 
 cavael, 123 
 
 ci, 110 a 
 
 corf, 108a 
 
 corn, Ilia 
 
 dant, 110a 
 
 do, dy, di, y, 1156, 120 
 
 dyn, den, 122 
 
 ech, 122 
 ep.1106 
 -es, 124 
 esel, 113a 
 
 *garan, 113a 
 gavar, 123 
 guid, 119a 
 guin, 107a 
 *guint, 1146 
 gwnathoed, 128 
 gwybydy, 128 
 
 hep, heb, 109a 
 ben, 112a 
 hi, 126 
 
 lavar, 1186 
 Hn, 103a 
 
 mam, Ilia 
 
 march, 118a 
 
 melin, 1036 
 
 mil, 1036 
 
 moilin, v. muilin, 1196 
 
 mor, 1116 
 
 muilin, v. moilin, 1196 
 
 nef, 119a 
 nerth, 108a 
 nos, 1116 
 
 oil, 1186 
 
 pimp, 122 
 
 rin, 1186 
 
 tan, 119 
 tat, 1096 
 
 -taut, 100a 
 tir, 1096 
 troit, 113a 
 trui, 1186 
 tut, 1126 
 
 uchell, 118a 
 un, 1116 
 
 y, v. do, 1156 
 yd, 121, 131 
 
 Cornihh. 
 
 abat, 99a 
 
 abestely,/*/. v., apostol,99a 
 
 aflauar, v. mab, 118-6, 124 
 
 ail, v. eyll, el, 99a 
 
 als, 99a 
 
 altor, 99a 
 
 anauhel, 1076 
 
 ancar (ancora), 99a 
 
 ancar (anachoreta), 99a 
 
 anow, v. (h)anow, 107a 
 
 apostol, v. abestely, 99a, 
 
 114 
 archescop, 102a 
 argans, arghans, 996 
 arvow, 996 
 
 ascient, v. guan, 1056 
 asen, 996 
 auain, 1026 
 auallen, 115a 
 auhel, 1076 
 auon, 1076 
 avel, 109a 
 a veil, 115a 
 
 barf, baref, 996 
 
 bat, 100a 
 
 batales, 100a 
 
 bathor, 100a 
 
 bay, 100a 
 
 bedeven, 108a 
 
 benen, benyn, pi. beney- 
 
 nas, 1096 
 benegis, 100a 
 benenrid, 1096 
 benenuat, 1096 
 ber, 1 076 
 bethaff, 112 
 beu, 1096 
 bewe, 1096 
 
 bewnas, bewnans, 1096 
 biu, 1096 
 blamye, 100a 
 blodon, 117a 
 boch, 117a 
 bom, v. bum, 1136 
 box, 100a 
 
 brag, 100a 
 
 braud, v. broder, 1096 
 brech, 100a, 108a 
 broche, 100a 
 broder, v. braud, 1096 
 buch, 108a 
 bugel, 108a 
 bum, v. bom, 1136 
 burges, 1136 
 
 caltor, 100a 
 
 cam, 110a 
 
 caaihinsic, 110a, 1186 
 
 can, 1 08a 
 
 cancher, 100a 
 
 cane, 108a 
 
 canores, 108a 
 
 cantuil, 100a 
 
 cantulbren, 100a 
 
 carogos, 109a 
 
 caruu, 108a 
 
 caul, 1006 
 
 caws, v. cos, 1006 
 
 ceroin, 1006 
 
 chefuidoc, 116a 
 
 cheniat, 108a 
 
 clauster, v. cloister, 1006 
 
 clear, 1006 
 
 clethe, 108a 
 
 cloch, 1006 
 
 cloireg, 1006 
 
 cloister, v. clauster, 1006 
 
 cober, 1016 
 
 coir, 1006 
 
 colom, 1006 
 
 colter, 1016 
 
 collel, 1016 
 
 colviden, 101a, 119a 
 
 comfortye, 101a 
 
 commisc, 1116 
 
 corden, v. kerdyn, 1006 
 
 cos, v. caws, 1006 
 
 cothe, 108a 
 
 creador, 101a 
 
 cref, v. cryff, 1176 
 
 croadur, 101a 
 
 crogen, 115a 
 
 croider, 108a 
 
 crois, crows, 101a 
 
 cruitr, 108a 
 
 cryff, v. cref, 1176 
 
 cugol, 101a 
 
 cuic, 1136 
 
 curun, 101a 
 
 cussin, 1176 
 
 cusul, cussyl, cusyl, cusill, 
 
 101a 
 cuthe, 110a 
 
 dagrow, 110a 
 
Cornish Index. 
 
 209 
 
 dampnye, 1016 
 
 damp n ys, 1016 
 
 dans, 110a 
 
 dar, v. deri, 110a 
 
 darat, 1106 
 
 deserya, 1016 
 
 det, 110a 
 
 deth, v. dyth, 110a 
 
 dethiow,/^., v. deth, dyth, 
 
 110a 
 dew (dew sull), v. sull, 
 
 1016 
 dewolow, pi, v. dy wolow, 
 
 1016 
 deyow, 1016 
 diagon, 1016 
 diffenor, 1016 
 diseebel, v. dyscyplys, 
 
 dyscyblon, 1016 
 discomfortys, 101a 
 diskient, 1056 
 diskynna, 1016 
 disliu, 114a 
 doyn, 112 
 
 drain, pi drein, 1156 
 dreyn, pi v. drain, 1156 
 dris, drys, 1096 
 drocger, 1146 
 drocgeriit, 1146 
 drochoberor, 104a, 1146 
 drok, 1146 
 dug, 110a 
 dyghow, 110a 
 dyscyblon, pi, v. dis- 
 
 cyplys 
 dyscyplys, pi, v. diseebel, 
 
 101a 
 dyskas, 1016 
 dysky, 1016 
 dyspyth, 1016 
 dyth, v. deth, 110a 
 &ywa\ow,pl, v. dewolow, 
 
 1016 
 
 eddrek, 116a 
 edrege, 116a 
 eglos, 1016 
 ehoc, 102a 
 el, v. ail, eyll, 99a 
 elerhc, 107a 
 elin, 1106 
 emperiz,/m. 1026 
 emperur, 1026 
 encois, 103a 
 enef, 107a 
 er, 1156 
 ereu, 107a 
 ermit, 102a 
 erv, 107a 
 escop, 102a 
 
 estren, 104a 
 eunhinsic, 1186 
 eur, v. owr, 996 
 eyll, v. ail, el, 99a 
 
 fadic, 1026 
 
 falhun, 102a 
 
 fall, 102a 
 
 fallens, 102a 
 
 fellet, v. guin-fellet, 102a 
 
 fenester, 102a 
 
 fenochel, 102a 
 
 feth, v. fyth, 102a 
 
 ficbren, 102a 
 
 finweth, 102 a 
 
 fiol, 1046 
 
 firmament, 102a 
 
 flair, 1026 
 
 flam, 102a 
 
 fo, 1026 
 
 fodic, 102a 
 
 fol, foil, 202a 
 
 forn, 1026 
 
 frot, 1116 
 
 funten, v, fynten, 102a 
 
 fur, 1026 
 
 furf, 102a 
 
 fyll, 102a 
 
 fynten, fynteon, v. funten, 
 
 102a 
 fyth, v. feth, 102a 
 
 galloff, 119a 
 
 garthou, 1 176 
 
 gauar, 114a 
 
 geaweil, 102a 
 
 genys, 1106 
 
 ghel, 1176 
 
 gluan, 1126 
 
 golhy, 1196 
 
 gorthye, 1166 
 
 gotheff, 110a 
 
 gothevell, 110a 
 
 govynny, Ilia 
 
 goyf, 1106 
 
 goyn, 1066 
 
 graf, v. gwraff, 1106 
 
 gras, 1026 
 
 grat, 1026 
 
 grauior, 115a 
 
 grevye, 1026 
 
 grou, 1176 
 
 guan (guan ascient), 1056 
 
 guedeu, 107a, 1126 
 
 guein, 1066 
 
 guenoinreiat, 1065 
 
 * guid, 1156 
 
 guil,1066, 1186 
 
 guill, 1196 
 
 guilter, 107 
 
 guinfellet, 102a 
 
 guins, 1146 
 
 guir, v. gwyr, 1066 
 
 guirt, 1096 
 
 guistel, 1176 
 
 guit, 1156 
 
 gulat, 1166 
 
 gur, v. priot, 112-5, 116a 
 
 gurah, 1086 
 
 gurthuper, 1126 
 
 gustle, 1176 
 
 gwerthe, 1166 
 
 gwesper, 1126 
 
 gwlas, 1166 
 
 gwraff, v. graf, 1106 
 
 gwyls, 1196 
 
 gwyns, 1146 
 
 gwyr, v. guir, 1066 
 
 haf, 1186 
 
 haloin, halein, 1116 
 
 hanaf, 1026 
 
 (h) anow, v. anow, 107« 
 
 heligen, 109a 
 
 hering, 114 
 
 heuul, v. houl, 112a 
 
 hiuen, 118a 
 
 hoch, 118a 
 
 hoirn, 118a 
 
 hos, 1176 
 
 hot, 114 
 
 houl, v. heuul, 112a 
 
 huir, v. piur, 112a 
 
 huis, 109a 
 
 hun, 1116 
 
 huuel, 1026 
 
 huueldot, 1026 
 
 hveger, 1116 
 
 hvigeren, 1116 
 
 ieu, Ilia 
 incoislester, 103a 
 intre, v. yntre, 1086 
 iouenc, v. jouonc, 1106 
 iskel, 103a 
 
 jouonc, v. iouenc, 1106 
 
 kalagueli, 100a 
 
 kat, 1006 
 
 keghin, 101a 
 
 kelegel, 100a 
 
 kemeskis, kemyskis, 1116 
 
 kerdyn, pi. 1006 
 
 kigel, K) la 
 
 kinethel, 1106 
 
 kog, 10 1 a 
 
 kyniaf, 1106 
 
 lad, 103a 
 
210 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 lacier, ladar ; pi. ladron, 
 
 laddron, 103 a 
 lagat, 118a 
 lagas, 118a 
 lait, 1086 
 lear, v. ler, 118a 
 legest, 103a 
 leic, 103a 
 len, v. leun, Ilia 
 ler, v. lear, 118a 
 leu, 103a 
 leun, v. len, Ilia 
 lilie, 103a 
 litheren, 103a 
 liuer, v. luffrow, 103a 
 liuor, 114a 
 logel, 103a 
 lor, 118a 
 loven, 118a 
 
 luffrow, pi., v. lieur, 103a 
 lugarn, 103a 
 lyw, 114a 
 
 mab, v. aflauar, 1186 
 mair, 103a 
 maister, 103a 
 malou, 103a 
 manach, 1036 
 manaes, 1036 
 mans, 1036 
 mantel, 1036 
 marth, 1036 
 medhec, 1036 
 medhecnaid, 1036 
 mel, 1086 
 menistror, 1036 
 menit, meneth, 1086 
 menough, 116a 
 meras, 1036 
 mesclen, 114 
 mester, v. maister, 103a 
 metin, 1086 
 milin, 1196 
 minfel, 1036 
 mis, Ilia 
 modereb, Ilia 
 mols, 1036 
 moroin, 1196 
 moyrbren, 1036 
 muis, 1036 
 niynny, Ilia 
 
 nader, 114a 
 neid, 114a 
 nevor, 104a 
 noi. 114a 
 noit, 114a 
 noyth, 116a 
 
 ober, 104a 
 
 oberor, 104a 
 ogas, 109a 
 oin, 1096, 1116 
 oleu, 104a 
 oleubren, 104a 
 olipbans, 102a 
 or, 1026 
 ors, 1066 
 owr, 996 
 oys, 109a 
 
 padelhoern, 1046 
 
 palf, 104a, 1116 
 
 parchemin, 1046 
 
 parth, 104a 
 
 paun, 1046 
 
 peber, 101a 
 
 penakyll, 1046 
 
 perbren, 1046 
 
 pesadow, pi., 1045 
 
 pesy, 1046 
 
 peynys, 1046 
 
 pinbren, 1046 
 
 pirgirin, 1046 
 
 pise, 1046, 114a 
 
 piscadur, 1046 
 
 piur, v. huir, 112a 
 
 plentye, 1046 
 
 plufoc, 1046 
 
 plui, 1046 
 
 pluuen, 1046 
 
 pobel, pobyll, v. popel, 
 
 105a 
 pol, 104a 
 pons, 105a 
 popei, 101a 
 popel, v. pobel, pobyll, 
 
 105a 
 porch el, 105a 
 porth, 105a 
 porthas, 105a 
 porthow, 105a 
 poruit, 104a 
 pow, 104a 
 powesough, 1046 
 poys, 1046 
 praysys, 105a 
 prefis, previs, 105a 
 prif, 110a 
 prins, pryns, 105a 
 princis, pi. v. prins, 105a 
 priot (gur priot), v. gur, 
 
 116a 
 profuit, 105a 
 profusy, pi. u.profuit,'105a 
 pronteryon, pi. v. pro- 
 
 under, 105a 
 prounder, 105a 
 
 redior, 114 
 
 rethyskas, 130 
 rewerthys, 130 
 rewresse, 130 
 roche, 114 
 rud, 1116 
 ruid, 1056 
 ruif, 1056 
 rute, 1056 
 ruy, 114a 
 
 sach, 1056 
 
 saw, 1056 
 
 sawye, 1056 
 
 scauel. 1056 
 
 scod, 1136 
 
 scol, 1056 
 
 scolheic, 1056 
 
 screfe, 1056 
 
 scriuen, 1056 
 
 scriuiniat, 1.056 
 
 scriuit, 1056 
 
 scudel, scudell, 1056 
 
 seithum, 1056 
 
 sened, 106a 
 
 seth, 1086 
 
 settyas, 112a 
 
 setva, 112a 
 
 sibuit, 1056 
 
 sicer, 106a 
 
 skentyll, v. skyntyll, 1056 
 
 skientoc, 1056 
 
 skyntyll, 1056 
 
 snod, 1186 
 
 snoden, 1186 
 
 soler, 106a 
 
 sols, 106a 
 
 spirit, 106a 
 
 steuel, 106a 
 
 stol, 106a 
 
 strail, 106a 
 
 strailelester, 106a 
 
 streil, 106a 
 
 strek, 115 
 
 strekis, 115 
 
 strevye, 115 
 
 strifor, 115 
 
 streing, 114 
 
 stryff, 115 
 
 suif, 1056 
 
 sull (dew sull), 1016 
 
 sur, 1056 
 
 talgel, 1006 
 tarow, 1096 
 taw, 1146 
 tempel, 1066 
 temptye, 1166 
 tenewen, 1126 
 tensons, 1066 
 termyn, 1066 
 
Armoric Index. 
 
 211 
 
 tevolgow, v. tivulgow, 
 
 3126 
 the, 1086 
 ti, 112a 
 tist, 1066 
 tistuin, 10G6 
 tivulgow, v. tevolgow, 
 
 1126 
 tonnel, 1066 
 trait, 1 066 
 treason, 1066 
 trech, 1066 
 trest, 1066 
 tribet, 1066 
 trud, 1066 
 tur, 1066 
 tustunny, 1066 
 
 ugh, 118a 
 uncorn, 1066 
 untye, 1066 
 uy, 1126 
 
 vertu, 1076 
 vuludoc, 1166 
 
 y-, 131 
 
 yd, 1086, 121 
 yffarn, yfforn, 103a 
 yntre, v. intre, 1086 
 yonk, 1'06 
 yorch, 1086 
 
 Armoric. 
 
 ael, v. el, hel, 99a 
 ampeig, 1026 
 aneualet, 99a 
 apostol, 99a, 114 
 appetaff, 1046 
 applicquet, v. em, 99a 
 archescob, 102a 
 argant, 996 
 aour, 996 
 
 auber, v. ober, 104a 
 auel, 1076 
 auiel, 102a 
 
 badez, 996 
 ben(n)iguet, 100a 
 bennoez, 100a 
 beo, i096 
 beuaf, 1096 
 bezaff, 112 
 bizif, 112 
 brech, 108a 
 breuder, pi., 1096 
 bud, 1 17a 
 buez, buhez, 1096 
 
 cador, 1006 
 cam, 1 10a 
 christen, 1006 
 clezef, 108a 
 cloarec, 1006 
 coar, 1006 
 coffes, 101a 
 coma(e)zreset, 101a 
 comancc, 101a 
 compizrien, 101a 
 concedis, 101a 
 coulm, 1006 
 craf, 1176 
 cref, creff, 1176 
 cridif, 108a 
 criff, 1176 
 croeadur, 101a 
 croeer, crouer, 101a 
 cruel, 101a 
 cusul, 101a 
 cuzet, 110a 
 
 dafnet, daffnet, 1016 
 
 daffny, 1016 
 
 decedy, 1016 
 
 derch, 1 1 3a 
 
 deiz v. diziou, 110a 
 
 despez, 1016 
 
 desquebl, 1016 
 
 -det, 124 
 
 di, 1086 
 
 diaoul, 1016 
 
 difen, 1016 
 
 diner, 1016 
 
 dimalicc, v. diualicc, 103a 
 
 disguiblion, 1016 
 
 disquennet, 1016 
 
 disquif, 1016 
 
 di.^prisonet, 105a 
 
 diualicc, v. dimalicc, 103a 
 
 diuiner, !016 
 
 diziou, /?/., v. deiz, 110a 
 
 doan, 112 
 
 doe, 110a 
 
 doen, 112 
 
 doetaf, 1016 
 
 doetanc, 1016 
 
 douet. 1016 
 
 douetaf, 1016 
 
 drein,jo/., 1156 
 
 dreist, 1096 
 
 ed, 121 
 
 el, v. ael, hel, 99a 
 
 elin, 1106 
 
 em (em em appliquet) 99a 
 
 emtennet, 1066 
 
 enef, 107a 
 
 enes, 1086 
 
 enterraf, 103a 
 
 entre, 1086 
 esper, 106a 
 estonafF, 102a 
 euel, 109a 
 euffrou, pi. v. oberou, 
 
 auber, 104a 
 ez, 131 
 
 falc'houn, 102a 
 
 fall, 102a 
 
 feunteun, feunten, pi. 
 
 feuntenyon, 102a 
 fez, feiz, 102a 
 finisaf, 102a 
 finuez, 102a 
 flerius, 1026 
 foil, 102a 
 forest, 102a 
 fos, foss, 1026 
 foultr, 1026 
 fruez, 1026 
 fur, 1026 
 
 gallaf, 119a 
 
 ganet, 1106 
 
 glin, 1196 
 
 glisi, 1176 
 
 gloan, 1126 
 
 goestlas, 1175 
 
 gouaff, 1106 
 
 gousper, 1126 
 
 gouzaf, gouzafl , 110a 
 
 graf, v. groaf, 1106 
 
 grif, v. groaff, 1106 
 
 groaff, v. graf, gruif , griff, 
 
 1106 
 gruif, 1106 
 guelchi, 1196 
 guent, 1146 
 guir, 1066 
 
 haff, 1186 
 
 baiarn, v. hoiarn, 118a 
 
 hanu, 107a 
 
 hastomp, 1026 
 
 hel, v. ael, el, 99a 
 
 hent, 1186 
 
 histren, 104a 
 
 hoiarn, v. haiarn, 118a 
 
 bun, 1116 
 
 iff am, 103a 
 iusticc, 103a 
 
 kaoter, 100a 
 kemmeski, 1116 
 
 lagat, 118a 
 lann, 118a 
 
212 
 
 Indices Verborum to Position of the Celtic. 
 
 lealtet, 103a 
 lech, 103a 
 leiffriou, 103a 
 len, leun, Ilia 
 
 mane, 1036 
 
 manen, 1036 
 
 martir, 1036 
 
 maru, Ilia 
 
 maruaill, 1036 
 
 menaf, mennaf, v. minif, 
 
 Ilia 
 merch, 1196 
 mesfectouryen, 1036 
 mester, 103a 
 rnillic, 103a 
 minif, v. menaf, Ilia 
 ministren, 1036 
 mir, 1036 
 miret, 1036 
 miro, 1036 
 musur, 1036 
 
 nation, 104a 
 nezaff, 1086 
 nifer, v. niuer, 104a 
 niuer, v. nifer, 104a 
 noaz, 116a 
 noter, 104a 
 
 obediant, 104a 
 ober, v. auber, 104a 
 oberau, pi. v. ober, 104a 
 oferen, pi. offer ennou, 
 
 104a 
 oben, 118a 
 ordren, 104a 
 
 paradis, paradoes, 104a 
 
 parfetaff, 1046 
 
 parz, v. perz, 104a 
 
 pechet, pi. pecbedou, 1046 
 
 peden, pi. pedennou, 1046 
 
 penedour, 1046 
 
 peoryen, pi., 1046 
 
 perz, v. parz, 104a 
 
 peuch, 1046 
 
 pidif, pidiff, 1046 
 
 plen, 1046 
 
 pligadur, 1046 
 
 ploeys, 1046 
 
 ploi, v. plue, plueu, 1046 
 
 plue, plueu, v. ploi, 1046 
 
 poan, pi. poanyou, 1046 
 
 pomell. 105a 
 
 porz, 105a 
 
 porzit, 105a 
 
 pou, 104a 
 
 poues, 1046 
 
 prelat, 105a 
 
 preservo, 105a 
 
 prestis, 105a 
 
 prezec, 105a 
 
 priet, 116a 
 
 proffe, prouffe, 105a 
 
 psaulter, 105 a 
 
 quercbat, querchit, 1006 
 
 ra-, 130 
 
 recommant, 1056 
 reiz, v. rez, 1146 
 renaff, 1056 
 rento, 1056 
 reol, 1056 
 
 rez, v. reiz, 1146 
 roed, 1056 
 roen, 1056 
 
 sacrileig, 1056 
 saludomp, 1056 
 sant, 1056 
 sarmoner, 106a 
 sceurt, 106a 
 scler, 1006 
 scoet-, scoit-, 109a 
 sebeliaf, 1056 
 sent, pi. v. sant, 1056 
 sin, 106a 
 soav, 1056 
 soingaf, 106a 
 soliter, 106a 
 soutenet, 106a 
 speret, 106a 
 squient, 1056 
 stat, 106a 
 
 tardomp, 106a 
 tempel, 1066 
 teniff, 1066 
 test, 1066 
 ti, v. ty, 112a 
 trindet, 1066 
 tron, 1066 
 ty, v. ti, 112a 
 
 uasal, gen. v. us, 118a 
 urz, 104a 
 us, 118a 
 
 vice, 1076 
 
 ylis, 1016 
 
CELTIC INDEX TO PHONOLOGY IN IRISH, 
 
 Gaulish and old Celtic. 
 
 ande-, 143 
 are-, 139, 164 
 aremoricos, 165 
 ate-, 139 
 dunmo-, 139 
 ecb,139 
 epo-, 139,161 
 Esu-nertus, 139 
 
 KOJAOVTOOIOQ, 150 
 VEfXTJ-OV, 139 
 
 Nerto-marus, 139 
 Octodurus, 139 
 Orgetorix, 139 
 ver-, 162, 163 
 vergo-bretus, 139 
 Vernemetis, 139 
 
 Irish. 
 
 [The Modern Irish -words 
 are printed in Italics, the Old 
 and Middle Irish in Koman 
 letters.] 
 
 a, a, 159 
 
 a, 160 
 
 abair, 137 
 
 abas, 165 
 
 aca, 141, 155 
 
 acaldam, accaldam, acal- 
 
 tam, 143, 144, 145 
 acarthar, 147, 160 
 accomallte, acomaltae, 147 
 accursagad, 159 
 achesta, 159 
 ad-, 137 
 adarc, 143 
 adbeir, 137 
 adcomaltar, 147 
 adgladathar, note, 144 
 adgladur, note, 144 
 adharc, 143 
 adhradh, gen. adhartha, 
 
 143, 149 
 admuim, 145 
 adrad, 143 
 aecaillse, 139 
 gecolsa, 139 
 aedparthi, 135 
 aes, 159 
 
 agallam, 143, 145 
 aggnim, 159 
 aice, 141 
 aichti, 147, 148 
 aicnete, 149 
 
 aid-, 139 
 
 aidchuimthe, 147 
 
 aige, 141 
 
 aile, 140, 157 
 
 ailiu, dat. masc, 157 
 
 avnsear, 140 
 
 aimser, 140 
 
 ainmm, 140, 142, note, 
 
 142, 158 
 ainm, 158 
 ainm, 140, 142 
 air, 139, 165, 166 
 air, 164 
 air t note, 137 
 airchinn, 165 
 Airdeasbog, 159 
 aire, 165 
 airech, 165 
 airi, note 138, 165 
 airib, note 138 
 airillti, 147 
 airhim, note 138 
 airiuibsi, note 138 
 airiumm, 165 
 airriu, note 138, 141 
 airther, 165 
 aiste, 141 
 aith-, 137, 139 
 aithdheanam, 150 
 aithne, pi. aitheanta, 148 
 aithte'idhte, 150 
 alaile, 156 
 
 alaili, gen. masc, 157 
 alailiu, dat. 157 
 Alba, 145 
 Alban, gen. M.I. ; dat. 
 
 Albain, 145 
 Alpa, gen. Alpan, ace. Al- 
 
 pai-ii, M. I., 145 
 ambes, 159 
 ambrotte, 149 
 amires, 164 
 amiressach, 164 
 amprom, 162 
 ammi, note 142 
 an, 162 
 an, 140 
 a (n), 140 
 an (n), 140 
 an, 159 
 
 anair, 140, 165 
 anam, 142 
 ananman, 159 
 anasbertbar, 147 
 anasbiursa, 160 
 
 andeaghaidh, 143 
 an dorogbid, 137 
 angutas, 149 
 aniendaB, 149 
 animm, 142, note 142 
 anfilaimm note 157 
 aniiiambi, note 157 
 anmammi, note 157 
 anmanbi, 157 note 
 anmande, 149 
 anoir, 140 
 ant, 140, 144 
 aon, 140, 157, 158 
 apair, M. I., 137 
 apectba, 159 
 Apilogdo, gen., note 139 
 apir, 137 
 
 apredchimnie, 160 
 ar, 137, note 137, 166 
 ar, 164, 165, 166 
 ar', 165 
 araii, 165 
 arb (root), 139 
 archenn, 165 
 architinn, 165 
 drd, 143, 146 
 ardd, 143, 146 
 argur, 165 
 arinbretbre, 159 
 arloure-ni, 159 
 arri, 159 
 arna, 147 
 arnaib, 165 
 arnet, 159 
 arndiis, 159 
 arnoib, 156 
 arnoibbriathraib, 156 
 aromfoimfea, 159 
 arosailcther, 147 
 arrocar, 160 
 arsate, 149 
 arse, 165 
 arsid, gen. 149 
 arsodain, 160 
 ars&ire-ni, 159 
 art, v. ardd, 146 
 as, as, 165 
 asagnintar, 147 
 ascnam, 159 
 asind-, 165 
 asrirtber, 147 
 asrulenta, 147 
 ass, 165 
 asta, 141 
 ataimgt, 145 
 
214 
 
 Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish 
 
 atbail, 144, 151 
 atbeir, 137 
 atdubelliub, 160 
 athddidhte, 150 
 athir, 138, 1(53 
 athscribend, 151 
 aththaoiseach, 150 
 Atilogdo, gen, note, 139 
 atobci, 160 
 atobsegatsi, 160 
 atomaig, 144 
 aud-, 141 
 aue, 141 
 
 augtortas, 141, 145 
 aiir-, 141 
 aiirgabtha, 147 
 
 ba, 161 
 
 bade, pi. bailte, 143 
 
 baill, 139 
 
 baindea, M. I., 151 
 
 baintigerna, M. I., 151 
 
 baistim, 138 
 
 baitsimm, 138 
 
 banda, 149 
 
 bandacblach, 151 
 
 bandalem, 151 
 
 bandea, 151, 159 
 
 bandechum, 151 
 
 banscala, 151 
 
 bant&rismid, 151 
 
 bard, 154 
 
 barri, v. farii, 159 
 
 baull, 139 
 
 batillu, 139 
 
 beag, 145 
 
 be'arla, v. beurla, 138 
 
 bee, becc, 145 
 
 beirim, 137 
 
 beisti, 135 
 
 belre, 138 
 
 bendachad, 143 
 
 bendacht, 143 
 
 benachadh, M. I., 143 
 
 bennacbt, M. I., 143 
 
 beos, 142 
 
 ber {root) = Skr. bru, 137 
 
 berli, 138 
 
 berrthaid, 150 
 
 berthir, 147 
 
 bessti, bessti, v. beisti, 135 
 
 betha, 139 
 
 betho, gen. sing., 139 
 
 beurla, 138 
 
 bheirhn, 137 
 
 bheos, 142 
 
 biad, gen. biith, biid, 139 
 
 biasta, M. I., 135 
 
 biast, M. I., 135 
 
 biddixnugud, 151 
 
 bidh, 139 
 
 bindd, bind, 143, 146 
 
 binn, 143, 146 
 
 bithgairddi, 149 
 
 boill, 139 
 
 bolad, 149 
 
 bolgg, bole, 143, 146 
 
 bolg, 143, 146 
 
 boltigetar, 149 
 
 borb, 143, 146 
 
 borp, 143 
 
 brage, 143 
 
 bragha, 143 
 
 breac, gen. brie, 145 
 
 *brecc, 145 
 
 breth, 139 
 
 bnathraib,t\ arn&ibbriath- 
 
 raib, 156 
 brithem. 142 
 brd. pi. brointe, 148 
 buidh, 161 
 brtide, 143 
 buidhe, 143 
 bullu, 139 
 burbe, 146 
 burpe, 146 
 
 each, 137, 156, 157, 161 
 
 caich, gen. v. each, 157,159 
 caill, 140 
 
 cailleach, 140, 143 
 caillech, gen. caiilighe, 
 ^ 140, 143 
 cain, 140 
 calndloir, 143 
 cainduthracht, 151 
 caingnim, 157 
 cainscel, 151 
 caintaidlech, 151 
 cainteist, 151 
 caintoimtiu, 151 
 caintol, 151 
 caisc, 161 
 caira, 140 
 cairigthir, 147 
 caoga 140 
 caoin, 140 
 caol, 140 
 caora, 140 
 carbad, 135, 145 
 carbat, v. carput, 135 
 carpat, M. I., 135, 145 
 capuil, 154 
 carput, 135 
 cathrur, 157 
 cead, 145, 158 
 ce'adna, 143, 145 
 ceann, 159 
 cech, 156, 157, 159 
 ceithre, 158 
 
 ceo, 137 
 
 cenalpande, 145, 149 
 cene, 142 
 ceneuil, gen., 157 
 cenelu, ceneoll, ceneolu, 
 
 ceniul, ceneoll, dat., 
 
 157,159 
 cenn, cenn, 139, 150, 161 
 cenodfil, 159 
 centat, 150 
 cedl, pi. ceolta, 148 
 cesad, cesath, gen. cesta, 
 
 cesto, 148, 159 
 cessair, dot., 159 
 cet, 145 
 
 cethargarait, 149 
 cethir, 161 
 cethircliet, 158 
 cetne, 145, 156, 162 
 cetni, 157 
 Chaisil, 159 
 cheana, 142 
 chenelaio', 157 
 chesta, chesto, 158 
 chetbutho, dat., 159 
 chetni, dat. neut., 157 
 cbetnai, gen., 157 
 chetnidiu, dat., 157 
 clilann, decl., 155 
 clibi, dat., 157 
 chluas, dat. chluais, 158 
 choline-, 158 
 cholnide, 157 
 chos, 159 
 chrann, 157 
 chrann, 158 
 
 chuca, ace. pi. 139, 141 
 chugam, 139, 142 
 chuice, 141 
 chuige, 141 
 chumachtig, 160 
 cia, 137 
 ciall, 158, 159 
 cib e, cip e, 137 
 cinmnfll, 160 
 cinniud, 149 
 claar, dat. 159 
 claideb, 142 
 claidhem, 142 
 clainne, 140 
 eland, 143, 161 
 clann, 143 
 clocc, 145 
 clog, 145 
 cloinne, 140 
 cluain, p\. cluainte, 148 
 cnoc, 145 
 cnocc, 145 
 
 co (ad, cum) 137, 142 
 co (donee, ut) 137 
 
Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 215 
 
 coaga, 140 
 coatomsnassar, 159 
 cocarti, 147 
 codhladh, codladh, 143, 
 
 145 
 cogadh, pi. cogtha, 149 
 cofordumthesid-se, 159 
 coic, 140, 161, note 161 
 c6ica, 140 
 coil, 140 
 
 coill, pi. coillte, 140, 148 
 coin-, 150 
 coinneal, 143 
 colann, 140 
 colinn, 140 
 colna, 143 
 com', 165 
 
 comalnad, note 144, 163 
 comalnadar, 163 
 comalnamar, 163 
 comallnithe, 163 
 comcbesad, 165 
 comchlante, 147 
 con, 160, 165 
 con-, coin-, 150 
 conde, 149 
 condibfeil, 160 
 condigcnte, 147 
 condiuiti, 165 
 condumfel, 159 
 confesta, 147 
 conintorgaitar, 147, 160 
 connarcas, 143 
 connaruchretesi, 147 
 conrochretesi, 147 
 consam, ace, 157 
 conucbad, 144 
 conulintae, 147 
 coosnada, 165 
 corcur, 161 
 Cormac, note, 142 
 coro, 137 
 corp, 145, 157 
 Corpimaqvas, note, 142 
 cos, 165 
 cosa, pi. 159 
 coseitchi, 165 
 cosmil, 165 
 cosnadh, gen. cosanta, 148, 
 
 149 
 cot-, 144 
 
 cotaocbat, cotaucbat, 136 
 cotlad, dat. cotlud, 145 
 cotobsechf ider, 160 
 cotondelcfam, 144 
 crann, 161 
 creidim, 145 
 creitfess, ace. 157 
 cren, 161 
 cretim, 145 
 
 creitme, 159 
 
 cride, 143 
 
 crldi, dat., 159 
 
 croch, 139 
 
 crocbad, gen. cr6chtho,139 
 
 148 
 crocbtha, note 148 
 crocbtbe, 148 
 croidhe, 143 
 crot, 145 
 cruit, 145 
 cruithnechta, 159 
 cu, pi. cointe, 148, 149 
 cue', 165 
 cucci, 165 
 cuccu, ace. pi, 139 
 cuccunim, 139 
 cuig, 140, 158 
 cuing eis, 161 
 cumactib, 165 
 cundrad, 143 
 cundradb, M. I., 143 
 cunradh, gen. cunnartha, 
 
 143, 149 
 cursagad, gen. cursagtha, 
 
 148 
 cutseltcbi, 159 
 
 dd, 138, 158 
 
 dagimrat, note 148 
 
 dag- imrata, drog-imrato, 
 
 148 
 dall-ciach, 150 
 dam, 142, note 143 
 damnae, note 136 
 dan, 158 
 danigud, gen. danigtbea, 
 
 148 
 daonna, 149 
 
 daoradh, gen. dadrtha, 149 
 dare, (root) (— Gr. dspiuo), 
 
 143 
 de., 153, 155, 156 
 dealbh, 143 
 deanadh, gen. deanta, 148, 
 
 149 
 dearbh, note 143, note 145 
 debtbach, 150 
 debuitb, dat.pl. debthib, 
 
 148 
 decbrugud, dat., 159 
 deich, 158 
 deirim, 137 
 denti, 147 
 dephtbigim, 150 
 derbb, note 143 
 derbtbair, 147 
 desiu, 160 
 
 dfaglibdil, d'fdgbhdil, 136 
 d'fearthain, 150 
 
 di, 141, 158, 159 
 dia, gen. dei, de, 139, 152 
 dian, 138 
 dianaiper, 137 
 dianeprem, 137 
 dicheannaim, note 150 
 diltuth, 150 
 diguttai, dat., 157 
 dirigutai, dat,, 157 
 dintecnatatu, dat., 153 
 dintrediu, dat., 153 
 diobh, v. ddibh, 141, 155 
 diombuan, note, 150 
 diombuidheack, note, 1 50 
 diomolaim, 150 
 diofndr, note, 150 
 diothoghluidhe, note, 150 
 dlutai, 147 
 do, 157, 158, 159 
 do-, 137, 159 
 do, HI, 153, 155,156, 159 
 doair (d'air), 144 
 doairci, 144 
 doaith, 135, 144 
 doaitbmne, note, 135 
 doan, 138 
 doaurchanim, 165 
 doberrthe, 147 
 dobimebomartt, 147 
 dobinr, 137 
 dobtromma, 160 
 do-chantain, 150 
 
 dofius, v. du-fius, 160 
 dofoirde, 143 
 dogentar, 147 
 ddibh, v. diobh, 141, 155 
 doilbtbid, 150 
 doimin, 142 
 
 doimmfolung, 158 
 doinde, 149 
 
 doinscannsom, 146, 151 
 dom-, 142, note, 143 
 * domain, 142 
 dombersom, 137 
 domthoscbid, 159 
 dbmun, 139 
 don, 157 
 dond-, 158 
 donebltar, 147 
 dontorud, dat., 153 
 doopir, 144 
 doronta, 147 
 dorurgabtha, 147 
 dosceulaim, 151 
 dosenmatbar, 159 
 dosmbera, 160 
 dothabairt, 159 
 dothdgbhdil, 136 
 drogimrato, 148 
 
 16 
 
216 
 
 Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 drogscela, 151 
 du-, 151 
 dubhart, 137 
 
 dubhras, 137 
 
 dufius, v. do-fms, 160 
 * dunad, 149 
 dunattae, 149 
 Dimpeleder, 151 
 dus, duus, 160 
 
 e-, 146 
 
 €a, ei-, 150 
 
 eadoimin, 146 
 
 e'adtrom, 146 
 
 eagcdir, 146 
 
 eagna, 145 
 
 e'an, decl. 155 
 
 eardhairc, v. urdhairc, 
 
 note 150 
 eas-, 150 
 easbha, gen. pi. easbhadh, 
 
 note 143, note 145 
 easbog, 138 
 easpog, M.I., 138 
 eatorra, 141 
 ech, 139, 161 
 ecintech, 149 
 eclustai, 147 
 ecne, 144, 145 
 eceir, 146 
 ed- 139 
 
 edpart, v. idpart, 144 
 ei-, 
 
 eiblim, 145 
 eidirj 141, 145 
 eile, 140 
 eiscsende, 149' 
 eisserrgi, gen. 159 
 eistim, 138 
 eitsimm, 138 
 en, 164 
 epeir, 
 epert, 148 
 eperthe, 147 
 epertbi, 147 
 epertith, 149 
 epll, 144 
 
 epir, epiur, epur, 137 
 *eplimm, 145 
 epscop, 138 
 er-, 139, 164 
 Srbaid, 139 
 erbid, 139 
 erclioiliud, 148 
 erend (tir-n-erend), 159 
 . erriu, erru, note, 138 
 erunn, note 138 
 erutsu, note 138 
 es-, 146 
 
 esartaid, 149 
 
 esib, 165 
 
 etal, 139 
 
 etar, 145 
 
 etarru, 141 
 
 etarscarad, gen. etarscar- 
 
 tha, 148 
 etha L 139 
 etrum, 146 
 
 facab, 136 
 fad, 145 
 fag, 136, 137 
 fagbas, fagbus, 136 
 fagebtis, 136 
 fagk, 136, 137 
 faghaim, 136, 137 
 faghbdil 
 fagbbait, faghbat, M. I., 
 
 136 
 fagbbbail, 
 fab", note, 137 
 fait, 145 
 farcluu, 159 
 fardiull, dot. 157 
 farn, v. barn, 159 
 farnintbucbt, 159 
 jealsam 
 fear, 140 
 
 fear, 140, decl. 155 
 feara, voc. pi. y.fear, 157 
 fearaibk, dat. y.fe'ar, 154 
 feardha, 149 
 fearg, 143, 146 
 fedrr, 140 
 Jealsam, 142 
 felsnb, 139, 142 
 fer, 140 
 fer, 140 
 fere, 143, 146 
 ferce, dat., 159 
 ferr, 140 
 fescor, fescar, 161 
 
 fointreb, 151 
 foir, note 137, 163 
 foirbtbe, 163 
 foircheann, 163 
 foirctbe, 147, note 147 
 foirib, note 137 
 foislte, v. bifoisite, dat. 
 
 159 
 folnibtbe, 147 
 fomam, dat. 159 
 fomebridiebfider-sa, 159 
 fomfirfidersa, 159 
 fonsegar, 160 
 for, 137, note 137, 157, 160, 
 
 162, 163, 166 
 foracab, 136 
 foraib, forib, note 137 
 forbanda, 147 
 forcanim, 163 
 forcanti, 147 
 forcenn, 163 
 forcetal, 163 
 forcbain, 163 
 forcbanim, 163 
 forcbongair, forcongair, 
 
 163 
 forcbongrim, forcongrini, 
 
 163 
 forcbun, 163 
 forcongur, 163 
 fordomcbomaitber, 159 
 
 fordubceebna, 160 
 
 form, formm, note 137 
 
 forndobcanar, 160 
 
 forngarti, 147, 148 
 
 forraind, note 138 
 
 form, fornn, note 137 
 
 form, note 137, 141 
 
 forserce, 159 
 
 fort, note 137 
 
 fortbeit, forteit, 163, 165 
 
 fds, 142 
 
 fosmachtu, 146 
 
 ficbe, gen. ficbet, 158, note fosodm, 160 
 
 158 
 flche, gen. fichead, nom. 
 
 fichid, 158 
 fintan, 151 
 
 fir, nom. pi. y.jear, 157 
 fireanta, 149 
 fo-, 137, 162 
 foacbat, 136 
 focbun, dat. masc. 157 
 fodlaidi, dat., 157 
 fogbaidefru, 136 
 foghe'bha, 136 
 foghlaim, 143 
 foglaim, 143 
 fogon, dat. 157 
 foilsigud, 148 
 
 fbt, 145 
 fotracbussa, 136 
 frecdairc, 143 
 freendaire, dat., 157 
 frecre, 144 
 fri, 137, 160, 162 
 fricacb, 165 
 fris, 165 
 fris, 165 
 frisbiur, 165 
 frisduntar, 147 
 frislond, ace., 168 
 friss, frissin-, 165 
 fristacuirtber, 147 
 frit-, fritt-, 151 
 fritammiuratj 144 
 
Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 217 
 
 frith', 162, 165 
 frithaidechtge, 151 
 frithcheist, 165 
 frithtasgat, 151 
 frituinthiagar, 159 
 fudomain, fudumam, 142 
 full, dat., 158 
 /nil, 159 
 fuiri, note 137 
 fuirib, note 137 
 ft&the, 141 
 furastar, 147 
 furib, note 137 
 furnn, note 137 
 futha, 141 
 
 ga, 137 
 
 gab, (root " capere"), 136 
 
 gabail, 140 
 
 gabar, 162 
 
 gabal, 162 
 
 gabhdil, 140 
 
 gabhaim, 137 
 
 gabimm-se, 137 
 
 gach, 137 
 
 gaith, gaid, 140 
 
 ^atafa, 149 
 
 gan, 137, 154, 155 
 
 gaoth, 140 
 
 gentar, 147 
 
 genthir, 147, 148 
 
 gkeibhim, 137 
 
 <7*"6e, 137 
 
 go (to, with), 137 
 
 </o (that), 137 
 
 go-n-aibraim, 137 
 
 grianda, 149 
 
 grientairissem, 151 
 
 guidimse, 152 
 
 guv, 137 
 
 gutte, gutae, 149 
 
 hicc, 158 
 
 hiclaar, v. claar, 159 
 hifoMte, v. foisite, 159 
 hipersonaib, v. persin, 156 
 hires, 159 
 
 hisintorunt, dat., 153 
 hitogarmim v. togarmim 
 hitosug, dat., 158 
 hontecnatatu, dat., 153 
 honuntogaitarni, 147, 160 
 hothoil, 165 
 huandluithi, dat., 157 
 huathati. ace. pi. Jem. v. 
 
 uathath, 149 
 huatigitir, 149 
 
 iar, 157, 162 
 
 iarfaichtheo, iarfaigtho, 
 
 dat. /?/., iarfaigthib, 148 
 iarfaigid, iarfigid, 148, 165 
 iarma, 165 
 iarmbaithius, 165 
 iarrnai'oicn, 165 
 iarm(s)uidigthe, 165 
 iarh, 160, 1<>5 
 iarsintairgiriu, dat., 153 
 iartimmi, 165 
 iasg, 163 
 
 icachthir, dat. neut., 157 
 id-, 139 
 i'/ir, 154, 155 
 ldpart, v. edpart, 144 
 idpart, 135, 145 
 icipart, 151 
 il, 163 
 ilar, 163 
 ildaui; 151 
 ilde, 163 
 illestur, 159 
 iltolmdden, 151 
 ////, 142 
 imbed, 143 
 
 imbradud, iuiradud, 148 
 imbrati, imiati, nom. pi., 
 
 ace. iniratiil, 148 
 iracabthi, 147 
 inicasti, 147 
 imchulmritlg, 159 
 imdhiden, note, 150 
 imdibthe, 147, note, 147 
 imm, 140, 142, note, 142 
 immfolung, dat. v. do im. 
 
 158 
 immidforling, 159 
 immumf'orhng, 159 
 iuiradud, v. iihbradud, 148 
 iruratiu, ace. v. imbrati, 
 
 148 
 in', 165 
 in, 140, 165 
 in, 140, 157, 160, 162 
 in-, 140,160 
 inchamthuisil, 157 
 incholnigud, gen. inehol- 
 
 niehtho, incholnigthea 
 
 148 
 inchosc, note, 151, 165 
 inchrumn, gen., 157 
 inchuimriug, 159 
 incomscribhdalth, 151 
 ind, 140 
 ind', 165 
 
 ind-, 143, 153, 155 
 indaerehoiltea, gen, v. 
 
 erchoiliud, 148 
 indala, 156 
 
 indegaid-ii, 143 
 
 indibilsigthe, 148 
 
 indi'olaid, gen., 157 
 
 indidultaigae, 150 
 
 indium m, 143, 165 
 
 indtogas, 153 
 
 indtuigther, 147 
 
 induini, 153 
 
 inghean, 159 
 
 ingiun, 165 
 
 ingor, 143 
 
 ingrentid, 149 
 
 inn-, 155 
 
 inna, 157 
 
 unite, 141 
 
 inse, 160 
 
 insenduine, gen. intsen- 
 
 dumi, 153 
 insin, 153,160 
 inso, 153 
 inspirto, gen. 153 
 hit, 140, 144 
 int-, 144, 153, 155 
 intaidlich, gen, 153 
 intalrmchrutto, gen. 153 
 intesa, gen. 153 
 intinnscana, 146 
 intisiu, 160 
 intithall, 160 
 intiu, 141 
 inte, 141 
 intoichther, 147 
 intonnaiglm, 151 
 intsamail, 144 
 intsamuil, 146 
 intsechtaigtha, 148 
 intsliucht, 144, 146 
 intuisil, nom. masc.pl. 153 
 intursitib, 151 
 iodhbairt, 145 
 iomad, 143 
 ion-, 140 
 ionam, 143 
 iongnadfi, gen. ionganta, 
 
 148 
 ionnta, 141 
 ir-, 139, 164 
 lrchoiltith, 149 
 irchollud, 149 
 ire, 164 
 ireiu, 164 
 w, 153,156 
 isin, 156 
 
 isindanmaim, 157 
 isindepistil, dat. fern. 157 
 isinoinchorp, dat. masc. 
 
 157 
 isintuisiulsin, dat. 153 
 isintuaichli, dat. 153 
 
218 
 
 Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 is&iri, dat. 159 
 Issintodochidui, dat. 153 
 itarscarthar, 147 
 itchethir, nom.pl. 157 
 itchoimthecht, 159 
 ith-, 139 
 ithim, 162 
 itossiich, 165 
 itsenmathir, 159 
 
 la, 160 
 ]aim, dat. 157 
 Ian, note 144, 163 
 lanad, 163 
 lane, 163 
 lani, dat. 159 
 laur, Icur, 163 
 lethan, 163 
 Mne, pi. leinte, 141 
 lia, 163 
 linad, 163, 
 linn, pi. linnte, 148 
 lintldi, 149 
 lobrigthir, 147 
 loiscthe, 147 
 loth, 139 
 
 mac, 145, 151, 159 
 mace, 145, 161 
 macthire, 150 
 mactire, 150, 151 
 maer, M. I., 140 
 maini, pi., 140 
 mamistrech, M. I., 139 
 maitk, 140 
 maldacht, 143 
 mallacht, 143 
 manireltar, 147 
 mamidubfeil, 160 
 maoin, 140 
 maor, 140 
 mara, M. I., 139 
 marbh, 143 
 marc, 145 
 nsarafeste, marrufeste, 
 
 147 
 niedontairismid, 151 
 meite, gen. fern., 157 
 messe, 160 
 mi-, 151 
 miastar, 147 
 mile, 153 
 mili, 158 
 mistae 149 
 mo, 157, 159 
 mo, 159 
 mocbland, 159 
 inbga, 139 
 moin, pi. mointe, 148 
 monistre, 139 
 
 
 mora, 139 
 
 mora, 157 
 
 mordha, 149 
 
 mothol, 159 
 
 muid, 159 
 
 muintir, muintear, 145 
 
 nrantar, 150 
 
 muntir, dat., 159 
 
 muntith, 149 
 
 munud, 149 
 
 mur, pi. murtha, 149 
 
 na, 155 
 
 nach. 156, 161 
 
 nachibfel, 160 
 
 nadipru, nadipro, 137 
 
 nam-ball, 143 
 
 nammalL 143 
 
 naoih, 142 
 
 na ructhae, v. ructhae 
 
 ndeaghaidk, 143 
 
 neal, pi. ne'alta, 148 
 
 neam, neim, 142 
 
 neart, 145 
 
 ne'b-, 142 
 
 nebmarbtu, nebmaxbtath, 
 note 149 
 
 nech, 140, 161 
 
 necht, 161 
 
 neim; 142 
 
 nemed, 139 
 
 neoch, noch, 140 
 
 nephpiandatu, 157 
 
 nert, 139 
 
 nertad, gen. nerta, 148 
 
 nerutsu, 152 
 
 m, 160 
 
 nibtha, 160 
 
 nidan, 160 
 
 nifiastar, 147 
 
 nfgette, 147 
 
 nilfolad, ace, 158 
 
 nimebaratsa, 159 
 
 nimdibi, 158 
 nimptha, 159 
 nimtba, 159 
 m, 160 
 
 nmforteit-nij 160 
 ninta, 160 
 niscartha, 147 
 nisfetemmar, 160 
 nfsfitir, 160 
 nistabur, 160 
 oitenat, 160 
 no, 160 . 
 nobcarad, 160 
 nbbs6irfa-si, 160 
 nocretim, 160 
 nochrochte, 147 
 
 nodascara, 160 
 not, 158 
 noib, 142 
 nolintae, 147 
 nomglantar, 147 
 nomthacbthar, 147, 148, 
 
 159 
 nonchretid-si, 160 
 nondubcairim-se, 160 
 nondobsommfgetar, 160 
 nondasoirfea, 160 
 nongabthe, 147 
 nonlmtarni, 147 
 nonnertarni, 147 
 nonsoirfea, 160 
 nopredebhn-se, 160 
 nosmoidet, 160 
 nosnguid-som, 160 
 midanichrocba, 159 
 nunsluinfemni, 160 
 
 o, 151, 159 
 
 6', 157, 158, 165 
 
 0'Briain,gen. I. Bhriain, 
 
 dat. d'ua Bhriain, 151 
 ocht, 139, 158 
 ocht, 135, 139 
 od-, 137 
 6en, 157, 158 
 oen, v. oin, 140, 141 
 oena, 157 
 oenchoioidiu, 157 
 benchorp, 157 
 oenchrann, 157 
 oile, v. eile, 140 
 oin, 140 
 oinaichthir, 147 
 oinchorp, 157 
 oh, 145 
 
 olsodaan, olsodm, 160 
 on, 157 
 onach, 157 
 ond, 159 
 
 ondoentoisrinn, dat., 157 
 ontechtairiu, dat., 153 
 ontrediu, dat., 153 
 orcaid, 139 
 orcas, 139 
 drdha, 149 
 orm, note 137 
 orra, ortlia, 137, 141 
 orraibh, note 137, 141 
 orrainn, note 137, 138. 141 
 ort note 137 
 ortha, 141 
 6-midi, dat. fern, olsulde, 
 
 160 
 othad, 139 
 oua, v. ua, 141 
 
Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 219 
 
 peccad^en. pechtha, decl. 
 
 148,157,159, 162 
 persan, 162 
 persin, 156, 157, 159 
 pbersm, 157 
 precept, 162 
 prim, 162 
 
 rad ride, 143 
 
 rainn, 159 
 
 rancatar, M. I., 145 
 
 rdngas, 145 
 
 re, 162, 164 
 
 recaeb, 157, 165 
 
 reelittaircid, 151 
 
 rect, dat, 159 
 
 relath, relad, gen. relto, 
 
 148 
 rem, 142 
 rem', 165 
 remeperthe, 147 
 remfoiti, 147 
 rerni, 140, 164, 165 
 remib, 165 
 remiepur, 165 
 remthechtas, 165 
 ren, 164 
 reri, 160, 165 
 renairite, 165 
 ri, 137 
 
 riagoil, dat. 157 
 rii>hduinte, 149 
 ro, 160, 163 
 robcar-si, 160 
 robclandad, 160 
 roberrthe, 147 
 robfothiged, 160 
 rodcbursach, 159 
 rofestar, 147 
 rohh, 142 
 roimsi, 153 
 roime t 141 
 
 roimpe, 140, 141, 153 
 roimsi, 141 
 rolaumur, 139 
 rolin, 163 
 rolSmor, 139 
 roraam, 140 
 romp a, 141 
 romsoirsa, 159 
 rondasaibset, 160 
 rondobcarsam-ni, 160 
 rondpromsom, 159 
 ronfitid-ni, 160 
 ronsoir, 160 
 ronsoir-ni, 160 
 xoscarsam, 151 
 roscomal, 160 
 rospredach, 160 
 rest an, 151 
 
 rotchechladar, 159 
 ructhae, 147 
 
 sa, 153, 160 
 
 saib, saeb, soib, soeb, 140 
 
 saide, nom.pl. saidai, 160 
 
 saigul, 140 
 
 sain, nom. pi. saini, dat. 
 
 sainib, 156 
 san, 156 
 Balm, 162 
 samaltir, 147 
 saobh, 140 
 saegkal, 140, 156 
 saoghalta, 149 
 sastai, 147 
 scote, scotae, 149 
 scothj 149 
 scrfbthar, 147 
 *se, 141 
 se, 153, 160 
 se'j 158 
 seacht, 158 
 seanchus, 156 
 seanduine y 156 
 sech, 161 
 sechim, 161 
 sechitir, 161 
 secht, 161 
 sechtmaine, 161 
 sechtaigud, 148 
 seim, dat., 157 
 sem, 160 
 sendulne, 151 
 sens, icaeh-, 157 
 seutinni, 151 
 sedl, pi. sedlta, 148 
 serbe, dat. 159 
 sgeal, pi. sge'alta, 148 
 side, 160 
 sin, 153, 160 
 siu, dat, 160 
 *siu, 141 
 siabrad, 149 
 slabratae, 149 
 sluintir, 147 
 so, 153, 160 
 sodam, 160 
 soib, v. saib, 
 som, 160 
 soscele, 151 
 sosiith, dat. masc, 157 
 srathatath, -tat, 150 
 srathath, 150 
 sruthy decl. 155 
 su, 141, 160 
 suidigtbir, 147 
 suit, decl. 155, 159 
 sum, 158 
 sulbamchthe, 147, 148 
 
 sulbairigud, 148 
 superlalt, 158 
 
 tabairt, 148 
 
 tabbraim, 137 
 
 tabur, 137 
 
 taid-, 135 
 
 taidmenader, taidminedar, 
 
 note 136 
 tain, pi. tdinte, 148 
 tair-, 144 
 tairci, 144 
 *tairmchruthad, gen. tair- 
 
 mchrutto, 148, note, 148 
 tairmtbecht, 165 
 tairngiri, 159 
 taith-, 135, 144 
 taithminedar, note, 136 
 talmande, 149 
 tanaise, 156, dat. neut., 
 
 tanaisiu, 157, dat. Jem., 
 
 tanaisi, 157 
 tancamar, 145 
 tar, 142 
 tarais, 165 
 tarbh, 143 
 tarcrach, 165 
 tarmi, 165 
 tar(s), 141, 165 
 tarsin-, 165 
 
 teanga, pi. teangtha, 149 
 tecnate, 149 
 teinne, pi. teinnte, 148, 
 
 149 
 tenat, 160 
 tened, 159 
 tenge, 162 
 ter-, 144 
 tes-, 144 
 tesbaid, ace, tesbaitb,c?a^ 
 
 note, 143 
 tesst, 146 
 tbaidbse, dat., 158 
 thdirse, thdirsi, 141 
 thdngas, 145 
 thdrsa, 141 
 thdrsta, 141 
 
 thogbliail, v. dothog, 136 
 thoil, dat., 158 
 thoisig, dat., 157 
 tboi, 157, 158 
 thorm, 142 
 thor rainn, dat. thorraibh, 
 
 141 
 threana, nom. pi. 157 
 thrium, gen. masc, 157, 
 
 158 
 thual, 159' 
 thuare, 157 
 thuisiul, dat. mate, 157 
 
220 
 
 Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish. 
 
 ti-. 135 : tu- 5 144 
 
 il , 141 I tuaithe, 159 
 
 tiar-. 144 tuar-. 144 
 
 tibradaibh,tipradaibh,153 tuati, 149 
 tid-, 135 | tuath, 149 
 
 tidbarid, 135 tuisel, 139 
 
 «wn- 3 144 tur-, 144 
 
 timni- 3 144 tussu, 160 
 
 timmorte. 147, 148, 149 
 tiranais, M. I., note, 136 
 tirtine. note 13-5 
 tin-, 144 
 tind'-, 144 
 tinttith, 151 
 tionnsgnadh, gen. tionns 
 
 go.nta, 148, 149 
 tipradaibh. v. tibradaibh 
 
 135 
 tiprait, M. L, 135 
 
 tapra, tipru, gen. tiprat, uasta, 141 
 
 ; ua, v. oua, 141 
 
 ■ uad. 165 
 
 : uadfiabcbtbi, 165 
 
 uailbe, v. uall 
 
 uaim, 142 
 
 uaiinru, 142, note 142 
 : uair, decl., 155 
 
 uaiste, 141 
 
 uaithe, 141 
 
 uall, ^e/?. uailbe, 143 
 
 135 
 tir, 159 
 tirthat. 1 50 
 to-, 144 
 tobar, 135 
 tocbaimm, 145 
 tog, 136, 137 
 togarmim. dat., 157 
 togbbaidb, 136 
 togbbaiin, 145 
 toirthich, toirtbig, gen.. 
 
 157 
 tolrse, 159 
 
 toisicb, dat. fern., 157 
 tol, 158 
 tor-, tor-, 144 
 toradh, pi. toirthe, 149 
 torbe, 158 
 torunn, 141 
 tre'ana, v. thre'ana, 157 
 treasa, 157 
 trebaire, 158 
 tremdirgedar, 165 
 trenii, 165 
 tresin-. 165 
 tresinfuil, 160 
 tri, 160, 162 
 tri, 158 
 
 Irian (d-triari), 158 
 trieha, nom. pi. tricbit. 
 
 158 
 tricbretim, 160 
 triit, 165 
 triocka,gen. trio chad, nom. 
 
 pi. triochaid, 156 
 triotha. 141 
 tris, 165 
 trithe, 141 
 trithernel, 160. 165 
 troeaire. 145 
 
 uatha, 141 
 
 uatbaib,oto. pi. v. uatbatb, 
 
 149 
 uatbate, 149 
 
 uatbatb, uatbad, 139, 149 
 vghdar. 141, 145 
 uile, 156 
 uilib, 165 
 v.im, 142 
 uimb'si, 153 
 uimpe, 141, 153 
 uirre. uirri. note 137, 141 
 urn, 140, 142 
 v. mam, 140 
 umpa, 141, 145 
 urdhairc,\. eardhairc .note 
 
 150 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 adaned (plur.). 164 
 adar, r. atar, 164 
 aetinet. 164 
 abanaff, v. obonaf, note 
 
 142 
 atar, v. adar. 164 
 bwystuil, 135 
 cant-, 144 
 e-. 139. 
 
 ebawl, 139. 161 
 ed-, 139 
 
 ederyn. v. eterinn, 164 
 enw, note, 142 
 eterinn, v. ederyn. 164 
 etncoilbaam. 164 
 
 161 
 im v. ym. note 143 
 laws, 163 
 liaus, 163 
 
 Uaiver, 163 
 
 llawn, 163 
 
 lied, v. llyd (llet\ 163 
 
 lledanu, 163 
 
 Scam*", 163 
 
 Warns, 163 
 
 ?/b»etf, 163 
 
 lluossyd, 163 
 
 llyd, ». lied, 163 
 
 neuat. neuad, 139, 
 
 nertb, 139 
 
 obouaf, v. abanaff, note 
 
 142 
 orgiat, 139 
 ucher, 161 
 uitb, v. wvth, 139 
 On, 141 
 
 vrytb, v. uith, 139 
 J-, 139 
 yd-, 139 
 yni-, v. im, note 143 
 
 Kymrie. 
 
 ar-,139, 164 
 at-, 139 
 *ep, 161 
 er. 164 
 et-, 139 
 gafar. 162 
 gu, 162 
 guo, 162 
 guor, 162, 163 
 gurtb, 162 
 bep, 161 
 kafael, 162 
 laun, 163 
 litan, 163 
 llydan, 163 
 map. 161 
 nop, 161 
 paup, 161 
 penn, 161 
 petguar, 161 
 pimp, 161 
 pise, v. pysg, 163 
 plant, 161 
 pren, 161 
 prenu, 161 
 pysg, v. pise 
 rac-, 164 
 yr, 164 
 
 Cornish. 
 
 ebol, 139 
 
 enef, eneff, note 142 
 escop, 13 5 
 gwesper, 116 
 
Celtic Index to Phonology in Irish 
 
 221 
 
 (h)anow, note, 142 
 hethen, 164 
 idne, 164 
 leas, 163 
 len, leun, 163 
 llewer, 163 
 loar, 163 
 loure, 163 
 luas, 163 
 nerth, 139 
 
 thym, note 143 
 war, 164 
 
 y-, 139 
 
 ydnic, 164 
 
 Armoric. 
 
 arvorek (Breton), 165 
 dif, diff, note 143 
 
 e-, 139 
 
 enef, eneff, note 142. 
 
 ez-, 139 
 
 gousper," 1Q1 
 
 hanu, note 142 
 
 leun, 163 
 
 nerz, 139 
 
 war t 164 
 
CORRIGENDA. 
 
 [The following have been noticed in preparing the Indices Verborarn.] 
 
 Page 102 6, line 13 from the bottom, P. or. should beP. or. 
 
 „ 110 a, line 2 from the top, there should not be a full point after cam. 
 
 „ 121, line 8 from the bottom, for the reference (I. 177, 180) read (pp. 74, 
 
 77). 
 ,, 126, line 4 from the bottom, for noun € } si, ed, etc., read nom. €, etc* 
 „ 141, line 9 from the top, for the reference, p. 119, read p. 127. 
 „ 158, line 12 from the bottom, for trochaid read triochaid. 
 „ 158, line 4 from the bottom, for toll read tol. 
 

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