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ORATION 
 
 The American Race 
 
 ITS ORIGIN, THE FUSION OF PEOPLES; ITS AIM, 
 FRATERNITY 
 
 BY 
 
 TIMOTHY WILFRED COAKLEY 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITY GOVERNMENT AND CITIZENS OF BOSTON 
 
 IN FANEUIL HALL, ON THE ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTIETH 
 
 ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 OF THESE UNITED STATES, JULY 4, 1906 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 MUNICIPAL PRINTING OFFICE 
 1906 
 
THE AMERICAN RACE 
 
 Its Origin, the Fusion of Peoples ; Its Aim, Fraternity 
 
 FOURTH OF July Oration, 1906 
 
 By Timothy Wilfred Coakley 
 
 Men and Women of Boston : 
 
 The keynote of our jubilee is the intonation of a 
 prayer.* By that token we invite the co-operation 
 of Divine Grace to guide and further the purposes 
 of patriotism. Our prayer is the avowal that national 
 morality, like individual morality, is necessarily 
 founded on religious belief. It is the sign of our 
 assent to faith as the active principle of good works. 
 By it, here at the altar-place where the patriots of 
 old offered sacrifice to country and invoked their 
 God, we record our perennial protest against the 
 philosophy of doubt and denial, the ethics of disen- 
 chantment and despair, we make formal proclamation 
 that all authority comes from the Most High, that 
 human society is bosomed in the Infinite Fatherhood 
 from which proceeds the all-brotherhood of man. 
 
 * Eev. L. B. Bates offered prayer. Master W. A. Corley read the Declaration. 
 
4 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 Seemly and inspiring, too, is the accustomed choice 
 of a patriot boy to quicken with the eager breath of 
 youth the Declaration which is humanity's psalm of 
 freedom. Youth, divine, contagious, all-transfiguring 
 youth ! From Thee we have received all the good 
 gifts of time. Thou art the symbol and the savior 
 of the nation. To Youth we owe the fire and 
 fortitude, the brain and brawn and blood which 
 made us free. In the deadly, foremost files of many 
 a patriot battle line, from Bunker Hill to Yorktown, 
 from Gettysburg to Santiago, Youth, sacrificial, self- 
 forgetting, surrendered its inheritance of life to save 
 for us, intact and undiminished, our legacy of liberty. 
 All honor to Youth ! Cherish, revere, protect and 
 guide it! For it is the fountain undefiled from 
 which the nation quaffs the very waters of life. 
 
 We are met to commemorate the birth of American 
 institutions, to celebrate our political freedom, to glory 
 in American achievement ; aye, to cheer, frankly and 
 fondly, for our country and its radiant emblem, the 
 dawn-flag of sun-ray and sky-tint and stars. But with 
 the ecstasy of exultation we mingle the measure of 
 reflection, the method of research. Like the Romans 
 of old, we take counsel together lest any harm should 
 come to the Republic. We ransack the past for 
 social meanings. We analyze the present. We cross- 
 examine events. If much diligence and a mighty 
 yearning could win for us the wisdom to foreglimpse,' 
 howsoever dimly, the future, happy indeed were we ; 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 5 
 
 for no man better serves his fellows than he who, in 
 the frenzy of prophecy, rouses his day and genera- 
 tion that it may prepare itself betimes against 
 to-morrow's surprising dawn. 
 
 The lofty dignity and duty of drawing the lesson 
 and pointing the moral of this day is my assignment, 
 my privilege. Let me hope, Reverend Sir, that I 
 have caught in some degree the devotional spirit 
 with which these exercises were begun. Let me hope, 
 young friend, that a spark of your sacred, boyish fire, 
 has kindled my thought. Let me hope that there 
 has passed into my pulses something of the moral 
 voltage generated by the mere presence of that 
 dynamo of civic energy, our honored Mayor. My 
 words, stimulated by such influences, breathed into 
 an atmosphere surcharged and vibrant still with the 
 rebel memories of the Boston of '76, with the death- 
 less eloquence of the unforgettable, heroic dead, may 
 prove, perchance, not altogether unworthy of this 
 occasion, of this gracious audience, of the patriot 
 prospectors of the past who sought and found the 
 traditional treasure-trove of liberty here on the 
 hallowed site of Faneuil Hall. 
 
 FUSION AND FRATERNITY. 
 
 By a certain pseudo-scholarship it is held to be 
 old-fashioned and flamboyant to dwell upon the pre- 
 eminence and superiority of these United States. 
 Yet shall I insist upon our nation's paramountcy. 
 
6 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 My claim of leadership for my country rests upon 
 the fact that we have developed here in America 
 a race which is the finest expression, — the sum 
 and flower of humanity. We are no fortuitous 
 grouping of sundry, diverse nationalities. We are 
 a well-differentiated, new, coherent, distinctive type. 
 We are the American race, forged and founded in 
 the fusion of peoples. Out of that fusion came natur- 
 ally the fraternity on which we have confidently 
 based and built the structure of our political life. 
 We are destined to mould our economic life on no 
 meaner pattern. We propose to ourselves no less an 
 ideal than the political and industrial brotherhood of 
 the peoples of the world. Because of the progress 
 which America has made toward that universal 
 brotherhood, I assert that she stands forth, indeed, 
 the chosen and pre-ordained pathfinder among the 
 states of the earth. I declare that the seeds of 
 death are not in her; that she shall endure, un- 
 scathed by the ruin which has overwhelmed the 
 kingdoms and empires of the past. I proudly pro- 
 claim to you that her institutions in their essential 
 beneficence shall not perish ; more, that she is called 
 and sent of God to be the shepherd of the peoples, 
 whom, nation by nation, in God's good time, she 
 shall gather into one fraternal fold. Bear with me 
 while I lay before you the reasons which compel me 
 to the exultant faith that is mine. 
 
 Democracy has been called the rule of the people. 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 7 
 
 But this definition is merely derivative. It is born 
 of the letter that killeth, not of the spirit that giveth 
 life, for the spirit of democracy is helpfulness and 
 service, not control. Democracy is the organized 
 expression of the instinct of unselfishness, of brother- 
 hood, of altruism, of inclusiveness as against exclu- 
 siveness, of fusion and fraternity as opposed to 
 sectarianism and factionalism. Its aspects are as 
 various as the activities of the vital principle itself. 
 Always it stands for life and growth, while caste 
 spells decay and death. Democracy is an emanation 
 of the eternal Godhead. It affects all forms of life. 
 The cross-breeding of plants which develops a higher 
 type is its humblest manifestation. The fusion of 
 peoples, which makes inevitably for the improvement 
 of man, is democracy in racial action. The process 
 of suggestion and comparison, by which intelligence 
 is raised and genius evolved, through the association 
 of contrasted types, is stimulated by democratic con- 
 ditions. In its religious aspect, democracy teaches 
 the devotee that he should labor to save not alone 
 his own soul, but the souls of all mankind. '' Thou 
 shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." In those blessed 
 words the philosophy of democracy is all contained. 
 Politically, democracy is the denial to caste of the 
 monopoly of government. It insists that the ad- 
 ministration of the commonwealth is the common 
 prerogative of the people. Economically, democracy 
 means that creative labor is entitled to enjoy the 
 
8 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 full value of the product it creates and that the 
 production and exchange of wealth shall be ordered 
 in accordance with the Golden Rule of Christ; that 
 none shall take advantage of his brother-man, and 
 that where custom or law now gives to commercial 
 cunning license and leverage to strip simplicity of 
 the wealth it has produced, that custom, that law, 
 shall be modified till it conform with the law of 
 God. Forever and always, democracy's essence is 
 that love of one's fellow in which all earthly right- 
 eousness is founded. Let us defer, for the moment, 
 the topic of democracy in its economic phase while 
 we consider racially, politically, religiously, American 
 amalgamation. 
 
 THE CURSE OF CASTE. 
 
 I believe that national success and national failure 
 are more intimately related to the problem of race 
 than our historians have disclosed. The family 
 is the social unit. Upon it depends the continuity 
 of human life. All that makes for the strength- 
 ening of it makes for the welfare of the nation 
 and of humanity. If we can learn the secret of race, 
 if we can divine those elements and conditions which 
 improve the physique and the intelligence, whether 
 through blood or association, we shall have found the 
 key to the cause of the rise and fall of nations. 
 I contend that this key is the principle of democracy 
 in its racial aspect. The antique world never 
 
FOUETH OF JULY ORATION. 9 
 
 learned the physical law which governs racial perfec- 
 tion in humanity, as it never learned the grace of 
 altruism, which is the spiritual counsel of perfection. 
 Strange it is that our ancestors, the breeders of flocks 
 and kine, the horse-taming Aryan, the pioneer Kelt, 
 the cow-keeping Greek, the shepherd Jew, should have 
 failed to discover that the principle of crossing the 
 strain, which they applied so well to their nomadic 
 industry, was equally applicable to the breeding of 
 heroes, to the nurture and growth of men. 
 
 The harmonies of tented Zion, awesome and reso- 
 nant as the diapason of the desert sand-storm, are 
 throbbing still in the Psalms of David. The thun- 
 ders of Jehovah awaken yet their echoes in the souls 
 of men. Still the lightnings of Sinai reveal to our 
 spiritual vision the graven wisdom of the Mosaic law. 
 The majesty of the Hebrew genius, the many-sided 
 development of the olden Jew, warrior, poet, musi- 
 cian, statesman, priest — these were the very flower of 
 fusion, the natural result of the blending of the Ten 
 Tribes of Israel. And when the nation had crystal- 
 ized, when the walls of exclusion had been builded 
 high against the Gentile, when the race had be- 
 come absolutely homogeneous, when the stranger 
 within the gates was anathema, when the Hebrew 
 attitude was typified by the proverb, " No good can 
 come out of Nazareth," the deterioration of the 
 Jew was already under way. Not until, scattered 
 over the face of the earth, the race was refreshed 
 
10 FOURTH OF JULY OR ACTION. 
 
 with the new vigor that came from transplantation, 
 from the splitting of the parent stock into diverse 
 clans, through the influence of travel and contrasting 
 environments, and from consequent tribal intermar- 
 riage, was the brilliant mind of the modern Jew 
 evolved. 
 
 Inertia, stagnation, exclusion, repression, contrac- 
 tion, these mean for humanity an isolation which, 
 howsoever splendid, is but the isolation of the tomb. 
 The fate which overtook Assyria, Babylon and 
 Egypt, the fate of Greece and Rome, the life-in-death 
 which is the portion of India and China, will yet be 
 summed up by the historian as the sequence of an 
 organic, racial selfishness, of national submission to 
 the curse of Caste. In its lowest form, caste is ex- 
 emplified by the taboo and boycott of the savage tribes- 
 man. But the malignant influence of it is found in 
 every nation where class is set off from class, where 
 men and brethren are arrayed into hostile camps 
 by racial, religious, political or industrial divi- 
 sions which teach or permit the exploitation, 
 through selfishness, of man by his brother man. 
 This curse of caste has been with us from 
 the beginning. It blighted the soul and branded 
 the brow of Cain when he flaunted defiance to his 
 Maker and excused the murder of Abel with the 
 blasphemy, ''Am I my brother's keeper?" All 
 forms of caste are born of the selfishness which de- 
 nies the keepership of brother by brother, of man by 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION". 11 
 
 his fellow-man. At last came a time when there 
 walked One on earth who " spake as man never 
 spake before." He brought to mankind the message 
 that not in caste, not in tribal or clannish distinc- 
 tions, not in the scorn of one's fellows, not in the 
 decrees founded on racial hatreds or the arrogance 
 of ecclesiastical faction is the Kingdom of God to 
 be found, but in service to humanity. The parable 
 of the publican, with its arraignment of the Pharisee 
 who thanked God that he was not as other men, is 
 an indictment of caste such as was never drawn by 
 historian or philosopher throughout the ages. The 
 shining gospel of peace and good will to men was 
 the first formal promulgation of the principle of 
 democracy, and for nineteen hundred years the world 
 has been working upward through the night, pro- 
 gressing haltingly, painfully, yet surely, responsive 
 to the leading of that Kindly Light. 
 
 DAYBREAK OF DEMOCRACY, 
 
 The rise and fall of the mediaeval kingdoms will 
 reinforce for us the lessons of antiquity. The decay 
 of the olden empires was followed by an epoch dur- 
 ing which the vigorous, young peoples from the 
 Hungarian and Gothic forests and the steppes of the 
 Volga and the Don, blending with the Greek and 
 Roman populations which they had overthrown, 
 modeled, through fusion, a new race which was 
 to possess the soil of Europe. True, the nations built 
 
12 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 upon it were destined to harden into the mould of 
 caste, but the mould had lost much of its rigidity. 
 Racial prejudice and national antipathy were still 
 in some measure the order of the day, but the 
 instinct of democracy was abroad, like the Spirit of 
 God on the face of the waters, and its brooding 
 would yet fructify the mediseval mass into spiritual 
 life and order. A new force had come into the 
 world, a force which is recognized in all the art and 
 all the literatures of the feudal era. It speaks in 
 the frescos of Michael Angelo and in the poetry 
 of Dante. Both are informed with a nobler purpose 
 than ever guided the chisel of Praxitiles or the pen 
 of Plato. It exhales from the pages of Augustin 
 and Aquinas. It transfigured with angelic mean- 
 ings the lives of Francis de Sales, of Loyola and 
 Xavier. This new force has many names, but it 
 is one, as God is one. It has been called fra- 
 ternity; it has been called sentiment; it has been 
 called altruism. Perhaps its best name is sympathy, 
 because sympathy means the bond by which those 
 who suffer in common the ills of the flesh are 
 united into fellowship with God. Europe had 
 accepted the new dispensation which Asia had 
 rejected. She still dragged the chains of caste, but 
 those chains, marred and broken by the mallet which 
 nailed a Christ to the cross of Calvary, could only 
 retard, not confine, the progress of humanity. There 
 was movement throughout the continent ; there was 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 13 
 
 fusion of blood, comparison of custom, criticism 
 of self; and the Christian Church, which had set 
 the example of democracy in its own ecclesiastical 
 constitution, was at work, leavening racial prejudice, 
 teaching the Spaniard to regard the Italian as his 
 brother, the Englishman to know the Frenchman 
 for his fellow-man. Before the Christian era, in 
 all the history of mankind, there was never a relig- 
 ious institution which was not hemmed about by the 
 fence of racial caste. Born of the democratic Church, 
 which saved for posterity and distributed to its 
 contemporaries the literature and learning of Pagan 
 Greece and Rome, there issued the institution of 
 chivalry. The " Dark Ages " were, in truth, the age 
 of nascent light, the daybreak of democracy. Out 
 of their fostering bosom came the noblest ideals we 
 cherish to-day. The object of chivalry was to suc- 
 cor the weak, to champion the oppressed, to cherish 
 the grace and shelter the defencelessness of woman, 
 to organize the sentiment of humanity. In the 
 furtherance of these ideals, the consecrated knights 
 of many hostile nations and diverse races were 
 knit together in a companionship of virtue and 
 valor. The sympathetic Don Quixote of Cervantes 
 is a monument to the beauty of the knightly aspira- 
 tion. The noble and humane genius of the satirist 
 became enamored of idealism as he wrote, and the 
 realist " who came to scoff, remained to pray " by the 
 side of chivalry's grave. 
 
14 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 THE CRUSADE OF COLUMBUS. 
 
 And then came Columbus. How prophetic of the 
 future bound up in his apostolic personality was the 
 man himself. He was the product of the blended 
 strains, mental and physical, of all the ages. He 
 inherited the spiritual vision of the Kelt and the 
 constructive imagination which captained the Koman 
 legions. A peasant's son, he was all compact of 
 the kaleidoscopic life-elements that were fused 
 in the Mediterranean crucible of the races. The 
 mystic soul of the East had breathed upon him. 
 The world-old legends of Sidon and of Tyre, the 
 Corsair tales of the sea-going Algerians, he had learned 
 as a boy from the skippers of the Genoese feluccas. 
 The Gothic lust for the marvellous companioned the 
 Roman in his blood. Beyond the farthest horizon, he 
 sensed a horizon farther still. Here, to him, was 
 but the highway to hereafter. He sought the dis- 
 covery of no material world. He was a seeker after 
 the Kingdom of Life. His one ambition was to unite 
 humanity in the universal brotherhood of a mutual for- 
 bearance born of a common fate. He had conceived 
 the sublime project of succeeding where the cru- 
 saders had failed, in redeeming from the domination 
 of the infidel the sepulchre of Christ. For its 
 accomplishment he needed the wealth of the Indies 
 to equip the armies of Europe ; and it was on this 
 quest that he set sail from Palos. Great-souled 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 15 
 
 dreamer that he was, shall it be said that the end 
 of his enterprise was failure ? Or is it not wiser to 
 believe that his quest is not ended yet? The 
 idealist, the re-shaper, the man who dreams and 
 dares, never fails, for humanity never loses the impulse 
 which it receives from such as he. It is happiness 
 that Columbus sails out in the West to seek. But 
 it is a new and sublimated conception of happiness ; 
 not selfish contentment, but the well-being of the 
 many. In his yearning we recognize the struggle 
 to attain democracy, to quicken and vivify the faith 
 in God and man whereby the world must live. 
 
 Christofero Colombo, Christ-bearer and dove ! the 
 ascetic monk of Rabida ! Isabella, who strips herself 
 of her royal jewels to equip the sailor's ships! 
 Father Las Casas ! the cross planted on San Salva- 
 dor ! the Sepulchre of Christ ! What mystical sym- 
 bols are these, eloquent of what divine, far-reaching 
 purpose ? For this Christ-bearer is the forerunner of 
 a new order which shall unhand the people from the 
 usurpation of caste and shall free religion from the 
 alternating oppressions and patronizings of monarchy. 
 Humanity is on the threshold of the grandest experi- 
 ment in the moulding of racial types and social insti- 
 tutions the world has ever seen. The Spanish strain, 
 itself, blended of Goth and Roman, Iberian, Moor 
 and Basque, held in its composition all the elements 
 which go to the development of a great race, and 
 Spain was on the eve of her golden age. France had 
 
16 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 grafted her various peoples upon the ancient Gaelic, 
 or Keltic, stock, and had developed a brilliant 
 and distinctive national type. England had merged 
 her basic strain of the Keltic-Briton with the 
 successive tides of Roman, Anglo-Saxon, Scandi- 
 navian and French-Norman blood. The product was 
 a new and virile race. And now that the formative 
 period of these great European nations had passed, 
 what hope was there for the ideals of Nazareth ? 
 What prospect of the universal brotherhood of man ? 
 Would the peoples learn at last that exclusiveness 
 and isolation mean extinction, and that the kinship 
 of humanity has its basis in physical and psycho- 
 logical fact as well as in spiritual philosophy ? Alas ! 
 the new nations of Europe were split into hopeless, 
 factional quarrels and racial jealousies, even as their 
 sisters of the olden day. But wait ! America will 
 yet solve the problem of peaceful fusion and 
 tolerance. 
 
 THE FORGING OF THE AMERICAN RACE. 
 
 We have solved it. We have built a permanent 
 and successful nation. We have founded here a 
 "lasting city." We have done more. We have 
 evolved the race of races, the American race. We 
 are sprung from all the peo2oles of Europe. Mentally 
 and physically, all were fused upon the soil of the 
 New World, not yesterday, or the day before, but 
 for three hundred years prior to the Independence 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 17 
 
 we celebrate. Ours is no narrow inheritance. Our 
 pedigree is as long as history, as wide as humanity; 
 our fatherland is mankind. We Americans have 
 learned that the finest family pride lies in loyalty to 
 the unborn. Our generation has been enriched by 
 many noble strains, and we, in turn, shall endow 
 posterity with the best blood and the best tradi- 
 tions of to-day. Ancestries are good things, and we 
 cannot have too many of them. America has 
 them all. 
 
 Let us glance for a moment at the elements which, 
 upon American soil, had found footing and develop- 
 ment during the three centuries prior to the 
 Declaration of Independence. The Spanish, French 
 and English divided up the Atlantic Coast; Florida, 
 Louisiana, and what was known as California were 
 Spanish. The heroic French Jesuits, Marquette and 
 Joliet, the discoverers of the Mississippi, La Salle and 
 his successors on the French frontier, led the way 
 into the wilderness of the great West. St. Augus- 
 tine, Florida, was founded by the Spanish in 1565. 
 Walter Raleigh's English settlement in Virginia, es- 
 tablished in 1607, was still a weakling when thirty 
 families of Dutchmen from Holland settled New York. 
 In 1620 came the Puritan Pilgrims to Plymouth. A 
 Swedish colony was established at New Castle, Dela- 
 ware, in 1638. The martyr Jesuit, Father Jogues, 
 reports that he found eighteen languages spoken in the 
 streets of New York as early as 1643. In 1690, thir- 
 
18 FOURTH OF JULY OEATION. 
 
 teen thousand German Lutherans tented in the London 
 suburbs until they could be passed on to America. 
 Hordes of emigrants from all the principalities of 
 Germany, including Alsace and Switzerland, fol- 
 lowed at the rate of 12,000 a year. One hundred 
 thousand Frenchmen and descendants of Frenchmen 
 were scattered from the St. Lawrence to New Orleans 
 a quarter of a century before the Eevolution, not to 
 speak of the large number of French Huguenots who 
 were distributed through the original thirteen colonies. 
 Emigrants from the north of Ireland in great num- 
 bers settled in New Hampshire and in southwestern 
 Pennsylvania ; they were the original pioneers in West 
 Virginia and the Carolinas. Shiploads of Irishmen 
 were exiled to Bermuda and to Virginia in the very 
 earliest of the Colonial days. Another Gaelic strain 
 was the Welsh, of which stock seventeen signers of the 
 Declaration of Independence came. Scotchmen were 
 scattered throughout the English colonies ; and to com- 
 plete the catalogue, Portuguese Jews had their settle- 
 ment at Newport, Rhode Island, and were in time 
 merged in the surrounding populations. It is a curious 
 and instructive labor to burrow in the olden records 
 where we find that the intermarriage of the peoples 
 began almost with the inception of colonization. 
 
 It must be remembered, too, that these represen- 
 tatives of the various European races were picked 
 men. The emigrant is always a picked man. He has 
 the imagination to dream of a better environment, 
 
FOUKTH OF JULY ORATION. 19 
 
 the daring to forsake the haven of home. The 
 strongest bird is the first to leave the nest. These 
 early pioneers were dreamers and idealists ; they 
 were the best that Europe had to give, because they 
 were brave and adventurous, unspoiled by luxury, 
 simple, sincere. And they were pure, because they 
 were so recent from the soil. 
 
 It is not surprising, then, to find that, after nearly 
 three centuries of the physical blending and the 
 mental development due to the reciprocal influence 
 of type on type, there was existing, here in the thir- 
 teen colonies, a bond of human brotherhood which was 
 to furnish the very fibre and vital warp and woof 
 of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 The old world prejudices and feuds could not avail 
 against this sympathetic understanding between the 
 colonists. The very motto of the national seal, 
 E Plurihus Unum, symbolized this sentiment, this 
 catholic atmosphere, this racial unity. It was not 
 alone that one nation was to be framed from thirteen 
 colonies, it was that Frenchmen and Englishmen, 
 Irishmen, Welshmen, Spaniards, Swedes, Dutchmen, 
 Jew and Gentile, had been welded into one. It was 
 this blend, now of mind, now of body, now of both, 
 which made possible the type of intelligence able to 
 grasp the opportunity and to brave the test of revo- 
 lution. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence was feasible be- 
 cause we had developed here in America, through 
 
20 FOUETH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 racial and social fusion, a type of mind like that of 
 Jefferson, of Hamilton, of Patrick Henry, of Hancock, 
 of Quincy, of Sam Adams, of Carroll of Carrollton; 
 because, through racial fraternity, we had developed a 
 social intelligence capable of merging all prejudice in 
 the passion for truth, capable of welcoming and weed- 
 ing the philosophy of the most advanced thinkers of 
 all the races of Europe, and because we had inherited 
 the ideal and world-fashioning faith which rushes into 
 the void to face an untried terror, even as Ericson, the 
 Norseman, Brendan, the Gael, and the Italian Colum- 
 bus, with his heroic Spaniards, had challenged the 
 universe. 
 
 THE ANGLO-SAXON MYTH, 
 
 So let us never forget that, before embodiment in 
 word, the Declaration we celebrate to-day was preceded 
 by the racial spirit which begot it, as thought goes be- 
 fore expression, as substance antedates form. Ameri- 
 can liberty did not come first; it came last. It 
 was preceded by the American race. Let me repeat. 
 That race was the product of the blending through three 
 hundred years upon American soil of the blood and the 
 ideals of Spain, of France, of England, of Germany, of 
 Scandinavia, of Holland, of Ireland. Let your measure 
 of Americanism be unstinted ; let it be no less broad 
 than the bounds which history in its final analysis will 
 impose as the deliberate judgment of posterity. Let no 
 man confine your patriotism or your joy in your 
 
FOURTH OF JULT ORATION. 21 
 
 country's greatness by any sectarian or sectional or 
 racial or religious tradition. Do not be misled by 
 error, even though the error be embalmed in the 
 text-books of the schools, nor yet by the accepted 
 myths of press or platform ; and if I call your atten- 
 tion to the chief of these, believe me it is with no 
 invidious purpose, but because I recognize in the 
 propagation of error a menace to the youth of the 
 land. Beware of the Anglo-Saxon legend. It is 
 not only an affront to historical truth, but it 
 sows the seed of racial disunion. It revives the 
 European regime of national antipathies. It is one 
 of the myriad microbes of caste. I recall dimly, as 
 one of the half-obliterated memories of my schoolboy 
 days, the mental anguish which I experienced through 
 gathering from my grammar-school history the dis- 
 tressing fact that everything that was good and 
 noble, pure and just, — that all the ideals upon 
 which the American nation was founded, that all the 
 patriots of the Revolution, that law and order, lib- 
 erty, decency and virtue, were Anglo-Saxon in their 
 origin. I remember trudging home to my American 
 fireside and learning from my emigrant father that 
 I was not of Anglo-Saxon descent. In fancy, the 
 pain of that moment is with me still ; and against 
 it I must set the salve of President Roosevelt's 
 statement to the Boston Press Club, when he said : 
 " Your papers call me an Anglo-Saxon. I never 
 knew just quite what the term meant, but since I 
 
22 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 am an Anglo-Saxon, I can define it now. I am 
 half -Dutch and half -Irish." 
 
 I recognize and award to the English strain, to the 
 Puritan and Cavalier, their honest portion of credit for 
 the realization in fact of the democratic ideal. 
 But the flat truth is that, of the blood that ran in 
 the veins of the one million people who made up 
 the population of the colonies in 1776, less than one- 
 half was of English origin. 
 
 I wish to emphasize and promulgate a truth which 
 history corroborates, but which has been popularly 
 ignored. It is that our nation, by reason of its 
 essential, racial extraction, is the legatee and repository 
 of the blood, the accumulated wisdom, the ennobling 
 traditions, the literary and artistic ideals, the moral 
 impulses, of no one people, of no one European 
 family, but of all the great tribal generations, 
 Aryan and Semitic, which have left their impress 
 upon the records of time. And I desire to lay stress 
 upon the fact that this was true from the beginning. 
 The debt we owe, racially and industrially, to 
 the myriads of European pilgrims who have 
 elected America as their foster-mother from the time 
 of the Declaration of Independence up to the 
 present hour, has been recognized because it is com- 
 paratively recent history. But the basic and funda- 
 mental race-elements upon which the structure of our 
 liberties was first reared were in no wise different 
 from those which have contributed to its mainte- 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 23 
 
 nance and its extension in these later dsiys. 
 Glorious, indeed, is the privilege of American citi- 
 zenship ; not because we have developed here an 
 ideal state, — as yet, that is only in the making ; 
 not because we have achieved a measure of material 
 success superior to that of our sister nations ; 
 not because our political institutions better embody 
 the will of the community than any yet devised by 
 the brain of man : but because we are the heirs of 
 all the ages; because the Frithiof's Saga, the Niebe- 
 lungenlied, the Cid, the Chanson of Roland, the 
 Divine Tragedy of Dante, the Lusiad of Camoens, 
 the Ossianic Legends, the folk-lore of Deirdre and the 
 Fenians belong to us intimately, essentially, no less 
 than the Arthurian epics, Magna Charta, Shake- 
 speare, Milton, Bacon, Keats and Kipling. Well, 
 indeed, may we quote St. Paul : " We are the 
 citizens of no mean city ! " In a sense far removed 
 from that of the travelled dilletante's boast, may we 
 announce that we are citizens of the world. 
 
 NEW WORLD IDEALISM. 
 
 But nobility has its obligations. It behooves us 
 who take from mankind so great a patrimony, to 
 give back to humanity a notable increase. It has 
 been charged that we, as a nation, are lacking in 
 idealism. We have been accused of a gross devotion 
 to material and commercial progress. Our critics are 
 in error. They have mistaken success in material 
 
24 FOUKTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 achievement for the denial of ideals. They ignore 
 the eternal drama, the inextinguishable conflict be- 
 tween man and material nature. They forget that 
 the conquest by man over matter is, in its essence, an 
 expression of the spiritual striving of the race. Men 
 live their poems before they write them. The heroism 
 of the Siege of Troy preceded the Iliad of Homer, 
 as the epic voyage of Columbus, the titanic victories 
 of Grrant, the Nestor-like statesmanship of Washington 
 and the sacrificial toil of Lincoln precede their per- 
 petuation in poetry and bronze. It is a significant 
 development that the soul of the American people, 
 which has taken on its characteristics through 
 the fraternal blending of the peoples, has found 
 its most significant expression in the inventions 
 which have facilitated communication between man 
 and man. The steamboat, the railroad, the telegraph, 
 the telephone, the Panama Canal, these are not merely 
 material triumphs. They are proofs, as well, that we 
 have preserved the faculty of dreaming grandly be- 
 queathed to us by Columbus and the countless millions 
 of heroic Europeans who risked the perils of the 
 Atlantic to reach our sheltering shores. The Ameri- 
 can is an idealist by temperament, by spiritual and 
 racial inheritance. 
 
 THE CASTE OF THE DOLLAR, 
 
 The commercial strife which deforms our community 
 life is not peculiar to American institutions. It 
 
FOUKTH OF JULY ORATION. 25 
 
 has been handed down to us through the ages. The 
 fact that, in the internecine warfare of trade, the 
 American is pre-eminent by reason of his alertness, 
 his energy, his constructive imagination, is due 
 to the superiority of his racial type, and this supe- 
 riority gives promise for the future of the land. 
 It augurs moral and intellectual capacity to reform. 
 For our nation, founded, as it is, upon the principle 
 of fraternity, saturated, as it is, with the solvent of 
 sympathy, freed, as it is, from the trammels of racial 
 caste, of religious proscription, of political despotism, 
 is bound to overcome, through the forces of 
 altruistic public opinion, the evils which now 
 make for inequality in our economic and indus- 
 trial life. We have seen that democracy, which 
 mingles racially the blood of the people, has 
 produced, as one of the fruits of fraternity, popu- 
 lar political institutions. We have seen that it has 
 levelled the walls of prejudice which divided religious 
 sects and arrayed them against each other. Here in 
 America the orthodox and the heretic, Jew and Gen- 
 tile, worship in freedom of conscience with none of 
 the rancorous bitterness which characterized the older 
 peoples who flayed each other for the love of 
 God. Racial freedom, political freedom, religious 
 freedom ! These we have realized in fact. Tell 
 me, my friends, are not these achievements 
 an augury and a pledge that industrial and 
 economic freedom shall yet be attained by us ? Of 
 
26 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 the four great evils of the caste system, we have 
 abolished three. There yet remains only the caste 
 of the dollar, the aristocracy of ill-gotten wealth, the 
 special privilege which has succeeded to the divine 
 right of kings, the prerogative of profit, unjustly 
 wrung from the toiler, now in defiance of law, now 
 under the forms of law, but always by force or its 
 equivalent, fraud. 
 
 The promise of our victory over the inequalities 
 which now permit the exploitation of the many 
 by the few in the production and distribution of 
 wealth is contained in the splendid history of our 
 past. In the olden days, the most profitable 
 and privileged business upon earth was the gov- 
 erning business. It was controlled always by a 
 close corporation, usually a family which assumed to 
 hand down its kingship from father to son. Our 
 first, great, economic advance was made when the 
 people of our thirteen colonies took over by public 
 ownership this government monopoly. The con- 
 servatives, the capitalistic class of the days of 1776, 
 were shocked and pained by the radicalism of 
 Washington and Jefferson and Hancock, Adams and 
 Otis, They recognized in the public ownership of 
 the business of government a menace to all privi- 
 lege and monopoly. Twelve hundred of these dis- 
 tinguished gentlemen, the cultured and luxurious and 
 conservative element of the day, sailed away with 
 General Gage when his troops evacuated Boston and 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 27 
 
 established themselves in New Brunswick and Nova 
 Scotia rather than endure the agony of living under 
 free political institutions. Twelve thousand loyalists 
 of the same type left New York for the same reason ; 
 so that the hostility of the privileged to the abolition 
 of privilege is no new thing. The very descendants 
 of the patriot radicals of the Revolution, nearly one 
 hundred years later, here among the conservative 
 copperheads of New York and Boston, and throughout 
 the Southern states, were strenuous and insistent 
 advocates of the privileges of the slaveholder, and 
 contended for the dissolution of our Union. 
 
 Always, let it be observed, that the man who fights 
 for class and privilege insists upon the supremacy of 
 the individual or the caste. Always, let it be observed, 
 the forces that fight for democracj^ stand for the 
 greatest good of the greatest number, for the prin- 
 ciple of fraternity and fusion, as against disintegra- 
 tion and disunion. 
 
 We are on the eve of a new revolution. The 
 issue lies with us. Young men, it is you who are 
 to determine the destiny of our American state. 
 Choose ! Choose now, before your straightforward, 
 unbiased judgment is warped by the ties of interest 
 and selfish advantage. Youth is divine, because it is 
 fresh from God ; because, as yet, the soiling impress 
 of the world has not marred its pristine innocence, 
 sincerity and truth. Will you ally yourselves, in 
 the strife which you cannot escape, with the forces 
 
28 FOURTH OF JULY OEATION. 
 
 which make for the cementing and upbuilding of 
 society, or with the ranks of those who teach that 
 each man's hand is foreordained to be lifted against 
 his fellow, that the human race is incapable of per- 
 fection, of betterment, even; that the law of God 
 and man, immutable, eternal, is : " He shall take 
 who has the power, and he may keep who can ! " 
 
 I ask you to elect here and now, in Faneuil Hall, 
 because I feel that this symbolic spot, glorified by the 
 sacrifices of the fathers who gave their blood to see 
 to it that the monopolistic trust of government should 
 not wring an unjust profit from the people, is a fit- 
 ting sanctuary for your spiritual enlightenment. The 
 question which you shall have to decide is whether 
 the commercial caste shall be permitted to emulate 
 the government trust of King George. It is but one 
 of many problems which America is bound to solve, 
 but it is the chief and most important of them all. 
 To each such problem, apply the crucial, vital test : 
 " On which side lies the advantage of the special 
 privilege that is the essence of caste ? On which side 
 stand the interests of the brotherhood of man?" 
 
 SOLICIT IMMIGRATION. 
 
 Admonished by the lessons of the past, it is our 
 privilege to increase the efficiency of the race by 
 encouraging, stimulating and welcoming European 
 immigration to our shores. The Finn, the Bohe- 
 mian, the Italian, the Greek, the Russian, the Pole, 
 
FOUKTH OF JULY ORATION. 29 
 
 the Israelite, the Magyar, — Latin, Teuton, Kelt and 
 Slav, we need them all. The wisdom of our states- 
 men will find the true policy to be not the 
 exclusion of immigration, but the maintenance in 
 Europe of national agents who shall solicit and 
 organize as great an exodus as possible to these 
 American shores. Thus shall our life stream be 
 ever varied and strengthened ; thus shall we escape 
 forever the curse of racial caste. 
 
 THE DISEASE OF DIVORCE. 
 
 We have seen that, as " the proper study of 
 mankind is man," so, in the upbuilding of society, 
 the proper function of humanity is to perpetuate, 
 purify and ennoble human life. This means 
 inevitably the conservation of the family. The 
 family is the prop and pillar of all constituted 
 order, the shrine of morality, the nursery of achieve- 
 ment, the bulwark of the nation. The clan is but a 
 wider family ; the nation, a more comprehensive 
 clan. The first postulate of freedom is the freedom 
 to form a family, to marry and give in marriage, to 
 educate offspring in the family ideals. Woe to the 
 people that permits the pollution of the family 
 hearth. There is a canker that is eating to-day into 
 the heart of American society. It is the disease, 
 divorce. Its remedy, rather its abolition, is your 
 function and your privilege. Divorce is a modern 
 form of the debauchery which undermined the Pagan 
 
30 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 nations of antiquity. It reduces the marital relation 
 to the animal level. It sins against the spirit of 
 fraternity, because it exempts man and woman from 
 the obligations of self-respect, of reciprocal duty and 
 of responsibility to the offspring upon whose up- 
 bringing and culture the future of the race depends. 
 
 MURDER BY THE STATE. 
 
 Respect for race depends upon respect for life. 
 Life is sacred because it is of God. Wendell Phillips 
 said that the worst use which can be made of a 
 man is to hang him. There is a consequence of 
 legal murder worse even than the loss of the indi- 
 vidual life. It is the degenerating influence which, 
 by the law of suggestion, is inflicted upon the com- 
 munity when a human being is killed by the State. 
 Once the pickpocket was hanged, drawn and quar- 
 tered, and gibbeted in chains upon the roadside, that 
 the grisly horror of it might chill the blood of men, 
 his fellows, his brothers, as they passed beneath the 
 creaking corpse. To-day, we have progressed to that 
 point where we realize that there is a suggestion of 
 slaughter, more powerful than that of terror, in such 
 a violation of the decencies of life, and, lest murder 
 by the state should stimulate murder by the indi- 
 vidual, we lock the executioner and his victim away 
 from the public sight and the public ear. Let us 
 pray that to-morrow we shall have abolished, not 
 alone the visual example, but the horror of the fact. 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 31 
 
 Let us pray that both state and nation may soon be 
 purged of the blood-guilt of capital punishment. 
 
 RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 
 
 Life, developed and refined by racial democracy, 
 made comfortable by economic democracy, broadened 
 and heightened by the liberty of democratic political 
 institutions, protected and fostered by democratic 
 freedom of worship, still, rests and must ever rest 
 for its moral growth upon the principles of relig- 
 ious belief. It is the duty of the state to see to 
 it that those principles, subject to the choice and 
 guidance of parents, shall be inculcated into the 
 minds of the school-children in whom lies the hope 
 and future of the state. It is the duty of every 
 religious body that has faith in the validity of its 
 message to mankind to insist on the religious 
 education of its youth. The means, the method, 
 are proper subjects for deliberation and debate, but 
 the principle itself cannot be gainsaid. 
 
 THE PATERNALISM OF THE TRUST. 
 
 In the establishment and enforcement of reform, 
 we must continually beware of the subterfuges and 
 machinations of the upholders of caste. They have 
 learned well the lesson which the olden Latins 
 expressed by the adage, '" Divide et impera." They 
 are able to conquer while they are able to divide. 
 Under the specious plea of individual freedom they 
 
32 FOUKTH OF JULY OKATION. 
 
 mask the purpose of enslaving the community. 
 But a conspicuous feature of the success which the 
 captains of industry achieve is their abihty to co-ordi- 
 nate and organize their milhons of wage-men into 
 a coherent, effective, industrial whole. Suspect the 
 capitalist who relies on national and even world- 
 wide organization to achieve his selfish, industrial 
 and commercial success, while he warns you, the 
 voter, to avoid national organization in your aspi- 
 ration for the best political and economic results. 
 The centralization which is inevitable in modern 
 industry must be just as inevitable in political organ- 
 ization, if we are to control the paternalism of the 
 trusts and syndicates. But if we of the city can be 
 taught to fear our fellows of the state, if the state 
 can be taught to fear the nation, then, indeed, are 
 we a house divided against itself; then, indeed, have 
 we missed the strength that lies in union ; then, 
 indeed, shall we fall a ready prey to exploitation by 
 the capitalistic enemies of society. 
 
 We have made strides. The shibboleth of home 
 rule did not prevent a President of the United States 
 from compelling the feudal barons of Pennsylvania to 
 deliver coal to the people. The spectre of the divine 
 right of competition will not prevent the American 
 people from controlling the public highways which 
 modernity now describes as railroads and railways. 
 Remark the fact, for it is significant, that already 
 the nation is undertaking to fix railway rates. True, 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 33 
 
 the measure is but a make-shift, a groping, blind 
 and feeble, after righteousness ; but it is evident 
 that, in the words of our Boston poet, James Jeffrey 
 
 Roche, 
 
 " The giant is blind, but thinking, 
 And his locks are growing fast." 
 
 Clearly our American Samson is wide-awake at 
 last. At least, the principle is recognized that the 
 profit-seeking pedler of the products of labor is not 
 exempt from all obligation to his fellow-man. The 
 theory which has been the well-spring of the evils 
 of commercialism, namely, that every man is en- 
 titled to exact his price and that the consumer may 
 choose between paying and starving, bids fair to be 
 relegated to the limbo of the divine right of kings. 
 It is enough for the hour that the American people 
 are aroused to the necessity of remedying the evils 
 which flow from that world-old crime, the spoiling 
 of the toiler. 
 
 THE FEDERATED BLOOD-STRAINS. 
 
 Ours is the race which, by reason of its heredity and 
 ideals, is best equipped to lead humanity to the 
 truth. The American people succeed to the privi- 
 leges of chivalry. They are dauntless. They are 
 dreamers. They have in a higher degree than 
 any race on earth the instinct of comradery, the 
 saving grace of the fraternal sense. Fused in the 
 schools, the shops, the factories and the fields, 
 
34 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 
 
 where the Latin, the Teuton, the Slav, the Kelt, 
 each, in turn, gives to and receives from his fellow, 
 consciously or unconsciously, something of his native 
 power, they have developed an alertness, an energy, 
 a sympathy, which stamps them at sight. This is 
 recognizable the wide world over. On the shores 
 of Manila bay, in camp and on the march, I have 
 watched the volunteers from Dakota, Idaho, Montana, 
 Minnesota, California. One thing forever struck me, 
 the unity of type. And this, too, when the racial 
 blend had not been perfected, except in its mental, or 
 social, aspects. The blue-eyed boys of Minnesota, 
 yellow-haired giants that showed their Viking ancestry 
 in their candid faces and their mighty limbs ; swarthy 
 Calif ornians of Spanish stock; sturdy descendants of 
 the German strain from the broad Dakota prairies; 
 the regulars of the Fourteenth Infantry, recruited 
 from the Saxon, the Irish and Italian race-elements 
 in the cities of our southern and eastern seaboard — 
 all were splendidly alike in gait and bearing, in 
 initiative, in dash, in self-reliance, in fortitude. The 
 ennobling spirit of American fraternity clothed them 
 with a common atmosphere, as with a garment. 
 They were unmistakably, distinctively, American. 
 
 To the making of heroes Hke these, perforce, 
 Humanity's federate blood-strains have gone ; 
 But, Keltic or Saxon, Teuton or Norse, 
 Latin or Slav, they are Yankees of course, 
 For Freedom has fused them in one. 
 
FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 35 
 
 By such men were the battles of the Revolution 
 won ; and, within the memory of the living, the 
 greatest war of history was waged by a kindred 
 type for no less a purpose than the continued 
 solidarity and union of this American race. In 
 civic virtue, as in military valor, the blended blood- 
 strain stands the test. The racial fusion that gave to 
 us Warren, Sullivan, Steuben and fighting Jack Barry 
 of the days of '76, that gave to us in '61 Grant, 
 Sheridan, Rosecrans and Meagher, was the same that 
 produced an Adams, a Faneuil, a Jay, a Carroll, 
 a Patrick Henry ; the same that endowed the nation, 
 in the black days of the Rebellion, with the genius of 
 Lincoln, Stanton and Blaine. 
 
 It still brews for us the strenuous type of public 
 servant. To-day the nation has her Roosevelt, Wis- 
 consin, her LaFollette, Boston, her Fitzgerald, and 
 Massachusetts has John B. Moran. 
 
 THE QUEST OF THE IDEAL. 
 
 Shall we despair of the ideal of Columbus? In 
 the eternal struggle between right and wrong, shall 
 we give ground in craven retreat before the hosts of 
 error? Not so. The woman of the Scriptures be- 
 wailed her loss for that " they had taken her Lord 
 away and she knew not where they had laid him." 
 Hers is the cry of suffering humanity the world over. 
 Wherever the forces of evil, the votaries of caste, 
 the enemies of fraternity, sin against our common 
 
36 FOUKTH OF JULY OKATlOl!^. 
 
 human brotherhood, there, indeed, have they laid our 
 Lord away ; there, indeed, have they walled within the 
 tomb the vision of the truth and love that make us free. 
 We are enrolled in the ranks of the crusade Colum- 
 bus hoped to lead. We are embarked. We are 
 confronted with the mystery of the universe and the 
 dark that veils the voyage of the human soul. We 
 challenge the Unknown. Watch ! We outride the 
 tempest. Mark ! We have spanned the seas. We 
 are making land at last. Yonder, yearning under 
 the sunlight, lie the fabled riches of the Indies and 
 Cathay. Utopia is there, and Eldorado, the Golden 
 Age and the Paradise we lost. Reverently uplifted, 
 we bear the cross, ready for its planting on the 
 promised land, the blessed cross, symbol of sacrifice, 
 pledge of fraternity. We touch the long-sought 
 shore. We land. Upheld by the serene faith of 
 Columbus, fortified by the world-soul which is our 
 blood-inheritance, we win the ideal goal. Who, 
 now, shall deny us? Who dares to say that we 
 shall not yet gain and redeem the sepulchre of 
 Christ ? 
 
A LIST 
 
 BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS. 
 
 By C, W. ERNST, 
 
BOSTON ORATORS 
 
 Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. 
 
 For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770. 
 
 Note. — The Fifth-of-March orations were published in handsome quarto editions, 
 now very scarce ; also collected in book form in 1785, and again in 1807. The oration 
 of 1776 was delivered in Watertown. 
 
 1771. — LovELL, James. 
 
 1772. — Warren, Joseph.^ 
 
 1773. — Church, Benjamin.^ 
 
 1774. — Hancock, John.*^ 
 1775. — Warren, Joseph. 
 
 1776. — Thacher, Peter. 
 
 1777. — Highborn, Benjamin. 
 
 1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 
 
 1779. — Tudor, William. 
 1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 
 1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 
 
 1782. — MiNOT, George Richards. 
 
 1783. —Welsh, Thomas. 
 
 !For the Aniiiversary of National Independence, July 4, 1776. 
 
 Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been 
 made. For the names of the orators, as officially printed on the ti'tle pages of the 
 orations, see the Municipal Register of 1890. 
 
 1783. — Warren, John.^ 
 1784. — Highborn, Benjamin. 
 1785. — Gardner, John. 
 
 a Reprinted in Newport, R.I., 1774, 8vo., 19 pp. 
 
 b A third edition was published in 1773. 
 
 1 Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published in largo 
 quarto ; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo ; the oration of 1788 was printed in small 
 quarto ; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated ujider 
 1SB3 and 1876. 
 
40 APPENDIX. 
 
 1786. — Austin, Jonathan Loring. 
 
 1787. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 
 1788. — Otis, Harrison Gray. 
 
 1789. — Stillman, Samuel. 
 
 1790. — Gray, Edward. 
 
 1791. — Crafts, Thomas, Jun. 
 1792. — Blake, Joseph, Jun.^ 
 1793. — Adams, John Quincy." 
 1794. — Phillips, John. 
 1795. — Blake, George. 
 
 1796. — Lathrop, John, Jun. 
 
 1797. — Callender, John. 
 
 1798. QuiNCY, JOSIAH.^ ^ 
 
 1799. — Lowell, John, Jun.^ 
 1800. — Hall, Joseph. 
 
 1801. — Paine, Charles. 
 
 1802. — Emerson, William. 
 
 1803. — Sullivan, William. 
 1804. — Danforth, Thomas.^ 
 
 1805. — Button, Warren. 
 
 1806. — Channing, Francis Dana.* 
 
 1807. — Thacher, Peter.2' ^ 
 
 1808. — Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.^ 
 
 1809. — Tudor, William, Jun.^ 
 1810. — TowNSEND, Alexander. 
 
 1811. — Savage, James. '^ 
 
 1812. — Pollard, Benjamin.* 
 
 1813. — Livermore, Edward St. Loe. 
 
 'Passed to a second edition. 
 
 ' Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted, also, 
 in Philadelphia. 
 
 * Not printed. 
 
 "On February 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge 
 Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780- 
 1892, p. 21.) 
 
APPENDIX. 41 
 
 1814. — Whit WELL , Benjamin . 
 1815. — Shaw, Leis^uel. 
 
 1816. — Sullivan, George.^ 
 
 1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 
 
 1818. — Gray, Francis Galley. 
 1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 
 1820. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 
 1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greely.^ 
 
 1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 
 
 1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham.'' 
 
 1824. — Bassett, Francis. 
 
 1825. — Sprague, Charles." 
 
 1826. — QuiNCY, Josiah.'' 
 
 1827. — Mason, William Powell. 
 
 1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 
 
 1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 
 
 1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 
 
 1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 
 
 1832. — QuiNCY, JosiAH, Jun. 
 
 1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 
 
 1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 
 1835. — HiLLARD, George Stillman. 
 
 1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 
 
 1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 
 
 1838. — WiNSLOw, Hubbard. "The Means of the Per- 
 petuity and Prosperity of our Republic." 
 
 1839. — Austin, Ivers James. 
 
 1840. — Power, Thomas. 
 
 1841. — Curtis, George Ticknor.® "The True Uses of 
 American Revolutionary History. "^ 
 
 1842. — Mann, Horace.^ 
 
 s Six editions up to 1831. Reprinted also in liis Life and Letters, 
 
 "< Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. See 1798. 
 
 * Delivered another oration in 1862. 
 
 "There are five or more editions; only one by the City. 
 
42 APPENDIX. 
 
 1843. — Adams, Chakles Francis. 
 
 1844. — Chandler, Peleg "Whitman. "The Morals of 
 
 Freedom." 
 
 1845. — Sumner, Charles. ■^° "The True Grandeur of 
 
 Nations." 
 
 1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 
 
 1847. — Cary, Thomas Greaves. 
 
 1848. — Giles, Joel. " Practical Liberty. " 
 
 1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. "The Con- 
 quering Republic." 
 
 1850.^ — ^ Whipple, Edwin Percy." "Washington and 
 the Principles of the Revolution." 
 
 1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 
 
 1852. — King, Thomas Starr. ^^ "The Organization of 
 Liberty on the Western Continent. "^^ 
 
 1853. — BiGELOw, Timothy. ^^ 
 
 1854. — Stone, Andrew Leete.^ "The Struggles of 
 
 American History." 
 1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 
 1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. "The Lesson of 
 
 '76 to the Men of '56." 
 1857. — Alger, William Rodnseville." " The Genius 
 
 and Posture of America." 
 
 1858. — Holmes, John Somers.^ 
 
 1859. — Sumner, George. ^^ 
 1860.^ — Everett, Edward. 
 
 1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 
 
 1862. — Curtis, George Ticknor.® 
 1863. — Holmes, Oliver Wendell.^® 
 1864. — Russell, Thomas. 
 
 10 Passed through three editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered 
 In a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles Sumner .... July 
 4th, 1845. By a Citizen of Boston. See Memoir and Letters of Cbarles Sumner, by 
 Edward L. Pierce, vol. ii. 337-384. 
 
 " There is a second edition. (Boston : Ticknor, Reed & Fields. 1850. 49 pp. 1-2°.) 
 
 12 First published by the City in 1S92. 
 
 IS This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1861, contain the speeches, 
 toasts, etc., of the City dinner usuaUy given in Faneuil Hall on the Fourth of July. 
 
APPENDIX. 43 
 
 1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under 
 Liberty.'"* 
 
 1866. — LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 
 
 1867. — Hepworth, Gteorge Hughes. 
 
 1868.— Eliot, Samuel. " The Functions of a City." 
 1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 
 1870. — Everett, William. 
 1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 
 1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jun. 
 1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhousb. 
 1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 
 
 1875. — Clarke, James Freeman. " Worth of Republi- 
 can Institutions." 
 
 1876. — WiNTHROP, Robert Charles. ^'^ 
 
 1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 
 
 1878. — Healy, Joseph. 
 1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. 
 1880, — Smith, Robert Dickson. ^^ 
 
 1881. — Warren, George Washington. " Our Repub- 
 lic — Liberty and Equality Founded on Law." 
 
 1882. — Long, John Davis. 
 
 1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American 
 
 Character and Influence." 
 
 1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 
 
 1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. 
 
 " Probably fonr editions were printed In 1857. (Boston : Office Boston Daily Bee. 
 60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1864, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a 
 copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. E. Far- 
 well & Co., 1864, 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the Interesting preface and appendix 
 of the early editions. 
 
 1° There is another edition. (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1859, 69 pp.) A third 
 (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882, 46 pp.) omits the dinner at Faneuil Hall, the 
 correspondence and events of the celebration. 
 
 18 There is a preliminary edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7), 
 71 pp.) It is " the first draft of the author's address, turned into larger, legible type, 
 for the sole purpose of rendering easier its public delivery." It was done by " the 
 liberality of the City Authorities," and is, typographically, the handsomest of these 
 orations. This resulted in the large-paper 75-page edition, printed from the same 
 type as the 71-page edition, but modified by the author. It is printed " by order of the 
 Common Council." The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 
 
44 APPENDIX. 
 
 1886. — Williams, George Frederick. 
 1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward. 
 1888. — DiLLAWAT, William Edward Lovell. 
 1889. — Swift, John Lindsay. ^^ "The American Citi- 
 zen," 
 1890. — PiLLSBURT, Albert Enoch. " Public Spirit. " 
 
 1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.2° "The Coming Peace," 
 
 1892. — Murphy, John Robert. 
 
 1893. — Putnam, Henry Ware. "The Mission of Our 
 
 People." 
 
 1894. — O'Neil, Joseph Henry. 
 
 1895. — Berle, Adolph Augustus. "The Constitution 
 and the Citizen." 
 
 1896. — Fitzgerald, John Francis. 
 
 1897. — Hale, Edward Everett. "The Contribution of 
 Boston to American Independence." 
 
 1898. — O'Callaghan, Rev. Denis. 
 
 1899. — Matthews, Nathan, Jr. "Be Not Afraid of 
 Grreatness." 
 
 1900. — O'Meara, Stephen. "Progress through Con- 
 flict." 
 
 1901. — Guild, Curtis, Jr. "Supremacy and its Con- 
 
 ditions." 
 
 1902. — CoNRY, Joseph A. 
 
 1903. — Mead, Edwin D. "The Principles of the 
 Founders." 
 
 1904. — Sullivan, John A. "Boston's Past and Pres- 
 ent. What Will Its Future Be ? " 
 
 " There is a large paper edition of fifty copies printed from this type, and also an 
 edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. &>. 
 
 "On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been 
 completed for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. 
 
 19 Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 1783 to 1889^ 
 inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. 
 
 ^"Reprinted by the American Peace Society. 
 
APPENDIX. 45 
 
 1905. — Colt, Le Baron Bradford. "America's Solu- 
 tion of the Problem of Government." 
 
 1906. — Timothy Wilfred Coakley. "The American 
 Race : Its Origin, the Fusion of Peoples ; Its 
 Aim, Fraternity."