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BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. MDCCCLVII, JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PR.INTER3, FA4-004 1*51 . ' PEEFACE TO THE EIEST EDITION. In preparing the following volume, I have endeavoured to confine myself, as much as possible, to what might be really useful to Students in the Universities, and to the higher classes in Schools. It will be at once seen, that even in those Notes which are not taken entire from previous Com¬ mentators, hardly any pretence is made to originality, but that in every case it has been my endeavour to acknowledge the sources of my information, and particularly my great obligations to the works of Baehr, Schweighaiiser, Heeren, Wesseling, &c. &c., as well as to the kindness of various friends. D. W. T. Royal Institution School, Liverpool. October, 1847. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The present edition of this volume has been, in great part, re-written, and, it is hoped, improved in many respects. Considerable additions have been made to the Introduction ; VI PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. and several points, which seemed to require longer explana¬ tion than could conveniently be given in the course of the Notes, will be found treated in the Appendix. My best acknowledgments are due for the kind aid given me by my friends, the Rev. J. G. Sheppard, m. a., Head Master of Kidderminster Grammar School; the Rev. James Lonsdale, m. a., Fellow of Balliol College, and Tutor of the University of Durham ; H. Weir, m. a., Head Master of Berwick-on-Tweed Grammar School; and the Rev. John LI. Davies, b. a., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Space would not allow me to insert all the references I could have wished to Jelf’s Gr. Gr., but still use has been made of it in nearly every page. Royal Institution School, Liverpool. November, 1852. D. W. T. INTRODUCTION. [From the article Herodotus. History of Greek Literature by Talfourd , 4'C., reprint of the Encyclopedia Metropolitana.] Few writers have attracted so irresistibly the investigations of profound scholars and of enthusiastic admirers, as Herodotus; and the names of Larcher, Yalckenaer, Wesseling, Schweighaiiser, Gaisford, Creuzer, Dahlmann, Baehr, and a host of other comment¬ ators, show the high estimation in which the great father of history has been increasingly held by the literary world. This illustrious historian was born at Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor, in the first year of the 74° Olympiad, b. c. 484. A Dorian by extraction, and of distinguished family, we learn from the same authority that the name of his father was Lyxes; his mother, Dyro; his brother, Theodorus. Panyasis, an illustrious poet, was another relative: so that by connexion, as well as by personal position, he was emi¬ nently qualified for the high object which he early contemplated. Herodotus, born ten years after the unsuccessful insurrection of Asiatic Greece, soon left his native country, which had been com¬ pletely enthralled by the grandson of the celebrated Artemisia, the tyrant Lygdamis, by whom his uncle, Panyasis, had been cruelly put to death. That practical course of mental training, which in Europe pro¬ ceeds from books to men, was not adequately available at the era of Herodotus; and the converse order of acquiring knowledge had been the prevailing system, from Ulysses downwards. We ac¬ cordingly find our author, in early manhood, when probably about 25 years of age, entering upon that course of patient and observant travel which was to render his name illustrious as a philosophic tourist. The shores of the Hellespont, Scythia, and the Euxine Sea; Syria, Egypt, Palestine, Colchis, the northern parts of Africa, Ecbatana, and even Babylon, were the objects of his unwearied research. On his return from these important travels, we find him settling in Samos, for the power of Lygdamis was still para¬ mount in Halicarnassus. A strong party, desirous of crushing the power of the tyrant, still remained in that state. But a master-spirit, well acquainted with the resources of the party, and the means of V 111 INTRODUCTION. insuring unanimity, was required to direct the springs of the enter¬ prise. Such a one was found in Herodotus, who, urged by a desire to avenge his slaughtered relative, and to secure the independence of his country, lent his powerful aid, and carried the revolution to a triumphant conclusion. The tyrant was dethroned. The downfal of this oppressor failed, however, to secure the freedom of the people: a powerful oligarchy promptly seized the vacant position, and our historian, deeply read in the selfishness of human nature, and despairing to effect the desired result, bade his country a final adieu. Soon, however, seeking that distinction which even the disasters of his native land tended to advance, he proceeded to Olympia, where those games which formed the glory of Greece were in actual cele¬ bration. Here, amidst the vehement applause of the assembled Greeks, we are told he recited his work, which was honoured by the flattering title of The Nine Muses. On this occasion it was that Thucydides, then a youth, touched by the noble ambition of future excellence, was affected even to tears by the recitation of Herodotus. “ Olorus,” said the historian to the youth’s father, “ thy son is enthusiastically fond of science.” Subsequently to this, for ten years continuously, we find Herodotus prosecuting his historical and geographical investigations, travelling principally in the Grecian provinces; when once more, stimulated by previous triumphs, and possibly by the consciousness of enlarged informa¬ tion and greater accuracy in his work, he is described as again re¬ citing his composition before an Athenian audience, at the august festival of the Panathensea. The delighted assembly presented our author with ten talents, for the noble manner in which he had re¬ corded the glories of their ancestors. We might now naturally have anticipated that after a triumph so signal, Herodotus would have finally settled either at Athens or in Ionia. But he did not. Powerful motives must have induced a deviation from so natural a course. It is not improbable that the narration of certain facts, apparently incredible to the Greeks, may have rendered him the object of that incredulous laugh which not even “the stern • philosopher can bear.” An Athenian colony was just about sailing for Italy, to raise a settlement upon the ruins of Sybaris. With these pioneers of Italian civilization, Herodotus sailed, and in the city which they founded, Thurii, he took up his final resting-place, occupying him¬ self with putting in the last touches to his graceful portraiture of the men and maimers of his time. Hence, he is sometimes called the historian of Thurii. Here in retirement this great writer lived till the time of the Peloponnesian war. The period of his death, though unknown, must have been subsequent to b. c. 408; at which date, as we may easily deduce from his own statements, he was still living at the age of seventy-seven, and engaged on his history. A cenotaph, (sometimes confounded with his grave,) close INTRODUCTION. IX to that of Thucydides, and just on the exterior of one of the Athe¬ nian gates, was the only spot which marked the reverence of an¬ tiquity for the man who had enlightened, elevated, and ennobled Greece. The style of this philosophic history admirably corresponds in sweetness with the various episodes which grace the leading nar¬ rative ; the practical scope of which is to evince the triumph of civilization over barbarism, and to point the victory of mind over brute force. Before the eventful shock of Marathon, feeble and ) disparate indeed were the subjects for record; but now, the libera¬ tion of Greece, a theme of surpassing glory, patriotic piety, and meet triumph, formed a golden chain by which the affections of Hellas were drawn towards the generation which had striven so long and nobly for her children. The main achievement of our / author then was, essentially, a history in the best acceptation of the term, a narrative unfolded by investigation and sealed by truth; a narrative having nought in common with the shadowy forms of S antiquity, save the race of heroes which its inspiration had called C. into life. We are now prepared to remark on the diverging tendencies of these noble writings, the more powerful from the entire absence of art. They are two-fold. First, they embody the internal policy of Greece, with its attendant victories at Marathon and Plateea, while they evolve her external policy under Agesilaus and Xenophon in Asia. Secondly, they are philosophic; taking the various forms of historical and mytho-geographic investigations, antiquities, na¬ tural history, and occasional speculative allegories.* CHARACTER OF HERODOTUS. \From Grote's History of Greece, vol. i. c. 16.] We have next to consider the historians, especially Herodotus and Thucydides. Like Hecatseus, Thucydides belonged to a gens which traced its descent from Ajax, and through Ajax to iEacus and Zeus. Herodotus modestly implies that he himself had no such privilege to boast of. Their curiosity respecting the past had no other materials to work upon except the myths; but these they found already cast by the logographers into a continuous series, and presented as an aggregate of antecedent history, chro¬ nologically deduced from the times of the gods. In common with * The student is strongly advised to read the whole of the beautiful article, whence the above is extracted The notes, particularly that in p. 240, on the recitations at Olympia are well worthy of his attention. b X INTRODUCTION. the body of the Greeks, both Herodotus and Thucydides had im¬ bibed that complete and unsuspecting belief in the general reality of mythical antiquity, which was interwoven with the religion and the patriotism and all the public demonstrations of the Hellenic world. To acquaint themselves with the genuine details of this foretime, was an inquiry highly interesting to them; but the in¬ creased positive tendencies of their age, as well as their own habits of personal investigation, had created in them an historical sense in regard to the past as well as to the present; they had acquired a habit of appreciating the intrinsic tests of historical credibility and probability; and the particular narratives of the poets and logographers, inadmissible as a whole even in the eyes of He- catseus, were still more at variance with their stricter canons of criticism. And we thus find in them the constant struggle, as well as the resulting compromise, between these two opposite tendencies; on the one hand a firm belief in the reality of the mythical world, on the other hand an inability to accept the details which their only witnesses, the poets and logographers, told them respecting it. Each of them, however, performed the process in his own way. Herodotus is a man of deep and anxious religious feeling; he often recognises the special judgments of the gods as determining his¬ torical events : his piety is also partly tinged with that mystical vein which the last two centuries had gradually infused into the religion of the Greeks, for he is apprehensive of giving offence to the gods by reciting publicly what he has heard respecting them; he frequently stops short in his narrative and intimates that there is a sacred legend, but that he will not tell it: in other cases, where he feels compelled to speak out, he entreats forgiveness for doing so from the gods and heroes. Sometimes he will not even men¬ tion the name of a god, though he generally thinks himself au¬ thorized to do so, the names being matter of public notoriety. Such pious reserve, which the open-hearted Herodotus avowedly pro¬ claims as chaining up his tongue, affords a striking contrast with the plain-spoken and unsuspecting tone of the ancient epic, as well as of the popular legends; wherein the gods and their proceedings were the familiar and interesting subjects of common talk as well as of common sympathy, without ceasing to inspire both fear and reverence. Herodotus expressly distinguishes, in the comparison of Poly¬ crates with Minos, the human race to which the former belonged, from the divine or heroic race which comprised the latter. Put he has a firm belief in the authentic personality and parentage of all the names in the myths, divine, heroic, and human, as well as in the trustworthiness of their chronology computed by generations; he counts back 1600 years from his own day to that of Semele, mother of Dionysus ; 900 years to Herakles; and 800 years to Penelope; the Trojan war being a little earlier in date. Indeed, it INTRODUCTION. XI would seem that even the longest of these periods must have ap¬ peared to him comparatively short, seeing that he apparently accepts the prodigious series of years which the Egyptians pro¬ fessed to draw from a recorded chronology—17,000 years from their god Herakles, and 15,000 years from their god Osiris or 'Dionysus, down to their king Amasis (550 b. c.). So much was his imagination familiarized with these long chronological com¬ putations, barren of events, that he treats Homer and Hesiod as “ men of yesterday,” though separated from his own age by an interval which he reckons as 400 years. Herodotus had been profoundly impressed with what he heard and saw in Egypt; the wonderful monuments, the evident anti¬ quity, and the peculiar civilization of that country acquired a pre¬ ponderance in his mind over his own native legends, and he is disposed to trace even the oldest religious names or institutions of \ Greece to Egyptian or Phoenician original, setting aside in favour of this hypothesis the Grecian legends of Dionysus and Pan. The oldest Grecian mythical genealogies are thus made ultimately to lose themselves in Egyptian or Phoenician antiquity, and in the > full extent of these genealogies Herodotus firmly believes. It i does not seem that any doubt had ever crossed his mind as to the real personality of those who were named or described in the po¬ pular myths ; all of them have once had reality, either as men, as-< heroes, or as gods. The eponyms of cities, demes, and tribes, are all comprehended in this affirmative category; the supposition of fictitious personages being apparently never entertained. Deu¬ calion, Hellen, Dorus, — Ion, with his four sons, the eponyms of the old Athenian tribes,—Autochthonous, Titakus, and Deke- lus,—Danaus, Lynceus, Perseus, Amphitryon, and Alcmena, and Herakles,—Talthybius, the heroic progenitor of the privileged heraldic gens at Sparta,—the Tyndarids and Helena,—Agamem¬ non, Menelaus, and Orestes,—Nestor and his son Pisistratus,— Asopus, Thebe, and iEgina,—Inachus and 16, iEetes and Medeia, Melanippus, Adrastus, and Amphiaraus, as well as Jason and the Argo,—all these are occupants of the real past time, and prede¬ cessors of himself and his contemporaries. In the veins of the Lacedaemonian kings flowed the blood both of Cadmus and of Danaus, their splendid pedigree being traceable to both of these great mythical names : Herodotus carries the lineage up through Herakles, first to Perseus and Danae, then through Danae to Akri- sius and the Egyptian Danaus ; but he drops the paternal lineage when he comes to Perseus, (inasmuch as Perseus is the son of Zeus by Danae, without any reputed human father, such as Amphi¬ tryon was to Herakles,) and then follow the higher members of the series through Danae alone. He also pursues the same regal genealogy, through the mother of Eurysthenes and Procles, up to— 1 Polynices, (Edipus, Laius, Labdacus, Polydorus, and Cadmus; and he assigns various ancient inscriptions which he saw in the b 2 Xll INTRODUCTION. temple of the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, to the ages of Laius and (Edipus. Moreover the sieges of Thebes and Troy,—the Ar- gonautic expedition,—the invasion of Attica by the Amazons,— the protection of the Herakleids, and the defeat and death of Eu- rystheus, by the Athenians,—the death of Mekisteus and Tydeus before Thebes by the hands of Melanippus, and the touching ca¬ lamities of Adrastus and Amphiaraus connected with the same enterprise,—the sailing of Castor and Pollux in the Argo,—the abductions of 16, Europa, Medeia, and Helena,—the emigration of Cadmus in quest of Europa, and his coming to Boeotia,—as well as the attack of the Greeks upon Troy to recover Helen,—all these events seem to him portions of past history, not less unquestion¬ ably certain, though more clouded over by distance and misrepre¬ sentation, than the battles of Salamis and Mycale. But though Plerodotus is thus easy of faith in regard both to the persons and to the general facts of Grecian myths, yet when he comes to discuss particular facts taken separately, we find him applying to them stricter tests of historical credibility, and often disposed to reject as well the miraculous as the extravagant. Thus, even with respect to Herakles, he censures the levity of the Greeks in ascribing to him absurd and incredible exploits ; he tries their assertion by the philosophical standard of nature, or of determinate powers and conditions governing the course of events. “ How is it consonant to nature , (he asks,) that Herakles, being, as he was, according to the statement of the Greeks, a man , should kill many thousand persons ? I pray that indulgence may be shown to me both by gods and heroes for saying so much as this.” The reli¬ gious feelings of Herodotus here told him that he was trenching upon the utmost limits of admissible scepticism. Another striking instance of the disposition of Herodotus to rationalize the miraculous narratives of the current myths, is to be found in his account of the oracle of Dodona and its alleged Egyptian origin. Here, if in any case, a miracle was not only in full keeping, but apparently indispensable to satisfy the exigencies of the religious sentiment; any thing less than a miracle would have appeared tame and unimpressive to the visitors of so revered a spot, much more to the residents themselves. Accordingly, Herodotus heard, both from the three priestesses and from the Dodoneeans generally, that two black (loves had started at the same time from Thebes in Egypt: one of them went to Libya, where it directed the Libyans to establish the oracle of Zeus Am¬ mon ; the other came to the grove of Dodona, and perched on one of the venerable oaks, proclaiming with a human voice that an oracle of Zeus must be founded on that very spot. The injunction of the speaking dove was respectfully obeyed. Such was the tale related and believed at Dodona. But He¬ rodotus had also heard, from the priests at Thebes in Egypt, a different tale, ascribing the origin of all the prophetic establish- INTRODUCTION. Xlll ments, in Greece as well as in Libya, to two sacerdotal women, who had been carried away from Thebes by some Phoenician merchants, and sold, the one in Greece, the other in Libya. The Theban priests boldly assured Herodotus that much pains had been taken to discover what had become of these women, so ex¬ ported, and that the fact of their having been taken to Greece and Libya had been accordingly verified. The historian of Halicarnassus cannot for a moment think of admitting the miracle which harmonized so well with the feelings of the priestesses and the Dodoneeans. “ How (he asks) could a dove speak wdth human voice ? ” But the narrative of the priests at Thebes, though its prodigious improbability hardly requires to"') be stated, yet involved no positive departure from the laws of na¬ ture and possibility; and therefore Herodotus makes no difficulty in accepting it. The curious circumstance is, that he turns the native Dodoneean legend into a figurative representation, or rather a misrepresentation, of the supposed true story told by the Theban priests. According to his interpretation, the woman who came from Thebes to Dodona was called a dove, and affirmed to utter sounds like a bird, because she was non-Hellenic and spoke a foreign tongue : when she learned to speak the language of the country, it was then said that the dove spoke with a human vbice. And the dove was moreover called black, because of the woman’s Egyptian colour. That Herodotus should thus bluntly reject a miracle, recounted to him by the prophetic women themselves, as the prime circum¬ stance in the origines of this holy place, is a proof of the hold which habits of dealing with historical evidence had acquired over ( his mind; and the awkwardness of his explanatory mediation be¬ tween the dove and the woman, marks not less his anxiety, while discarding the legend, to let it softly down into a story quasi-his- torical, and not intrinsically incredible. We may observe another example of the unconscious tendency of Herodotus to eliminate from the myths the idea of special aid from the gods, in his remarks upon Melampus. He designates Mekimpus “ as a clever man, who had acquired for himself the art of prophecy;” and had procured through Cadmus much in¬ formation about the religious rites and customs of Egypt, many of which he introduced into Greece—especially the name, the sacri¬ fices, and the phallic processions of Dionysus: he adds, “ that Melampus himself did not accurately comprehend or bring out the whole doctrine, but wise men who came after him made the necessary additions.” Though the name of Melampus is here maintained, the character described is something in the vein of Pythagoras—totally different from the great seer and leech of the old epic myths—the founder of the gifted family of the Amytha- onids, and the grandfather of Amphiaraus. But that which is most of all at variance with the genuine legendary spirit, is the XIV INTRODUCTION. : opinion expressed by Herodotus, (and delivered with some emphasis as his own,) that Melampus “ was a clever man, who had acquired for himself prophetic powers.” Such a supposition would have appeared inadmissible to Homer or Hesiod, or indeed to Solon in the preceding century, in whose view even inferior arts come from the gods, while Zeus or Apollo bestows the power of prophesying. The intimation of such an opinion by Herodotus, himself a thoroughly pious man, marks the sensibly diminished omnipre¬ sence of the gods, and the increasing tendency to look for the explanation of phenomena among more visible and determinate agencies. We may make a similar remark on the dictum of the historian respecting the narrow defile of Tempe, forming the em¬ bouchure of the Peneus and the efflux of all the waters from the Thessalian basin. The Thessalians alleged that this whole basin of Thessaly had once been a lake, but that Poseidon had split the chain of mountains and opened the efflux; upon which primitive belief, thoroughly conformable to the genius of 'Homer and Hesiod, Herodotus comments as follows :— “ The Thessalian statement is reasonable. For whoever thinks that Poseidon shakes the earth, and that the rifts of an earthquake are the work of that god, will, on seeing the defile in question, say that Poseidon had caused it. For the rift of the mountains is, as appeared to me, (when I saw it,) the work of an earthquake.” Herodotus admits the reference to Poseidon, when pointed out to him, but it stands only in the back-ground: what is present to his mind is the phenomenon of the earthquake, not as a special act, but as part of a system of habitual operations. Herodotus adopts the Egyptian version of the legend of Troy, founded on that capital variation which seems to have been ori¬ ginated by Stesichorus, and according to which Helena never left Sparta at all—her eidolon had been taken to Troy in her place. Upon this basis a new story had been framed, midway between Homer and Stesichorus, representing Paris to have really carried off Helen from Sparta, but to have been driven by storms to Egypt, where she remained during the whole siege of Troy, having been detained by Proteus, the king of the country, until Menelaus came to reclaim her after his triumph. The Egyptian priests, with their usual boldness of assertion, professed to have heard the whole story from Menelaus himself;—the Greeks had besieged Troy in the full persuasion that Helen and the stolen treasures were within the walls, nor would they ever believe the repeated denials of the Tro¬ jans as to the fact of her presence. In intimating his preference for the Egyptian narrative, Herodotus betrays at once his perfect and unsuspecting confidence that he is dealing with genuine mat¬ ter of history, and his entire distrust of the epic poets, even includ¬ ing Homer, upon whose authority that supposed history rested. His reason for rejecting the Homeric version is, that it teems with historical improbabilities: if Helena had been really in Troy, (he INTRODUCTION. XV says,) Priam and the Trojans would never have been to insane as to retain her to their own utter ruin ; but it was the divine judg¬ ment which drove them into the miserable alternative of neither being able to surrender Helena, nor to satisfy the Greeks of the real fact that they had never had possession of her—in order that man¬ kind might plainly read, in the utter destruction of Troy, the great punishments with which the gods visit great misdeeds. Homer (Herodotus thinks) had heard this story, but designedly departed from it, because it was not so suitable a subject for epic poetry. Enough has been said to show how wide is the difference between Herodotus and the logographers, with their literal transcript of the ancient legends. Though he agrees with them in admitting the full series of persons and generations, he tries the circumstances narrated by a new standard. Scruples have arisen in his mind respecting violations of the laws of nature : the poets are unworthy \ of trust, and their narratives must be brought into conformity with historical and ethical conditions, before they can be admitted as truth. To accomplish this conformity, Herodotus is willing t( mutilate the old legend in one of its most vital points : he sacri¬ fices the personal presence of Helena in Troy, which ran through every one of the ancient epic poems belonging to the Trojan cycle, and is, indeed, under the gods, the prime and present moving force throughout. CHARACTER OF HERODOTUS. [Extract from The Times newspaper for Jan. 31, 1848. Review of Turner's Notes on Herodotus .] Who does not remember the old Halicarnassian ?—the father of history, in whose pages, as an example of the Latin grammar tells little boys, “ there are innumerable stories.” Some, it is true, ren¬ der the word “ lies.” Heaven forbid! Herodotus a liar! the most truthful and simple-minded of men a liar!—who went every where, and saw every thing, and heard every thing, jotting it all down as he went along in his easy-flowing Ionic! A story-teller, if you please; but no relater of fibs. How the whole book tumbles at once into the mind, head over heels, digression after digression, episode on episode, as it were in a royal game of historical leap¬ frog, or sacks-in-the-mill. “ The strife of the barbarians and Greeks,” indeed ! Why, the book tells of the quarrels of the whole world,—Cimmerians, Scythians, Egyptians, Medes, Persians, As¬ syrians, Indians,—every tribe and kindred on earth, rush one after the other on the scene, and tell their story, or have it told for them in the same delightful long-winded way. And yet the work XVI INTRODUCTION. does not tire—why ? Because it is pervaded by a profoundly re- LMigious idea, which distinguishes Herodotus from every other ancient historian. It justifies the ways of Providence with men. It tells how the Persians, having subdued the Medes and swallowed up the kingdoms of Croesus and the Assyrians, having made Egypt and India tributary, waxed haughty and insolent with the wealth and magnificence of the East, and lusted for Greece also, the favoured land of the gods, stretching forth impious hands against the treasures of her fanes. “ Pride goes before a fall,” saith the proverb, and so it was with the armies of Darius and Xerxes. The indignation and vengeance of Heaven waited on the swell¬ ing power of the barbarians, and marked them for its own, so soon as they should have reached their pitch of pride. Tomyris and her Scythians taught Cyrus a lesson, but he neglected the warning; the slaughter of Marathon was wasted on Darius; his son, Xerxes, renewed the impious struggle. Then the patience of Olympus was exhausted, and the blessed powers passed the fatal word that the Greeks “should pull down the Mede.” Founding his work on this idea, Herodotus pursues his w T ay, and never loses sight of it in his widest digressions; they are only the tributary streams which feed the great river of his story, and are, one after the other, absorbed by it, until it flows alone in the breadth and depth of its majesty. It is not to be expected that a history of such extent, so filled with matter requiring illustration and explanation, can be properly understood and appreciated without a commentary. Of such works, it is needless to say many have appeared; the mere enumera¬ tion of them would require more space than w~e can spare, while the reading and mastering of their contents has become irksome to the student. As it was said by some one in a forest that “ he could not see the wood for trees,” so scholars can scarcely discern Herodotus under the leaves of his commentators’ books. The work of Mr. Turner comes forward to remedy this evil, and, with¬ out pretending to much originality, may fairly lay claim to great judgment and taste in selecting such notes and explanations from the works in question as may be most useful to the reader of Herodotus. The “ Notes on Herodotus ” are, in short, a perpetual running commentary on the author; and, armed with them, the student may safely dispense with any other guide, &c. &c.* * In addition to the above most obliging notice in the Times, (for which I beg the editor to accept my very best thanks,] L have to express my sense of the kindness dis¬ played in noticing the 1st edition of this work in the Daily News, Athenaeum, Specta- tor, Examiner, Lit. Gazette, and Westminster and Foreign Quarterly. INTRODUCTION. [The following articles appeared in the 1st edition of this work ; the preceding are new.] ON THE CHARACTER AND STYLE OF THE WORK OF HERODOTUS. “ It may be laid down as a general rule, though subject to con¬ siderable qualifications and exceptions, that History begins in novel and ends in essay. Of the Romantic Historians, Herodotus is the earliest and best. His animation, his simple-hearted ten¬ derness, his wonderful talent for description and dialogue, and the pure, sweet flow of his language, place him at the head of narra¬ tors. He reminds us of a delightful child. There is a grace be¬ yond the reach of affectation in his awkwardness, a malice in his innocence, an intelligence in his nonsense, an insinuating eloquence in his lisp. We know of no writer who makes such interest for himself and his book in the heart of the reader. At the distance of three and twenty centuries we feel for him the same sort of pity¬ ing fondness which Fontaine and Gay are said to have inspired in society. He has written an incomparable book. He has wriff— something better, perhaps, than the best history; but he has written a good history; he is, from the first to the last chapter, inventor. We do not here refer merely to those gross fictions v which he has been reproached by the cjitics of later times. We speak of that colouring which is equally diffused over his whole narrative, and which perpetually leaves the most sagacious reader in doubt what to reject and what to receive. The most authentic parts of his work bear the same relation to his wildest legends, which Henry the Fifth bears to the Tempest. There was an ex¬ pedition undertaken by Xerxes against Greece, and there was an invasion of France. There was a battle of Plat sea, and there was a battle at Agincourt. Cambridge and Exeter, the Constable and the Dauphin, were persons as real as Demaratus and Pausanias.” A good deal more, to the same effect, on the dramatical style of Herodotus, follows the above passage; which, as far more remark- XV111 INTRODUCTION. able for the talent with which it is written, than for its justice to our author’s accuracy of detail, (see Dahlmann, ch. iv. throughout, and 8, 1), I venture to omit. The following, quoted from the same beautiful essay, cannot fail to charm the reader; it appears some¬ what overdrawn and too highly coloured to convey a correct notion of the real style of Herodotus; and he will be on his guard against admitting the tale of Herodotus’ recitation at Olympia (see Dahl¬ mann, ch. ii. throughout) as authentic.* “ Herodotus wrote, as it was natural that he should w T rite. He wrote for a nation susceptible, curious, lively, insatiably desirous of novelty and excitement; for a nation in which the fine arts had attained their highest excellence, but in which philosophy was still in its infancy. His countrymen had but recently begun to culti¬ vate prose composition. Public transactions had generally been recorded in verse. The first historians might, therefore, indulge without fear of censure in the licence allowed to their predecessors, the bards. Books were few. The events of former times were learned from tradition and from popular ballads; the manners of foreign countries, from the reports of travellers. It is well known that the mystery which overhangs what is distant, either in space or time, frequently prevents us from censuring as unnatural w T hat we perceive to be impossible. We stare at a dragoon who has killed three French cuirassiers, as a prodigy; yet we read, without the least disgust, how Godfrey slew his thousands and Rinaldo his ten thousands. Within the last hundred years, stories about China and Bantam, which ought not to have imposed on an old nurse, were gravely laid down as foundations of political theories by eminent philosophers. What the time of the Crusades is to us, the generation of Croesus and Solon was to the Greeks of the time of Herodotus. Babylon was to them what Pekin was to the French academicians of the last century. “ For such a people was the book of Herodotus composed ; and, if w r e may trust to a report not sanctioned indeed by writers of high authority, but in itself not improbable, it was composed not to be read but to be heard. It was not to the slow circulation of a few copies which the rich only could possess that the aspiring author looked for his reward. The great Olympian festival—the solemnity which collected multitudes, proud of the Grecian name, from the wildest mountains of Doris, and the remotest colonies of Italy and Libya—was to witness his triumphs. The interest of the narrative and the beauty of the style were aided by the impos¬ ing effect of recitation—by the splendour of the spectacle—by the powerful influence of sympathy. A critic who could have asked for authorities in the midst of such a scene, must have been of a cold and sceptical nature; and few such critics were there. As was the historian, such were the auditors—inquisitive, credulous, * See, however, a note in the article Herodotus, Hist, of Gr. Lit. Ency. Metrop. p. 240, quoted from in p. vii. of this Introduction. INTRODUCTION. XIX easily moved by religious awe or patriotic enthusiasm. They were the very men to hear with delight of strange beasts and birds and trees—of dwarfs, giants, and cannibals—of gods whose very name it was impiety to utter—of ancient dynasties, which had left behind monuments surpassing all the works of later times—of towns like provinces—of rivers like seas—of stupendous walls, temples, and pyramids—of the rites which the Magi performed at day-break on the tops of the mountains—of the secrets inscribed on the eternal obelisks at Memphis. With equal delight they would have listened to the graceful romances of their own country. They now heard of the exact accomplishment of obscure predictions—of the punish¬ ment of crimes over which the justice of heaven seemed to slumber —of dreams, omens, warnings from the dead—of princesses, for whom noble suitors contended in every generous exercise of strength and skill—of infants, strangely preserved from the dagger of the assassin, to fulfil high destinies. “ As the narrative approached their own times, the interest be¬ came still more absorbing. The chronicler had now to tell the story of that great conflict, from which Europe dates its intellectual and political supremacy—a story which, even at this distance of time, is the most marvellous and the most touching in the annals of the human race—a story abounding with all that is wild and wonderful, with all that is pathetic and animating;—with the gigantic caprices of infinite wealth and absolute power,—with the mightier miracles of wisdom, of virtue, and of courage.—He told them of rivers dried up in a day—of provinces famished for a meal —of a passage for ships hewn through the mountains—of a road for armies spread upon the waves—of monarchies and common¬ wealths swept away—of anxiety, of terror, of confusion, of despair! —and then of proud and stubborn hearts tried in that extremity of evil, and not found wanting—of resistance long maintained against desperate odds—of lives dearly sold when resistance could be main¬ tained no more—of signal deliverance and of unsparing revenge— whatevef gave a stronger air of reality to a narrative so well cal¬ culated to inflame the passions, and to flatter national pride, was certain to be favourably received.” Edinburgh Review, vol. 47, p. 331. “ The whole work is pervaded by a profoundly religious idea, which distinguishes Herodotus from all the other Greek historians. This idea is the strong belief in a divine power existing apart and independent of man and nature, which assigns to every being its sphere. This sphere no one is allowed to transgress without dis¬ turbing the order which has existed from the beginning, in the moral world no less than the physical; and by disturbing this order, man brings about his own destruction. This divine power is, in XX INTRODUCTION. the opinion of Herodotus, the cause of all external events, although he does not deny the free activity of man, or establish a blind law f fate or necessity. The divine power with him is rather the manifestation of eternal justice, which keeps all things in a proper equilibrium, assigns to each being its path, and keeps it within its bounds. Where it punishes over-weening haughtiness and inso¬ lence, it assumes the character of the divine Nemesis, and no where in history had Nemesis overtaken and chastised the offender more obviously than in the contest between Greece and Asia. When Herodotus speaks of the envy of the gods, as he often does, we must understand this divine Nemesis, who appears sooner or later to pursue or destroy him who, in frivolous insolence and conceit, raises himself above his proper sphere. Herodotus every where shows 'the most profound reverence for every thing which he conceives as divine, and rarely ventures to express an opinion on what he con¬ siders a sacred or religious mystery, though now and then he can¬ not refrain from expressing a doubt in regard to the correctness of the popular belief of his countrymen, generally owing to the influence which the Egyptian priests had exercised on his mind: but in general his good sense and sagacity were too strong to allow him to be misled by vulgar notions and errors.”—From the article Herodotus, in Smith’s Biog. Diet. See also Dahlmann, 8, 1, p. 130, 131, seqq. HERODOTUS’ SOURCES OF INFORMATION. On these, first, from the preparations he made, before undertaking his work, by his travels and inquiries in Greece and foreign countries, which probably occupied from his 20th or 25th year till he settled in Rhegium—and secondly, in his acquaintance with the already existing literature, especially the poetic portion, of his country, see Dahlmann, ch. vi. p. 76, seqq., and the articles Herodotus, above quoted, in Smith’s Biog. Diet., and in the En~ cyclop. Metropolitana. SKETCH AND OBJECT OF THE WORK OF HERODOTUS. “ The object of the work of Herodotus is to give an account of the struggles between the Greeks and Persians, from which the former, with the aid of the gods, came forth victorious. The sub¬ ject therefore is a truly national one, but the discussion of it, especially in the early part, led the author into various digressions and episodes, as he was sometimes obliged to trace to distant times >the causes of the events he had to relate, or give a history or de- ascription of a nation or country, with which, according to his view, the reader ought to be made familiar; and having once launched out into such a digression, he usually cannot resist the temptation of telling the whole tale, so that most of his episodes form each an interesting and complete whole by itself. INTRODUCTION. XXI “ He traces the enmity between Europe and Asia to the mythical times. But he rapidly passes over the mythical ages, to come to Croesus, king of Lydia, who was known to have committed acts of hostility against the Greeks. This induces him to give a full his¬ tory of Croesus and the kingdom of Lydia. The conquest of Lydian by the Persians under Cyrus then leads him to relate the rise of the Persian monarchy, and the subjugation of Asia Minor and Babylon. The nations which are mentioned in the course of the narrative are again discussed more or less minutely. The history of Cambyses and his expedition into Egypt induce him to enter into the detail of Egyptian history. The expedition of Darius against the Scythians causes him to speak of Scythia and the north of Europe. The kingdom of Persia now extended from Scythia to Cyrene, and an army being called in by the Cyrenaeans against the Persians, Herodotus proceeds to give an account of Cyrene and Libya. In the mean time the revolt of the Ionians breaks out, which eventually brings the contest between Greece and Persia to an end. An account of this insurrection, and of the rise of Athens after the expulsion of the Pisistratidse, (with a di¬ gression on the kings and government of Sparta,) is followed by what properly constitutes the principal part of the work, and the history of the Persian war now runs in a regular channel until the taking of Sestos.” See Dahlmann, ch. vii. throughout, p. 102—126. In addition to the foregoing, reference has been made in the course of the following notes to a most instructive as well as amusing article, entitled “ Philosophy of Herodotus,” in Black¬ wood’s Magazine for January, 1842, the whole of which is strongly recommended to the student’s notice. Blackwood’s Magazine is so easy of access, that it has seemed advisable not to increase the bulk and expense of this volume by making extracts from an arti¬ cle, the effect of which would be much impaired by mutilation. See particularly the very valuable information on Herodotus ii. 24, under “The non-Planetary earth of Herodotus, &c.on ii. 33, the explanation of the parallelism of the Danube to the Nile, “ by which we must understand its corresponding rigorously, but antistrophically, (as the Greeks express it,) similar angles, similar dimensions, but in inverse order,” under “ The Danube of Hero¬ dotus considered,” &c.; and on iv. 42, “ The Africa of Herodotus,” in which the truth of the great African Periplus is proved. “ Per¬ haps the very strongest argument in favour of the voyage is that which Rennell insists on—viz. the sole circumstance reported by the voyagers which Herodotus pronounced incredible, the assertion that in one part of it they had the sun on the right hand. And as w r e have always found young students at a loss for the meaning of that expression, since naturally it struck them that a man might bring the sun at any place on either hand, or on neither, we will stop for one moment to explain, that, as in speaking of the right or left bank of a river, you are always presumed to look down the XXII INTRODUCTION. current, so in speaking of the sun you are presumed to place your back to the east and accompany him on his daily route. In that position it will be impossible for a man in our latitudes to bring the sun on his right shoulder, since the sun never even rises to be ver¬ tically over his head. First when he goes south so far as to enter the northern tropic, would such a phenomenon be possible; and if he persisted in going beyond the equator and southern tropic, then he would find all things inverted as regards our hemisphere. Then he would find it as impossible, when moving concurrently with the sun, not to have the sun on his right hand, as with us to realize that phenomenon. Now, it is very clear, that if the Egyp¬ tian voyagers did actually double the Cape of Good Hope, so far to the south of the equator, then, by mere necessity, this inexpli¬ cable phenomenon (for to them and to Herodotus, with his theory of the heavens, in which there was no equator, no central limit, no province of equal tropics on either hand of that limit, it was inex¬ plicable) would pursue them for months in succession.” LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS WOBK. B.—Baehr’s edition of Herodotus. Schw.—Schweighaiiser’s. Blak. Hdtus.—Blakesley’s Herodotus with a Commentary.—Bk. i. London, 1852. Lex. Her.—Schweighaiiser’s Lexicon Herodoteum. V. —Valckenaer’s Annotations. Wy tt.—W y ttenbach. W. —Wesseling. H. P. A.—Hermann’s Political Antiquities of Greece. Mull. Dor.—Muller’s Dorians. Prid. Conn.—Prideaux’ Connexion of the Old and New Testa¬ ment. R. —Rennell’s Geography of Herodotus. Jelf, §—Jelf’s Greek Grammar, (2nd edit.,) section, &c. Matth.—Matthiee’s Greek Grammar. Plut.—Plutarch. A. Eton Geog.—Arrowsmith’s Eton Geography, 1 vol. 8vo. S. and L. D.—Scott and Liddell’s Dictionary, q. v.—quod vide. ref.—references. G. —Gaisford. L.—Larcher. D.—Dahlmann’s Life of Herodotus, translated by Cox. H. Res. Bah. As. Nat. or Af., &c.—Heeren’s Researches , Baby¬ lonians, Asiatic Nations, or African. 2nd edition. = —equal to, identical with. I. 1 .—loco laudato. Class. Diet.—Classical Dictionary, Barker’s edition of Anthon’s Lempriere. XXIV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. Diocl. Sic.—Diodorus Siculns [quoted in Baehr, &c. &c.]. L. Egypt. Ant.—Egyptian Antiquities, &c., by G. Long, 2 vols. 12mo, published in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge. Art.—Article in Smith’s Classical Dictionary, &c. Cf.—Confer, compare, look for. Clint. Fast. Hell.—Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici. an. anno. —look under the year, sc.—Scilicet. D. of A.—Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Smith’s C. D.—Smith’s Classical Dictionary of Biography ar.d Geography. 1 vol., 1850. Oxfd. Chron. Tab.—Oxford Chronological Tables. Hdtus.—Herodotus. Thirlw.—Thirlwall’s History of Greece, in Lardner’s Cyclopaedia. Steph.—Stephani Thesaurus Linguae Graecae [quoted in B.’s ed.]. sub.—subaudi. Smith’s D. of G. and R. Biog.—Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, 3 vols. E. Orient. H.—Professor Eadie’s Early Oriental History, 8vo, re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana. E. Hist, of Gr.—Early History of Greece, by Pococke, Talfourd, •fee., 8vo, re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana. Muller’s Lit. of A. Gr.—Midler’s Literature of Ancient Greece. Hist, of Gr. Lit.—History of Greek Literature, by Talfourd, Blom- field, &c., 8vo, re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana. An apology is due for the constant reference made to Smith’s invaluable Dictionary of Antiquities, and Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon; books which in the present day no reader of Herodotus should be without. BOOK I. CLIO. FROM THE TALE OF 10 TO THE DEATH OF CYRUS. a. “ Herodotus , the father of history, born at Halicarnassus, 484 b. c., after travelling over Egypt, Libya, and a great part of Asia, Scythia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, returned to his native city; but disgusted with the tyranny of Lygdamis, (either the son or grandson of the famous queen Artemisia,) withdrew to Samos, where he began his history; parts of which he recited, 456 b. c. at the Olympic games; (?) travelled over Greece, and again re¬ cited at the festival of the Panathensea. (?) (These are alike re¬ jected by D. Chap. 2, and passim, and Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. Hdtus ; but see Hist, of Gr. Lit. Hdtus, p. 240.) 444 b. c., goes with an Athenian colony to Thurium, in Magna Grsecia, where he was long occupied with his great work, and where he is sup¬ posed to have died.” (From the Oxford Chron. Tables.) Perhaps b. c. 408; certainly not before, and perhaps a year or two later, cf. i. 130, b., and D. p. 33, at the age of at least seventy-seven or seventy-eight.—For further information, see Long’s Summary of Herodotus, Dahlmann’s Life of Herodotus, the article in Smith’s D. of G. and R. Biog., Muller’s Literature of Anc. Gr. ch.xix. p. 266, and the beautiful ch. Herodotus, in History of Greek Literature, by Talfourd, &c., republished from the Encyclopaedia Metropol., the laborious treatise at the end of Baehr’s edition, or the Preface of Wesseling, printed in Gaisford’s Annotations. The first recitation, according to Baehr, Heyse, &c., but see D. p. 2, and remarks in Introduction, is said to have taken place in 01. 81, 1 , b. c. 456, at which Thucydides is said to have been present; and the second in 01. 83, 3, b. c. 445. From his residence at Thurium probably arose the difference in the reading of the first line of his work, in Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5, 1. Schw. quotes the subsequent mention made of his country; i. 144; ii. 173; iii. 4; and vii. 99; in the first of which passages his impartiality is strongly shown, in stating the reason why his native city was excluded from the Dorian Hex- apolis; (cf. i. 144, d.) while, in vii. 99, viii. 68, 87, 93, 101, it is plain that he feels an honest pride in the wisdom and courage dis¬ played by the queen, and in the achievements of her small squadron. See the remarks of D., pp. 4—7. See also a very amusing and in¬ structive article on the Philosophy of Hdtus, in Blackwood’s Mag. Jan. 1842. B 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. toTopitiQ. “ In spite of the old traditional ‘ Historiarum Libri Novem,’ which stands upon all Latin title-pages of Hdtus, we need scarcely remind a Greek scholar that the verb loropeoj, or the noun iaropta, never bears in this writer the latter sense of recording and memorializing. The substantive is a word frequently employed by Hdtus; often in the plural number: and uniformly it means inquiries or investigations , so that the proper English version of the title-page would be— Of the researches made by Herodotus, nine books.” [From the art. in Blackwood above referred to.] c. u)q yrjTE. —B. constructs ra yevog. avOpwnajv, the deeds achieved by men. he causal. The agent (for imo) with passive or intransi¬ tive verbs, almost entirely Ionic, especially Hdtus, rarely in Attic prose. Cf. iii. 62, he tov M.; vii. 95, Ik (3qv tpopriuv. Partitive gen., Jelf, §533, 3. The force of the particle Sij in Hdtus appears to be equivalent to Lo! or rather So you see; it recurs from time to time in his story-telling style, to fix or recall the reader’s attention. Stephens on Greek Particles, p. 60,—“and carrying with them the exports of Egypt and Assyria, they came to many other countries, and also, which most concerns us at present, (or, and what is more to our present purpose,) to Argos : now Argos, at this time, surpassed in every respect the other cities in the country now called Hellas. And the Phoenicians having come, as we have said, to this Argos, set out their merchandise for sale.” Cf. Jelf, § 724, 1 . Ch. II.— a. t’itjoac S' av ovroi Kpr/rtg, and they might possibly be b 2 4 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Cretans. Jelf, § 425, 1.—Probably said, because the Cretans, after¬ wards infamous for their crafty and deceitful character, were at a very early date noted for their superiority in naval affairs. Cf. Thucyd. i. 4. B. With regard to their character for mendacity, it is the remark of Coleridge, Introduction to the Study of the Clas¬ sics, that Homer, in the Odyssey, never puts a false tale into the mouth of Ulysses, without his adding that he is a Cretan. Cf. the proverb quoted by St. Paul, Tit. i. 12. Cf. on the Cretans, i. 173, b. b. fj.aicpy vr)i — a war-galley. Possibly, from its use here, we may infer that Jason’s expedition was of a piratical nature; as long vessels among the Greeks were generally used for warfare, and those of a round form for commerce. See Ships, Smith’s D. of A. c. aniKciTo —“ est ipsum plusquam perf. cui hie proprius locus erat; cnraziaTo autem est Ionica forma aoristi aut imperfecti, idem valens ac cnrUovTo .” Cf. Matt. Gr. Gr. § 204, 6 ; Jelf, § 254, 2. On the position of /cat, etiam, in dia7rpi]% icai rdAAa — apjruaai, for icai apudoai, cf. Jelf, § 761, 3. d. top KoX-xov, the Colchians. The singular is sometimes used in a plural force to signify a whole nation. The nation being con¬ sidered as a whole, and represented, as in despotic governments was natural, by its head. Jelf, § 354, 2. So top AvSop, top ’Apafiiov, top U tpapv, T

lpct robs. The hymn Arion is said to have composed is given in Brunck’s Analectt. vol. iii. p. 327- B. From “ this the Lesbians say,” it is evident that Hdtus visited their island. Cf. D. p. 43. It is plain that he also visited Corinth. Ib. p. 42. Ch. XXY. — a. v7roicpr)Trip'i(hov, a saucer for the silver goblet. koX- XrjTov, probably inlaid or damasked with iron : Oerjg a£«ov k. r. X. would be inapplicable, if the meaning were merely, according to B., ferruminatum, soldered, or welded to it. L. and S. and L. D. b. Sta n-dvTiov — Throughout, among all. Cf. Jelf, § 627, 3, g. Sid Causal. Value. Iliad xii. 104, 6 S’ t7rpt7rt Kal Sid 7rdvriov. Cf. also viii. 37, b. and vii. 83, Koapov—Sid tt dvriov IT. prcecipuo cultu inter om- nes eminebant; there quoted. Ch. XXVI. — a. ’Etpstnot k. r. X. Pindarus, whose mother was daughter of Alyattes, (consequently he was nephew to Croesus,) was at this time, b. c. 560, tyrant of Ephesus. See Thirlw. ii. p. 162. On the dedication of the town, cf. iEsch. vii. c. Theb. 203, aXX’ ovv Otoug rovg rrjg dXovagg iroXtog hcXtnrtiv Xoyog. The intention of the Ephesians was, by thus consecrating their town, to compel the goddess to aid them, and prevent her desertion, by means of having thus united her safety to that of the city. B. So Polycrates consecrated the island of Rhensea to Apollo, Thucyd. iii. 104; and the Tyrians chained Hercules to Moloch, lest the former should desert their town. See Life of Alexander, Family Lib. c. vii. p. 132. BOOK I. CLIO. 13 Ch. XXVII.— a. B tavra k.t.X. —Both Bias and Pittacus lived in the time of Croesus. b. 7 npi rt)v ' EAAa^a ,k. t. A.— mpl, in; cf. i. 24, g. ti— vtwTtpov irtpi Ttjv ’EAAdcia, any thing new, i. e. newer than has yet happened. Cf. Jelf, § 784. We often find in Greek the comparative used with¬ out any object of comparison, so that where we use the positive, they use the comparative. The cause thereof seems to be, that the Greek had the power, by a sort of instinct, or by experience, of defining in his mind the proper or usual size or degree of any thing; so that whatever went beyond or fell short of this size or degree, presented itself to his mind in the relation of greater or less: hence the comparative is used in Greek where we use the positive and the adverbs too , very , rather , somewhat; the compari¬ son being made with reference to some such thought as, than it was before — usual—fitting — right , &c., more or less clearly present to the speaker’s mind, and sometimes expressed in words ; as, Hdtus vi. 84, ytZoviog. i. 91, aytivovog — inrodeeartpov. iii. 145, vrropapyo- Ttpog, &zc. &c. c. Al yap k. r. X.—On this Homeric expression B. compares Odyss. iii. 205, al yap ipol — 6eoi rrapadelev, and Odyss. xiv. 273, A vrdp ipoi 7>tvg avrog ivi v 7raldac for t7ri A vSovc, like Homer’s viec and kovool ’A\aie>v, cf. Matth. § 530. d. apwyevoi. —Schw. conjectures aeipdpevoi, postquam vela ventis dederint , but the common reading is defended by Letronne, quoted by B., on the ground that Hdtus is wont often to employ a partici¬ ple, either of the same verb which just before had been used in the infinitive, or at least of a cognate verb; so that apco. is here used instead of £w%6/x£vot, desirous, wishing eagerly, to avoid the repetition. e. — ru)v—oiicriptvojv ' EAAr/vwv, in behalf of the Greeks who dwell on the mainland. Cf. Jelf, § 368, a. Remarks on the deponent verbs. So ohcrjpevoQ for oIkojv, i. 27, vii. 21, oi —(caroncTj/itrot, and immedi¬ ately afterwards in a passive sense, 6 ydp’'A9wg k.t.X. i. 96, 127, 172, viii. 115, and ii. 102. SovXwaag £%«£, cf. Jelf, § 692. "E%£iv in the sense of to be, to hold oneself, forms, when joined with a parti¬ ciple agreeing with the subject, an apparent periphrasis for the simple verb, as it cannot be said to supply any definite form there¬ of, but expresses the continuance of the action when already begun, as in Latin habere with a pass. part, in acc., as rem aliquam pertrac- tatarn habere. Cf. i. 27, 28; iii. 65. Soph. Ant. 22. GC. R. 371. Ch. XXVIII.— a. Ivtoq k.t.X. —i. e. to the West, between the river and the Mediterranean ; see i. 6, a. b. AvSoi —Schw. and B. retain this word, considering this as an enumeration of the nations over which Croesus reigned, and that the Lydians are put first, as those over whom he first was monarch, while the others were afterwards added to his empire. Cf. on Lydia NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 14 the ref. in i. 93, a. The Chalybes, cf. vii. 76, a., are not to be con¬ founded with the nation of that name beyond the Halys, whose first seat was about the Araxes, and who extended their dwellings to the mountains near the Euxine Sea, and are often called Chal- dseans. They are described in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 87- The Thracians are to be understood of the Asiatic Thracians, cf. iii. 90, divided into the Thynians and Bithynians who migrated from Europe, formerly called Strymonians, from the river of that name. Cf. vii. 75, and H. Pers., ch. i. p. 79. Ch. XXIX.— a. oov, as kg"Adov, sub. dbcov. Cf. Schaefer ad Bos, Ellipses, p. 345, and Matth. Gr. Gr. § 380. c 18 NOTES ON IIERODOTUS. , Ch. XXXVI.— a. T to express size. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 932, kX^tt- tov to xphp a rcivSpog. Id. Nut). 2, xpyp- a rwr vvktidv. tcl epya, the agricultural labours. c. ravra oi k. t. X. i. e. ra tov yayov — matrimonial matters. B. Ch. XXXVII. — a. a7roxp£Mg£vit)v k. r. X .— when the Mysians were content ivith, &c. Cf. i. 102, ovk cnrexpuro, was not content. B. h. Tsoicri ye xP 1 ) oyyaai... ipaiveadai; — with what eyes must I be seen f i. e. with what eyes will the citizens look on me ? Ch. XXXVIII.— a. «7ri ra irapaXayfiavoyeva — to what is taken in hand, to the present undertaking, i. e. to the boar-hunt, -k pog — rr)v oifnv, in consequence of, &c. Jelf, § 638, iii. b. biepOapyevov k . r. X. —Cf. i. 34, b. Ch. XXXIX.— a. aXXd XeXyOe ere to bveipov. —Either (Kara) to ovti- pov, or (icad’ o) XeXyOe at to bveipov, but in what particular the dream, &c. Schw. B. follows Matth. Gr. Gr. § 476, in taking the proper noun with the article as put after the relat., and, as it were, in op¬ position with it; which will be seen more obviously, if the words to bveipov be considered as distinct from the rest of the sentence, and taken in explanation of it; thus, to S’ ov yavQavetg, aXXd XeXy- Qe 6vov accus. of equivalent notion. Jelf, § 548, c. Cf. § 545, 3. Ch. XLIV.— a. tt epiyyeKreiv, moleste ferre, to be, or become, ag¬ grieved, sad, or angry at a thing. S. and L. D. Cf. iii. 64, viii, 109, BOOK I. CLIO. 19 tKTrtQevyoTiov TreptrjykicTeov, were indignant or vexed at the escape of the enemy, ix. 41, B. Ch. XLV.— a. rbv KaBhpavra , i. e. Crcesus; not his son, as L. would understand it; for, in i. 35, we are told Croesus purified him, and here Adrastus may well say that, figuratively speaking, he had destroyed his purifier , i. e. Croesus; inasmuch as he had destroyed the only one of his sons whom he considered as really living. h. — tig Sk ov av k. t. X. Cf. Horn. Iliad iii. 164, Priam to Helen, Ovri goi air'ii) tetri' Otoi vv got ainoi tioiv. B. And Aristot. Rhet. ii. c. 3, on the topics of Placability. Ch. XLYI .— a. cnrkTravGE, kvkfirjat Se k. t. X. lit., made Crcesus give over his grief and made him enter into a reflection, set him a think¬ ing, &c. Observe the transitive force of the 1 aor. — KaraXa/3elv, to check it, to keep it down, (cf. c. 87, to stop,) not, to overthrow it, tcara- (3a\elv, as Gronov. would read. "W. Cf. iii. 128, k artX. he checked or restrained them. h. tovq ok kg *Af3ag k. t. X.—In Phocis, near Exarcho; famous for an oracle of Apollo, held in honour even in the time of the Romans. Plundered by the Persians, but shortly afterwards restored ; as we find Mardonius sending to consult it. Cf. viii. 27, 33, 134. B. On the oracle of Dodona, see ii. 56, b. See throughout the articles in Smith’s D. of A., Oraculum. c. ’AfjKpiapeiov icai Trapa Tpo, £s\v oiide to IIsX. iQvog ovbapa peydXtjg yu£ri9r). Prceterquam quod multce barbarce gentes cum Hellenibus coaluerunt, Pelasgica gens una e barbaris, per se etiam sine ilia causa, non mul- tum aucta est. The Pelasgic nation, which was a barbarian one, ivas neither augmented by the union of other tribes with it, as the Hellenic was, and increased too but little of itself. Ch. LIX.— a. to giv ’Attikov k.t.X. — that the Attic nation was both oppressed and distracted by faction, &c.; kept down by the sway of Pisistratus, and rent into factions; as the Alcmseonidee and their party were exiles. Cf. i. 64, v. 62. W. b. n« \6yg f^o/t. B. b. elpujTa, 3rd sing, imperf. without the augment, from slpioTcuo, Ep. and Ion. for ipuiratu. Cf. i. 11, 88. eipuiTtwyevovg, hnipivTojai, tipu)Ttt(jQai. ii. 32, vi. 3, vii. 148. c.

. Cf. i. 103, and iii. 14, 31, 54. Homer, Odyss. iii. 215, £7rt(T7ro/x£vot dtov dp^i). Sophocl. Elect. 973, quoted by W. d. Ao^irjg, an epithet of Apollo; from the crooked and ambigu¬ ous answers of his oracles; or from the oblique course of the sun in the ecliptic. B. Better from X’eyuv, Xoyog, as being the inter¬ preter of Zeus, 7r po(pi]Tr]g A log. iEsch. Eum. 19, cf. viii. 136. S. and L. D. e. r/piovov. Cf. i. 55. f. gprpbg .... TTarpog k. t. X .—On the parentage of Cyrus, cf. i. 107, b. evtpdt k. t. X., being inferior in all respects. Ch. XCII.— a. K poiaip k.t.X.—N ow Croesus has, &c. There are of Croesus many other, &c. Hat. commodi, with possessive and attri¬ butive notions. Cf. Jelf, § 597, ohs. 1, and i. 31, a. ’luviqg rt)v BOOK I. CLIO. 43 7 rpwrijv Kara(TT(x)} ptv Sr) irtpioSog — dai k. t. X. On this construction by attraction , cf. Jelf, § 389. The verbs dvai, yiyvtcQai, &c., when used for the copula, sometimes, by a sort of attraction, agree in number with the substantive, which stands as the predicate. Cf. iii. 60, to pev pri K - K • r * k., and iii. 15, ai 0. A ly. hca\. Ch. XCIV.— a. KaraTTopvtvovai, they give up to prostitution. Cf. i. 196. B. b. 7rpu>TOi Se . vopiapa ypvr tov . . . l^prjaavTO. —Phido, kg of Argos, is said to have coined the first silver money at ^Igina, bear¬ ing the figure of a tortoise, b. c. 750. Hdtus, vi. 127, ascribes to him the invention of weights and measures among the Lacedaemo¬ nians. The account given by Plutarch, who speaks of Theseus having coined money and stamped it with the figure of an ox, is considered by Payne-Knight, Prolegom. Homeric. § 58, as alto¬ gether at variance with historical testimony, since even in the Ho¬ meric ages, long after the time of Theseus, cf. H. P. A. § 97, coin was manifestly unknown to the Greeks. Xenophanes of Colophon agrees with Hdtus in considering the Lydians as the inventors of the art, and he is followed by Eustathius. Such an invention also suits the character of the Lydians (cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 68, seqq.) as a commercial nation. B. Cf. Smith’s H. of A., Argentum. c. iccnrrjXoi — retail dealers; cf. iii. 89, and Aristoph. Pax, 447, KtnrrjXog cunridcjv. d. kv‘3ujv icai tujv d(rrpayd\u>v ical rr)g (T eiv,jus dicere, and mid. SacaZeaQai, facere jus sibi did , s. judicio cum aliquo disceptare. B. Ch. XCYII. — a. Sacav —pro Sikckthv, fut. intin .—Si hptpVCi a ll day long. Cf. ii. 173. B. On tuiv kcitt]k ., the affairs before them , cf. v. 49, a., viii. 19, a., 102. ediSoaav cfun Xoyov, deliberated among them¬ selves, cf. viii. 100 , c. b. Trp'oQ tpya, to our occupations. Ch. XCYIIL — a. t/v 7 roXXog .... aiviofxivoQ , was much quoted and praised by every one. 7rpo(3aX. put forward, proposed as a candidate. S. and L. D. On the use of the participle to complete the verbal notion, with tt eipaaOai, and the Ion. phrases, TroXXog tan, Travroiog ian, e. g. 7 toiGjv rt, which imply the notion of endeavouring, he used all means to do it, or require the participle to complete the notion, he does it in all sorts of ways, cf. Jelf, § 690, 1, vii. 10, vi. 172. b. ev iroXioya 7roir)a -rrvvB., as often as he might hear of any one, &c., whenever he might hear of any one, &c. On the opt. with el, used when the antecedent is regarded by the speaker as a mere supposition, supposing that, and hence to express indefinite fre¬ quency, cf. Jelf, § 855, and cf. § 843. educauv, he punished, cf. iii. 29. b. KaravKoiroi Kai kott]kooi— spies and listeners, ( eves-droppers). The first are called in i. 114, b., the king's eyes, the second w r ere the ojraKovarai, the king's ears. Both were a kind of secret police, or spy-system. W. Cf. i. 114, b., and vii. 239, b. Ch. Cl.— a. avvearptx^e — collected, combined into one. Cf. i. 98, b., iv. 136, also ix. 18, a. V. b. B ovaai k. r. X., by L. placed in Media, towards the S. shores of the Caspian. The Paretaceni, a robber tribe, in the N. of Per¬ sia and the Mts wdiich divide that country from Media; H. Pers. i. p. 157. Bv R. p. 303, 304, they are supposed the same with the Parecanii in Gedrosia, Kedge or Makran. Cf. iii. 94, a. — The Stru- chates, bounded on the W. by the Matieni, on the N. by the Sa- pires, and on the E. by the Paretaceni. The Arizanti near the fountains of the Choaspes ; the Budii, whose seat is not accurately knowm, tow r ards the W. of the Arizanti and Northward from the Magi. L. These (the Magi) “ w T ere originally of Median descent, and as to them w r as committed the conservation of the ordinances of Zoroaster, they became the priest-caste of the Persians, and as such possessed great influence in the government.” H. Persians, ch. ii. p. 247—251. The name Magi, Mogh, is derived by B. from E 50 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Mah, great, illustrious , or the head. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. Social Hist, of Persia, p. 307, 313, and Prid. on the Zendavesta, Conn, pt. i. bk. iv. Ch. C1I. — a. Tt\tvTrirog .... \AQ tKCLGTip. —Cf. i. 29, h. In the preceding line, rwv 8k kov tiv& k.t.X., observe the force of the particle, and some one of them, I sup¬ pose, or most likely to he the King's Eye. Hdtus relates what boys playing at such a game would probably have done, not pretending to have express authority for every particular circumstance he details. Kov shows that the statement is of this nature. Stephens, Grk Particles, p. 35. Cf. also i. 61, e. Ch. CXV. — a. kg o t'Xa/3f rrjv S'ucr]v — until at last he received the punishment {he deserved). B. Wherefore, &c. W. Cf. ii. 116, a. Ch. CXYI. — a. t) v-Troicpicng—his delivery, action, manner. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 1, 3. h. avsvtixQtig. —Cf. i. 86, c. c. tov kovra Xoyov. —Cf. i. 95, a.; and on Karkfiatvt k. t. X., cf. i. 90, d. Ch. CXVII .— a. Xoyov ijSr) Kai kXdcrcuo knoikeTO, SC. rov (3 ovkoXov, concerned himself less about him; either not considering him so much to blame, or perhaps as too much beneath him to punish. Ch. CXIX. — a. kg 8kov kyeyoves, in id, quod dehuit cesser at; B. had turned out well.—kiri rvxyai XPV^V 0 ^ with a good omen ; i. e. he con¬ sidered the invitation as an omen that all would go well.—Cf. Viger. Idiom, p. 620. Ch. CXX.— a. irapci a/wcpa yap . Kex^prjice — for even some of our oracles have turned out of no moment. Jelf, § 637, iii. 3,/. 7 rapa ayiKpa, nearly the same as kg aoQsvkg in the following sentence. B. —ra ru>v ovtipartov kxopsva, what belongs to dreams, all of the nature of dreams, ovtipdrwv, partitive gen. Cf. Jelf, § 536. Cf. i. 193, ii. 77, iii. 25, v. 49, viii. 142, d. W. h. rrig arjg apxrjg irpooir. —On the gen. cf. Jelf, § 496, quoted in ii. 141, a. erepa roiavra — alia talia, i. e. similia, e t adverbii potestate, similiter. B. Both we ourselves are of good courage , and we exhort you to a similar course, to he so too, like us. Cf. i. 191, 207, ii- 150, iii. 47, 79. Wytten. c. rovg yuvapkvovg , for yonig — his parents. On adjectives, parti¬ ciples, and pronominal adjectives, with the article, used as sub- BOOK I. CLIO. 55 stantives, cf. Jelf, § 436, a. So Thucyd. v. 32, ot iifiwvTiQ (for tv odiov (pvXaaaogsvwv. —Cf. vii. 236, b. Ch. CXXIV. — a. v tv ry “l£y oiKifftvuv. Such were Antander, and those cities thereabouts which Thucyd. speaks of as ai ‘Aktcucu f 66 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. KaXovfitvai, also Gargara, Assus, and others, in number 30, as B. conjectures: cf. Xenoph. Hell. III. i. 16. H. P. A. § 76, n. 14. From v. 94, it appears also that the iEolians had the whole of the Troad, which they laid claim to from its having been conquered by Agamemnon, and to which the Athenians, as having also shared in the Trojan expedition, asserted an equal right. Sigseum is there mentioned as having been taken from the Mityleneeans by Pisis- tratus. Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 62, and v. 65, b., 91, 94. b. -n-evre fiev 7 ro\. k. t. X. Lesbos reckoned 5 cities, Mitylene, An- tissa, Pyrrha, Eresus, and Methymna, all of which Mitylene appears subsequently to have united under its government. Cf. Thucyd. iii. 2. H. P. A. § / 6 , n. 9. ryv yap sicrrjv (7ro\iv) — ibvrag oyaipovg. Adjective and participle not agreeing either in gender or number with the substantive of which they are the immediate attributives; by the constructio Kara uvvtoiv. Jelf, § 379, a. c. ’E/carov vyaoim, now Mosko-nisi , in number about 40, in the strait between Lesbos and the mainland. 7 r oXun, dat. transmissive; with verbs, &c. of pleasing. Cf. ix. 79 ; vi. 129. Jelf, § 594, 4. Ch. CLIII. — a. Koaoi 7rXrjOog, how many in number. Cf. Jelf, 579, 4, Adverbial Accus. tXXeaxa, i. e. rd ev Xsaxy ytvoyeva, their subject of conversation. — Xeaxn, conversation, ii. 32; ix. 71.— cnrsp- pnf/e, cf. iv. 142, a. With regard to the narrative that follows, ch. 153—161, in which Hdtus relates, in his simple style, the story of the Lydian Pactyas, who made the unsuccessful attempt to deliver his country from the dominion of Cyrus, cf. D.’s remarks, p. 88 , on the mprobability that our author had before him, or made use of, the works of Charon of Lampsacus—“ a popular and credulous writer contemporary with and perhaps rather earlier than Hdtus.” Cf. also vi. 37, b., and Muller’s Lit. of Anc. Greece, ch. xviii. p. 263. b. l7riTps\pag . Uepay. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. pp. 226 and 269, on the careful separation made between the civil and military powers in the Persian system of government by satraps, the foundation of which beneficial arrangement was laid at the very commencement of the empire, by the appointment of receivers of the royal treasury, together with that of commanders of the forces. c. Koyi'Ceiv, transferre, deferre, in regios scilicet Thesauros. B. d. Tt]v 7 r pibryv, at first, for the present, ibpav or oSov being usually supplied. S. and L. D. The verb elvai put absolutely, as in sku>v tlvai for tKojv. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 546. This is considered erroneous by Jelf, § 679, 2, who says, uvai is here the predicate of "louvag, and the construction is correct without it. Cf. vii. 143. e. 'Edicai. —Cf. iii. 93, d., vii. 64, a. f. t 7 r’ ovg, against whom. Cf."Jelf, § 635, 3, b. hrdx^- Cf. i. 80, d. Ch.CLV .— a. Kar oddv, on his road. Cf. Jelf, § 629, I. b. v—hastened away in flight. Cf. Jelf, § 694. poipav oayv cy Kort txiov, partem, quantulacunque erat. Jelf, § 823, Attraction of the relatives, olog, oaog, yXacog .— avpfiovXyg vtpi, with regard to the counsel they must take in this matter. B. avipaai, to refer it, cf. vi. 66, a. b. lv Bpayx'iSyai. Cf. i. 46, d. Ch.CLVIII.— a. tax t VV Tfoiyaai .— Cf. Jelf, § 749,1. With verbs expressing the semi-negative notions of fear, anxiety, care, delaying, doubt, distrust, denial, forbidding, preventing, &c., the infinitive is used with prj, instead of without it, as we might expect; so that the negative notion of the verb is increased thereby. Cf. iii. 128, 66, ix. 51. Ch. CLIX.— a. sk tt&vtiov. Cf. viii. 83, b. Ch. CLX.— a. ’Adyvair/g TtoXiovxov .—The Chians, as an Ionian colony from Athens, thence transported her worship. The title, f 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 68 like IIoAtaf, denotes the guardianship of the acropolis or citadel, of which at Athens she and Z tvg HoXievg were the especial pro¬ tectors ; 7 ro\ig being particularly and originally applied to that part of the city. b. hvl Tip ’A rapvii fucrQijj, on condition of (receiving) Atarneus as their pay. Cf. vi. 29, viii. 106. Schw. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, g. The town of Atarneus, Dikeli, on the coast of Mysia, over against Les¬ bos. A few lines above, hrl gujQtp ocry Sr], mercede quantulacunque est. Cf. Jelf, § 823, Attraction of the relatives, o'iog, ocrog, r)\ixog. c. ovre ov\ag icpiOtiv 7rpoxvv be iz. t. X.— Schw. considers the gen. avrCov, the Phocceans , to depend on the comparative 7roXX

v of the Phoceeans, but considers it to be the genitive partitive, seems better: Far the greater part of the Phoccean crews of the vessels that were destroyed , the Carthaginians and the Tuscans divided by lot , and led them out and stoned them . biaipdeiptiasiov — dis¬ abled, shattered, rendered water-logged by the blows of the enemies’ beaks, so as only barely to float with the deck above water, unable to defend themselves, or to escape. b. 'XyvWaioim — inhabitants of Agylla; afterwards called Caere, Cervetri, (cf. i. 166, a.,) an ancient Pelasgic city of Etruria, the urbs Agyllina of Virg. .Tin. vii. 652. Its inhabitants obtained the Ro¬ man franchise, without the suflragium. Smith’s C. D., Ccere, which see. Cf. Hor. i. Epist. vi. 62, &c. c. e,KTr]aavTo ttoXiv k. r. X.— they obtained possession of the city, &c.; i. e. the Phoceeans were not the first builders of this city; but won it from some other nation, who before held it. The (Enotrians formerly inhabited the Bruttian territory and Lucania, and before the invasion of the Sabelli, the W. coast as far as Posidonia. Cf. Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. 15, 68. B. The city 'YlX??, afterwards called Elea, and, by the addition of the digamma, Velia. d. iog tov KApj'ov .... KTiaai — condere Cyrnum, i. e. Cyrnum ut heroem colere sacris. B. Observe that the word kt'ktcu, means either to found a city, as the Phocaeans at first understood it, or, to estab - BOOK I. CLIO. 71 • / lish rites in memory of the hero Cyrnus, the s. of Hercules ; the sense intended by the oracle. Ch. CLXVIIL—a. tKTiaav .... *Aj Qdrjpa. This 2nd foundation of Abdera, now Polystilo, near the mouth of the Nestus in Thrace, by the Teians b. c. 544. Timesius of Clazomenae first colonized Abdera, about b. c. 656. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Abdera. Ch. CLXIX. — a. 8ia ydxVQ — *Ap7rdyy —went through battle against Harpagus. Cf. Jelf, § 601, Dat. Incommodi. MiXr) veg, the broad leather belts, often mentioned in Homer. II. ii. 388, &c. B. Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Clipeus. d. tv MvXdaoKTi &ibg KapLov —In this town ( Melasso , Smith’s C. D.) was the temple of Zeus 2 rpanog , cf. v. i 19, a title that marks the warlike character of the nation. B. Cf. Smith’s C. I)., Mylasa, and v. 66, a. Ch. CLXXII.— a. botckeiv eyol — as it seems to me. Cf. Jelf, § 864, 1, Remarks on ojg, wore, with injin. in a seemingly independent pa¬ renthesis. We frequently find a seemingly independent parenthesis introduced by ug with the infin. The force of such a sentence is very often restrictive. The principal clause, the result or effect of which it expresses, must be supplied. Cf. ii. 10, iv. 36, vii. 24, &c. Very often these sentences are expressed shortly without wg; as ov ttoWw Xoy

v te aXXo>v av6p .— both from all the rest of men. Cf. Jelf, § 454, 3. b. gticpi ovptjv . ettovto. Cf. on similar conduct of the Se- gestans in carrying Diana out of their city, Cicero in Verr. iv. 35. V. Ch. CLXXIII.— a. 01 be A vkioi —“ Of the districts on the S. coast of Asia Minor, the Lycians were the most civilized. At an early period, according to Strabo, their cities formed a federal league, re¬ sembling that of the Achaeans. They held congresses, and were governed by a president styled Lysiarchus, with other subordinate magistrates. The date of this constitution is uncertain, but the Lycians are always spoken of as a free people up to the Persian invasion, when they sank under the attacks of the generals of Cyrus; i. 28, 176: Their subsequent revolts prove that they had been re¬ duced to the state of a conquered province, although we do not find any satrap of Lycia expressly mentioned.” H. Pers. ch. i. p. 80. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Lycia. They served in Xerxes’ fleet, vii. 92. b. rrjv yap K pt]Tr]v k. r. X .—The most ancient inhabitants of Crete, cf. Diod. Sic. v. 64, 80, were the Eteocretae, true Cretans, or abo¬ rigines, whose kg was Cres; afterwards came the Pelasgi; thirdly the Dorians, under Tectamus s. of Dorus. And lastly a mixture of barbarous tribes, who adopted the language of the inhabitants they found already there. The- Minos here mentioned w r as the grandf. of the Minos mentioned by Thucydides as famous for his naVal power. (H. P. A. § 20.) On the Cretans, cf. vii. 169—171, infr. B. On the institutions, &c. of Crete, cf. IL P. A. §§ 21, 22. And on the Doric migration to Crete, Muller, Dor. i. p. 36, 37, and on the Cretan character, vol. ii. p. 414. tTreKparriae rg ardati—pre- BOOK I. CLIO. 73 vailed with his party, by means of his faction . Cf. Jelf, § 609, In¬ strumental Dat. c. .T epfiiXai. Cf. vii. 77 and 92. ava xpiivov—in course of time. B. Cf. Jelf, § 624, 2, and vii. 10, ava xpovov, with time, there quoted, ra piv Kptjr. k. t. A.— partly Cretan, and partly Carian. Cf. Jelf, § 764, 3, b. d. rods mvoyiteam—have adopted this custom. Cf. Jelf, § 548, c. 561. icaTaXkZei. By the future here the notion of custom, or a case of probable occurrence, is conveyed. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 502, 4, and- Jelf, § 406, 2, 5. Muller, Etrusc. i. p. 403, remarks that in the Etruscan inscriptions also, the name of the mother is much oftener found than that of the father. B. Ch. CLXXIY.— a. oooi 'Jt\\r)vbov. —Cf. Jelf, § 442. The adj. not unfrequently assumes a substantival force, and the subst. to which the adj. properly belongs is put in the attributive genitive, defining the adjective instead of being defined by it. This occurs in the following cases. The subst. stands with the plural adj., which retains the gender of the subst., as, oi ru>v av0pM7riov. The genitive is partitive. AaKtdaipovaov anomoi Ki ASioi. —Cf. Herm. Pol. Ant. § 79. Muller’s Dor. i. p. 142, and Smith’s C. D., Cnidus. b. Tpio 7nov. —Cf. i. 144, b. c. apyptvqg S't Ik Trjg k. t. X. The ordo is Trig Bv/3aeair]g apy. Ik rrjg Xsp .— cum Bubassus reyio a Chersoneso inciperet. L. B. Hence Bybassia was without the peninsula called Cnidia, which was, with the exception of the isthmus that joined it to the mainland, 7t\t)v oXiyrjg, surrounded by water; therefore, where the peninsula, which belonged to the Cnidians, ended, Bybassia on the mainland began, and there the Cnidians began to dig through their isthmus. Cf. Jelf, § 530, obs. 4, Separative Gen. d. avTtjg —i. e. the Chersonese, or peninsula. e. Gjpvov k.t.\. — after that Nineveh ivas laid waste. Cf. Jelf, § 541, 2, Gen. absolute of time. Cf. i. 106, c. b. BafivXiov .—The description here given is, without doubt, that of an eye-witness; cf. chs. 181—183, 193—200, and especially the remark in ch. 183, concerning the statue of Jove, !yd> ftv piv ovk elSov. B. Cf. H. as quoted below. In some respects, viz. the height of the walls, 200 cubits, it is manifest Hdtus speaks on the authority of others; for at the time he visited Babylon the walls were not of this, their original, height; having been pulled down by Darius, iii. 159, either to the height of 100 cubits, according to Curtius, or of 50 cubits, according to Strabo. Reckoning according to Hdtus the whole compass of the walls at 480 stades, or 60 miles, the space within the walls will be, according to Prideaux, 14,400 square stades or furlongs; “ but all of this was never fully inhabited, the city not having had time to grow up thereto. For within 25 years after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, the royal seat of the empire was re¬ moved thence to Shushan, or Susa, by Cyrus, which put an end to the growing glory of Babylon; for after that it never more flour¬ ished. When Alexander came to Babylon, Curtius (v. 1) tells us, no more than 90 furlongs were then inhabited, which, under¬ stood as 90 in length, and the same in breadth be allowed, it will follow that no more than 8100 square furlongs were then built upon, so that there must have been 6300 square furlongs unbuilt upon, which Curtius tells us were ploughed and sown.” R., § 14, p. 335, seqq., remarks, that the 480 stades of Hdtus, taking the stade at 491 feet, would give about 126 square miles, or 8 times the area of London. The measure given by Ctesias and Clitarchus of the circuit of Babylon, (360 stadia,) is by R. preferred to that of Hdtus, as it corresponds with the number of days in the year; a practice observed by ancient nations in building cities, as well as in other undertakings. So Cyrus divided the Gyndes into 360 channels, i. 190. B. Cf. the walls of Ecbatana, i. 98, e. See the account of Babylon, its buildings, antiquities, &c., in Prid. Conn. i. pt. i. bk. ii., or in E. Orient. H. Ency. Metr. p. 220, seqq., and the extremely interesting dissertation on the Babylonians in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 387, seqq. noXig — kova7jg riTpaywvov. Gen. abs. instead of nomin. We sometimes find the genitive absolute, even where we should expect the participle to agree with the subject of the verb, or some object thereof. It must be observed, that the subject of the gen. absolute is frequently supplied from the context. By this construction the notion of cause is rather called out. Jelf, § 710 , a. c. 7 rrjx'ziov, attributive gen., in definitions of size. Jelf, § 521, obs. tvpog, adverbial acc. Cf. Jelf, § 579, 4. 7 rrjxvg — the cubit, or ell , = \^ft .; originally the length of the human arm from the elbow to the wrist, or to the knuckle of the middle finger. Smith’s D. BOOK I. CLIO. 75 of A., Cubitus. See more in S. and L. D.— SoktvXoq — the finger's breadth , something less than an inch, about seven-tenths. On the measurement of length in Hdtus, see D. p. 69. Ch. CLXXIX .— a. 'iva — where , or, how, i. e. to what purpose. Cf. Schw. Lex. Herod. opvtJoovTtg dpa,c f. Jelf, § 696, obs. 5. Par¬ ticiple used to express time, which is also more accurately expressed by the addition of the temporal adverbs, avr'aca, evOvg, uya, &c. b. eXKvaavrtg be k.t.X .—So in Latin, ducere lateres, to mould or make bricks. Cf. also ii. 136, and Nahum iii. 14. W. On the build¬ ing materials of Babylon—the two kinds of bricks, those dried in the sun, and those burnt in kilns—and the two kinds of cement, lime and bitumen, cf. the very interesting extracts from Rich and Porter in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 380, 389, seqq. c. Sia rpirjKovTa bopiov k. t. X. — between every thirty layers or roivs of bricks, (cf. Jelf, § 627, i. 2,) stuffing in between ( strengthening it with ) hurdles of reeds. Cf. R. p. 337, seqq. and H. 1. 1. p. 380. d. 7r apa tcl eaxara, ohctiyaTa k.t.X .— along ( parallel to, cf. Jelf, § 637, hi. 1, c.) the edges of the wall they built edifices of a single room, turned towards each other. These edifices or towers w T ere placed probably at certain distances from each other along the wall, con¬ taining each but one room, and that looking not outwards from the city, but either way laterally, towards the adjoining towers on its right and left hand. e. tmv oUr]p.arejv —Gen. of Position, cf. Jelf, § 525. re0p . Titpitkacnv — space for a 4-horse chariot to drive round the walls ; i. e. a road-way wide enough for, &c.; perhaps, space enough for a chariot to turn in. Tavernier, Travels, ii. c. 8, quoted by Schw., says that near the supposed site of Babylon he saw the remains of a wall of such thickness as to admit 6 chariots to run upon it abreast. The statements of Hdtus, Pliny, Ctesias, Clitarchus, Curtius, and Strabo of the circuit of Babylon, and of the height and breadth of the walls, are given in R. p. 354, note. On the gates of brass, Prideaux remarks, “ hence it is that when God promised to Cyrus the con¬ quest of Babylon, he tells him that ‘ he would break in pieces before him the gates of brass.’ Isaiah xlv. 2.” Read the extremely in¬ teresting ch. xix. in vol. iii. of Grote’s Gr., and an article upon it in Edinb. Rev. Jan. 1850. f. Tf ovvoya avry. — Hit, on the Euphrates, 128 G. miles above Hillah; see R. p. 350, where springs of bitumen are still found. Cf. also H. Bab. p. 392. Ch. CLXXX.— a. ’EpvQprjv BdXaaaav —here, the Persian Gulf. Cf. i. 1,6. b. to ihv bij rCixog k.t.X .— The wall then on either side, i. e. both on the E. and W. side of the river, has arms stretching doivn to the river. In the next sentence, to be. curd tovtov — and on the space along the river’s bank on either side from one arm to the other; i. e. from N. to S.; at £7rt/ca/t7rai k. t. X. — the transverse arms , (or, bends of the wall,) viz. a rampart of burnt bricks, extend along either bank of 76 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. the river. Observe that the verb agrees by attraction with the sub¬ stantive in apposition, ( aigaair /,) instead of the preceding nomina¬ tive (at kTTiKafi7ral ) ; thus, at ETUKagTrai — aifutorq (in apposition) TcapaTuvEi. Jelf, § 389, ohs. 2. The meaning is, from the point where the arms of the wall touch the river, thence, on either side, a winding rampart of burnt bricks, at right angles to the arms of the wall, extends along the space enclosed by those arms on each bank of the river. In addition to this explanation of B., observe that the river runs through the middle of the city from N. to S., that the wall first mentioned is the outer wall of the city, on the E. and W. sides of the river, and extending from N. to S.; next, that the arms of these walls are at right angles with them, and are stretched from E. to W. down to the river’s edge, and hence make up to¬ gether the N. and S. front of the city; further, that from the ends of these arms, (i. e. to ano rovrov,) another winding wall of burnt brick runs at right angles to these last-mentioned arms, along the river’s edge, on both sides, and consequently from N. to S.; and parallel with the first-mentioned wall, so as to defend the city from any attacks that might be made with vessels coming down the river. From the gates being left open in this wall along the river’s bank, Cyrus was enabled to take the city. Cf. i. 191. See the plan of Babylon in R., or in the maps to Hdtus. Read H. Bab. ch. i. p. 386, seqq., or Prid. Conn. pt. i. bk. ii. p. 95, seqq. c. olkisojv Tpiopo(p(t)v k. t. X.— if houses 3 or 4 stories high. The number of the streets was, of course, 50; each 15 miles long, and each at rt angles with the other; for the gates being 100 in num¬ ber, from the 25 on the N. side of the city, went 25 streets in straight lines to the 25 gates on the S. side of the city; and these Hdtus means by Tag te d\\ag : so also from the 25 gates on the E. went 25 streets to the gates on the W., running transverse to the others, and each divided into two parts by the river. Besides these, Prid. remarks, there were 4 half streets, built only on one side, as having the wall on the other; which went round the four sides of the city, each of them 200 ft broad, while the rest were about 150. Hence the whole city was cut out into 676 squares, each of which was four furlongs and a half on every side, that is, two miles and a quarter in compass. KararsTpoTai rag odovg —Cf. Jelf, § 545, 3. Ch. CLXXXI. — a. ev 8e (papau k. t. X.— and in the centre of each division of the city, fortifications ivere raised. It is doubted on which side of the river the palace here spoken of stood. Diodorus places it on the W. side and the temple of Belus on the E., and he is fol¬ lowed by R. See his plan of Babylon, in the map opposite p. 335. Prid. also considers the new palace, the one probably alluded to by Hdtus, to be on the W. side, while the old palace and the temple of Belus stood on the E. This opinion is considered as erroneous by Ii. Bab. ch. i. p. 388, seqq., on the authority of Rich and Porter. “ The principal ruins lie on the E. bank—of these, 3 immense BOOK I. CLIO. 77 mounds are found in succession from north to south; the 1st called by the Arabians Mukallibe, the overturned , which is the largest. This building has been erroneously taken for the ancient temple of Belus, its structure being quite opposed to the pyramidi- cal form in which this was built. It was probably the fortress which defended this quarter of the town, in which the royal palace was situated. 2ndly, el Kasr, the palace, in the ruins of which relics may be traced of the celebrated hanging gardens. 3rd, the Amram hill; p. 156—159. On the W. bank is the tower-like ruin called the Birs Nimrod , Nimrod’s tower, which corresponds with the an¬ cient temple of Bel in form, dimensions, and situation.” Cf. the extracts from Mr. Rich’s Travels in Early Orient. Hist. Ency. Metr. p. 268. TroXXtp rey, instrumental dat. Cf. Jelf, § 609, 1. b. A'ioq BrjXov ipov k.t.X. —Belus, i. q. Bel and Baal, the Lord; hence as the chief god of the Babylonians, Hdtus adds Alog to ex¬ plain to the Gks his degree of dignity; Hammer considers him to be the same as the sun, an opinion apparently more probable than that of Gesenius, viz. that the planet Jupiter was worshipped under this title. B. The tower that stood within the temple is by H., B., and Prid. held to be the tower of Nimrod, generally called the tower of Babel. H.’s opinion is founded principally on the travels of Porter, who distinguished the remains of 3 out of the 8 stories, and found that the length and breadth of the Birs Nim¬ rod, cf. the preceding note a., agree with what is stated by Hdtus, so far as they can be determined from a mountain-heap of mins. “ Bel is supposed to have been the same with Nimrod, and to have been called Bel from his dominion, and Nimrod from his rebellion, this latter word signifying Rebel, and referring to his revolting from God to follow his own wickedness. The height of the tower being a furlong, full 600 ft, and therefore higher than the greatest pyra¬ mid by 119 ft, it was prodigious enough to answer the description in the Bible of the tower of Babel, and it is by several authors attested to have been all built of bricks and bitumen, as the Scrip¬ tures tell us the tower of Babel was. Furthermore, Callisthenes, who accompanied Alexander to Babylon, is said to have found that the Babylonians had astronomical observations, taken from the top of the tower, for 1903 years backward from that time ; which carries us up to the 115th year after the flood, i. e. 14 years after the tower of Babel w r as built, which was completed in the year Peleg was born, 101 years after the flood.” Prid. Con. pt. i. bk. i. Cf. E. Orient. H. Ency. Metr. p. 222 and 268, and the very in¬ teresting accounts of these ruins in Sir Ker Porter’s Travels, ex¬ tracted in H. 1. 1. aradLov, cf. Jelf, Relative Gen. § 518, 1, and on the gen. Trvpywv, § 512, 2. c. fitaovvn — avafiamoq—and when one is some where about the mid¬ dle of the ascent. Cf. Jelf, § 525, Gen. of Position. Kai oi rpenn^a TrapaicUTcu. —Gesenius, quoted by Cr., considers this to refer to the custom called by the Romans lectisternium, and practised as well NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 78 by them and the Gks, as by the Asiatic nations. See the story of Bel in the Apocrypha. B. Cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p. 117, (after the disaster of Thrasymenus)—“ for three days those solemn sacrifices were performed, in which the images of the gods were taken down from their temples, and laid on couches richly covered, with tables full of meat and wine set before them, in the sight of all the people, as if the gods could not but bless the city where they had deigned to receive hospitality.” d. ol XaXSaioi —i. e. the race of priests in Babylon, who applied themselves particularly to astronomy, astrology, philosophy, and soothsaying; see Dan. ii. 2, 4 ; and who in the time of Strabo are said to have dwelt by themselves in a particular part of the city, viz. the east side, cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 411, and alone to have had the name of Chaldseans, while the rest of the people were called Babylonians. The nation of the Chaldseans, B. considers formerly to have dwelt in the plains watered by the Upper Araxes, and to have been a nomad and warlike tribe, greatly given, like the Arabs, to plunder. This, the reader will recollect, agrees with the first notice we have of them in Scripture, viz. that three bands of them carried off Job’s camels, Job i. 17; as well as with H. Bab. ch. i. p. 383, “We must distinguish the ancient inhabitants, the Baby¬ lonians, who dwelt here before the invasion of the Chaldseans, from the latter race, who, about the year 630, b. c., became the dominant people of Babylon. A revolution then took place in Asia, similar to that which Cyrus afterwards effected. A nomad people under the name of Chaldseans, perhaps identical with the Scythians, cf. iv. 11, a., descending from the Mts of Taurus and Caucasus, over¬ whelmed Southern Asia and made themselves masters of the Syrian and Babylonian plains. Babylonia, which they captured, became the chief seat of their empire, and their king, Nebuchadnezzar, by subduing Asia to the shores of the Mediterranean, earned his title to be ranked among the most famous of Asiatic conquerors. Thus was founded the Babylonian-Chaldaean empire, which about half a century later was in its turn overthrown by Cyrus.” The reader will be careful not to confound the Chaldseans, the priests so called, (cf. H. 1. 1. p. 383, 410,) with the Magi of the Persians, in whose religion a far greater degree of purity, as B. notes, is to be observed, as admitting of no images or statues of the gods; cf. i. 131, a.; while the Chaldseans were particularly given to the worship of idols. Hence their manner of worship was held in detestation by the Jews and Persians, and hence the sacrilege of Xerxes, i. 183. Ch. CLXXXII.— a. KoifxaTai .... yvvrj. — The female attendants on the gods mentioned by Hdtus at Babylon, Thebes, and Patara, were of the same kind as those who were known in Asia and Greece under the name of UpodovXoi. Such in Corinth was the UpoSovXia, and in Athens the Heteerarum Societas, instituted by Solon. B. Even in Egypt there appears to have been women attached to the temples, though not as priestesses. Cf. ii. 35, d. BOOK I. CLIO. 79 b. Irtav ysvrjrat. The conjunctive is used after temporal relative adverbs or conjunctions, when what is said is not considered as an actual fact, but only as something imagined or thought of, and the verb of the principal clause is in a principal tense, &c. Jelf, § 841, 1. ov yap uxv ... . avTodi .—According to Servius, Apollo dwelt during the winter at Patara, and during the summer at Delos ; hence “ Delius et Patareus,” Hor. iii. Od. iv. 64. B. Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Oraculum. Ch. CLXXXIII.— a. raXavTiov oKraounv. — Material Gen ., Jelf, § 538. ra TsXsa ruv Trpofiariov —The adj. not unfrequently assumes a substantival force, and the subst. to which the adj. properly be¬ longs is put in the attributive genitive, defining the adj. instead of being defined by it. This occurs in the following cases, &c., when, as here, the adj. is in the neuter sing., sometimes in the neuter plural. Cf. viii. 100, to ttoXXov Trjc oTpariijg: vi. 113, i. 185, v. 58, iii. 154. Jelf, § 442, a. b. sti rov kutivov — even at that time , i. e. up to the time of Xerxes ; as is manifest from what follows. B. adds nothing on the possibility of the statue mentioned in the text being the same as that which Nebuchadnezzar set up in the plains of Dura, Dan. iii. 1. If the height given by Hdtus be cor¬ rect, that is, 12 cubits, it could not be the same; for that mentioned in Daniel was 60 cubits in height, that is, the image and pedestal together, as Prid. observes, who goes on to show that the image itself was 27 cubits, i. e. 40^ ft, which exactly agrees with what Diod. Sic. ii. 9, says, that “ Xerxes, after his return from his Grecian expedition, plundered the temple of its immense riches ; among which were several statues of massy gold, one of which was 40 ft in height,” doubtless the same as that spoken of by Daniel, which contained, according to Diodorus, 1000 talents of gold. Unless, therefore, the text be incorrect, or the account given by the priests to Hdtus erroneous, the statue here mentioned as taken away by.Xerxes could not have been the same as that spoken of by Diodorus and Daniel; which was more than double the height given by Hdtus. On lyw psv yiv ovk tldov, cf. i. 187, b., and on the motives of Xerxes in plundering the temple, besides that of recruiting his exhausted treasury after his calamitous expedition into Greece, cf. i. 181, d. It is also mentioned by Arrian, quoted by W. Cf. also H. Bab. ch. i. p. 387, note, 395, 397. Ch. CLXXXIV .— a. zv Toicn ’ Auavpioun ASyoau. —Cf. i. 106, d. yeveyai, Instrumental Dat. Cf. Jelf, § 609, 1. With pomparatives and analogous words, that whereby one thing exceeds another is in the dative, conceived of as the instrument whereby the differ¬ ence is produced. So tt oXAf-J, oXiyep p.zi£u>v, oXi y

is also used in the sense of quominus quin, with the infin. After btiv'ov tlvai , aia^pov, aia^vv-qv tlvai, ala^vvtaQai, which imply a negative notion. avoi£ag Se —The same thing is related by Josephus, Antiq. vii. 15, xiii. 8, to have happened to Herod on opening the tomb of David, in which Solomon was said to have laid up great treasures; and iElian mentions that the same fortune attended Xerxes on open¬ ing the sepulchre of Belus. B. Ch. CLXXXVIII.—a. TavTTjQ . . . rov tt alba. Cf. i. 185, a. b. Aa(3vvr]rov. Cf. i. 74, b. c. flaaiXti'Q 6 peyag .—The usual title of the Persian monarchs among the Gks, with which L. compares the title of the Sultan, the Grand Seignior. On the power and privileges of the Persian monarch, cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 260, seqq. “ The king’s table also was regulated by a system of etiquette no less absolute—as lord and owner of the whole empire, it was thought unworthy of him to taste any but the best and most costly productions of his dominions —the waters of the Choaspes—salt from the neighbourhood of the temple of Jupiter Ammon in the centre of the African desert— wine from Chalybon in. Syria—wheat for his bread from iEolia,” &c., &c. The Choaspes, the Kerah, or Kara-su, a river of Susiana, not to be confounded with the Eulaeus, the Ulai of Dan. viii. 2, now the Karoon. Smith’s C. D. k ai dr) kuL Cf. Jelf, § ?24, 1, quoted in i. 30, a. d. rov povvov, Partitive gen. with verbs of eating, drinking. Jelf, § 537. rov vdarog, Partitive gen. Jelf, § 533, 3. Ch. CLXXXIX. — a. Tvvdy Trorapip. Cf. v. 52, where this river, with others, is mentioned as crossed on the great road from Ephesus to Susa. It. p. 327, considers that Hdtus has confounded together two distinct rivers, to both of which he has given the name of Gyn- des, considering them as the same, and that the one here meant must be the Mendeli, and that mentioned in v. 52, the Diala. B. b. Aapdaveiov .—For this, as their situation is unknown, some con¬ jecture Aapvtivv, as R., or ’AppevUjjv. The situation also of the city is not clearly known, being by Strabo placed at some distance from the sea, and by Xenophon, Anab. ii. 4, 25, not below the Tigris, but much above it. Hence R., p. 328, infers that Hdtus had no very certain knowledge of these regions. B. adds that, on the authority BOOK I. CLIO. 83 of modern travellers, Opis stood at the juncture of a small stream, the Kufri, with the Tigris. c. ipu>v 'iTnrojv. —Cf. vii. 40, b. avy^rjaag, sucking him into his vor¬ tex. B. inro^pv^iov, under water. d. Karkrtive .... diuipvxag. —This, cf. Schw. Lex. Herod., is put for vTrsSt^t dioipv^ag, Karartivag avrag (Txoivortv&ag, he marked out by stretch¬ ed lines 180 channels, &c., iravra rpo ttov, in every direction. Cf. i. 199. e. avrov Tarry — in that very place. Cf. also i. 210, 214, iii. 77, iv. 80, 135. B., and Jelf, § 605, obs. 3. Ch. CXC.-a. ig TpiyKoaiag k. t. X. On this number, cf. i. 178, b. b. TTposaa^avTo .... toWuiv. Enough, according to Xenophon, Cyrop. vii. 5, 13, for more than 20 years. B. On ireuv, Temporal gen., cf. Jelf, § 523. Ch. CXCI.— a. Tip cv^pyiip rov arparov —i. e. the part of his forces most unfit for active service, the least effective portion. Cf. i. 211, and i. 20/, explained by rrjg (rrpariijg to tpavkorarov. B. b. sripa roiavra. —Cf. i. 120, b. c. tov yap TTorayov k. t. X. “ Into this lake, which usually re¬ sembled a morass, they could introduce the waters of the Euphrates by means of a canal; and it was by doing this that Cyrus con¬ quered Babylon, when he forced his way into the city by the bed of the river.” H. Bab. ch. i. p. 376. d. Kvpry —lit. a fish-trap made of wicker-work. Cf. Theocritus, Idyll, xxi. 11. B. capra, the thorough certainty, the real truth. The article joined with adverbs of quality and modality, when the adverb stands for a substantive. Cf. iii. 104, to Kapra ^x €t - Thucyd. viii. 1. Jelf, § 456, c. tots 7r pioTov apaiprjTo k. t.\. —b. c. 538, cf. Clinton’s Fast. Hell. ii. p. 8. Babylon was again taken by Darius. Cf. iii. 159. Ch. CXCII. — a. ’SaTpcnrrjiriv —On the Persian system of govern¬ ment by satraps, cf. i. 153,6., iii. 117, 6., 127, 6.; H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 269, seqq., and cf. p. 264, 228; and on the fertility of Babylonia, Bab. ch. i. p. 378, and ch. ii. On okov, cf. i. 68, c. b. apTafir] .... ’ArTucyai. Hence, as the Artaba contained 3 choenices more than the medimnus, it = 51 choenices. The me- dimnus contained, cf. Smith’s D. of A., 11 gallons, 7 pints, and a fraction of about one-tenth. Of the choenix the size is differently given, varying from about 1^ pints to nearly 4 pints. It probably was of different sizes in the different states. Cf. H. 1.1. p. 140, 141; and on the importation of Indian dogs, ch. ii. p. 207. Ch. CXCIII.— a. twv ’Aaavpiiov .— On the extent of this name, here applied particularly to the Babylonians , cf. i. 102, b. A de¬ scription of the province of Babylon, about a. d. 363, when Baby¬ lon had been converted into a royal park, is given in Gibbon’s Decl. and Fall, vol. iv. p. 166, ch. 24. b. Kt]\ujvt]ioicn — tollenones, cranes with large buckets attached to draw up water ; swipes. S. and L. D. irpog Ttrpop. top —i* e * turned towards the point of the horizon where the sun rises at the winter solstice. (From Blak.’s, Hdtus, note 653.) c. 'Slpog 7 ro\ig —Cf. i. 102, b., 106, c. avri) et ovrrjg, cf. Jelf, § 782, g., quoted in ii. 25, b. Kty^pov, millet. d. f v tidojg k. t. \. This plainly shows that Hdtus visited this country. Cf. i. 178, b. ra Kapniov txoptva, cf. i. 120, a. e. rovg (tvkeiov Tporrop k. t. \. —Pococke, quoted in the Oxf. Tr., says, “ the male bears a large fruit something like millet, which is full of white flour; and unless the young fruit of the female is im¬ pregnated with this, the fruit is good for nothing. And to secure it, they tie a piece of the fruit of the male to every bearing branch of the female.” Cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 379. f. "iva irtTraivij k. r.X. — that the jig (gall insect, Cy flips of Linnseus, S. and L. D.) may enter into it and cause the fruit to ripen. oXvvQoi , wild figs. Cf. S. and L. D. Ch. CXCIV. — a. ra 7rXoI a k. t.\. Such vessels, cf. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 428, are still in use on the Tigris, and are called Kilets; Ren- nell says Kufah , i. e. round vessels ; he states that they are now but seldom made of skins, being merely reeds smeared over with bitumen. In shape they are like a sieve; and draw only a few inches water. Cf. Lucan. Pharsal. iv. 134. The ark, the cradle of Moses, was formed of the bulrush of the Nile and daubed over with pitch, we may suppose bitumen. R. p. 264. b. vopkag , the ribs of the vessel, cf. ii. 96. tticuptog rpoTrov , bottom- wise, to serve as a bottom. BOOK I. CLIO. 85 c. ovt( 7 rpvpvrjv k. r. X. — making no difference in the stern , nor nar¬ rowing the prow; making no difference between stern and prow. v hcrjpv%av, they straightway are wont to offer for public sale, from cnroKrjpvrreiv. On wv, Ion. for ovv, cf. Jelf, § 737, 3, quoted in ii. 39, a. Ch. CXCV.— a. Xivty — linen , flaxen, made of flax. Cf. ii. 81, ii. 305, and H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 417- b. BoiuTiycTi tp(3aai.—Boeotian shoes. A kind of felt shoe, S. and L. D., probably worn low on account of the heat of the country. B. c. G kcu ocra ripaprdvoptv jc. r. X., and .ZEschyl. Agam. 185, irady /uaOog k.t.X. — On ra tyirakiv y ovtoi, (the reverse of what these men entertain ,) cf. Jelf, § 503, obs. 2. *H is also used instead of the gen. after com¬ parative notions. b. x^pig tov a'KT]yr\p.fvov — prceter id, quod expositum est. Pft in passive sense of a deponent verb. Cf. Jelf, § 368, 3, a. 7rpo(3aruv — Cf. i. 133, c. c. oc tov dv — Sie£i Wt—On the conjunctive with dv, cf. Jelf, § 829,4. arparnjg to (p\avporarov > ct. 191, a. Ch. CCV HI.— a. r vu>p.ai .... ovvtaraoav—These opinions clashed 88 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. together. Cf. vii. 142, a, and viii. 79, a. ug avrov Sia(3., gen. abs. of participle instead of nom. Cf. i. 178, iroXig—tovarjg r«rp., and ii. ill, T. 7ror. KCtTtXOoVTOQ - KVfl. 6 TTOTUgog ty. Jelf, § 710, a. h. Kara u7r£v \oyu)v .... E*ipr]rai. —Prideaux remarks that Hdtus, Diod. Sic., and Justin agree in their account of the death of Cyrus, but that Xenophon makes him die on his bed, in his own country: much the more probable account of the two; for neither is it likely that Cyrus, both so old and so wise a man, should engage in so rash an undertaking, neither can it be conceived that after such a blow his newly-erected empire could have been upheld, especially BOOK I. CLIO. 89 by such a successor as Cambyses, nor that he, Cambyses, should soon after it be able to wage such a war with the Egyptians, and make such an absolute conquest of the country, as he did. Besides, all authors agree that Cyrus was buried at Pasargada in Persia, in which country Xenophon saith he died, and his monument there continued to the time of Alexander. “ Hdtus naturally prefers the account he gives, as throwing in a stronger light the vicissitudes of human nature.” Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 173, and D. p. 105—10/. B. follows Ctesias, that he died of a wound in his camp, and then was buried at Pasargada, where both Strabo and Arrian mention this monument as standing in their time. Cf. the very interesting description given from Porter and Morier in E. Orient. H. p. 291, of an edifice which exactly tallies w T ith Arrian’s account of Cyrus’ tomb, the cuneiform inscription on which was deciphered by Lassen, Professor at Bonn. H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 126, 137, seqq., concludes that the building, of which he there quotes the description of Arrian and Sir K. Porter, is undoubtedly Cyrus’ tomb—that Per- sepolis, the modern Cliehl-Mendr in the plain of Merdasht, is but a translation of Pasargada, or Parsagada, the encampment of the Per¬ sians —the name Persepolis being probably applied in a wider signification, so as to comprehend not only the place of Chehl- Menar, but also the city, or rather the district, in which the multi¬ tude of ancient Persian monuments is found, and so extended to the tomb of Cyrus itself, (the ruins, according to Chardin, extend¬ ing as far as ten leagues round,) which stands in the plain of Mourghaub, a plain which is connected with that of Merdasht, and watered by the Khur-Aub , the Cyrus of the ancients. Ch. CCXV. — a. Maaaayerai —Cf. i. 201, a. b. c rayapig —the weapon of the Sacae and Scythians, vii. 64; also of the Persians and Amazons, iv. 70; whence R. p. 302, considers it a species of bill-hook ; and S. and L. D. as probably resembling the old English brown bill. vogiZovreg, being accustomed , or wont , cf. i. 131, c.; sometimes put by itself in the sense of using or em¬ ploying. Cf. i. 142, ii. 42, 64. c. xP v}, that this is not better founded than the rest, since it asserts that the waters of the Nile are sup¬ plied by melted snow. For the Nile flows from Libya through the midst of Ethiopia and thence into Egypt. How then (dtp), I ash (drjTa), could its waters be supplied by snow, seeing that it flows from the hottest regions of the earth to those that are of a colder temperature?” Stephens’ Gk Particles, p. 102, seqq. b. tu>v ra 7roXXa— sub. TtKyrjp ia i Vh; but the sentence does not BOOK II. EUTERPE. 99 appear to need it; render, of which reasons the greater part are of such a kind, that to a man capable of forming an opinion on such subjects, it would not appear even probable that the increase of the Nile should be owing to snow. B. c. '6 ti avoyfipog k. r. X. In this, as regards the mountainous parts of Ethiopia, Hdtus was mistaken. Strabo and Callisthenes both ascribed the overflow of the Nile to its true cause; viz. the violent rains that fall in Ethiopia from May to September. W. Cf. ii. 19, a. Homer appears to have known it, from the epithet of diiirtryg, swelled by the rains, applied by him to the Nile, Odyss. v. 477. B. d. €7 ri de .... rigepgai k. t. X .—but as a consequence of snow falling there needs must be rain within five days. Cf. Jelf, § 699, obs. 2. This remark applied, probably, to Halicarnassus or Thurii, where Hdtus lived, and hence he has transferred it to Ethiopia, as if it were a universal rule. As regards the cranes, and the cause of the blackness of the natives, cf. Seneca Quaest. iv. 2, and Eurip. Helen, v. 1497- W. Ch. XXIII. — a. 'O de nipi ’Qiceavov \k%ag. Hecatseus of Miletus is meant, cf. ii. 21, a. supr. The obscure cause, which contains no¬ thing to convince us, mentioned shortly after, refers to the river Oceanus, the mighty stream said to encompass the whole disc of the earth. Cf. iv. 8, and Homer II. xiv. 245. B. Cf. also D. p. 59. b. fj Tiva rutv k. t. X. Cf. ii. 53, c. Ch. XXIY. — a. rgv x^ 9 l ^gv ie. r. X. The origin of this notion of Hdtus is explained by Bredow, Uranologia, Herod, p. 7, 13, quoted at length in B. “ It arose from his belief that the earth was a flat surface, on which the heavens were fitted like a hollow hemisphere; the extremities of which joined the edges of the world: during the summer time in Greece, the sun held a middle course in the heavens, but when the cold came on, he was driven further south, to Libya, &c., where, accordingly, it was summer, wLile it was winter in Greece. Hdtus of course considered Greece to be in the middle of the earth; an idea, as regards Delphi, con¬ tinually found in the Tragedians. Cf. “ Philosophy of Hdtus,” Blackwood’s Mag. Jan. 1842; and D. p. 59—62, and p. 68. Ch. XXV. — a. 'Qg — dyXuxrai. —Cf. Jelf, § 864, 1. inroXtnreoQai irtpi eujvrov .—Also the opinion of the Stoics, who thought that the sun was, as it were, fed with water. Cf. Cicero, Nat. Deor. ii. 15. B. Cf. D. p. 69. b. avrog tcjvrov k. t. X. — much inferior in bulk of water to what it generally is, viz. than in summer. Cf. Jelf, § 782, g. If the sub¬ ject at one time is compared with itself at another, so that an in¬ crease of degree is signified, the genitive of the reflexive pro¬ nouns igavTov, aiavrov, kavrov is used, and after this last avrog is added. Sometimes, as here, the difference of time is marked by g, and an expression of time. Cf. v. 28, a., viii. 86, b., g npog E v^oly. Ch. XXVI.— a. SiateaUov k. t. X .—Sol qui exurat swum transiturn, i. e. omnia quce transeat exurat: burning up, heating to'excess. S. and h 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 100 L. D. On the comparison of the Nile and the Danube cf. ii. 33, see D. p. 65, 66 , 68 . Ch. XXVII.— a. ttiq avprjQ k.t. X. Cf. ii. 19, c. Ch. XXVIII.— a. apxv v —-from of old, from at first. Cf. i. 9, a. b. NftXov rag nrjydg k.t.X. —Cf. Hor. iv. Od. 14, 15, Te, fontium qui, &c. Diod. Sic. i. 37, also mentions the universal ignorance on this point. The name Nile seems connected with the Indian term Nilas , black, E. Orient. H. p. 15; which see for the allusions to it in the Greek and Latin poets. Many consider that Bruce, in placing the fountains of the Nile near the village of Gisch in Abyssinia, has mistaken one of the rivers that fall into the Nile for the Nile itself. The confluence of the Balxr el Azrek, the Blue River, the Abyssinian and E. branch, and the Bohr el Abiad , i. e. the White River, is in about lat. 16° N.,* and the name of Nile, it should seem, should be restricted to the united w T aters of the Blue and White Rivers; but which of these two great streams has better claim to be re¬ garded as the main branch of the Egyptian river, is yet a question. The “ White River” has never been explored; and this, as he con¬ siders it to be the more remote as well as the largest stream, R., p. 441, holds to be the true head of the Nile; placing its source, not in Abyssinia, but in some country very far to the S.- W. of it, and perhaps as far S. as the parallel of 6 °, but less remote than Hdtus, Ptolemy, or the Arabian Geographers supposed. That Bruce visited the E. sources of the Nile, R., p. 436, entertains no doubt; but these he denies to be the proper heads of the Nile. Cf. particularly Early Orient. Hist. ch. i. p. 16, Smith’s C. D., Nilus, and D. p. 64—66. c. ypappanarr/g k. t. X. —the secretary, steward of the college, or bursar; “ appointed to manage the common treasure of the temple, arising from the revenue of the estates attached to it.” H. 1.1. p. 326. d. Zvrjvrjg — Assouan. On Elephantine cf. ii. YJ, a. e. Kpuxpi .... Mai 0 t— Crophi, according to Champollion, quoted by B., means la mauvaise ; and Mophi, la bonne. f. ravra ytvoytva t\tye,—ra yevoytva, ea quce sunt et reapse con- tingunt. W. Ch. XXIX.— a. dvco iovri, dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, § 599, 1, Dat. expressing reference to. Karantp fioiiv, i. e. they fasten ropes to the vessel on both sides, for the purpose of drawing it along, in the same manner that the priests were wont to fasten ropes on the horns of restive oxen to drag them up to the altar. b. fjdr)—immediately after, or from this point. When applied to space ij 81 \ denotes to point where a new country or territory imme¬ diately begins. Jelf, § 719, 4, a. 1. Tayo/i^d>—According to H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, 457, seqq., the island Kalabshe, or per¬ haps another 20 miles further on. ,Qu. Derar. Smith’s C. D., Tachempsah, i. e. the place of many crocodiles. B. * At a place called Khartoum. See Melly’s account of the junction of the two streams in his “ Khartoum and the Niles.” BOOK II. EUTERPE. 101 c. t%trai .... fieyaXt]. This great lake does not now exist: it might have been only a temporary inundation, or the features of the country may have been changed since, and the lake filled up with sand. Cf. H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, and on the course of the Nile above Egypt, p. 343, seqq. d. tcai tVttra .... Mtpoi?. Part of this description is quoted and admired by Longinus de Sublim. § 26. See the remarks in Spur- dens’ translation. “We may safely conclude, 1st, that the ancient island of Meroe is the present province of Atbar, between the river of the same name, or the Tacazze, on the right, and the white stream and Nile on the left. It is between 13° and 18° N. lat. In recent times it has formed a great part of the kingdom of Sen- naar, and the S. part belongs to Abyssinia. 2ndly, Meroe was an extensive district, surrounded by rivers, whose superficial contents exceeded those of Sicily rather more than one half. 3rdly, Upon this island stood the city of the same name—a little below the present Shendy , under 17° N. lat., 5^° E. long.” H. Afr. Nat. i. State of Meroe, ch. ii. Cf. also Smith’s C. D., Meroe. e. Ala Oetiv Kai Aiowaov —Jupiter Ammon, and Osiris, are meant. Cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c. /., and particularly H. Ethiop. ch. ii. State of Meroe, p. 209, seqq. “ Ammon was the original oracle god of Africa; if afterwards, as was the case in Egypt, other deities de¬ livered oracles, yet they were of his race, of his kindred,” &c. ry av, quocunque. Cf. Jelf, § 605, obs. 5, Local JDat. The adverbial datives are used both in the transmissive as well as the local force of the dative. Ch. XXX.— a. AvroyoXovg .—These deserted, according to Diod. Sic. i. 67, from a different reason to that here given; viz. because Psammetichus, when marching into Syria, gave the honour of the right wing to foreign soldiers, and placed the Egyptians on the left. The foreign soldiers of Diod. were probably the Ionians and Carians mentioned in ii. 152. If this be correct, it agrees with the conjecture of A aaayciy^ for ’Aeya^, i. e. evwvoyirai, those placed on the left. B. b. Aiyv7rriojv t&v ya%iyw v — of those of the wav-tribe, soldier-caste. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 154, and H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 327— 330. c. rfjg yap Ai^vrjg k. t.X. —Cf. also iv. 181, where the same three¬ fold division of Libya is mentioned; this appears to be still pre¬ served in the names Barbarei, or Tell , the fertile land, Biledulgerid, or the land of dates , and Sahara , or the sand. This is the more probably true, as it is a division made in accordance with the nature of the country. The regions that lie beyond the desert of Sahara are fertile and cultivated; at the present time known under the name of Nigritia or Sudan, of which, from the end of this ch., we may conclude that Hdtus was not altogether ignorant. B. Cf. H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 148. d. SoXo&vrog aicprig — Cape Cantin, according to R. p. 421, D’An- ville, and Smith’s C. D. cf. iv. 43. B. follows Ritter, in consider¬ ing it to be Cape Spartel. e. Trjg yap Ai(3vi]q .... QdXaacrav—with regard to those parts of Libya which extend along the sea on the north, i. e. the Mediterranean. Cf. ii. 158, h., and R. p. 36. f. tTrti (hv — ikvai, cf. Jelf, § 889. In Greek one or more de¬ pendent clauses in a narration may stand as an oratio obliqua in the accus. and infin., depending on a verb of saying, &c., expressed oi implied, instead of the verbum jinitum. vdaai re ical k. t. X. —On this expedition, cf. H. Carthag. ch. vi. p. 92, seqq., “ Though the number of real adventurers was but five, yet their attendants must have been more numerous, so as to form a small caravan; in no other way is travelling possible in these regions.” aTrrtaQai Kap-rrov, not, to gather, but to eat or taste fruits. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 50. The fruit meant was probably that of the butter-tree. H. 1. 1. p. 94. g. avSpag pacpovg.— It is evident from this account, that the Nasa- mones reached the Negro lands beyond the desert, and came to a Negro people. H. 1. 1. p. 93, men of diminutive stature, but not dwarfs. h. eg ttoXiv —This city, H. 1. 1. 94, and R. p. 431, consider to have been probably the present limbuctoo, and the river the Niger BOOK II. EUTERPE. 103 or Quorra, which is now ascertained not to be the upper part of the Nile. The Niger is by the natives called the Ioliba , i. e. Great river; this agrees well with the words norapov pkyav. What Hdtus here says of this river having crocodiles, he appears to have for¬ gotten in iv. 44, where he mentions the Indus as the 2nd river which had crocodiles, the Nile being the first; unless, indeed, he really considered this river to be part of the Nile. See Smith’s C. D., Niger. Ch. XXXIII.— a . yorirag k.t.X. “ We know from Mungo Park that a belief in magic and amulets generally prevails among the negro nations.” H. 1. 1. p. 93 b. cvve(3d\\tTo .... aipku. Cf. note h. in the preceding ch. c. Tip "larpip .... opparai. Rendered by Schw. parallelum Istro curswn habet. B. thinks that Hdtus is not intending to speak of the courses, but of the fountains, or sources, whence the Nile and the Ister flow; meaning that they both took their rise opposite each other, from the same quarters; that is, in the same quarter of the S. part of the world in which the Nile begins its course , in that same in the N. does the Ister rise; and to elucidate this, he adds that the Ister divides Europe in the midst, in the same way as the Nile divides Africa, perpa, however, per se, cannot mean either “ sources,” or “courses.” The real point of comparison is that the Nile runs through Libya, just in the same way as the Danube through Europe, and the proof adduced is, that they disembogue into their respective seas nearly opposite each other. Render, it proceeds upon equal measures, meaning, I think, that it pursues an analogous course to the Danube, and that the courses of the rivers are propor¬ tionate. Cf. also the following note. On the course of the Ister, cf. also iv. 49, and Pind. Olymp. iii. 25. d. n vpr/vrjg 7r6\iog— This city is scarcely mentioned in any other writer. As it is certain that the Danube does not take its rise in the Pyrenees, as Hdtus seems to think from the name of this city, but in Mt Abnoba, in the Black Forest, L. and others have en¬ deavoured to connect the word Pyrene with the names of two small streams, Brigen and Pregen, which take their rise near the Danube. But from what has already been said, concerning the fountains of the Nile and the Danube being opposite to each other, and their flowing in a parallel direction, it can hardly be doubted that our author here does intend to speak of the country of the Pyrenees Mts, and places the fountain of the Danube over against where, he considered, the Nile took its source. B. This is also evident from the position of the Celt® in iv. 49. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Pyrene. e. KtXrot .... arriXtojv. All that was beyond the straits of Gibraltar, towards the ocean from the promontory of Calpe, where the Pillars of Hercules were considered to stand, was called without these Pillars. Thus Cadiz (cf. iv. 8, a.) and the extreme part of Lusitania was considered without the Pillars of Hercules. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 491, says, speaking of the Barbarians of the 1 104 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. west of Europe, that “though it may be true that the Kelts or Gauls had long before the fourth century of Rome crossed the Alps, and that Keltic tribes were to be found in the heart of Spain, yet they had no connexion with the civilized world, the Cartha- f inians had no opportunity of enlisting them into their armies, nor ad the Greek traders acquired any direct knowledge of them. Their name was known only through the reports of those Phoeni¬ cians who navigated the Atlantic and the Bay of Biscay on their way to the tin mines of Britain. And this explains the strange description of their position given by Herodotus, ‘ that the Kelts dwell without the Pillars of Hercules, and that they border on the Kynesians, who live the farthest to the west of all the people of Europe.’ This is clearly the language of some Phoenician Periplus of the western coasts of France and Spain: the Kynesians must have lived on the coasts of Portugal, Gallicia, and Asturias; and perhaps on that of Gascony and Guienne; beyond these, as the voyager pursued his course along the land, he came to the country of the Kelts, who occupied the whole coast north of the Garonne, and were very probably intermixed with the Iberian Kynesians on the coasts of Gascony and Navarre. The Greeks, when they read this account, little suspected that these same Kelts reached from the shores of the ocean inland as far as the Alps, and, possibly, nearly to the head of the Adriatic; and that while they heard of them only as dwelling without the Pillars of Hercules, they were advanced in the opposite direction almost within the horizon of Greek observation, and in a very short time would unexpectedly appear like a wasting torrent in the heart of Italy.” With refer¬ ence to the identity of the Keltse and Galatee, from p. 522 of the same vol., “ They are undoubtedly only different forms of the same name; the first was the form with which the Greeks were earliest acquainted, at a time when their knowledge of the Kelts was con¬ fined to the tribes of Spain and Gaul. The great Gaulish migra¬ tion of the fourth century before Christ introduced the other and more correct form “ Galatee; ” yet many writers continued to use the old orthography, and in fact, with the exception of the Gala¬ tians of Asia Minor, the other Gauls in all parts of the world are generally called by the Greeks according to their old form of the name, not Galatae, but Keltee.” f. Kvvrjmoim, called in iv. 49, Cynetes ; cf. the preceding note. g. ’I (TTp'irjv —also called Istropolis , on the coast of the Euxine, near the mouth of the Danube. Smith’s C. D. Also mentioned in iv. 78. Ch. XXXIV.— a. i) Se Alyv-yrog. . . . (ceerai. That this is an error of Hdtus, owing to the limited state and means of obtaining geographical knowledge in his time, is now well known. Observe in this sentence avny with Gen. of Position, Jelf, § 525, and in the next, avriov with Bat. expressing reference to. Cf. i. 14, d. b. 7 Tsvre ijgfpsujv k. t. \. Cf. i. 72, d. BOOK n. EUTERPE. 105 Ch. XXXV.— a. epya Xoyov pfZu) — wonders too great for descrip¬ tion. On rd iroXXa iravra, cf. i. 203, b. b. ayopd%ovai — in foro agunt et versantur. On Kcnrr}Xtvovq (pvcnv — quomodo verisimile sitf Viger, Idiotism, p. 255. IIoio is it natural, or possible for him ? S. and L. D. “ He (Hdtus) applies but one standard, and that is nature; and his conclusion is, that such things cannot be.” Hist, of Gk Lit., Hdtus, p. 249. Ch. XLVI. — a. AiyvTTTiujv o\ tlpypevoi, i. e. the Mendesians. Cf. ii. 42. B. b. top Tiara rwr . . . . oi Mevbemoi —On the eight primitive deities of the Egyptians, cf. ii. 42, c. The representation of Pan under the image of a goat refers (Creuzer, Symb. i. p. 476, &c., quoted by B.) to the passing of the sun from Taurus to Capra, when the prolific principle in nature, typified in the worship of Pan, is at its height. Plence the he-goat was his emblem. According to Bochart, Mendes means goat; according to Jablonski, prolific, fertile. See the art. Mendes. c. oi> got tfdiov ton Xl.ytiv, I may not say. So the comparative for the positive, ii. 47, ovk eintpeTr'earepog k. t. X. V. Cf. Jelf, § 784. d. Kal tovtcov ... . be dk tovtwv —These words in both cases refer to the he-goats. So abroXog aiyiov, Horn. Odyss. xvii. 246, 269. Schw. e. roiiTo .... cnrhctTo—hoc ad hominum notitiam pervenit. B. Ch. XLVII.— a. vv be k. t. X. — “ Swine were not less an abomin¬ ation in the eyes of the Egyptians, than they were to the Jews; a superstition which no doubt had its rise in some local circum¬ stance with which we are unacquainted, or at least cannot account for with certainty.” H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 337. b. oi ovfitjrai k. r. X. —The contempt in which the swine-herds w r ere held, arose in a great measure from the desire of the priests and legislators of Egypt to turn the attention of the people as far as possible to the pursuits of agriculture, as being that on which the state most depended. Hence a pastoral and nomad mode of life was held in such abhorrence by them, that those who followed it were considered in a manner infamous. B. Cf. ii. 14, c., ii. 100, b., 128, a ., and H. 1. 1. • C. ovbe o airobopivip—to him who sold it them. Cf. i. 70, c BOOK n. EUTERPE. . 115 c. rr)v Sk aXXrjv .... oprrjv — the remainder of, i. e. the remaining ceremonials of, the festival. Schw. d. TrXrfv x°P ^ v —That this is the correct reading, and not ^otpojv, the sense shows; for it is evident from the Schol. on Aristoph. Ran. 341, that the Gks, as well as the Egyptians, sacrificed pigs in the Dionysiac festivals. B. e. ayaXpar a vtvpoairaara — imagines , quce nervo moventur. Cf. Lucian, ix. p. 99, de Dea Syr. 1(1. B. f Trporjytsrai Ss av\og. —The flute, said to be invented by Osiris, was peculiar to the festivals of Bacchus. As the harp was used in mysterious rites, so the flute was in the Bacchic festivals, which were openly celebrated. Cf. Creuz. Symb. i. p. 448. B. g. atidovcrai rov Aiovvaov — lamenting, singing mournful dirges in honour of Bacchus, i. e. Osiris, slain by Typhon and cast into the waters. Creuz. in B. h. Xoyog .... ipog Xeyopevog —Cf. Plut. de Isid. et Osirid. p. 358. The story that Hdtus is unwilling to divulge, is that Isis collected the scattered limbs of Osiris, who was torn in pieces by Typhon, but was unable to find the virile member, which was devoured by the fishes: in its place she consecrated the phallus, an imitation of it, whence arose its veneration in the Dionysiac festivals. B. Cf. Dionysia, Smith’s D. of A. Ch. XLIX. — a. MeXagirovg — A name perhaps referable to the Egyptian origin of the priests and to the Egyptian rites brought from that land of dark soil, perhaps by the natives themselves, who were also dark. B. On the Egyptian origin of the Gk Worship, &c., cf. ii. 81, b. Melampus was also noted as a soothsayer and physician. Cf. also ix. 33, a., where the three families of the Olympic soothsayers, the Clytiadae, Iamidae, and Telliadee are mentioned; of whom the Clytiadse considered themselves as be¬ longing to a clan which produced very many soothsayers, viz. the Melampodidae. This explains the fable that Melampus received the gift of prophecy from Apollo on the banks of the Alpheus, Pausan. v. 8, 1, in the place where it was exercised by his descend¬ ants the Clytiadae. Muller, Dor. i. bk ii. c. 3, p. 281; cf. ix. 33, «., 34. On the gen. after dSaijg and ig-n-eipog, cf. Jelf, § 493. b. oo u. —< prjyov , not the beech , but the esculent oak ; as in ii. 56, derived probably from v) r) parracr) is the manner or custom of divination from victims. Schw. Ch. LVIII.— a. TTpoGciyuyyuQ — accessiones, nempe ad Deorwn aras, supplicationes , resorting to the temples to pay one's votes: whether this be the meaning, or, bringing offerings in procession , appears doubtful. Schw. Ch. LIX.— a. rfi ’AorifuSi —Cf. ii. 83, 156, d. On Bubastis, cf. ii. 60, b., and read E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 59. b. Hovcnpiv ttoXiv — Abousir, in Lower Egypt, in the middle of the Delta, on the W. bank of the Nile. Smith’s C. D. Its name, ac¬ cording to Jablonsky, from Be-Ousiri, the tomb of Osiris ; according to Champollion, from Tapousiri, the city of Osiris. B. c. psyioTov "Iaiog < pov —This stood a little below the centre of the Delta. R. p. 513. d. ”lcng Ss . . . . Arjphrrjp. —As Isis among the Egyptians was the cause of all abundance, the soil they dwelt on, the mother and producer of all things, cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c., she agrees with the Ceres of the Greeks, cf. ii. 171, the earth, and the parent and mother of all things thereon; whence her name Arip,r) T np> Mother of the Earth. So Isis called Mouth , the Mother , viz. of the World. Cf. Creuz. Symb. iv. p. 303, note, 492. B. e. Tpira S’ ig SdW k. t. X.—Cf. ii. 62, a., 63. On the town of Buto, &c., cf. ii. 155, b. Ch. LX.— a. KopdiwvTai, nave deferrentur —Cf. iv. 76, &c. V. b. 'BovftacTTiv. The Pibeseth of Ezekiel, xxx. 17* R. p. 461. In the Delta on the E. bank of the Pelusiac branch, cf. ii. 158, on the spot now called Tell-Bastah, the hill of Bastah. E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 59. c. olvog dpTrsXivoQ —Cf. ii. 37', e., and H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 450, and on the festival of Artemis Bubastus, p. 367- Ch. LXI.-a. tiprjTcn k. t. X. Cf. ii. 40, and on Busiris, ii. 59, b. b. tov Si TVTtTovrai — On the verb, cf. ii. 42, h. The deity is Osiris, whose death by Typhon was thus bewailed, and whose memory, as the founder of agriculture and the arts of civilized life, was thus preserved. Cf. ii. 40, b., 132, a. BOOK II. euterpe. 121 Ch. LX 11.— a. Sa'tV— In the Delta, on the E. side of the Canopic branch, where the village of Ssa-al Hadjar now stands. It was the ancient capital of Lower Egypt, and the chief seat of the worship of the Egyptian goddess Neith, Hdtus ii. 59. On the feast cf. ii. 170, 171. B., and Smith’s C. D. b. \vxva Kaiovm —Lamps were common in the Egyptian festivals: in this they were probably used from Osiris being adored as the god of fire and the sun, ii. 41, a., and for the same cause afterwards in the festivals of Serapis. Also to Neith , as goddess of the purest light. Spencer (de ritt. Hebr. iv. 6) thinks that from Egypt the Jews also derived their custom of lighting candles, &c. in some of their festivals. B. Cf. Persius, Sat. v. 181, “Lucerme Portantes violas.” c. (pvXacrooi/Ttg k. t. X. Cf. i. 48, b. Ch. LXI1I. — a. 'HX/ou tto\iv k.t.X. On Heliopolis cf. ii. 7, a., and on Buto, ii. 155, b. b. Hairpfyu —mentioned by none of the ancients, except Hdtus, cf. ii. 63, 64, 7L 165; in the W. of the Delta. By Mannert it is identified with Xois. B. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Xois. c. iv vT]— in a little wooden shrine or chapel \ cf. ii. 91. B. 1 d. oi de evxojXi^aToi — those who ivish to pay their vows , B., or, those who are under a vow. * e. fiaxt] .... yiverai. This combat, Creuzer, Symb. iv. p. 267, quoted in B., considers a representation of one of the doctrines of the Egyptian Mysteries. “ Mars, among the Egyptians and other ancient nations, was held to be the god of nature, who contained the seeds of all things; which seeds, when communicated by him to the earth, his mother, see next ch., gave birth and life to all that exists. And as they believed this to have happened at the com¬ mencement of the world, so they considered that the same process took place at the beginning of each year, in the spring, when the world, as it were, begins anew, and again receives the seed, not at once and without some struggle, but only after resistance and op¬ position. Hence, as the ancients held that both the influence that made nature productive, as well as the generative power of nature herself, resided in the deity, it may be conceived that these com¬ bats, in which the image of Mars was only after a struggle carried into the temple, represented in an allegoric manner the struggles and resistance of nature, that had to be overcome by agricultural toil and labour at the commencement of every year.” Hence the meaning, inhonesta notio, (Valck.) in avygiKaiui the following ch., which confirms Creuzer’s idea of this combat; viz., that the en¬ trance of Mars after contest and labour is a representation of the toil and labour necessary to be undergone every year , Inf ore the earth can be made to receive the seeds committed to her care ;— r an illustration of the Divine command, “ In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread”—for, “ cursed is the ground for thy sake,” &c. 122 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. ClI. LXIV.— a. vopiaai —Cf. i. 131, c. b. avfjfilial. —Cf. note e. on preceding ch. So also SiaXsytaOai, o/uXttv, tg \6yovg iXGtiv, and tXOtlv 7 rapa, in ii. 115. B. c. rrj firirpi —Hence, as Cr. conjectures, in all likelihood, arose the Greek fable of Mars and Venus; this goddess, as seems pro¬ bable, being the Mother into whose temple Mars desired to enter; and the Greeks derived the story from the Egyptians, hut without understanding to what it alluded. See note e. on preceding ch. d. tv ipdim —Here, in the wider meaning, including the vaog and the Ttfuvog, the sacred close, grove , and all the buildings that might adjoin the temple, as well as the temple itself, cf. i. 47, a., and Thucyd. iii. 96. e. AiyvTTTioi Sk Qprjaictvovcn k.t.X. That the adoration of beasts by the Egyptians could not have arisen from the respect they bore to animals for their utility, or from feelings of superstition alone, may well he believed : the cause of it must be sought in something far different; it had reference doubtless to some of the mysterious doctrines of the Egyptian Theology concerning the hidden opera¬ tions of nature, the causes of which were objects of their greatest research. The signs of the Zodiac also, intimately connected with Egyptian belief and doctrines, contributed to it in no slight degree. Cf. Creuz. Symb. i. p. 475. B. H.’s opinion upon this difficult sub¬ ject, Egypt, ch. ii. p. 355, seqq., I shall endeavour to condense: “ Animal idolatry, the prevailing superstition of almost every part of Africa, and, reasoning from the analogy of other nations, the religion of the earliest rude inhabitants of Egypt—its origin, diffi¬ cult, if not impossible to explain—all hypotheses, such as the rarity of the animals, their utility or their noxiousness to man, in¬ sufficient—a mere childish delight in this or that kind of animal probably one of the causes; the great variety of it to be explained by the great number of different tribes which inhabited Egypt— in later times it stood in a closer relation to the political formation of the people, and was made the means, in the hands of the ruling priest caste, at the foundation of their colonies, of alluring the neighbouring savage tribes and bringing them into a political connexion with themselves. As it differed in the different nomes, we may conjecture that the priests, in the places where they founded colonies, gained over the rude inhabitants by the adoption of their worship, and, by appointing apartments in their temples for the animals which these held sacred, made these temples the common sanctuary of the tribe. This worship probably much changed by political revolutions; for example, the national wor¬ ship of the sacred steer of Memphis may be supposed to be owing to Memphis having been the capital of Egypt. Of the animals held sacred by the vulgar, the priests made, in their literature, a very different application : many of their written characters bor¬ rowed from them. As hieroglyphics were pictures of objects of nature and art, pictures of animals naturally formed a large pro¬ portion of these characters. Further, as these animals were held 123 BOOK II. EUTERPE. sacred by popular superstition, they became pre-eminently adapted, by a very natural association of ideas, as the representatives of divinity. Thus the sparrow-hawk at the entrance of the temples, signified in general, divine, sacred, consecrated; the beetle the universe, &c! From certain attributes of the gods being expressed by certain animals, probably arose the custom of representing the deities with the heads of animals; and hence, from the constant endeavour of the priest caste to copy, to a certain extent, the deities they served, in their bearing and exterior deportment, arose the pourtraying of the priests with animals’ heads or masks.” “ As the adoration of animals in Egypt was not founded on their utility to man, Lucian (de Astrol. v. 218) conjectures that the several animals were emblems of the imaginary figures, into which the ancients had in very early times distributed the stars, distin¬ guishing them by the names of living creatures; but the relation between the zodia, or celestial images, and the animals of the Egyp¬ tian temples is far too limited to warrant this hypothesis. The real clue is, no doubt, that furnished by Heeren, Fetichism; and the result, the notion is as worked out by him, a system of religion, with Fetichism for basis, worship of heavenly bodies for outward characteristic, and, within, a science founded on astronomy, and by the operation of which the fetichs, serving as gods for the people, became merely symbols for the priests; who, allowing the mass of people to indulge in this gross and humiliating species of adoration, reserved for themselves a secret and visionary system of Pantheism or emanation. Article 15, JEgyptus, Class. Diet. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 198, and Appendix to this vol., Animal Worship , from Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Geog. Ch. LXV.— a. koiiaa . ... ry A i(3vy —on Hdtus’ idea of Egypt being a region by itself, cf. ii. 16, a. b. aviirai —ab aviiyu — are consecrated , dedicated. Cf. ii. 165, are devoted, given up wholly to. c. fitXeScjvoi k. t. X. — keepers, stewards : geXeSu)vbg is dicitur qui alicujus rei curam gerit, cf. iii. 61, viii. 31, 38. B. d. tv\dg raabe atyi k.t.X. —The vcnv tie k. t. X. —Some of these particulars are inaccurate ; for the animal does not show its tusks when its mouth is closed, nor has it the tail of a horse; on the contrary, Aristotle’s account, viz. that it has the tail of a hog, is more like the truth. It is no longer found in Egypt, but only above the cataracts, in the more interior parts of Africa. Of its hide the Abyssinians to this day make bucklers. B. Ch. LXXI I.— a. XtmSuTov—scaly fish ; probably the bichir, de¬ scribed by Geoffroy de St. Hilaire, covered with strong scales, suf¬ ficient to defend it from the tooth of any animal that may attack it. This solidity arises from a bony substance which lines each scale underneath, so thick and compact, that very few of our cut¬ ting instruments will penetrate it. Schw. Linnaeus considers it the Cyprinus rubescens Niloticus, Red Carp of the Nile. B. b. xr)va.\ti)TTtKaQ. The Vulpanser , or Anas tadorna, of Linnaeus ; the cravant. Horapollo says that this bird denoted in hierogly¬ phics, a son ; from the exceeding affection it showed its offspring. Hence perhaps the reverence paid it. B. Ch. LXXI 11.— a. (poiviZ. “ The Egyptian Phoenix was a fabul¬ ous bird, and all that Hdtus and others have related of it, has reference to the symbolical doctrines so much in vogue among the ancients, and especially in Egypt. Its explanation is astronomical; by its advent the Egyptian priests intended to show the return of BOOK Ih EUTERPE. 127 ‘ The Great Year/ which, when completed by the recurrence of many of the common cycles, produces as it were a new birth of time. As the sun is the author of this, his course marking the period and the return of this New iEra, the Phoenix consequently is the bird of the sun ; his appearance and splendid colour are tokens of this ; he comes from Arabia, the land of the rising sun, and bears with him his deceased parent, all the passed ages com¬ pleted in the cycle just gone by, wrapped in myrrh, the produce of the East, like an egg, (for all past time may be considered as shut up, and gone, never to return,) and this he bears to Heliopolis, the city of the sun, who receives the offering into himself, and hides it in the womb of eternity, thenceforth to begin a new sera of the world.” Creuzer, quoted by B. Hence, among the early Christians, it was the emblem of immortality and resurrection. Cf. iii. 28, TCjv oipiuiv. Winged serpents are also mentioned by Pau- sanias and JElian; also in Scripture as appertaining to Egypt. Isa. xxx. 6, “ The burden of the beasts of the south—from whence come the viper and the flying fiery serpent,” &c. Cf. also Cicero, Nat. Deor. i. 36. B. c. T7jv Ifiiv —the Numenius Ibis, or, Ibis religiosa of Cuvier; white, with the head and neck bare, and the tips of the wings and tail, feet and beak, black. Cf. ii. 67, /. The black ibis, the Ibis Falcinella of Cuvier, is said to make its appearance some days after the other on the banks of the Nile. Of the last no mummies have been discovered. B. They are both figured and described in Long, Egypt. Ant. ii. p. 307. Ch. LXXYI.— a. v v depend on ru>v 134 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Ktyxpiov, taking the two together as the grains or spawn of the eggs , i. e. the eggs themselves, does not appear so good as Schaefer’s, quoted in B., nam ex ovis excernunt ccnchros, quos dicimus, neque hos con- fertos, ovk aQpoovg, sed paucos singulis vicibus: for from their eggs they shed grains of spawn, i. e. balls or small masses of spawn of the shape and size of grains, by a few at a time. Ch. XCIV. — a. oi 7Tt pi ra tXta. Cf. ii. 92, a. b. KtKi. A kind of sesamum. H. 1. 1. The castor-berry. S. and L. D. c. oi pkv Koxf/avrtc . • • aTrtyovcn—some press the oil out of the grains by bruising them, others parch it first and then boil it. Ch. XCV. — a. d/upifiXrjarpov .— Such nets to keep off gnats, &c. were known to the Gks and Latins, who called them conopcea, KiovioTrtZa. Cf. Brunck’s Analecta, iii. p. 92, and Juvenal Sat. vi. 80, Ut testudineo, &c. They are still used by the Egyptians, and are made of muslin or gauze. B. Of a similar nature are the mosquito curtains used in Italy, the East, &c. Cf. Conopceum, Smith’s D. of A. rrjg t'lp'eprjg—by day. rrjv 6k vvKra—throughout the night. Cf. Jelf, § 606, obs. 2. The gen., accus., and dat. are all used to express relations of time, and they differ as follows: the time is represented by the gen. as the antecedent condition of the action: by the dat. as the space wherein the action took place; while the accus. expresses the duration of the action. Ch. XCV I. — a. ciKavQpg —probably the Mimosa Nilotica of Lin¬ naeus, one of the kinds of acacia. B. On the Egyptian boats, internal navigation, Xapirpog aiayog —the north winds which pre¬ vail during certain periods of the year, and render the navigation against the stream easy,—and commerce, cf. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 456, seqq. b. rip K vpr)va'ap \ior

w»c aiav —Cf. i. 142, b. c. 7rkp7TTr]q (nri9aprjq —The (nn9apr /, span, half a cubit: as rpirov r/piraXavTov is two talents and a half and tf38. t)ptrdX. six talents and a half, so irepTrrri j3ucbv .... orbpa .— Cf. refs in ii. 10, a. b. 'HpcucXeog ipov .—near the city of Canopus, the suburb of which was thence called Heraclium. Cf. Strab. xvii. p. 801. The Her¬ cules worshipped there was probably the Hercules of Thasos and Tyre, whose worship the Tyrians, mentioned in the preceding ch., 144 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. probably introduced, and whose temple they built in this place, a spot peculiarly adapted for their mercantile transactions. B. c. l.Tri(iaXr\Tai ariypara ipa ic. t. X.—gets stamped upon himself sa¬ cred marks or brands , thereby showing he was dedicated to the deity of the temple and initiated in his rites. Perhaps in reference to this custom Galat. vi. 17, “I bear in my body the marks of the Lord,” &c. B. Cf. also vii. 233, a. d. edmg. Cf. Horn. Odyss. iv. 228, whence it has been supposed he was a king of Egypt. Diodorus mentions a seaport, Thonis, to which he assigns a high antiquity. H. 1. 1. p. 458. Ch. CXV.— a. avcnrrepMcrag avrgv—alas ei addens, i. e. incitans earn. B. Exciting her vehemently. S. and L. D. Ch. CXYI.— a. ig o — wherefore, on which account. Schw. So also W. would render it in i. 115. h. hny'fyvr)Tin tie k. t. X. These lines are from II. vi. 289, and the title under which Hdtus has here mentioned the part of the poem whence they were taken, though applied in later times only to the 5th book of the Iliad, may very well have been understood by him as including part, perhaps the whole, of the 6th also. Other parts of the Iliad had similar titles, taken from the subjects they were chiefly concerned with: thus the 1st, the wrath of Achilles; the 11th, the bravery of Agamemnon. So the Necyomanteia of the Odyssey, &c. Cf. Lit. of A. Gr., Horner, p. 20. c. avtTToiioe eojvrbv—has corrected or contradicted himself. S. and L. D. iv 'Odvffofly. In Odyss. iv. 227, 351. d. g Hvpir) ic.t.X. Cf. i. 72, a. Ch. CXYII.— a. SgXol—it is plain. S. and L. D. Cf. ix. 68, a. Jelf, § 359. h. Kara ravra k. t. X. The subject of the Cyprian verses was the Trojan w T ar from Helen’s birth. On their author read Cole¬ ridge’s Introd. to the Gk Classic Poets, ch. on the origin and pre¬ servation of the Iliad and Odyssey, p. 50: “ The most celebrated of the second race of ’Pa^doi were the Homeridee, a name given to a school or family of them, which had its head-quarters in the island of Chios, and pretended to be the correctest reciters of the verses of Homer. Among these was Cyneethus, whose fame was so great that the Hymn to Apollo was attributed to him, and it may be suspected that the well-known lines relative to the resi¬ dence and person of Homer, are an instance of the fraud and the talent of him, or of some other Chian rhapsode. Certain is it that during the age of this second race, a great number of poets flour¬ ished, by whom it is reasonable to believe that much of the cycli¬ cal heroic poetry, now or anciently existing under various names, must have been composed. We are told of Arctinus the Milesian, author of the iEthiopis ; of Lesches the Lesbian, author of the little Iliad; of Stasinus the Cyprian, author of the Cyprian verses, Ax*. &c.” On the Cypria of Stasinus, cf. also Muller, Lit. of A. Gr. ch. vi. p. 68. BOOK II. EUTERPE. 145 Ch. CXVIIL— a. gg fitv eyeiv 'E\.— that in truth they had not Helen. Instead of ygv, the Ionic uses the shortened form gsv. yrj ykv — yg ygv- Jelf, § 729, 3, b., M'ev ( confirm ativum ). Ch. CXX. — a. tw Xoyip t< p 7 r epi ’EXtvgg XtyOevn. Cf. i. 113, a., and refs, ral raiira yty.—avjifiaivovTojv — especially when mighty ca¬ lamities, through his means, befell, &c. Cf. Jelf, § 697, d., Participle Causal. b. roe daiyoviov — Cf. i. 32, c. oKwg — tt oigawm. Observe crjutig joined with the conj. of aor. 1 , act. (instead of the ind. fut.) contrary to Dawes’ Canon. “ The difference between these two forms doubt¬ lessly is, that the fut. ind. represents the proposed end as some¬ thing existing in future time ; the aor. conj. as something of which the future realization is only conceived, but without any notion of its actually existing.” Read Jelf,' § 812, 1. Ch. CXXI. — a. 'P ayipivirov —Dated 1124, b.c. in the Oxfd. Tab. —On the temple of Hephaestus, cf. ii. 99, < 7 . tt pog f3opsw — tt pdg vorov, cf. Jelf, § 638, i. 1. Kai tov (i. e. or) gev —tovtov giv — If gkv is used in adjectival (relative) or adverbial sentences, it is often repeated in a following demonstrative sentence, for the sake of emphasis. Jelf, § 765, 5. b. § 1 . On the story that follows, B., in his 9th Excursus, re¬ marks that nearly the same tale is found in the Gk legend of Aga- medes and Trophonius. Cf. Pausan. ix. 37, § 3. Creuzer assigns a symbolic meaning to it, considering it to refer to the process of agriculture; for, by Trophonius (the same as Hermes yQoviog, by whom the subterranean treasures are brought to light) is meant the crop of corn, drawn, as it were, from the inmost recesses of the earth. Nor is this done without danger and suffering; he that brings forth the hidden store for our use, being supposed himself to suffer death in the task. In which, remarks B., the idea is con¬ tained of the Deity undergoing human ills, that he may confer benefits on the human race. Creuz. Symb. ii. p. 379. To this also belongs the journey, cf. ch. 122, of Rhampsinitus to the infernal regions. c. tov rwv roiywv .... tytiv —of which one wall belonged to, or was on, the outside of the palace — fe 1 edificare una camera di pietra, della quale uno dii muri riferiva alia parta esterna della casa. The Italian version, quoted by B. wg heel vwv irpooptuv — that with the intention of providing for them. Causal Gen., cf. Jelf, § 496. d. ovk ig yaicprjv k. r. X. — paullo post, B. q. d. and his sons not long after applied themselves to the undertaking, [xaicpfjv used as an adv., wpav, or some word of the kind, being supplied. Viger, p. 596, § 2. wg — rvyiiv k. t. X. On the Accus. with Infin. in Oratio Obliqua in¬ stead of the Verbupz Finitum , cf. Jelf, § 889, quoted in i. 24, a. Cf. vi. 117, a. e. § 4. Kai tCjv (f>vXa.Kiov .... 7raprjiSag. —Cf. 2 Samuel X. 4.' W. f § 5. Ttjv x tl P a — M ie h an d and arm, cf. also iv. 62, in the same sense. W. wg — rijv Qvyarepa, — to the daughter of the king. £2t,', ad, L 146 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. to, is used by good authors only with persons, or things conceived of as persons. It is more common in Attic Greek, though we find it as early as Homer. Od. p. 218, tog aid rbv ogdiov dyti Qtog g tov bfiolov. It is joined with names of towns, used instead of the in¬ habitants thereof. Thucyd. viii. 36, 103. Jelf, § 626. g. § 6. t avTijv ovvoucKjai. Ut avvoiKtiv matrimonio junctum esse, ii. 120, &c., ita avvoudZtiv Jiliam in matrimonium dare, nuptum dare. B. Ch. CXXII.—a. Kai to. gkv, vucav avTiijv k. t. X. Cf. note b. on preceding ch. The playing at dice with Ceres, and winning and losing in turn, signifies, according to Szathmar’s Dissertat. on the Pharaohs, experiencing by turns favourable and unfavourable har¬ vests. Y. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul appears also to have been intended to be conveyed in this fable. Cf. the following ch. The golden napkin also was a pledge of the golden crop, shortly to rise from the earth, and the weaving the cloak an emblem of weaving the web of human life, in which all its chances were portrayed. B. b. Svo \vku)v k. t. X. “ The animals of the lower world, the guar¬ dians of Amenthes.” H. cf. ii. 85, a., 67, g . Ch. CXXIII. — a. Ahgrjrpa Kai ALovvaov. i. e. Isis and Osiris. Cf. ii. 41, a. 42, c., and particularly the ref. in the preceding note. b. irptiroi be Kai k. t. X. After quoting various opinions as to what is here intended to be asserted, B. concludes, probably rightly, that Wyttenbach best interprets Hdtus’ meaning, viz. that the Egyptians Jirst asserted that the soul, being immortal, passed into all other bodies in turn, and again returned to a human body at the end of 3000 years, cf. ii. 148, d., and that therefore the Egyptians were the authors, not so much of the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, as of the Me¬ tempsychosis. Cf. ii. 85, a., and ref. to H., &c. c. rovrip T(p \oy(p tioiv oi 'E\Xr]va)v k. r. X. —Hdtus here probably alludes to Pherecydes of Scyros and Pythagoras ; the first of whom flourished about b. c. 600, and was tutor to the latter. W. Ch. CXXIV. — a. Xsona, Cheops, or Chemmis, b. c. 1082. Chronol. E. Orient. H. Cf. also ch. iii. p. 78, and ch. iv. p. 181, quoted in App. to this vol., Pyramids. iXaaai, cf. v. 50, a. b. U t&v XiOoroyikiov k. t. X. “ The granite or southern district extends from Philse to Assouan, and is formed for the most part by rocks of Syenite or oriental granite, in which the quarries may yet be seen, from which the ancients drew the masses required for colossal statues and obelisks. Between Assouan and Esna, the ancient Aphroditopolis, is the sand-stone or middle district, which supplied slabs for most temples, and beyond it the northern or cal¬ careous district stretches to the southern angle of the Delta. This last chain of hills furnished not only the solid part of the pyra¬ mids, but materials for many public buildings long since destroyed, because they proved excellent stores of lime and stone for the Arabs and other barbarians, who destroyed Egypt for so many BOOK II. EUTERPE. 147 centuries.” Article i. Geological Structure, JEgyptus. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 14. c. rrjg bdov Kara rrjv k.t. X. This causeway appears, from Nor- den and Pococke, to have been kept in repair even till the present day, though some of its materials have been changed, being now built with free-stone. “ The stones,” says Pococke, “ for the pyra¬ mid, might be conveyed by the canal that runs about two miles north of the pyramids, and thence part of the way by this extra¬ ordinary causeway. For at this time there is a causeway from that part, extending about 1000 yards in length and 20 feet in breadth, built of hewn stone,” &c. See Pococke, Descrip, of the East, i. p. 42. d. rfjg £v fi rpog avQp. — at the hands of gods or men. Cf. Jelf, § 638, 1,2 , c. a. Ilpog. Gen. Causal. The person or point whence any thing proceeds,—the author or giver of any thing. Ch. CXL.— a. oiyy rov AW'lottoq — clam vel inscio JEthwpe. B. So also in vii. 237, k ai tori Svcrp. ry cnyy, and hates him secretly. h. ’AyvpTcdov. The revolt of the Egyptians, through the tyranny of Achaemenes, brother of Xerxes, began 460 b. c., under Inarus, assisted by the Athenians. In 455 b. c., the whole country was subdued by Megabyzus, except the Marshes, which held out under Amyrtaeus. To this period Hdtus probably alludes. Amyrtaeus re-establishes himself 414 b. c. Hdtus is manifestly in error, (cf. ii. 137, a. on the date of Sabaco,) in saying the island lay undis¬ covered for more than 700 years ; more than 300 would be nearer the truth ; and to this some would alter the text: others date Sabaco at a much earlier period. B. c. vyaip ’EXjSw. By Mannert considered situated at the lake Menzaleh. L. and others place it in the district called by more modern writers Elearchia. B. On the marshes, cf. ii. 92, a. Ch. CXLI.— a. 2 tOtiv. 713 b. c., E. Orient. H. Chronol. “The Ethiopian dominion, which endured 50 years, cf. ii. 137, «•, seems to have laid the foundation of that general change of affairs of Egypt which soon took place under Psammetichus. For although, according to the tradition of the priests, the preceding king, who is said to have concealed himself for 50 years in the marshes, re¬ gained the throne, yet Sethos, a priest of Vulcan, soon afterwards usurped the government; and by uniting in himself the dignity of high priest and king, materially changed the former constitution. He moreover exasperated the warrior caste,” &c. &c. H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 466. fia^ipot AlyvTTT., ii. 163, and 164, a. On their lands, cf. ii. 168. 7rapaxpr]adptvov k.t.X., thinking little of, holding in no account, the war caste, &c. Cf. Jelf, § 496, Causal Gen., after verbs which express the notion of caring for, thinking much of, or the contraries, which necessarily imply an antecedent notion of the cause (person or thing) whence the care arises. Cf. i. 120, b. b. KaTryXovg 8s, Kai xsipdivaKTag k. t. X. Cf. i. 93, C., 94, C. c. tTnxvQsvTag wKTog pvg cipovpaiovg k.t. X. —Founded on what is related in 2 Kings xix. 35, 2 Chron. xxii. 21, and Isaiah xxxvii. “The Babylonish Talmud,” says Prideaux, Conn. an. 710 b. c., “ hath it that this destruction of the Assyrians was executed by lightning. But it seems most likely that it was effected by bring¬ ing on them the hot wind or Simoom, which is frequent in those parts. And the words of Isaiah, xxxvii. 7, which threatened Sen- 152 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. nacherib with a blast, that God would send upon him, seem to de¬ note this thing. Hdtus gives a disguised account of thi£ deliverance from the Assyrians, in a fabulous application of it to the city of Pelusium, instead of Jerusalem, and to Sethon the Egyptian king, instead of Hezekiah,” &c. It would appear however, with defer- rence to Prideaux, that the loss of the Assyrian army did not take place before Jerusalem, if one may so infer from v. 33, of the ch. of Isaiah—“ Therefore thus saith the Lord concerning the king of Assyria, He shall not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields, nor cast a bank against it,” &c. Whence it would seem that the army did not even appear before Jerusalem. That “ the king of Assyria was warring against Lib- nah ” is the last thing we hear of him, before beginning his retreat; hence it was before Libnah that his army perished, and we may conclude with L. that Pelusium was so called; especially as Jo¬ sephus says that Sennacherib was before Pelusium, and was about to take the place, when he heard that Tirhakah, king of ^Ethiopia, was coming to the assistance of the Egyptians. If this solution be correct, be careful not to confound this with the Libnah of the tribe of Judah, mentioned in Josh. xxi. 13. The story in Hdtus’ account arose, according to Bochart, quoted by B., from the simi¬ larity of the words Xafxag, a mouse , and \oifj.bg, a pestilence , which Hdtus confounded, when the priests told him that the army had been destroyed by a pestilence. A more probable explanation is that of Michaelis, quoted by Creuzer, viz. that a mouse was the hieroglyphic symbol for destruction and slaughter, and that Hdtus was deceived by the figure of this animal sculptured in the hand of the statue of the king, and took it literally. Possibly the priests, though they understood the meaning of the symbol, might be un¬ willing to communicate it to Hdtus; though initiated into some of their mysteries. Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 250. d. Kara fxtv and ix. 41, ivStKarr] lyty- avTiKarypevoiffi k.t.X. b. Uavi —Cf. ii. 46, b. 'Epfiecj, cf. ii. 138, c. On the legend of Pan the son of Penelope, cf. the Syrinx of Theocritus, O vfov'og evvartipa k. t. X. c. Kara t^rjKoma k. r. X.— Kara dvaKoaia, — about 600 years — about 900 years. Cf. Jelf, § 629, 3, Kara, Causal. Secundum, d. An in¬ definite quantity — assimilation to a number, proportion. So Kara, r'o r/i ul'ktv, in the proportion of half Kara pucpov, tear oXiyov, Kara ttoXv , 7 roXXd, by far. Ch. CXLVI.—a. ig THnrav—cf. iii. 97, c. aiiTLKa yevopevov, as soon as he was born, cf. Jelf, § 696, obs. 5. Participle; Temporal. The time is also more accurately expressed by the addition of the temporal adverbs, avritza, sWvg, &c., to the gen. absolute, or the simple participle. Cf. i. 179, vi. 10. Ch. CXLVII.— a. iaryaavTo dvwbeica fiaaiXzag ,—The Dodecarchy, b. c. 685, or reign of 12 contemporary kings, one over every nome or district, which lasts 15 or 25 years. Chronol. E. Orient. H. These 12 kings were probably taken from the military caste, ii. 141, a., whose lands Sethon, being of the sacerdotal caste, had taken from them, and had usurped the throne, which probably had be¬ fore his time descended in the military caste. Cf. H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 467. b. 7repirrrs\Xovrsg —Cf. i. 98, C. Ch. CXLVIII.— a. \a/3upn>9ov —Cf. Diod. Sic. i. 61, 89, Strabo xvii. p. 811, and Pliny H. N. xxxvi. 13. B. The labyrinth with 3000 chambers, half above and half below the earth, on the S. of lake Moeris in Middle Egypt; about b. c. 660, during the reign of Psammetichus I. Chronol. E. Orient. H. Cf. also ch. ii. p. 50, of the same work. “ The labyrinth, according to Strabo, was a struc¬ ture equal to the pyramids. Adjoining to it was the tomb of the kings by whom its was erected.” They were near a village on a level table land, through which the canal passed, at the distance of 30 or 40 stadia (2^ or 3 miles) from its entrance into the valley. This palace w r as the work of several kings, at that early period when there seem to have been as many as there were nomes. That is, as we learn from Herodotus, when the Egyptians, having regained their liberty after the death of Sethos, king, and also priest of Vulcan, chose twelve kings, to whom they delivered up the twelve portions into which the whole country was then divided. These princes resolving to leave behind them a common monu¬ ment, erected the labyrinth. “ I have seen that building,” says the historian, “ and it exceeds all description. The same indeed may be said of the pyramids, and each of them taken separately is equal in value to many of the greatest works of the Greeks taken to- 155 BOOK n. EUTERPE. ? ether; but the labyrinth, in truth, excels even the pyramids. t consists of twelve courts surrounded by covered porticoes, and having their gates opposite to each other. These courts are all contiguous, and six of them are turned to the north, and six to the south; they are all likewise enclosed by the same outer wall. There are tw T o suites of chambers, one under, and the other above ground, over the former; they are three thousand in number, fifteen hundred above, and as many below 7 .” The upper chambers he went through and examined, but the lower ones he knew only by description; for the Egyptians w T ho had the care of them re¬ fused to show 7 them, alleging that they w r ere used as sepulchres for the sacred crocodiles and the kings who erected the whole of the labyrinth. The chambers above ground, w'hich he himself had seen, “ are,” he adds, “ greater than any other human works. For the communication through the corridors, and the winding passages from one court into another, are so varied as to occasion infinite surprise. These passages lead from the chambers into porches, from the porches into other apartments, and from them into other halls. The roof of all of them is made of stone, as are the w 7 alls, which are full of sculptures. Each court is surrounded by a co¬ lonnade of white stone, the blocks of which are as closely joined as possible. At the angle which terminates the labyrinth, there is a pyramid of 40 orgyae, or 261 feet, on which large figures of beasts are sculptured. The way to it is under ground.” Such is the account of this extraordinary building given by Hdtus, from whom Strabo does not materially differ: but other ancient writers seem to be at variance with them on this subject. Some attempt to reconcile them by supposing that the work was executed at in¬ tervals by different princes; having been commenced by Mendes, continued by Tithoes or Petesuccus, and finished by the twelve kings and Lacharis, son of Sesostris. This great labyrinth w 7 as identified by Dr. Lepsius in June, 1843; and on reading a cartouche found in it, he discovered it to have been built by the same mon¬ arch w r ho reared the labouring pyramid—the former his palace, the latter his tomb. The name itself has been variously interpreted; Diodorus calls it the tomb of Marros, and Manetho speaks of it as the w r ork of a king Lamaris. By a slight and common interchange of letters, M is altered into B, and the same king is named Labaris —Labar-inthe will signify the tomb of Labar:—inthe being a term cognate wdth the Greek Odvaroc , death.” On the site of this noted edifice, cf. article 22, JEgyptus, w 7 hich quotes from Jomard, ii. ch. 17. “ To the N. and E. of the 2nd pyramid in the valley of Fayoum have been discovered ruins of the famous labyrinth, of which no¬ thing is to be seen but immense heaps of rubbish,” Heeren, Egypt, ch. i. p. 296; here also are remains of the vast labours connected with the irrigation of ancient Egypt; here also is the lake Moeris, hod. Birket Caroun , the basin of w'hich, prepared by nature, the hand of man enlarged and vivified by opening a communication 156 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. between it and the waters of the Nile. In the middle of Fayoum, the city of Medinat-el-Fayoum occupies, in part, the site of the ancient Crocodilopolis, afterwards Arsinoe. The environs are covered with ruins to the N. as far as the borders of the lake. koyov y'tZw—too great for words, exceeding all description, grandiores quam ut oratione explicari possit. Cf. Jelf, § 783, h., Remarks on the use of g, and the Genitive, with a Comparative. A peculiar form of comparison is found, when any thing is compared in respect of some property with a whole thought or sentence. In this case the thought is contracted into a single substantival notion, which stands in the genitive after the comparative. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 50, Kpilaaov \6yov k.t.X. — to. 'EM. rei^ta, the walls, or fortifications, which owe their origin to the Greeks. Cf. Jelf, § 483, obs. 4, Attributive Gen. Qu. rather, h denoting the material cause. b. av\al Karaarfyoi. —The latter word cannot mean roofed-in, as avXg is an open court, whose only canopy is the sky. Gronovius rightly renders aides porticibus circumdatce , surrounded by a peri¬ style, which Hdtus explains below, by avXrj ds tKaarg, nepiaTvXog. Schw. See the preceding note. c. gtv . . . tie k. t. X. —“ From what is said by Gatterer, it appears probable that the labyrinth with its twelve palaces, was nothing more than a symbolic representation of the yearly course of the sun through the 12 signs of the zodiac, and wholly appro¬ priated to astrological observations.” H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 341. d. rpKTxiXia. —This number appears to point to the doctrine of transmigration, the soul being supposed to return again to a human body after 3000 years. Cf. ii. 123, b., and Creuz. Symb. i. p. 377, referred to by B. e. apxgv —Cf. i. 9, a. f. (TTeyewv . . . iXiyyoi . . . iraarabag — i( Partes avXgg sunt iraordbig et eXiypoi : partes areygg sunt olid)para et SieEoSoi. Aulce erant duo- decim, totidemque tecta cedijicia, vrkyai: ex aula per iXiyyovg anfrac- tus et curvas vias accedebatur ad 7r aoradag, i. e. atria areygg, deinceps in oiicgyara, conclavia, per quae erant vice rectce, certe exitus non vo- luminum instar, cdZodoi.” Wyttenbach, quoted by B. Cf. note a. g. Zioa —Cf. i. 70, a. Ch. CXLIX.— a. g M oipiog KaXsoy'evg Xiyvg — JBirket-el-Keroun, on the W. side of the Nile. Cf. ii. 148, a., Mceris, in Smith’s C. D., and R. p. 504. “ Properly a part only of this remarkable lake exists, under the name of Lake Rerun. Modern research has here, however, confirmed the opinion previously entertained, that this lake cannot be regarded as entirely the work of man’s hand, but that art has here only assisted and brought into use the work of nature.” H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 296. That the lake Mceris is the modern lake Birket-el-Keroun, is doubted in E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 24. b. Kstrcu de yaKpg . . . votov — and the lake lies lengthwise, stretches in its length, from N. to S. rrpbq fiophjv k. t. X. Cf. Jelf, § 638, I. 1, a. BOOK II. EUTERPE. 157 c. dvo 7rvpct[ii8(Q. Of these no traces are now left, according to Jomard, Mem. sur le lac de Moeris, quoted by B. d. opyviai—fathoms ; 6 feet. On the wXiQpbv, cf. ii. 124, d. e. Kara bubpvxa. Cf. the references in note a. on this ch. f to (3a, iovaa rwv oktoj k.t.X. On the eight prime deities, cf. ii. 42, c. “ Under the name of Latona,” says Creuzer, Symb. i. p. 519, ii. 121, 169, quoted by B., “was personified the primitive state of darkness or night, whence all things took their origin, and first the lights of heaven, the sun and moon. Hence she agrees with the goddess Athor: cf. ii. 41,/. The same also is said in the Classical Journal, xxiv. 214, quoted in article Latona , “ Night was by the Gks,” observes Knight, “ personified under the title of A yro), or Latona, and Bau/3w, the one signifying oblivion, and the other sleep ; both were meant to express the tranquillity prevailing through the infinite variety of unknown darkness, which preceded the creation, or first emanation of light; hence she was said to be the first wife of Jupiter, mother of Apollo and Diana, or the sun and moon, and nurse of the earth and the stars; the Egyptians differed from the Gks, and supposed her to be the nurse and grandmother of Horus and Bubastis, their Apollo and Diana, in which they agreed with the ancient naturalists, who held that heat was nourished by the humidity of the night. Her symbol was the Mygale or Mus Araneus, supposed to be blind,” &c. e. ’AiroXXojva. —The Horus of ii. 144, a. f. Aia\vXog k.t. X. Cf. Pausan. viii. 37, § 3. To this refers what is related of iEschylus, that he disclosed something appertaining to the Mysteries, for which he was therefore called in question; see Zell's Comment, on Aristot. Ethics iii. 1, § 13, p. 86. B. g. fiovvog Sr/ Troiyriiov t&v 7rpoyevopivojv. B. considers that from Hdtus’ applying “former poets” to iEschylus, it is probable that this was one of the passages added by him in old age, after the bulk NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 160 of the work was completed; the recital of it, according to his theory, taking place only in 456 b. c., cf. i. a., the year in which iEschylus died. Cf. i. 130, b., and D. p. 12, seqq. Ch. CLVIJ.— a. '$f'apfxr] Tl X 0 G • • • • freer. Cf. ii. 152, c. H. /. 1. p. 390. b. "Anurov —one of the 5 Philistine towns, situated on the sea- coast, N. E. of Ascalon. The Ashdod of 1 Sam. v. 1, and Acts viii. 40. The siege, according to B., is not to be understood of a regular blockade, but only of a perpetual series of attacks made against the town, carried on possibly from a fort erected in the neighbourhood Cf. Thirlw. i. p. 155, and Hdtus’ account of Alyattes’ attacks on Miletus, i. 1/. Ch. CLVIII.— a. Nskwc— the Pharaoh-Necho of 2 Kings xxiii., xxiv., 2 Chron. xxxv., and Jerem. xlvi. He reigned 616—600 b. c. B. Cf. Prid. Conn. an. 617 b. c. H. 1. 1. ch. v. p. 470. b. ry Si wpux* K - T - —This canal, according to Diod. Sic. i. 33, was completed by Ptolemy II. Probably he only restored it and cleared it from the sand, as it is hardly probable that Hdtus would have spoken of it as he does, had it not been completed by Darius. It was cleared out and restored by Hadrian, and again about 500 years afterwards by the order of Omar, a. d. 639. It fell finally into decay in a. d. 762, and remains in that condition to the present day. B. See also R. p. 464, seqq., H. 1. 1. p. 470, seqq. c. ’Epu0. Qa\a(wav. The Sinus Arabicus, our Red Sea, is here meant. Cf. i. 1, b., and ii. 159, iv. 42. B. d. rriQ ixrjicoQ k. r. X. “ The 1000 stades [or 100,000 orguise, iv. 40] allowed for the narrowest part of land between the two seas equal about 83 G. miles; but Hdtus appears to have regarded the whole water communication between the two seas, a great part of which was by the Nile itself, as the canal. He also says ‘ the length of the canal was equal to a 4 days’ voyage,’ but it appears to have been considerably more.” R. p. 451. Of the Isthmus of Suez the width is really 60 miles, see Arrowsmith, Eton G. ch. v. p. 61. From Hdtus’ calculating the breadth of the canal by triremes, H., l. 1. p. 471, infers that it was originally intended not for commercial, but for warlike purposes. e. n arovyov —the Ritliom of Exod. i. 11, on the E. margin of the Delta; near the commencement of the canal; and probably near the modern Belbeis. Smith’s C. D. f. ojpvicTai tie . . . . opog, i. e. the excavation of the canal ivas com¬ menced from that part of the plain of Egypt that lies towards Arabia; to which plain from above (i. e. from the Si) the mt that stretches from opposite Memphis (in an E. direction to Herdopolis) is contiguous. B. Cf. also R. 1. 1. On /card, cf. i. 76, a. On the Mt, cf. ii. 8, b., and 124, b. g. Bopyiyg 6a\.—the sea on the North , here meaning the Mediter¬ ranean. Cf. ii. 32, e., and iv. 13, c. Mons Casius, El Kas. Cf. on the extended signification of Syria, i. 72, a., and also ii. 116. BOOK II. EUTERPE. 161 Ch. CLIX.— a. 6\koI — cradles on rollers, machines for drawing ships. Cf. H. 1. L, p. 471. b. Kai 2vpoi(n .... kv Maydo\(p tvbcrjat. The expedition of Pharaoli- Necho into Asia, b. c. 610, in the 31st year of Josiah, king of Ju¬ dah. The battle here mentioned was fought at Megiddo, in which king Josiah was slain, see 2 Kings xxiii., and 2 Chron. xxxv., but Hdtus has confused the names of the places ; Magdolus being a town of Lower Egypt, 12 miles, according to B. in Excurs., E. of Pelusium, the Migdtol of the O. T., while Megiddo belonged to the half-tribe of Manasseh on the W. of the Jordan, near Mt Carmel. From his limited knowledge of Palestine, into the interior of which, certainly, he appears never to have penetrated, cf. ii. 106, a ., Hdtus probably fell into this error. “Near Megiddo was the town of Hadad-Rimmon , (afterwards called Maximianopolis,) and therefore the Lamentation for the death of Josiah is in Scripture called, ‘ The Lamentation of Hadad-Rimmon in the valley of Megiddon,’ which was so great that it became a proverbial phrase for expressing any extraordinary sorrow. By the city Cadytis, Jerusalem is doubtless to be understood; for in iii. 5, Herodotus describes it as not less than Sardis in Lydia, cf. D. p. 55, and there is no other city in the mts of Palestine, which could be equalled to Sardis, but that only. And it is certain that after this battle Necho did take Jerusalem ; for he was there when he made Jehoiakim king, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3. But that it was called Cadytis in the time of Hdtus by the Syrians and Arabians, is manifest from this, that they call it by no other name, but one of the same original and signification, even to this day; viz. by the title Al-Kuds, i. e. The Holy , which is the sense also of Cadytis. For from the time that Solomon built the temple there, this epithet was - commonly given to it. See Nehem. xi. 1, Psal. xlviii. 2, lii. 1, Dan. ix. 24; and also in the N.Test. Matt. iv. 5, and Rev. xxi. 2. And the same title they gave it on their coins; for the inscription on their shekels was Jerusalem Kedushah, that is, Jerusalem the Holy , and this coin going current among the neigh¬ bouring nations, especially after the Babylonish captivity, it carried this name among them ; and hence they called the city by both names, and at length, for shortness’ sake, Kedushah only, and the Syrians (who in their dialect turned the Hebrew sh into th) Kedu- tha. And the Syriac being the only language spoken in the time of Herodotus in Palestine, (the Hebrew being no more used as a vulgar language after the Captivity,) he, by giving it a Gk termin¬ ation, made it Kadvrig or Cadytis, in his history which he wrote about the time that Nehemiah ended his 12 years’ government at Jerusalem.” Prid. Conn. an. 610 b. c. On the taking of Carche- mish or Circesium on the Euphrates by the Egyptians, and the events that followed, see Prid. as quoted, and H. /. /. p. 469. The opinion of Prideaux, that by Cadytis Hdtus means Jerusalem, has been lately attacked with much ingenuity by Mr. Ewing in the Classical Museum, No. IV. He considers “ Kedesh in Galilee in • M 162 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Mt Naphtali,” one of the six cities of refuge, called also Kedesh Naphtali, Josh. xx. 7, Judg. iv. 6, to be the city intended. He founds his opinion on the following arguments : that proceeding on his road after the battle of Megiddo and taking the city of Cadytis,. Jerusalem would have been quite out of the line of Necho’s march: —next, that by Hdtus’ speaking, in iii. 5, of “ the maritime towns between Cadytis and Jenysus,” it is plain that Jerusalem could not be meant; for of maritime towns between Jerusalem and Jenysus, (which stood on the confines of Syria, S. of Gaza, and is now called Khanyounes,) one could not speak with more propriety than of maritime towns between Oxford and London, whereas between Kades in Galilee and Jenysus are included from N. to S. almost all the maritime towns of Palestine. Besides, from the expression used by Hdtus when speaking of Cadytis, ug kyoi Soiceei, iii. 5, it is clear that he visited Cadytis, but there is no evidence that he ever visited Jerusalem, but a strong inferential evidence to the contrary, in his silence respecting it. For it is not to be supposed that, had he visited the capital of the Jewish nation, he would have omitted to describe the city, the temple, and the Jews themselves, a people who of all others were most likely to attract the attention of that minute observer, &c. Cf. also Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Necho. C. eg Bpay^idag —cf. i. 46, d. Ch. CLX.— a. 'jfayfiLV — B. C. 601—596. riOevai non QecrQcu, i. q. SuTrtiv, curare , administrare—irapa ravra his. B. Ch. CLXI.— a. ’A^pirjg — b. c. 596—570. The Pharaoh-Hophra of the Scriptures, with whom Zedekiah kg of Judah made an al¬ liance, to procure his aid against Nebuchadnezzar; Jer. xxxvii., xliii., &c., Ezek. xxx., Habak. ii., Isa. xix. and xx. On him and his Cyrensean expedition, &c., cf. Diod. i. 68, quoted by B., E. Orient. H. p. 103, Prid. Conn. an. 590, 574 b. c., and H. 1.1. p. 471. b. r

tcu —Cf. ii. 47, a. b., 92, a. ipyrjveeg —Cf. ii. 154, b. d. KaXcta'ipitg .. .. 'Epyorvfiieg. The first, according to Jablonsky, signifies the youth, Jit for active service abroad ; and the second, the veterans reserved at home for the defence of the country. B. Cf. ii. 152, c., 30, a. b. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 154, and H. /. 1., ch. ii. p. 328, seqq. e. voyovg —Cf. ii. 42, b. Ch. CLXV.— a. Bovaip'irrjg —Cf. ii. 59, b. On Sais see ii. 62, a. * On Chemmis, ii. 91, a. On Papremis, ii. 63, b. On the island Pro- sopitis, ii. 41, e. Natho appears to be the nome Neot»r of Ptolemy, between the Phatnitic and Pelusiac branches of the Nile. b. dviovrai eg to yd^iyov—are given up to, are devoted to warfare. 3rd pers. plur. pres, from avioj , old form of dvirgii, and used for avievTcu. Cf. ii. 65, b. Ch. CLXVI.— a. Qr}fia\og —Cf. ii. 15, e. On Bubastis, ii. 60, b. ’A (pOirrig- The situation of this nome is unknown. b. TavLrrjg —so called from Tanis, San, one of the most ancient towns in Lower Egypt, the Zoan of the 0. T., Numb. xiii. 22: on the E. bk of the Tanitic branch, near the lake Menzaleh. B. It was one of the capitals of Lower Egypt, under the early kings. Smith’s C. D. Cf. Isa. xix. 11; xxx. 4. c. Mtvdijoiog —Cf. ii. 42, d. The city Sebennytus stood on the W. bank of the Sebennytic branch of the Nile; Semennout. Smith’s C. D. Cf. ii. 10, a. d. ’A0pi(3'LTr)g —The city which gave its name to this nome, stood on the E. of the Pelusiac branch, Atrib. B. e. and that the Persian monarchs considered themselves the successors of the Babylonians ; we may readily be¬ lieve that Cambyses had persuaded himself that Egypt and Libya belonged to his empire by ancient and hereditary right.” B. So also Prid. an. 528, “ the true cause of the war was, that whereas Amasis had subjected himself to Cyrus, and become his tributary, he did on his death withdraw his obedience from his successor.” Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 105. b. irjTpov dcpQaXuuv. As the opthalmia was common in Egypt, that country would supply the best doctors for such cases : besides, from iii. 129, it seems that, generally, Egyptian doctors were held in great repute. Ch. II. — a. oiicrj'ievvTai —Cf. i. 4, b. b. vbQov .... ficHTiXfvcrai —Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 399. “ Un¬ certainty of succession is an inseparable consequence of a harem administration. It is true that illegitimate children were altogether excluded from inheriting by the customs of Persia; but the in¬ trigues of their mothers, and the treachery of eunuchs, with the help of poison, often prepared the way for them to the throne; as in the case of Darius Nothus and Darius Codomannus. Of legitimate sons the rule was, that the eldest should inherit, espe¬ cially if he was born when his father was king. The selection was, however, left to the monarch, commonly influenced by the queen-mother. Cf. vii. 2.—As every thing in the constitution of the country depended on the distinctions of tribes, the consort was chosen from the family of Cyrus, or that of the Achiemenidse.” Cf. iii. 88, c. Ch. IV. — a. tTriKovpwv — mercenaries, principally Gks, Ionians and Carians; whom Amasis had followed his predecessor in retain¬ ing as a standing army. Cf. ii. 152, c., and E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 105. Ch. V. — a. Kabvnog xoXiog —Cf. ii. 159, b. On the Syrians of Palestine, cf. ii. 106, a. b. ’Irjvvoov —hod. Khanyounes. Cf. ii. 159, b. rov ’Apa(3iov, cf. i. 2, d. c. ’2epf3u>vidog X'lfivrjg —On this and Mt Casius, ii. 6, b. Ch. VI.— a. >cai 7rpog — and in addition. Cf. Jelf, § 640, 2, quoted in iii. 74, a. Kepayog —put collectively for a number of earthen vessels, crockery. Ktiyevov, laid up. On the importation of wine into Egypt, cf. ii. 112, b., and ref. to H. Phcen. p. 362. See also Egypt, ch. iv. p. 450. b. dijpapxov — governor of a village or deme, under the voyapxrjg, governor of a district or nome, cf. ii. 42, b., and ii. 109, b. The 'nriTpoiroi of iii. 27, probably, under the demarch. B. robg be Ik M., and that those at Memphis , &c. On U and a-nb used for iv, cf. Jelf, § 647, a., and iii. 22; oi Ik t. nvp. vi. 32; b Ik rrjg y. vii. 70; ot cnr'o r. Karaor. there quoted. 170 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. c. ovtco 6 i7n 1* ovrog yen 6 7 nOavwrspog k. t. X.—“ Perhaps the truth might have been, that the w’ater was conducted through pipes into reservoirs, either from small running springs, whose waters were ordinarily absorbed by the sands of the desert, which is the case in many places, or from draw-wells. It appears morally impossible to have supplied a Persian army and its followers with water by means of skins dur¬ ing the wdiole march. Arabia could scarcely have supplied skins. The caravans at the present day carry their w T ater on camels in skins of camels.” R. p. 257- b. hlagtvdg — cisterns, reservoirs, cf. vi. 119. Ch. X.— a. UrjAovciq) .... Grogan —Cf. ii. 10, a. b. 'PayiATiviTog — 526 b. c., last of the twenty-sixth dynasty. Cf. Early Orient. Hist., Ency. Metr. ch. iii. p. 101, 107, seqq. On the invasion of Cambyses and his subsequent undertakings, cf. ii. 1, a., H. Egypt, p. 464, 471, seqq., Prid. Conn. an. 526 b. c., and E. Orient. H. 1. I. The American Quar. Rev. says “ Few tokens of the short reign of Psammenitus are extant, besides the inscription of a statue in the Vatican; he w'as defeated and dethroned by Cambyses, nor did he long survive his misfortune. With him fell the splendour of the kingdom of Egypt; and from this date the BOOK III. TIIALIA. 171 edifices and monuments assume a character of far less importance.” On the causes which led to the downfal of the kgdom of the Pharaohs, cf. ii. 152, c., 169, b. C. traTi tv Tycri Tacprjrn k. t. X. — Cf. ii. 169, C. d. 'ixrOrjcrav yap al Qrjfiat —Cf. ii. 14, a. Ch. XI.— a. oi hriicovpoi — Cf. iii. 4, a. b. tv apd ’ A^aip'tvii k. t. X.—459, b. c. Inarus revolted, 460 b. с. , and in the following year the Athenians having joined Inarus, cf. Thucyd. i. 104, 109, assisted in the overthrow of the Persians. This revolt lasted till 455 b. c., when Megabyzus reduced all Egypt, except the marshes where Amyrtseus had taken refuge. In 414 b. c. Amyrtseus established himself as king, and 65 years of inde¬ pendence followed. Egypt was finally reduced by Artaxerxes Ochus, who expelled Nectanebus II.nd, whom Agesilaus had established on the throne, and Egypt became a Persian province, 350 b. c. Clinton’s Fasti Hell. i. p. 540. It fell under Alexander’s power, 332 b. c. On the revolt of Egypt and the transactions of the Athenians there, cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 113—115, and Index, Chronology of Egypt, also Prid. Conn. an. 460 b. c. From this passage m Hdtus, D., quoted by B., considers that the date of his visit to Egypt may be inferred; viz. after 456 b. c., and between 454—444 b. c., (cf. ii. 1, a., 3, b.,) while he was between 30 and 40 years of age. Cf. also vii. 7, and iii. 15. Ch. XIII.— a. KaTtiXrjQsvToov , sc. avTwv, supplied from the con¬ text ( and when theij ivere cooped up in, &c.). Cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 3. Kotovpyybov, piece-meal (like a butcher. S. and L. D). Cf. Jelf, § 339, 2, a., Formation of adverbs by derivation, from substantives with the ending 8ov or adov, probably acc. expressive of the way or manner; as Kvvrjdov, like a dog, 7r\iv6r]c6v, like bricks, oi be irpocrexstq AtjSvf c ,—These Libyans, D., quoted by B., thinks were probably the same as those over whom Inarus had formerly reigned, who was succeeded in Hdtus’ time by Thanyras; iii. 15. jTtv6r] noKvnppygovtiv, nisi creditum esset eum novas res moliri ; this is followed in S. and L. D., if he had not been believed to be meddling, i. e. unless he had been, &c. The particle gh is inserted before noXvnp. in the same way as in i. 68, inro dnurTirjg grj k. t. X., and in Thucyd. i. 10, and ii. 101. Schw. b. rip Ai(3vog ’Ivapu) —Cf. iii. 12, b. b. rip ’AgvpTaiov II civaipi —If the succession of Pausiris be dated with Prid. 407 b. c., this wall be the latest event mentioned in Hdtus, who consequently must have lived till the 25th year of the Bell. Pelop. In the E. Orient. H. Pausiris is dated 408 b. c., the same date as the event alluded to in i. 130, b. Cf. D. p. 32. On Amyr- tseus see ii. 140, b. Ch. XVI.— a. Udiv —Cf. ii. 62, a. On the palace of Amasis, cf. ii. 169. The intention of Cambyses in desecrating the tomb of Amasis, and his following actions, H., Egypt, ch. v. p. 472, con¬ siders as directed principally against the priest caste, whose great influence over the rest of the Egyptians in exciting them to revolt would be well known to the Persians, and whose power it would be their chief interest to diminish and break. B. On the probable exaggeration of the accounts they gave Hdtus, cf. ii. 1, a. b. CITE TETapi^EVgEVOQ - Cf. i. 86. c. EVTEWogEvog ov% oma —Cf. i. 86, b., and Ctesias Excerpt. Per¬ sic. § 5 7, where burning a corpse is mentioned as being contrary to the law. B. d. Kal did Tavra Tapi^Evovm k. r. X. Cf. ii. 85, a. d. ini Trjtn dvpytn — near the door. Jelf, § 634, 1, (3. ivrog rrjg ewvtov O rjKrjg. Cf. on 6r)KT)> ii- 42, i., and on the sepulchre of Amasis, ii. 169, 170. f. dpxhv — at all, as in i. 193, ii. 95, &c. B. Ch. XVII. — a. i(3ov\ — rpup. arpaTpiag, — projected three expeditions , orpaT. accus. of equivalent notion. Cf. Jelf, § 551, 1, c. paKpofiiovg AiQ'ionag, cf. iii. 25, and 114. From a comparison of these passages, and from what Hdtus says here on their situation on the coast of Africa, S. of the Straits of Babel Mandel, on the shore of the In¬ dian Ocean, H., Ethiop. ch. i. p. 163, seqq., infers that Bruce is mistaken in considering them the same as the Shangallas, inasmuch as they are to be sought more towards the S. on the coast near C. Gardefui, where the Somaulies now live. R., p. 429, considers them the same as the Abyssinians. b. tov niZov, — (a portion ) of the infantry. Cf. Jelf, § 533, 3, Partitive gen. BOOK in. THALIA. 173 Ch. XVIII.— a. 'H U Tpant^a k. r. X. By this table of the sun is supposed by H., 1. 1. p. 168, to be meant the market-place, where commerce with the natives of Sasa for gold and frankincense in exchange for oxen, salt, and iron, was carried on; a place con¬ sidered sacred under the protection of temples and sanctuaries, and a trade under the care of the public magistrates. B. refers the matter to a religious source and to the worship of the sun, whose festivals and lectisternia, cf. i. 181, c., would be held on those days when a great concourse both of natives and foreigners would be assembled. This view he supports on the authority of Gesenius, on Isaiah lxv. 11, “But ye are they that—prepare a table for that troop, and that furnish the drink offering unto that number.” That such festivals were not unknown throughout the East, (whence the idea arose among the Gks, of Jupiter and the deities of Olympus repairing at stated seasons to enjoy a banquet among the Ethiopians, cf. Horn. Odyss. i. 22—25,) is maintained by Creuzer, Symb. iv. p. 376. The same view is also taken by Minutoli and Maltebrun.— Cf. also Mannert, x. 103, quoted in article ^Ethiopia, Class. Diet. b. tovq iv rkXii — those in office: the magistrates —Cf. ix. 106, cl. Ch. XIX. — a . ’IxOvoQuyuv k. t. X. From Pausan. i. 33, § 4, Diod. Sic. iii. 15, the Icthyophagi dwelt on the coast of the Red Sea, S. of Egypt. B. From what Hdtus here says about their being sent for from Elephantine, H., 1. 1. p. 170, infers that part of the nation had fixed itself in Upper Egypt, and belonged to the wan¬ dering tribes by whom communication by caravans was carried on between the Egyptians and Ethiopians; hence they understood the language of both nations, and knew the paths through the deserts. Probably they belonged to the Ababdse, who from the most remote periods have been the carriers of merchandise. On Elephantine, cf. ii. 17, a. b. Kai ovk av ttoiuiv '6aia k. t. X. On the sentiment here contained cf. viii. 22, Thucyd. i. 38, v. 106, Polyb. xii. 10, 3, Livy xxxiii. 48, and H. Carthag. ch. i. p. 28. B. c. on (Tiag ts k. t. X. Hence Schlosser infers that Tyre had voluntarily yielded to the Persian power, as we do not find that the Phoenicians generally or the town itself were subdued by them forcibly. D. considers that they became subject to the Persians in the reign of Cambyses, and not in that of Cyrus, as is generally supposed. B. Ch. XX.— a. icai bwpa (pipovrag — “ The vast quantity of gold is easily accounted for: it was either a natural production of the country, or the inhabitants had accumulated it by commerce, (!) cf. iii. 18, a. The presents of the Persian king, therefore, composed of golden ornaments and myrrh, and consequently of exactly those very commodities which they had in the greatest abundance, seem¬ ed to them a mockery,” &c. H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 169. b. (poiviKijiov oivov —Cf. ii. 37, e. c. Xiyovrai tlvai giyi crroi k. r. X. —Cf. Isa. xlv. 14, “The labour NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 174 of Egypt and the merchandise of Ethiopia and of the Sabaeans, men of stature, shall come over unto thee,” &c. Cf. also H. 1. 1. p. 171. Ch. XXI.— a. toZov rofo. —“ Bruce takes the Macrobians for a tribe of the Shangallas, cf. iii. 17, a. He appeals particularly to the bow sent to Cambyses, with a challenge to bend it. It is the custom of this race to bind round their bows ferrules of the hides of the wild beast they slay, whereby they are continually becoming stifler, and at last become altogether inflexible. They then hang them on a tree as trophies of their prowess: such a bow it might have been which the Ethiopian king sent to the Persian. But this custom of hanging up the bows can scarcely be altogether peculiar to the Shangallas, but has probably spread itself among their neighbours.” H .1.1. p. 163. The bow appears to have been the ensign of royalty and command among the Persians. Ch. XXII.— a. ti mrtoytvoi Ko-n-pov—if feeding upon such rubbish. “ Their contempt of bread must have applied to that made of dhourra and baked, which becomes unfit to be eaten in a very short time.” H. /. 1. p. 161. Ch. XXIII.—a. lv Tikbym xpvGf.ycn k. t. X.—Cf. iii. 20, a. H. /. /. p. 162, seqq. Ch. XXIV.— a. vdXov —according to various interpreters, glass, crystal, antimony , amber, fossil-salt, bitumen or gum, rock salt or mica; perhaps it signifies lapis alabastritis, oriental alabaster; a sarcophagus of which substance was found by Belzoni at Thebes, and is now in the British Museum; it becomes transparent if a light is placed behind one of its sides. B. H., 1. 1. p. 162, seems to think cn/stal is meant. Ch. XXV.—a. Ta ... . airiojv l^ogtva —Cf. i. 120, a. On the expedition against the Ethiopians see D. p. 115. Ch. XXVI.— a. Itt ’Ayyov'iovg —Cf. ii. 42, f. ' b. "Oaaiv 7 toXiv. “ The Oases (called by the Copts Wah, or El- Wah , the habitation ) are insulated fertile spots like islands, in the midst of an expanse of desert; probably owing their existence to that principle that fertilizes them, viz. fountains of water spring¬ ing up in the desert. It may be satisfactorily made out, we trust, that the more consistent descriptions, ancient and modern, agree in fixing 3 Oases; two of which belong to Egypt properly, and the third to Libya. Hdtus appears to have known but one: he de¬ scribes the Greater Oasis, under the name of Oasis, as appropriate to it; not having, we may suppose, heard of its application ge¬ nerally to the islands in the desert. But he nevertheless describes those of Ammon, Augila, the Garamantes, &c., though not under the name of Oasis. The Greater Oasis is the Wah-el-Kharijah , or outer Wah of the Arabs.” R. p. 546. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 25, and the refs, to H. in ii. 42,/. c. Hayioi Trjg Atcr^ptamj/g OvXctKip 7rtpiepydo0ai — panano (nempe hoc vo- * Schiller’s ballad, “ Der Ring des Polycrates,” is well worth the German scholar’s reading. N NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 178 cabulo, panarium sive saccus) supersedere eos potuisse; i. e. that the word sack teas superfluous; meaning to say that as they had brought the sack before them , they need only have said , a it' no v dstrai, and that there was no need to have added also the word 6 OvXaKog. The drift of the passage is that the Spartans affected brevity of speech even to absurdity. Schw. Ch. XLVII.— a. on aiov —Cf. i. 70) u. c. tlp'ioKu ano £vXov — cotton —Cf. iii. 106, vii. 65. “ Embroideries of cotton, and with cotton, were common in Egypt, and considered as master-pieces of art. Weaving was one of their principal occu¬ pations, cf. ii. 35, c., and cotton a native of their soil. Ezekiel, xxvii. 7) forgets not the wares which Tyre obtained from the banks of the Nile: ‘Fine cottons and embroidered work from Egypt spreadest thou over thy pavilions.’” H. Phcen. ch. iv. p. 361, Egypt, p. 460, and E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 165. d. tov iv A ivdcp avsQpKe —Cf. ii. 182, b. Ch. XLVIII.— a. ytvey 7rporepov k.t.X. — 565 b. c., the rescue of the Corcyreans. 555 b. c., the carrying off the cup. 525 b. c., the Lacedeemonian expedition against Polycrates. From L.’s note. b. Uepiavbpog k. t. X. —Cf. i. 23, and v. 92. He succeeded his fa¬ ther Cypselus, who overthrew the oligarchy of the Bacchiadse at Corinth, about 655 b. c., and who reigned 30 years; hence Peri- ander succeeded in the Despotism about 625 b. c., and held it 40 years. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 419—423, H. P. A. § 65, and Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Periander , Cypselus. c. W UTogy —Cf. viii. 105, and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 105. Ch. XLIX . — a. hrei rt Iktkjciv rrjv vijerov, Settlement of Corcyra by the Corinthians under Chersicrates, one of the Bacchiadse, about 700 b. c. Cf. H. P. A. § 86, and Thirlw. ii. p. 93. Ch. L. — a. M eXiaaav —also called Lysis. Cf. Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog., and Thirlw. i. p. 421. b. 7repi 6vju(p ixbytvog—valde iratus animo, cf. II. xxii. 70, aXva- crovng Tckpi Ovycp, and II. xxiv. 236, 7rspi d’ ydsXt dvyip. B. Cf. also i. 88, a. Ch. LI.— a. yaXciKov ivdidovai .... ovSev—nihil {de ird) remittere. Cf. iii. 105, nihil ( de cursu) remittere, do not give in from faint-heart¬ edness, do not flag in the least.' B. Ch. LII.— a. dg av rj oIkiokh k.t.X. Cf. Soph. QEd. Tyr. 347, yyr tlcrdexecjOcu, yr\ T i ?r pocrtpioviiv Tiva. W. b. K opivOov rrjg tvda'iyovog —So Homer, II. ii. 570, calls Corinth dfpvubv , and Pind. Olymp. xiii. 4, oXfiiav. Cf. also Thucyd. i. 13. c. iv avTOicn —sub. rrphyyam. w. d. oaip (pOov'eeaQai k.t.X. Cf. Pind. Pyth. i. 164, Kpsaaiov oiKTipyiov (pQovog. W. Ch. LIII.— a. r

i rpia k. t. X. Cf. Aristot. Polit. v. 11. b. Sid TravToq Se avrov aXXo k. t. X. “ This appears to have been within the other, and, as it was only 3 ft broad and the other was eight, there was probably a dry path of 2 ft and a half on each side, in order that the channel might be repaired if necessary.” Oxf. Tr. The name of the fountain mentioned shortly after was, according to Panofka, p. 4, quoted by B., Gigartho, or, Leucothea. A little below, (3aQog Kara iiKocri opyvikcjv, where the preposition ex¬ presses the measure from top to bottom. Jelf, § 628, i. a. c. rpirov 8k v Xoittwv k. t. X .— since then he is dead , as the next best remaining thing for you, O Persians, it becomes most neces¬ sary for me to enjoin, what I wish to be done at the end of my life. On the attributive gen. tu>v Xonrtiv, cf. Jelf, § 534. c. rd ivavria tovtokjiv apsoyai — Imitated perhaps, as also vi. 139, (ours yrj k. t. X.,) from Soph. (Ed. Tyr. 277, ical ravra rolg pi) bpuxnv K. T. X. Ch. LXVI.— a. KarrjptUovTo, — rent in pieces. Cf. JEsch. Pers. 537, iroXXai S’ dnaXaig X e P ai raXvnrpag Kartpsucogsvai. W. b. drrrivsiKe Kapfivcrea —SC. r) voixjog , to kokov, or, to ocftsov aipa- KsXiaav Kai 6 pripog acnrsig. Cf. also vi. 27, 6. Schw. £*C7roXf/ZUI0y, might be rendered hostile, set at variance. Ch. LXYII.— a. 6 psv dr/ Mayo?. —“That Cambyses was the Ahasuerus, and Smerdis the Artaxerxes, that obstructed the work of the temple, is plain from hence, that they are said in Scripture, Ezra iv. 4—7, to be the kings of Persia that reigned between the time of Cyrus and the time of that Darius by whose decree the temple was finished. But that Darius being Darius Hystaspis, and none reigning between Cyrus and that Darius in Persia but Cambyses and Smerdis, it must follow from hence that none but Cambyses and Smerdis could be that Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes, who are said in Ezra to have put a stop to this work.” Prid. Conn. an. 522 b. c. So also E. Orient. H. ch. viii. p. 351. Ch. LXV III.— a. rybs GvpfiaXXtopLtvog .—Of all this Ctesias, Persicc. § 13, says nothing; but he states that Ixabates, who car¬ ried the body of Cambyses into Persia, on his return thence related the artifice of the Mage in the presence of the army, and that then flying for refuge to a temple, he was taken and put to death. This appears to be, in substance, what our author relates of Prexaspes. B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. vii. p. 356. b. U rrjg atcpoTroXiog — the royal palace, cf. also i. 98, e., at Susa; as is evident from iii. 70, where Darius is said to have come to Susa, and there deliberated with the conspirators. This was the summer residence, cf. i. 98, d., of the Persian monarchs, the Shushan of Esther i. 2, ii. 3. The palace is the same that Hdtus, v. 53, a., vii. 151, calls the Memnonian palace. B. Susa stood on the E. bank of the Choaspes, and is said to have derived its 182 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. name from the number of lilies in the neighbourhood. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Susa, and E. Orient. H. p. 288. c. 'Aroaarjq —The wife and sister of Cambyses, cf. iii. 31, 88 , afterwards the wife of the Mage and then of Darius Hystaspes, iii. 133, 134, vii. 3. d. ovre aWrjv ovStpirjv k. r. X. —On the similarity of the domestic economy of the ancient Persian monarchs, and of Asiatic sovereigns of the present day, cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq. Ch. LXIX.— a, hrti rt avry phpog k.t.X.— quum veniret ordo (the turn) puellce, utad regem accederet. Cf. Esther ii. 12. W., and IT. 1. 1. p. 257. Ch. LXX.— a. roTai'iZ t&v k. t.X. On the opinion of H. that the 7 conspirators were the heads of the Persian tribes, or the chiefs of the tribes of the Pasargadse, see Pers. ch. ii. p. 224. Ch. LXXI.-a. oi> yap dptivov. —Cf. i. 187, a - — 7TtpiflaA\6ptvog .... ripSta, compassing advantage for himself Perhaps in the same sense in ix. 39. Ch. LXXII.— a. ivOa yap tl Stl \ptvdog k. r. X. —This sentiment befitted a Gk, and not a Persian; as from i. 138, it is evident that nothing was more disgraceful among the latter nation than a lie. Cf. Soph. Phil. 107. W. It is plain from Plato, Polit. ii. 21, iii. 3, that the sentiment here set forth was one of the questions agitated by the Gk Rhetoricians and Sophists, and that all that is added by Hdtus to explain or prove this point, may be looked upon as said after the model of the Sophists, and perhaps borrowed from their disputations. B. h. avrip oi..... eg xpovov tarai.—it shall he the better for himself here¬ after, he himself shall have reason to rejoice hereafter , cf. ix. 89, h. Ch. LXXIII.— irapetisi, sc. 6 6eog —when will the gods afford us, &rc. Cf. Jelf, § 373, 3, Ellipse of the Subject. On the use of ore just afterwards instead of on, cf. Jelf, § 804, 8 . Ch. LXXIV.— a. Yipriiacrnta — On what is here related of Prexaspes, cf. iii. 68 , a. 7 rpdg S’ in, and besides too. On rrpog, besides — thereto, cf. Jelf, § 640, 2. Prepositions in the original adverbial force, in Homer and in Ionic Greek. The particle Si is often join¬ ed to them, and they are frequently placed first in the sentence for greater emphasis. Cf. iii. 6 , a. b. ra 7ravra ol gvpia,—all sorts of possessions by the thousands. Jelf, § 454, 1. * Ch. LXXV .— a. el pi] dvaKTi]v ,—On tCjv, gen. by attraction, cf. Jelf, § 822, obs. 3. Ch. LXXXI. — a. oXiyapx'iy — On the oligarchies of Greece, their origin, &c., cf. H. P. A. § 58—60. y vwprjg — hpapryKt. Relative Gen. after words expressing the notion of failing in, missing, de¬ ceived in, which imply an antecedent notion of an object aimed at, or an opinion entertained. Cf. Jelf, § 514. b. lg Siipov cacoXaGTov v(3piv k. t. X. Cf. Plato, Polit. viii. 13, Cicero de Repub. i. 43, and Arist. Pol. iv. 4, § 4. B. c. np St ov yivioGictiv ( intelligentia ) tvi. Infinitive (without the article) as subject. Jelf, § 663, 1. Cf. Eurip. Suppl. 417* Arjpog yap K. t. X. W. d. apiGTivv St avS. oUog (consentaneum est) apiora flov. yivtaOai. NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 184 (should arise from). Cf. Jelf, § 483, Causal Gen. Verbs of pro¬ ceeding from, becoming , arising, &c., being produced or created, take a genitive of that whence they proceed, &c., as yiyvtaOai, re¬ presenting the space of life) mea estate, generally with a part, present. Ch. XC.— a. Mayvyrwv rtuv iv ’Amy. On the two Magnesias in Lydia, both founded, it is said, by the Magnetes of Thessaly, (cf. vii. 173, 183,) cf. Smith’s C. D., Magnesia. The Milyans pro¬ bably the same as in vii. 77, a. On these and the nations subse¬ quently mentioned, cf. R. § xi. p. 234. He remarks that the Hyge- nians are entirely unknown. W. proposes to read “ Obigenians Obigene was a district of Lycaonia. b. curb be Mvoiov .... TvevraKooia raXavra. “ This division,” says R. p. 235, “by far the smallest of the twenty, does not appear to have touched the sea in any part. The greatness of the tribute paid by it, in proportion to its very confined limits, requires ex¬ planation ; and none appears more satisfactory, than that the sources of the vast riches of Croesus, viz. mines of the precious metals, and the golden streams of the Pactolus, and a very fertile country, were contained in it.” Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 71. c. OprjiKojv .... ’A aty, — cf. i. 28, b. The Mariandynians, cf. R. p. 239, occupied a part of the coast of the Euxine, between Bithynia and Paphlagonia. By the Syrians here are meant the Cappado¬ cians ; cf. i. 72, a., and vii. 72, a., R. p. 238. The Ligyes of vii. 72, appear to have been the neighbours of the Mariandynians to the E. d. and be K lXikcjv. R., p. 241, remarks on the arrangement here mentioned for the payment of 140 talents for the cavalry that guarded this country, arising from its great importance in a mili- 188 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. tary point of view, as connecting or separating, according into whose hands it fell, Asia Minor and Persia on the one hand, and Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt on the other. This province too re¬ tained, any how at first, a prince of its own styled Syennesis, cf. i. 74, b., vii. 98, and at a later period too, at the time of the younger Cyrus, it was so governed; and, though Persian Satraps of Cilicia are mentioned in Arrian, ii. 4, yet it is evident that the Persian do¬ minion over it continued to be undefined and modified by existing circumstances. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 80. Ch. XCI.— a. o'AfMpiuptcj —On Amphiaraus, cf. i. 46, c. apZaytvov d 7 ro ravrrjg, commencing here , Accus. abs. In Hdtus and Attic writers, the accus. (singular or plural, usually the former) is used in the same construction as the gen., but scarcely ever except when the participle has no definite subject, as in impersonal verbs, as l^ov, whilst it is allowed , (from t^eart, it is lawful, ) or impersonal phrases, as aiaxpbv ov. Cf. i. 129, c., iii. 95, a., vi. 7 % a., v. 49, c. Jelf, § 700, 2, a. b. 7 r\t)v .... ’Apafiiu)v, —probably Idumeeans and Nabatheans; not of Arabia Felix. R. p. 255. Cf. iii. 88, b. On Syria called Palestine, cf. i. 72, a., ii. 106, a., and vii. 89, b., and in particular the delightful 2nd §, “ Syria and Phoenicia,” in H. Pers. p. 81, seqq. On Cyprus, ii. 182, c., D. p. Ill—114. c. 7rdpe£, — besides. In poetry we often find two prepositions joined together; whereof the first is always adverbial, the second is sometimes followed by its case. This is not mere pleonasm, but gives a poetic fulness to the expression. Jelf, 640. Cf. iii. 116, b., vtt'cK. — roii Ik rrjg Moi'piog k. t. A. Cf. ii. 148, a., 149, f. d. 7 rpbg yap k. t. A.—for thereto, besides. Cf. Jelf, § 640, 2, quoted in iii. 74, a. The sense is, for in addition (to the ordinary tribute, and the revenue accruing from the lake Maoris,) they supply the Per¬ sians in the citadel of Memphis, and their auxiliaries, with 120,000 bushels of corn. At pvpiam (the dative of measure, coming under the general head of the instrument, that by which the measurement is effected) supply yediyvcov, and after Karayerpeovai sub. alrov. e. iv r9*1 k.t.X. —i. e. Persia proper, Fars or Faristan; cf. i. 71? b., 125, c. e. R., p. 288, rightly observes that this freedom from tribute was granted to all the ten tribes of Persia. Cf. also on Persia proper, E. Orient. H. p. 274, 276, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 90, seqq.; read also D. p. 116, seqq. b. hid rpirov ertog, — every third year —after three years (inclusive of the year then current). A id, Temporal. The course of some period of time : properly, through it, and out of it. Jelf, § 627, 1, 2. Cf. vi. 118, a. Suipa ayiveov —Cf. iii. 95, c. On the Macrobian Ethio¬ pians, &c., cf. iii. 17, «• b. “The Ethiopians above Egypt, who were subdued by Cambyses, and who followed the army of Xerxes, vii. 69, inhabited, along with an immigratory Arabian race, the eastern districts of North Africa above Egypt, now called Nubia and Sennaar.” H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 306. So R. p. 252. c. TXvarjv —according to Diod. Sic. i. 15, in Arabia Felix; in iv. 2, he states that it was between Phoenicia and the Nile, leaving its precise situation altogether unknown. B. doubts the existence of such a city, considering it merely as an indication of the worship of Bacchus. On the cities of this same name, see Nysa, Smith’s C. D. d. crn-epyaTi yiv k.t.X. —either rice, or some kind of millet; also mentioned in iii. 100. Cf. Denon’s Travels in Egypt, vol. i. p. 75. Schw. On the Calantian Indians, cf. iii. 38, b. e. oiKTiyara .... Kardyaia —Cf. iv. 183, d. f cnripov xpvtriov —Cf. i.- 50, d. g. kralavTo kg k. t. A. agreed to give an annual present. On the Colchians, cf. ii. 104, a. b. h. kg rovro yap to ovpog .... ctpxtrai. SC. r) yrj. Cf. Jelf, § 373, 4, Ellipse of the Subject. See H. Pers. ch. i. p. 86. “ The mountains which bounded Mesopotamia to the N. were, in a great measure, occupied by rude and warlike tribes, which, though occasionally en¬ rolled as mercenaries in the Persian armies, paid little regard to the authority of the great king, being sufficiently protected by their mountains and strong holds against the incursions of his troops.” Tlepakiov. Causal Gen. Cf. Jelf, § 496, quoted in ii. 141, a. i. tKarov 7r aTSag. From these same regions the Mamelukes were in later times recruited, and the slave mart of Constantinople sup¬ plied. It appears too from Ezek. xxvii. 13, 14, that slaves from the North were sold in Tyre. R. p. 315. Ch. XCVIII. — a. oi ’Ivdol —These were the nations of N. India that lay nearest to Persia, and hence were subject to it. R. con¬ siders the regions intended by Hdtus were those now called Cabul, BOOK III. THALIA. 193 Kandahar , the Punjab, Scinde, and the countries along the Indus generally. In vii. 65, we learn that their bows were made of reeds, by which, as in several other instances, as among the Bactrians, vii. 64, Caspians, &c., bamboos are unquestionably to be under¬ stood, as they are at this day in common use. Their arrows were also of reeds, of a small size we may suppose, as at present, p. 306. From various remarks of ohr author we may conclude that Darius, in fact, possessed no more of India than what lay contiguous to the Indus and its branches; and also that the limit of Hdtus’s know¬ ledge eastward was the sandy desert of Jesselmere, called Pegistan , or, the country of sand; and that the rest was described by mere report, p. 310. So, by H., a considerable part of the regions of North India, embracing portions of Little Thibet and Cabul, as well as the S. districts near the mouth of the Indus, and beyond that river, as far as the Paddar and the confines of Guzerat, are comprised in the India of Hdtus.—See throughout the very inter¬ esting dissertation on Persian India in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 179, and ref. in Appendix 5, on the castes of the Indians, to which Hdtus’ re¬ mark tern St iroXXa iQvta ’IvStiv, no doubt, applies ; the division into castes being based, at least originally, on the difference of the stock of the various tribes. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 378, H. Ind. ch. ii. p. 242, seqq., and D. p. 66. b. tv Toiai t\toi .... tov Tzordyov. By the river is meant the Indus ; hence, it would seem that the nations here spoken of dwelt by its mouths, near the Arabitae, or perhaps the same as they, in the lower part of what is now Scinde: under which name, lately become so famous, is comprehended not only the Delta of the Indus, but all the country above as far as the influx of the Acesines or Chunab. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 191. c. tic 7r\oi(ov KaXciyiviov opytwytvoi.—e navigiis arundineis piscantur , s., utuntur navigiis arundineis ad captandos pisces . G. The reed, of which one joint made a boat, was, according to Cuvier, quoted by B., the Bambus arundinacea, the bamboo , which grows to the height of 60 ft and more. Cf. also H. 1.1. p. 192. Ch. XCIX. a. Ilaforiot. R., p. 310, observes, “It must be sup¬ posed that Hdtus meant the people who inhabit by the Ganges, the proper and Sanscrit name of which is Padda ; Gunga being the appellative only; so that the Padaei may be the Gangaridae of later Gk writers.” Cf. also Tibullus 145, quoted by W., “ Impia nec saevis celebrans convivia mensis Ultima vicinus Phaebo tenet arva Padaeus.” H. is of a different and more probable opinion, cf. iii. 38, b. b. tQ St tovtov XSyov, — as to the matter of that, i. e. old age ; (S. and L. D.,) or, as to that consideration — when you come to consider that, not many arrive at old age. Cf. vii. 9 ,c. Above, ov avyy ivwtx. not agreeing with him , cf. vii. 12, b. Ch. C.— a. 'Erkpiov St . . . ivSwv k.t.X. “These, as well as the Padaeans; are evidently South Indians, living on the further side o 1S4 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. of the Indus, the countries therefore which flank the Indus to the E. near the sea; the province, namely of Scinde, already mentioned, or the country between Moultan and Guzerat.—Nor can we fail to recognise the race of Indians who abstain from all things having life. The distaste for animal food is indeed extremely general among the Hindus, but it may also be traced among their neigh¬ bours whom we at present know under the name of Mahrattas, whose ancestors have always occupied the same districts—rice, undoubtedly the grain which is described, being the principal diet of these tribes, and what is said of their wild and savage character, as well as of their complexion, being strictly conformable with what we know of their warlike and cruel habits as well as of their colour.” H. Pers. ch. i. p. 195. The extent of the immense district here referred to—the Maharashtra, or land of the Mahrattas —is laid down in the map to the 2nd vol. of Duff’s Hist, of the Mahrattas. b. icat aurdiai .... oaov icsyxpog to k. r. X. According to some the marsh-mallow, or else the wall barley is meant. Perhaps rice, pk- yaQog, Adverbial Accus. Cf. Jelf, § 579, 4. c. avrij koXvki, — with the husk itself, husk and all. Cf. Jelf, § 604, I, quoted in i. 52, c. Ch. C1T. a. Ka(nraTvp(p re 7roXt.— Cf. iv. 44, c. “ The city and territory of Cabul.” H. Pers. ch. i. p. 180. b. Kara yap tovto sort tpijpirj. The desert here meant must be that of Cobi, as the Indians spoken of are those who dwelt N. of the rest of the Indians, and consequently in the Mts of Little Thi¬ bet or Little Bucharia; H. 1. 1. p. 181. So R. p. 167- Cf. also D. p. 66. c. yivovrai pvpprjKsg ,—Some writers consider the story here told as wholly fabulous; others, that what Hdtus calls ants is some species of the marmot; others, that that kind of fox, called by Linnaeus the Canis Corsak, the Prairie doy, is intended. Probably it w T as some species of the hycena , or jackall: yvppr) being derived either from the Persian mur, an ant, muress, a great ant, hence mirmisch , a large animal like an ant; or from myr , which in many Eastern languages means a wild beast. Maltebrun considers that in the stories of the ants and the griffins, nothing more is conveyed than that the natives, during their search for gold, have to contend with various wild beasts of the desert; and the fable of the ants arose from the Indians, in their search for gold dust, following the traces of the white ants, and their wearing the skins of foxes, hyaenas, &c., while that from the ravages of the white ants arose the tale of their war with men. B. H., Pers. ch. i. p. 181, seqq., con¬ cludes that “ anyhow the story, possibly only a caravan legend, such as we are told of almost every desert, will not appear out of character to any one acquainted with the East, even though it should be pure fiction. It is possible, all the same, that the fable may have some historical foundation, and may have taken its rise in the existence of some species of animal, which, like the Ham- BOOK III. THALIA. 195 ster rat, burrows in the earth,” &c. From the words eltrl yap avr'uov k. t. X., D., p. 57, infers that we may assuredly determine that our author visited Susa, the peculiar residence of the kings of Asia, cf. vi. 119, a. c., from his adding, when he is speaking of the so- called Indian ants, “ that some of them were in possession of the king of Persia,” i. e. in the royal palace. d. irjpi,privately placing men in ambush against him. Cf. vi. 103. Schw., and Matth. Gr. Gr. § 211, under tVy/ir On avnp "nmu), horse and all, cf. Jelf, § 604, 1, quoted in i. 52, c. Ch. CXXYI I.— a. Ik ... . rijg idtirjg —sc. bSov, openly, straight¬ forwardly ; used adverbially. Cf. ii. 161, c., and ix. 57, iOtiy rk\vy. BOOK III. THALIA. 201 “ By artful surprise only could Darius venture to attack Oroetes.” See D.’s remarks, p. 117, on the policy of Darius towards this powerful rebel, “whose previous conduct, as well as whose fate, had already shown the internal weakness of the empire.” b. rov x^Xioi plv .... tbopvfoptov. “ The court of the satrap was formed on that of the monarch, and all its ceremonial the same, only less magnificent. They had their harems, and a numerous attendance of household troops, distinct from the king’s soldiers, and consisting in part or altogether of Persians.” H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 273. In i. 192, the wealth of Tritantsechmes, satrap of Babylon, is spoken of. Cf. also ii. 98, a. A little below, on inroariiq, cf. ix. 34, c. rig av — tTTiTiXicnit, who in the world, = would that some one, could accomplish, &c. Cf. Jelf, § 427, 4. "Av with the opt. in the formulas of wishing with iribg, rig, &c., to express the urgency or the impossibility of the wish. Ch. CXXVIII.— a. KaraXapfiave. —Cf. i. 46, a. b. Trepiaiptofitvog — taking off the seal or cover, undoing the fasten¬ ing of each of the letters. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 273. “ To take care of the king’s interests there were also attached to the court of each satrap royal scribes, to whom were issued the king’s com¬ mands, and by whom they were communicated to the satrap. The commands thus conveyed required the most prompt obedience, and the smallest resistance was accounted rebellion,” &c. dirayopivu — prj, Cf. Jelf, § 749, 1, quoted in i. 158, a. Ch. CXXIX.— a. Alyvirriiov rovg boKtovraq k.t.X. As the heal¬ ing art was but little practised among the Persians, it is probable that after Cambyses had added Egypt to the empire, they obtained their physicians thence; especially as the art was much practised there. Cf. ii. 84. B. b. TrapaKovcrag—having heard accidentally. QXavpivg £%., being ill, as in vi. 135; but in the following ch. pa .... crvyi3a\eeo9ai—ad ilia dona, s. donis illis, sese adjecturum ( would add or contribute ) onerariam navem, is the later interpretation of Schw.; but because the words i rpog St will then be superfluous, B. prefers his earlier rendering of eg rd Stipa, ad transferenda dona fyc. , , sui ipsius; in this place it loses its accent as being an enclitic. Schw. Cf. Jelf, § 145. Ch. CXXXVI.— a. rijg TraXbjc—By Italy , as in iv. 15, vi. 126, viii. 62, Hdtus does not intend all that we now call Italy, but only the S. part, colonized by the Grks, and afterwards called Magna Grsecia. B. -Cf. Smith’s C. D. Italia. b. Ik prjarcjvrjg ryg ArjyoKiidtog — out of favour or kindness for Democedes. Attributive gen. Jelf, § 496, obs. 4. Cf. i. 4, a., iii. 155. Ch. CXXXVII.— a. ayopa^ovra—foro versantem. Cf. ii. 35, iii. 139, iv. 164. B. On this and the following ch. see the re¬ marks of D. p. 36, on the inference thence that Hdtus’ history was written in Italy and at an advanced age. b. Ku>g raiira .... 7repiv[3p'io9ai ; how will it satisfy Kg Darius, i. e. how will king Darius be pleased, to be insulted in this manner ? Cf. viii. 70. W. After tj v dTre\r]a9t i/yeag sub. avrov, if you de¬ prive us of him, take him from us. Schw. c. appoarat .... yvvalica. —that he ivas engaged to marry the daughter, &c. appo^tiv nva tivi desponsare mulierem alicui, cf. ix. 108; app6£t(r9ai nva sibipuellam desponsare, s. uxorem ducere. Cf. v. 32, 47, vi. 65. Milo the noted Athlete, said to have been 7 times crowned at the Pythian games, and 6 at the Olympic, was a pupil of Pythagoras, died about 500 b. c. B. Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 145, 153. Ch. CXXXIX.— a. 7ro\tu)v .... Trpojrrjv k.t.\. On the power and wealth of Samos, cf. iii. 59, 60, and Thirlw. ii. p. 178. ot c Trpartvoptvoi , in the following sentence, = ot eiriKoepoi, the mercen¬ aries, in iii. 4, a. On Syloson cf. ii. 182, and iii. 39. B. 204 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. ojvstTo—was for buying it, would fain have bought it. B. Cf. i. 68,/. aXXwg, simply,plainly, gratis. See S. and L. D. Ch. CXL. — a. tvepyerrjg —cf. viii. 85. The Persian title of those who had conferred any benefit on the monarch , or done the state good service, whose names also were enrolled in the records, and to whom great honour was paid, was Orosangce. B. So the name of Mordecai, Esther vi. 1, was inscribed, “ in the book of the re¬ cords of the Chronicles,” from which Chronicles of the reign of Ahasuerus, cf. Esther ii. 23, x. 2, it has been thought that the Bk of Esther is itself a translated extract. Such were kept by the kings of Israel and Judah. With regard to those of the Persians kept by the royal scribes, see the interesting account in H. Pers. p. 56, 57, seqq., E. Orient. H. p. 311. Cf. v. 58, c., vii. 61, a., and on the Euergetae, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 254. b. irpoaiSeipca—I owe honour, or gratitude. Cf. i. 61, e. c. if rig b ovhig—few or none, next to none , hardly anybody. Cf. Persius Sat. i. 3, “ Vel duo, vel nemo.” Thucyd. iii. Ill, and Jelf, § 659, obs. 2. , Ch. CXLI.— a.’Oravta. Cf. iii. 68, 80. a tsXXhv, — to Jit out, or prepare. Cf. Blomf. Gloss. iEsch. Pers. 615. B. Ch. CXLII.— a. ovk lleyevero, —whose wish did not turn out suc¬ cessfully to him, was not granted to him. Cf. i. 78, vii. 4, 8, v. 51, &c. B. b. syio Se to. T

pa k. t. X.—Cf. iii. 84, a., 140, a. b. og tv Aiyv7TT k.t.X. Cf. Thucyd. i. 109. This happened in the 7th year of Artaxerxes I., 458 b. c. Cf. Prid. Conn. pt. i. bk. v., and Clinton’s Fast. Hell. i. p. 50. c. Mtyafiv£ov S's ... . Tjdvjrvpog, dg k. t. X. This happened 425 B. c., in the 7th year of the Peloponnesian war. Cf. i. 130, b ., iv. 43, and Ctesias Excerpt. Persic. § 43, referred to by B. BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. SCYTHIA AND DARIUS’ EXPEDITION THITHER-THE GREEK COLO¬ NIES ON THE COAST OF LIBYA, AND THE VARIOUS TRIBES OF LIBYA. Ch. I.— a. t7ri ZKvQag .... tXacng ,—508 b. c. E. Orient. H. Cf. also Clinton’s Fast. Hell. i. p. 579; but according to Thirlw. and Prid. 513 b. c. On the causes of Darius’ invasion of Scythia, and the probability or improbability of his ever having done so at all, cf. iv. 83, a ., 118, a. In connexion with book iv. the two chs. on the Scythians in vol. ii. of H. As. Nat. should be read throughout; also Niebuhr’s Geog. Researches on Hdtus, and D. p. 118—122. Cf. also E. Orient. H. p. 375, seqq., and on Hdtus’ Scythia, iv. 16, a. b. wg Kai TTportpov poi tiprjrai k. t. X. Cf. i. 6, b., 15, a., 103, d., and particularly iv. 11, a. i rovo?, a battle or action. Cf. vi. 114, a. Ch. II.— a. irepioriZavTcg—placing the blind men at equal distances all round. Cf. iv. 202. b. to ... . hrnrTagtvov — the cream , that which floats on the surface of the milk. After vTrujTaptvov supply ^ytvvrat. Cf. Jelf, § 895, 2, Brachylogy. Ch. III.— a. raippov bpv^aptvoi k. t. X. R., p. 95, observes; “ Hdtus 208 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. speaks again of the same trench in c. 20, as the E. boundary of the Royal Scythians. No mts, however, are marked in any posi¬ tion corresponding to the above idea; and we have never heard of any mts of Tauris, save those within the Krimea. It is probable, therefore, that the trench intended was that which shut up the peninsula. In this case, therefore, some other word than moun¬ tains should be read; and the trench, a fortification implying a rampart too, would have been drawn from the Palus Moeotis to the opposite shore of Tauris.” The Palus Moeotis, Sea of Azov , cf. iv. 86, c. On the derivation of the name, &c., see article Moeotis, Class. Diet., and the extracts there given from Creuzer, &c. Briefly, the name is a connecting link between the early religion of India and the countries of the West, the slimy waters of the Moeotis or Mother of the Buxine, iv. 45, 86, a type of the primitive slime from which the world was supposed to be formed; the name Moeotis = Moi>9, Terra Mater , or Isis of the Egyptians, the Mwr of Sancho- niatho, limus, the yrj yri TT iPi primitive slime; the root to be found in the Sanscrit Maha — Mai, Magna Mater. h. opoioi — tlvai. On the nom. with the infin, cf. Jelf, § 672, 673. Ch. V.— a. T apyiraov. “ The Targitaus of Hdtus has in its root some affinity to the name Turk; as that of Paralatse, the tribe descended from his youngest son, has to Perlas, or Berlas, the tribe last in rank of those descended from Turk. Targitaus was the s. of Jupiter; Turk of Japhet.” Cf. R. p. 73. So also Hammer, quoted by B., considers that Turk and Targitaus are the same with Togarmah, the s. of Gomer, the s. of Japhet, Gen. x. 3, in whom also the name of Thor is traceable. Cf. E. Orient. H. Introd. . Ethnography, p. 3. On the construction of the 1st sentence of this ch., be Sk vQai .... aftrepov, cf. Jelf, § 898, 4, Consolidation of Sentences. b. Auiroldiv k. t. \. According to Pelloutier, Hist, of the Celts i. p. 136, the termination xais signifies son. These names, Rei- chard, also quoted by B., endeavours to trace in those of different towns at the present time; as from A«7ro£. Lipowetz in the province of Kiew; from ’Apirol. Aparka in Tala ; from Ko\o£. Kolomna, &c. &c., with more ingenuity probably than truth. c. oayapiv —Cf. i. 215, b. hriovrog, sc. avrov, when he advanced to it. On the gen. partic., standing alone, without its subject, which is supplied from the context, cf. Jelf, § 696, obs. 3. Ch. VI.— a. '2 ko\6tovq —Cf. iv. 11, a. Ch. VII.— a. bibooOai be oi bid rovro —not because he would not live through the year, but, on account of the danger, this reward was given to him who had properly watched it. L. With this B. appears to agree, as he adds no more, merely quoting Schw., “ that the meaning of the passage is not sufficiently clear.” The words bid tovto, however, as Hdtus is not speaking of keeping awake, but of falling asleep daring the watch, appear hardly to bear the sense assigned by L., besides which the supposition of their having to V BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 209 give so great a portion of land annually to the wakeful sentinel would involve some difficulty. It may perhaps be inferred that the land was given to him who fell asleep during his watch, from the idea that the slumber was supernatural, and therefore that the sleeper would soon be called away from the earth, till which time he was assigned this portion of land for his maintenance ; and this, as means, doubtless, were provided to fulfil the prediction of his speedy death, would not be long in his possession. Similar customs are alluded to in Ovid. Metam. xv. 616, &c. Cf. also Livy ii. 5. b. VTTO 7TTepioV - Cf. iv. 31. Ch. VIII.— a. r rjpvovta, — B., from Pliny H. N. iv. 3, and Pomp. Mela iii. 6, 15, concludes that the kingdom of Geryon was not, as some suppose, in Ambracia, but in the S. of Spain, and that the Island Erythia is the present Isla cle Leon. Such also seems to be the idea of H., Phcen. ch. ii. p. 31, cf. also the Classical Journal iii. 140. For the astronomical explanation of this, part of the 10th labour of Hercules, according to the theory of Dupuis, cf. ii. 42, e., see Hercules, Class. Diet. “ In the 10th month the sun enters the sign Taurus ; the constellation Orion now sets ; the Herdsman , or conductor of the oxen of Icarus, also sets; as does likewise the Eridaxius, &c. Now in his 10th labour Hercules slew Busiris, here identical with Orion, and in this same labour bore away from Spain the oxen of Geryon, and arrived in Italy, &c. &c.” Cf. also Hercules, Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. b. t£u* 'HpaicXr]iu>v (TrrjXeiov. Cf. ii. 33, e. c. tov Ik '0,Ktavov k. r. X. Cf. ii. 23, a. Ch. IX.— a. tt)v 'Y \air\v —“ Hylaea was the name of the penin¬ sula now called Janxboxylouk, adjacent to Taurica on the N. W. formed by the lower part of the Borysthenes, the Euxine, the gulf of Carcinitis, and the river Hypacyris, hod. the Kalauczac, which flowed into it. This tract, unlike the rest of the maritime Scythia, had trees in it; iv. 193. This is not only confirmed by Pliny, but by Baron Tott in modern times.” R. p. 63. Ch. X.— a. tov ^axTTrjpa 7 rpodeZavra, showing her the way of fitting on the girdle. B., following the reading of G. and Schw. instead of npoadk^avra. b. Ti)Q iTTiaroXriQ — mandati, of his orders ; cf. vi. 50, and Blom- field’s Gloss, ad iEsch. P. V. B. c. Ik tmv TTupiov optXv (piaX. — carry drinking-cups hanging froxn their girdles. Jelf, § 646, 3. to Sr/ govvov k. t. X.—hoc igitur unu.m matron parasse Scythes, s. in Scythes commodum instituisse. B. Ch. XI.— a. MaacraytTfiuv .... ’Apa^ea k.t.X. “The settle¬ ments which Hdtus assigns to the Scythians proper extend from the Danube to the Tanais, or Don, around which several other tribes had their residence.—The Scythians, in their own language Skolots, (i. e. Slavonians,*) had not always inherited this country, but were reported, by historical tradition preserved among them- * See also Donaldson’s Varronianus, ch. ii. § 5, p. 29, seqq. P 210 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. selves, to have come from the E. Being pressed by another people, the Massagetse, they crossed the R. Araxes, (that is, here probably, the Wolga,) expelled the Cimmerians, and took possession of their settlements, which they still retained in the age of our historian. From time to time they made irruptions into the S. of Asia; and in a great expedition against the remains of the Cimmerians, they even conquered the Medes about 70 years before Cyrus, kept the whole of Asia Minor for 28 years, and extended their excursions to Egypt, whose king Psammitichus was obliged to buy them off.” H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 6. In the note, p. 6, he agrees with Michaelis and Schlozer, that this invasion of the Scythians is identical with that of the Chaldaeans, i. 181, d. See also on this invasion refs, in iv. I, b., and on the Massagetse, i. 201, a. b. K inixepiujv —Cf. the preceding note. Niebuhr considers them to be Mongols; how much of W. Scythia they occupied is unknown, but it appears that their possessions extended westward, at least to the river Tyras or Dneister; respecting the walls, &c., still found in the time of Hdtus under the name of Cimmerian, he does not say they were in the peninsula, but the context implies it, and it is not improbable that he had seen them, &c. R. p. 74. c. wg cnraXX.—yrjdk tt pog ttoXXovq k. t. X.—that it was their business, or plan, to retire, nor teas it proper to incur risk against a numerous enemy. Seoyevov ( tit j) = dkoi. Cf. i. 79? d. 7 rorayov T vpr)v. —the Dniester , “ still called Tyral near its mouth.” Cf. iv. 51. H. I. 1. p. 5. Ch. XII.— a. K tyykpia ra'x- • • • ITop0. K iyy. —As th\oq means a town, as well as a fort or castle, iv. 46, it is possible, that by the Kiyy. reixta here spoken of, may be meant the town Cimmerium, now Dski Krim, i. e. Old Krim , in the interior of the Tauric Cher¬ sonese. The place called the “Cimmerian Ferry” was probably at the mouth of the Cimmerian Bosphorus. R. p. 74, mentions that Baron Tott saw, in the mountainous parts of the Krimea, ancient castles, &c., perhaps, originally at least, the works here alluded to. b. BoaiTopoQ Ktju/ispt og —the Sti'aits of Kaffa. Cf. Smith’s C. D. c. ’ZivuTTr) ttoXiq k. t. X. on the E. coast of Paphlagonia; Sinob; a Milesian colony founded 632 b. c., and the mother city of Tra- pezus and several other cities. See H. P. A. § 78, and Smith’s C. D. All the Gk colonies on the coast of the Black Sea—appro¬ priating to themselves the navigation and commerce of that Sea, infusing life and activity into the tribes of the North, and opening a connexion with the most remote countries of the East—were colonies from Miletus. See the interesting ch. in H. on the Com¬ merce of the Scythians, p. 22, seqq. Ch. XIII. — a.’Api(TTkr]g— il The accounts of his life are as fabulous as those about Abaris the Hyperborean.” Cf. Aristeas, Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. He is said to have written an epic poem on the Arimaspi, in 3 bks, 6 of the verses of which are preserved by Longinus, § 10. Ritter, Vorhalle , p. 271, considers that the legend BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 211 concerning him was derived fyom the ancient doctrine of Buddha, „ concerning the immortality and transmigration of the soul; as a similar account concerning Buddha is believed among the Indians: cf. iv. 53, d. The same origin he assigns to the fables of Zalmoxis, iv, 95, Epimenides, Pythagoras, and Abaris. H., 1. 1. p. 16, fixes Aristeas at about 200 years before Hdtus, and remarks, that we see by the account here given of the poet, to what high antiquity the commerce of the Greek colonies of the Pontus Euxinus with Eastern Asia must be referred. Cf. D. p. 73, 79, and 119. b. ’I(T k. t. X. and there exudes a juice from it thick and black ; Trayy. Adverbial accus., like o^hv i]Sv. Jelf, § 555, d. b. / pot yap k. r. X. “ Their (the Argippseans’) territory was there¬ fore a sanctuary, as well as the emporium of an extensive commerce; iv. 24. The name of holy people shows that they had a religious character, and that they filled the same office among the Mongols, as the sacerdotal order amongst other nations. This is proved too by their being bald, for the Lamas, the priests of the Calmucks, are bald-headed. What is said of their reconciling those of their neighbours who w T ere at variance can imply nothing else than their acting as mediators between the various merchants, who were such entire strangers to each other. We thus discover the connecting link so often in antiquity uniting religion to commerce.” H. 1. 1. p. 32. Ch. XXIV.— a. izoWr) 7 repapavua—a clear knowledge. W. So also H. the country is very well known. b. 'EkvOsiov de ot ... . SiaTTppaaovTai. This H. 1. 1. p. 23, seqq., understands to mean that the Gk and Scythian merchants had to journey through 7 different tribes, of 7 different dialects, and therefore stood in need of 7 different interpreters to transact their business. Cf. ix. 41, b. “This remarkable passage evidently describes a com¬ merce by caravans, which, starting from Olbia, crossed the Ural Mts, travelled northward round the Caspian, and thence into the interior of Great Mongolia. The commerce was jointly carried on by the Gks of Pontus and by Scythians. The 7 tribes are un¬ doubtedly those Hdtus himself has mentioned: the Tauri, Sarma- tians, Budini, Geloni, Thyssagetae, Jurcee, and Agrippeei. The route was from Olbia, along the Hyleean, or wood-country, coast¬ ing the Sea of Azov, to the mouth of the Tanais, where the Tauri dwelt, iv. 99; passing the Tanais they enter the Steppe of Astracan; then in a N. direction across the country of the Sar- matians, to the Budini, and thence to the wooden city of Geloni, a commercial establishment for the fur trade. Hence to the N.E., and, after a 7 days’ journey through a desert, reached the Thys- sagetee and Jurcee on the frontiers of Siberia. After passing the Ural Chain, they came into the Steppes of the Kirghis and Cal¬ mucks, which terminated their journey.—This was a circuitous route—possibly necessary on account of the predatory hordes which infested the more direct road, but more likely enjoined by the demands of commerce, as is shown by the use of interpreters, whom they could otherwise have dispensed with.” H. BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 21 0 Ch. XXV.— a. ovpta yap i’xprjXa k.t.X. Evidently the Altai chain of mts bounding S. Siberia. H. 1.1. p. 15. b. aiy'nrobaQ avSpag, L. thinks that this was a figurative name for men who coidtl climb the mts like goats. Gatterer, quoted by B., supposes that they were mountaineers who contrived some fasten¬ ing to their feet, such as cramps or spikes to prevent their slipping on the ice. B. follows H. 1.1. p. 15, in deeming the whole to be one of the fabulous narrations related of the inhabitants of distant countries, and particularly Siberia, which were spread through Greece. c. oi T7]v tZagrjvov KaQtvbovcn. “ In this we can perceive a ray of truth, inasmuch as we know that the Polar regions continue for 6 months, more or less, without having the light of the sun; their darkness being only relieved by the moon and the aurora borealis.” H. 1.1. p. 15. d. ’Icutj tfoviov, “ This nation was a Calmuck tribe.” R. p. 134. So H. 1. 1. p. 16, says, “they began in the interior of Great Mon¬ golia, the present residence of the Sungares—the inhabitants also of the ancient Serica appear to have been derived from them.” Cf. also i. 201, a. Ch. XXVI. — a. urs ayaXpaTt, as a votive gift, a sacred vessel. B. R. p. 144, mentions that he had seen skulls formed into drinking- bowls, which were brought from Bootan, nearly in the same region with Oigur , the country of the Issedones. The same custom of eating their nearest relations, when old and infirm, prevails among the Battas of Sumatra. H. l.l. p. 16, note. b. rd y tv evict — the day kept in commemoration of their death —dis¬ tinguished from rd ytvtBXia, the anniversary of the birthday. Schw. Ch. XXVII. — a. ypinrag .... ’ Apigavirovg. Cf. iii. 116, a. b. Taking the derivation here of Arimaspian to be correct, the name was possibly derived from their skill in archery, as when taking aim, they would close one eye : perhaps from their wearing a snow- cap, with only one slit, to save the eyes from the snow-blink, as the Greenlanders and the other nations do. Wahl, quoted by B. Rhode quoted in the article Arimaspi, Class. Diet., makes the word to signify a mounted native of Aria, in the Zend tongue; asp, in that language, signifying a horse* iEschylus alludes to them in P. V. 809, and Milton in P. L. ii. 943. Ch. XXVIII. — a. Avaxtiptpog de k.t.X. —R. p. 157? quotes the statement of Pliny to the same effect, and observes that by h OdXavaa is meant the Palus Mceotis. cupoprjTog olog, such as to be in¬ tolerable. Cf. Jelf, § 823, obs. 7, quoted in i. 14, b. Cf. iv. 194, a. b. oi ivTog rutppov. —Cf. iv. 3, a. c. rovg Zivdovg. Sindica must be near the Maeotis ; for in iv. 86, * Cf. Donaldson’s Varronianus, ch. ii. p. 38, “ With the change of r for d, so com. mon in Latin, (compare aurio, audio, meridie = medi-die, &c.,) arima will represent the Sanscrit ordinal ddima; and we may compare anov with the root spic- or spec-, signifying ‘ to spie,’ or ‘ to see.’ ” 216 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Hdtus says the broadest part of the Euxine is between the R. Thermodon and Sindica; which latter must therefore of course be looked for opposite to the Thermodon, R. p. 158, and in the country now called from a river of the same name Kuban , as B. concludes ; which has become of late years famous in the Russian and Circas¬ sian wars. Cf. iv. 86, b. d. tv r

v —By the sacred offerings en¬ veloped in wheaten straw are undoubtedly meant offerings of the un¬ bloody kind , (peculiar to Apollo, cf. Mull. Dor. vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 8, p. 343,) of wheat, or barley; in short, the first fruits. The fable of the Hyperboreans in connexion with the worship of Apollo is the subject of ch. iv. bk. ii. of Muller’s Dorians. “ This fable must have arisen whilst that primitive connexion between the temples of Tempe, Delphi, and Delos, which was afterwards entirely dis¬ solved, still existed in full vigour, and it bears upon the original and widely-diffused worship of Apollo. The same tradition existed with little variety both at Delos and Delphi — at Delphi, that Apollo, after visiting the Hyperboreans, when the first corn was cut in Greece, returned to Delphi with the full ripe ears—at Delos, that Latona first arrived in that island from the country of the Hyperboreans, afterwards Arge and Opis with Apollo and Diana; a lofty tomb was erected to their memory, upon which sacrifices were offered; a hymn, attributed to the ancient minstrel Olen, celebrated their appearance. Afterwards the Hyperboreans sent two other virgins, Hyperoche and Laodice, names that occur also in Delphic tradition, and with them five men called Perpherees, from their bringing the sacred gifts wrapped in wheaten straw: this exactly corresponds with ‘ the golden summer’ of the Delphians. The Perpherees received great honours at Delos; and the Delian BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 217 maidens before marriage laid on the tomb of the Hyperborean virgins a spindle, the young men a branch, both entwined with locks of hair. The offering, however, of the Hyperborean women was, it was said, really intended for Ilithyia, the protectress of women in labour, in order to fulfil a vow made to that goddess for the birth of Apollo and Diana. Now these missions, according to Delian traditions, always continued to be carried on. The Hyper¬ boreans were supposed to pass them on to their neighbours the Scythians; from them they were transmitted through a chain of nations on the coast of the Adriatic, by Dodona, through Thessaly, Euboea, and the island of Tenos, and came with flutes and pipes to Delos. This story cannot have been a mere poetical fiction ; it doubtless originated in the active connexion kept up by means of sacred missions with the ancient settlements of the worship of Apollo in the N. of Thessaly. The name itself indicates a north¬ ern nation; which idea is sufficiently accounted for by the fact that the worship of Apollo came from the most northern part of Greece, from the district of Tempe—further the Hyperboreans are said to dwell beyond Boreas, so that this happy nation never felt the cold north wind. Dissatisfied, however, with such scanty in¬ formation on the origin of this fabulous people, poets and geogra¬ phers have attempted to assign it a fixed habitation among the catalogue of nations, and, connecting multifarious accounts of the northern regions of the world with the religious fable of the Hy¬ perboreans, have moulded the whole into an imaginary picture of a supposed real people.” On the names Arge and Opis, epithets of Diana, cf. p. 387, of the same vol. b. ry ’Aprs/utii k.t.X. —Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 129, hence infers that the ancient worship of the sun and moon prevailed through¬ out Thrace. He adduces also proofs that the worship of Apollo appears to have been received at a very early date in Thrace, and thence to have spread further. The Royal Diana was probably identical with the Thracian Bendis. B. Ch. XXXIY.—T ?J(H d't 7rap0tvoi(n —k tlpovrai, cut their hair in honour of, for the sake of, these maidens. Cf. Jelf, § 598, quoted in vi. 86, b. Ch. XXXV.— a. ayeipuv —is used, W. quaintly remarks, “ of those who demand contributions for the gods, as they pretend, but in reality for themselves ; as is often done now.” b. ’QXyv dvyp Avkioq —The title of Lycian marks, in the opinion of Creuz. quoted by B., that these rites were brought from Lycia into Greece. On Olen, an ancient poet in Greece, prophet and bard of Apollo, at a period long antecedent to history, cf. Muller’s Lit. of Anc. Gr. ch. iii. § 7, p- 24. c. Trpog yio TtTpayykvr ]—M filler, Dor. i. p. 298, note, considers this circumstance to show that it was of the Cretan time, since the Dorians buried their dead to the East, and the Ionians to the West. Ch. XXXVI.— a. ’A/3 upiog — cjg t'ov ditTTbv irtpistpspe — aireoytvog. 218 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. This correction of W., is adopted by G., B., &c., in preference to the old reading oiarog —c nreo/uvov. That the fable of Abaris has some connexion with the worship of Apollo, cf. iv. 33, a., as brought from a more northerly country into Greece, can hardly be doubt¬ ed, as the arrow was one of the symbols of that deity. Mull. Dor. i. p. 343. Creuzer, Symbol, i. p. 142, seqq., quoted by B., specu¬ lates that in Abaris is personified wisdom and learning, particularly in all that concerns religious rites, propagated in Greece from the North and the East, and that he forms one of the links of the chain that connects the religion of the North and South of Europe, so clearly exemplified in the fable of the Hyperboreans sending their offerings to Delos. Cf. also iv. 13, a., and Abaris , Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. b. ye\u> Ss — ttoWovq fjdri , probably directed against Hecateeus of Miletus. Cf. ii. 21, a., 23, a., and on the subject in general, R. p. 6 , seqq., and D. p. 59 — 62. 7 roievvriov, cf. Jelf, § 495. Causal Gen. The verbs of wondering at, congratulating, praising, blaming, &c., take a gen. of the cause whence the feeling arises. So here 7 roitvvrwv seems to depend on a notion of wonder or blame implied in the preceding sentence. Ch. XXXVII.-«. rrjv vorirjv OaXaaaav — the South Sea ; that is, the sea south of the Persians, of whom Hdtus is speaking; either the Persian Gulf or the Arabian Sea (our Indian Ocean) including it. Cf. i. 1, b ., and Dahlmann, p. 62. By rr/v (3 op. SaX. the sea on the north , is meant the sea north of the Medes and Colchians, which is, of course, the Euxine. Cf. iv. 13, c. On the R. Phasis, cf. iv. 45, b. Ch. XXXVIII. — a. cacrcd bitpaaiai — two tracts. By the term akte is meant not a peninsula like the Peloponnesus, or the tongues of land near Mt Athos,—because in that case the idea required a narrow neck or isthmus at the point of junction with the adjacent continent,—but a square tabular plot of (/round having three sides washed by some sea, but a fourth absolutely untouched by any sea whatever. In fact, to Hdtus, Asia Minor, with part of Armenia, made up one akte, the western, for the Persian empire, and the tract of Arabia and Syria made up another akte, the southern, for the same empire ; the two being at right angles; and both abutting on imaginary lines drawn from different points of the Euphrates.— See the diagram imagined by Niebuhr in illustration of this idea, on which he was the first to throw light. From the article in Blackwood’s Mag. quoted in Introduction. Cf. also R. p. 185, seqq., and D. p. 62—64, Sketch of Asia. Ch. XXXIX.— a. ’Epv0. SaXaooav —i. e. probably the Persian Gulf. Cf. iv. 37, a. Assyria here is to be taken in its extended sense; cf. i. 102, b. On the canal cut by Darius, cf. ii. 158, b. b. ig Ti)v TtXiVTa. —Cf. ii. 16, a. By the three nations are meant, Assyria, Arabia, and Syria. Ch. XL. — a. 0 Apa&ig .... avia^ovra. Cf. i. 202, a., and on BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 219 the Caspian Sea, i. 202, b. The desert spoken of in the following lines is no doubt that of Cobi , cf. iii. 102, b. Ch. XLI.— a. 'H tie Aif3vt] k.t.A. Cf. ii. 16, a., and D. p. 63. Libya is here used in the sense of all Africa. Cf. R. pp. 410 and 447. b. rrjcSe rrjg SaXncrarjQ k.t.A. i. e. the Mediterranean. Ry the Erythraean Sea, dhvctly afterwards, is here meant the Sinus Arabi- cus , the Arabian Gulf now the Red Sea. Cf. ii. 11, b. The narrow tract that Hdtus is speaking of is the Isthmus between the Medi¬ terranean and the Red Sea, the Isthmus of Suez. Cf. ii. 158, d., and D. p. 60.— av dev, cf. Jelf, § 425, a. When the condition is con¬ ceived of as fulfilled, the opt. with av expresses a modest assertion of some action or fact, present or fut., marking it as less certain than if it had been in the present or future, and depending on the will of the person who is addressed, or on some other condition which is supposed to be fulfilled. Ch. XLII.— a. OiovgaZio wv k.t.A. See ii. 16, a., and R.’s ob¬ servations, p. 447, seqq. He concludes that Hdtus probably ex¬ tended Africa to five or eight degrees S. of the equator; and he rests his opinion, first upon the fountains of the Nile being said to be much more than four months’journey from U. Egypt, and Hdtus would hardly limit the continent to the place of the source ; second¬ ly, from what is said here; as it must be remembered that Hdtus’ Europe extended far beyond its accustomed boundaries, C. St. Vincent and the Tanais, including even the Issedones ; so that the length of Europe would have reached, in his idea, from the N. point of Africa near Carthage to 20° S. Lat. in Africa. And of this extent f or £ may be assumed, probably, as the proportion of Africa, in its united length with Asia. See also particularly D. p. 60.— StovpiaavTiov, cf. Jelf, § 495, quoted in iv. 36, b. b. 7 rap’ anQorepciQ,—parallel to, alongside of both. Cf. Jelf, § 637, iii. b. Nffcw .... rrjv diuipvxa k. t. A. Cf. ii. 158, b. On the most in¬ teresting narration that follows, cf. remarks in Introduction, on “ the Great African Periplus and particularly H. Phoenic. ch. iii. p. 337—340, seqq. c. tirAiov — SdAaacrav, sailed along, navigated the southern sea. Cf. Jelf, § 558, 1, Accus. with verbs of moving along. d. Beptaavreg <5’ av, Jelf, § 429, 4. "Av with the particip. to ex¬ press repetition. Ch. XLIII.— a. Zw7rvpov. Cf. iii. 160, c. HoAosig. Cf. ii. 32. d. ioQrjTi fpoiviKtjiy, garments made of the leaves of the palm tree. B. On 7r(M>/3ara, i. 133, C. b. to 7rXoIov to Trpocno k. t. A. “ It is very probable that Sataspes was discouraged from prosecuting his voyage by the adverse winds and currents that prevail on the coast of Sierra Leone, Sic., from April to October, and which would be felt by those who left Egypt or Carthage in the spring ; a more likely season to undertake an expedition of this sort than in winter, when the order of things is different.” R. p. 716. Cf. also the ref. in iv. 42, b. 220 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Ch. XLIV. — a. be— fevr. ovrog — On the relative and demonstr. here in the same sentence, cf. Jelf, § 833, obs. 2. In such passages the demonstr. points to some thought to be supplied— which—and indeed that river is one of two, &c., or, which—this I mean, &c. KQOKoStiXovg .... 7 rapex^rai, Cf. ii. 32, h. ; and on the crocodile, ii. 68, a. “ The Indus formed at all times the eastern boundary of the Persian dominion, and is mentioned as such by Jewish, Esther i. I, as well as Grecian authors. That they did not carry their con¬ quests further, into a country too which has at all times attracted the cupidity of conquerors by its riches, was owing to their being too much occupied by wars in the west, especially with the Greeks, to have leisure to extend their dominion in the opposite direction, even if the warlike and populous tribes of the interior of India had not been able to oppose their progress,” &c. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 64. Cf. iii. 89, a. b. iKvXaKa. —A different Scylax from the one, whose “ Periplus of the coast beyond the Pillars of Hercules ” has come down to us; who probably flourished cir. b. c. 360. Cf. the remarks in Intro¬ duction, and Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Scylax. c. Katnrarvpov re iroXiog k. t. X. By Dodwell this city and country is placed on the Ganges; Rennel finds Pactyica in Pakholy, the Peuceliotis of the Greeks. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 189, considers that Caspatyrus is Cabul, and that the Gurseus or Kameh, which flows into the Indus, is the river intended; which Hdtus mistook for the Indus. Ch. XLV.— a. (pavepy — yivexjKop'tvr), On the use of g ovk av uycrav k. t. X. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 97. Hor. ii. Od. ii. 1. Cf. also 7rpo(T(pkpt(T9ai dnopoi, difficult to come to close quarters with, ix. 49. Ch. XLVII.— a. "Iorpof k. t. X. Of these the Ister or Danube is the most western; the Tanais or Don the most eastern. Cf. iv. 16, a., 20, a., and 51—57. From what is said in this ch. it is evident that “ our author must have passed beyond the mouths of the Danube.” See D. p. 45, on Hdtus’ Travels out of Greece. Ch. XLVIII.—a. fcai Qtptog rai xupuivog, both in summer and win¬ ter. Temporal Gen. The moment of time in which an action takes place is sometimes conceived of as a necessary condition of the action, and therefore antecedent to it. Jelf, § 523. Tlopara — the Pruth, according to D’Anville, followed by R, p. 59, the Ararus is the Siret, the Naparis the Proava , the Odressus the Argis , and the Tiarantus probably the Olt or Alut. Ch. XLIX.— a. he .... dk ’AyaOvpaujv Mapig —On the Agathyrsi cf. iv. 104, a. The Maris, cf. R. p. 86, and H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 10, the Marosch, which rises in Transylvania and falls into the Tiess, a tributary of the Danube. b. Tphg dXXoi k. t. X. Of these three the Tibisis is the Tiess , ac¬ cording to R., p. 59, which Hdtus by mistake has made to descend from Mt Hsemus, the Balkan, instead of from the Bastarnian Alps in the opposite quarter. The other two Larcher confesses himself ignorant of; nor is it by any means easy to fix them without con¬ sidering Hdtus guilty of some error. B. Mt Rhodope, now Des- poto Dagh. On the authority of Mannert, the Athres is the lan- tra; the Noes, also called Osmus, the Osma; the Atarnes, the Vid ; the Scius or Cius, the Jsker; the Angrus, the Morave of Servia ; the Brongus, the Morave of Bulgaria. The situations of the Carpis and Alpis cannot be fixed. The Umbrica or Ombrica of the Gks, see Niebuhr, (vol. i. ch. viii., Twiss,) bordering upon the obscure regions of the Adriatic, was of a large and indefinite extent. In Hdtus it reaches to the foot of the Alps, whilst in the earlier geography of the poets, it undoubtedly extended as far S. as Mt Garganus. c. phi yap .6 * larpog .... KeXrwv, Cf. ii. 33, e., and on the Cynetes the same ch. For further information, see the extracts from Mannert and Niebuhr given in the articles Celtce and Cynesii , Class. Diet. The student should read D., p. 64, “ The Nile and the Danube.” ig 7r\rj6og, with respect to size. Cf. Jelf, § 625, 3, c. Ch. L.— a. vuptTtp ds Trdvra yparai, sc. avrrj i) yrj , constanter nive uiitur terra hcec , i. e. snow covers every thing in the winter-time. 222 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Schw. What is said above about the Nile receiving no tributary stream, probably refers to its receiving none v after it has entered Egypt. Cf. ii. 28, b. b. avTiTid'ifxtva — avriaiiKojcng yivtrcu, and these matched or set one against pro luce a restoration of the balance. Observe avriauK^aig fem. predicate. When the predicative substantive does not signify a person, but a thing, (abstract or concrete,) it is frequently joined with a subject of different gender, and sometimes of different num¬ ber. This occurs also in the apposition of substantives. (Cf. i. 32, /., 205, a.) Jelf, § 382, 1. Ch. LI.— a. T vpt]Q, the Dniester. Cf. iv. II, d. Ch. LII.— a. "Y7ravig —“As the Hypanis is the 3rd in order of these rivers, and placed next to the Borysthenes, both here and in iv. 17, it can be no other than the Doug; as the Tyres, which im¬ mediately preceded it, can be no other than the Dniester. The circumstance of the near approach of the two, shows how well our author was informed ; for these rivers do really approach very near to each other at Braclaw and Mohilow, in the early part of their courses ; and afterwards diverge very considerably in their way to the Euxine.” R. p. 56. b. Iv dXiyoan n'tyav. Jluvium inter minores magnum. Schw. Or rather, great among a few, (viz. that are so,) i. e. there are few rivers as great as it: great even among rare examples of greatness. So the French translator, “ d’ une grandeur peu commune.” Cf. Jelf, § 622, 1, a. Cf. ix. 41, a. On the agricultural Scythians and the Alazones, cf. iv. 17, b. Ch. LIII.— a. BopvaOkvr^g, the Dnieper. Cf. iv. 17, a. b. pett re k. t. X. and it flows with a clear stream among muddy ones, (Jelf, 637, ii- 1,) i. e. among other turbid rivers, it alone pre¬ serves its waters cleatr. On the country adjacent, cf. H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 8. c. KijTid. re k. r. X. These B. thinks to be sturgeons ; of the roe of which the caviare is made. In the next sentence, the region Gherrus, so called from the river, cf. iv. 54, a., is spoken of as 40 days’ sail up the Dnieper. Cf. H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 9. d. M rjrpdg—Cybele , the Phrygian deity, worshipped in Olbia, a colony of Miletus, is probably here intended : this is evidenced by some of the coins of Olbia lately discovered with the head of the Mater Phrygica encircled with her mural crown. B. Cf. v. 102, a. Others find an Indian deity in the Cybele here spoken of, and trace in her worship a connexion in the way of commerce of that country with Scythia. Cf. iv. 79, b., 81, b., 82, a., 13, a. e. a-rro tovtojv k. t. X. thus much then (worthy of mention) arises from (the subject of) these rivers, i. e. so much concerning them. Cf. Jelf, § 620, 3, d. cnro rovTixiv nearly == ra 7rtpi rovrovg, as in iv. 195, and vii. 195. Schw. Ch. LIV.— a. TLavTiicd-n-rjg —“ The description of the courses and confluences of the Panticapes, Hypacyris, and Gherrus, cannot be BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 223 reconciled to modern geography, and, as far as we can understand, they cannot have been of any great bulk.” R. p. 57- The Panti- capes perhaps was the Desna , the Hypacyris the Kanilshak , and the Gerrhus the Tasczenac, according to R., p. 71. Cf. iv. 19, a. H., 7. /. p. 9, considers the P anticapes either the Psol or the Sula, a more southern branch of the Dnieper. Ch. LVII.— a. Tava'ig —the Doji (i. e. Water)* “The modern name Don, seems to be a corruption of Tana, the proper name of the river, as well as of a city wdiich stood on or near the site of Azoph, and not far from its embouchure in the Palus Mseotis. The Tanais does indeed spring from a lake, but it appears to be a very small one, and is not even marked in the Russian maps. R. p. 57, and note. On the Hyrgis, cf. iv. 22, a . Ch. LYIII. — a. avoiy. Tolai Krrjvtm k. t. X. by opening the carcasses of the beasts, &c. Cf. Jelf, § 609, 3, Instrumental Dat. That whereby any judgment concerning any thing is formed. Ch. LIX.— a. ovpavirjv ’A(ppodiTrjv —Cf. i. 105, c. The mention of Hercules and Mars, Ritter, Erdkunde ii. p. 838, refers to a re¬ port that spread far in the early ages of some monarch of very great wisdom, who flourished in the golden age, by the Phoenicians named Malek-art-es, by the Gks Hercules, by the Romans Mars, and by others of the Gks and the Scythians Ares. In another place, ii. 793, he traces the worship of Mars to the nation of the Chalybes and the Scythians, who dwelt near the Pontus and ex¬ celled in the art of working iron, to which also he refers what is said in iv. 62, of the worship paid to Mars under the image of a sword by the Huns. B. On the affinity, and perhaps identity, of Hercules with Malek-art-es, or Melcarth, see Mull. Dor. ii. p. 459. Cf. also ii. 44, a. b. T afiiTi k. t. X. This and the following names, Anquetil, quoted by Creuzer, derives from the Zend, the Persian sacred language; according to which, Tahiti from tabad , heated; Ua7raloQ from Baba, Father; ’Attiu, the earth, from Apria, dust; Oi ’rocrvpog, Apollo, from Doethre, i. e. an eye, according to Ritter, Erdk. ii. p. 906, who traces the worship of Apollo and Diana among the Scythians to the Indian adoration of the sun and moon, this deity being identical with the Indian Buddha and the Odin or Wodan of the Northern nations ; ’Aprt/z7rate Kai thcoai. A few lines above, yavrevovrai pdfiboim, they divine by the assistance of many willoiv wands. On similar methods of divination, W. refers to Ezekiel xxi. 21. Tacitus, Germ. 10, &c. b. oi be ’YLvdpeeg —Cf. i. 105, e. Ch. LXXI.— a. Ta contained in epeoQai to agree with them, live on good terms with them. B. Cf. S. and L. D. c. £7r’ igitCbv avrkuiv, by ourselves, apart, separate. Cf. ix. 17-— hr i(uvTu>v ic. t. X. he bade them take their post by themselves ; and v. 98. Cf. Jelf, § 633, 3, e. Ch. CXV.— a. to ETTifiaWov —Cf. ii. 180, c. b. (pofiog .... Ssog — terror and affright: the latter word is dis¬ tinguished, according to Ammonius, from the former, as being more lasting. B. Ch. CXVI. — a. tojv 'Sjavpogarewv — Cf. iv. 21, a. Ch. CXVII. — a. <&uivy—voyiZovGi 2 k ., use customarily the Scythian tongue. Cf. Jelf, Transmissive Tat. § 591, obs. In the construction of vogiZtiv there seems to be a notion supplied by the mind, of xpv^ai, or gome such word, to which vo t ui&iv added the notion of “ habitually, being accustomed,” and was thence substituted for it. Cf. ii. 50, c., iv. 63, a. b. ooXoiKilovTtQ avrij, speaking it incorrectly, making solcecisms in it. Cf. Jelf, § 603, Circumstantial or modal Dative, -xplv av — cnroKrtivy, cf. Jelf, § 848, 1, 2, 4, obs. 1. Ch. CXVIII. — a. ’E^i tovtojv k.t.X. On the causes, &c. of Darius’ Scythian expedition, cf. iv. 83, a. On the probability, or improbability, that “ Darius ever really traversed the regions in Scythia that Hdtus describes,” see the excellent remarks in Thirl- wall ii. ch. xiv. p. 200, &c. Niebuhr, Geog. Researches, p. 5 7, has some observations on this expedition, and on Scythian History in general, well worthy the reader’s attention. “ Hdtus mentions only three events in the history of the Scythians. First, that they subdued the Median empire and Asia, as far as Egypt; which they lost after 28 years’ dominion. Secondly, the expedition of Darius. Third, that about the beginning of the Bellum Pelop. Scyles in vain fled to Sitalces, and was given up to Octamasdes. At the time when Hdtus wrote, above 80 years had elapsed since the expedition of Darius; but had he collected his information many years earlier, it might even then have been altogether false. Nothing can be so fabulous as that a million of men should have marched beyond the Don, through a desert of many hundred miles in width, where the grass and pasturage was destroyed, and re¬ turned unmolested over such rivers as the Don, the Dniester, and the Dnieper; nor indeed would the king have so soon given up an expedition he commanded in person. In short, the whole matter involves an impossibility, nor have we any certain historical know¬ ledge of it at all. As to their form of government, Hdtus takes for granted the assertion that the Scythians were all dependent on the Royal Horde, on which point he adduces no testimony whatever. Connexions of this kind were uncertain, and short in duration, and when Thucydides wrote, the nation was disunited and broken up into separate tribes.” Add also H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 4.—“ The dif¬ ferent accounts of Darius’ Scythian expedition rested upon tradition NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 236 collected in Olbia and in Scythia itself; iv. 81.—on this point I ac¬ knowledge with the excellent biographer of Hdtus, Dahlmann, (p. 120, seqq., which see throughout,) that there is much exaggeration in the assertion of these people that Darius reached the Wolga and raised some forts on that river. But we must pot forget that the Per¬ sian army contained an abundance of light cavalry, which, like the Cossacks before the Russian regular armies, could and must have advanced in all directions as the Scythians retired before them. I would not maintain, however, that the vanguard of the Persian army reached the Wolga, but only give the point of view in which we ought, in my opinion, to look upon the subject.” Cf. iv. 143, a. b. Ik fiecrov Karrigtvoi —Cf. iii. 38, a. ovkwv i roirjcrers ravra, cf. Jelf, § 752,3. Cf. § 860, 8. c. £7ri TovTy, on this condition , on these terms , i. e. on the supposi¬ tion that you do not help us. Jelf, § 634, 3, c. d. ovdkv ti fidWov — ?j ov, cf. Jelf, § 749, 3. After y, quam, after comparatives, or comparative expressions, ov is sometimes used, as a repetition of the negative notion of disjunction implied in these expressions. Cf. v. 94, vii. 16, there quoted. Ch. CXIX.— a. 6 r tXiovog—the Geloni. Cf. i. 2, d. b. k ai if/J-eig irturoytQa. From Tratryw, nos quoque (hanc invasionem) non tolerabimus , s. sinemus, B. The conjectures of ovk oiooytQa — ovk V7n](j6iit9a , &c., seem needless. Ch. CXX. — a. ra -jrapeZioiev. Opt. without dv after an expression of indefiniteness. Jelf, § 831, 2. b. ti tit fiy k ovrtg yt — a\\’ ctKovrag. Where one alternative is contrasted with the others, ys is used with the one on which the emphasis is to be laid. “ If you will not do it voluntarily, you shall involuntarily.” Jelf, § 735, 2. Ch. CXXII. — a. diafidvrojv ds . . . . Tavaiv k. t. \. This passage ' involves a great difficulty as to how the Persians were able so quickly and easily to traverse the country between the Ister and the Palus Mseotis, a journey, according to Hdtus himself, iv. 101, of 20 days, even leaving the rest of his career in Scythia out of the question. The conjecture of Palmer, Exercitt. ad Grsec. Auct. p. 21, is that Darius either believed that the Hypanis, or perhaps the Borysthenes, was the Tanais, or pretended to believe it, out of a desire to increase his own reputation. B. Cf. iv. 118, a. R. p. 113, observes that “even taking Scythia under the limits assigned by Hdtus himself, that is, from the Danube to the Tanais, the ex¬ tent is such, as to require 60 days for an army even to march through it; and reckoning to the embouchure of the Tanais only, no less than 50. Had Scythia indeed been confined within the supposed dimensions, 4000 stades, 53 days’ constant marching would have sufficed both for the way out and home. But the cir¬ cuit taken by Darius cannot well be estimated at less than 150 days’ or 5 months’ march; and had he barely gone to the mouth of the BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 237 Tanais and back, 100 days would be required, although no halts were allowed for, which could not be dispensed with. When it is stated therefore that the 60 days, iv. 98, a., were not expired, after the Persians had passed the borders of the Agathyrsi on their re¬ turn, iv. 132, and not long expired when Darius came to the bridge, this must surely be an error, though he might have expected to re¬ turn about that time.” See D.’s criticism of R. p. 120, 121. Ch. CXXIII. — a. kg tt)v kprjyov —Cf. iv. 22, where this desert is also mentioned. Gatterer considers it to be the Uralian desert , situated between the Tanais and the Volga, the same now called by the Calmucks Naryn , and by the Russians Rynpeski . Mannert thinks the desert near the salt lake Elton , beyond the Volga, is meant. B. On the Thyssagetse and the rivers mentioned in the latter part of the ch., cf. iv. 22, a., on the Tanais, iv. 57, a., and on the wooden town mentioned above, iv. 108, a. Ch. CXXIV. — a. oktuj rtix^a —D. p. 120, seqq., quoted by B., considers the fact that ruins of these castles were to be seen in the time of Hdtus as certain, from the manner in which he speaks, but observes that it does not therefore follow that they were built by Darius; a point admitting of great doubt, as the reason and object of their erection by that monarch is by no means manifest. R. p. 103, seqq., appears to have no doubt that the Persians did reach the Oarus, the Wolya, and fixes the bound of the expedition at the great bend of that river near Saratow. He appears, however, and with good reason, sceptical about the distances compared with the time allowed, and alludes to the obvious difficulty of supplying such a host with food. Cf. iv. 118, a., 122, a., and D. L l. throughout. Ch. CXXV. — a. virtKcpipovTag /c. t. X.— semet ex conspectu aufe- rentes. W. Gettiny the start by a day’s journey, a day’s journey ahead. Ch. CXXVI.— a. Aaiyovit — ill-fated , ill-starred beiny , according to Schw. and so S. and L. D., O luckless wiyht. Lange renders it wonderful or stranye man , cf. viii. 84, and the Italian translation O stravayantissimo deyli uoniini. B. i%6v roi, when it is in your power. Accusative absolute. Cf. v. 49. 7 rapexov quum liceat. xp fwi/ quum oporteret. Jelf, § 700, 1, a. b. yriv re icai t'dwp—Cf. vi. 48, and Aristot. Rhet. ii. 23, § 18, to dicovai yyv k ai vdtop dovXtieiv tori. The same form of acknowledging submission, Pliny, H. N. xxii. 4, mentions as existing among the Germans of his time. It lasted through the middle ages, as is evident from Ducange. Glossary, ii. p. 103. Cf. also Virg. ASn. viii. 128. B. Ch. CXXVII. — a. r) v yh • • • • Xoyog alpy. Cf. i. 132, b. On Aia .... k ai \oTn)v , cf. iv. 58, b. b. icXaitiv Xeyw, plorare jubeo, I bid you yo howl, = I bid you yo liany yourself \ I defy you , or something of that kind: a common phrase among the Attic writers, in which, under a kind of eu¬ phemism, the wish is conveyed that those to whom it is addressed may have evils to undergo and deplore. Cf. Aristoph. Ach. 1131, 238 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Equit. 433; Plut. 62, 612; Av. 341, &c. B. Cf. also Horace i. Sat. x. 90, “ Discipularum inter jubeo plorare cathedras.” Ch. CXXYIII. — a. eSo^e 7 rXavav k. r.X.—it appeared good to them, they decided, no longer to lead the Persians about, but to attack them whenever they were taking their meals. 'Sira aiptoysvoi s. avaiptoyevoi, qui prandeni cibumque sumunt, occurs also in iii. 26, vii. 120. W. It is rendered by Schw. going out to orage. B. perfers the interpretation of W. Ch. CXXIX. — a. To ok rolai k. r. \. On the ass, which the Per¬ sians employed in war, Creuzer refers to Gesenius, on Isaiah xxi. 7, where the prophet describes in a vision the forces of the Medes and Persians; “ And the watchman saw a chariot with a couple of horsemen, a chariot of asses, and a chariot of camels,” &c, B. b. vf3piZ,ovrtg — braying. Cf. Xenoph. Anab. v. 8, 8, and Pind. Pyth. x. 55. W. c. opOd itTTctvreg ra wra k. t. X. Perhaps borrowed from the fine description of the horse in Sophocles Elect. 25. Cf. also Horace ii. Od. xix. 4. d. Taiira ykv .... roil 7ro\c gov. kcpkpovTO (sc. Ilspcrai) from (pepeaQai, reportare, adipisci. Schw. So also G., atque hoc, leve quidern, sed aliquid ad belli successum adepti-sunt Persce. They received this as a small help toward the war. S. and L. D. This construction appears preferable to Valias’, as it refers the plural verb to the masc. nom. TLkpaai, instead of to the neut. ravra. Ch. CXXXIL—a. avvecrrrjKss Sk ravry — was opposed to, clashed with, this. Cf. i. 208, a. On Gobryas, cf. iii. 70. b. "H.v yr) opviOeg k. t. X. Cf. Eurip. Phoeniss. 1222. f] v yv y £ ( ptvycov kiccpvyyg Trpbg aidkpa, and Plautus Amph. i. 1, 294. V. Ch. CXXXIV. — a. rpv cnropirjv. Cf. iv. 83, b. Ch. CXXXV . — a. T(p raQapcy tov arparov —Cf. i. 211, a. b. itaav rrjg (pujvrjg. Sent forth (of) their voice. Gen. Partitive. Cf. Jelf, § 533, 3. Any verb whose operation extends only to part of the objects signified by the objective substantive may be follow¬ ed by a partitive genitive. Cf. i. 67, vii. 6. Kara x^ppy, in their place just as they were, in their former position. Cf. also vii. 95, &c. Ch. CXXXVI. — a. crvarpa^evreg, having combined their forces. Cf. i. 101, a. Near the end of the ch. TrapaarpaoytQa, we will arrange or dispose of for our own purposes. S. and L. D. cf. viii. 80, b. Ch. CXXXV 11.— a. MiXnd^fw k. t.X. Cf. also vi. 34, 133, &c. On what Hdtus here relates of Miltiades, Thirlwall, ii. ch. xiv. p. 203, remarks, “ Though Histiaeus was so well rewarded for his loyalty, we do not find that Miltiades’ treason was ever punished; cf. vi. 30, a., for he remained long unmolested in his Chersonesian government, and was driven from it by an inroad of the Scythians themselves, three years before he was finally compelled to abandon it by the Persians : an impunity which reflects great doubt on the story of his offence, especially as it was no less glorious at Athens, than it was dangerous to him while he was surrounded by the 239 BOOK TV. MELPOMENE. Persian arms.” ovre avrog M. oiog re tarca — aXkov ovdsva ovdayojv, as if it had been olov re. In this construction (change of the im¬ personal into the personal) another clause sometimes follows, referring to some other person; and the acc. of this person is used with the infin. as if the impersonal form had been used in the for¬ mer clause. Jelf, § 677, 2, obs. 2. Ch. cxxxvii .— a. ot duKpspovTtg re Tr/v iprjcpov—gui hanc sen- tentiam ( a Miltiadis sententia ) alienam s. contrariam ferebant. B. On Strattis cf. viii. 132, iEaces, vi. 13, and on Histieeus, v. 30, seqq. iovTfQ \6yov k.t. X., being of note in the eyes of the king. Jelf, § 518, 1. Ch. CXXXIX. — a. to. re ... . odovrai, i. e. you are showing us the right way. Cf. vi. 73, and iEsch. Agam. 184, and Prom. V. 497- W. are advancing, succeeding. S. and L. Diet. Ch. CXLII.— a. ravra .... cnreppnrrai. hcec a Scythis %n Ionas projiciuntur dicteria ; these reproaches, or keen words, have been shot forth. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 153. aireppixpe 6 K. and vi. 69, viii. 92. Ch. CXLIII. — a. Meya(3a£ov, One MS. reads Msyaj3v, Santorin. Cf. Smith’s C. D. Ch. CXLVIII. — a. oi yap 7rXtvvtg k. t. X. On the probability of this account of this settlement in Triphylia being correct, see Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 269. Cf. also H. P. A. § 15, note 20. b. 67r’ iy'to ’HXtloi iivopQ^aav. Muller, Orchem. p. 374, refers this event to Olymp. lx., when war raged between the Minyse and the Elseans. Mannert refers it to the time of the 3rd Messenian war, 464—461 b. c., at the conclusion of which the Elseans received this territory, in return for having aided the Spartans. B. D., p. 43, considers it to have happened shortly before the time when Hdtus visited these cities, when on his travels through Greece. See also his note, p. 43. Ch. CXLIX. — a . 6iv kv Xvkokti. Cf. Matth. x. 16, “ Behold, 1 send you forth,” &e. W. b. Alye'ibai k. t. X. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 7, p. 270, and v. 57, a,. Ch. CL. — a. ktiIuv h Aiflvy noXiv. “ Our curiosity might be more reasonably excited to inquire, how it happened that no Greek colonies had taken the same course before, viz. to Libya, than, amid the contradictory statements of the ancient authors on a subject in its own nature obscure, to determine the causes which, circ. 632 b. c., induced Battus, one of the principal citizens of Thera, to undertake an expedition to the north coast of Africa.” Thirlw. ii. c. 12, p. 95. Ch. CL I.— a. TlXareav vijaov —now called Bomba. R. p. 609. Ch. CLII.— a. TapT7jcrffbv, Cf. i. 163, a. b. h v cucbparov tovtov tov xpovov, teas that time untouched , un¬ visited (by merchants); so Schw. intactum , i. e. illibatum , nondum frequentatum. “ This may appear to contradict i. 163, that the Phocseans were the first who caused Tartessus to be known to the Gks. The Samians, however, were the first acquainted with it, but did not discover it to the other Greeks, and by that means kept to themselves the commerce of the place.” L., quoted in the Oxf. Ed. Cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 486, “ The Samians returned home enriched beyond all their hopes, for the port of Tarshish, says Herodotus, was at that time fresh and undisturbed; the gold of its neighbouring mines was a treasure not yet appreciated by its possessors; they bartered it to the Samian strangers, in return for the most ordinary articles of civilized living, which barbarians cannot enough admire. This story makes us feel that we are in¬ deed living in the old ages of the world. The country then so BOOK IY. MELrOMENE. 241 fresh and untouched, has now been long in the last state of decre¬ pitude: its mines, then so abundant, have been long since ex¬ hausted ; and after having in its turn discovered and almost drained the mines of another world, it lies now like a forsaken wreck on the waves of time, with nothing but the memory of the past to ennoble it.” c. ypv7Tu>v KtcpciXal 7rpoKpoaaoi tan—gryphum capita prominentia , i. e. gtiffins ’ heads carved round probably the edge of the howl as an ornament. W., Schw., and B. So also S. and L. D,, set at regular distances round it. Ch. CLV. — a. Iff^vocpwvoQ icai rpavXug , stuttering and lisping. aXXo ti, for some other reason. B. Others render some other name — sc. ovopa. It appears from Pind. Pyth. iv. 104, &c., referred to by B., that his name before was Aristotle. h. Barr’, t7r i tpwvrjv k. t. X. Battus , (or, 0 king,) thou hast come for a voice, to get or gain a voice. On i-rrl, Causal, expressing the object or intention, with verbs expressing or implying motion, cf. Jelf, § 635, 3. On this oracle, cf. Pind. Pyth. iv. (59, seqq.) 105, w paicap ins UoXvpvdaTov k. t. X. B. Ch. CLVI.— a. ovvtcpspsro -jraXiyicoTiog, it turned out ill to him again. S. and L. D. Cf. next ch. and vii. 8. h. ITXarsa—the island of Bomba, iv. 151. Ch. CLVII.— a. *A£c pig, Temmineh on the main-land over against the island of Bomba. B. b. vcncai—hills and valleys. Schw. Ch. CLVIII . — a. TrapaiTrjirdpfvoi ol Aifiveg k. t. X. The Libyans having requested their permission to be allowed to lead them into a better country. B. b. "Ipaaa —probably where the fountain Ersen now is; M. Pacho Voyage dans la Marmorique. Paris, 1828, p. 53. The fountain of Apollo was doubtless the fountain Cyre, from which the town in all probability derived its name. That which is called Thestis in the following ch. is not the same, according to B., to whom I am indebted for the preceding; but, according to L., is considered to be the Libyan name of the spring, while Cyre, he conceives, is the Grecian. Foundation of Cyrene, 631 b. c. Thirl w., ii. c. 12, p. 95, observes, “ At the distance of ten miles from a part of the coast, which, with a little aid of art, afforded a commodious har¬ bour, near the gushing spring of Cyre, the Gks founded Cyrene, and soon converted the adjacent land into a luxuriant garden, while they extracted from its rocky basis the materials of imperishable monuments. Cyrene became, as Pindar expresses it, the root of other cities; perhaps of several which have been forgotten. Four of them—its port Apollonia, Barce, Tauchira, and Hesperis, which seemed by its fortunate position to rival or realize the fabulous gardens of the Hesperides—composed, with the capital, what in later times was called the Cyrenaic Pentapolis .”—“ All these towns, R. p. 611, observes, not only exist now, under the form of either R 242 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. towns or villages, but it is remarkable that their names are scarcely changed from what we may suppose the pronunciation to have been among the Gks. They are now called Kurin, Barca, Tollamata , Bernic, and Taukera.” Cf. Cyrene and Cyrenaica, Smith’s C. D. c. 6 ovpavog rerpyrai. meaning that here there was an abundance of rain. Cf. Gen. vii. 11,“ The windows of heaven were opened.” W. Ch. CLIX.— a. £7ri yijg avadacrytji, on condition of a division of land , on the terms of giving them a share in the public land. “ The public or demesne land in the ancient commonwealths was na¬ turally looked to as a resource on every admission of new T citizens. They were to receive their portion of freehold land, according to the general notion of a citizen’s condition ; but this land could only be found by a division of that which belonged to the public, and by the consequent ejectment of its tenants at will. Hence, in the Greek states, every large accession to the number of citizens was followed by a call for a division of the public land, cf. Thucyd. v. 4, Herodot. iv. 159, and as this division involved the sacrifice of many existing interests, it was regarded with horror by the old citizens as an act of revolutionary violence.” Arnold Hist, of Rome, i. p. 158. Cf. vii. 155, b. See also on the changes in the government of Cyrene, Mull. Dor. ii. p. 181, seqq., and iv. 161, b. b. avWsxdsrrog be ogiXov noXXov —From the division of the tribes . by Demonax, iv. 161, we may infer that the new colonists con¬ sisted chiefly of Peloponnesians, Cretans, and islanders of the iEgaean. That they were many in number, is evident from the mention in the following ch. that 7000 heavy-armed soldiers of the Cyrenaeans perished. Among the colonists the Cretans were pre¬ dominant in numbers, according to Raoul Rochette, iii. p. 268. B. c. TrtpiTayvbytvoi yfjv 7ro\\rjv—being deprived, curtailed , of a great portion of their land. Cf. Jelf, § 545, 3. d. iboaav acp'zag avrovg ’ A-npiy k. t. \. On this expedition of Apries, circ. b. c. 57L or 570, cf. ii. 161, a. and ref. e. 7rapaxpt cf. Jelf, § 842, 2. The conjunctive without av, &c. d. oyvvovcn y'ev rovg k.t.X., they swear indeed by &c., cf. Jelf, § 566,2. tt'kjtkh Se k. r.X. “ The ancient ceremony of the Nasamones to drink from each other’s hands, in pledging their faith, is at pre¬ sent the only ceremony observed in the marriages of the Algerines.” Shaw’s Travels in Barbary, i. p. 303. \V. Ch. CLXXIII. — a. ¥v\\oi. This nation appears to have dwelt between the two Syrtes in the country now called Mesurate. R. p. 614. See H. 1. 1. pp. 16, 106. “ How closely this narrative agrees with the place,” we again learn from the latest discoveries. “ The south wind,” says Della Celia, Viaggio , p. 93, “ drives the sand out of the great deserts like moving clouds, which bury whole caravans.” It is probable that only part of the Psylli were de¬ stroyed—the rest it appears were pressed back into the mts by the Bedouin Arabs. H. refers to Lyon, p. 85, 94, and to Bruce, iv. p. 548, for a description of -a simoom. He finely pictures a caravan journey himself, p. 108. “ Augila’s groves of palms are soon left behind, and the vault of heaven and the plains of burning sand BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 247 are the only objects which the eye can reach. No sound of ani¬ mated nature nor the rustle of a leaf breaks the everlasting death silence of the dreaiy waste. Suffocated birds point out the path of the fiery simoom, and perhaps only yesterday fell its victims: the heavens seem to glow, and volumes of sand, whirling upwards into spiral columns, are chased by the winds, like clouds of mist athwart the dreadful desert. The most desolate of all wastes, the Harutsh Mts, still lies before him, and demands another ten days’ journey ere these terrors can be overcome. Then the gigantic ostrich reappears, troops of playful antelopes disport before him, and announce the vicinity of more hospitable regions.” Ch. CLXXIV.— a. VapanavTiQ , This people (cf. R. p. 615) may clearly be made out to be the people of Fezzan, the ancient Pha- zania; H. p. 216; a considerable tract of inland country, between Tunis and Egypt. Its capital Garama (Mourzouk ). See H.’s very interesting confirmations of Hdtus, Carth. ch. vi. p. 95—120. Ch. CLXXV. — a. Ma*cai. Pliny confirms this situation gener¬ ally, by placing the Masse, as he writes the name, on the W. of the Nasamones. According to the ideas of Hdtus, the Masse ought to extend westward to the neighbourhood of the present Tripoli. R. p. 621. b. XoQovq Ke'ipovTcu. cristas sibi tondent, they shave their heads so as to leave a crest or tuft in the middle. Schw. On the practice, cf. the remarks in Horne’s Introd. on the allusions in the Scriptures to the idolatrous rites of the Heathens ; Pt. iii. ch. vi. § 1, vol. iii. p. 357 of the 7th edit. c. (rrpovOuiv Karayaiujv — ostriches. In vii. 70, the Ethiopians are mentioned as using the same kind of skins, as of cranes, for armour. W. d. K ivvxp —This river, which, according to Bochart, quoted in article Cinyps, owed its name to the number of porcupines in the vicinity, fell into the sea south-west of the promontory of Cephalae, flowing from a hill in the Punic tongue called Zachabari, or the Hill of the Graces , in the country of the Macse, now Wady el Kha- han. The modern name of the Cinyps, cf. H. 1. 1. p. 49, is the Zenifes, or Magro. According to Smith’s C. D., the Kinifo. Cf. also R. p. 621. Ch. CLXXVI. — a. TiWavtg —Probably the people of Gadamis, the Gadzames of Reiske, a well-known city and territory, situated in the road from Tunis to Agadez and Kasseena. R. p. 623. H. 1. 1. p. 15. Ch. CLXXVI I.— a. Aurotyayoi. It appears that the sea-coast between the two Syrtes was divided between the Macae and Lo- tophagi, the latter of whom also possessed the island of Menix, (or Meninx,) now Jerba, and the coast beyond it, R. p. 624; that is, in the neighbourhood of the present Tripoli. H. 1. 1. Carth. p. 15,111. b. Kcipirov too Xujtov —The reader will be careful to distinguish NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 248 the lotus here intended from the Egyptian lotus; “ which latter was an aquatic plant, whose roots and seeds were eaten in Egypt, while the former, the one here spoken of, was the fruit of a shrub on the sandy coast of Libya, which is disseminated over the edge of the Great Desert, from the coast of Cyrene, round by Tripoli and Africa Proper, to the borders of the Atlantic, to Senegal and the Niger. It has been described by several modern travellers, Shaw, Defontaines, Park, Beechy, all of whose accounts perfectly agree among themselves, and also with those of the ancients. Ac* Cording to the first of these, the lotus is now called seedra by the Arabs, and is a species of ziziplxus or jujeb, the Rhamnus Lotus of Linnaeus, cf. H. 1. 1. p. 15, and the fruit tastes somewhat like gin¬ gerbread, and is, when fresh, of a bright yellow colour. Park, Travels, p. 99, describes the berries as “ small, farinaceous, of a yellow colour and a delicious taste.” R. p. 626. Ch. CLXXYIII.— a. MaxWeg, We meet many names that in modern geography bear some similarity to the name of this nation. The Machres of Leo, and Mackaress of Shaw, at the N. part of the Lesser Syrtis, certainly agree with the supposed position of a part of the Maxyes. R. p. 637- b. Xipvyv .... Tptrojvida k . r. X. Cf. iv. 169, C., and H. I, l. p. 7> note. The only river in the vicinity, it appears, which will answer to Hdtus’ river Triton is the little river el Hammah of Shaw, which R. compares in size with the Cherwell; on which H. remarks that “ the narrative of Hdtus, iv, 179, is drawn, wdthout doubt, from some Argonautic poet: may not then the size of the river, if not its very existence, be merely the creation of some such poet’s imagination?” Cf. R. p. 647, 659. Ch. CLXXIX. — a. 'nriQiamaavra re rip Tp'nrofi i k.t.X. Cf. Pind. Pyth. iv., Apollonius Rhod. iv. 1548, seqq., and Diod. Sic. iv, 56. W. The opinion of H. given in the preceding note seems ex¬ tremely probable. B. quaintly remarks, “ In ipso fabulse argumento nuper sudavit C. O. Muller, Orchomen. p. 353; qusecunque hie enarrentur Libyca, ea omnia e Boeotia in Libyam traducta statuens ab illis Minyis, qui per varias rerum vicissitudines in Libyam tan¬ dem devenerint,” &c. &c., from which explanation he sagaciously dissents, cf. iv. 180, b. For quotations on the lake Tritonis, see Arrowsmith’s Eton Geog. p. 716, seqq. Ch. CLXXX.— a. Avail g. “ Of the name Ausenses we find no trace in modern geography,” R. p. 637, nor does H. say more than that they lived on the shore of the Lesser Syrtis, the G. of Cubes. b. opry bs iviava’iy ’A Oyvalyg k. t. X. The theory of Muller, cf. iv. 179, a., referring the origin of these rites to Boeotia and Greece, is with reason rejected by B., who observes that the worship of this goddess, whom Hdtus himself speaks of as indigenous here, was doubtless practised among the Africans at a far earlier period than among the Greeks. He therefore agrees with Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 642, who compares with the contest here mentioned in honour BOOK IY. MELPOMENE. 249 of the goddess, the rites at Sais of Isis-Neith (Athene), and con¬ siders both to refer to the courses of the sun and moon, of the in¬ fluences of which the goddess herself is a personification. c. ti)v tie A9t)vair)v eg probably jackals, or lynxes, and the tt avOrjpsg panthers or leopards. By the land crocodile the Lacerta Draccena of Linnaeus is meant. B. d. t\av Se ttclv yap k. t. X., for oi Se (rrav yap f/v to 7rXr}9. [_avTu>v sc.] ptraiTiov ) ov x idex- tovq Xoy. The two clauses are often so compressed together that the subject of the former is placed in the latter, and even follows the government thereof. Jelf, § 78&, obs. 6. Tap, for. Explanatory force, cf. ix. 109, b. b. rd gtv opvygaTa k. t. X. For similar devices to detect mines employed by the Rhodians and Ambraciots, cf. Diod. xx. 94, Livy xxxviii. 7, and Polybius xxii. 11. V. c. hrixaXKip a]Q, well off for strong drink. Cf. Jelf, § 528, quoted in i. 30, c. Ch. XXI.— a. KariXa(3t — restrained, checked the inquiry into, the matter. Bubares, to'whom Alexander gave the money and his sister, was the s. of Megabyzus, cf. vii. 21. The name of Alex¬ ander’s sister was Gygsea, viii. 136. V. So at the end of the ch. KaraXapipOeig — their death was suppressed , the inquiry ivas suppressed as to how they died. Ch. XXII.— a. iv rdim oirioQt Xoyoiv S'e 6 M eyaf3aTT]g k.t.X. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 207, and E. Orient. H., date the revolt of Ionia and the Naxian w~ar 501 b. c. On its history, cf. E. Hist, of Gr. ch. viii. p. 207—213, Thirlw. 1. /., and E. Orient. H. p. 378, and on its con¬ sequences, D. p. 125. On e.7r\ss irpotyacnv, he sailed away as he pre¬ tended , pretendedly, &c., accus. in apposition to the verbal notion contained in the sentence which precedes it, cf. Jelf, § 580. b. rovrov drjcrai did 9aXayirjg ditXovrag — vincire trajectum per tliala- miurn navis. W. duXovrag, having as it were divided him in two, in such sort that his head appeared outside of the vessel, projecting through the oar-hole, while his body remained within. Cf. Thirlwall in l. Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Ships. Ch. XXXIV.—a. Kal crTra /cat ttotcl to rei X og ead^avro, id est, eg to Tu X og yZavTO, et esculenta potulentaque curaverant intra urbem importari. V. -k poaetpepovro, bore down upon, rushed upon, made their assaults upon. Cf. v. 109. Ch. XXXV.— a. ev, according to the oracles about Laius , or perhaps Laius ’ oracles. Cf. Jelf, § 621, 3,/. tK, Causal, in conse¬ quence of, according to. Cf. i. 64, and Soph. Hid. Tyr. 907- Aaiov 7ra\aia Oka 0ara, the ancient oracles given to Laius. c. 'Hpa/cXpitju k. r. X. See Miill. Dor. i. p. 459—“ it was natural that the Greeks should find some affinity of character between Hercules and the Phoenician god Melcart, the son of Baal and Astarte, ’Aartpia .—Great as the confusion soon became between the Doric and Phoenician traditions respecting Hercules, they may be easily distinguished from each other; and the first effect of their union may perhaps be traced in the wish of Dorieus, the son of Anaxandridas, to found a kingdom near Mount Eryx, because Her¬ cules had formerly conquered that country: now the wmrship and name of the Phoenician Venus, Astarte, existed on Mount Eryx, and probably also that of her son Melcart.” On Melcart, the tutelar deity of Carthage and Tyre, see H. Carthag. ch. iii. p. 139, seqq., and cf. ref. in ii. 44, a. Ch. XLIV.— a. avvtXuv rt)v ’Evfiapiv, helped to conquer Sybaris. H., P. A. § 80, in his discussion of the Dorian colonies, says, “ Though Crotona and its daughter-cities, Caulonia, Pandosia, and Terina, were considered by all antiquity to be Achaean colonies, yet that by this nothing more could be meant than that they were colonies of the original inhabitants of Laconia led out by their Dorian conquerors. Sybaris, however, was indisputably an Achaean city, founded, although particulars are not known, about the same time as Crotona, circ. 710 b. c. The tie of kindred, however, did not in the least check the annihilating fury of the Crotoniats, who put an end to the power and prosperity which Sybaris had then enjoyed for two centuries, 510 b. c. Cf. Herod, vi. 21. The fugi¬ tives from the ruined city found refuge in their colonies of Laus and Scidrus : their return was long prevented by the jealousy of Crotona, until Pericles formed a new settlement at Thurii, 444 b. c., 266 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. colonists from which place and Tarentum soon afterwards built Heraclaea, on the site of the ancient Siris.”—Cf. viii. 62, b., and Smith’s C. D., Sybaris. On the particulars of the war, see Diod. Sic. xii. 9. b. t&v ’lagiSewv —On the Iamidae, to whom the care of the ora¬ cles at the altar of the Olympian Jove was intrusted, and who were said to be descendants of Apollo, cf. Pind. 01. vi. B., and Dissen’s Introd. vol. ii. p. 58, and ix. 33, a. Ch. XLV.— a. ruv %7]p'ov K| oaOtv, the dry Crathis, as being a tor¬ rent stream which flowed only in winter; cf. Virg. Georg, iii. 151, “ et sicci ripa Tanagri.” W. The surname of Crastia, there can be no doubt, is a local epithet, derived from the neighbouring stream of the Crathis, or Crastis. “ The worship of Minerva ex¬ isted at Sparta, as well that of Minerva Chalcioecus as of Minerva Alca, and in other states of the Peloponnesus, particularly in Ar- golis ; although her worship, as well as that of J uno, had probably been more prevalent before than after the Doric invasion.” Mull. Dor. i. p. 413. What is narrated in this and the preceding ch. “ relative to the disputed circumstance in the destruction of Sy¬ baris by the Crotonians, where one can by no means pass unob¬ served the obscurity which pervades the account of so recent a transaction,” is considered by D., p. 36, as one of the proofs that Hdtus wrote in Italy and at an advanced age. See his remarks throughout; of which I borrow the following—“ He (Hdtus) adds at the conclusion of the narrative, though here it does not help us to the main question, ‘ still in my time the family of Callias pos¬ sessed certain select portions of the lands of Crotona, which had been given to them.’ ’A 7 royovoi and hyovoi, descendants, generally mean, not the second generation, but the third, the grandchildren. It is therefore probable that Hdtus is here speaking as a Thurian, and at a later date.” b. Qaiptra . . . 7ro\Xa SoOevra, many portions (of land) set apart for and given to Callias and his descendants. Cf. iv. 161, b. Ch. XLVI. — a. d-nkQavov gdxv K • r * X. The death of Dorieus is also mentioned in vii. 158, 205. Cf. Diod. iv. 23, and Pausanias iii. 16, § 4. B. Ch. XLVIII.— a. Topyth. Cf. v. 51. She married her uncle, the famous Leonidas, who fell at Thermopylae. B. Ch. XLIX.— a. ^aX/ctov irivaica , The visit of Aristagoras to Sparta, 500 b. c. Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. p. 22. “ Geographical charts,” observes L., quoted in the Oxfd. Tr., “ must have been rather common at that time, since Anaximander made one 7 1 years before. They were much more ancient in Egypt, and we may pre¬ sume that this is one of the things that the Gks derived from that country.” Cf. also Josh, xviii. 4, and D., p. 85, who considers it very probable that this brazen tablet, which contained the en¬ graved outline of the earth, &c., was constructed upon the system and delineations of Hecatmus. tcl Kan'iKovTa, the present state of BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 267 affairs. Of. i. 79, a. Read for the history the ch. The Ionic Re¬ volt, in E. Hist, of Gr. p. 207—213. b. o'i TrtvTaKocna raXavra . . . hnrtXevai. Cf. iii. 90. On the Cho- aspes, cf. i. 188, c., and on Susa, iii. 68, b. c. xpvoov e\opevov . . . ovdev, nothing of the nature of that has to do with, gold. Cf. i. 120, a. * ava(3d\Xeaq —Cf. V. 36, b. Ch. LI.— a. Xaf.3v bcertjp'iriv, sc. iXaiav, pafiSov. having taken an olive branch as a symbol of his being a suppliant. S. and L. D. So B., sumto olece ramo. Cf. vii. 141. b. Topyw. Cf. v. 48, a. Ch. LII.— a. aradpoi . . . KaraXiuneq — stations—and resting-places or inns. “ These inns we must consider as being much the same kind of establishment as the caravanseries of modern Persia; many of which, on the public roads, are grand, commodious, and extensive. But with respect to the accommodation of armies, they must have been out of the question ; although they might have accommodated detachments or officers. Very possibly they might have been calculated to receive the monarch and his retinue, when the army was put in motion; and that they had their reference to war, as well as to civil purposes, may be collected from the space between them, which is calculated for the day’s march of an army, cf. note/, infra, but is too short for the journeys of travellers of any description; the slowest of whom, those who travel in cara¬ vans, far outstrip an army.” On this royal road between Ionia and Susa, cf. R. § xiii. p. 333, from which the preceding and many of the subsequent remarks are borrowed, and particularly H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 426, 427, who observes that this principal road of Asia, constructed, no doubt, chiefly for political reasons, and to maintain an uninterrupted communication with Asia Minor, but also used for commercial purposes, has undergone no other alteration than that occasioned by its different limits, being now commonly used from Ispahan to Smyrna. See also the remarks of D., p. 56, “ Hdtus must on the whole certainly have followed this road, which was usually passed over in three months and three days, and it was probably necessary for him to keep to the high road,” &c. b. hr’ ([j irvXai re i-Ktioi, not such gates as in iii. 117, {flood-gates to shut off or let on the water,) but gates placed for the protection of 268 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. both entrances of the bridge itself, and guarded with works; fetes du pont. That fortifications should be raised in this place was but natural, since the Halys formed the ancient boundary of the Lydian and Median kingdoms. B. Similar gates formerly existed for the defence of Thermopylae, whence its name. Cf. vii. 1/6, and H. Bab. 1. 1. p. 426. On the Halys, cf. i. 6, a. c. bi^ag re 7 rvXag, two passes (entrances into the country through the mts). S. and L. D. ovpog be KtXnc'irjg ical rijg ’ Appev'ir\g k. r. X. “ Cilicia, by being extended to the Euphrates, is made to include the N. part of Syria; that is, the province of Cyrhestica. The Chellians mentioned in Judith ii. 21, appear to be the people of the district which includes the town of Ivillis, not far from Aleppo; whence it may be suspected that the Cilicia of Hdtus included this province.” R. § xiii. p. 327- To the same effect H. 1.1., “ Cilicia, according to Hdtus, extended as far as Cappadocia, along the upper Euphrates, and comprehended the region afterwards named Little Armenia. Cf. v. 49, and therefore by the term Cilician Mts, we are to understand all that chain which reaches to Mt Caucasus.” H. appears, from some inadvertence, to have understood ovpwv tCjv K. of the mts , instead of the boundaries, of Cilicia. A description of the Satrapy of Armenia is given in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 87. d. pera be, bevrepog re ical rpirog k. r. X. “ The second is the Greater Zab; the Zabatus of Xenophon; and the third is the Lesser Zab; which joins the Tigris near the city of Senai; the Cense of Xeno¬ phon. The fourth is said to be the Gyndes, which was formerly divided by Cyrus; and which, our author says, also rises in the mts of Matiene; and runs through the country of the Darneans, hod. Derna, in its way to join the Tigris: i. 189, a. This river is unquestionably intended for the Diala, of modern geography, w’hich has its source in the same country with the Lesser Zab (that is, Matiene); but it neither flows through Derna, nor does it intersect the road leading from Susa to Babylon.—Our author’s extension of Armenia to the Diala river, is quite incorrect.” R. 1. 1. H. 1.1. e. rrjv M aTit]vr/v yrjv —Matiene is reckoned to commence at the fourth river, called the Gyndes, but meant for the Diala, and to extend to Cissia, or Susiana. Therefore, by Matiene, is here in¬ tended the country between Assyria or Susiana; and as that was known in the times of Xenophon and Alexander by the name of Sittacene, a province of Babylonia, this should be the true reading and not Matiene. Cf. on Matiene iii. 94, b., and on Susiana or Cissia, iii. 91, g., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 155, seqq. f. ovroi oi 7r dvr eg . ... ical ticarov. Rennel observes, “ in the detail of these distances, the omissions amount to about one-third of the whole: they are chiefly between Cilicia and Susa; and more par¬ ticularly between the Euphrates and Tigris, in the line between Zeugma and Nineveh.”—The whole distance from Sardis to Susa be¬ ing 111 stathmi, or stations; while the detail contains no more than 81. See his calculations given at length. It is worth while to add, BOOK Y. TERPSICHORE. 269 that from computations based on this passage, R. arrives at the conclusion that the stathmus was the ordinary march of an army, about 14 English mil^s. H. remarks; “ according to Hdtus, the distance between each station was 5 parasangs, a journey of seven or eight hours; and this, we learn from Tavernier, is exactly the space which caravans consisting of loaded camels are accustomed to traverse in the course of a day; but those of horses travel much faster.” See his interesting discussion on this great road, in Bab. ch. ii. pp. 426—428. Ch. LI 11.— a. ra M efxvovia KaXeopsva —Cf. iii. 68, b. Memnonian was a name applied by the Greeks to certain very ancient buildings and monuments in Egypt and Asia, the erection of which was ascribed to the Memnon who appears in the legends of the Trojan "War. The most celebrated of these were, 1. a great temple at Thebes, 2. another at Abydos in Egypt, and, 3. the citadel of Susa; but there is no reason to suppose that this connexion of Memnon with the Persian capital existed before the Persian con¬ quest of Egypt. Smith’s C. D. b. 7rtvrt]KovTa Sk icai kicarov araSia —Cf. iv. 101, b. The variation observable here of 150 instead of 200 stades as the day’s journey, is accounted for by the great length of the journey here discussed, and the greater heat of the sun in Asia. B. From the conclusion of the following ch. it appears probable that Hdtus himself travel¬ led the road to Susa. Cf. v. 52, a., and D. 69—73, on the measure¬ ments of length used in Hdtus. Ch. LY. — a. ’Ant\. Sk 6 'Apicrray. —Cf. v. 35, c., and D. as there quoted. “ The times had changed: Sparta on this occasion refused to mix herself up with the affairs of Asia: Athens promised the wished-for aid. This leads to a copiously detailed statement of the then internal condition of the two principal states of Greece: the survey of which is rendered somewhat difficult by the insertion, occasioned certainly by their actual connexion, of the histories of ASgina and Corinth.” b. yevopevag .... Tvpavvuv tXtvQepag. On Pisistratus and the nature of his sway, cf. i. 59, b. and l., and read the ch. The Pisis- tratidce, in E. Hist, of Gr. ch. viii. p. 193—207- H. P. A. § 110, remarks very justly that “ the enactments of Solon, in consequence perhaps of the very spirit of moderation that pervaded them, did not, at first, serve even to maintain peace and union during his absence, and that the usurpation of absolute power by Pisistratus, 560 b. c., supported by the Demos, proved fortunate at that junc¬ ture of affairs, inasmuch as it prevented a renewal of the contests with the oligarchical party. It is true that the term tyrant, in the full sense which it bore among the Greeks, may be well applied to Pisistratus after he had regained, by force of arms, his twice shat¬ tered throne, and secured it to his sons after him; but the laws and constitution were never better maintained than under their sway, and history abounds with proofs of their mildness and concern for NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 270 the common weal. It was not till the incontinence of Hipparchus had occasioned the deed of Harmodius and Aristogiton, 514 b. c., that Hippias excited, by severity, the hatred that brought on his ruin ; although, strictly speaking, it was th^ Alcmeeonidse who ex¬ pelled him by means of Delphian gold and Spartan arms, 510 b. c.” cf. v. 42, b. On the Pisistratidse, cf. Thucyd. vi. 55—60, Thirlw. ii. ch. xi. pp. 65—72, D.’s remarks, p. 42, and particularly p. 165, 166. ra dveic. Feoti nKeg oi ovv KaS/xip .... bar]'/ayov .... y pct/i- para k. t.\. On the very obscure subjects of the colonization of Greece from Phoenicia, the period at which letters became known to the Greeks, and whence they were introduced, read on the first of these points, Thirlw. i. c. iii. p. 69, seqq.; and on the latter, viz. the introduction of letters and the knowledge of the art of writing, i. c. vii. p. 238, seqq. of the same work, where he will find this passage of our author, and the three inscriptions adduced by him in the following chs., discussed and their evidence considered. “ The traditionary history of the Greek alphabet is well known. It is said to have originally consisted of only 16 letters, which were brought from Tyre by Cadmus, and to which 4 were added by Palamedes at the time of the Trojan war, and subsequently 4 others by Simonides of Ceos.—All that we are to understand by these traditions is, that the alphabet was of Semitic origin, and this we can discover for ourselves from an examination of the characters and their arrangement.” Donaldson, New Cratylus, bk. i. ch. 5, where the subject is discussed at great length. See particularly pp. 98 and 104 (of 1st edition). See also a very interesting notice on the subject in Pelasgi, Class. Diet., and the commencement of Thiersch’s Gr. Grammar. b. jj,£Ttf3a\ov Kal t'ov pvdpov ypapparcov — This is rendered by W., they changed also the method of writing the letters; litter arum modum, figuram et scriptionis seriem novarunt. So also L. takes it: “ At first the Greeks followed the Eastern practice of writing from right to left; afterwards, they wrote alternately from left to right and then from right to left, (a method called fiovarpocpridbv,) finally they wrote only from left to right.” Thus too Coleridge in his Introd. to the Study of the Gk Classics. B. appears inclined to follow Schw. in rendering pvOpov figure , shape of the letters ; and so S. and L. D. and Donaldson, New Cratyl., bk. i. ch. 5, p. 104. “ It is obvious that these authors (Hdtus and Diodorus) allude neither to any change in the order of the letters, nor to any difference in the way of writing them, as from left to right, instead of from right 272 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. to left, but to a slight alteration in the form (pvOpbg) and pronuncia¬ tion {? tt poQrjTig xpvg a(Tlv TrtTruap.'tvr\ dd ovgcpkpiiv (top vopov ) tXpa. Polyaen. i. 16, 1, quoted by V.,] may probably be referred to the same cause. Cf. v. 42, b., and Smith’s D., as quoted in the preceding note. b. xi Xujv re i-mrov icai tov (iacrCKria —The cavalry of Thessaly was the most famous in Greece ; cf. vii, 196. B. On the title fiaaiXrja, Thirlw., ii. c. xi. p. 71> says : “ The Thessalians sent a thousand horse under Cineas, whom Hdtus entitles king, and who was pro¬ bably either tagus, or one of their most powerful nobles.” Cf. vi. 127, c. The T ayog, or generalissimo of the forces of Thessaly, ap¬ pears to have been appointed from time to time as head or leader in war of the four tetrarchies, into which Thessaly was anciently divided, on the occasion of common expeditions ; he was possessed of no political power, since, in other than military respects, the single republics and tril es governed themselves independently, and his dignity was not allowed to be hereditary. From Muller’s Dor. ii. Appendix vii. p. 469, and H. P. A. § 178. “ It seems, too, not improbable, that the election of a tagus, like that of a dictator at Rome, was sometimes used as an expedient for keeping the com¬ monalty under.” Thirlw. i. p. 438. In after times the office of Tagus assumed a very different and far more despotic character, when held by the famous Jason of Pherse, who died the year after the battle of Leuctra, 370 b.c. Smith’s D. of A., Tayof. c. KoviaZov. “ As there is no town of Conion or Conise known in Thessaly, and as the expression in the text would seem to imply that Cineas was born out of Thessaly, there is therefore no reason why we should not suppose, with L., that he was born in Conium of Phrygia, especially as'it is not incredible that some connexion existed between the Thessalians and the Phrygians. Schw. d. iv Kwoadpyti. “ This was an open space and gymnasium in the suburbs of Athens, (E. of the city, and before the gate Dio- mea,) where the school of the Cynic philosophers was afterwards held. It is said to have derived its name from the kvwv apyog, the white dog, which, when Diomus was sacrificing to Hercules, carried off part of the victim.” Potter’s Gk Antiquit. bk. i. c. 8 L p. 48, and Smith’s C. D. Ch. LXIV. — a. cnraWdoaovro k.t.X. “This time the Thessalian cavalry was defeated, and though their loss was small, they im- x 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 27 6 mediately abandoned their allies, and returned home.” Thirlw. 1. 1., who adds in a note that this seems to be the battle to which Andocides alludes, De Myst. 106, as fought iiri UaWrjv'ap, in which the patriots (? rebels) were headed by his grandfather Leogoras and his f.-in-law Charias. It is also referred to by Aristoph. Lysistr. v. 1154, quoted by W. b. tv t<£ Ht\a Ttixt'L in the Pelasgian citadel. “ The Acropolis was originally surrounded by an ancient Cyclopian wall, said to have been built by the Pelasgians : at the time of the Peloponne¬ sian War, only the N. part of this wall remained, and this portion was still called the Pelasgic wall; while the S. part, which had been rebuilt by Cimon, was called the Cimonian wall” Smith’s C. D., Athence. Cf. also vi. 137; Thucyd. ii. 17, Potter’s Gk Ant. i. 8, p. 35, and Leake’s Athens, sect. viii. p. 284, seqq. On the Pelasgi in Attica cf. Hdtus i. 56, a ., 57, a., 94, h., and on the monuments they left in Attica and Greece, Thirlw. i. c. 2, pp. 38 and 60. Ch. LXV.-fl. v7rtKTi9tiJitvoi yap k. r. X.— -for the children of the Pisistratidce, while being conveyed out of the country {for safety ), were captured, ini pio9

v avruiv — ical oi ctfMpi, for rolcn agtpl. Cf. Jelf, § 594, obs. 4. c. dvtKa9tv UvXioi Kai 'Srj\t~idai, This refers to the remote period when the dynasty of the Theseidse at Athens was changed for that of the Neleidse, from which last family Pisistratus was descended. Cf. D. p. 42. Thymaetas, the fourth from Theseus, was the last of his family on the Athenian throne. “ About that time,” says H., P. A. § 102, i. e. 1104 b. c., “occurred the great migrations by which the population of Boeotia, as well as that of the Pelopon¬ nesus, was changed, and it so happened that Melanthus, a descend¬ ant of Nestor, in his flight from Pylos reached Attica at the very moment when the inhabitants were engaged in defending their frontiers against the intruders from Boeotia. It is said that having slain the Boeotian king Xanthus, whom Thymeetas had declined to meet in single combat, the crown was transferred to him, and descended to his son Codrus ; an account we have the less reason to doubt, from the circumstance that the admission of fugitive noble families to the right of citizens is fully authenticated by other instances.” Cf. v. 57, a. b. liri tovtov — iiri tov N. Cf. Jell, BOOK Y. TERPSICHORE. 277 § 633, 3, b., KaXtlaOat hri nvog, to be named after some one or some thing , whereon, as it were, the name rests. Cf. iv. 45, vii. 40, 74. Ch. LXVI.— a. Au K ap'up —Cf. i. 171, d., where the Carians are mentioned as having a temple to this deity at Mylasa, where also stood another temple to Zevg Srpanog, whom B., following Strabo, xiv. p. 973, C., considers as distinct from the deity here spoken of. From the bad character the Carians bore in Greece, as having been the first to serve as troops for hire, an example which was followed principally by the Cretans and Arcadians, V. and L. consider that our author, by mentioning that the family of Isagoras was of Carian origin, of which the sacrificing to Carian Zeus was an acknowledgment, meant to convey the notion that he was of mean and servile descent. b. TtTQav\a.Q St —The reasons assigned by Mull. Dor. ii. p. 59, for the changes made by Clisthenes in the names of the tribes, do not appear so probable either as those given by Hdtus, or by Thirlwall, l. 1. as follows: “ One of the most cele¬ brated innovations was the change which Clisthenes made in the names of the Dorian tribes, for which he substituted others, de¬ rived from the lowest kinds of domestic animals; viz. from the sow , the ass, and the pig: — 'Yarai, ’Ovtarai, Xoiptarai ; while a fourth tribe, to which he himself belonged, was distinguished by the majestic title of the Archelai, the princely. Hdtus supposes that he only meant to insult the Dorians; and we could sooner adopt this opinion than believe, with a modern author, Mull. Dor ii. p. 59, that he took so strange a method of directing their attention to rural pursuits. But Hdtus adds, that the new names were retain¬ ed for sixty years after the death of Clisthenes and the fall of his dynasty, when those of the Dorian tribes were restored, and in the room of the fourth, a new one was created, called from the son of the Argive hero Adrastus, the iEgialeans. This account leads us to suspect that the changes made by Clisthenes were not con¬ fined to the names of the tribes, but that he made an entirely new distribution of them, perhaps collecting the Dorians in one, and assigning the three rustic tribes to the commonalty, which, by this means, might seem to acquire a legitimate preponderance. After¬ wards perhaps this proportion was inverted; and when the Dorians resumed their old division, the commonalty was throwm into the single tribe, called not from the hero, but from the land, the iEgialeans.” iva — tWi, cf. Jelf, § 806, ohs. 1, Conjunctive after the aorist. icartyeXatrt r-wv 2. he derided the Sicyonians. Cf. Jelf, § 629, obs. on the compounds of Kara. Ch. LXIX. — a. 7 rportpov cnrwapsvov, rort Trdvra irpog rijv k. r. X. This is the reading of G., Schw., and B., rendered by Valla, post- quam enim populum Atheniensem antea alienatum ( ase ), tunc omnem ad suain auctoritatem redegit; when he had entirely drawn over to his own party the commons who had formerly been opposed to him. The other reading is tt pot. cnuoa. -kcivtuv, k■ t. \., which had formerly been thrust out of, deprived of every privilege, &c. On the policy of Clisthenes in attaching to himself the democratical party, and on the nature of the changes he introduced, cf. v. 66, b. b. $v\dpxovQ —That Hdtus is wrong in calling the heads of the BOOK y. TERPSICHORE. 281 Phylae Phylarchs , instead of tTrifieXtiral ru>v v , is strongly asserted by H. P. A. § 111; whether {pvXofictcnXt'ig would not have been the correct name, as before the time of Clisthenes there appear to have existed four Presidents or Heads of the tribes, one to each tribe, thus named, may be conjectured; but the subject is one of great obscurity. Cf. Schomann Comitia, iii. 2, p. 368, and on the (pvXofSaaiXtlg , Mull. Dor. ii. p. 142, or Smith’s D. of A. Phybbasileis. Anyhow, it appears certain that the v, which appear to have been principally concerned with the care of the public spectacles and games held at the Dionysiac, Panathenaic, and other festivals, see the same work, p. 269. Cf. also Smith’s D. of A. (JivXapxoi. c. SUa .... tuq (pvXdg. This is rendered by Corsini, whom B. follows, in decern vero tribus etiam demos distribuit ( singulos ), an interpretation considered by H. P. A. § 111, note 9, as quite in¬ admissible. But to translate in singulos tribus decern demos dis¬ tribuit , would make the number of the Demi 100 only, while it is known that they were 174. The first interpretation therefore appears preferable; Schw. too considers the order of the words to be, Kai Karertyt rovg diiyovg ig rag deica tyvXag. So also S. and L. D. Ch. LXX.— a. i&flaXXt — he endeavoured to expel , &c. Cf. i. 68,/. On Isagoras, cf. v. 66, a., seqq. Ch. LXXI. — a. ol Se evayeeg .... KvXwj/ k.t.X. The insurrec¬ tion of Cylon, dated 620 b. c. in the E. Hist, of Gr., is by Thirlw. placed 8 years later : “ it was,” H., P. A. § 103, remarks, “ without doubt only a consequence of the sanguinary severity of the enact¬ ments of Draco. It would seem that the Eupatrid® finding them¬ selves unable any longer to withstand the general clamour for a written code of laws, made their very compliance an opportunity for sanctioning measures of the most rigorous description, in the hope of being able still to check the growth of democracy. The event, however, proved the reverse of what they had hoped, and, though they succeeded in overpowering the insurrection Cylon raised, the perfidy with which they acted on the occasion pre¬ cipitated their fall. Laden with the curse of sacrilege, the Alcm®onid® were obliged to comply with Solon’s proposal that they should leave the city, and Epimenides, who was invited for the purpose of purifying it, prepared the way for Solon’s legisla¬ tion by many wholesome enactments.” Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. xi. p. 20, and Thucyd. i. 126, where on the same charge of pollution NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 282 the Lacedaemonians demand Pericles’ banishment, his mother Agariste being grand-daughter of Megacles, s. of Alcmseon. b. iKopqfft — ico/iav, to let the hair groiv, as in i. 82 and 195, thence, from the pride supposed to attach itself to wearing the hair long, to raise one’s ambition to any object, to entertain high thoughts, to give oneself airs, hr i, the result contemplated —with a vieic to ; Jelf, § 634, 3, a., he conceived ambitious designs upon, aimed at, the tyranny ; or, he gave himself airs from his hope of obtaining the tyranny. On the Acropolis see the interesting sect. viii. p. 176, seqq. of Leake’s Athens, and Athence, Smith’s C. D. c. oi IT pvrdvtg twv mavicpupwv, “ Solon appears to have laid the foundation of the Attic navy, by charging the 48 sections, called naucraries, into which the tribes had been divided for financial purposes, each with the equipment of a galley, as well as with the mounting of two horsemen.—The name seems to have had nothing to do with navigation, but rather to be derived from vmW’ Thirlw. ii. c. xi. p. 52, and note, cf. p. 22. On the derivation see also be¬ low. “ The division of the tribes into twelve rpiTrvsg and forty- eight Naucrariae, though antecedent to the times of Solon and Cleisthenes, cannot,” says H., “ be referred to so early a period as the time of Theseus, since the latter, consisting of divisions of the citizens for the payment of contributions and meeting other public burdens, clearly belong to a more advanced state of civil organiz¬ ation.—Among the other changes introduced by Cleisthenes was that of the number of Naucrariae from forty-eight to fifty, and their former duties, such as the raising subsidies of money or troops for the public service, were made over by him to Demarchs, or presidents of the Demi or hamlets.” Cf. also Grote, Gr. iii. p. 71. Observe, that “ the statement of Hdtus, vi. 89, that the Athenians in their war against iEgina had only 50 ships of their own, is thus per¬ fectly in accordance with the 50 naucraries of Cleisthenes.” Smith’s D. of A., Naufcpapta. Muller, in his learned discussion on the very probable identity in ancient times of the 4 v ttoXitikCjv ol ivvea apxovreg tirpatyaov, is ingeniously reconciled by Wachsmuth, i. p. 246, by the supposition that the magistrates mentioned by Hdtus were assessors of the first Archon, and were therefore in public proceedings identified with him and his col¬ leagues.” Thirlw. ii. c. 11, p. 22. Ch. LXXIL—a. fj'U Ig ... we 7rpo<7fpewr, he was about to proceed into the shrine of the goddess, Minerva Polias, cf. v. 82, c., for the purpose of addressing her. b. Trpiv r) rag Qiioctg dutZ\pat, before that he passed the doors. Cf. iEschyl. Choeph. 569, Soph. Philoct. 1256, and Eurip. Electr. 750. W. So Mutare, in Lucretius iv. 455, quoted by L., “ Conclusoque loco coelum, mare, flumina, montes Mutare et campos pedibus transire videmur.” c. fc£s7ri7rre pera riov AaiceSaipcvicjv k. r. A. Alluded to by Aristoph. Lysistr. 273, ovSk KXtopkvng og avn)v k. t. X. V. “ The decisive measures of Clisthenes soon perfectly developed the democracy which Solon had left but half formed. It was in vain that the aristocracy, headed by Isagoras, had recourse again to Lacedaemon; (cf. v. 55, b.) Cleomenes, the Spartan king, did, indeed, at first, succeed in expelling Clisthenes, but, on his proceeding to remodel the senate constituted by Solon, the populace rose, compelled him to withdraw, and leave the party of Isagoras to their vengeance.” H. P. A. § 110. On rrjv tirl 9av. cf. i. 109, a. d. tov ipya k. t. X. Explained by Pausanias, vi. 8, § 4, who informs us that he was 3 times victorious in the pancratium at the Pythian, and twice at the Olympic games. B. Ch. LXXIII.— a. tK7rtTroXfpd»o9ai. had been rendered hostile, had been brought into feud with them,. Cf. iii. 66, b. b. d-ntKopvv vediv, cutting off their path from their vessels ; which would of course also lead to them. Ch. LXXXVIL—a. roil Saigoviov, SC. diatyOeipavrog k. t. \. b. Tijins, used for fastening on the outer gar¬ ment or cloak (I gdriov), cf. Soph. CE. T. 1269. S. and L. D. irspovTj the tongue , or steel-fastening pin , fixed into the nopm], clasp, or buckle, to gird up the dress for rapid motion. The dress of the Ionic women, being sewed all in one piece, needed no clasp on the shoulder, though to close the open sleeve clasps were employed, doubtless neither of so large a size or capable of being employed to such a formidable purpose as those that fastened the robe on the shoulder. B. Cf. the Fibula, Smith’s D. of A. Ch. LXXXVIII.— a. toZcu dk ’Apyaoicn k. t. X. supply XeytTat, from the commencement of the preceding chapt. now it is said by the Argives, &c. On the Ionian and Dorian Chiton, see Smith’s D. of A., Tunica. Ch. LXXXIX.— a. adndov k.t.X. that waiting 30 years from the time when the JEginetans committed the wrong, then, &c. Ch. XC.-fl. tcl Ik tCjv‘ AXKgaioJvSecjv k. t. X. Cf. v. 63, a., 66. b. oi xpgag°i —These oracles deposited in the Acropolis may be compared with the Sibylline books in the capitol of Rome. Pro¬ bably there were amongst them some verses of Musaeus, which had been corrupted by Onomacritus. Cf. vii. 6. W. The oracles in v. 93, are probably the same as these. “ Some ancient predictions which Cleomenes professed to have found,” &c., is the remark of Thirlw. in l. Cf. also D. p. 77. Ch. XCI. — a. Kanxoyivov .... rvpavv'di — The unexpected consequences of the expulsion of the Peisistratidse are alluded to by H. P. A. § 35. Speaking of Cleomenes’ refusal of the Plataeans’ petition, 519 b. c., to join the Lacedaemonian con¬ federacy, he says, “ Cleomenes as little expected that this measure was to form the foundation of the aggrandizement of Athens, as the Lacedaemonians anticipated, when they put an end to the power of the Pisistratidae, 510 b. c., that the liberty of Athens would soon make them wish for the re-establishment of Hippias.” The aver¬ sion of the Lacedaemonians to despotism is well known; cf. H. P. A. § 32. “ The peculiar circumstances and the degrees by which Lacedaemon attained this superiority over its neighbours, are not known, but we may collect that it was chiefly by over- 288 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. throwing the tyrants who flourished about that period, circ. 600 b. c., in all the cities of Greece, and whose extermination seems to have been one of the chief objects of the policy by which Sparta established its authority throughout the Peloponnesus, and ob¬ tained influence over its internal affairs. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 193, - Thucyd. i. 18, 76, v. 81, and Aristot. Polit. v. 8, 18.” Also Thirlw. ii. ch. 11, p. 79, seqq., and the section Peisistratidce in E. Hist, of Gr. ch. viii. p. 199, seqq. b. arco Siyaot*—Cf. v. 65, b. c. utTcnreuxpdnevoi k. t. X. On the Hegemony of Sparta, read H. P. A. § 34, seqq. and Bk. i. ch. 9, of Miill. Dor. i. p. 203, of which it is impossible to speak too highly. On this and the following chs. See Thirlw. ii. 11, p. 79, 80. avyyivu.XTKoyev avTolai k.t.X. Cf. Jelf, § 682, 2. With avvoida, ovyyivuur koj iyavrip the participle may either agree with the subject or with the personal pronoun following the verb; as crvvoida (fuv k. t .X. cl. do%av v re Kal avcnroSi^iov — ashing and cross-questioning the herald, lit. drawing him hack in his narration, making him return to the subject and repeat what he had already said. Schw. Lex. In S. and L. D., making him step hack, calling him hack and question¬ ing him. q. § 7. tg OecnrpioTovQ . ... to vsKvopavrhiov —The various cere¬ monies used on these occasions are described by Potter, Gk Antiq. vol. i. bk. ii. c. 18. “ They might,” he supposes, “ be performed in any place, but some places were appropriated to this use, two of which were most remarkable; the first in Thesprotia near lake Aornos, where Orpheus is said to have restored to life Eurydice, and which Periander visited; the other in Campania, at the lake Avernus.” Add also another at Heraclea on the Propontis. Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Oraculum. On Melissa, the w. of Periander, cf. iii. 50, and Mull. Dor. i. p. 192, and ii. p. 282. r. inroGTricag—having privately placed his guards, &c., and in viii. 91, Alyivrjrai vnoGTavTtg—the JEginetans standing in ambush, waiting for the enemy as they came out. B. Ch. XCIII.— a. i] pev KopLvOiovg k.t.X. Agreeably to this pre¬ diction of Hippias’, we find the Corinthians joining with the The¬ bans and others in desiring that Athens should be utterly destroyed, at the end of the Bell. Pelop. Cf. Xenoph. Hell. ii. c. ii. § 19, ed. Schn.; Thirlw. iv. c. 30, p. 166; and D. p. 29. h. rovg xpryrpovg —Cf. V. 90, h., and on (pwvr/v ph^>ag, i. 85, d. Ch. XCIV.— a. Siytioi/, TO dXe UeLcriaTpaTog k.t.X. Cf. v. 65, h., alxpy, i. e. in war. Cf. vii. 152, b. h. ovdev paXXov AloXtixn k. t. X. Cf. i. 149, a, i. 151, a. ; and on the repetition of ov after i), Jelf, § 749, 3, quoted in iv. 118, d. Ch. XCV. — a. ’AXKaiog 6 7roir)T7jg, The charge of cowardice which some have endeavoured to fasten on Alcaeus, for his misfortune in losing his shield during a conflict between the Mitylenaeans and Athenians, for the possession of Sigseum, seems to be as unjust as is the same charge against Horace for his conduct at Philippi. Article Alcceus, Class. Diet. Cf. also Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Alcaeus, and Hor. ii. Od. xiii. 26, “ Et te sonantem,” &c., and i. Od. xxxii. 6, “ Lesbio primum,” &c. On the Roman poet’s own disaster, ii. Od. vii. 9, “ Tecum Phiiippos,” &c. Archilochus is also said to have lost his shield in a battle with the Thracians. h. ravra . ... iv peXst Toiiiaag, imrtQti eg MitvXtjvtjv, having made this the subject of a lyrical poem, or, having made a poem of it in lyric verse, he sends it by message to Mitylene, &c. • Ch. XCV I. — a. 7 rav \PVy a tKivet — tried every way, left no stone unturned, ovk iCjvrag, trying not to allow, deprecating, cf. ii. 30, f diafiaXXiov, slandering, calumniating, aspersing the character of Ch. XCVII.— a. ral diaftifiXrjpEvoim—being calumniated to, (?) set at variance with the Persians. S. and L. D. gives, being filled with BOOK Y. TERPSICHORE. 291 suspicion and hatred against. Cf. v. 35, vi. 46, quoted by B. On the dative of the participles vopilovm — Sia(3. cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 401. “ The dative expresses also the direction of an action towards an object, whether this direction be proper and obvious to the senses or an improper one, which is only imagined to accompany an action in conformity with a sensible mode of conception.” On the sub¬ ject of the ch. cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 212, seqq. b. avTT} yap .... iSvvaoTtve ptyurra. Cf. i. 56, on the result of Croesus’ inquiry, tov dryiov, the assembly, of the people. Cf. Thucyd. ' i. 90. B. c. 7 roXXovg yap .... tv7rtTf.* k.t.X. for they had acted in such a manner, done so much, against Darius, that, knowing reconciliation was impossible, they prepared to carry on the war as vigorously as before. Ch. CIV. — a. tov E vkXOovTog —Cf. iv. 162; Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 216, seqq. Ch. CV. — a. ov KaTairpoiliovTai —cf. iii. 36, b . 'Q Z tv, Ik- yevsaOai yoi k.t.X. may it be granted me, &c. Cf. Jelf, § 671, b., Elliptical use of the Inf. in commands and wishes. The infin. is used in forms of wishing or praying, in invocations and entreaties that the person addressed would cause some one else to do something. Cf. Horn. II. ii. 412, Aristoph. Lys. 317* Ch. CVI. — a. avaoxh^tiv. would arise, happen, from avaaxu i. q. Cf. vii. 14. b. iva Karapriruo eg tojvto — that I may re-adjust matters, i. e. suppress the rebellion. Cf. iv. 161, a. nOuva, a coat of mail , rather than a tunic. Schw. The speech savours strongly of Orientalism. c. hapSth —Cf. i. 170, a. Ch. CVII.— a. diefiaXXe, deceived, deluded him. Cf. v. 50, b. Ch. CVIII. — a. yeytTiyevog — Cf. vii. 229, a. Ch. CIX.— a. 7rpo(upeptoQcu, to bear down upon, rush against, cf. v. 34, a. Ch. CXI.— a. KarepyaZeadai k. t. X. strives, fights, with his feet &c. B. goes to work with &c. S. and L. D. Observe that the esquire of Onesilus is a Carian. On the warlike character of the Carians, and their serving for pay, cf. v. 66, a. The words oiraw and ra 7ro\fp)ja (ipya), cf. II. ii. 388, sound Homeric. b. v7r’ akwxptu k.t.X. Cf. Virgil, iEn. x. 830, “iEneae magni BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 293 dextra cadis,” and Ovid, Metamorph. v. 191, “Magna feres tacitas solatia mortis ad umbras A tanto cecidisse viro.” W. Ch. CXII.—a. aicpoi ytvo/itvoi—playing an excellent part , being most courageous. Cf. v. 124, a., and viii. 111. B. Ch. CXill.— a. noXtyiaThpia dpyara. war-chariots, ridden by two men; one managing the reins, the other fighting. This was the ancient method of chariot-fighting, kept up to a late period by the Thebans in Boeotia. Cf. Diod. xii. 70. W. Ch. CXVI.-a. i^ovtiq .... Ovyaripaq, Cf. iv. 167> Ch. CXVIL—a. ravraq ykv in’ t)ytpr]q k. t. X. these cities he took, each one on a separate day. Schw. Lex. Cf. Thirlw. 1. 1. c. 14, p. 216. Ch. CXVIII .— a. 'ZvtvvsGioq —Cf. i. 74, b. On ayuv. rrjg dpa IZtuQeujvrai Ik MiXr/rov, Observe here the force of the particle dpa, “ Having called together his companions in the revolt, he proposed to them to deliberate on the state of their affairs, saying that it was better that they should have some place of refuge in view, if, as teas not improbable , or if, as was fairly to be expected, they should be obliged to quit Miletus.” Stephens’ Gk Partic. p. 104. Ch. CXXV.— a. 'Ek araiov —Cf. ii. 143, a., and v. 35, c. Ch. CXXV I. — a. iroXiv TTtpiKaThytvoq —This city was ’E vvka 060 1, the Nine Ways, afterwards Amphipolis, Jeni-Keni, (cf. Arrowsmith, 294 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Eton Geog. ch. 15, p. 335,) colonized by the Athenians ; Thucyd. iv. 102. The death of Aristagoras Clinton fixes at 497 b. c., and the sending the 10,000 settlers mentioned in Thucyd., at 465 b. c., at the distance of thirty-two years from the death of Aristagoras. This failed, taking place under the direction of Leagrus and So- phanes; cf. Herod, ix. 75, and Thucyd. i. 100.—Agnon settled it 437 b. c., twenty-nine years after; by which year Hdtus had left Greece and gone to reside at Thurii, and hence he does not men¬ tion the name of Amphipolis. D. fixes the year 444 b. c. as that in which “ Hdtus, being forty years old, takes up his residence in Magna Greecia.” See D. p. 162, where this passage is discussed at length, and Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. Appendix ix. “ Amphipolis fell into the hands of Brasidas b. c. 424, and of Philip b. c. 358.” Smith’s C. D. BOOK VI. ERATO. PROGRESS AND SUPPRESSION OF THE IONIAN REVOLT. FIRST EXPE¬ DITION, OF MARDONIUS ; SECOND, OF DATIS AND ARTAPHERNES : BATTLE OF MARATHON AND DEATH OF MILTIADES. Ch. I.— a. ptgtnpkvog — having been sent , or, 'permitted to go , cf. vii. 229, a. drjOtp, as he pretended , cf. vii. 211, o., i. 73, e., &c. b. tovto to vnodrjga — For other instances of metaphor, cf. vi. 27, c. On the history of what is here told, cf. Thirlw. ii. ch. 14, p. 218. Ch. II. — a. vTTtovvt twv k. r. X. On the Double Genitive here, cf. Jelf, § 543, 1. We sometimes find a substantive followed by two genitives. See § 466, 2. In this construction the substantive and one of the genitives form one compound notion, on which the other genitive grammatically depends : so here, To-. v-rrtS. riov ’lihvwv-Tijv- riytfxoviav row 7T pog Aap. 7 roXtgov. Cf. vi. 67- /card — Ar]gcipr)Tov KaTa7ravv. —Cf. ii. 171, b. Ch. XVII.— a. yavXovg tie tcaradvoag, having disabled or water¬ logged several merchantmen ; so that they barely floated, with the deck alone above water; in which condition the only chance of escape for the crew lay in swimming, should the land be near enough to permit it. Cf. viii. 90, and Thucyd. i. 50. b. T vpayvuiv. Cf. the notice of their piratical habits in i. 163, a. b and i. 94, h. They, as well as the Carthaginians, were the old enemies of the Phocseans. Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 221. Ch. XVIII.— a. alpsovai Kar’ aicprjg, take it by storm ; properly, from the highest point (the citadel) to the lowest, i. e. altogether — penitus. jelf, § 628, 1, a. Cf. Arnold on Thucyd. iv. 112. Cf. also vi. 82. On the date of the taking of Miletus and the battle of Lade, 494 b. c., cf. i. 92, a. Ch. XIX.— a. iirtav Kara tovto k. t.X., “ quum ad hunc locum narrationis infra sequuturum pervenero.” Jelf, § 629, 1, a. , rort gvyaByaogai. Cf. vi. 77, infr. 7raptv9r]Kt]v, just above, an addition. Cf. i. 186, a. b. ipov to tv AidvfiOKTi, On this temple, the shrine of Branchidse, cf. i. 45, d. On the comprehensive meaning here of Ipov, cf. i. 47, a.. c. tTtp(t)Qi tov \6yov — Cf. i. 92, ii. 159, v. 36. B. Ch. XX.— a. tirl ry ’Ep vdpy .... * Ayrcy k.t.X. “By order of Darius the citizens of Miletus were transplanted (cf. ii. 104, a.) to the head of the Persian Gulf, (cf. i. 1,) and settled in a town called Ampe, in the marshes near.the mouth of the Tigris.” Thirlw. ii. p. 222. Ch. XXI.— a. 2i>/3aptr«i k.t.X. Cf. v. 44, a. b. f&pwixv- On Phrynichus the Tragedian, who first exhibited 411 b. c., and who must be carefully distinguished from a later comic poet of the same name, consult the essay in the Gk Theatre, p. 17—24, and the Chronology of the Drama in the same work, p. 93. On the narrative, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 222. With re¬ gard to the construction pyv/%

v might, by itself, signify the BOOK VI. ERATO. 301 third year after; but from the context it is plain that the third year before these things is meant. The events that befell him the third year before were x a ^ t7r( bTtpa, more grievous than what now overtook him. For at the present time, as is stated in the next ch. 41, he escaped to Athens, cf. iv. 137, a ., with all his property, and lost only one vessel, in which was his son, who, though cap¬ tured, was treated rather as a friend than an enemy by Darius; while in the third year before he was compelled to escape the Scythians by a hasty flight and temporary exile. Schw. Ch. XLI.— a. (.Tro'irjat kcocov ytv ovbiv k.t.X. On the generous conduct of Darius, cf. vi. 30, a. “ Instead of death or a prison he received a fair estate and a Persian wife.” Thirlw. /. 1. Themis- tocles similarly received the cities of Magnesia, Lampsacus, and Myus: Thucyd. i. 138. Such assignments were common among the Persians, both of districts, cities, or villages, cf. ii. 98, a., vii. 104, d., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 414—416, who mentions that such assignments are now called Tokuls. They occur frequently in the history of British India under the name of jagheers. Ch. XLI1.— a. ax^bbv Kara ra abra k. t. X. Cf. iii. 90. B. On the sound policy of these measures, cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 225. Ch. XLIII. — a. "Aya di T(y iapi, k. t. X. In the commencement of the spring , after the king had dismissed his other generals, Mardonius , s. of Gobryas, &c. This expedition of Mardonius is dated 492 b. c. in Clinton F. H. i. p. 26. Prideaux dates it 494 b. c., and B. even one year earlier. The Gobryas here mentioned was one of the seven conspirators ; cf. iii. 70. Observe that Mardonius was a kinsman of the king. Cf. iv. 167, «• b. (TTparov vavrucov, a force Jit to be embarked on board ship, as Casaubon rightly interprets it; for it was impossible for Mardonius to take the ships, as well as those to man them, from Persia to Cilicia. Cf. iEsch. Pers. v. 54, va&v t &roxovg k. t. X. W. C. ytyicrrov Owvya .... tovq yap rvpavvovQ k. r. X. “ One of the first proceedings of Mardonius after his arrival in Ionia, was to depose the tyrants who had been placed in the cities by his pre¬ decessor, and to set up a democratical constitution. This change appeared so repugnant to Persian maxims, that Hdtus thought it sufficient to silence the objections of those who doubted that demo¬ cracy could have found an advocate among the seven conspirators. It does indeed indicate more knowledge of mankind, larger views, and sounder principles of policy, than could have been expected from a barbarous and despotic court, and reflects honour on the understanding of Mardonius or of Darius. Yet the last insurrection had shown, that while the dominion of the tyrants irritated the people, and. afforded a constant motive to rebellion, their own fidelity was by no means secure. A popular form of government gave a vent to the restless spirits which might otherwise have endangered the public quiet: and in the enjoyment of civil liberty NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 302 and equality the sovereignty of the foreign king was almost for¬ gotten.” Thirlw. ii. p. 225. d. ’E p&piav teal ’AQrjvag. As they had assisted Aristagoras, v. 99, and 105. Cf. also Thirlw. 1. 1. Ch. XLIV.— a. irpocr^ppa—a pretext. Cf. iv. 167, b. baag av 7 rX. dvvcuvro. Cf. Jelf, § 870, obs. 4. Frequently a comparative clause introduced by o'ivik£q avtvpov —Cf. H. Phoenic. ch. ii. p. 39, ch. iii. p. 76. “ Here, in Thasos, they discovered that the mountains of the island abounded in gold: this magnet soon at¬ tracted them, and here they founded mines—works of which Hdtus saw the shafts and galleries.” Cf. also D. p. 43. b. opog . . . %r)Tr)v —On the condition of the Laconian subjects, read at least Thirlw. i. c. 8, p. 306, seqq. The class here spoken of, which, with the Dorians of Sparta, and their serfs the Helots, made up the three distinct classes that composed the inhabitants of Laconia, were the people of the provincial districts, and “ were a mixed race composed partly of the conquered Achseans and partly of strangers, who had either accompanied the conquerors in their expedition, or had been invited by them to supply the place of the old inhabitants. These provincials, or Perioeci, were subjects and their land was tributary, though the tribute perhaps was regarded less as a source of revenue than as an acknowledgment of sove¬ reignty. They shared none of the political privileges of the Spar¬ tans, their municipal government was under the control of the Spartan officers; and yet they bore the heaviest share of the public burdens and made up the bulk of the military force of the state. Cf. Herod, ix. 11. To compensate for these grievances, they were exempt from many irksome restraints and inflictions, to which the ruling caste were forced to submit, and they enjoyed undivided pos¬ session of the trade and manufactures of the country,” &c. In H. P. A. § 19, the student will find a brief and clear account of the difference in the treatment of the Perioeci (“ the rustic popula¬ tion, who bore the name of Lacedeemonians by way of distinction from the pure Spartan race, and who remained in the enjoyment of personal freedom, retaining their lands under tribute ”) and of the Helots, “the inhabitants of the conquered cities, whose lot was far harder, differing in fact from that of slaves in other countries, only in the circumstance that their owners were not at liberty to kill or sell them out of the country.” In the notes to that work see the refs to Muller, Wachsmuth, and Clinton. d. Tu>v dXwTtiov —See the conclusion of the foregoing note, to which may be briefly added that this class, “ the Helots, whose name, according to every derivation of it, recalled the loss of per¬ sonal liberty as the origin and essential character of their condition, tilled the soil, paying their masters a fixed portion of the annual produce, and attended them on military service as servants, or esquires, QtpcnrovTtg, acting at the same time as light-armed troops.” Herod, ix. 10, 28, and Thucyd. iii. 8. Herod, vii. 229. The name Helot has been variously derived, cf. note 13 of Herm. I from Helos, the maritime town; from e\r), i. e. inhabitants of the lowlands ; or from s\oj, aipsio, as dfxujg from bpaio. For more refer to Muller, bk. iii. c. 3, an analysis of which is to be found in Class. Diet., Helota. See also Smith’s D. of A., Helotes. e. udioXov k. r. “ The images of those kings who had fallen in battle, were laid upon a state-couch; a usage which, with the cus¬ tom on each occasion of praising the dead king as the best of all princes, approximates very closely to the worship of a hero, n/xai BOOK VI. ERATO. 309 ripuiiKai. These tiSwXa were probably preserved; for they could not have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was almost always brought home, even from a great dis¬ tance ; as in the case of Agesilaus.” Mull. Dor. ii. p. 103. f. dyoptj Stva .... avvi^u, for ten days neither any public assembly is convened , nor any election of magistrates held : B. and S. and L. D. According to Schw., nor does any board of magistrates sit. Ch. LIX.— a. IXtvQspol oang k.t.X. Cf. note a. on the preceding ch., and D. i. 3, p. 5. Ch. LX. — a. oi Krjpviceg .... hcdeicovTai rag Trarpuiag TS%vag — “ The office of herald was at Sparta, as in the fabulous times, hereditary, and not, as in other parts of Greece, obtained by com¬ petition. Cf. vii. 134. Almost all the other trades too, and occupations, as well as that of herald, were hereditary at Sparta, as, for example, those of cooking, 6\po7roiol, baking, mixing wine, flute-playing, &c.” Mull. Dor. ii. p. 28. b. ou Kara XajxTrpo(pojvir)v k. t. X. nor do others , in consequence of the clearness or loudness of their voice, applying themselves to this pro¬ fession, (i. e. of herald,), exclude them (i. e. the sons of heralds) from the office, &c. Ch. LXI. — a. Tort St k. r. X. On the history, here resumed from c. 50, read Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 228, seqq. ddfiaXt. Cf. vi. 51, a. b. iirif3aoiv tg avr'ov Trouvytvog. making a handle to attack him, or finding an occasion of proceeding against him. Ansam arripiens contra ipsum agendi. B. c. dv6pd>7rujv Tt 6Xj3ie)v —From this and from a similar expression in vii. 134, ypi/gaatv avri^ovreg ig tcl 7rpw ra, B. remarks on the fallacy of the notion of a real equality of property at Sparta, or that the original equal distribution of it could have lasted for any length of time. This subject is alluded to by H. P. A. ch. ii. Pt. 4, on the causes of the decline of Sparta, in § 47 : “ The open demoralization of Sparta dates from the period when Lysander first made his countrymen familiar with coined money, by the booty he brought home ; but the precious metals had long before found their way to individuals; thus, as early as 478 b. c. Pau- sanias had hoped for a bribe, Thucyd. i. 131, Leotychidas in 470 b. c. was bribed, Herod, vi. 72, and in 466 b. c. Pleistoanax and Cleandridas. Thucyd. ii. 21, v. 16. Pericles expended ten talents among them eg to Stop, Plut. Yit. Pericl. c. 22, and Gylippus was charged with embezzlement. Cf. also Aristoph. Pax, 620.” d. Qtpdnvy —“ At no great distance from Sparta, to the S. and W. of the Eurotas, was situated the town of Therapne, which, as also Amychc, abounded in monuments and local memorials of the time of the Pelopidae and other fabulous princes. Pindar, Isthm. i. 31, mentions its high situation, and calls it the ancient metro¬ polis of the Achaeans, amongst whom the Dioscuri lived ; here were the subterraneous cemeteries of Castor and Pollux, Pind. Nem. x. 55, vaulted perhaps in the ancient manner; here also were the 310 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. temples of the Brothers and of Helen in the Phoebceum, and many remains of the ancient symbolical religion.” Mull. Dor. i. p. 107- Ch. LX II'. — a. tKvft .... 6 ipixig. love for this woman was con¬ tinually chafing him , cf. vii. 10, e. b. 6 ’ApLcTwv idwicf tovto k. t. X. On the distinction to be observed in the early times in Sparta between the giving away xwt JLara or Keifiifia, and the parting with one’s house and lot, cf. Mull. Dor. p. 203. Ch. LXIII.— a. pera tuiv hpopwv —Cf. v. 39, b. and refs. b. aphv E7roir]GavTo—offered vows, public prayers. Cf. in the same sense = tvxv, Iliad xv. 378, xxiii. 199. B., and S. and L. D. Ch. LXIV.— a. did ra K Xeopevti dit(3Xr]6t] ptydXug—since he had become very hateful to Cleomenes, or had greatly incurred his hatred or suspicion. Cf. iv. 35. Mtyafiary diaj3t(3Xr]psvog, having incurred the hostility of become an object of suspicion to Megabates. Cf. also ix. 17, b. did ra is used by the Ionic idiom for dion. On the pre¬ vious events referred to in this chapt. cf. v. 75, a ., vi. 50, 51, 61. W. and Schw. Ch. LXY. — a. up M«vapsoc k. r. X. On the genealogy of the houses of Eurysthenes and Procles, cf. vi. 51, b. seqq. and refs. b. dpiracag iccti ywuiKa. “Two things were requisite as an introduction and preparation to marriage at Sparta; first, betroth¬ ing on the part of the father; secondly, the seizure of the bride. The latter was clearly an ancient national custom, founded on the idea that the young woman could not surrender her freedom and virgin purity, unless compelled by the violence of the stronger sex. This explains the statement of Hdtus, vi. 65, that Demaratus obtained possession of Percalus the d. of Chilon, who was be¬ trothed to Leotychides, by previously carrying her away by force. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 298. Ch. LXVI .— a. dvoj'icTTov ytvopt-vov—the matter having been re¬ ferred, &c. avdiioTog Ion. for avdiorog, formed from avoiaio, from dva), whence aor. 1, dvipaai, i. 157, Jelf, § 269, 6. b. d dk Kofliov .... dvcnrtidsi. Cf. v. 63, a., for other instances of the oracle having been bribed. Ch. LXYII.— a. Kara — AtjpapijTOv — rrjg /3aoi\r)ir)g , on the double gen. here, cf. vi. 2, a. yvpvoiraidiai. Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 350, seqq., on the music and choral dancing of the Dorians: he says, speaking of the connexion between gymnastic exercises and dancing, that “ The chief object of the Gymnopaedia at Sparta was to re¬ present these two in intimate union, and indeed the latter only as the accomplishment and end of the former.” Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Yvyvo-naid'ia. In the sentence ijcrav piv dy yvpvoTr. observe the force of the particle dt), which serves to call the reader’s attention — “ Now it was, you are to know, or you ivill observe , the gymnopaedian games and Demaratus being a spectator at them, &c.” See Stephens on Gk Particles, p. 61. b. okoXov ri tit] ... . (3uv mrXayxvwv —“ Notis- sirnus in adjurationibus supplicationibusque aras tangendi et vic- timarum prosicia mos docte explicatur ad Appianum Iber. p. 431 ab Henrico Stephano.” W. Cf. Virg. iEn. xii. 201. “Tango aras mediosque ignes et numina testor,” and Smith’s D. of A., Oath, KaraTTToutvoQ , appealing to as witness. Cf. viii. 65, b. b. 'Ejojcf iov A log. of Herccean Zeus ; from epicog the court or court¬ yard of a house, within which his image stood; the protecting god of the family: hence Demaratus’ appeal to him, under the present circumstances, rather than to any other deity. He was also called irarpyog, as well as Hercceus, equivalent, in derivation and in sense, to the Jupiter Cortalis and Septitius of the Romans. Creuz. Comment, p. 231, quoted in B. On the worship of Hercsean Jove at Athens, (also called Phratrian,) in which no foreigner could participate, cf. H. P. A. § 100. Ch. LXIX.— a. Tym Ovpyai ryai avXt'iym — the door of court, the outer door, the house door. S. and L. D. “ Jam nihil necesse est operose exponere, avXtiag Ovpag h. 1. Herodoti nihil aliud esse quam tpKtlovg 7 rvXag iEschyli in Choeph. 559, 569, 651, i. e. quam eas fores, quce ex aula ( avXy ) per maceriam (tp/ciov,) in viam ducunt .” ’Creuz. Comment, p. 236, quoted in B. vol. iii. Excurs. iii. b. ’ArrrpafidKov. The derivations of this hero’s name, (either aoTpov, a star, or aoTpufii), a mule or pack-ass, and ayav, to drive,) and the theories arising therefrom, are set forth at great length, in Creuzer’s Comment, p. 242, in vol. ii. Excursus iv. of B., who thus concludes, “cogitandus h. 1. Bacchus-Gilemus priscarum reli- gionum Pelasgicarum, quae apud Dodonaeos imprimis invaluerunt.” c. iwtapr)va icai tirTapyva, Hdtus omits mentioning the eighth month, from the mistaken notion held by himself and Hippocrates that an eight-months’ child would either be abortive or still-born. B. direppixpe, cf. iv. 142, a. Ch. LXX.— a. vTroTOTryBtvTtg—having suspected ; the same form of the verb occurs in an active sense also in ix. 116, and in Aristoph. Thesmoph. 464. B. Cf. Jelf, § 367, 2. sg z&kuvQov, cf. ix. 37, d. b. avTov .... cnratplovrai — deprive him of his attendants and tried to seize his person. On the double accusat. cf. Jelf, § 582, 2, 583, 34. In connexion with what is here told of Demaratus read Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 228, seqq. Cf. also vii. 3. C. Aaictdaipovioioi av^va tpyoicri re icat yviopyai cnroXapTrpvvthig , inter Lacedcemonios et rebus gestis et consiliis clarus factus. Aaic. Local Dative. Jelf, § 605, 2. tpy. yviop. Instrumental Dat. Jelf, § 611, obs. 1. Ch. LXXI. — a. 6 ft Uvapeog — Cf. vi. 65, a. 312 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Ch. LXXII.— a. naptov Si ol, and whilst it was in his poiver, cf. Jelf, § 700, 2 , quoted in iii. 91, a. i-rriKaTTiptvog x ei P L $ l ^hiy k.t.X. This is the ingenious correction of W. for the old reading ^ Xeipi SnrXy. The sense is, sitting on a sleeve full of silver ; a posture assumed to conceal the bribe. On the corruption of Spartan morals, cf. vi. 61, c. Ch. LXXIV.— a. Stlpa ’ETrapTiyriiov, fear of the Spartans, viz. lest they should punish him, seized Cleornenes when his evil prac¬ tices against Demaratus had been discovered, and he secretly withdrew to Thessaly. b. N wvuKpiv 7 toXiv —in the N. of Arcadia in the territory of Pheneus, on the Styx (Mavra-neria ); not far from Cyllene. Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 444, in whose map this place is laid down. c. i^opKovv to 'EiTvyog vSiop—to make them swear by the waters of the Styx. This passage is referred to by Potter, Gk Antiq. i. c. 6 , treating of the p&yag opicog. Cf. Horn. II. ii. 755, vpicov yap Seivov HZrvybg vSarog ianv cnroppu>\, and Smith’s D. of A., Oaths. On the Accus. cf. Jelf, § 566, 2. Ch. LXXV.— a. iv IvXip. “The ZvXov was a heavy collar of wood, resembling our pillory, put on the neck of the prisoner and depriving him of all power to move.” S. and L. D. It was used, as is plain from this passage, as well for the confinement of madmen as for the punishment of criminals. The iroSoKaKKr], which more nearly resembled our stocks, was also known by the name of IvXov. Cf. also Smith’s D. of A. Career, and ix. 37, b. v-iropapyortpov, rather crazy: also in iii. 29, 145, cf. i. 27, b. b, KaraxopStviov — cutting it lengthwise in strips. KaraxopStvtiv significat tig xopdag, (into strips or strings,) ripvovra diaipOtlpsiv. V. c. Sion ig 'EXtvcrlva k. t. X. Cf. v. 74, and, on the slaughter of the Argives who fled into the grove of the hero Argos, vi. 79. B. Ch. LXXVI.— a. ’EpaoXvov, “The source of the Erasinus, 200 stadia from Stymphalus, is now called Cephalaria.” Mull. Dor. ii. p. 441. b. ov yap ovbapojg hcaXXiipet — neque enim sinebant exta transire flumen. According to B., who seems to take it of the offering, for it nowise gave favourable omens for his crossing the river ; in which sense, see vii. 134, b. In this passage it is taken, in S. and L. D., like the Latin litare, perlitare, of the person; as he did not obtain good omens for crossing. Cf. also vi. 82, ix. 16, 38, 41, d. 95; and Thucyd. V . 54, tu biajSyTripia Qvopsvoig ov TTpovxivpH. B., the sacrifices offered before crossing the border did not prove propitious. c. rrjv arparlyv Karpyayt k. t. X. “ The first exploit of Cleornenes was the expedition against Argos; circ. 520 b. c. He landed in some vessels of Sicyon and iEgina (vi. 92) on the coast of Tiryns, overcame the Argives at the wood of Argos, near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns, slew the greater part of the men able to bear arms, and would have succeeded in capturing their city, had he not from an inconceivable superstition dismissed the allied army with- BOOK VI. ERATO. 313 out making any further use of the victory, and contented himself with sacrificing in the temple of Juno. At the same time Argos, in consequence of the defeat, remained for a long time as it were crippled, and it was even necessary that a complete change in her political condition should take place, in order to renovate the feeble and disordered state into which she had fallen.” Mull. Dor. i. p. 167. See also H. P. A. § 33. Ch. LXXVII. — a. utTctixpiov — a space or interval between the two lines of battle. Cf. vi. 112, and viii. 140, g. b. 'AXX’ orav ») drjXua k. t. X. The first part of this oracle is ex¬ plained by Pausanias, ii. 20, to refer to the courage of the Argive women in having taken up arms on the invasion of Cleomenes, and having repulsed him and his army with great loss. This explana¬ tion is rejected by Muller, Dor. i. 197, who says : “ The marvellous narrative of Hdtus, vi. 77, seqq., is unconnected, from there being no explanation of the first two verses of the oracle; which, how¬ ever, must have referred to some real event. Or does Hdtus refer 6r)\t~ia to Juno? Pausanias doubts whether Hdtus understands it; but the story of Telesilla related by him, as well as by Plutarch and Polysenus, is very fabulous.” See also Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 263 and note. With regard to the second part of the oracle, unless A tlvog cxptg be Cleomenes, I must, with L., “leave the explanation of it to those who think themselves inspired by the god of Delphi.” c. a/x noXlrai from 7 roXtig, in the sen¬ tence 'itcaoroi — avuiKiapsvot. Cf. Jelf, § 373, Ellipse of the Subject. c. in, r ’Apyeiojv £ 7 ti/ 3 . Kypiy, “ Argos never obtained so great au¬ thority in Argolis as Sparta did in Laconia, as in Argolis the Dorians divided themselves into .several ancient and considerable towns ; and to deprive Dorians of their independence seems to have been more contrary to the principles of that race than to expel them, as Sparta did the Messenians.—Argos was thus forced to content itself with governing, and being at the head of a league, which was to unite the forces of the country for common defence and to regulate all internal affairs. A union of this kind really existed, though it never entirely attained its end. That it still continued to exist 516 b. c. is clear, from the fact that when the inhabitants of Sicyon and iEgina furnished Cleomenes with ships to be employed against Argos, each town was condemned to pay a fine of 500 talents. These penalties could not have been imposed by Argos as a single town, but in the name of a confederacy which was weakened and injured by this act,” Mull. Dor. i. p. 175. d. ^lutpavsog k. t.X. Cf. ix. 74. BOOK VI. ERATO. 317 Ch. XCIII.— a. avTcicn avdpaoi , men and all. Cf. Jelf, § 604, 1, quoted in i. 52, c. Ch. XCIV. — a. 'O Sk Hepayg — Cf. i. 2, d. avapipvyaKovToq re k.t.X. Cf. v. 105. b. yfjv rt Kal ti&op, cf. iv. 126, b., v. 17 . c. ’Aprctv , held in honour of Vulcan, Prometheus, Pan, Minerva, and Diana, all in some degree symbolic of the celestial or elementary fire. B. Hence called 0fot 7rvp(f)6poi. The race was also called Xapirabobpopia, and the principal festival in which it was held, 'EQaicrtia ; as in honour of Vulcan; cf. viii. 98. Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Ant., Lampa - dephoria, from which the following is borrowed. “As to the man¬ ner of the XapTcabr)g cnrdOr]v aaXypov k. t. X .—laying to with their ships off Phalerum, for this was then the arsenal of the Athenians, off this, I say, holding in their ships, (i. e. riding at anchor ,) they then, &c. Ch. CXVII.— a. ’Ev ravry ry k. r.X. On the loss on either side and the real numbers of the two armies, the numerical inequality of which may probably be reduced to a proportion of five to one, see the excellent remarks of Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 242, and on the legends of the fight, p. 243.— rov (for oi>) to yevuov — gkioXhv. Cf. Jelf, § 889, a., Accus. with Infin. instead of Verbum Jinitum in Oratio obliqua, quoted in i. 24, a. Ch. CXYIII.— a. Si ereuiv ebcom, after twenty years. Jelf, § 627, 2. Cf. iii. 97, b. Ch. CXIX.— a. aXXd (jty'eag . ... ev araO/jup eojvrov. il When the captive Eretrians were brought to Darius, he was satisfied, cf. vi. 30, a., with planting them in a part of his own domain, in the Cissian village of Ardericca.” Thirlw. This royal residence, oraGpog, station or mansion on the royal road, (cf. v. 52, a.,) as D., p. 57, terms it, “ which was 5|- miles from Susa, is not to be con¬ founded with the Babylonian Ardericca.” i. 185, d. On the Per¬ sian custom of transplanting captive nations, cf. ii. 104, a., i. 155, d. On Cissia, cf. iii. 91, g. b. avrXetrcu — tcyXovyiip, it is baled out with a crane, or hydraulic en¬ gine, cf. i. 193, b. St^ag'evyv, a cistern , cf. iii. 9, b. v-irorv-^ag, dipping down, cf. iii. 130, d., and ii. 136, c. c. 01 Kai yixP 1 k. r.X. “ Hdtus remarks that these unwilling y 2 324 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. colonists preserved their native language still in his time , that is, in the time of his actual presence there. Had he not visited and himself found there these transplanted Greeks, what he says of their language would not have been worth his mentioning so early as the second, or even the third generation—one more proof this that Hdtus performed his travels in his riper years.” D. 1. 1. Ch. CXX. — a. Sioxfoioi —“ The number of the Spartan reinforce¬ ment is so small as to lend some colour to a tradition, which rests on the authority of Plato, the slightest of all on such points, that they had been occupied in suppressing some insurrection in Mes- senia.” Thirlw. c. xiv. p. 244. wore rptraloi k. t.X. cf. vi. 106, a. Ch. CXXL— a. edjvya 8k pot k. t. X. On this ch. see the remarks of D. p. 42. Ch. CXXII.— a. This whole chapter is by L. and others thought spurious: it is retained in B. as genuine, on the authority of Schw., G., and Matthiae; though he considers the words gvbg tjv .... Zx HV certainly not written by Hdtus. h. YlvQta 8k 7rp orepov avsXoptvog k. t. \. This first victory of Cal- lias falls probably in Olymp. liv. 564 b. c. B. kcpavepwdyj kg Tovg *'E XXrjvag, inclaruit, conspicuus fuit apud omnes Grcecos. Schw. Lex. TiQp'nnup, cf. vi. 35, a. Ch. CXXIII.—a. oi ’AXtcfiaiutvidai ic.r.X. Cf. v. 62, b. d., 63, a. seqq., 66, b., vi. 131, b., and on Pisistratus, Harmodius, &c., v. 55, b., and refs. Ch. CXXY.— a. rrpbg t rjv 8u)ptr)v .... 7rpo. accessit, se attulit, ad id quod ipsi erat permissum. b. Kai Trpbg, and in addition. Cf. Jelf, § 640, quoted in iii. 74, a. TtOpnnrorpo^rj^ag, Cf. vi. 35, a., and Pind. Pyth. vii. 13, where pro¬ bably the same victory that Hdtus here speaks of is alluded to as fiia 8’ iiCTrptTrrig Aiog ’OXvgiriag. W. Ch. CXXVI.—a. roZcn KXeiffQkvTjg .... ti^s, for whom Clisthenes had made a race-course and a palcestra, and kept them ready for this very purpose, viz. for trying the merits of the rivals. On the contest for the hand of the d. of Clisthenes, cf. Thirlw. i. c. x. p. 425, where, with regard to the Pheidon, king of Argos, mentioned in the next chapter, it is given, as the most probable hypothesis, that Hdtus confounded him with the more ancient king of the same name. Ch. CXXVII.— a. y) 8k 'Zvfiaptg —On the dissensions that raged in this town, and its destruction, 510 b. c., cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xii. p. 153, seqq. Cf. also on Siris, v. 44, a. rov virtpv xpi](TfiCjv — quoted, or, recited some of his oracles. Gen. Partit. Cf. Jelf, § 533, 3, quoted in iv. 135, b. On the opt. (ltt'ikoito with the participle oKwg, expressing a frequently recurring action, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 521. f. tXtys tov re 'EXXi)(nrovrov . . . • tfyytopivog. “ Sometimes, when two actions are expressed, one of which has a greater extent and comprehends the other, the latter is put in the participle, where w r e should have put the finite verb. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 556, obs. 1. Ch. VII.— a. SevTtpip ylv erei k.t.X. The revolt of Egypt, 486 b. c. —Again subjected by Xerxes, 484 b. c. Inarus revolts in 460 b. c., and overthrows Achaemenes. Cf. E. Orient. H. Chron. Tabl. — An event that dates after the close of Hdtus’ history; cf. i. 130, b. On Achaemenes, and the events in Egypt in connexion with him, cf. iii. 12, b. BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 331 Ch. VIII . — a. EspZrjg de ... . avWoyov lir'iKXrjTov .... iiroieero, B. cautions the reader against supposing that it was a common cus¬ tom among the Persians for the monarch to summon such an assembly as we here read of; or, that such an assembly was legally recognised among them. The monarch was of course despotic; and a council of the nature here mentioned, if in reality ever sum¬ moned, met rather to deliberate on the manner in which a project should be executed, than to discuss whether it should be executed. In the words, “ if any reliance could be placed on the story told by Hdtus, about the deliberations held in the Persian cabinet,” Thirlw. appears to entertain a well-grounded doubt as to the truth of the whole narration. Indeed, the introduction of such an episode is so much in character with the genius of our author, bearing, as it does, no small resemblance to a discussion among the heroes of his favourite Homer, and is so perfectly in unison with his Greek ideas, that it would seem more probable that we owe the present ch. to the peculiar turn of our author’s mind, than to any correct information that he was likely to have received on the subject. Cf. iii. 80, a., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 258. “Another consequence of such a system, viz. the harem-government, cf. vii. 3, c., was the insignificance of any thing that could be properly called a council of state. Affairs of public importance were discussed in the in¬ terior of the seraglio, under the influence of the queen-mother, the favourite wife, and the eunuchs. It was only on occasions of great expeditions being meditated, or the like, that councils were held for any length of time, to which the satraps, the tributary princes, and the commanders of the forces were invited. Herod, vii. 8, viii. 67. The principal question was for the most part already settled, and the debate respected only the means of carrying it into execution. Even in this point, however, the despotic character of the government manifested itself; since he who gave any advice, was obliged to answer for its issue; and in case of ill success the penalty fell on his own head.” h. § 1. ovt avroQ icarriyhcropai k. t. X. — neither will I go before , or, lead the wag in establishing this law among you. r] T P ( M (Ta g tv fr- cirptgi^u), cf. i. 190, we have remained quiet. B. Cf. ix. 53, arps- pag ii\ov to arparoir. they kept quiet , or, halted the army. c. § 2. TCLQ ’\Qi]vag , ot ye ipe k. t. X. The mascul. dl refers to ’AOrjvaiot understood from 'A Qi)vag. Cf. vi. 92, b. ovk i&ytvtTo oi. Cf. iii. 142, a. d. § 3. yijv Trjv TltpalSa k. t. X. — W~e shall make the heavens the only limits to the Persian dominion ; more literally, we shall render , or display the land of Persia bordering, or, abutting on, i. e. bounded by, the heavens alone ; for the sun will look down upon no country bordering upon ours, but I shall make the whole of them, &c. Ac. A few lines above, avdprrjpai arpar. I am prepared to lead ati expedi¬ tion. Cf. i. 90, a. 332 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. e. § 4. tv y'lutrtpov. in our land, among us. Cf. i. 35, d. On diupa Ta ripiujT. cf. iii. 84, a., vi. 41, a. f. TiOrjpt to irpaypa ig /> istrov, I lay the matter before you to be dis¬ cussed. Cf. vi. 129, b. Ch. IX. — a. tirineo k. t. X. You have hit the right points, sermone tuo verurn acu tetigisti. Schw. fcarayfXarxai yplv —Ou the dative here, instead of the gen., cf. Jelf, § 589, 3, § 629, obs., and cf. iii. 155, vii. 146. b. SovXovg ix°d * v —Cf. vii. 5, b. B. calls attention to the boastful exaggeration of this assertion. Of the Sacians, that is, the Scy¬ thians, (cf. vii. 64, b.,) only a part obeyed the king of Persia, iii. 93, d. ; only a very small part of India, iii. 98; and of the Ethiopians only those close to Egypt, iii. 97. c. § 2. ovk f)X0ov eg tovtov Xoyov loan paxeaOcu—nunquam ad ejus rei rationem et caussam, ut mecum in certamen descenderent, venisse. W. they did not even come to the matter or consideration of that, i. e. they never so much as entertained the notion of fighting. Cf. iii. 99, b. According to Schw., eg tovtov Xoyov = eg tovto. d. § 3. imXiyvag — having softened down, smoothed over the speech of Xerxes. Cf. viii. 142, d. Xtyvag k. t. X. smoothing over , putting a fair appearance on the speech of Mardonius. Ch. X.— a. § 1. wcnrep tov xP vt 7 ° v tov .... tov apeive). As un¬ alloyed gold cannot be distinguished from alloyed by being rubbed upon it, it is agreed by Schw., B., and Creuzer, that by 7 raparpiif/. dXX. xP v must be understood, not, when we have rubbed it upon other , i. e. alloyed gold, but, when we have rubbed it, (viz. upon a touchstone, tig fiaaavov, the lapis Lydius,) with or beside other gold ; i. e. we know the pure from the alloyed by rubbing them both upon a ' touchstone, and seeing the difference of the marks they leave , So also S. and L. D. b. lyuj be Kal tt arpi k. r. X. Cf. iv. 83. b. § 2. Kal S?) avvTjvtiKt —Aoristus h. 1. latius patet. Yerte acci- dere sane potest ; it may in truth come to pass, &c. Nun kann es sich zutragen. Lange. B. c. ovkcjv aptyoTtpy crcpi ixdjpym. well then, put the case, that they do not succeed in both ways ; i. e. both by land and sea. See the able discussion on the Greek Aorist in Sheppard’s Theophrastus, Ap¬ pend. i. Its use here seems to come under the head there men¬ tioned in p. 267, as denoting an action possible at some time, and not tied down to a particular instance, actually occurring. Since the above was written, I have observed that the passage is noticed in Jelf, § 403, 2 (cf. also § 860, 8). He says, The Aorist is also used, like the Pft, to express future events which must certainly happen. The absence of any definite notion of time expresses yet more forcibly than the Pft. the inevitable, and, as it were, actual development of that which as yet is future. Cf. Horn. II. iv. 160—162, dirtriaav. So here oSkwv dp Toirjvde k. t. X. W. thinks that he finds in iEsch. Pers. 93,— SoXogijTiv 8' cnrarav 9eov rig avijp Qvarog dXij^ei ; an allusion to this vision, ovte o avyyviacrbpEvbg rrjg 'Aai^g, i. 6, a. Ch. XXI.— a. A vtcli ai Traaai k. t. X. “And thus Xerxes, as was foretold by Daniel, xi. 2, having by his strength and through his great riches stirred up all the then known habitable world against the realm of Greciaf that is, all the West under the command of Hamilcar, and all the East under his own, he did, in the 5th year of his reign, which was the 10th after the battle of Marathon, set out from Susa to begin the war, and having marched as far as Sardis he wintered there.” Prid. Conn. an. 481. On vsag and 7rXoT«, cf. vii. 1, b. With regard to the alliance between Xerxes and Carthage alluded to by Prideaux, about which Hdtus does not say one word, read without fail D. p. 137—140. b. Kai tovto giv, The formula rovro giv in Hdtus frequently sig¬ nifies the same as 7r pCbrov giv, now in the ls£ place , to begin then, or, now first he did as follows. It responds either to rovro Si, and this next, in the 2nd place, or to some equivalent phrase in a subsequent clause ; as in this place rovro giv answers to rrapsoKtvd^ero Si Kai 07 r\a k. r. X. in the beginning of c. 25. Schw. c. TTpoarrraKjavrojv .... ”AOiov , Cf. vi. 44, and notes. Ch. XXII. — a. iv Si rSt K.r.X. That a canal was cut through the isthmus of Mt Athos, Monte Santo, about the distance of a mile and a half, does not appear to be doubted by Thirlw. 1.1. Thucydides, who lived a considerable time on his Thracian pro¬ perty, at no great distance, speaks of it without any marks of dis¬ credit, curb rov fiaoiXiidg diopvygarog, iv. 109. The same testimony is also borne to its reality by Plato, Isocrates, and Lysias, quoted by Mitford, ch. 8. Modern travellers, however, are at variance. Count de Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, tom. ii. pt. i. p. 145, quoted by Schw., declares that sufficiently clear traces of the ancient canal can yet be discovered; while Cousinery, whose travels B. refers to, and others, deny that any vestige of it is to be seen. Juvenal’s allusion to it as an example of Greek mendacity is well known. “ He ranks it,” Arrowsmith, Eton Geog. p. 336, observes, “ with the other fables to which the ex- BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 337 pedition of Xerxes gave rise; but its existence is too well attested by Hdtus and subsequent writers, as well as by the remains of it which are yet visible, to be considered as a subject of doubt. The canal commenced at Sane, and was 1^ miles long.” Cf. also Athos in the National Cyclopaedia.* (Knight.) b. (txoivot. noir\adp. drawing or marking a line by a rope. Cf. i. 189, 199. ini (3aQpojv — upon ladders, or steps. Cf. i. 183. B. Ch. XXV.— a. onXa (SvfiXiva—cables of the bybias, or Cyperus Papyrus, as in vii. 36. Cf. also ii. 92, e. W. On “ the magazines of food necessarily prepared, in the countries through which they had to pass, long before, while further supplies followed the army by sea,” see the very interesting section in H.’s Persians, ch. ii. p. 282, seqq., quoted from in iv. 83, b. It treats particularly of this expedition, and should be read through. b. AtvKtjv 'A KTrjv —A small town and shore, so called probably from the whiteness of the sand, on the Propontis; where now, ac¬ cording to Mannert, stands the fort of Saint George. Eion, Con- tessa, or Rendina , at the mouth of the Strymon. Smith’s C. D. Ch. XXVI.— a. K piraXiov —“This may be supposed to have been near the site of the present Erekli, as it lay on the E. side of the Halys, in Cappadocia, and in the road from Susa to Sardis, through Celanse and Colossse, which was the king’s route.” R. p. 319. “A general rendezvous was then appointed, which, in the case of Xerxes’ armament, was Cappadocia in Asia Minor. Hither all the contingents came, conducted by leaders of their own race. These, however, were allowed no authority in actual war, the officers being taken exclusively from the Persians. This was a privilege reserved for the conquering nation, as was the case also among the Mongols and Tartars,” &c. H. 1. 1. p. 283. On the vnapxoi, satraps, cf. i. 153, b., v. 32, a., iii. 127, b. and refs. On the gifts, see refs in vii. 8, e. b. K.aTappr]KTT]Q. This river was also called the Marsyas. From its rushing over the rocks with great noise, it was thus called the Waterfall, or Cataract. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Marsyas. c. Mapavtoj cktkoq — the skin of Marsyas. The story of Marsyas is told in Ovid, Met. vi. 382. “ The fable admits of a rational ex¬ planation : the flute cast away by Minerva, and Marsyas punished by Apollo, are intended to denote the preference given at some particular period by some particular Greek race, with whom the mythus originated, to the music of, the lyre over that of the flute ; or, in other words, to the Citharmdic over the Auletic art. Apollo, inventor and improver of the lyre, engaged in a stubborn conflict with Marsyas, representative of the double flute, which was a Phrygian or Asiatic invention, Apollo conquers; that is, the flute * “ The canal of Xerxes can still be traced across the isthmus from the Gulf M. Santo to the bay of Erso in the G. of Contessa, with the exception of about 200 yards in the middle, where the ground has no appearance of being touched. It is probable that the central part was filled up afterwards to allow a more ready passage into and out of the peninsula.” Z 338 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. was regarded by the Greeks as a barbarian instrument, and, ban¬ ished from the hymns and festivals of the gods, could only find admittance into the festivals of the vintage, in the Bacchanalian orgies and chorus of the Drama.” Wieland’s Att. Mus. i. 131, quoted in Marsyas, Class. Diet. So also the article Marsyas , in Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. Ch. XXYII. — a. T7j ’AOrjvair] .... Wvce —“ Palladi Iliacee Alexander quoque Magnus, Ilium delatus, sacra fecit, Arriano, i. 11, et Diod. xvii. 18, testibus.” W. d. TepyiOagTevicpovg. Cf. v. 122, b. Ch. XLV. — a. 'Qf de wpa .... UHdicpvae. “Xerxes from a lofty throne surveyed the crowded sides and bosom of the Hellespont, and the image of a sea-fight; a spectacle which Hdtus might well think sufficient to have moved him with a touch of human sympa¬ thy.” Thirlw. in l. Cf. vii. 39, a. Ch. XLVI .— a. reOvavai . . . . v) £wtiv .... 6 Quvarog .... KaTag. Ut vero quis, qui mortalis homo est natus, certain veri cognitionem, qualem oporteat, adipiscatur, hoc equidem unquam fieri posse nego. b. Kivdvvovg avappiKTeovreg, pericula subeuntes, running risks. Imi¬ tated by Thucydides, iv. 85, 95, &c. V. Cf. also S. and L. D. c. peyaXa yap .... KaTaipttcOai, for great achievements are wont to be, can only be, accomplished by great dangers. Cf. Schw. Lex. on his 2nd interpretation of the word—Sicnt ayCjva KaOaiptlv inter- dum significat peragere, feliciter conflcere certamen, quam in sen- tentiam etiam ipse Hdtus noster, ix. 35, composito verbo ovyKa- Tatpetiv utitur, sic peyaXa Trprjypara KaTaipteiv hoc loco peragere, conflcere res magnas significat. NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 346 Ch. LI.— a. oh Si ... . ivSt^at. Jam tu meum consilium sequere ; so then do thou accept of my advice . Observe the force of Si, there, in that case. Stephens on the Grk Particles, p. 75. b. tg Ovyov .... j3a\tv—reflect in your mind, consider with your¬ self: imitated from Homer; cf. i. 84, e. Ch. LI I.— a. yvtina — indicium, documentum, a token. W. i-rri Tovroicn , in their power. Cf. viii. 29, b. Ch. LIII. — a. %vvov yap .... oirtvStrai—for this which is a com¬ mon good alike to all is forwarded by us, or, for this, which we are forwarding , is a common blessing to all. B. takes it rather differ¬ ently, Hoc enim, quod omnibus est bonum (ab omnibus quoque) festi- nari sive studiose quceri debet. b. ot Hap. yrjv \i\6yxam. This profession of the king bears very great resemblance to the strange opinions of some ancient Theologists, viz. that the angels, at the order of God, decided by lot what countries they should protect and preside over. \V. The opinion of tutelary deities confined to certain countries, whenceso¬ ever it came, and we find it prevailing at a very early age among the Syrians, cf. 1 Kings xx. 2, was known and held among the Greeks; cf. Thucyd. ii. 74. Theocrit. Id. xvi. 83, and Id. vii. 103, quoted by V.; and it is as a Greek here that Hdtus has made Xerxes speak, and not as a Persian. Other similar violations of propriety are found here and there; as in iii. 80, the discussion on the three forms of government, and in iv. 114, of the habits of the Scythian women. Ch. LIV.— a. av'tytvov tov rfkiov k.t.X. Cf. i. 131, a., and refs to H. and vii. 40, b. “ He ” (Zoroaster, the great reformer of the Magian worship) “ taught his followers that fire was the truest Shechinah of the Divine presence. That the sun being the per- fectest fire, God had there the throne of his glory, and the resi¬ dence of his Divine presence, in a more excellent manner than than any where else, and next that in the elementary fire with us; and for this reason he ordered them still to direct all their worship to God, first towards the sun, which they called Mithra, and next towards their sacred fires, as being the things in which God chiefly dwelt; and their ordinary way of worship was to do so towards both. For when they came before these fires to worship, they always approached them on the west side, that, having their faces towards them and also towards the rising sun at the same time, they might direct their worship towards both. And in this posture they always performed every act of their worship. But this was not a new institution of Zoroaster’s; for thus to worship before the fire and the sun was the ancient usage; and according hereto we are to understand Ezekiel viii. 16, where, the prophet being carried in a vision to Jerusalem, amongst other impieties had there shown him “ about five and twenty men standing between the porch and the altar, with their backs towards the temple of the Lord, and their faces towards the east, and they worshipped the sun.” The BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 347 meaning of which is, that they had turned their hacks upon the true worship of God, and had gone over to that of the Magians.” From Prid. Connect, an. 486. It is further worthy of remark, that “ the oriental origin of the god, Apollo, or ''HXiog, is shown in his name, for which the Gks so often and vainly sought an etymology in their own language. The Cretan form for' f HXio£ was ’AfeXiog, i. e. ’A eXiog with the digamma inserted. So the Doric ’A-ttsWiov for ’An roXXwv, and the form Apellinem for Apollinem, cited by Festus. We have here the Asiatic root, Bel , Baal or Lord, or Hel, an ap¬ pellation for the sun in Semitic languages.” Creuzer, Symb. ii. 131, quoted in Class. Diet. Ch, LY. — a. oi ixvpioi k . r.X. “The ten thousand Immortals, crowned with chaplets, led the way.” Thirlw. in l. Cf. vii. 83, a. Ch. LVI.— a. iX'ivvaag —Cf. i. 67, j- ayuiv Tcavrag avQpomovg. Cf. iv. 83, b., vii. 21, a. Ch. LVII.— a. 7r epi le)VT(p rpexiov, rpe^sir, SC. aywva or Spoyov, to undergo a contest, or, run a risk. Cf. viii. 102, d., where the accusa¬ tive is expressed. Elsewhere, as here, it is understood. The word o7riVw in this sentence does not refer to rpl%£ iv but to i/gav— thus, tysXXs EipZrjQ ott'kto) rfaiv, 7T(pi iejvrov, i. e. irepi rrjg iaivrov \pvxVG ve l auirripiag r/ 0 £%wv, Xerxes would return back to the place whence he came, after, or, at, the risk of his own life. Schw. Lex. Cf. viii. 140, c., ix. 37. Ch. LVIII. — a. ra tyiraXiv Trprjaacjv k. t. X. — holding a contrary course from the land forces. Cf. ix. 26 and 56. Schw. Lex. b. 2ap7rr}dovirig aicprig —a promontory of Thrace, opposite Imbros. Smith’s C. D. On Xerxes’ march, cf. the map in R. p. 116, and those published by Vincent, Oxford, on the Geography of Herod, and Thucyd. ovk avnaxovra .... aXX' tTnXnrovTa, cf. vii. 43, a. Ch. LIX. — a. relxog —« fort or castle, as in iv. 46, 124, a., vii. 108. B. On the Hebrus, the Maritza, cf. iv. 90, a. Ch. LX.— a. to 7rXrj0og k. t. X. Cf. notes on vii. 184—187. aigaa'iTjv, a wall or fence, esp. a wall of loose stones. Horn. Od. xviii. 359. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 180. Ch. LXI. — a. Oi dt crTparsvoyevoi, o'lds laav. “ It is an ingenious and probable conjecture of H. Pers. p. 56, that the authentic docu¬ ment drawn up by the royal scribes for Xerxes, in which they re¬ corded the names, and, most likely, the equipments of the different races, was the original source from which Hdtus drew his minute description of their dress and their weapons.” Thirlw. in l. The muster-roll of the army would of course fall into the hands of the Gks on the destruction of the Persians. “ It is inconceivable that the historian of Halicarnassus should otherwise have been able to detail, forty years after, all these particulars with the exactness of a diplomatist. He himself makes mention of written records which the Persian king commanded his secretaries to draw up of the muster of his army, (vii. 100,) of which (unless all historical pro- f 348 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. bability be an illusion) he has preserved a copy.” Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 283, seqq., for a most animated sketch of the principal nations that composed the countless host of Xerxes. On the royal records and scribes of the Persians, cf. iii. 140, a., and refs. They are also alluded to in vii. 100, a ., viii. 90, e. b. Uspaai k. t. X. “ We may observe that the Persian fashion, which the Persians themselves had borrowed from their old masters the Medes, prevailed with a few variations among all the nations between the Tigris and the Indus. The bow was the principal weapon. To it was commonly added a spear and a short sword or dagger. The tunic, scaly breastplate, and loose trowsers, were worn by the Persians, who used a peculiar wicker buckler, ( ytppov ,) covered perhaps with leather, and we should suspect, from the de¬ scriptions given of its use, furnished with a spike for fixing upright in the ground. A cap or turban, low or pointed, appears generally to have supplied the place of a helmet.” Thirlw. in l. Cf. also R. p. 292, who compares the Persians, in respect of the rest of the host, to the British in an Indian sepoy force, cnraykag, loose or flat, pileos non compactos, non rigentes , hanging down probably in front, and not erect , as from the Schol. on Aristoph. Av. 487, we learn that the king alone wore his. Derived either from dn'o and ayw, frango , or from a privat. and irhyvopa. B. tyiv, used adverbially, resembling , after the fashion of, cf. Jelf, § 580, 2. Ch. LXII.— a. MrjSoi be k.t.X. Cf. iii. 92, b. “By the Greeks of his time, the name Median was applied generally to the united empire of Medes and Persians, as having from habit been applied to the power which held the sovereignty of Asia.” R. pp. 270, 272. Cf. also the article Medi , Class. Diet., which some derive, see Oxfd Chron. Tables, p. 5, from Madai , s. of Japhet. See also H. Pers. ch. i. p. 158, seqq. b. K iamoi —Cf. iii. 91, g., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 241; and on the Hyrcanians, iii. 92, c. ioKtvdduTo, Ion. lor ioKsvaapsvoi 7)v vi r. AiyviTTov —“No Egyptian troops (among the land 350 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. forces, that is, cf. vii. 89) are mentioned; perhaps the late rebel¬ lion might render it unsafe to arm them.” Thirlw. in l. Ch. LXX. — a. Ol Be cnr’ r']X. civar. AlOioveg k. r. X. “ They, the Egyptian Ethiopians, met in the camp of Xerxes with another race, whom Hdtus calls Eastern Ethiopians, a dark but straight¬ haired people, neighbours of the Indians, and resembling them in their armour, except that for a helmet they wore the skin of a horse’s head, with the ears erect and the mane flowing down their backs.” Thirlw. in l. “ As these Ethiopians can only be looked for in the S. E. angle of Persia towards India, we may regard them as the people of Mahran , Haur, the Oritse of Alex, and Nearchus, and other provinces in that quarter.” R. p. 303. The subject is noticed in H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 147, seqq. “ A consider¬ able tract of Asia was occupied by an Ethiopian race; and as India was often made to comprise S. Africa, so, in like manner, Ethiopia is frequently made to include S. India.” b. Si^oi yap Brj k.t.X. Cf. Odyss. i. 23, AWlotceq , rot Siyda Btcaiarai, ecr^aroi avBpujv, ol p.ev Bvcou'evov ' Yirepiovog , ol S’ aviovrog. B. AlQtoTreg, (said to be from ai'Ow and ui\p, but perhaps really a foreign name corrupted,) was a name applied, (1.) most generally to all black or dark races of men ; (2.) to the inhabitants of all the regions S. of those with which the early Greeks were well ac¬ quainted, extending even as far N. as Cyprus and Phoenicia; (3.) to all the inhabitants of Inner Africa S. of Mauritania, the Great Desert, and Egypt, from the Atlantic to the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, and to some of the dark races of Asia; and (4.) most spe¬ cifically to the inhabitants of the land S. of Egypt, which was called Ethiopia. Smith’s C. D., JEthiopes. Cf. also ii. 55, a. Ch. LXXI. — a. ALfiveg — “The inhabitants of certain tracts of Libya, extending from Egypt, westward, along the coast of the Mediterranean, to the utmost limits of Cyrenaica. They were dressed in skins, and had the points of their wooden spears hard¬ ened in the fire; in point of weapons, the most contemptibly furnished of any throughout the whole army.” R. pp. 251—255. Cf. also iii. 97, b. Ch. LXXI I. — a. TiatyXayoveg — Part of the 3rd satrapy; cf. iii. 90, and R. p. 237, 8. “ The Paphlagonians, with their neighbours the Mariandynians, the Phrygians, and Syrians, by which are meant Cappadocians, wore helmets of net-work, with buskins, &c. &c.” Whether the helmets of the Paphlagonians were of brass net-w;ork, cf. vii. 63, or of twisted leather, appears uncertain. On the Ligyes, Matieni, Mariandyni, cf. notes on iii. 90, 94, v. 52, and on the Syrians, i. 72, a. Ch. LXXIII. —a . 3>pu yeg k.t.X. Cf. R. p. 238, and vi. 45, a. On the origin of the Armenians, whose name many suppose to be derived from Aram, there is an art. in Class. Diet. Cf. also Smith’s C. D., Armenia , and v. 52, c. d. BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 351 Ch. LXXIV.— a. AvSol .... Mucrot—Cf. i. 28, b., 93, a., and R. p. 235. On the 2nd satrapy, cf. iii. 90, b. Ch. LXXY.— a. QprfiKtg —Cf. i. 28, b., and ref. to H., and R. p. 238, 9. Ch. LXXYI.— a .W., B., and apparently G., are agreed that the name of the nation that should stand at the beginning of this chap, has been lost out of the text; and this, from the oracle of Mars that is mentioned as being among them, and from their being neighbours of the last-mentioned people, W. conjectures with great reason to be that of the Chalybes. Cf. i. 28, b. “ They occupied a mountainous district in the neighbourhood of the He- niochi in the E. of Cappadocia; they were celebrated as early as the Homeric poems for their silver mines, worked in the time of Xenophon, though then producing nothing but iron ; and were at that time subject to their more powerful neighbours, the Mosy- naeci, one of the wildest and most uncivilized nations of Asia.” H. Pers. ch. i. p. 76, 77- b. KarttXixaro —“ In the 3rd pers. plur. perf. and p. perf. the Ionians and Dorians change the v before rat and to into a, in which case the original aspirated consonant again enters before the a, e. g. Tt9ard, flatted, or woven helmets, i. e. as Hesychius, ii. p. 338, explains helmets of woven bulrushes , or of some other species of rush, reed, or flexible twig. B. e. iaraXaSaro, Ion. for earaXfisvoi yaav from ariXXuv, an extra¬ ordinary formation. Schw. The text is probably corrupt, and we should read iaroXiSaro i. e. iaroXtagivoi rj<* av from aroXi^tiv, or else ioraXaro. V. Cf. vii. 76, b. Ch. XC.— a. tiX'ixaro —Ion. pro clXiygcvoi ifcrav ab tiXiaattv. Sch\v r . Lex. Cf. vii. 76, b. On Cyprus, cf. ii. 182, c. Ch. XCII. — a. Avkioi Si k. t. X. Cf. i. 173, a., Smith’s C. D., Lycia. Ch. XCIII.— a. Kapsg .... tiprjrai. Cf. i. 17L On the Dorians of Asia, cf. i. 144, a. Ch. XCIV. — a. To >vtq Ik aX .... IIeX. A lyiaXieg. Cf. i. 145, a., 142, b., 148, a. Pelasgia was the ancient name of all the Pelopon¬ nesus. Eurip. Iph. in Aul. 1498, ed. Dind. Cf. H. P. A. § 96, 5. The maritime region along the shores of the Corinthian Gulf was called iEgialea. W. B. Ch. XCV.— a. Nrjcmorai Si, The Ionic islanders here spoken of were neither Chians nor Samians; for the inhabitants of these two islands belonged to the confederation of the xii. States, which assem¬ bled at the Panionium, cf. i. 142, b., 148, a., in which these islanders had no share. So also Diod. Sic., xi. 3, says,“The Ionians with with the Chians and Samians furnished 100 ships—and the island¬ ers 50; ” thus distinguishing, like our author, between the two. What islanders, however, are here to be understood, we learn from what follows in Diodorus, viz. “ that the king had collected in his expedition the forces of all the islands between the Cyanese and the promontories of Triopium and Sunium; that is, the Ionic islands colonized from Athens; cf. viii. 43, 48, Thucyd. vii. 67. These were Cea, Naxos, Sipnnus, Seriphus, Andros, and Tenos. V. Cf. also H. P. A. § 86. On the Ionian Dodecapolis, cf. i. 142, b. ; on the iEolic, i. 149, a. b. 'EXXrjcnrovTioi— Cf. vi. 33, a. 7rXr)v ’AfSvCrjvwv —Cf. also on the con¬ quest of these towns, v. 117. Kara their place. Cf. iv. 135, b. Ch. XCVI.— a. ’Entfiartvov S'ck.t.X. —“The fleet consisted of 1207 ships of war, and besides native crews, each was manned with 30 marines, Persians, or Medes, or Sacians. Thirlw. in l. On the number of the Epibatee, milites classiarii, marines, in Gk vessels, cf. vi. 12, c. b. Tuiv iyd> .... Trapayiyvi)yai, of which I make no mention ; for it is not required by the plan, i. e. system, of my historical investigations. Cf. vii. 9, c„ and vii. 139, a. Ch. XCVII.— a. Ylp^ciairriQ —Not the same as the Prexaspes of iii. 30, 62. On Megabazus, cf. iv. 143; on Achsemenes, notes on iii. 12, 88. B. On the relationship of these generals to the Royal House, cf. iv. 167, a. BOOK VII. POLYMNIA, ' 355 b. Ktpicovpoi, A species of short and light vessel. B. On the long transports, cf. i. 2, b. Ch. XCVIII.— a. ’Apabiog—a native of Aradus; a Phoenician city: it stood in a small island of the same name, now Ruad. It was the Arvad of the 0. T., the Nth frontier city of the Phoeni¬ cians, and with Tyre and Sidon formed their 3 most important towns; they held their general congress at Tripolis, a little to the south, alike their common colony and their place for common as¬ sembly. See the very interesting ch. i. of H. Phoenic.—“ Even under the dominion of the Persians, the royal dignity was pre¬ served ; though the monarchs were now only as tributary princes, obliged to furnish money and ships to the Persians, and to attend them, when required, in their military expeditions. The kings of Tyre appear in this in the Persian expedition, viii. 67, and even as late as the overthrow of Persia and the capture of Tyre by Alex¬ ander. As Tyre had its proper kings, so also had the other Phoe¬ nician cities, Sidon, Aradus, and Byblus, and these are mentioned even as late as the Macedonian Conquest.” See also particularly p. 60—63 on their hostility to Greece. On the name Syennesis, cf. i. 74, b., and iii. 90, d. On Gorgus, whose younger brother was Onesilus, who revolted from the Persians, cf. v. 104. Ch. XCIX.— a. ’ApTepiaitiQ —Cf. i. a., and ref. to D. Her son was, either, as W. thinks, Lygdamis, or she was succeeded by Pisin^elis, who was her son; while Lygdamis, who succeeded him, was her grandson. The latter is the opinion of D. p. 6. Halicar¬ nassus; cf. i. 1, and refs. b. Kc our k. t. A. The Coans, Calydnians, and Nisyrians are also mentioned in conjunction by Homer, II. ii. 675, oi ft dpa N iavpov t — icai Kuiv, EvpvnvAoio ttoKiv , vi/aovg re K aAvbvag. ScllW. Cos, Stanco , and Nisyros, Nikero, belong to the Sporades. Ca- lydnse, B. follows D’Anville in supposing to be a group, perhaps only two in number, of small rocky islands near Tenedos. Cf. I). 1.1. p. 4, and Smith’s C. D. c. iov AujpiKov k.t.A. Cf. i. 144, and notes. Ch. C.— a. ’gtpZriQ be k. t. X. On the review and the muster-roll then composed, cf. vii. 61, a. “ After this review the king went on board a Sidonian vessel, where a golden tent had been prepared for him, to inspect the fleet, and caused its divisions and numbers to be registered.” Thirlw. in 1. On the skill of the Sidonians and Tyrians in naval matters, cf. H. Phoenic. ch. iii. throughout. b. aveiahxevov .... peruj7rrib6v, they lay at anchor , cf. vi. 116, b., having, all of them, turned the prows of their vessels towards the land, forming one close or continuous front, peroj -k. is rendered by some, with prows , or beaks , presented. Schw. gives continud cequata froute, and Goeller on Thucyd. ii. 90 , junctis frontibus, comparing Virg. A£n. v. 158. Ch. Cl.— a. Arjpdprjrov —Cf. vi. 70, seqq., vii. 3, also vi 30, a. 2 a 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 355 ( b. apOyioi. Cf. vi. 83, b. to euro d. Ch. CII.— a. eTreidrj a\r)Q. k.t.X. The explanation of V., which understands Xe^ui before ra and \k%as before yrj \fsevd., seems unnecessary: the construction appears to be i-veidr/ ictX. ye XPV&’ TravTug dXrjO. Xeyovra (i. e. ye Xeyovra) raiira, to. (Ion. for a) yy ... . aXwatrai- Since you bid me positively to follow the truth , by sayiny that which I shall never afterward be convicted of having falsi¬ fied to you. By tlq, Demaratus appears to intend himself to be un¬ derstood. b. apery .... iaxvpov, virtue has been acquired, achieved, (or, ob¬ tained,) by the study of the liberal arts, (or, by prudence, practical wis¬ dom, according to B.,) and by the stern force of law. Cf. Schw. Lex. This dictum, B. conceives to be put by Hdtus into the mouth of Demaratus, from the prevalence of discussion on such subjects in the schools of Greece. The praises here given to the Dorians also, sufficiently refute, he adds, the idea that Hdtus was in the habit of detracting from the merits of the Spartans, owing to a spirit of partiality visible in his work towards the Athenians. This ch. is referred to by Muller, Dor. ii. p. 265. The military system, &c., of the Spartans—“in every action in the open field up to the battle of Leuctra, Sparta had nearly a certainty of success, since the con¬ sciousness of skill in the use of arms was added to the national feeling of the Doric race that victory was not a matter of doubt.” On the impartiality of Hdtus, cf. D. viii. 1, particularly p. 132. c. ra act (ppov&ujcn — should be of the same mind as you, i. e.join your side, come over to you. Cf. ix. 99, b., ii. 162, a., &c. Ch. CIII.— a. t7rH epepe tSoj ic. t.X. since cone, let me see what in all probability (is likely to happen). Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 516. B. b. aveiyevoi .... kXtvQtpov, in libertatem demissi, arbitrio suo per- missi, free to act as they please, uncompelled. Ch. .CIV. — a. ra KuTTjK. 27 rapT. what is befitting to, or, the duty of the Spartans. B. The translation of Lange, wie es mit den Spar- tiaten steht, what is the actual condition of the Spartans, what is the present state of things with the Spartans, appears to me preferable. b. ra vvv rads—at this very time. When joined with adverbs of time and place, tovto, rode, tovto, rade denote more forcibly the time and place, as it were, by pointing at them; as avrov Tyde, ex¬ actly here, ix. 11. Jelf, § 655, 5. c. y'epea —Cf. i. 59, /., and vi. 56, a., on the privileges of the Spartan kings. d. fiiov te yoi ... . dkdcjKe. Cf. vi. 70. According to Xenoph. Hell. iii. 1, § 6, quoted by L., the towns of Pergamus, Teuthrania, and Halisarna were given to Demaratus by Darius; where his posterity lived as late as 400 b. c., when Eurysthenes and Procles, his descendants, joined Thimbron. B. On the humanity of the Persian monarchs, cf. vi. 30, a., and on the custom of endowing exiled princes with lands and revenues of cities, vi. 41, and BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 357 Thucyd. i. 138, and vi. 59, on the treatment of Themistocles and Hippias. tKwv re slvat ovd ’ dv y. and I would not (to be willing to do so) that is (as far as my will qoes ) fight even with one. Jelf, § 079, 3. e. aXktQ dk . . . . cnrcivT(t)v. On the truth of this remark, as ap¬ plicable to the Dorian tactics, cf. Mull. Dor. p. 246—249, bk. iii. c. 12, with the whole of which ch., the most spiritedly written of any in that work, the student should make himself thoroughly acquainted. After dilating on “ the method of attack, in closed lines with extended lances,”—and “ the chief point being to keep the whole body of men in compact order, both in rapid advance and in pretended flight,” Muller concludes with a noble picture of the Spartan advance—“ Every man put on a crown when the band of flute-players gave the signal for attack; all the shields of the line glittered with their high polish, and mingled their splen¬ dour with the dark red of the purple mantles, which w T ere meant both to adorn the combatant, and to conceal the blood of the wounded: to fall well and decorouslv being: an incentive the more to the most heroic valour.” f. tmoTi .... dtrnroTrjg, o voyog k. t. X. The sentiment often oc¬ curs in Thucydides. See particularly the speech of Archidamus, i. 84; and read Mull. Dor. ii. p. 406, seqq. bk. iv. c. 9. g. avivysi St (sc. 6 voyoq •) tSovto aid, oiuc Iojv p — m the aforesaid Donscus : rovrcp being added to signify that he has already spoken of it, referring the reader back to c. 59, where he commenced his digression. Schw. Ch. CVI.— a. Stipa ntyviaKt, cf. iii. 84, a., and refs, vi. 41, a. b. ovtoi ojv . . . . Treiprjryaytvojv. The gallant defence of Doriscus, here alluded to, by Mascames, as well as the loss of Eion and all the other strongholds in Thrace and the Hellespont, are events, the reader will observe, that date after the conclusion of Hdtus’ his¬ tory. Cf. also i. 130, b., ii. 156, iii. 15, c. Ch. CVII.— a. Bdy? 7 £, 3 g tir. tTroXiop. k. t. X. The taking of Eion by Cimon is generally dated in 476 b. c., during the reign of Xerxes: it is more probable, however, that it was during the reign of Arta- xerxes, his successor, 471 b. c. According to D., p. 28, it took place 470 b. c. This town was called “ Eion on the Strymon,” to distinguish it from “ Eion by Thrace,” a Mendeean coiony. Cf. Thucyd. i. 98, and Arnold’s note. Ch. CVII I.— a- Etplyg St ic. r. X. “ From Doriscus the army pur¬ sued its march along the coast, accompanied by the fleet, through a region which had been already subdued in the expeditions of Megabazus and Mardonius. Cf. v. 12, 15, vi. 43, seqq. As it ad¬ vanced, it still swelled its numbers by taking in reinforcements 358 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. from the Thracian hordes, through which it passed,” &c. Thirlw. in l. Cf. i. 171, a. b. 'EafioO. raxea, the castles , ox, fortified towns of Samothrace. Cf. vii. 59, a. The Mesembria here mentioned, in Thrace, must not be confounded with the Mesambria of iv. 93, vi. 33, on the Euxine. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Mesembria. c. Xitjcrog .... £ 7 rs\i 7 T£. Cf. vii. 43, a. Ch. CIX.— a. Mapwvtiav, Mar 'ogna: of Dicaea some ruins, per¬ haps, still exist, but without a modern name. On Abdera, cf. i. 168, a. Ismarus, from which the lake took its name, is mentioned in Odyss. ix. 40, as taken by Ulysses. b. Neotoi/, The boundary of Thrace and Macedon ; the Mesto, or Kara-Su, which B. Germanizes into Schwarzach, the black-river. The Trauus may possibly be alluded to in v. 3, b., but it appears to be as little known with certainty as the Compsatus and the city Pistyrus. Ch. CX. — a. ’E0. Si Qprfuciov k.t.X. Cf. notes on v. 3, Thracia , Smith’s C. D., and Arrowsmith’s E. Geog. Thracia, particularly p. 322 and 333. On the Edonians, v. 11,5. b. o'i Si a\\. 7 ravr . httovto. Cf. vii. 108, a., and ref. in i. 171, a., to H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 438. Ch. CXI. — a. B r)(T(Jol .... TroiiaXojrtpov, now among the Satrce, the Bessi are the priests of the temple; or, as S. and L. l)ict. ren¬ ders, expound the oracles in the temple ; and there is a priestess who utters the oracular a?isivers, as in Delphi, and not more ambiguously ; i. e. the oracles, as in Delphi, are uttered by a priestess, and are not at all more ambiguous than those given there. B. and Schw. The territory of the Bessi lay between Mt Rhodope and the North part of the Hebrus, on the banks of the Nestus. On the worship of Bacchus, see the extract from the Anti-Symbolik of Voss in Class. Diet., Bacchus. Ch. CXII . — a. Tr]V flprjgevriv, SC. xwpav S. yf/v. B. r£i'x«a—cf. vii. 108, b. b. Ihspiov. The Thracian Pierians, who were settled to the E. of the Strymon, originally came, it appears, from Macedonia. Cf. Smith’s C. D. Mt Pangseum, cf. v. 16, a. Ch. CXI1I. — a. n aiovag, Cf. v. 13, a. 7 tot. ’Ayylrrjv, the All- ghista. See Arrow-smith, E. Geog. p. 334. b. ig tuv oi yayoi .... \ivkovq. “ When Xerxes arrived on the banks of this river, his Magian priests made a sacrifice of white horses, and exerted their charms to propitiate the stream.” Thirlw. Cf. notes on vii. 40, 54, 76, and Tacitus, Ann. vi. 37, quoted by W., Tiridates’ sacrifice of a horse to the Euphrates. Ch. CXIV.— a. iv ’Evv. "OS. Cf. v. 126, a. In the next line £ 7 roo. ica-a rag ytv ic r. B. c. rovg A\. 7raldag, cf. vii. 6 , b., and vi. T27, c. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 260, 275. Ch. CXXXI.— a. ttcttps — pioneered their way through, cleared, cut the trees down. Ch. CXXXII. — a. hdrovTOKn — against these —they took an oath; as in vii. 148, ovvivgorai . ... hdry Tl'spcnj. A few lines be¬ low tovtovq dtKarevaai is explained by Boeckh, Pub. Econ. i. p. 352, that they woidd compel them to pay a tenth of the produce of their land to Apollo, impose a tithe upon them; Hire Grundstiicke zinsp- flichtig zu machen. This fine was probably imposed by the Am- phictyonic council, cf. vii. 213, a., B., but not put in execution. See D.’s remarks, p. 134. b. to ftv Sr/ opnov, On the candour of Hdtus, and his unsparing ex¬ position of the truth, in thus giving a list of all who voluntarily did homage to the foreign-king, see D. p. 133, seqq., and cf. also p. 25. Ch. CXXXIIL—a. eg to (3apa9pov, cf. vi. 136, b. On o, ti Se ave9t\rjTov, what of a calamitous or disastrous nature , cf. vii. 88 . a. b. aXXa tovto .... ytvtaOai. This sentence strongly speaks the good sense of Hdtus and his freedom from superstition, in not being too ready to refer to an unknown and divine cause what may be as well explained from a natural one. B. Ch. CXXXIV.— a. airoy. Ta\. KaXtog. Cf. vi. 60, a., on the hereditary nature of the herald’s office at Sparta, and Mull. Dor. ii. p. 28. b. Tolcri S7rapr. icaXXiep . ISvvaro, supply ra ispa, the victims woxdd never give a favourable omen when the Spartans sacrificed. Cf. vi. 76, b. c ?>7rep9'ir)g k. r. X. From Theocritus Id. xv. 98, ‘A rig ical 27 np^iv top iaXtgov apioTtvaev, it seems probable that some dirge, composed when they left Sparta, apparently to meet certain death, was still customarily chanted in their memory. See the notes in Kiessling’s Theocritus. d. tpvati ti . . . . 7 rpuiTa, nobili loco nati. Schw. both of noble birth, and endoived with as great a degree of wealth as any. XPW- ^ v - r “ -rrpujTa, eminent , lit. reaching into the first rank, among the first of the Spartans for wealth. Miiil. 1. 1. Cf. vii. 13, a. This is one of the many passages that go far to prove that the boasted equality of the Spartan citizens had but little real existence. Cf. vi. 61, c. Ch. CXXXV.— a. deSo!;ujo9f yap k.t.X. from SolZooyai. viii. 124, ix. 48, for you have the reputation, i. e. you, Spartans, generally, have the reputation, in his opinion, of being men of noble character, &c. BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 363 b. ovk dv Sop .... dXXa jcai 7rtXsK. — to use our utmost endeavours, to fight to the last in behalf of it; the metaphor is taken from hand- to-hand combat, compared with and requiring more courage than fighting, comparatively at a distance, with the spear. According to S. and L. D., to fight to the last, not soldiers only , but every man, taking TckXtKVQ of a carpenter’s axe, that is, a domestic tool, rather than of a battle-axe. Ch. CXXXVI.—a. ovk i

ra above ; they next said the following ivords and nearly to this import—and Xerxes answered them , &c., i. e. the 1st thing was their refusal, the 2nd to make the speech. c. ficnr. M i]Su)v, Cf. i. 163, d., vii. 62, a. For other instances of Xerxes’ magnanimity, cf. vii. 146, 147, viii. 118. B. Ch. CXXXVII.— a. og fIXf .... dvSpdjv — who, sailing down upon them m a merchant vessel full of men, (i. e. not laden with merchan¬ dise, but filled with men, for piratical or warlike purposes,) captured some Tirynthian fishermen. The whole of these circumstances are narrated in Thucyd. ii. 67, but, as he does not speak of fishermen, but of igiTopovQ ’AGrjvaiuiv.K.r.X. who were captured and put to death, instead of aXdag, fishermen, some would read,' AXielg, inhabit¬ ants of Halice, a colony of Hermione and Tiryns, at the time then spoken of an independent town, according to Mull. Dor. vol. ii. App. vi. p. 440, whence I have quoted the above; but afterwards an ally of Sparta. This conjecture is rejected by B. on the ground that Haliae did at that time belong to Sparta, and that therefore its inhabitants could not be objects of hostility. As what is spoken of happened in the 2nd year of the Pelop. War, 430 b. c., just 50 years after Xerxes’ expedition, it is, of course, one of the events alluded to, which happened later than the conclusion of Hdtus’ history. Cf. i. 130, b. On Sitalces and his connexion with the Athenians, cf. Thucyd. ii. 29, 67, 95, &c. See also D. p. 30. Ch. CXXXVIII. — a. r) Ss orpaTiiXacir} k.t.X. This and the following ch. are translated in D. p. 132, seqq. It is hard to say whether his admirable comments on them more thoroughly disprove the possibility of the alleged recitation at Olympia, or the charge brought against Hdtus of flattering the Athenians and want of candour. Cf. also p. 24, seqq. b. 7 rvvQavoy .... ot "EXXrjveg. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xv. 259, 260, and Thucyd. iii. 56, cnrdviov t/v k. t. X. Ch. CXXXIX.— a. 'EvQaiira avayKabj k.t.\. “Sometimes an infinitive is governed not so much by its verb as by another implied 3C4 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. in it—as avayraly . . , . airoo. here, being prevented (from any thing else), I am necessarily compelled to express my opinion. Cf. vii. 96, b., i. 31, vi. 100, tKXiTidv k. t. X. Matth. § 535, obs. 3. b. ft /cat 7roX. thx. KiOujveg k.t.X. —even though many rows or girdles of trails, i. e. many walls, one within another, had been drawn across the Isthmus, &c. Schw. Lex. Cf. i. 131, thxoq OiuprjK tort Cf. D. p. 133, 135. c. ravra pty. tptXXt—this party, viz. the one to which the Athe¬ nians should attach themselves, would prevail, lit. have the prepon¬ derance, incline the scale. Schw. Lex. Ch. CXL. — a. pkXeoi k.t.X. These two oracles are para¬ phrased in Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 294. The last line, however, which he considers to mean begone ! and expect your doom , has, probably, a different sense. Valia, indeed, renders it mails effundite mentem, as if the oracle bade them expect the worst, and took all hope away; but the sense of Schw., spargite animi robur super mala, i. e. his mails opponite animi robur, S. and L. I)., spread your spirit over your ills, is preferable. In the 4th line of the oracle, the word pkaayg is to be referred, as B. notes, to ttoXioq, to which also piv in the next line relates. Ch. CXLI.— a. TrpofBdXXovm cs av, — npofioXcnog, an outstretched spear ; the sense appears to be keeping the spear drawn back, not making a thrust, i. e. remain at rest, be upon your guard. Coray, quoted by Schw. By k tipaXrjv V. conceives the citadel, called Larissa by the Argives, to be intended. The oracle is translated in a note by B.:— BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 367 “ Yicinis offensa, Deo carissima plebes Armorum cohibe munimina, corporis omne Discrimen sola capitis tutabitur umbra.” d. Kairoi .... i/yt/jov. tojvTu>v. On this subject cf. vi. 76, c., 83, a., and the excellent § 33, in H. P. A. Ch. CXLIX.— a. [m) — t7n\sye(j6ai, and that they doubted or were afraid, lest, if a truce was not concluded , &c. This word, which means that they considered with themselves , frequently involves the notion of fear. Cf. vii. 47, 49, 52, 236. Schw. b. g. W. b. vtto TeX. re icai In the omission of the article before Gelon and Syracusans, L. conceives that a sarcasm lies— to be deprived of the command by a Gelon and by Syracusans. Ch. CLX. — a. direarpagg. tovq Xoyovg—sermonem aversantem, cum indignatione respuentem propositam conditionem. — B. hostile words. S. and L. D. b. ETrei re ... . irpocr. KarLaraTai , since this proposal is so disagree¬ able to you, since you are so averse to it. Ch. CLXI . — a. ’Adrjv. .... ap^aior. g'ev eQvog . ... ov geravctar. Cf. i. 56, a., Thucyd. i. 2, and ii. 36. b. "OgypoQ .... avdp. dpiffr . Mnestheus is meant; cf. Horn. II. ii. 554. W. Ch. CLXII .— a. Ik roil eviavrov k.t.X. By Aristotle, Rhet. iii. c. 10, § 7, this metaphor is attributed to Pericles in his funeral ora¬ tion ; it is not found, however, in Thucydides. Ch. CLXIII. — a. SicvQeu), The Scythes, tyrant of Messana, mentioned in vi. 24, was most probably the uncle of this man. V. See D.’s remarks on the mission of Cadmus, p.138, and Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 273. b. KapadoKyaavra — watching earnestly, strictly, watching with out¬ stretched head. S. and L. D. icapao. ryv ga to watch the issue of the struggle. In the commencement of the ch. xpngaricrdgtvoi, having had these dealings, held this conference , with. Cf. iii. 118, a. Ch. CLXIV .— a. ekuiv te tlvai, both as far as his will went, with good will. “ The phrase may possibly be explained by this analogy, willing (tivcu = overlay) according to his real nature, that is, really.” Jelf, § 667, dbs. 1. See also § 679, 3.—On enro Sac., by reason of justice, from justice, (justice being the motive whence the action came,) cf. Jelf, § 620, 3, d., on inro Causal. So diro enrovdi/g, in earnest. Cf. II. xii. 233, there quoted. BOOK VTI. POLYMNIA. o<~ 6 i b. eg n'eaov kcitciO. Cf. iv. 161, c., and on Zancle, vi. 22, a. Ch. CLXV.— a. Aey. ct Kai vttu .... oiKijfi. Cf. vii. 153, e. b. into ebputvog —The same to whom Olymp. ii. and iii. of Pindar are addressed. This invasion of the Carthaginians is related in Diod. Sic. xi. 20, seqq. Cf. also H. P. A. § 85 and 83, note 15. The battle of Himera, 480 b. c., more probably about the time when Thermopylae was fought, than Salamis; cf. Prid. Conn. an. 480, and D. p. 139. c. $ oivikcjv , By the Phoenicians are here meant the Cartha¬ ginians ; by the Libyans, those tribes of the native Africans who were in subjection to them. The Iberians are the Spaniards, who formed an important quota of the Carthaginian armies ; cf. Arnold’s Hist, of Rome, iii. p. 397: the Ligyans were probably a nation of the S. of Gaul, near Marseilles, where the Carthaginians traded; and the Elisycians, in whose name W. fancies a resemblance exists to the Helvetians, another tribe, either from Gaul or the shores of N. Italy. B. See H. Carthag. ch. vii. passim and ch. ii. d. K dp%. iovra (3ckj. — -king, i. e. chief man of the Carthaginians. Cf. vi. 34, a. The Suffetes, the presiding officers of the Cartha¬ ginian senate, and the chief civil magistrates, are by the Gk writers called kings, a title also given to the generals of the state. “ The Suffetes are by Livy compared with the consuls; they were elected from the richest and noblest families; Aristot. Pol. ii. 81; we sup¬ pose the number two, like the kings of Sparta and the consuls.” Cf. article Carthago, in Smith’s I)., and H. Carthag. ch. iii. p. 60, seqq., and Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 551, seqq., who, after dis¬ cussing what is known on the constitution of Carthage, has the following fine observations—“ Every one who is accustomed to make history a reality must feel how unsatisfactory are these ac¬ counts of mere institutions, which, at the best, can offer us only a plan, and not a living picture. Was the Carthaginian aristocracy, with its merchant nobles, its jealous tribunals, its power abroad and its weakness at home, an older sister of that V enetian republic, whose fall, less shameful than the long stagnation of its half exist¬ ence, Nemesis has in our own days rejoiced in ? Or did the com¬ mon voice in France speak truly, when it called England the modern Carthage ? Or is Holland the truer parallel, and do the contests of the house of Nassau with the Dutch aristocracy repre¬ sent the ambition of the house of Barca, and the triumph of the popular party over the old aristocratical constitution? We cannot answer these questions certainly, because Carthage on the stage of history is to us a dumb actor; no poet, orator, historian, or philoso¬ pher, has escaped the wreck of time, to show how men thought and felt at Carthage.” Ch. CLX\ 1. — a. rrjg ainrig iigeprjg k.t.A. Cf. note b. on pre¬ ceding ch. So also, on /3ao-. K apxnb. note ( ^ Ch. CLXVII.— a. rr)v avaraaiv, the battle , or, conflict. Cf. ii. 117. B. 2 s 2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 372 b. tQvero Kal bcctW. The verb icaWtp. occurs also in vii. 134, b. Cf. vi. 76, b. From this passage it may be concluded that the generals of the Carthaginians possessed a sacerdotal power and office, similar to that exercised by the consuls of Rome and the kings of Sparta, and that they were bound, or, at least, had the power, to offer sacrifice even in the midst of a battle. B. In earlier times, they, the Suffetes, had been invested with the two great characters of ancient royalty, those of general and of priest; at least Hamilcar, who commanded the Carthaginians at the battle of Himera, and who was one of the Suffetes, is described by Hdtus as sacrificing during the battle and pouring libations with his own hand on the victims. And although the expression in Hdtus is IQve to and not tOvtv, yet the same expression is applied to the pro¬ phet Tisamenus, who was with the Greek army at Platma; and unless Hamilcar had been personally engaged in the sacrifice, we can scarcely suppose that he would have remained in the camp while it was going forward, instead of being present with his soldiers in the action. Arnold, Hist, of Rome. vol. ii. p. 552, note. Cf. H. 1.1. p. 60, 66. B. adds that, according to Polysenus, i. 27, § 2, the Carthaginian general Hamilco, as he mistakenly calls him, was killed by a stratagem of Gelo’s. B. It is narrated in Prid. pt. i. bk. iv. an. 480. c. oi Ovovm, From this it may be inferred that Hamilcar was supposed to have devoted himself to death in behalf of his army, and that he was regarded in the light of a hero, and therefore honoured with sacrifices. B. Similar honours were paid to Bra- sidas and others. Ch. CLXYIII.— a. Kt^vpaToi Sk tc.r.X. See Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 270. By Pylos mentioned in this ch. is probably meant the Nestorian Pylos in Messenia. Old Navarino. Cf. Odyss. iii. 4. B. Which Pylos, however, it was, as there were three, in Messenia, in Triphylia, and in Elis, that gave birth to Nestor, is much disputed; as Nestor is called by Pindar “King of Messenia.” Muller, Dor. i. p. 83, cf. p. 113, places the Nestorian Pylos in Triphylia. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Pylos. Teenarus, C. Malayan; a name corrupted, some one has observed, from yino-nov, as standing boldly out like a forehead into the sea. See Arrowsmith, 1.1. p. 421. b. e%ovr. Svv. ovk f.\ax'i(TT. Thucyd. i. 33, 36, 44, 68. B. c. M aXsrjv —hod. C. St. Angelo , or, Malio di St. Angelo. caKoova. a few lines below, eluded, put off, deceived. Schw. On the Etesian winds, cf. vi. 140, a. Ch. CLXIX.— a. "Q viyrr. tmyky . daicpvy. k. r. X. — reproach yourselves, or blame yourselves, O senseless ones, for all the woes which Minos in wrath sent upon you from your having aided Menelaus, be¬ cause they (i. e. the Greeks) did not assist in revenging his murder at Camicus, ivliilst you (i. e. the Cretans) did assist them in revenging the rape §c. The Cretans are reminded of the wrath of Minos for their folly in having assisted the Greeks in the Trojan war, BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 373 whilst the Greeks had not returned the favour to the Cretans by assisting them to avenge his death. iTnycyfcaQe, remember your wrongs, or reproach yourselves for —your former weak good nature— appears to be something like the sense intended. On the dat. McveXey, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 390. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 270. “ The Cretans raked up a legend out of their mythical antiquity, about the disastrous expedition of Minos to Sicily, and that of his subjects who sailed in search of him, and under cover of a con¬ venient oracle, with a decent profession of regret, refused their aid.” On Minos, cf. i. 171, b., H. P. A. § 6, and the article in Smith’s D. of G. and R. Biog. Ch. CLXX.— a. AaidaXov —On Deedalus cf. the article in Smith’s D. of G. and R. Biog. b. rrjv vvv Stic, k aX. as more anciently called Trinacria, or Trinacris. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 2. The city Camicus, mentioned a few lines below, stood, according to Mannert ix. 2, on a lofty rock that overhung the city of Agrigentum, Girgenti. See Arrowsmith, Eton Geog. p. 201, 301. c. cwtcTTEoirag, loom out , or, pinchedby famine, B., struggling or wrestling with, that is, contending in vain against hunger. Schw. Lex. Cf. viii. 74, ix. 89. In S. and L. D. like ovvtiyi, ii. 4, in¬ volved or implicated in. d. 'Ypiijv —also called Oria, or Uria, in the North of the Iapy- gian peninsula, upon what was afterwards the Appian Way be¬ tween Brundusium and Tarentum. See Arrowsmith, l. 1. c. xiv. p. 283. e. rag 8rj Tapav , . . . iZavicrdvreg, which the Tarentines a long time afterwards endeavouring to destroy, Schw., or to expel the inhabit¬ ants from. B. Cf. i. 155, vii. 170, ix. 106, ii. 171, on the sense of expelling, or endeavouring to drive out , the inhabitants. The event here alluded to took place after the date of the conclusion of Hdtus’ w r ork. Cf. i. 130, b. It happened, according to Diodorus xi. 52, in the sixth year after Salamis, i. e. when Hdtus w r as ten years old, in 474 b. c. See the further valuable remarks of D. p. 28, to whom I am indebted for the above, and cf. vii. 153, e. f o'i viro .... avayraZ,. tojv aar., who (i. e. the Hhegines,) were pressed, or levied out of the body of the citizens by Micythis, &c. These were, no doubt, the flower of the state, levied, not from the Periceci, cf. vii. 58, but from what Thucyd. would have called the heavy¬ armed men olf the roll, or, the regular soldiers, cf. Thucyd. viii. i. 89, 97. A few lines below ovk hrkriv cipiOy. the number was not set, there was no number assigned. On the accurate information, here and in vi. 21, displayed by Hdtus, and the inference thence to be drawn, see D. p. 36. Ch. CLXX I.— a. 7raptvdt]Kr], a digression, cf. vii. 5, c. rpiry tie ytv .... T pujiica, in the third generation, i. e. a hundred years after Minos died, &c. Cf. ii. 142, and on Minos, ref. in vii. 169, a. Ch. CLXXII.— a. QtacraX . tci oi ’AXtu. lgr}\av. Cf. vii. 6, NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 374 b., 130, a ., and Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 2 75. On the congress at the Isthmus, cf. vii. 145, a., and on TrpofiovXoi, vi. 7, «• b. apaiprjfikvoi, Ion. reduplicat. for ypripzvoi from aipno, chosen , cf. vii. 83, b. kv aK(.7nj tov ttoXe/xov, cf. i. 143, a. c. -n-poKar. Totr .’EXXadoc, that ive who sit, i. e. who are situated, so far beyond the rest of Greece, &c. &c. d. dvayr . 7 rpofjcp. you cannot apply compulsion to us, i. e. you can,not compel us to resist by ourselves the Persian army. Schw. On the sentiment in the next sentence, ovd. yap dSw. k. t. X. B. com¬ pares what the Andrians say in viii. Ill, ovS. yap. rijg k. r.\. Ch. CLXXIII.— a. Evp'nrov. the Straits of Neyropont. Cf. the account given by Hobhouse of these straits, extracted in the article in the Class. Diet, and Arrowsmith Eton G. c. 18, p. 435. b. Trig ’Axaut/g — The Achaia of Thessaly, which embraced Phthiotis, Hellas, and the tract inhabited by the Dolopians. See Arrowsmith, 1.1. p. 358. c. rd T6ju7rf a —On this valley through which the Peneus, the Salambria , flows between Olympus and Ossa, cf. Wordsworth’s “ Greece, Historical and Piet.,” referred to in vii. 128. cl. run 7 roXf/jLcipxuv —Of these officers there were six in Sparta, one at the head of each mora: they were next in military rank to the king and received their commands directly from him; them¬ selves, in turn, issuing their directions to the Lochagi, and so on, through each division of the Spartan army. Cf. H. P. A. § 29, and Thucyd. v. 66 . From the text it would appear that the polemarchs were generally of the royal family. Cf. also Smith’s D. of A., IloXsjuapxog. e. ’AXtcavSpov ic.r.X. Alexander, s. of Amyntas, cf. v. 19, seqq., viii. 139, &c., was now king of Macedonia. Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 275. A little below 6 the Macedonians. Cf. 1 . 2, d. Ch. CLXXV.—a. y ts aryaovrai tov 7 ro\. in what manner shall they carry on the war. Perhaps rather, set on foot, bey in the war. b. yijg TtjQ I anaiejT. This was a district in the N. of Euboea, opposite a tract that bore the same name in Thessaly, mentioned in i. 56. B. See Arrowsmith, l. 1. c. xviii. p. 437. Ch. CLXXX I.— a. Tb’ApTtp. A tract on the N. of Euboea, so called from the temple of Artemis, belonging to Hestieea. Smith’s C. D. On the places mentioned in this ch. see the two excellent articles in the Class. Diet., Euboea and Thermopylce, and Arrow- smith, l. 1. c. xvi. p. 360, and c. xviii. p. 435. That the localities of Thermopylae, as also of Plataea, are “evidently described from ocular observation,” cannot fail to strike the reader. Cf. D. p. 43. b. irvXai .... ifoiyav Se (o khq to tuxoq, cf. viii. 27, a. “ The ruins of a wall are still existing at the N. entrance, which perhaps has served as a barrier against the invasions of Thessalian, Persian, and Roman armies.” Mull. Dor. bk. i. ch. ii. p. 44. Ch. CLXXVIII.— a. Oi pev dr) EXX . diaraxO- — the Greeks therefore mustered in all haste against the enemies, distributed into BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 375 two divisions , or posted at two different places; viz. the one part taking their station at Thermopylae, the other at Artemisium. Schw. Lex. Ch. CLXXIX.— a. O be vavr . 7rapi(3 .2 /a«0. —The naval force 8c c. made straight across with ten of the best sailing ships for the island of Sciathus. R. Therma, Saloniki, vii. 121, a. Scia- thus, Skiatho. Ch. CLXXX.— a. rd>v £7n/3ar. On the Epibatae, marines, cf. vi. 12, c. b. SiaSk^tov .... koXXkjtov. dextrum omen {of very good omen ) ex- istimantes ilium, quern e Greeds primum atque formossimum cepe- rant. Port. Lex. “ The victors selected the comeliest man they found among the Troezenian prisoners, and sacrificed him at the prow of his ship for an omen of victory.” Thirlw. in l. c. rev^a S' dv... . hravp.—perhaps too in some degree he may have got the benefit of or, reaped the consequences of, his name (A eovroc, Lyon) ; perhaps it ivas in some respect owing to his name that he met with this end. Ch. CLXXXI. — a. nva aoivi£, rroTagog. This inconsiderable stream, a branch of the Asopus mentioned in the foregoing note, does not appear to be noticed by name by modern geographers. Several rapid streams appear to be formed by the springs, which run immediately into the sea, distant about a mile from the pass. Out of 6 rivers which discharge themselves close to the Thermopylae, only 3, the Boagrius, Asopius, and Sperchius, can be identified with certainty ; the other 3 were the Melas, Dyras, and Phoenix. From the art. Thermopxylce, Class. Diet. The village of Anthela “ stood in one of the narrowest parts of the pass, which was formed by the sea and marshes on the one hand and the inaccessible cliffs of Mt (Eta (Catavothra Vouno ) on the other, and there also were the temples of Amphictyon, Ceres Amphictyonia, and the seats of the Amphic- tyons. Cf. Soph. Trach. 633, seqq. ^£2 vavXoya .... KaXtovrai.” Arrowsmith, Eton Gr. p. 360. Long observes that it is not possi¬ ble to make Hdtus’ description, though so minute and apparently so exact, agree with the best modern maps. h. iiyaZ .... SsSyrjTcu — for' the road that is made there is wide enough for only one carriage, dtcy. implies that it was artificially constructed. B. The whole pass is about 4 or 5 miles in length, and in its narrowest part, says Arrowsmith l. 1., only 25 ft broad. It was narrowest at either end. See Thirlw. in l. c. sSpai .... ’Ayg ’O vr/r .... K opvd. Cf. note a. in pre¬ ceding ch. BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 383 Ch. CCXY.— a. 'YSdpv. Kai riov karpar. Cf. vii. 83. 7rfpi \{>xv. av y cf. i. 59. d. prj Trjg aXXyg EXXd^og aXicr/c .—Tavry (sc. EXXa^t). Cf. Jelf, § 710, c. Gen. abs. instead of Dative. Ch. CCXXXVI. — a. rporr. roiovr. -^pnkp. of'EXX. x a, P-— istius- modi moribus, vel isthoc ingenio solent esse Greed; for the Greeks are wont to indulge in habits of this sort. b. tCjv vdg k. r. X. Before rwv Wess. supplies t'lpsutv, but if in addition to the present disaster that has befallen us who have lost 400 ships by ivrech &c. Instead of tu>v, V. conjectures rovQ. Cf. ii. 150, a. BOOK VIII. URANIA. 387 b. 7rp6f tw v ofiov (pvXaaaopsvujv. “ This practice of guarding the roads and passes is generally characteristic of despotic govern¬ ments : it is adopted also in Asia, as for example, in the valley of Cashmere.” From Long’s Summary, p. 106. c. Topyw. Cf. vii. 204, a. and refs. BOOK VIII. URANIA. BATTLE OF A RTEMISIUM; - MARCH OF XERXES INTO ATTICA; BATTLE OF SALAMIS ; FLIGHT OF XERXES; MARDONIUS WINTERS IN THESSALY; DIGRESSION ON THE MACEDONIAN KINGS. Ch. I. — a. ’A Or/v- fiev, vkag k. r. X. At Artemisium the Athenians had 127 vessels, which were afterwards reinforced by 53 more, cf. viii. 14, and made up the number of 180 that fought at Salamis ; cf. viii. 44. If to these be added the 20 others manned by the Chalcidians, but which the Athenians lent them, the total will be completed of 200 ships, which, according to Diod. Sic. xv. 78, the Athenians had at Salamis. The same number is also given by Cornelius Nepos in Themist. c. 3. Schw. Cf. also viii. 44, a. b. IlXar. ovvt7r\T)p. TrXppwpa, generally the rowers and sailors, opposed to the Epibatae or marines, cf. vi. 12, c., but sometimes is taken to comprehend both, as in viii. 43, 45. So here avvtnXijpovv refers not only to soldiers on board ship, but also to rowers; in which capacity, no doubt, some portion of the Plataeans would also be able to serve, though not such experienced sailors as the Atheni¬ ans. Schw. Cf. v. 79, a., vi. 108, a. c. Srupttg —Styra, Stura, or Asturi; a town on the S. W. coast of Euboea near Carystus; mentioned in Horn. II. ii, 539. B. Eretria, Idalceo-Castro ; cf. Smith’s C. D. Ch. II.— a. ‘Aprtpla. Cf. vii. 176, a. b. tuv Se OTpartiyov .... 7 rapeix- 27 rapr. Thirlw. ii. p. 276, says that “ it may have been principally the jealousy of iEgina that led to the determination not to submit to the Athenian command, and that the Dorian cities of Peloponnesus, though not hostile to Athens, could not acknowledge an Ionian leader without a con¬ siderable sacrifice of national prejudices.” Ch. III.— a. to vavriKov — “The fleet was commanded, as is evident from viii. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, Ill, ix. 90, by the Spartan admiral and a council, a avvkbpiov ol the orpar^oi or ol iv tiXu ovreg, 2 c 2 388 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. ix. 106, in which the admiral, viii. 59, 61, put, the question to the vote, and gave out the decree. This commander was armed with very large powers, and Leotychides concluded an alliance with the Samians, ix. 92, and even the captains of the fleet debated on the projected migration of the Ionians, ix. 106. Nor is it ever men¬ tioned that the fleet received orders from the Isthmus; though from viii. 123 it appears that the Isthmus was still the seat of the confederacy.” Mull. Dor. i. App. iv. p. 518. b. thcov oi ’AQrjv. Similar testimony on Hdtus’ part to the noble conduct of the Athenians, occurs in vi. 108, and vii. 139. B. c. TTtpi rrjg eiceivov sc. y r/g. Ionia and the coast of Asia Minor are here meant. On the transference of the Hegemony from Sparta to Athens, 477 b. c., cf. Thucyd. i. 96, H. P. A. § 36, and Mull. Dor. i. p. 211. What is here referred to, the insolence of Pausanias and its consequence, dates after the close of Hdtus’ work and the taking of Sestos; cf. i. 130, b. It is referred to by D. p. 28, under v. 32. Ch. IY. — a. ’Atpsrag, cf. vii. 193, a. b. 7 ni6. 0 fjuicrro/c. h tl pnrOip k. t. X. Cf. the remarks on this story in Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 279. Ch. Y. — a. 7](77raipe — was reluctant , or struggled against his (The- mistocles’) wish. Y., B., and S. and L. Diet. Wess. and Schw. translate was afraid. On dyOtv a little above, cf. i. 59, i. b. hrl toj Xoy. tovt .— -for this purpose, or on this condition, B., re¬ ferring to vii. 158, ix. 26, 33. Ch. YI.— a. pydk it vpepopov .... 7rtpiysvka9ai .— that not even the fire-bearer should survive ; meaning that not a single individual should escapte to tell the news of the defeat. “ The Pyrphorus and the other unarmed attendants in the train of the Spartan kings were con¬ sidered sacred, and were protected in battle by a religious awe. If he therefore were to perish, the whole force might be considered as destroyed. He was the priest of Mars, who took fire from the sacrifice, which the king performed at home to Jupiter Agetor, and on the boundary to Jupiter and Minerva, and preserved it during the whole campaign. With the Pythians, the three equals, two of the ephors, the symbuli and others, he formed part of the damosia, or escort of the Spartan king.” Mull. Dor. ii. p. 255. Ch. YII.— a. Ka^. /cai Ffpatffrov, Caphareus, the S. E. promon¬ tory of Euboea, Capo d'Oro. Gereestus on the S. W., Capo Carysto. Cf. Arrowsmith, Eton G. p. 437. On the Euripus, cf. vii. 173, «. Ch. YIII. — a. ry vavyyiy K.r.X. Cf. vii. 188. Svrrjg, the line above, a diver. 7 raps(T^f, cf. viii. 140, d. b. ov 7 rpor. aveerxt K - T • Y —rose no more till he came to Artemisium. Cf. Thirlw. in l. “ Scyllias, so famous a diver, that he was com¬ monly believed to have traversed the whole intervening space, about ten miles, under water.” On Artemisium, cf. vii. 176, a. Ch. X. — a. paviyv sicevenc. Cf. vi. 112, a. b. tcaratypov. raiira , aiming at this , or fixing their thoughts on this. BOOK VIII. URANIA. 389 Cf. S. and L. D., “ Malim interpretari, cum hcec mente reputassent, cogitassent, non sine quodam Greecorum contemptu.” B. Cf. also i. 59, g. c. iTrirTTa/itvoi—taking it for certain, being fully assured, cf. vii. 218, a. 'oaoicn .... r)8oyevoiv viojv, i. e. rciyya. B. “ As they came near they bent their line into a crescent: the Greeks, as "before, assailed, pierced, and broke it: the unwieldy armament was thrown into confusion and shattered by its own weight.” Thirlw. in l. b. tv ravry .... Trapcnr\r]oioi .... lytv. — they were about equal in this sea-fight—had a drawn battle. S. and L. D. q. v. pari marte puynatum est. B. 390 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Ch. XVII.— a. KXf tvirjg 6 ’AXk. This Cleinias married Dino- mache and was the f. of the famous Alcibiades ; cf. vi. 131, b .; he was killed at Coronsea, 447 b. c. Ch. XIX. — -a,. S7rl be toI(u KciTtjK. 7 r pr\y •— at this conjuncture. Cf. Jelf, § 634, 3, h. 'E7 ti with Dat. Causal. The circumstances, as that whereon a person is : t-rr’ avro^pip, in the very fact. Cf. i. 97, «. KaraOvsiv, to kill, slaughter. Just above 7rapeyvpvov, he disclosed, i. 126, b. b. TT/v d>pr]v—the fit time for their return. B. Ch. XX. — a. ■napaxp'na. neglecting, slighting, i. 108, b. On Bacis, cf. viii. 77, a. b. 7rspnr£Tsct .... Trpbypara—and brought their own affairs into the most critical 'predicament, had brought about a sudden reverse in their fortunes. Cf. S. and L. D. arrix^u, to keep away, remove. Cf. i. 160, d. c. Traprjv . ... ra peyiara, they were in the way to fall into calamity with regard to their highest interests. Traprjv, the opportunity or oc¬ casion was present. 7r pog, in reference to, in respect of. Ch. XXI. — a. ’ Avtikvqivq , a native of Anticyra. Cf. vii. 198, a. ’Afipior. mentioned in Thucyd. i. 91, as one of Themistocles’ fellow- ambassadors. /carrjpfg, furnished with oars. See Hermann on Eur. Iphig. T. 1362. “ A light galley.” Thirlw. in l. b. ijv ri ... . vewrtpov k. t. X. if any thing strange or unusual, i. e. disastrous, should overtake the land force, vsiorepov ti, gravius quid. “ Haec formula, in utram libet partem quae accipi potest, plerumque malam in partem adhibetur.” B. Cf. iii. 62. ov pg ti ... . vturf- pov, no further trouble will arise to you from him at least, v. 19. vtojT. Trphyp. violent or insurrectionary measures. Cf. also v. 35, c. Ch. XXII. — a. inop. ntpi ra nor. vbara, went to ivhere drinkable water teas to be found, to the watering-places. b. dXXa pdkiora pev . node tv. — but, what would be best, be on our side (cf.'i. 75, b., or, take our part) ; but if you cannot do this, do you then even now both yourselves remain neutral (cf. iii. 83, a.) for our sakes, and beg the Carians to do the same as you do. in icai viiv, either, under the circumstances, as things are; or even now, though you have hitherto gone against us : even now, i. e. at the eleventh hour, though never before. Cf. the stratagem of Leotychides, ix. 98. dnocrxp, might keep them away from. Cf. viii. 20, b. Ch. XXIII.— a. dpa ijX'iqj oKilvap. as soon as the suyi was scatter¬ ing (his rays over the earth): i. e. as soon as day dawned. Cf. iEsch. Pers. 502. n plv mctdacrOrjvcu 6eov uktIvoq. So spargere lumine ter¬ ras, Lucret. ii. 143. Virgil, ALn. iv. 584. W. —Above avgp 'lan- aievg, a man of Histicea. Cf. vii. 175, b. Ch. XXV. — a. tovq tlXwTag. Cf. vii. 202, a., and 205, c. i]^^~ rearo, thought, took for certain. Cf, viii. 10, c. Ch. XXVI. — a. avrop. an- ’ApKadiijg — Of these Arcadians, a na¬ tion that has been termed “ the Swiss of Greece,” and whose mer¬ cenary character became yet more evident in later times, L. and BOOK VIII. URANIA. 391 Schw. consider the native place was Carya, or Caryae, on the bor¬ ders of Arcadia. b. Ivtpyoi (3ov\. uvat. wishing to be at work, or, engaged in active service. a>g OXvprnci ayouiv k. r. X. See Smith’s D. of A., Olympia. c. Curt rt ig Travrag—and said before them all. B. On Tritan- tsechmes, cf. vii. 82. dtiXirjv i t.vt'%. a tel %b Xov, cf. vii. 176, b., as an early instance of this hatred between the two states. \V. And read Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 291. b. yavnv — t'ov ’HXsTor, The trade of divination appears to have flourished in Elis; Polycrates is mentioned, iii. 132, to have had an Elean augur in his household ; Tisamenus, ix. 33, a., and He- gesistratus, ix. 37, were both Eleans. B. Ch. XXVIII. — a. 7ro\iopic. tioiirovg. The plur. partic. refers to ttiCJov, and governs tuivrovg, the Phocians thus roughly handled the ( Thessalian ) infantry who were blockading them (the Phocians) in Parnassus. B. b. T7]v "unrov avreiov, On the Thessalian cavalry, cf. v. 63, b. 6jg dvap7raaop. r. / rrjg aotyiag imQvpia = (2o >KpaTr)g) tTciQvpti Ttjg aojQ who commanded under him, was an innovation, and contrary to the spirit of Lycurgus’ enactments. From H. P. A. § 46. Add, from Mull. Dor. p. 2 7, that on one occasion, at a sub¬ sequent period, we find the command at sea intrusted to one of the class of Perioeci; doubtless because the Spartans did not hold the naval service in much estimation, and because the inhabitants of the maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs than the Dorians of the interior. Ch. XLIII. — a. AcopiKov re ... . edvoQ, cf. i. 56, viii. 31, a., 13/, a ., and on the Hermionians, Mull. Dor. i. p. 49. Ch. XLIV. — a. 7rpog tt avrctg rovg dXXovg—prce a/hs omnibus. Comparison with a collateral notion of superiority. Jelf, § 638, iii. 3, e. Cf. ii. 33, iii. 94. Schw. On the number of the Athenian ships, 180, or, with those they lent to the Chalcidians, 200, it is well known Hdtus agrees neither with iEschylus, nor Thucydides, i. 74. On the point cf. Thirlw. ii. App. iv. b. kq rr)v irepairjv .... x^WQ — on ^ ie opposite shore of Bceotia, i. e. the shore opposite Chalcis. B. c. ’AQrjv .... n«\affyot .... K pavaoL On the Pelasgic origin of the Athenians see refs in i. 56, a. The appellation of Kpavaa ttoXi g, given to the town or acropolis of Athens by Aristoph. Ach. 75, Lysistr. 483, is by some derived from Cranaus, a mythical king of Athens, or from the rough and rugged nature of the soil. On Cecrops, Erectheus, &c., cf. H. P. A. § 91, and notes, and Smith’s D. of G. and R. Biog. Ch. XLV. — a. Mtyap. tojvto k.t.X. i. e. twenty ships; cf. viii. 1. Ambracia, a little to the S. of the modern Arta , on the Sinus Ambracius, Gulf of Arta. Leucas, Santa Maura. See Arrow- smith, c. 16, p. 364. Ch. XLVI. — a. Alyivrjr. rpirjic . It would seem more probable that the ASginetans instead of 30 furnished 42 ships. Cf. viii. 48, a. b. Atj/iok. rrrrevrmvTOQ, Democritus promoting it , on the instigation of Democritus. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 297- Ch. XLVII. — a. K poruiv < . . vt)X piy, As it is very unlikely that only a single ship should he sent by one of the most powerful states in Italy, it seems highly probable that this vessel was fitted out at the private expense of Phayllus, in aid of the country in which he had obtained so much honour. The words of Pausanias, X. 9, di;\Xop .... evavp.axvcty vavv Trapacnctvacrufjuvog oiKtiav k. t. X. confirm this conjecture. V. See D. p. 36. b. Kpor. Si y'evoQ elm 'Ax • Crotona founded b. c. 710. Cf. Smith’s C. D., and H. P. A. § 80. Ch. XLV III.— a. apiQp. rwv vetiv k.t.X. The following repre¬ sents the different numbers furnished by each nation at Artemisium and Salamis :— BOOK VIII. URANIA. 395 Lacedsem. AT ARTEMISIUM. . 10 . AT SALAMIS . 16 Corinth 40 40 Sicvon . 12 . . 15 Epidaurus 8 10 Troezen . . 5 . . 5 Hermione • • • 3 Athens . . 127 . . 180 Megara 20 20 Ambracia . . — . 7 Leucas . . — 3 iEgina . 18 • . 30 Chalcis 20 20 Eretria . . 7 . . 7 Naxos • • - 4 Styra . 2 . . 2 Cythnos . . — 1 Croton . . — . 1 Cos . 2 2 271 366 It appears by this table that the whole number of triremes at Salamis amounted to only 366, but every MS- here reads 378. To remove this difficulty, V. conjectures that the iEginetans furnished 42, and not 30, as in ch. xlvi. This conjecture has been adopted by L. and Borheck. Schw. objects to this alteration of the text, but supposes that the iEginetans furnished only 30, and that they left 12 behind to protect their country, which 12 are here taken into account, as forming part of the Greek naval forces. Note from the Oxfd Tr. This last is also the opinion of B. Ch. XLIX.—a. wg . . . . 7ro\iopKr]iTovTai — that they would he be¬ sieged, or blockaded —fut. used in a pass, sense for TroXioptcrjOiiaovrai. Cf. v. 35, b. So also i%ohovrai, they would transfer themselves to, would retire upon their own men. Cf. Jelf, § 364, a. obs. “ If they fought near the Isthmus, should the worst happen, they might join the army on shore, and renew the contest in defence of their homes.” Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 298. Ch. L. — a. avreiDv hcXtXonroTiov, they themselves having retired, de¬ serted it. Cf. iEsch. Pers. 128, rcag yap .... Xewg i Tfirivog wg t/Ai- Xrtnrtv yiXiooav k. t. X. B. Ch. LI.— a. ragtag rt rov 1 pov, These were the stewards or quws- tors of the temple of Minerva in the Acropolis, where in early times the Athenian treasury was kept. It was managed, as were the treasuries of the other deities afterwards, by a board of 10 treasurers chosen by lot from among the wealthiest citizens: for its support was paid the tenth of all fines and confiscations. Cf. Boeckh, Public. CEcon. i. p. 217, H. P. A. § 151, and Smith’s D. of A., T agiag. 396 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. Kprjrrcpbysrov —Cf. v. 124, b. On the oracle referred to, and to ZvXivov rtix°Q, cf. iv. 141, 142, b., and Leake’s Athens, § viii. p. 279, seqq. Ch. LII. — a. ’Aprfiov nayov, “The hill of the Areopagus is separated from the W. (or rather the N. W.) end of the rock by a narrow hollow. From this height the besiegers discharged their arrows tipped with lighted tow against the opposite paling.” Thirlw. in l. The name of the Areopagus is said to be derived either from a tradition that Mars was tried there by the gods for the murder of Halirrothius, s. of Neptune, or from the Amazons, when they came to attack Theseus, having offered sacrifice to Mars their re¬ puted father. See the plan of Athens in Arrowsmith, Eton G. p. 389 and 391, and for a description of it at the present day, Stuart’s Antiquities of Athens, or Leake’s Athens, p. 45, seqq., 289. On the court of the Areopagus, see Muller’s Eumenides, p. 57 ana 107, and Smith’s D. of A., Areopagus. b. tCov HtuTtaTpaT. By the Pisistratidse Hdtus must mean the grandchildren and near connexions of Pisistratus, and other Athe¬ nian exiles of that party, who accompanied the army of Xerxes; cf. viii. 54, ’AQpv oi ipvy. and v. 93, seqq., vi. 107, seqq., as Hippias and Hipparchus were both dead. Cf. Smith’s C. D., Pisistratus. C. oXoirpoxovg —Cf. v. 92, § 2, i. Ch. LIII.— a. Kara to ipov k. t.X. “Towards the N. the Cecro- pian hill terminates in the precipices anciently called the Long Rocks: where the daughters of Cecrops were said to have thrown themselves down in the madness which followed the indulgence of their profane curiosity.” Thirlw. in l. Cf.' also Leake’s Athens, § viii. p. 261. H. P. A. § 92, note 2. b. oi 5k eg to piy. Karkcp. “ Others took refuge in the sanctuary of the goddess.” Thirlw. in l. So in v. 72, to advrov Ttjg 6eov, viz. Minerva Polias, cf. v. 82, e. and on the word psyapov, i. 47, a. Ch. LIV.— a. ’Aprafiavip —Be Artabano Susis relicto a Xerxe vid. vii. 52, 53. B. Ch. LV.— a. ’EpexO/jog—On Erectheus and - the ante-historical period of Attica, cf. H. P. A. § 91. Cf. also v. 82, c. b. iv rip iXair] k. t. X. “ The sacred olive — the earliest gift of Pallas, by which in her contest with Poseidon she had proved her claim to the land, and which grew in the temple of her foster-child Erectheus, by the side of the salt pool that had gushed up under the trident of her rival—had been consumed with the sacred build¬ ing. Those who came to worship in the wasted sanctuarv related that a shoot had already sprung to the height of a cubit from the burnt stump.” Thirlw. in l. On the fable referred to, cf. Smith’s C. D., Athena , also v. 82, b. c. Of this olive, Pliny, H. N. xvi. 44, quoted by B., says, “ Athenis quoque olea durare traditur in cer- tamine edita a Minerva.” The legend of its immortality is referred to by Soph. (Ed. Col. 694, e arcoQ. as about to run away , from cnroO'eio. Ch. LVII. — a. Mvya'upiXog —“ Mnesiphilus, a man of congenial character, a little more advanced in years, who was commonly be¬ lieved to have had a great share in forming the mind of Themis- tocles,” &c. Thirlw. in l. b. rrupuj .... (3e(3ovXevyeva, endeavour to annul what has been de¬ cided upon. Ch. LIX. — a. TroXvg yv . . . . Kapra deopevog, Themistocles spoke at great length , or, used many arguments, as being urgent in entreaty. Cf. vii. 158, a. b. ’ Abeiyavrog — “ His principal adversary was the Corinthian admiral, Adeimantus, who probably thought he had the strongest reason to fear for the safety of his own city, if the fleet continued at Salamis. He is said to have rebuked the premature impor¬ tunity of Themistocles, by reminding him that, in the public games, those who started before the signal was given, were corrected with the scourge. ‘ But those who lag behind,’ w T as the Athenian’s answer, ‘do not win the crown.’” Thirlw. in l. Cf. Smith’s D. of A., Olympic Games. Ch. LX.—a. ovk etytpe .... KctTrjyopUiv. it did not bring him any credit, it did not become him to accuse (any of the allies). Cf. viii. 142, a. b. § 1. avativlyg .... rag vyag. move off your ships to the Isthmus. c. ev 7 rtXaytt avtTrt’nTayivip — in the open or wide sea. W. perf. part. pass, from avcnrsTavwfu. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 246. d. eg d yKiara yylv k. t. X. rreXdyei seems the antecedent to o .—eg o (scil. 7 reXuyog) yKiara yplv avpipopov eari {vavyafyaai), into which it is highly inexpedient for us to be drawn &c., or, eg o (7reXayog vav- yaxyaai) yKiara K.r.X. to be enticed into and to fight in which is & c. e. § 2. 7 rpog yyeijjv — in our favour. Cf. i. 75, b. eg ryv yy. vireK. in which our wives &c. are carried into safety. Jelf, § 646, 1. f. robe—rov Kai rrepiexsaOe yaXiara. this advantage, or, object, which you most cling to, or, aim at. Cf. Jelf, § 536, and cf. i. 71 > c. g. dug ro eiri-irav eQ'eXei yiveaQat. Ad eOeXei e preecedentibus repeto rd oiKora : probabilia s. rationi consentanea capientibus consilia ple- rumque talia, i. e. consentanea rationi, etiam evenire solent. B. Ch. LXI.— a. Kai Evpvft . cnroXi avbpi. and not allowing Eury- biades to put the question, trying to persuade Eurybiades not to put the question to the vote, for a man who had not a country ; or, dissuading him from collecting the votes to oblige a man without a country, eiri-^yffeiv, to put, a question to the vote , ( sententias rogare,) properly used of the Epistates or one of the Prytanes, when he put a matter to the vote in the Athenian senate. 'A-noXi dvcpi,for the good of, or, 398 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. to please a man who had no country , dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, § 598, quoted in vi. 86, h. b. ovSafxovg y dp .... cnroicpovaeoQcn. for none of the Gks could repel them if they should attack them. Cf. iv. 200, d. Ch. LXII.— a. f.iaXXov t7rtoTpayykva. sc. tirt] — asperiora, concita- tiora verba; speaking more earnestly, or vehemently. Cf. Thirlw. “ This threat determined Eurybiades,” &c. &c. b. eg "2'ipiv .... ymp yptrept] k. t. X. Cf. v. 44, a., and Thirlw. in l. Ch. LXIII.— a. aredddaiceTo, dedocebatur, V. was taught better , learnt better, S. and L. D. i. e. was induced to change his plan. Ch. LXIV.— a. enl de Aiaicdv k.t.X. “ iEacus and his line, the t utelary heroes of iEgina, were solemnly evoked from their sanc¬ tuary, to come and take part in the battle; similar rites had already been performed to secure,the presence and the aid of those iEacids, who had once reigned and were especially worshipped in Salamis itself.” Thirlw. in l. Cf. also v. 75, b. Ch. LXV. — a. ry M/jrpi ical ry K ovpy, Cf. v. 82, a. The purport of the Eleusinian mysteries is the subject of a learned disquisition in Warburton’s Div. Leg. on the 6th iEneid. Their object he con¬ siders to have been to convey the knowledge of the unity of the Deity and the falsity of the popular doctrines of Polytheism. He there quotes the noted passage from Cicero; who, when speaking of these mysteries, says that from them, “ neque solum cum lsetitia vivendi rationem accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliore moriendi.” Of Warburton’s theory there is a most clever critique in Gibbon’s Miscellaneous Works. “On the 6th day of the festival,” I quote the article Eleusinia in the Class. Diet., of which, or rather, in pre¬ ference, of the article Eleusinia , since published in Smith’s D. of A., the student should make himself complete master, “was cele¬ brated 6 gvGTiKbg Ta/cyoe, the s. of Jupiter and Ceres, who accom¬ panied his mother in her search after Proserpine, with a torch in his hand. Hence his statue had a torch in its hand and was carried in solemn procession from the Ceramicus to Eleusis; the statue, with those who accompanied it, ’la/cx«ywyoi, was crowned with myrtle, &c. &c.” b. Aypapyrov .... Karam-opevog. appealing to the evidence of Eemar- atus and, other witnesses. Cf. vi. 68, a. Ch. LXVI.— a. O l <$e eg k. t. X. Coherent haec cum superiori cap. 24. Schw. '2i]Tnciba, cf. vii. 183, a. Histiaea, vii. 175, b. On the tribes that joined the king cf. vii. 132. See also v. 79, a. b. ru>v ttsvts 7 toXiujv, \. e. the islands of Naxos, Melos, Siphnos, Seriphus, and Cythnus, cf. viii. 46; which Hdtus here calls iroXtig, states, in the same manner, as in speaking of Samos, iii. 139, he calls it 7roXeu)v 7ra(re(i)V irpuiTy. w. Ch. LXVII. — a. UapaSoKeov — cf. vii. 163, b. b. 6 Si&tiv. (3acs. k. r. X. Cf. vii. 98, a., and 100, a. Ch. LXVI 11.— a. tlireiv goi k. t. X.—tell (the king ) prithee, or for my sake. Others read thrai poi, the 1 aor. infin. On the use of BOOK VIII. BRANIA. 399 the infinitive for the imperative, (vii. 228, T Q %uv\ ayytXXtiv k. t. X. iii. 134, ail 6s ... . arpartviaOui,) cf. Jelf, § 671, a. The infinitive is used in the place of the imperative, to express a command or wish, that the person addressed would himself do something. It depends on a verb of wishing or desiring in the mind of the speaker, but can only stand for the 2 nd person sing, or plur. The subject of the infin. itself, and of the verb on which it depends, is the per¬ son addressed, and it is sometimes placed before the inf. in the nominative (or vocative). Cf. also vi. 86 , dnoSovvai. vii. 159, /3or]9etiv, there quoted. On the dative goi, cf. Jelf, § 598, quoted in vi. 86 , h. h. rrjv sovaav yvwpr)v, —mg real opinion. Cf. i. 95, a. On Q. Artemisia, cf. vii. 99, a. c. cnrrjXXaZav /c. r. X. have gone off, retired , consequently, fared as they deserved. Cf. i. 16, c. d. Aiyv-KTioi re k.t.X. Yet they are said to have fought well, see viii. 17- B. Perhaps this sweeping accusation on the part of Q. Artemisia, if it may be supposed that Hdtus, a native of her city and her born subject, had any real grounds for putting it into her mouth, may be attributed to the ill-will that existed, through com¬ mercial jealousy, between the Gk colonies on the coast of Asia Minor and the other principal trading nations of the then known world; cf. vi. 6 , a. and refs., though it may be no more than Hdtus’ own sentiment, on whatever grounds based. On the Cyprians, Cilicians, and Pamphylians in Xerxes’ fleet, cf. vii. 89, L, 90, 91. Ch. LXIX. — a. rij icpim, at her judgment—the decision she came to. Some read dvaKpim, inquiry. . Ch. LXX.— a. tv aptKpiOrjaav Siarax . di'ew out m line of battle, each in his separate position, at their leisure. Cf. ix. 98, b. 7 To\iopKi)(jovTai, cf. viii. 49, a. Ch. LXXI. — a. }£Xtofx(3. Cf. v. 41, &c., ix. 10. 'S.KipwviSa bSov, This road, so called from Sciron the robber, who is said to have been killed by Theseus, led from Corinth to Megara over very danger¬ ous rocks, which in some parts overhang the sea. Hence it is even now called Kaki Skala. B. See Arrow smith, c. 17, p. 396, and Smith’s C. D., and read Thirlw. in l. ii. c. 15, p. 304. Ch. LXXI I. — a. 01 St flhjQbaavTtg . . . . toIch St aXX. See D.’s remarks, p. 135, on this ch., which strongly evinces the truthiness and unsparing impartiality of Hdtus as an historian. Cf. vii. 132, b., &e. b. Kapvtia —cf. vii. 206, a. and refs; and on the Olympia, ref. in viii. 26, b. Ch. LXXIII.— a. Ohcsu St rrjv ITe\o 7 r. k. t.X. On the races that inhabited the Peloponnese, cf. H. P. A. § 17—19, and Thirlw. vol. i. c. 4, and c. 7. On the Dorian invasion and on the tribes men¬ tioned in this ch. generally, cf. Heeren’s Manual of Anc. Hist. pp. 102 — 117, and viii. 31, a., and the refs in i. 56, a. 400 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. to ’A vaiKov, See Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 259, seqq., and cf. also c. iv. p. 103, 112, 260. c. AlrwXoi, “ Northern Elis was inhabited by the Epeans, who, being of the same race as the iEtolians, readily amalgamated with the followers of Oxylus.” H. 1. 1. Cf. Thirlw. i. p. 95, 99. On the Kwovpioi, cf. i. 82, a. On the Orneatae, Heeren, 1.1. observes— “ The conquered inhabitants bore the general name of Periceci, as forming the rustic population around the capital: in Argos they appear to have been distinguished by the appellation Orneatae; in Laconia they w^ere called Lacedaemonians by way of distinction from the pure Spartan race.” d. Argxvioi, Cf. iv. 145, b., 148, a. b., and refs to Thirlw. On the Dry opes, cf. viii. 31, a., and Thirlw. i. c. iv. p. 105. e. Ik tov n'sotvUujv k. t. X. The Phoenicians’ hatred of the Ionians has been spoken of before, cf. vi. 6, a., and to this, the charge here adduced may probably be referred. See Thirlw. in l. ii. c. 15, p. 308. 2 d 2 404 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. tTriftarag cnro rrjg Karati. vrjog —Cf. vi. 12, C., vii. 96, a. c. Kai 7 ravT. airiMfi.—laying the blame on any body and every body Schw. or, with B., QoiviKag may be understood. d. AiydXtwg, Scaramagna, or Scarmagga , according to Stuart and Gell. “ On one of the heights of Mount iEgaleos, the last limb of the long range of hills, that, branching out from Cithaeron, stretches to the coast fronting the E. side of Salamis, a lofty throne was raised for Xerxes,” &c. Thirlw. in 1 Alluded to in Byron’s “ Isles of Greece ”— “ A king sate on the rocky brow Which looks o’er sea-born Salamis ; And ships by thousands lay below, And men in nations:—all were his! He counted them at break of day— And when the sun set where were they ? ” e. oi ypayyaTKFTai —Cf. vii. 61, a., and refs. f Kai 7 rpo(re\a.j3tTo .... TrciQtog. After QiXog twv, understand ru>y ’I mvojv. Moreover , too, Ariaramnes, who teas present and tvho was a Persian, contributed, inasmuch as he teas a friend of the Ionians, to the destruction of the Phoenicians. - As a Persian, he may be sup¬ posed to have had influence with the king; and as he was friendly to the Ionians, he had some share in ruining their accusers the Phoenicians. On the gen. after TrpootXafitTo, verb of actual or imaginary contact, cf. Jelf, 536, obs. 2. Bekker reads 7rpoat(3dXtTo, he associated himself for, threw himself towards this object. Ch. XCI.— a. vTroardvTfg —Cf. v. 92, § 7, r. tKtpdiZov, sunk or dis¬ abled. Cf. viii. 86, a. See Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 309. Ch. XCIL— a. HoXvp/c. tov Kp. Cf. vi. 50 and 73. On the ac¬ cusation of Medizing brought against the iEginetans, cf. vi. 49, and Thirlw. in l. Pytheas and his heroic defence were spoken of in vii. 181. TO viii. 9, to deliberate, think with oneself. B. It 406 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. also means dare copiam loquendi, to give one the word, to allow one to speak, cfovq dovXovg, cf. vii. 5, b. d. iv to'ku nlpoiv . rate. ky evovto, cf. viii. 68, d. 90. ra ijOect, dwell¬ ing-place, habitation, home, as in iv. 76, 80, v. 14, 15, &c. B. Ch. CL— a. a )q £k KaKu>v ixdpn — tanquam ex malis gavisus est. Illud ojq . . . . exdpT] non purum fuisse gaudium indicat, sed quan- tulumcumque post inopinatam adeo cladem a rege superbo sentiri poterat. V. b. kfiovX. a pa IT«p. r. sttucXtit. Cf. vii. 8, a. On Artemisia, see refs in viii. 87, cl., and Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xv. p. 313. c. ftovXop . d-rroStZig. but that they (the Persians) woidd re¬ joice to have an opportunity of demonstrating this to me. V. Cf. Jelf, § 599, 3, quoted in viii. 10, c. Ch. CII.— a. GvpfiovXtvop'tvip tvx . tnraoav, me tibi consu - lenti, (as you ask my advice,) optimum dare consilium. H. Steph. Cf. Jelf, § 675, b., and on ovpf3ovX. vii. 235, a., 237, b. ohcog 6 g roiig 7raiS. ’Aprey. Cf. viii. 103. b. biatyvX . 7 rop. /3av roZwv tttz- pojriig yXvtpiSag. opiXog —ot, Observe the plur. relative. Cf. Jelf, § 819, 1, Constructio Kara aw. and § 378. b. pri Kara-rrXe^ai k. r. X. —not to implicate Timoxenus in the charge of treachery. B. Ch. CXXIX. — a. ayn-iong — an ebb ; contr. for avcnrivng, from ava-Kivitj, opposed to 7r\nuut i withdrew secretly. Cf. v. 72. B. c. 6 mor'earo bo£y — they supposed in their idea , fancied y ima¬ gined. Cf. viii. 110, b. On the argument, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 16, p. 322. d. ovt(o dsog k. t. X. “ Thus mutual fears kept the interval be¬ tween the two islands open, and the two fleets at rest, though in an attitude of defence.” Thirlw. in l. Ch. CXXXII I.— a. avtipa Evpajiria — a native, probably, of Eu¬ ropus in Caria; as the Carians understood both Gk and Persian, and hence were often employed as agents in such matters. Cf. Thucyd. viii. 85, where Tissaphernes sends to Mindarus, Kapa 8iy\u)(j(jov. Cf. also Xenoph. Anab. i. 2, 17- V. b. tu>v old rt ... . dTroTTsipi/tr. enjoining upon him to go every where and consult all the oracles, which it was possible for him to inquire of for their advantage: acpi in ipsorum commoda. Cf. Jelf, § 600, 2 , and viii. 110, a. Cf. i. 46. d 7 ro 7 rap. tCjv yavTrjiujv. B. See also Thirlw. in l. ii. c. 16, p. 323. c. ov yap u)v Xeytrat, for really it is not stated. Cf. Jelf, § 737, 2, and iii. 80, a., viii. 133, 109. Ch. CXXXIV.— a. irapd T pofpwviov. On the oracles here men¬ tioned, cf. notes on i. 46. 'Ictjuj jW

£ tirj. Cf. Jelf, § 802, Dependent Sentences. The optative used, where the thing spoken of is repre¬ sented as an uncertainty, a supposition. e. Siiccuoi elvai k. t. X. they said that they had a right to receive their pay, and then depart; that it was right that they should first receive their pay, and then they would go. Cf. ix. 60. cikcuo'i tort vytig, it is right that you, fyc. B. Jelf, § 677 ? 1 . /. Aek oytQa, we accept thy offer. An ambiguous answer, meaning also, we accept the omen. Cf. viii. 114. 8t£dy. to prjGtv, having ac¬ cepted as an omen what was said. B. dpvcr. rov ijXLov. drawing in unto himself of the sun, as it were, drinking it in. Partitive Gen. Jelf, § 537. Ch. CXXXVIII.— a. v omv ovk dXiyovrtg. Odyss. xiv. 82, &c. B. ivkiroim k. t. X. Cf. v. 102, b. xM' 71 ’** virovp. Many verbs which have the patient in the Dativus Commodi, have the act or 2 E 418 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. commodum defined by an elliptic accus.; as (3 ori9ij?y. oppressed by a terrible misfortune , and vi. 19, viii. 13, quoted by B. e. tovra 7rp6Z,£ivov —Cf. viii. 136, c. Ch. CXLIV.— a. to ’Adrjv. (ppovryia, the sentiments, disposition, of the Athenians. B. Qu. the high spirit, the courage ; as in Thucyd. ii. 43, 61. b. gkya vTnp(pipovg k. t. X. we, however, will hold out in whatever circumstances we may be.- Cf. ix. 45. Xnr. pkvovrtg (dig tXtre). vvv bt ovtu kx° VTl °v {tovtiov or tCjv 7rpayficiTwv ), but now as matters are thus, Jelf, § 696, obs. 3. ovk Uag xpovov, cf. Jelf, § 526. Gen. of Position, with adverbs which express position in re¬ lation or proximity to, or distance from. f. iraptivca .... Ig — Cf. i. 21, a., and Jelf, § 6-46, 1. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. MARCH OF MARDONIUS INTO ATTICA : BATTLES OF PLAT/EA AND MYCALE: CAPTURE OF SESTOS. Ch. I.— a. rovrovg Trap6\cipf3ctve. According to Diod. Sic. xi. 28, 30, Mardonius raised, in addition to the troops left by Xerxes, more than 200,000 men among the Macedonians, Thracians, and ' other states allied to Persia; so that his whole force was 500,000 fighting men. B. On the Persian custom of compelling con¬ quered nations to join their troops, cf. vii. 108, a., and i. 171, a. b. rdicn 5t OffTtr. t)yeop. the chief men and leading families, oi ovvcmt- Tai s. dwaortvovreg, in Thessaly; the two principal of which were BOOK IX. CxVLLIOPE. 419 the Scopadse and Aleuadee; cf. vii. 6 , b., and vi-. 127, c. A mem¬ ber of the latter family was the Thorax of Larissa, mentioned also in ix. 58. Larissa was the seat of the Aleuadae, whose attachment to the Persian alliance, cf. vii. 172, 174, was probably followed by the other potentates of Thessaly. B. Ch. II.— a. KartXa/xfiavov — endeavoured to check , were for check¬ ing ; observe the force of the imperfect. So a little lower, ovk tV, endeavoured to dissuade him. Cf. ii. 30, f. W. At the word dXXa in the next line, supply hciXtvov. B. okwq Karaarptrp. Cf. Jelf, § 806, 2. Conjunctive after the Aorist, and other Historic Tenses . b. "EM. ogocppov. governed by irtpiyivtoQcu, according to Jelf, which here exchanges its proper force for an equivalent sense, and thus takes a corresponding accusative. See the many instances quoted in Jelf, § 548, obs. 1. Render, it were difficult to conquer the Gks if thoroughly unanimous, irtpiy.= vucrjaai, and connect"EM. by. with /card to iaxvpov, if the Greeks were firmly united, thoroughly unanimous. B. takes them as the accusative absolute, and com¬ pares iii. 99, avrov rrjKoy. V. 103, ii. 141. ii. 66, ravra yivbytva. c. yr/ ra ad $pov—those not of your party. Cf. vii. 102 , c. biaa- rrjaeig, in the line above, you will set at variance with itself, break up into parties. Cf. Thirlw. in l. ii. c. 16, p. 326. Ch. III.— a. b U ovk £7 reiO. “ Perhaps,” says Thirlw., 1. 1., “ the advice was not wholly neglected;” for, according to Diodorus, xi. 28, quoted by B., and Demosthenes, Philipp, iii. p. 70, money was sent by the hands of Arthmius of Zela to the principal states of the Peloponnese, for the purpose of breaking up the league. b. tvearciKTo —fr. tvard^u)—had been instilled , or, had insinuated it¬ self into him. Cf. iEsch. Ag. 179, ard^ti 5’ tv inrvip k.t.X. C. Trvpa. did vrjaojv —Cf. vii. 182, b. Ch. IV . — a. 7 rpotxojv k.t.X. — in the sense of n portpov ix u,v , though he had before met with no friendly feelings from, &c. W. Perhaps, knowing beforehand. Cf. Jelf, 642, a., Prepositions in composition. Ch. V.—a. tt/v fiovXrjv — the Senate or Council of the Five-hundred. “ Solon made the number of his / 3ovXr / 400, taking the members from the first three classes, 100 from each of the four tribes. On the tribes being remodelled by Cleisthenes, 510 b. c., and raised to ten in number, cf. v. 69, c. seqq., the Council also was increased to 500, fifty being taken from each of the ten tribes.” That the Coun¬ cil of the 500 had the initiative in the deliberative power exercised by the community in its general assemblies, is seen in their receiv¬ ing the despatches and messengers sent by generals, giving audi¬ ence to foreign ambassadors, introducing them to the general assembly, and so forth ; but especially in the circumstance that the people could not decree any measure which had not previously been sanctioned by them, nor entertain any which they once re¬ jected. “ The right of convening the people, *wdytiv tov br\yov, was generally vested in the Prytanes or Presidenis of the Council of the 2 e 2 420 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 500; and four general assemblies, ticicXrjcricu, were, in the regular course of affairs, held during the presidency of each Prytany. In cases of sudden emergency, and especially during wars, the strategi also had the power of calling extraordinary meetings, for which, however, the consent of the Senate appears to have been neces¬ sary.” From H. P. A. § 125, seqq., “ On the Senate and Gen. Assembly of the people,” and Smith’s D. of A., articles BovXrj and ’EfCKXfjtffa. Read also Thirlw. ii. c. 11, p. 42, seqq., and 74, 75. b. AvkiS. KaTtXtvcrav —Cf. on the same punishment, v. 38, ix. 120. The similar fate of Cyrsilus the previous year, (mentioned by Demosthenes and Cicero, Off. iii. 11,—“ Cyrsilum quendam, sua- dentem ut in urbe manerent Xerxemque reciperent, lapidibus ob- ruerunt,”) was probably either unknown to Hdtus, or confounded by him with what is here narrated, unless indeed, cf. Thirlw. note ii. c. 16, p. 327, it be the same occurrence that is intended. Kara ix'sv tXtva.—Kara Ss k.t.X. Cf. Jelf, § 641, obs. 1, quoted in ii. 141, d. Cf. viii. 33, a. Ch. VI. — a. aXivpijv—tutamen, V., defence against an enemy , help , succour . S. and L. D. yeyip. T0 ~ l(Tl Cf. Jelf, § 589, 3, The transmissive dat. Ch. VII. — a. 'YaKivOia. “ This and the Carnea, cf. vii. 206, a., vi. 106, b., were the two great Amyclean festivals in honour of the chief deity of the Spartan race. The worship of the Carnean Apollo, in which both festivals were included, was derived from Thebes, whence it was brought over by the iEgidse to Amyclse : it was, in all probability, originally derived more from the ancient worship of Ceres than that of Apollo, traces of the former deity being found in various detached rites and symbols of the worship — ex. grat. the hyacinth—the emblem of death in the worship of Ceres, &c. &c. At the union of the Amyclean worship with the Doric worship of Apollo, the Hyacinthia preserved, it would seem, more of the peculiarities of the former, the Carnea of the latter, although the sacred rites of both were completely united. The Hyacinthia took place in the month before the Carnea, and lasted three days ;” from Mull. Dor. i. p. 373, seqq. Cf. also Smith’s D. of A., Carncea, Hyacinthia. IrtL^tov — tXapfiavt. Cf. Jelf, § 398, i, on the Imperfect. b. rovg itpopovg. Cf. v. 39, b ., vi. 82, a., 85, a. c. Aia rs'EXXhv. — the Panhellenic Zeus, cf. Aristoph. Equit. 1250, and Pind. Nem. v. 19, whose temple stood in iEgina, where his worship is said to have been instituted by HSacus. Cf. Pausan.)ptr .— 7 rtbiov. Cf. Jelf, § 677> 2, obs. 1. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 421 Ch. VIII.— a. 'QqSk apa k.t.X. See the remarks of Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xvi. p. 328, 329, and D. 8, 1, on the Candour of Hdtus. 1% r)gkp. Cf. Jelf, § 621, 2. teal (7(pi i)v xpoq TtXe'i, SC. to th^oq supplied from tTu\toi>. Jelf, § 373, 4. Ch. IX. — a. KaracTamoQ — audience. Cf. Jelf, § 502, Relative Gen. Cf. viii. 141, c. apOyiuv—in concord with ; as in vi. 83, vii. 101, ix. 37, quoted by B. gty. kXi mad.—wide gates , hence easy means of entrance. Ch. X.— a. i-KTci .... Tu>v siXibr. Cf. vi. 58, d., vii. 205, c. b. KXtoy(3poTog .... axtQavt. “ The return of Cleombrotus to Sparta, though this is not expressly mentioned, seems to have hap¬ pened during the stay of the ambassadors there. Muller, Prolego- men. p. 409, supposes Cleombrotus to have died the year before, 480 b. c., having led away his army soon after the eclipse which took place October 2nd. But the language of Hdtus, ix. 8—10, conveys a different impression, which seems to have been also Mr. Clinton’s, F. H. ii. p. 209, who fixes the deatlTof Cleombrotus in the year 479 b. c.” Thirlw. note, ii. p. 328. Cf. on Cleombrotus and Dorieus, v. 41, viii. 71, and the Genealogical Table in Smith’s D. of Gr. and R. Biog. or the Oxford Chron. Tables, p. 38. c. Ixi rip Tltpmj, with a view of attacking the Persians . Cf. i. 66. hri 7 rciay tjj ’ Aptcdctov — with a view to all Arcadia, with the view of annexing all Arcadia. Jelf, § 634, 3, a. On the dat., Ovoylvip dt oi, (the dat. commodi,) and the use of the participle, added as ex¬ pressing the circumstances which make the person more or less interested in the action, cf. Jelf, § 599, 2, cf. also vi. 21, b. d. 6 ijXiog agavp. —On October 2nd, 480 b. c., according to Peta- vius, Doctr. Tempp. x. 25, the same day as the battle of Salamis. Others fix Salamis at Sept. 25; and M. Pingre, quoted by L., dates the eclipse Oct. 2, 479 b. c. Cf. note b. on this ch. Baehr gives no opinion of his own, but confines himself to wondering, and it would seem with good reason, at the position advanced by Schw., in considering that the Greeks could have looked upon the eclipse as a good omen, when it is plain that, on its occurring, Cleom¬ brotus, who was sacrificing for success against the enemy, immedi¬ ately retired home. xpoaaipttTai, cf. viii. 130, b. Ch. XI. — a. Y aAvOia —Cf. ix. 7, u. b. iv ’Opto- rsitp. A town in the S. of Arcadia, about 18 miles from Sparta, on the road to Pallantium. Cf. the map in Muller’s Dorians ii. tlx. lx’, opicov, said on oath ; quasi substrato et supposito jurejurando. Jelf, §633, 1, 3, a. c. xav t'o lov—all that there was, the real state of the case, the whole truth. Cf. i. 30, and v. 50. B. d. tCjv xtpio'iKojv — See vi. 58, c., and cf. vii. 234, a. Ch. XII. — a. ’A pytioi —On the conduct of the Argives, cf. vii. 150, a. b., and Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xvi. p. 330, and on tuv hgipotpop. vi. 105, a. b. fit) ovk i£. On yrj ov, cf. Jelf, § 750, oLs. 3. 422 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Ch. XIII. — a. aveKMxeve, he restrained himself ,, he held back; quietly waiting to see what the Athenians would do. Cf. the word in vi. 116, of ships laying to off a place. 6ta -rravr. tov xpovov, daring all the time he was in Attica. B. on prj, except. Cf. Jelf, § 743, 2. b. ffuyxwcrac. Cf. viii. 144, c. See Leake, Athens, sect. viii. p. 281, seqq. Ch. XIV.— a. 7rpodpoij,og, sent on forward, in advance. Schw. proposes to read 7r poSpopov, agreeing with aTpartrjv, putting the comma after ayy£\g with opt. means to try to do something. c. eicaararu) Evp. to the furthest point in Europe. Cf. the ref. to Jelf, in viii. 144, e., and vii. 237, 7r pocroj aperi/g avr/ic. to carry it far with respect to virtue. Cf. iii. 154, ix. 101. irpini rijg ripeprjg, early in the day. viii. 144, sicag xpovov, long in respect to time. Ch. XV.— a. d-Triaoj £7rop. “He (Mardonius) did not however take the direct road to Boeotia, but bent his way eastward, and passing by Decelea, crossed Parnes and came down into the lower vale of the Asopus. The object of this circuit was probably the better quarters to be found at Tanagra, where he halted for the night. The next day he crossed to the right bank of the Asopus, and pursued his march up the valley to the outlet of the defile, through which the high road from Athens to Thebes descends to the northern foot of Cithseron. Near th’is outlet at the roots of the mountain stood the towns of Hysise and Erythrae, between which the road appears to have passed. On the plain between Erythree, the easternmost of the two, and the river, Mardonius pitched his camp.” Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xvi. p. 331. b. AtKsXerjQ. now Biala-Castro. Smith’s C. D. Cf. ix. 73. It stood about 120 stadia N. W. of Athens on the borders of Boeotia, and was occupied by the Spartans during the Bell. Pelop. 413 b. c., by the advice of Alcibiades, greatly to the annoyance of Athens. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 91, and vii. 19. Standing, as it did, on high ground, it was visible from Athens. On the geography of the places here mentioned, see the map in Mull. Dor. ii. Smith’s C. D. and Arrow- smith, Eton G. c. xvii. p. 383, seqq. c. Boiwrapxat —“ The Boeotian states were united in a confederacy which was represented by a congress of deputies, who met at the festival of the Pambceotia, in the temple of the Itonian Athene, near Coronea, more perhaps for religious than for political pur¬ poses. There were also other national councils, which deliberated on peace and war, and w'ere perhaps of nearly equal antiquity, BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 423 though they were first mentioned at a later period, cf. Thucvd. v. 38, when there were four of them. The chief magistrates of the league, called Boeotarchs, presided in these councils, and com¬ manded the national forces. They were in later times at least elected annually, and rigidly restricted to their term of office. The original number of the confederate states was probably fourteen, and that of the Boeotarchs was perhaps once the same. It was afterwards reduced, and underwent many variations, &c.” Abridged from Thirlw. i. c. x. 433, seqq. “ The double vote given by The¬ bes, in the council of war held before the battle of Delium, 424 b. c., cf. Thucyd. iv. 91, and Arnold’s note, probably arose from its having incorporated with itself one of the members of the league; at all events, the appointment of eleven Boeotarchs on that occasion, shows that the confederacy then comprised, at the most, only ten independent states.” H. P. A. sect. 179. Cf. v. 79, a. d. Kfjrjcrv SaKpvuv, cf. Jelf, § 442, b. b. on Stl yivecr . ayr)X' anorp. av9p(biT(p. On this sentiment, of constant occurrence in the poets, W. compares the speech of Cambyses, iii. 65, tv yap ry avOpio tt. , let each come himself. S. and L. D., Tig. ii. 2. Ch. XVIII. — a. dureiv. tcl fisXea — “ ftsXog dejaculo accipiendum.” B., poised their lances. S. and L. D. “ The Persians rode up, and levelled their javelins: one or two actually hurled them, &c.” Thirlw. av(TTpexp. forming into a dense body. Cf. i. 101. si — ptTsxovoi. On the indie, here, cf. Jelf, § 879. Moods in the Interrogative Sentence. b. tvepyeaiyci .... flaaiXta. These words have a particular re¬ ference to the extraordinary gratitude shown by the monarchs of Persia for all good offices done them; instances of which are found in iii. 140, a., iii. 160, v. 11, vi. 30, a., and vii. 194. Ch. XIX.— a. tcaXXispricrdvTcjv tmv ipwv, cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76, b. b. cutikovt . sg ’Epv0p. avsracrcF. stti rrjg inruipsirjg tov K i9. “ Near Ery three Pausanias halted and formed his line on the uneven ground at the foot of the mountain. His whole force, which con¬ sisted wholly of infantry, amounted to nearly 110,000 men,” &c. Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xvi. p. 333. Ch. XX.— a. MaaioTiog , On the derivation of the name, cf. ix. 107, a. On the Nisaean horses, cf. vii. 40, b. b. Trpoasfi. Kura rsXsa. “ Troop after troop assailed them in succes¬ sion and allowed them no breathing time : their ranks were rapidly thinned by the missiles of the enemy, and their strength and spirits began to fail.” Thirlw. in l. ii. 335. On the reproachful appella¬ tion women , cf. ix. 107 , c. Ch. Xll.—a. (jTcajiv — station, post: in the same sense, shortly afterwards, rat,iv and tov %ibpov tovtov. B. b. Tu>v sXoxhyts —Cf. Jelf, § 505. Relative gen. after verbs of governing, being lords over, &c. Ch. XXII. — a. O vToi’iaav k.t.X. B. calls attention to the testi¬ mony here borne to the merits of the Athenians. Cf. viii. 142— 144, vii. 139, viii. 2, and D. p. 132, seqq. b. Qibprjica XemdeiT. Cf. vii. 61, b. “ His scaly armour, in which, according to Plutarch, he was cased from head to foot, for a time resisted their weapons.” Thirlw. c. hrbBtaav, absentis desiderio tacti sunt , B., they missed him, re¬ marked his loss or absence. d. u>g iiv tov ys vsrpov civsXoiaro. that they might at any rate, at all events, carry of' the dead body. Cf. Jelf, § 735. Ch. XXIII. — a. rrjv aXX. arp. iirtfiwo. they called upon the rest of the army to aid them, ovls capi i%tysvsTo k. t. A., nor could they succeed in recovering the corpse, &c. Cf. iii. 142, a. On to nXyBog (/3orj0ijcrav, / BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 425 a plural verb joined to a noun singular in form, but plural in sense, by the Constructio Kara v ilXwr. 35,000 light-armed Helots acted as esquires to them, the Spartans. Cf. vi. 58, c., and vii. 205, c. See particularly Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. App. c. xxii. p. 416, seqq. 411, 418, where the number of the inhabitants of La¬ conia at the battle of Plataea is particularly discussed—the whole Lacedaemonian force 50,000 men, ix. 61. Thus— 5,000 heavy-armed Spartans. 35,000 light-armed Helots, ix. 28. 5,000 heavy-armed Perioeci, ix. 11. 5,000 ... ... ix. 29. 50,000 As the whole number of the Spartan citizens was 8,000 and up¬ wards, cf. vii. 234, there were consequently five-eighths of their whole number present at Plataea. b. 7r apa Ss £ ci7rsKt)C(.v(7av Martianov- when they had done bewailing Masis- tius. Cf. ix. 24. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 61, cnraXyi]aavTaQ. V. Cf. Herod, ii. 40, cnroTV7TTu)VTai. c. Kara per A aictd. opposite to the Lacedcemonians. Cf. viii. 85, and on the nations composing the Persian force, viii. 113, seqq. B., and the refs there to bk. vii. d. inrfi-fcov tovq Tty. stretched as far as, or, extended over against (so as to face) the Tegeans. So also a little lower, liriaxov. B. e- B oootovq ti ic. r. X. The Boeotians, Locrians, and Melians are mentioned as on the Persian side in viii. 66 . On the Thessalians’ adherence, cf. vii. 172—174, and vii. 6 , b., 130, c. On the Phocians, ix. 17 , a., and refs 18. f. icpipov re fcat f/yov. they plundered and pillaged. Cf. i. 88 , c. The Macedonians, B. thinks, were some troops in the train of Alexander their king, spoken of a§ in the Persian camp, in vii. 137, viii. 140, and ix. 44; as the nation had submitted to Mar- donius, vi. 44. Ch. XXXII.— a. On the Phrygians, cf. vii. 73, Thracians, vii. 75, Mysians, vii. 74, Pseonians, vii. 185, Ethiopians, vii. 69, 70, Egyptians, vii. 89, and on the Hermotybians, &c., ii. 164, and notes. On the Egyptians here mentioned, cf. iEsch. Pers. 39, tXtioftarai vadiv iperai deivol, ttX tjdog r ctvapiOyoi. B. On the marines in the Persian fleet, cf. vii. 96, a. b. utg icai TTpor. dedifXujT. Cf. viii. 1 13. B. Ch. XXXIII.— a. ysveog rov 'lap. K Xvr. “The Spartans had brought with them Tisamenus, the most celebrated diviner in Greece, sprung from a branch of the Iamids in Elis.” Thirlw. There appear to have been three families of soothsayers in Elis, the Iamidae, Clytiadae, cf. ii. 49, b., and Telliadae, cf. ix. 37, and viii. 27, b. : unless then the text be corrupt, we must suppose that, cf. v. 44, b., one branch of the house of the Iamidae must have taken its origin from some one of the name of Clytius, or that BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 429 Tisamenus himself was nearly descended from some one of that name. B. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 281, and p. 394. b. Xtuxnp'srtpov, i. e. tt oXirjTrjv aiptrspov .... pavrtvop. irtpl yovov — consulting the oracle about offspring. Cf. for the same sense i. 46, viii. 36. B. c. irapa iv . . . oXvfnridda — he came within one match, or bout, in wrestling of winning an Olympic victory. Per solam luctam stetit, quominus prcemium reportaret. 7 rapa 'iv — except one, within one, as if it were parallel to but not touching. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 106, -napa vvktcl, within one night. Jelf, 637*, iii. 3, l. From Pausan. iii. 11, § 6, we learn that Tisamenus won in leaping and running, and was beaten in wrestling. In hurling the discus and the javelin, which made up the Pentathlon, whether he lost, won, or was on an equality with his antagonist, appears uncertain. On the use of the verb rpexuv, cf. Hermann, Viger, p. 702. B. “ How the prize was awarded to the victor in the whole Pentathlon, it is difficult to conceive; for it can have occurred but seldom that one and the same man gained the victory in all the five.” See the interesting article Pentathlon, in Smith’s D. of A. d. avtTipa—raised his price, set an increased value upon himself, per. t rje 9 ave over, laid aside their importunity. B. seems to me wrong in translating, neglected his prophetic art. e. Karaiv. ptriovrtg—went to fetch him, and were for agreeing to his terms, ovd’ .... apic. tovt. povv. that he would not now be con¬ tented with this alone. Cf. Jelf, § 607, Instrumental Dat. Ch. XXXIY.— a. ipipuro—was for imitating. So shortly after¬ wards ipirrQovvTo, tried to hire. Cf. i. 68, f. On Melampus, cf. ii. 49, b., and vii. 221. B. b. log tbcdaat, (iacr. rt k. ttoXitijitiv, airtoptvog. Such is the reading finally preferred by B. in his corrections: but it appears to me far better to reject the comma after ehcdoai, and render, he was imitat¬ ing Melampus in the request he made, if we may compare a kingdom and citizenship together. W.’s explanation, who also rejects the comma after eAacrta,—to wit, “ that the similarity of the two cases lay in the desire they both showed for their own aggrandizement, though the object sought, by Melampus half a kingdom, by Tisa¬ menus the right of citizenship, was very different,”—does not seem to hit the point. The similarity lies, I think, in their increasing their terms, each for the advantage of his own brother. c. inroaTavTiQ — undertaking, engaging to do. Cf. iii. 127, 128. Tig av ... . tovto .... v-iroorag, which of you undertaking to do this, &c. B. Ch. XXXV. — a. pavTtvoptvog—acting as soothsayer for them, divining. Cf. for the same sense ix. 36, 37, 92, 95, and for a dif¬ ferent sense, cf. ix. 33, b. B. b. (Tvyicaraipeti—assists in accomplishing or winning. Cf. vii. 50, c. c. ittI 8e, and next, and in addition. Cf. viii. 93, b. d. 6 tv T tfty k. t.X. On what is here narrated, cf. Mull. Dor. i. 430 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. bk. i. c. ix. p. 313. “ From some unknown cause, internal differ¬ ences had arisen which led to an open war between Sparta and Arcadia. We only know that between the battle of Plataea, in which Tegea, as also later still, showed great fidelity towards Sparta, and the war with the Helots, i. e. between 479 b. c. and 465 b. c., the Lacedeemonians fought two great battles, the one against the Tegeates and Argives-at Tegea; the other against all the Arcadians, with the exception of the Mantineans, at Dipeea, tv Anrauvcnv, in the Msenalian territory. Tisamenus, an Elean, of the family of the Iamidas, cf. ix. 33, a., was in both battles in the Spartan army, and in both Sparta was victorious. Herod, ix. 35, Pausan. iii. 11. Hence also Leotychides, in 468 b. c., went to Tegea in exile, Herod, vi. 72. Hdtus, ix. 37, also mentions a dis¬ sension between Tegea and Sparta before the Persian war. As we find that Argos had a share in this war, it is possible that the views of that state were directed against the ascendency of Sparta: perhaps also the independence of the Msenalians, Parrhasians, &c., had been, as was so often the case, attacked by the more powerful states of Arcadia, and was defended by the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy.” e. IttI de, 6 Mecrcrrjvicjv 6 tt pog I Qwfty. Generally called the 3rd Messenian War, 464—455 b. c. ; the Helots taking the occasion of the destruction of Sparta by the earthquake to throw off the yoke. “ The circumstances of this terrible contest are almost unknown to us ; and we can only collect the few fragments extant of its history. Aeimnestus, the Spartan who killed Mardonius, fought with 300 men (cf. vii. 205, c.) at Stenyclarus against a body of Messenians, and was slain with all his men, Herod, ix. 64. This was followed by a great battle with the same enemy at Ithome, (if in Herod, ix. 35, the alteration npog lQibpy for tt pog rep Ter Opy is at all certain,) in which the Spartans were victorious.” On the sub¬ sequent events of the war, the 10 years’ siege of Ithome, the coming of Cimon with 4000 hoplites who were afterwards dismissed through a foolish jealousy, the surrender of Ithome and the removal of the Messenians to Naupactus, see Muller, as quoted in the foregoing note, whence the above is taken. Cf. also Thucyd. i. 101, and Messenia , in Smith’s C. D., and i. 130, a., on the other events later than the taking of Sestos, and D. p. 29- /. 6 tv Tavaypy —Cf. Thucyd. i. 108. “ Sparta had sent out an army in the same year, 457 b. c., to liberate her mother-country, Doris, from the yoke of the Phocians. But when, after the execu¬ tion of this object, the Spartans were hastening back to the Pelo- ponnese, they were compelled to force their passage home by the battle of Tanagra, which, with the assistance of the Thebans, they gained over an army composed of Athenians, Ionians, Argives, and Thessalians.” Miill. i. p. 217. See also the refs at the conclu¬ sion of the foregoing note. Ch. XXXVI.— a. tfjLavTtveTo — divined, acted as augur for them. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 431 Cf. ix. 35, a. On ko\« iy. rd ipa dpwop., the victims promised suc¬ cess, if they stood on the defensive, cf. vii. 134, h., vi. 76, h. Ch. XXXVII.— a. HX. tCjv T iWiad. Cf. ix. 33, a. On tcr](T. ini 6av., put him in bonds with the intention of killing him, cf. i. 109, a. b. rpkxeiv 7rtpi rrjg i/vxnQ, danger of his life, cf. vii. 57, a. iv S,v\(p oidrip., in stocks clamped ivith iron , cf. vi. 75, a., and Acts xvi. 24. W. aiohpiov, some tool or instrument of iron, which he got posses¬ sion of, and then sawed off the forepart of his foot with it. Thus B. ictveixO. King aidyp. iKpar., nactus est instrumentum ferreum aliquo modo compedibus illatum. So also S. and L. D., aidgpiov, a knife, or sword, which somehow had been brought into the cell where he w r as confined. c. cnrkdpT] ig Ttyiyv, The Tegeans being at that time at enmity with Lacedaemon. Cf. ix. 35, d., and i. 65, b., and below Tsy. ioixr. ovk apQpirjv Aa/c., not being in concord with the Lacedcemonians. d. ov fxkvToi .... avvrjveiKt .... avyKtKvprjpivov. nevertheless in the end the enmity which had occurred between him and the Lacedce¬ monians did not turn out (well) to him, i. e. brought about his ruin. The death of Hegesistratus happened possibly in the 2nd year of the Bell. Pelop. 430 b. c., when the Lacedaemonians made a de¬ scent on Zacynthus. From the retirement of Demaratus thither, vi. 70, it would seem that the island was previously at enmity with them. If this conjecture is correct, Hegesistratus must have been at least 80 years of age at the time. Perhaps the allusion may be to some other war, of which nothing further is known. B. Ch. XXXVIII.— a. ovk bcaWdptt —Cf. vi. 76, b., vii. 134, b. in' iujvTwv, by themselves, (an augur) of their own. Cf. ix. 17, b., iv. 114, c. b. Tiyijytvidrjg —Cf. ix. 86, 87* g dXXa (ppovtuvriov k. t. X. A similar charge is made against the Spartans in vi. 108, with regard to the answer returned to the Plataeans: it appears beyond a doubt, to quote the opinion of B., that Hdtus was more inclined towards the Athenians, with whom too he went to Thurii, and the popular form of government, cf. v. 66, than towards the Spartans and their constitution. Cf. the praises of Athens in vi. 112, and elsewhere. But we should acquit him of any intentional partisanship towards the Athenians :—an imputation which D., p. 132, seqq., has suc¬ cessfully rebutted ; cf. particularly vii. 138, 139, seqq. Nor, as is evident from vii. 102, b., does Hdtus defraud the Spartans of the praise they deserve. As to the passage in the text, it is hardly credible such an imputation would have been cast upon the Spartan character, had it been otherwise than the generally received opinion throughout Greece at that time. That the Doric character was unamiable and unattractive, particularly in the eyes of foreigners, though perhaps looked upon even more harshly than it deserved, can hardly fail to be the conclusion of the student of Hdtus and Thucydides. The unsocial nature of their policy towards foreigners and strangers, the habits of stern military subordination in which 2 f 2 436 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. their life was passed, the arrogance and oppression that subse¬ quently characterized the conduct of their harmosts in the con¬ quered towns, are all so many proofs that the dislike borne towards Sparta was not conceived without good grounds. In Mull. Dor. ii. p. 410, note, several passages are quoted from Euripides and Aristophanes to the same effect as that in the text. In W. and Y.’s notes, the following are appositely adduced. Eurip. Androrn. 447i ipsvduiv avaKTtQ fii]^avoppci, viz. dpw. by defending ourselves as best we can to protect one another ; or, with Matth. Gr. Gr. § 634, 2, quoted by B., explain either by repeating dlcoKTai before dgwoplvovg, or consider 6tl to be implied in 7 roirjrlov. 438 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. b. S'ucaioi e} loQi)g iphyog loixra ottXuiv. “ Their short spears and daggers were as ill fitted to make an impression on the Spar¬ tan panoply, as their light corslets to repel the Spartan lance. Yet they fought bravely, though without method and order: they rushed forward singly (Trpos^aiaaovTLg) or in irregular groups (ava- rptpoytvoi) and endeavoured to seize and break the enemy’s lances.” Thirlw. in l. ii. c. xvi. p. 346. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 439 d. aov TcoXtfuvv — before, in front of the enemy. Cf. Jelf, § G3S, i. ayyiffra toiura, SC. roly iRpcrttic;. B. Ch. LXIX.—a. oi dfifi K opivdiovg ... .oi aytpi M«y. The Cor¬ inthians , and their allies stationed' close to them, the Megarians and their allies, Szc. Jelf, § 436, d. B. b. tv ovfovi Xoy

v t rore k. t. X. So- phanes of the borough of Decelea, and one of those Deceleans who formerly performed an action that has been useful to them for ever after. On A tKtXtrjOtv = AtKfXscjv, cf. Jelf, § 481, obs. 2. The genitival suffix is not unfrequently used for the regular inflected genitive, so ovpavo9tv, aedsv, cf. Eur. Ion. 960. B. observes that the particle 8k is added in an explanatory force, and one too of those Deceleans, or, nay too he was of those Deceleans, &c. b. Kara E Xkvrjg KOfuSyv—for the recovery of Helen. ’ Apov — for haring extolled or magnified me. Cf. vi. 126. B. b. Kal tKuvoun Si h TupQov'toptv. and (which) we hate too , consider odious even in them. On the sentiment expressed in ov vTroTETayyevojv zv ralg ga^aig, refer, not as Manso, Sparta i. p. 344, understood them, to real battles, but to the exercises of the youths. If ipevzg is the true reading, it must be supposed that the eiprjv was the name given, not to all the youths past twenty, but only to those who commanded the rest. This might be a regular step to rank in the army. But all this is very uncertain, and there seems to be less difficulty in the conjecture 'nnrzeg.” It is well known that at Sparta the young man from the age of eighteen to twenty was called geX- Xetprjv, and at twenty began to be called eiprjv, and that from both these periods he exercised a direct influence over his juniors in their several classes. H. P. A. § 26. “ The term ipaveg is explained by Hesychius as ap^ovreg, HuoKovreg, and eiprjvaX,ei, to mean Kparei, and this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amom¬ pharetus, Callicrates, &c., the ipzveg in Herod, ix. 85, were cer- 446 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. tainly not youths, but commanders : particularly Amompharetus was lochagus of the Pitanatan lochus.” Muller, Dor. ii. p. 315, note. So also Smith’s D. of A., Ei'p/jv. b. t?j cnrtaroi—at their absence from the battle. Cf. i. 85, b. “ Many had lost no lives, or only in the skirmishes that preceded the decisive conflict. Yet, as the absence of their troops from the battle was involuntary, as all had borne a part in the danger, in the toil, in the purpose, which it fell to the lot of a few to effect, they cannot justly be charged with vanity or falsehood, if, as Hdtus as¬ serts, they raised some cenotaphs by the side of the sepulchres of their more fortunate allies.” Thirlw. in l. The battle of Plataea was fought, according to the Oxfd. Chron. Tables, Sept. 25, 479 b. c. According to others, Sept. 22. c. ttqoIuvov —Cf. viii. 136, c., and vi. 57, e. Ch. LXXXVI. — a. Tiyyysvidrjv —Cf. ix. 36. ’Arrayivov. Cf. ix. 15. dpxrjysrai, i. q. dpxovrtg—dvd iTpuirovg, interpmmos s . principes. Cf. Viger, p. 575. B. b. ovru) dr/ —Cf. ix. 63, b. Ch. LXXXVII. — a. ttX kio yy dvanXycry, (sc. Kara,) from dva- 7rtjii7rX yyi. Cf. v. 4, vi. 12. Schw. let not the land of Boeotia Jill up the measure of, continue to suffer, more evils on our account. b. -npoaxn^a — a pretext ; cf. iv. 167, b. B. if their real intention is to extort money under the pretext of demanding that we be given up, let us give it them from the treasury of the state ; for with the state, too, did we take part with the Medes, and not by ourselves alone. Ch. LXXXVIII. — a. tt aibag nvS tlv. ySTCUTlOVQ. Cf. Cicero, N. D. iii. 38. “ Ferret ne civitas ulla latorem istius modi legis, ut condemnaretur filius aut nepos, si pater aut avus deliquisset.” W. Cf. also Deut. xxiv. 16, and Ezek. xviii. 20, quoted by L. “The soul that sinneth it shall die. The son shall not bear the iniquity of the father; neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the son,” &c. b. 6 Ss, u»c 7r ap&Xafit k. t. X. “ But Pausanias foreseeing this danger, frustrated their hopes by an arbitrary step, the first indica¬ tion that appears of his imperious character: he dismissed the forces of his allies, and carried his prisoners to Corinth, where he put them to death, it seems, without any form of trial.” Thirlw. in /. Ch. LXXXIX.— a. b Kara tt 6Sag k.t.X.— who is following hard after me, and may soon be expected. Cf. v. 98, a. b. ov yctp .... eg xpbvov .... ytTayeXyati—-for you shall never here- after have to regret doing so ; i. e. you shall have cause hereafter to rejoice that you did so. kg xpbvov, in posterum. Cf. iii. 72, b. c. tt)v fiscroy. rayv. rrjg udov—taking the shortest cut by the inland country ; striking through the interior, S. and L. D., or, perhaps, simply, taking his road through the inland country. B. d. XtfjLip avardvrag — ivorn out with, having struggled {in vain) against, hunger. Cf. vii. 170, c. “ It seems that Alexander of Macedon also fell upon his allies in their retreat, and that he was BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 447 rewarded either for this or his former services by the Athenian franchise.” Thirlw. in. 1. Ch. XC.— a. T r)g Sk avrfjg r/ptp. Cf. ix. 85, b. Mycale, a city and promontory of Ionia, opposite the island Samos, from which it is separated by a strait not quite a mile in width. Cf. also i. 148, vi. 16, vii. 80. Mt Mycale, C. S. Maria, (Smith’s C. D., cf. Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 19, p. 474,) is no more than a continuation of Mt Messogis, Kestaneh , a chain that runs along the right bank of the Mseander. B. b. £ 7 Tt iSrj yap tv tij ArjXtp k . r. X. Cf. viii. 130—132. Schw. C. Tvpavvov 0£O/i?)<7. TOV KUTtCTT. K. T. X. Cf. viii. 85. V. Ch. XCI.— a. 'Qg Sk 7roXX. ijv Xuraop,.—when he was urgent in his entreaties. Cf. i. 98, a. b. tirt icXySovog k. t. X. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. § 632, 6 , on the com¬ bination in one proposition of two modes of construction which are in sense the same. c. AtKopai k. t. X., I accept the omen , to wit, the name Hegistratus , i. e. leader of an army. A similar presage occurred to Augustus at Actium: a man called Eutyches, fortunate , drove an ass named Nicon, victory , past the army. From the same superstition the ancients, when commencing any affair of importance, took par¬ ticular care to choose those as their attendants, who had lucky names. Cf. Tacitus, Histor. iv. 53, on Vespasian’s conduct when undertaking the dedication of the Capitol. W. Cf. also Smith’s D. of A., Divinatio. Ch. XCII.— a. icai to tpyov 7 rpo(T 7 )y£. sermoni rem ipsam adjecit. s. rem ipsam prcestitit. Schw., proceeded to carry the thing into effect. to tpyov Trpoijys, intransitive, the business proceeded. Cf. S. and L. D. b. tKaXXitptovTo, sacrificed with favourable omens , sacrificed and found the omens propitious. Cf. vii. 134, b. c. ’A 7 roXXwv. Trig Toy. KoXiry. To distinguish it from other towns of the same name, of which there were 10 altogether, cf. Apollonia , Smith’s C. D. The one here meant is Pollina, in Illyria, on the Aous, the Viosa. It was a settlement of Corinth. Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 162. Ch. XCIII. — a. i pa r)Xiov 7rpoj8ara, cattle sacred to the Sun. B. confines the sense of 7rpo/3ara here to oxen, from a comparison of i. 133, note c., and ii. 41 ; as Hdtus would probably have written ra. XtTTTci Tuiv TTpofiaTuv, had he intended sheep and goats; he adds also that oxen had reference to the worship of the sun, to which also, as having committed some offence against that deity, the punishment of Evenius maybe supposed to refer. To me B.’s view seems erroneous: it is not likely that 60 oxen would have been slain by wolves while he slept; nor can one imagine how he could suppose it possible to replace so many oxen without being noticed. Again, is ovre 7rpd/3ard v Ilepatuv, or else consider¬ ing that the genitive depends upon the preposition in composition, Schw. connects rag Swdovg tCjv n. the passes of the Persians, the passes by which the Persians could retreat. b. Tl VtOXpOV 7 TOl'tOltV. Cf. ix. 99, d. c. aXXag rt Karyytopevoi a) &•, i* 135, a., iii. 97- H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 212, 213, f. avyyvovTig — allowing, confessing, i. e. that the opinion of Cyrus was the correct one. taawQ. ry yvwpy, cf. viii. 130, c. Xu7 rpi)v sc. yr/v, a poor, or sorry soil. S. and L. I). [This ch., the 122nd, is suspected by B. either to have been added by some grammarian, or to have been left uncorrected by Hdtus. The composition of the speech itself he considers hard and somewhat unnatural, unlike the easy flow of Hdtus’ language, and its introduction here out of place, as the work naturally terminates with the conclusion of the foregoing- chapter.] APPENDIX. i. THE TROJAN WAR. [From Grote’s History of Greece .] On the historical basis of this legend, Mr. Grote finely remarks, “ Of such events the genuine Trojan war of the old epic was for the most part composed. Though literally believed, reverentially cherished, and numbered among the gigantic phenomena of the past by the Grecian public, it is, in the eyes of modem inquiry, essentially a legend, and nothing more. If we are asked whether it be not a legend embodying portions of historical matter, and raised upon a basis of truth; whether there may not really have occurred at the foot of the hill of Ilium a w T ar purely human and political, without gods, without heroes, without Helena, without Amazons, without Ethiopians under the beautiful son of Eos, without the wooden horse, without the characteristic and impres¬ sive features of the old epical war,—like the mutilated trunk of Deiphobus in the under world ; if we are asked whether there was not really some such historical Trojan war as this, our answer must be, that as the possibility of it cannot be denied, so neither can the reality of it be affirmed. We possess nothing but the ancient epic itself, without any independent evidence : had it been an age of records, indeed, the Homeric epic, in its exquisite and unsuspecting simplicity, would probably never have come into existence. Whoever, therefore, ventures to dissect Homer, Ark- tinus, and Lesches, and to pick out certain portions as matter-of- fact, while he sets aside the rest as fiction, must do so in full re¬ liance on his own powers of historical divination, without any means either of proving or verifying his conclusions.” APPENDIX. 459 II. THE EPHORI. [From Encyclop. Metrop. Early History of Greece, p. 145.} Whether these magistrates, named the Ephori, were established by Lycurgus, or appointed under the sanction of the oracle, more than a century after his time, is uncertain. Herodotus and Xeno¬ phon attribute their appointment to Lycurgus, while Plutarch, after Aristotle, places their institution 130 years later, in the reign of Theopompus, of whom it is related, that when his wife up¬ braided him that he would leave the regal power to his children less than he received it, replied, Nay, but greater, because more lasting. The Ephori were five in number, like the Quinqueviri at Car¬ thage. They were annually chosen by the people, in their general assemblies, and designed to be a check on both the senate and the kings; thus possessing a power not unlike the tribunitial authority in Rome. In the exercise of this power they were obliged to be unanimous. It was among the duties of the Ephori not only to preside in the assemblies of the people, and collect their suffrages, but also to proclaim war and negociate peace; to decide on the number of troops to be embddied, and to appoint the funds for their maintenance. They appear, indeed, at length to have en¬ grossed nearly the whole power in the administration of the govern¬ ment ; yet, according to Herodotus, the kings still possessed an authority and distinction scarcely consistent with such a power in the Ephori. [For more, see the extracts from Smith’s D. of A., Ephori, quoted in the body of this work, and the references given in vi. 82, a.] III. ON BOOK II. 109. [From Grote's Hist, of Greece, ii. p. 154.] The Greeks obtained access in Egypt and the interior of Asia to an enlarged stock of astronomical observations, to the use of the gnomon or sun-dial, and to a more exact determination of the length of the solar year than that which served as the basis of their various lunar periods. According to Herodotus, they also NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 460 acquired from the Babylonians the conception of the “ pole,” or of the heavens as a complete hollow sphere, revolving round and en¬ closing the earth ;* and this idea, an important departure from the Homeric point of view, was either adopted from them, or imagined by Thales, who still, however, continued to treat the earth as a flat, thick plate, supported on water, and remaining unmoved. It is pretended that Thales was the first who predicted an eclipse of the sun—not indeed accurately, but with large limits of error as to the time of its occurrence—and that he also possessed so profound an acquaintance with meteorological phenomena and probabilities, as to be able to foretell an abundant crop of olives for the coming year, and to realize a large sum of money by an olive speculation. IV. SCRIPTURAL FACTS DISGUISED IN HERODOTUS. [From Literature of Ancient Greece, Encyclop. Metrop., Herodotus, p. 248, note.] The connexion between Egypt and Judea, so often noticed in the Scriptures, atid the occasional alliances on the one hand, and the trade of the Phoenicians with both countries on the other, are quite sufficient to account for the disguise in which several scrip¬ tural facts appear in Herodotus; for instance, Hercules’ slaying a thousand men, is evidently an Egyptian version of Samson’s ex¬ ploit at Ramath Lehi (Judg. xv. 17); and the taking of Hercules to the altar to be sacrificed, and his putting forth his strength and slaying them every one when they began the solemnities, (ii. 45,) shows that the slaughter of the Philistines was mixed up with Samson’s pulling down the temple of Dagon at Gaza (Judg. xvi. 30). Again, Herodotus (ii. 42) is told by the people of the Theban nome, who wish to account for their sacrifices, sheep and not goats, “that Hercules was very desirous of seeing Jupiter; Jupiter did not wish to be seen; he therefore skinned a ram, cut off' the head, which he held before him, next wrapped himself in the fleece, and thus showed himself to Hercules.” Now, though the ram may have been adapted by the Egyptians to emblematic astronomy, it is more decidedly emblematic of fact. Hercules, wishing to see, i. e. offer sacrifice to Jupiter, is the Egyptian garbled account of Abraham about to sacrifice his son. J upiter does not wish to be * In the note on this passage, I have followed S. and L. D. and other authorities, in taking n6\o<:, of a hollow sun-dial ; but Mr. Grote's opinion seemed to me well worth the transcribing at full length. APPENDIX. 461 seen, i. e. God does not wish to receive the sacrifice; he causes a ram to be slain, however, and, with this sacrificial intervention, shows himself to Abraham. Abraham’s sojourn in Egypt, his in¬ timate connexion with that country, and the high antiquity of that connexion—these at once prove the source of the Egyptian tale, and account for its perversion; the “seeing” and “showing” in Herodotus, involve devotional Hebraisms that throw still stronger light upon this source. The very Hebrew term, Amon, “ faithful,” closely connects this history with the title given to Abraham. Again, we find the same disposition to Egyptianize foreign history, in the account given to Herodotus (ii. 141) of Sennacherib king of the Assyrians’ invasion of Egypt. Herodotus was told “ that the field mice poured forth in legions against the enemy during the night, and ate up their quivers, and bows, and shield-thongs, so that next day, a multitude of the invaders, being deprived of their arms, fell in the flight.” With the Egyptians the mouse was em¬ blematic of destruction. (Horapoll. Hierogl. i. 50.) Hence, after appropriating to themselves the Jewish history, (2 Kings xviii. 19; 2 Chron. xxxii.,) they not only emblematized that destruction, but applied the emblem in its literal sense. Herodotus records the capture by Pharo Necos of Cadytis, (called by the Arabs, El-Cods, the holy city, i. e. Jerusalem,) and his victory over the Syrian forces at Magdolus. This time the Egyptian credit was safe, and we accordingly find greater harmony with the Scripture account. See 2 Kings xxiii. 29; 2 Chron. xxxv. 22. Y. THE PEL A S G I. [From Grote's History of Greece .] There are indeed various names which are affirmed to designate ante-Hellenic inhabitants of many parts of Greece,—the Pelasgi, the Leleges, the Kuretes, &c. These are names belonging to legendary, not to historical Greece. That these names designated real people, may be true, but here our knowledge ends: we have no well-informed witness to tell us their times, their limits of re¬ sidence, their acts, or their character: nor do we know how far they are identical with, or diverse from, the historical Hellens— whom we are warranted in calling, not indeed the first inhabitants of the country, but the first known to us upon any tolerable evidence. If any man is inclined to call the unknown ante- Hellenic period of Greece by the name of Pelasgic, it is open to 462 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. him to do so; but this is a name carrying with it no assured pre¬ dicates, no way enlarging our insight into real history, nor en¬ abling us to explain—what would be the real historical problem— how, or from whom the Hellens acquired that stock of dispositions, aptitudes, arts, &c., with which they begin their career. Whoever has examined the many conflicting systems respecting the Pelasgi, —from the literal belief of Clavier, Larcher, and Raoul Rochette, (which appears to me at least the most consistent way of proceed¬ ing,) to the interpretative and half incredulous processes applied by abler men, such as Niebuhr, or O. Muller, or Dr. Thirlwall— will not be displeased with my resolution to decline so insoluble a problem. No attested facts are now present to us,—none were present to Herodotus and Thucydides even in their age,—on which to build trustworthy affirmations respecting the ante-Hellenic Pelasgians: w T here such is the case, w r e may wdthout impropriety apply the remark of Herodotus respecting one of the theories which he had heard for explaining the inundation of the Nile by a supposed connexion with the ocean—that “the man w r ho carries up his story into the invisible world, passes out of the range of criticism.” [See also Appendix vii. p. 466.] VI. EGYPT. [From Smith’s Diet, of Greek and R. Geogr ., article JEgyptus.] The Nomes. The Nile-valley was parcelled out into a number of cantons, varying in size and number. Each of these cantons was called a nome (vofiog) bv the Greeks, prsefectura oppidorum by the Romans. Each had its civil governor, the nomarch (vonapxog), who collected the crown revenues, and presided in the local capital and chief court of justice. Each nome, too, had its separate priesthood, its temple, chief and inferior towns, its magistrates, registration, and peculiar creed, ceremonies, and customs, and each was apparently independent of every other nome. At certain seasons, delegates from the various cantons met in the palace of the Labyrinth for con¬ sultation on public affairs. (Strab. p. 811.) According to Diodorus, (i. 54,) the nomes date from Sesostris. But they did not originate with that monarch, but emanated probably from the distinctions of animal worship; and the extent of the local w'orship probably determined the boundary of the nome. Thus in the nome of APPENDIX. 463 Thcbais, where the ram-headed deity was worshipped, the sheep was sacred, the goat was eaten and sacrificed: in that of Mendes, where the goat was worshipped, the sheep was a victim and an article of food. Again, in the nome of Ombos, divine honours were paid to the crocodile; in that of Tentyra, it was hunted and abominated; and between Ombos and Tentyra there existed an internecine feud. (Juv. Sat. xv.) The extent and number of the nomes cannot be ascertained. They probably varied with the political state of Egypt. Under a dynasty of the conquerors, they would extend eastward and westward to the Red Sea and Libyan deserts : under the Hyksos, the Ethiopian conquest, and the times of anarchy subsequent to the Persian invasion, they would shrink within the Nile-valley. The kingdoms of Sais and Xois, and the foundation of Alexandria, probably multiplied the Deltaic cantons : and generally commerce, or the residence of the military caste, would attract the nomes to Lower Egypt. According to Strabo (pp. 787—811), the Labyrinth, or hall of the nomarchs, contained 27 chambers, and thus, at one period, the nomes must have been 27 in number, 10 in the Thebaid, 10 in the Delta, and 7* as its name implies, in the Heptanomis. But the Heptanomis, at an¬ other period, contained 16 nomes, and the sum of these cantons is variously given. From the dodecarchy, or government of 12 kings, and from Herodotus’ assertion (ii. 148) that there were only 12 halls in the Labyrinth, we are disposed to infer that at one time there were only 12 of these cantons, and that there were always 12 larger or preponderating nomes. According to the list given by Pliny (v. 9, § 9) and Ptolemy, there must have been at least 45 nomes ; but each of these writers gives several names not found in the other, and if we should add the variations of the one list to the other, the sum would be much greater. Animal Worship. Animal worship is so intimately connected with the division of the country into nomes, and, in some degree, with the institution of castes, that we must briefly allude to it, although the subject is much too extensive for more than allusion. The worship of animals was either general or particular, common to the whole nation, or several to the nome. Thus throughout Egypt, the ox, the dog, and the cat, the ibis and the hawk, and the fishes lepidotus and oxyrrnchus, were objects of veneration. The sheep was wor¬ shipped only in the Saitic and Thebaid nomes: the goat, at Mendes; the wolf, at Lycopolis; the cepus, (a kind of ape,) at Babylon, near Memphis; the lion, at Leontopolis; the eagle, at Thebes; the shrew- mouse, at Athribis; and others elsewhere, as will be particularly noticed w 7 hen w T e speak of their respective temples. As w r e have already seen, the object of reverence in one nome was accounted common and unclean, if not, indeed, the object of persecution, in NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 464 another. Animal worship has been in all ages the opprobrium of Egypt. (Comp. Clem. Alex. iii. 2, p. 253, Potter; Diod. i. 84.) The Hebrew prophets denounced, the anthropomorphic religionists of'Hellas derided it. To the extent to which the Egyptians carried it, especially in the decline of the nation, it certainly approached to the fetish superstitions of the neighbouring Libya. But we must bear in mind, that our vergers to the Coptic temples are Greeks, who, being ignorant of the language, misunderstood much that they heard, and being preoccupied by their own ritual or philosophy, misinterpreted much that they saw. One good effect may be ascribed to this form of superstition. In no country was humanity to the brute creation so systematically practised. The origin of animal worship has been variously, but never satisfactorily, accounted for. If they were worshipped as the auxiliaries of the husbandman in producing food or destroying vermin, how can we account for the omission of swine and asses, or for the adoption of lions and wolves, amongst the objects of veneration. The Greeks, as was their wont, found many idle solutions of an enigma which probably veiled a feeling originally earnest and pious. They im¬ agined that animals were worshipped because their effigies were the standards in war, like the Roman Dii Castrorum. This is evidently a substitution of cause for effect. The representations of animals on martial ensigns were the standards of the various nomes. (Diod. i. 85.) Lucian (Astrolog. v. p. 215, seqq. Bipont) suggested that the bull, the lion, the fish, the ram, and the goat, &c., were corre¬ lates to the zodiacal emblems; but this surmise leaves the crocodile, the cat, and the ibis, &c., of the temples unexplained. It is much more probable that, among a contemplative and serious race, as the Egyptians certainly were, animal-worship arose out of the detection of certain analogies between instinct and reason, and that to the initiated the reverence paid to the beasts was a primitive expression of pantheism, or the recognition of the Creator in every type of his work. The Egyptians are not the only peo¬ ple who have converted type into substance, or adopted in a literal sense the metaphorical symbols of faith. Castes and Political Institutions. The number of the Egyptian castes is very variously stated. Herodotus (ii. 164) says that they were seven—the sacerdotal, and the military, herdsmen, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. Plato (Timaeus, iii. p. 24) reckons six; Diodorus, in one passage (i. 28), represents them as three—priests and hus-* bandmen, from whom the army was levied, and artisans. But in another (i. 74) lie extends the number to five, by the addition of soldiers and shepherds. Strabo limits them to three— priests, soldiers, and husbandmen; and as this partition is virtually correct, we shall adopt it after brief explanation. The existence APPENDIX. 465 of castes is a corroborative proof of the Asiatic origin of the Egyptians. The stamp of caste was not in Egypt, as is by some asserted, indelible. The son usually, but not inevitably, followed his father’s trade or profession. From some of the pariah classes indeed—such as that of the swineherds—it was scarcely possible to escape. VII. THE PELASGTANS. [From Twiss's Niebuhr, ch. hi. p. 6.] The Pelasgians were a different nation from the Hellens: their language was peculiar, and not Greek; in other words, although it possessed an essential affinity to it, it was still so different as not to be intelligible to Greeks. Such is the meaning of Herodotus, who deviates, however, from all other Greek writers in ranking the Epirots with the Hellens. From the Pelasgians the Greek theology was derived, and to them the oracle of Dodona belonged. Their name was probably a national one ; at least the Greek explanations of it are absurd. Their mysterious character arises from their appearance in historical notices when already in a state of ruin and decay; but a more accurate research after the traces of their diffu¬ sion, will enable us to penetrate this mystery, and to recognise in them one of the greatest nations of ancient Europe, whose migra¬ tions were as widely extended as those of the Celts. It was no arbitrary fiction of the poet, when iEschylus made king Pelasgus boast that he and his people were masters of the whole country to the west of the Strymon. The Hellens appear to have spread, like the Latins and Romans in Italy, by detachments settling amidst far more numerous communities of a different, though not wholly foreign, nature, which adopted the language and laws of the colo¬ nists, in order to resemble them. The Arcadians, the most ancient settlers at Argos, and the Ionians, were all Pelasgian races : the people of Attica were styled Pelasgian Cranai. Thessaly was their second great seat in Hellas, or, as it was generally called, in Argos ; hence Thessaly was termed the Pelasgian Argos, and the words Thessalian and Pelasgian are equivalent. We identify Pelasgians in the Thesprotians and Epirot tribes; in the Orestians, Pela- gonians, and Elimiots of Upper Macedonia; in the Amphilochians, Agncans, and other tribes of iEtolia; and in the Teleboans and Dolopians. The Pelasgians as well as the Hellens were members of the Amphictyonic association, the main tie of which was religion, in which both nations agreed. When Macedonia became a great 2 u 466 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. kingdom, made up of Greeks, Illyrians, Paeonians, and Thracians, the core of the nation was still a peculiar race, neither Greek nor Illyrian; this was Pelasgian. The Bottiaeans were Pelasgians : we find Pelasgians likewise in Lemnos, Imhrus, and Sainothrace ; in Lesbos and Chios: along the whole coast of Ionia, beginning from Mycale ; in iEolis; at Tralles in Caria ; on the Hellespont at Placia and Scylace; at Cyzicus; and most probably the Teucrians and Dardanians, who were very clearly perceived by the Greek philologers not to be Phrygians, and by some suspected not to be barbarians at all, were of Pelasgian extraction. In Euboea, in Andrus and Cvthnus, and in Crete, we find traces of Pelasgians. In Italy we have the Pelasgian serfs of the Italian Greeks, who were the remains of the'old iEnotrian population: we find Pelas¬ gians at Cortona, in Etruria; Caere was Pelasgian before it fell into the hands of the Etruscans, and hence arose its connexion with the Delphic oracle: hence the Agyllseans were termed Thes¬ salians. Ravenna was called a Thessalian settlement; Spina had its treasury at Delphi, and is termed Pelasgian ; we may likewise recognise Pelasgians in the Greek founders of Pisa. The inhabitants of Tyrrhenia were originally Pelasgians : their Etruscan conquerors obtained the name of Tyrrhenians from the country. A similar error to that which imagines the Slavonic Dalmatians, who bear the name of Illyrians, to be for that reason the descendants of the ancient Illyrians, confounded the Etrus¬ can conquerors with their Tyrrhenian subjects, and hence involved the origin of the Etruscans in almost inextricable difficulties. The Pelasgian wanderers, who settled in Attica at the foot of Hymet- tus, had originally appeared in Acarnania, according to Pausanias, and were said to be Sicelians. According to the story, they had come from the south of Etruria, and most undoubtedly called themselves Tyrrhenians; when driven out of Attica, they turned their course to Mount Athos and the Hellespont. The story of the Lydian colony of the Tyrrhenians may be explained by the fact that the Mseonians were Pelasgians, as is proved by the name of their stronghold, Larissa. Ardea is designated as a Pelasgian city by the poet, who styles it an Argive one founded by Danae. The legend, which represents Saguntum as a colony of the Arde- ates, extends the Pelasgians into Spain, where, moreover, the an¬ cient capital, Terraco, has been considered to be a Pelasgian city; Antium, Circeii, Terracina, the Latin form of Trachnia, the towns near the Liris, such as Amynclae, Hormiee, and Sinuessa, the islands of Pontiae, and the inland Larrissa, lead us by their names to infer that they were Pelasgian. Pompeii and Hercula¬ neum were, according to Strabo, founded by Tyrrhenians. The worship of the Argive Juno w r as a peculiar characteristic of the Pelasgian tribes in Italy, and her temple near Salernum indicates the Pelasgian origin of the people of that neighbourhood. Ca- prese, which was inhabited by Teleboans, and Nuceria, are the APPENDIX. 467 final links in the chain of Pelasgian settlements, which extend along the western coast of Italy, from Pisa to the borders of the XEnotrians, whose Pelasgian origin has already been indicated. The earliest inhabitants of the plains of the Tiber were, according to Roman historians, the Siculians who dwelt at Tibur, Falerii, and a number of small towns about Rome, who were also called Argives, as Argos was termed Pelasgian. The original inhabitants of Latium went by the name of Aborigines, and were termed by Cato, Achaeans, another form of Pelasgians. These Siculi were subjugated by a strange people who came down from the Abruzzi, but the name of the conquerors, who became one people with the conquered, and were called Latins, was forgotten. One portion of the Siculians were, said to have emigrated, owing to this cause, under the name of Tyrrhenians, to the eastern part of Greece, whilst another crossed over into Sicily. The traces of Pelasgian names in the interior of Italy, such as Acherontia, Argyrippa, Sipontum, afford us good ground for supposing that it was in¬ habited by the same nation, till it was driven out by the Opicans or Sabellians. We meet with Pelasgians along the whole coast of the Adriatic, from the Aternus to the Po; Picenum, the territory of the Se- nones, the districts of Praetutium, Palma, and Adria, were at one time possessed by Tyrrhenians. The Greek coins of Pisaurum indicate the probability that its inhabitants were a tribe of Tyr¬ rhenians, which had maintained its independence when the Sabel¬ lians occupied the surrounding country. The Liburnians on the eastern shores of the Adriatic are distinguished by the accurate Scylax from the Illyrians. Corcvra was perhaps the connecting link between the Pelasgians of Epirus and of Italy. The expedition of the Illyrian Enchelades, who penetrated to Delphi, may have been a migration of the whole Illyrian people from regions far removed in the north, who in their progress overpowered the Pe¬ lasgian population of Dalmatia. The Teucrian origin of the Paeonians in Thrace points to their Pelasgian extraction. The great facility with which the Pannonians acquired the Latin language may corroborate in some respect their supposed identity with the Paeonians. It thus appears that there was a time when the country, from the Arno to the Ryndacus, was inhabited by Pe¬ lasgians. The chain of connexion, broken off on the continent by the Thracians, is kept up between Greece and Asia by the islands in the north of the iEgean, but when Hellanicus and the genealo- gers wrote, scattered remnants of this immense race only remained, like the detached Celtic tribes in Spain, solitary and widely scat¬ tered. The historical inquirer is not in any way justified in as¬ suming that any one of these separate regions, in which we find tribes of the same stock, was the original home, whence a part of the inhabitants emigrated to the others. The same analogy holds good in the geography of the animal and vegetable kingdoms. 2 h 2 468 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. In the Latin language there are two elements mixed up together, one connected with the Greek, the other entirely foreign to it; but even in the former the distinction is no less evident than the' affinity. The case was the same with the Pelasgians and Greeks, as races. Hence the latter, notwithstanding their affinity, would look upon the former as foreigners, and call their language a barbarous one. VIII. ON CADYTIS, BOOK II. 159. [From The Analysis of Herodotus ; H. G. Bolin, 1852.] Cadytis has been generally identified with Jerusalem, an opinion successfully combated by Mr. Ewing, in the Classical Museum, who was, however, not quite so fortunate in substituting Kedesh in Galilee as the Cadytis of Herodotus, for Phcenicia stretches southward some distance beyond Kedesh, and Cadytis must be looked for south of Phcenicia (iii. 5). The 4/th chapter of Jeremiah prophetically describes the desolation by Pharaoh of the land of the Philistines ; and, further, expressly alludes to the capture and destruction of Gaza by the same king. The name of the Philistine city of Gaza, as given in the Assyrian inscriptions discovered by Mr. Layard, and interpreted by Colonel Rawlinson, is Khazita, which was probably changed by the Greeks into Cadytis, for the description given by Herodotus (iii. 5) is exactly applicable to Gaza, and will by no means answer to Jerusalem. IX. THE PYRAMIDS. [From Early Oriental History, ch. iv. p. 178, seqq., Encyclop. Metrop.] The word 7 rvpap'ig, pyramis , has often been derived from -n-vpog, (of fire,) but the quantity of its first syllable is unfavourable to that supposition, and as a heap of wheat has not a spiral form terminating in a point, the term cannot with any probability be derived from 7r vp'og ( triticum ). It is therefore more reasonable to suppose that the Greeks in this, as in many other cases, adopted the native name of an object not invented by themselves, accom¬ modating it, by a Greek termination, to the grammar of their own language ; so that the Egyptian peliram, i. e. the “ sacred place,” was converted into the Greek Pyramis. Of the most ancient and remarkable pyramids, several are still remaining in Egypt, and others, apparently unknown to the Greeks and Romans, have been lately discovered in the ruins of Napata and Meroe, the capitals of Ethiopia. The pyramids of Gizeh, called by the ancients “ the pyramids of APPENDIX. 469 Memphis,” from their position on a rocky height projecting from the western mountains near the outskirts of that city, are the most remarkable, and as far as can be proved by historical testimony, the most ancient of any which ever were in existence. They are distinctly noticed by the oldest Greek historian, who was informed that they were erected in a very early age, as sepulchres of the sovereigns of Egypt Three, lying in a diagonal line from north¬ east to south-west, are of a stupendous magnitude, especially the two most northern. The position of the second and pointed pyra¬ mid, as determined by M. Nouet, is in 29° 59' 49" N., and 31° IT 41" E., on a terrace projecting from the rock, partly levelled by art, and having an elevation of 137f feet. It extends from east to west about 1^ mile, and from north to south more than f of a mile. The base of the great pyramid was found to measure 763 feet 7 inches, and its height 450 feet 9 inches. Its diameter from north to south deviates 20' from the true meridian. Its basis, as well as the two lowest steps, is hewn out of the rock on which it stands. Its base does not form an exact square. The whole mass amounts ,to nearly 9,000,000 cubic feet. It covered an area of more than 13 acres, and its masonry amounts to 6,848,000 tons. The vast magnitude of this truly stupendous work will be more distinctly perceived, when it is recollected that the area of its base nearly coincides with that of Lincoln’s Inn Fields. It is 43 feet higher than St. Peter’s at Rome, and 126 feet higher than St. Paul’s in London. The second pyramid, of somewhat smaller dimensions, is about 2^ furlongs south-west of the first. Its base, according to M. Grobert, measures 700 feet, and its height 425 feet. Its summit is uninjured, and still retains its ancient casing, a plaster formed of gypsum, sand, and a few small pebbles. The third, somewhat nearer to the second, has an apparent base of 300 feet, and a height of 173 feet. This pyramid was cased with sienite from Elephan¬ tine, fragments of which are still found near its base. The form and approaches to their internal chambers are nearly the same in all the pyramids hitherto opened : and consist of one or more gal¬ leries, at first inclined to the horizon at an angle of 26° or 27°, and afterwards in either an ascending or perpendicular direction lead¬ ing to a chamber nearly in the centre of the building. These chambers are quadrangular, and roofed with large blocks of stone laid either flat or obliquely so as to meet and form an angle. Two have long been accessible in the great pyramid, called after its re¬ puted founder, Cheops, the lower immediately below the upper; and in the next, or pyramid of Cephren, two likewise have been lately discovered, equally in the centre; but one of them at the base of the pyramid, and the other in the rock below the base, at the distance of about one-third of the perpendicular drawn from the side of the pyramid to its centre. At the extremity of the de¬ scending gallery all further ingress is barred by a portcullis of solid granite 1 foot 3 inches thick, sliding in grooves of similar stone. NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 470 In the great pyramid, originally explored by men of no skill or science, a way was forced round the portcullis, but in the second it was, by dint of excessive labour for nearly a day and a half, raised by levers so as to open a passage onwards. At a small dis¬ tance beyond the portcullis there is a perpendicular shaft, 15 feet deep in the second, but much deeper in the first. This shaft, hitherto known as “ the well in the- great pyramid,” was explored for the first time by an English gentleman, Mr. Davison, who visited Egypt with the celebrated Wortley Montague in 1763. His labours, and those of Caviglia, Vyse, Belzoni, Richardson, Perring, and others, have made us well acquainted with the internal form¬ ation of the pyramids. It appears that each pyramid had a double entrance, by means of which a constant circulation of air could be maintained; and that the principle on which the chambers and passages were formed was precisely the same as that which regulated the exca¬ vation of the catacombs hewn out of rocks, as at Biban-el-maluk, where the “ long passages which lead to nothing” were doubtless, before the ravages of the Persians, filled with mummies of the younger branches of the Pharaonic families, while those of the sovereigns themselves, and perhaps of their children, were de¬ posited in the central chambers. Around the principal pyramids are the remains of many smaller ones in various stages of decay. The sepulchral chambers, apparently more modern, which are close to these pyramids, were perhaps built at the expense of the rich casing with which the pyramids themselves once were cover¬ ed ; but all, when examined, are found to cover an approach by a shaft to a subterranean apartment similar to those in the centre of most of the pyramids; every thing, in short, conspires to prove that these extraordinary edifices were, as the ancients affirm, erected as sepulchres for the sovereigns of Egypt, whose capital was the adjoining, city of Memphis. That the angles between the successive courses of stone were anciently filled up, so as to present a plane surface, and that the summit of each pyramid was pointed, may be inferred from the second, which is still terminated by a point, and retains its smooth coating for about 40 feet down¬ wards : and it is evident from the account of Abdu-l-latif, that, in the thirteenth century, the outer covering of the pyramids, crowded with hieroglyphic inscriptions, was still extant. There is likewise a fourth pyramid near the third, but it is so much smaller than the others as to attract little notice. Many others have been dis¬ covered by the late Prussian expedition. Sixty more, at least, are now known. The walls of many of the tombs near the pyramids are adorned with very interesting paintings and bas-reliefs, several of which are represented in the plates in the great French work, and in Professor Rosellini’s “ Monumenti dell’ Egitta.” We have here delineations of various manufactures and implements of art, the most ancient, perhaps, now in existence; some of these tombs. APPENDIX. 471 however, were constructed from the ruins of more ancient build¬ ings, themselves posterior to the invention of hieroglyphics; their antiquity, therefore, is not perhaps so great as has been supposed, and probably far inferior to that of the pyramids in which no hieroglyphics have been found. The regular order in which these tombs were placed (another remarkable feature) is clearly per¬ ceived, as before observed, from the summit of the great pyramid, the sides of which form a sort of rude staircase of 203 steps, varying in height and breadth, and occasionally interrupted by breaches. The truncated summit presents an area of about 30 feet square, irregular in its outline, from the removal of a few of the stones be¬ longing to that course. That the great pyramid was cased, and had a level surface, is evident from the express testimony of Herodotus; who says, “ The sums expended in radishes, onions, and garlic, for the work¬ men, were marked in Egyptian characters on this pyramid, and amounted, as I well remember what the interpreter who explained these characters said, to 1600 talents of silver,” = £345,600. The age of these stupendous monuments, and the purpose for which they were erected, are involved in great obscurity; various, consequently, and conflicting, have been the opinions to which those questions have given rise. The remote antiquity of the pyramids near Memphis, celebrated from a very early period as some of the wonders of the world, is indisputable. They are dis¬ tinctly mentioned by the oldest Greek historian, Herodotus ; and the three largest are ascribed by him to Cheops, Chephren, and Mycerinus, three Pharaohs who succeeded each other. These structures had also an astronomical reference. Sir John Herschel remarks, that “ at the/late of the erection of the great pyramid of Gizeh, which precedes by 3970 years (say 4000) the present epoch, the longitude of all the stars were less by 55° 45' than at present. Calculating from this datum the place of the pole of the heavens among the stars, it will be found to fall near A Draconis; its dis¬ tance from that star being 3° 44' 25". This being the most con¬ spicuous star in the immediate neighbourhood, was therefore the pole star of that epoch. And the latitude of Gizeh being just 30° north, and consequently the altitude of the north pole there also 30°, it follows that the star in question must have had, at its lower, culmination at Gizeh, an altitude of 26° 15' 35". Now it is a re¬ markable fact, ascertained by the last researches of Colonel Vyse, that of the nine pyramids still existing at Gizeh, six (including all the largest) have the narrow passages by which alone they can be entered, (all which open out on the northern faces of their re¬ spective pyramids,) inclined to the horizon downwards at angles varying from 26° to 28°* At the bottom of every one of these passages, therefore, the then pole-star must have been visible at its lower culmination—a circumstance which can hardly have been unintentional, and was doubtless connected (perhaps supersti- NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 472 tiously) with the astronomical observation of that star, of whose proximity to the pole at the epoch of the erection of these wonder¬ ful structures, we are thus furnished with a monumental record of the most imperishable nature. No one now doubts that the pyramids were royal sepulchres, nay, as we have already remarked, the height of those royal monuments corresponds with the length of the monarch’s reign under whom it was erected. Structures so vast are indeed royal ideas—the massive means of a posthumous immortality. However, as Sir Thomas Brown remarks, “ Only to subsist in bones, and to be but pyramidally extant, is a fallacy in duration.” The edifices themselves may last as long as the frame¬ work of the globe, and travellers on entering Egypt for many cen¬ turies to come, will hasten to admire these characteristic wonders,— Time’s gnomons rising on the banks of Nile, Unchanging while he flies, serene and grand, Amidst surrounding ruins—’mid the works Of man unparalleled—’mid God’s how small! Beside His Alps, the pigmy works of ants,— The mole-hills of a mole. NOTES OMITTED. Book i. c. 9.— b. 07 ry J \iiKS Montgomery. 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