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THE CONNEXION 
 
 BETVTEEN 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF IRELMD 
 
 AM) . 
 
 THE CROWN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 BY E. E. MADDEN, ESQ. M.D,, 
 
 Author of " The United Irishmen." 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX 
 
 OF TirE 
 
 PRIVY COUJNTCIL CORRESPONDEl^CE, 
 
 D0HING GREAT PART OF THE TEARS 
 
 1811, 1812, 1816, 1817. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 PUBLISHED BY JAMES DUFFY, 
 
 23, ANGLESEA-STREET. 
 
 1845. 
 
r- 
 
 O'NEILL LIBHAR/ 
 BOSTON COLLECe 
 
 \ 
 
lielriration. 
 
 TO 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF EJSTGLAJ^D, 
 
 WHO LOVE JUSTICE ; 
 
 AND 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF IKELAND, 
 
 WHO LONG FOE IT ; 
 
 BT 
 
 ONE WHO KNOWS NO DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE DESCENDANTS OF 
 
 CELTS AND SAXONS, 
 
 AND SPURNS AT ALL PRETENSIONS TO 
 
 POLITICAL PRE-EMINENCE ON THE PART OF EITHER. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The following Essay was printed at the request of the Committee of the 
 Repeal Association ; but they are in no way responsible for its facts or 
 opinions. 
 
 Besides such a review of the political history, the state, and the prospects 
 of Ireland, as might be looked for in a National Argument, it contains a 
 Notice of the Great Eevolution of Portugal, compiled, with no little care, 
 from scarce Peninsular authorities; and The Minutes of the Privy Council 
 Correspondence, during 1811, 1812, 1816, 1817, printed from the original 
 BOOKS IN THE Castle. Of the value of these Minutes, as giving the Secret 
 History of the Irish Government after the Union, no proof need be offered. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page, 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The early connexion with England. — Misrule of the latter in Ireland, 
 illustrated by the History of the Union of the kingdom of Portugal with 
 the Crown of Castile -.-.---.l 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Spanish domination and despotism in Portugal - - - - 5 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Spanish Government's systematic efforts to denationalize the 
 Portuguese. — While Spain was weak her oppression was mitigated, when 
 
 prosperous, invariably rendered more severe All her compacts with the 
 
 Portuguese violated The Spanish minister Alivarez, and [Secretary of 
 
 State in Portugal, Vasconcellos, prototypes of Pitt and Castlereagh The 
 
 iron rule of the three Philips m Portugal nearly as bad as that of the three 
 Georges in Ireland, but not quite so murderous as that of Elizabeth and 
 CromweU ...-.-..- 13 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Original compact the foundation of the connexion between the two 
 kingdoms. — Violation of it. — The rage for imperial aggrandizement and 
 the lust of domination exemplified in its effects in other countries - - 20 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The state of Ireland in 1172. — Henry H.'s acquisition of Ireland Treaty 
 
 with the kings and chiefs at the Council of Lismore. — Establishment of 
 
 Parliaments confirmed by Iiis successors Early violation of the compact. 
 
 — The PALE system Limits of EngUsh authority down to the reign of 
 
 James I Allegiance for the first time began to be really acknowledged in 
 
 the latter reign Continued to the Stuart dynasty - - - - 24 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Nature of the dominion gained in Ireland by Henry II. and his succes- 
 sors Opinions of celebrated Jurists on the state of independence of 
 
 nations in partial subjection to others Nature of the provincial govern- 
 ments of ancient Rome - - - - - - -31 
 
11. CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Suppressions of Eebellions at various times, not the conquest of a 
 kingdom — Question of the rights given by conquest, and the indefeasible 
 
 rights acquired by the law of nature and of nations Great lawyers bad 
 
 arbiters of public liberty - - - - - - -37 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Right of Ireland to the laws and institutions of England. — Early 
 parliaments in Ireland Historical notice thereof - - - - 42 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Attempts to disparage the character of these early parUameuts, by Sir 
 
 John Davies, in his speech before the Lord Deputy His accoimt of their 
 
 constitution - - - - - - - -48 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The claim of legislating for Ireland in English parliaments set up at an 
 early period. — Account of the progress of that usurped power; of the resist- 
 ance to it in various reigns - - - - - - -59 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Resume of the history of British misrule in L'eland. — The course of 
 extermination, confiscation and bloodshed of 600 years' endurance. — The 
 temporary interruption of the career of rampant rapacity and injustice, in 
 1782 69 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Spanish domination in Portugal brought to an end Revolution of 1640 ; 
 
 its results — Consequences of the despotism and arrogance of Provincial 
 rule --.-.----- 81 
 
 CHAPTER Xm. 
 
 Events of 1782 — Volunteers. — Restoration of Irish independence — In- 
 sufficient securities obtained - - - - - - -98 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Dungannon and DubUn"Conventions Commercial Propositions of 1785. 
 
 — Regency question of 1789 - - - - - - 105 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Relaxations of Penal Code "of 1782 and 1793 Question of Reform of 
 
 1791 merged into one of Revolution. — Wliole tenor of Pitt's Irish policy 
 from 1785 to 1800 to bewilder and break down" public opinion and national 
 spirit, and to degrade the. parliament in the minds of the people - - 110 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Policy, expense, and results of fomenting and exploding the Rebellion of 
 1798 ' - - 113 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 Project of a Union introduced into the Irish Parliament, iii 1799 - 120 
 
CONTENTS. 111. 
 
 Pagre. 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Project of a Union discussed in 1800 — Pleasures taken for eflfecting it 
 
 Employment of force, fraud, and corruption Of military violence to 
 
 prevent County Meetings, regularly convened to petition against it - 123 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Union carried Incompetency of parliament to vote its own extinc- 
 tion. — Night of its dissolution Curran's appearance on the steps of the 
 
 House of Commons His observations respecting that measure - - 133 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Effects of the Union — Consequences of Provincialism illustrated by Lord 
 
 Lyndhurst in his declaration of Irish Alienism Origin of the Alien 
 
 doctrine Practical demonstration of the working of the Union in the 
 
 financial management of Ireland - - - - - -137 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Effects of the Union shown in the state of representation - - 143 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 
 Various acts of post-Union injustice. — Extracts from the speech of Mr. 
 W. S. O'Brien in the House of Commons, 4th July, 1843 - - - 147 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Nature of the just claim of the people of Ireland to an independent 
 pscrliament ; of the guarantees to be required for its security ; of financial 
 and commercial arrangements to be entered into with England ; of external 
 
 matters claimed for imperial legislation. — The evils of 1782 to be avoided 
 
 Parliament of Ireland to be re-constructed, on Reform principles Eventual 
 
 necessity of a strong infusion of democratic influence in the Irish constitu- 
 tion, to resist parliamentary corruption, and the predominant power of 
 English interests Federalism, as described by Mr. O'Connell, and ex- 
 pounded by Mr. Sharman Crawford Serious objections to Mr. Crawford's 
 
 plan ---------- 156 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The old policy of divide et impera once more at work in Ireland, to be 
 guarded against by the Roman Catholic heirarchy, clergy, and the leaders 
 of the Irish people. — A few words at parting to the young men of Ireland 167 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Return of the names of Lords Lieutenants, Lords Justices, and Chief 
 
 Secretaries for Ireland, 1801—1821 - - - - - - 179 
 
 Privy Council Correspondence, January to June, 1811 - - - 181 
 
 Privy Council Correspondence, July to December, 1812 - - - 261 
 
 Memorial of Daniel and Stephen Egan, 1816 - - - -311 
 
 Counter- Memorial of the Rev. John Hamilton, 1816 - - - 315 
 Statement from the Rev. John Hamilton, accompanying his Memorial - 332 
 
TEEMS OF CONNEXIOlSr 
 
 OF 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND WITH THE CROWN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 In the notice of the Committee appointed by the Repeal Associa- 
 tion to carry into effect its objects, with respect to the proposed 
 Essays on the Legislative Union, to be submitted for adjudication 
 to its members, it is suggested that candidates should illustrate 
 the question " by examples taken from the history of existing 
 institutions of other countries, and in particular that they should 
 examine how far the constitution of Norway, and its connexion 
 with Sweden, may serve as a model for the new constitution of 
 Ireland." The suggestions of the committee not being obligatory, 
 and the avowed object of the association being to obtain the best 
 argument that can be adduced in support of the Repeal of the act 
 of Union, the winter treats the subject according to his views of 
 the best mode of deahng with it. It is not, he thinks, sufficient 
 to refer to the existing relation of countries connected like Norway 
 and Sweden for an illustration of the subject. Nor is it meeting 
 that subject in all its aspects to confine our regards to the advan- 
 tages of repeal, or the disadvantages of a legislative union. 
 
 It is right at the threshold of this inquiry, to state distmctly, 
 and in terms that cannot be mistaken, or misinterpreted, the sense 
 in which the author uses the words, " a distinct kingdom," — " an 
 independent nation," and " separate institutions." 
 
 Ireland Avas a distinct and separate nation from England, during 
 
 B 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 the period of Henry II.'s dominion, and after his donation of the 
 sovereignty of the newly-acquired country to his son John, till 
 the latter came to the English throne, when in his person the 
 sovereignty of England and Ireland was united. Ireland, then, 
 ceased to be a kingdom separate from the British crown, but con- 
 tinued to be a distinct nation, as the title of British sovereigns to 
 this day plainly shows. A country that is self-governed is an 
 independent nation, inasmuch as it makes its own laws, and in its 
 enjoyment of that privilege, possesses the inalienable right of 
 freedom which God gave it, and man cannot justly take away from 
 any nation, — the right of retaining the institution by which its 
 laws were enacted, its people represented and protected, and its 
 executive invested with authority to govern the state in the king's 
 name for one sole end and aim, the good of the people of whose 
 welfare he is presumed to be the supreme guardian. Such an 
 institution must be pure and independent, or it is no better than a 
 packed jury, that is, " a delusion, a mockery, and a snare." A 
 country that has a legislature in which the people are represented, 
 may be, therefore, truly called an independent nation. Should 
 the independence of that parliament be taken away, or the 
 institution itself be destroyed, the corruption or abolition of it 
 ultimately involves every sej)arate institution of the country in 
 ruin — each becomes, what a particular one has been termed, in 
 the emphatic words of the British Aristides — ."A delusion, a 
 mockery, and a snare." Ireland remains a distinct country, though 
 robbed of its national independence, united to the British crown, 
 but still entitled, by the original terms of the connexion, to all the 
 laws and institutions of England. It will not do to reg-ard the 
 original terms of that connexion with the contempt which is usually 
 felt or affected, in treating of this subject. They must be re- 
 curred to and looked in the face boldly, calmly, honestly, and 
 steadily; and if the subject is to be illustrated at all, it must be by 
 the application to it of historical knowledge and experience of such 
 analogous circumstances as bear upon it. We must seek in the 
 history of foreign nations, moreover, for an example of an union, 
 achieved by violence, corruption, and unjust means — that was a 
 calamity so long as it existed — that led to misgovernment and 
 oppression — that engendered fierce hatred on the part of the 
 province deprived of its nationality, and intolerable arrogance on 
 
( 3 ) 
 
 the part of the imperial power. And by way of warning, we must 
 seek in this example for the evil consequences of violated justice, 
 of outraged pride, of abused patience ; and when we find elsewhere 
 that the issue of a connexion, that was not based on justice, was 
 separation, we are then in a condition, and necessitated, to inquire 
 what means are best calculated to prevent such a result in our own 
 case, and whether another form of connexion is not compatible 
 with the interests and the honour of both countries. 
 
 The history of Portugal, at the close of the sixteenth century, 
 affords the illustrations I have referred to, of unjust domination 
 and its pernicious consequences — oppression, disaffection, rapacity 
 in rulers, enmity to imperial interests — arrogance, hatred, ever 
 smouldering or kindhng into rebelhon on every opportunity 
 afforded to the injured nation, by the weakness or occupied atten- 
 tion of its oppressor. 
 
 The union of Spain and Portugal is an historical fact, not 
 sufficiently well knowai except through its effects, and those are 
 comprised in an event wliich took place in 1640, the dissolution 
 of the union of those two countries. When I say little known, I 
 mean known only to those who are familiar with the histories of 
 Spain and Portugal in their original languages. The chief 
 knowledge of the subject that existed in English hterature, 
 previously to the appearance of the translated history of that 
 revolution by the abbe Vertot, was from a work translated from 
 the Italian, published in 1600, and edited by Edward Blount, 
 entitled " The History of the Uniting of the Kingdom of Portugal 
 to the Crown of Portugal." * The original work was written by 
 Conestaggio, a Genovese historian, in 1585. It is evidently so 
 biassed in favor of the union which had been but recently effected 
 when he wrote, that one is induced to beheve the work was 
 one of the many that were written at that period by the orders 
 of the Spanish sovereign in support of his measures, as similar 
 works had been written at various times in support of another 
 union, by order of the British government, when the question of 
 uniting the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland was under 
 consideration. 
 
 Phihp II. effected his union by the joint and co-existent in- 
 
 * The editor has suppressed the name of the author of the original work, and 
 has taken great liberties with the text. 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 strumcntality of the sword and the pen. He employed Spanish 
 jurists of great eminence to write down Lusitanian independence, 
 and to write up the legahty and convenience of a union of the 
 kingdoms of Portugal and Castillo. In one of those ingenious 
 productions, the frontispiece represents a sword and a pen 
 crossed ; it must be admitted the emblem is happily conceived. 
 
 The first and most laboured of those productions was published 
 previous to the union, and was entitled " Responsum de successione 
 Regni Portugallice, pro aiignstissimo PMllipo 2c?o." The author 
 was a jurist of great distinction, " Francis Alvarez Ribeira," 
 regent of the supreme Italian senate. If a purse of gold had 
 been introduced in the back ground, a very pretty device might 
 be furnished for some future edition of " An essay towards an 
 union of Ireland with Great Britain," in 1703 ; or, " The short 
 and easy method of reducing the exorbitant pride of Dublin," by 
 Anti-Constitution in 1748 ; or, " A proposal for uniting the two 
 kingdoms," in 1751 ; or, " A union of England and Ireland proved 
 to be practicable," by John Williams in 1787 ; or, " A barrister's 
 observations on Poyning's act," in 1770 ; or, Mr. Charles 
 Sheridan's " Review of the great national question relative to a 
 declaration of rights," in 1781 ; or, " Utility of a union con- 
 sidered," by a friend to the countries, in 1788 ; or, " Thoughts 
 on a union," by Joshua Spencer, in 1798 ; or, " An argument for 
 and against an union," by Mr. Edward Cooke, in 1799 ; or, 
 " Memoirs of the union between England and Scotland," by 
 Lockart, reprinted by government, in Dublin, in 1799 ; or, 
 " Extracts from Defoe's history of the union," reprinted in 
 Dublin, by government, in 1799 ; or, " A letter to H. Grattan, 
 Esq., in favor of union," by William Smith, in 1800 ; or, any 
 extracts from any of the above, by Mr. Montgomery Martin, 
 in 1844. The Spanish government followed up the labours of 
 its mercenary scribes, by the services of its secret agents, in 
 sowing discontent, jealousies, animosities ; in dividing and be- 
 wildering the people of Portugal before its army was let loose on 
 the devoted country to effect an union, and make an independent 
 country a provincial appendage to the Spanish crown. 
 
 The British government fomented a rebellion in Ireland for a 
 similar purpose and with similar success. 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 The union of the crowns of Portugal and Castille, was founded 
 on a claim of Philip 11. to the former, as the next of kin in 
 the male line to the deceased sovereign of Portugal, the Cardinal 
 King, Henry, successor of Dom Sebastian, who was slain in 
 battle, in Mauritania, in 1578. The rightful heir to the crown 
 was the Duchess of Braganza, daughter to the Infante, Dom 
 Edward, brother of the Spanish Queen Isabella, both the children 
 of the Portuguese sovereign Dom Manuel. Philip II. was the 
 son of the same Isabella, consequently the Duchess of Braganza 
 was nearest of kin in the male line to Dom Manuel. There 
 were various other claimants, all of whose pretensions were 
 set aside, before Phihp asserted his with the sword, with the 
 exception of those of Dom Antonio, Prior of Crato, an illegitimate 
 son of one of Dom Manuel's children. 
 
 Portugal had been an independent country from time im- 
 memorial, to the Roman subjugation. Ancient Lusitania, the 
 " Hispania Ulterior" of the Romans, consisted of various in- 
 dependent tribes, of varied origins, ruled by their respective 
 chiefs, and sometimes over-ruled by the chief of a tribe, superior 
 in power to other clans and septs. From that country, and not 
 from the region which now bears the name of Spain, the early 
 tide of colonization had poured into Ireland. During the 600 
 years of the dominion of the Moors in the Iberian Peninsula, 
 the kings of Leon and Castille maintained their sovereignty, and 
 pushed their adventurous arms occasionally into the Lusitanian 
 countries then subject to the Moors. In these desultory wars, 
 they sometimes di'ove back the Moors south of the Douro, and 
 gained towns and strong holds, or rather expelled the Moors from 
 them, for the time their armies over-ran the country. In 1090, 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 the Spanish sovereign, Alphonzo, invested one of the adventurous 
 cavahers in his service, the Count Dom Henrv, with the lands from 
 which he had contributed to drive the Moors, as the dower of his 
 natural daughter Thereza, whom he gave in marriage to the 
 count. 
 
 It matters very little whether any sovereign rights were re- 
 served or not — whether the possession was a mere feudal tenure, 
 or an unqualified cession of the lands and towns in question, and 
 the sovereignty appertaining to them. Alphonzo had no more 
 right, in point of fact, to bestow the sovereignty of this Lusitanian 
 territory on the count, than the pontiff had to make a present of 
 Ireland to the second Henry. But the contested question of 
 sovereignty, with respect to Portugal, was brought to a final 
 issue — one of Alphonzo's successors renounced all claim to it for 
 ever. 
 
 The descendants of the cavaher king (for the Count Henry 
 ruled the territory around Coimbra, conferred on him by Alphonzo, 
 and the additions he made to it with his good sword, with kingly 
 state and power, though he assumed not the regal title) finally 
 expelled the Moors from the whole country, and Portugal retained 
 its independence until the close of the reign of the Cardinal King 
 Henry — who died in the year 1580 — in default of issue, leaving 
 his kingdom a war of succession for a legacy. The Spanish so- 
 vereign, at that juncture, set up his pretensions to the crown of 
 Portugal, and backed those pretensions with the sword. The 
 result was, the annexation of that crown to his own — the conver- 
 sion of an independent nation into a provincial appendage to a 
 foreign state. 
 
 Nature, in vain, for the admonition of princes, has distinguished 
 kingdoms, — separated them either by mountain-walls, or ocean 
 waves, or the trenches of broad rivers, in order to restrain the 
 madness of inordinate ambition. But no barriers are sufiicient to 
 prevent its efforts, and no example of its deplorable results 
 capable of deterring nations from the career of unjust^domination. 
 Had the claims of Philip II. been ever so just, the fundamental 
 laws of the state of Portugal, passed in the cortes of Lamego, in 
 the reign of the founder of the monarchy, Alphonzo I., clearly 
 debarred him from the succession, — foreigners being expressly 
 excluded by the following provision : — " If the King of Portugal 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 should not have male issue, and should have a daughter, she shall 
 remain queen after the death of the king, her father, but under 
 these conditions: She shall not marry any person except a 
 Portuguese, and he must be of the nobility." * * * " This law 
 shall be in perpetual force, that the eldest daughter of the king 
 shall not take a husband out of Portugal ; and, if she should marry 
 with a stranger, she cannot be queen, because we never can con- 
 sent that our kingdom should go out of the hands of Portuguese, by 
 whose valour then' sovereign was made without other help but by 
 their own intrepidity, and with their own blood. These are the 
 laws of inheritance of our kingdom" (and being read aloud by 
 xHberto, chancellor of the king, all answered) : " They are good, 
 they are just, and thus they are decreed for us, and for our suc- 
 cessors after us."* 
 
 These laws, whose existence for obvious reasons was called in 
 question in recent times, Phihp II., for other reasons of state, 
 took effectual means (for the security of his claim) to prevent the 
 production of. The same historian I have just quoted, states, that 
 Pliihp carried away with him from Portugal all documents and 
 decrees found in the archives of that kingdom, bearing on the 
 question of succession, and confirmatory of the national indepen- 
 dence, and, amongst these, the laws of the cortes of Lamego.f 
 
 The same policy wliich directed this measure was pursued during 
 the whole period of the Spanish domination ; and not only all 
 documents of a similar kind, but works in manuscript and printed 
 books, that were deemed prejudicial to Spanish interests, or 
 calculated to preserve the memory of the ancient glory and inde- 
 pendence of the Portuguese people, were made away with. 
 
 Those who are famiUar with Irish history, and not only with 
 the ancient records of their country, but even the modern pe- 
 riocUcal hterature of a political kind, of 1798 and 1800, cannot 
 fail to be struck with the identity of the miserable practices to 
 which tyranny and injustice are compelled to have recourse in all 
 countries. 
 
 Phihp's invading army met with Httle opposition in its passage 
 through the country. 
 
 * Historia della Disunione del Regno di Portiigallo, &c., &e. Dal Dottore 
 Birago. Amsterdam. 1647. Page 46. 
 f Historia della Disunione, p. 72. 
 
( 8 ) : 
 
 The Duke of Braganza, the rightful heir, was unable or 
 unwilling to support his just claims, but Dom Antonio, Prior of 
 Crato, the illegitimate son of the Infante Dom Edward Manuel, 
 caused himself to be proclaimed King of Portugal at Santarem, 
 and put himself at the head of an ill-provided, ill-disciplined army 
 to oppose the Spanish invaders.* The prior's forces were routed 
 by the Spanish general, the infamously celebrated Duke of Alva, 
 and in 1580 Philip was in possession of his new kingdom. 
 
 One of the first acts of the Duke of Alva, on his arrival at 
 Cascais, a small town on the Tagus, in front of Lisbon, was to 
 order the execution of the general-in-chief of the Portuguese 
 forces, Dom Diego de Menezes, some days after the surrender 
 (by his orders) of the fortress of Cascais, commanded by one 
 Pereira, who was hkewise executed. Philip's historian, Cones- 
 taggio, coolly observes : — " The Duke, who wished to make an 
 example of terror to the governors of the other forts, ordered his 
 head to be cut off, and caused Pereira to be hanged, who com- 
 manded the castle."f 
 
 The cold-blooded murder of the prisoners of war produced the 
 effects that might have been expected. "Whenever a Spanish 
 soldier fell into the hands of the Portuguese, he was butchered, 
 and the efforts were redoubled of the popular leaders to resist the 
 invaders. 
 f It is a emulous circumstance that the clergy, and especially 
 those of the monastic orders, were the most strenuous and formi- 
 dable opponents the Spaniards had to contend with, and that the 
 same influence was instrumental to their expulsion sixty years 
 later. Conestaggio bitterly complains that, " the monks in the 
 neighbourhood of Lisbon, at the instance of the governors, excited 
 the Portuguese to a vigorous resistance, thus employing new and 
 perilous means to effect their object. The monks were instructed 
 to exhort the people to resistance, so that they openly j)reaclied 
 a war similar to a crusade against infidels. They were ordered 
 to stimulate the people in their confessionals, to persuade this 
 nation, too ambitious of honour, that there was no earthly glory 
 
 *The Prior of Crato entered into a secret convention witli Queen Elizabeth, 
 of England, and was recognized by her as the legitimate King of Portugal, 
 f Istoria della Unione, &c. Conestaggio, Genova, 1585, p. IGl. 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 equal to that of sacrificing every thing in resisting (their enemies). 
 Hence, the preaching of those people so devoted ordinarily to 
 their religion, became a kind of fury which made them more like 
 the associates of soldiers, than the ministers of rehgion, and caused 
 great scandal to well-thinking people, and grievous injury to all 
 the kingdom."* 
 
 It is needless to comment on the tender anxiety of Philip's 
 panegyrist for the interests of the rehgion and the kingdom of 
 Portugal. The simple meaning of this passage is, that the clergy 
 used their influence to save their county from the hands of the 
 robbers who invaded it. The monastic clergy paid dearly for 
 their fidelity to their country. But Alva's fury, and Philip's 
 vengeance were suspended till the latter was in secure possession 
 of the country. The battle of Alcantara decided the fate of 
 Portugal ; about a thousand of the Portuguese were slain, and one 
 hundred of the invaders. Lisbon surrendered to the victors, and 
 for three days the suburbs, " and the houses of those in the city 
 who took part in the rebellion" were given up to pillage. " The 
 soldiers made a great booty without practising great violence, "f 
 All tliis time the benevolent sovereign of Spain was at Badajoz, 
 waiting the issue of the war. On receiving the intelhgence of it, 
 he issued an amnesty, perfectly Castlereaghish in its character, 
 excluding all those from its operation who could possibly need to 
 avail themselves of it. When the executions were over, Philip 
 entered Portugal, and soon presented himself to his loving subjects 
 in the capital. Another amnesty was pubhshed " full of restric- 
 tions and artful clauses," Conestaggio admits. Fifty-three persons 
 were excepted by name, the monks generally, and the persons 
 who held any office or employment under the prior. The various 
 measures taken to de-nationalize the Portuguese by his Spanish 
 majesty, are duly commended by his historian ; but he blames 
 Phihp for not abohshing the university of Coimbra. " It would 
 have been a good policy, he ought to have done it." * * * 
 " Because the Portuguese being obhged to make their studies in 
 the Spanish universities, would then expend the first vigor of 
 their youth, and would get accustomed to the Spaniards, and 
 
 * Istoria della Unione, &c. Conestaggio, p. 113. 
 t Conestaggio. 
 
( 10 ) 
 
 return afterwards to Portugal with more affection for the service 
 of the king, and more capacity for official employment." 
 
 Philip's first intention had been to enter the capital, sword in 
 hand, but he was diverted from this purpose by the sagacious 
 counsel of one of his followers, who besought his majesty not to 
 attempt the conquest of the hearts of the Portuguese ; that their 
 only business was with the soil ; they had it, and it was impohtic 
 to manifest either fear or distrust of the inhabitants.* 
 
 In accordance with this sage counsel, Pliihp sheathed the sword 
 and affected magnanimity. He assembled the Cortes at Tomar, 
 had himself proclaimed king, took the oath of fidehty to the con- 
 stitution of the country, and confirmed with his oath the privileges 
 of the people. 
 
 In 1582 Philip issued a decree, which may be considered ana- 
 logous to that of Henry II., at the Council of Lismore, in 1172. 
 He guaranteed to the Portuguese all the rights which had been 
 conferred on them by their sovereign, Dom Manuel, in a charter 
 containing twenty-five articles, securing the independence of their 
 church, of their cortes — in wliich alone laws should be enacted, 
 which related to the affairs of that kingdom, — them aintenance of 
 the manners, customs, and privileges of the people ; the pre- 
 servation of their judicial estabUslmients — for the determination of 
 all suits originating in Portugal ; the employment of none but 
 Portuguese in official situations, (with the exception of that of 
 viceroy), and a perfect equahty of rights, and honourable distinc- 
 tions in Spain for all Portuguese subjects; and for the Portuguese 
 nobility, the "fueros" and immunities which they had liitherto 
 enjoyed. The decree ends with a solemn protestation of his 
 majesty's sincere determination to observe his royal promise, and 
 an injunction to his son and successors to do the same. 
 
 " If they do so, (as I hope), they will be blessed with the 
 benediction of God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, of the 
 glorious Virgin, and of the celestial . court, and with mme. If 
 otherwise, (which I do not beheve), they will be cursed with the 
 malediction of our Lord, of our Lady, of the Apostles, and of 
 the celestial court, and with mine; they will not increase nor 
 prosper, nor advance. Given under my seal, at Lisbon, the 15th 
 
 • Historia del Regno de Portugal, por Faria. p. S4o. 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 of November, 1582." (Signed), " Lope Juarez ; I, the King, 
 Miguel de Moura."* 
 
 In tlie succeeding years of the same monarch's sway in Por- 
 tugal, there were few (if any) of the sworn privileges, rights, and 
 immunities of the people of Portugal, which were not violated. 
 It is hardly credible, that engagements so solemnly entered into, 
 could have been dehberately broken ; but the' fact is incontestible, 
 that they were broken. All that can be said in palliation of such 
 enormous wickedness is, that these engagements were entered 
 into with a desire to fulfil them ; but in culpable forgetfulness of 
 the nature of a government founded on injustice, and wilful 
 ignorance of the means that were essentially necessary to the 
 maintenance of dominion obtained by force and fraud over an 
 independent nation. Ambition, however, never wants pretexts to 
 be perfidious, to secure its triumphs ; all its specious purposes and 
 plausible promises to its victims turn out to be pretences and pre- 
 texts. All its practices are at variance with its pleas for its original 
 aggressions. All its fair intentions of compensating the injured 
 and oppressed by moderation in its rule, and the communication 
 of new advantages, by the extension of commerce, the advance- 
 ment of civilization, the participation in imperial wealth and glory, 
 are defeated by the circumstances of its position, and the neces- 
 sity of maintaining it by an agency, foreign and inimical to the 
 interests of a people reduced from a state of independence, to one 
 of provincialism. 
 
 A Spaniard, remarkable for the laconic truth, and eloquent 
 wisdom of his apothegms, observes : — " La virtuel artificiosa es 
 peer que la maldad porque esta se executa por metho de aquella."f 
 But it is not only artificial virtue, but the simulated justice of 
 illegitimate domination which is worse than open wickedness ; for 
 their execution is carried into effect by means of hypocrisy super- 
 added to injustice. The original vice of unjust dominion, rendered 
 all the good intentions of the second Philip towards subjected Por- 
 tugal, null and of no effect ; for there was no executive principle 
 in laws purporting to be protective, administered by authorities 
 who were the creatures of a foreign'power. If the administration 
 
 * Historia de Portugal, por Faria. p. 348. 
 t Empressas Politicas, por Saveclra. p. 410. 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 of those laws militated against the maintenance of that power, 
 however it might be called, "the Spanish interest in Portugal," — 
 "the King's interest," — "the Imperial interest," — every other 
 consideration would be of little moment compared with the one 
 great reason of state. Tacitus, in a few emphatic words, has 
 shewn the difficulty of repairing the evil of original injustice by 
 any subsequent change of policy. " Nemo enim unquani 
 imperium flagitio qucesitum, bonis artihus exercuit."* 
 
 * Tacitus, Lib. i, Hisst. 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 A DOCUMENT written in the Latin language was found, after the 
 Revolution of 1640, in the Secretary's office, styled, " Counsel 
 given the King Phihp II. when the enterprise against the kingdom 
 of Portugal was in deliberation." This document, truly Ma- 
 chievelian, had been in the possession of the Count Palatine, and 
 is cited in Birago's History. It consists of nineteen articles each 
 recommendatory of a particular hue of policy, and all, with 
 one exception, of consummate iniquity. 
 
 My Hmits do not allow me to transcribe more than seven of 
 them, but they will suffice to give an idea of the kind of counsel 
 which sovereigns, called christian, receive, and in some instance?, 
 rely on, for the maintenance of unjust dominion. 
 
 " The acquisition of Portugal wiU faciUtate the creation of a 
 universal empire. To gain kingdoms no other right is requisite 
 but that of force." 
 
 " The incorporation of Portugal with Spain will render it very 
 easy to bridle Germany, to subject France, to reduce the naval 
 power of England, to intimidate the northern powers ; and your 
 potent majesty will be enabled to circumnavigate the world freely, 
 to spread colonies, to make commercial arrangements, to conquer 
 lands, and finally, to gain every thing worthy of empire. And 
 although the tilings undertaken are arduous, state precepts per- 
 suade that there never was a fitter opportunity." 
 
 " Let the kingdom be happy and cj[uiet for some years, in order 
 that those who at first were inimical to Spaniards, seeing the easy 
 yoke of Spain, may have the desire to be incorporated and united 
 with the latter, in whatever mode it may be done." 
 
 " Between them ( the members of the Braganza family, and 
 the grandees of Spain.) introduce enmity, so that amongst enemies 
 discord may spring up, and amongst your friends concord." 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 " It is equally to be procured that between the other nobles 
 and magnates, ( Spanish) and theirs, discord should exist." 
 
 " Finally, when they are weak and abject, they should be 
 excluded from all public appointments, and all principal secular 
 and ecclesiastical dignities should be given to Spaniards." 
 
 " In this manner all Spain will be reduced to one body, pacific 
 and secure : which God preserve in security and quiet."* 
 
 The article which is an exception in its spirit to the others, and 
 in some respects in contradiction to them, recommends no taxes 
 to be levied, no tribute to be exacted, and any suspicion of the 
 intention of demanding subsidies or contributions to be removed, 
 " by granting every sort of liberty, taking especial care to gar- 
 rison the forts and strongholds with Spanish troops." 
 
 The first Spanish viceroy of Portugal, Albert, Arch Duke of 
 Austria, was received hke his master, with curses, not loud but 
 deep. A celebrated preacher of the Jesuits, P. Luis Alvarez, was 
 appointed to deliver a sermon before him. The Jesuit took up 
 the subject of the palsied man restored to the use of his locomotive 
 organs at the pool of Bethesda. 
 
 The phlegmatic viceroy seemed not to understand the text that 
 was thundered in his ears. " Surge, — tolle grahatam tiiam et 
 ambula !" The cardinal who was sitting beside his highness 
 benevolently whispered in a language with which he was more 
 familiar, — " Most serene Prince, this means to say, ' Else, take up 
 your bundle, and go to your own house.' " " Serenissimo principe, 
 questo vuol dire, ' levatevi su, pigliate il vostro fardello et andate- 
 vene a casa vostra.' "| 
 
 While Philip's dominion in Portugal, ( says Birago,) was weak, 
 he was moderate and merciful, but he was no sooner firmly fixed 
 in the saddle of government, than he threw off the mask and gave 
 vent to the feelings of resentment he harboured against those who 
 had opposed his claim or his arms. 
 
 " Hence deaths were inflicted by a variety of means; sometimes 
 people were executed in prison, at other times in secret places, to 
 which many were transported, without respect to rank, age, sex, 
 or conchtion, put to death, and their bodies thrown into the Tagus. 
 
 • Historia dcUa Disunione, &c. del Birago, p. 120. This document is cited 
 also in the works of John Pinto Ribeiro. 
 
 ■\ Historia della Disuuione de Portugal, del Birago, p. 104. 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 In such great numbers were these executions, that the fishermen 
 who followed then* occupation, ( in the vicinity of the tower of St. i 
 Juhan,) used to find their nets encumbered with dead bodies, 
 some dressed in monastic habits. Those poor people, believing, 
 in their simplicity, that their bad success at various times was / 
 occasioned by a malecUction falhng on the river, which had caused ' 
 the fishes to abandon it, went to the archbishop, suppUcating / 
 him to take ofi:' the excommunication, and in complacency of 
 spirit, he yielded to the wishes of those simple people, and went , 
 in solemn procession to the place on the river, and performed j 
 some rehgious ceremonies in accordance with their wishes, and 
 rumour says, the results were favorable to the fishermen." * 
 * * * * * "All these acts, however, were done by the 
 ministers of the king;, with such dissimulation and cunnino-, that 1 
 room was always left to think that these deaths arose from j)rivate { 
 secret causes. The numbers thus miserably put to death, far ex- ' 
 ceeded 1000 persons." Birago greatly under-rates the number ; ' 
 several writers of that period, estimate the number alone of the 
 clergy secretly made away with, by orders of the Spanish 
 government, in the vicinity of Lisbon, at more than double that 
 number. The fact of the persecution it was at length impossible 
 to conceal. All the professors, and others of the university who 
 had written against the claims of Philip, Avere deprived of their 
 appointments, banished, and pursued with the utmost rigor. 
 One of them, Doctor Luis Correa, a venerable old man who had / 
 obtained an asylum under the roof of the archbishop, by the ! 
 special orders of the king, in a letter of reprehension under his I 
 own hand to the archbishop, was turned out of the house of the 
 latter. Another, Doctor Alphoe, was beheaded at Lisbon, on a 
 frivolous charge of being privy to the existence of the prior of i 
 Crato, in Portugal, at a period when the prior was out of thp 
 kingdom, a refugee in France. 
 
 The most effectual means were taken to destroy even the 
 memory of the old achievements of Portuguese valor, and the 
 spirit of commercial enterprise in the conquered country, till at 
 length the nation being supposed to be completely exhausted, the 
 son and the grand-son of Philip II. scorned any longer to keep 
 
 * Historia della Disunionc, &c. del Birago, p. 76. 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 any terms with the subjected people. All oiffices were filled 
 by Spaniards ; all fortresses garrisoned by them ; the ancient 
 nobility of the country scouted ; appeals from the Portuguese 
 courts of law referred to the Spanish tribunals ; and lastly, it was 
 determined to take away the outward forms and apparent 
 attributes of a state, and to make Portugal in name, as it was in 
 reality — a Spanish province. 
 
 " Restahat per edictum nam effectii jamerat declarare Lusita- 
 niam Castillce proviiitiam contra juramentum recfis." * 
 
 Philip II. died in Spain, the 17th of September, 1598. He 
 married, lilie Julius Caesar, four times ; but Caesar trusted to 
 his sword for his conquests, — Philip took a wife when he lusted 
 for a kingdom, or trembled for his own. He married the Princess 
 Mary of Portugal, the daughter of King John III. of Portugal, 
 and this marriage cemented the tie which gained him the 
 good will of King Henry of Portugal, and eventually brought 
 him a kingdom. He next married our Princess Mary, but that 
 speculation was a failure. His next wife was Isabella, commonly 
 called " of the Peace," daughter of Henry II. of France, which 
 marriage was the price of the pacification of Spain and France. 
 He lastly married Anne of Austria, daughter of the Emperor 
 Maximilian, and that union also contributed to the accomphshment 
 of his political designs. He would have married the widow of the 
 Duke of Braganza to compound his claim, but the wronged 
 woman had the virtue to resist the advances of the invader. His 
 successors, Philip III. and Philip IV., made no account of the 
 solemn compact he had entered into with the people of Portugal. 
 The country was treated as a conquered province, the people 
 as a foreign race, inferior in their intellects to the Spaniards, 
 incapable of governing themselves, and, therefore, every public 
 office was filled by Spaniards, or degenerate Portuguese. The 
 " grants, graces, and privileges," as he called his engagements of 
 1582, were no longer thought of. The ancient institutions of 
 Portugal, (notwithstanding " the graces," which reminds Irishmen 
 ,of those of Charles I.) were changed, the church patronage 
 was disposed of by the renegade Vasconcellos, amongst the 
 minions pf the Spanish minister. The senate and chancery 
 
 • Lusitania Libcrata, p. 537 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 tribunals called the Rela9ao, were transferred from Lisbon to 
 Oporto ; a new system of legal rapacity was introduced ; a passion 
 for litigation was created and encouraged ; which led to the ruin 
 of litigants, and to systematized injustice hitherto unknown."* 
 The trampled country was legislated for in Spain ; burdensome 
 taxes were imposed on it without the consent of its authorities ; 
 the nobility were habitually summoned to attend the court at 
 Madrid ; their income was spent in a foreign country ; the youth 
 of the country was wasted in the wars of Spain ; its treasures 
 were applied to the payment of the expenses of those wars ; the 
 nation's pride in the ancient glories of its Sebastians, its Emanuels, 
 and its Sanchos, — in its hterature, in its conquests and discoveries, 
 was scoffed at, or regarded with suspicion as evidence of a 
 seditious spirit, — of an ancient hatred of the power, and jealousy 
 of the superiority, of the Spanish people. Many of the noblest 
 spirits of Portugal, became the victims of the suspicion of a 
 cowardly despotism ; but it is painful to find that the great body 
 of the people seems to have become degraded and debased by 
 despotism. Traits of servility, sycophancy, and greediness of 
 gain, are recorded by Faria and Vertot, which remind one of the 
 effects of the Turkish yoke on the minds and morals of the 
 people of Greece. We read of their receiving the Pliilips at 
 every visit of theirs to Portugal, with enthusiastic demonstrations 
 of joy, and professions of unbounded affection and attachment. 
 When the third Phihp appeared at the gates of Lisbon, for the 
 first time, Faria tell us, " Before they were opened to him, he had 
 already made his way through the hearts of the inliabitants." 
 They were slaves, and they were debased by slavery. 
 
 During the sway of the Pliilips, Sousa says, no man's life or 
 liberty was safe ; pubhc informers and secret spies were regularly 
 salaried by the state ; and no innocence was a shield against their 
 oaths and denunciations, f It was reputed a great crime to speak 
 on political subjects of any kind, and persons of distinction and in 
 authority, thus offencUng, were summoned to Madrid, to assist the 
 king with their counsel, and the unwary victims no sooner arrived 
 in Spain than they were consigned to noisome dungeons. | 
 
 • Historia de Portugal. Faria, p. 348. 
 t Sousa's Lusitania Liberata, p. 527. 
 ^J Sousa's Lusitania Liberata, p. 226. 
 C 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 A great portion of the revenues of the mihtary orders, of the 
 vacant bishoprics, of charitable and pious institutions, were seized 
 on by the Spanish governors. The nobihty were called out of 
 the kingdom to serve in foreign wars ; the possessions of Portugal 
 were suffered to go to ruin, some were abandoned ; one of their 
 African strongholds was given up to the Moors. Sousa, the 
 ambassador of Dom John IV. in England, in his Lusitania 
 Liherata, gives an account, from official documents, of the various 
 tributes exacted by the Philips on Portugal, from 1619 to 1633, 
 amounting to upwards of six millions of crowns, exclusive of the 
 annual imposts levied in violation of the compact of the second 
 Pliilip, on various commodities, on the revenues of the clergy, and 
 on the product of the industry of the people. On one occasion, 
 from fifteen to twenty different taxes were levied en masse.* 
 
 In the reign of Philip IV. the tyranny of Spain in Portugal 
 reached its height. The prime minister of Spain, the Duke of 
 OHvarez, was a cold, calculating, astute, and unprincipled politician. 
 He might be looked on as the model of the Mazarine and Pitt 
 school of ministers. The grand maxim of this man Avas, that 
 " New conquests require to be exhausted." The whole aim and 
 object of his ambition, was to augment the power and enlarge 
 the territory of Spain. The cost of the attainment of these 
 objects, the sacrifice of life, of character, these triumphs occasioned, 
 were of no import. It mattered not how long these conquests 
 might be retained. Olivarez was content to say, let us extend the 
 limits of our kingdom and increase its power, — to-day let us be 
 called " the first nation," and to-morrow let the empire die. He 
 was a man after Pitt's own heart ; a gambler on a great scale, 
 who played for dominion, and staked the future prosperity and 
 revenues of his country on the turn of a card. The skill of the 
 shufi3.er was supposed to counterbalance the desperate terms of 
 the game. At this period the Duchess of Mantua filled the office 
 of vice queen, the duchess was nearly related to the sovereign, 
 and was nominally possessed of powers almost regal, but virtually 
 restricted and controlled by those of a Portuguse secretary of 
 state, in the immediate confidence of the Spanish minister. 
 
 The secretary, Vasconcellos, was a native of Portugal, a man 
 
 ' Sousa's Lxisitauia Liberata, London, 1645, p. 321. 
 
• Eevolutious iu Spain, vol. 4, p. 
 t Revolutions of Portugal, p. 639 
 
 639. 
 
 ( 
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 in the prime of life, descended from an ancient family, possessed 
 of no shining talents, but able and indefatigable in transacting the 
 business of liis office ; he was the Castlereagh of Portugal. All 
 his interests and his feelings were Spanish ; he sought only his 
 own advancement and the favor of the foreign minister ; he had 
 no attachment to liis country ; and that inclination for its good, 
 with which nature inspu^es most men, was neither felt nor affected 
 by liim. In the words of an old author (who wi^ote before our 
 Irish Vasconcellos was born,) — " he was entirely devoted to the 
 Spanish minister, and could not obhge him in any thing so much 
 as by keeping Portugal in oppression. He was a person of an 
 acute and penetrating judgment, indefatigably diligent, merciless 
 and unrelenting, without rehgion or friend s, and wholly taken up f 
 with the care ^fjn yentin £_ajid^establi§MQg new tax es, in order to 
 fill his own and his patron's coffers."* "The Spaniards," continues 
 the same author, "treated the Portuguese with the utmost tyranny, 
 imagining that being thus oppressed, their wretched condition 
 would keep it out of their power to attempt the shaking off of 
 their detested yoke. A particular care was taken to recommend 
 those maxims to aU such as had a share in the government of 
 those reahns."t 
 
 Thus, the kingdom of Portugal was united to the crown of 
 Spain. Thus, Portugal was governed by Spaniards for Spain, 
 under the iron rule of the three Pliihps, from the year 1580 to 
 1640, which was nearly as uifamous as that of the thi'ee Georges 
 in Ireland ; for it was impossible for it to have been much worse, 
 except in the times of Elizabeth and Cromwell. 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Henry II. made the acquisition of Ireland by means altogether 
 different from those which the second Philip employed to acquire 
 Portugal. He set up no pretensions in right of kindred, or legi- 
 timate succession to the crown. He allowed his subjects to adopt 
 "the good old rule, the simple plan," to secure a footing in the 
 country ; and when intestine feuds had been fomented, the princes 
 and the chiefs set by the ears, and the whole nation sufficiently 
 bewildered and exhausted, to make liis appearance in the 
 distracted country not only safe to himself, but salutary in the 
 opinion of the people, he came as a benefactor, and was received 
 as one whose protection was essential to them against his lawless 
 subjects. But even so far as we have glanced at the wantonness 
 of power, and the abused prosperity of two great nations, possessed 
 more with a lust of dominion than a desire of governing well the 
 ample kingdoms committed to their care, we observe the tendency 
 of imperial ambition to push on incessantly its conquests and 
 encroachment, once the rein is given to its violence ; to make use 
 of all means to effect its object, without regard to justice, or the 
 inevitable results of its violation at some future period. 
 
 The morals of powerful nations are regulated and governed by 
 interests which seem, by a necessary law of their constitution, to 
 make the extension of dominion grow with the growth of empire. 
 
 " Vetiis et jampridem hisita mortalium potentice, cupido cum 
 imperii magnitudine adolevit erupitque."* 
 
 The operation of this inordinate lust of power and dominion, 
 however slow, is sure in its destructiveness. The same cause which 
 elevates and aggrandizes empires, brings them into ruin. 
 
 Augustus foresaw the evils and the end of the Roman aggran- 
 
 • Tac. Hist. 2. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 clizement — " addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminas 
 imperii."* 
 
 Adi'ian not only counselled but prescribed bounds to be set to 
 his dominions ; because, as we are told by Quintus Curtius, he 
 deemed it "easier to enlarge than to retain them." But the 
 wisdom of Adrian, and the foresight of Augustus, are not to be 
 found in the pohcy of the princes of later times. 
 
 The maxim, that great nations must make great wars to advance 
 great interests, implies that great power is never stationary. 
 " Aut a^cendit — aut descendit ;" like the arrow in the air, it must 
 either rise or fall; and it necessarily follows, the higher it mounts, 
 the nearer it must be to the point of declination. 
 
 Seneca ascribed the decline of imperial power to the malign 
 influence of fortune — "fati maligna perpetuaque in omnibus rebus 
 lex est, ut ad summum perducta rursus ad infinum velocius 
 quidem, quam ascenderunt relabantur." 
 
 But the application of the maxim to the evils of decrepit domi- 
 nation, that the extension of its hmits or its power is essential to 
 its being, or that great nations must make great wars to maintain 
 their stations in the sphere of empires, is the mahgn influence of 
 folly, which Seneca ascribes to fate, that eventually brings down 
 the greatest empires, and far more speedily than they rose. 
 
 It has been justly observed by Livy, that " it was more easy 
 to cause the majesty of kings to descend from their summit to the 
 base, than to precipitate it from a middle to the lowest state." 
 
 Why not, then, rather prefer the security of that middle state 
 to the perils of the descent from the summit ? But false shame 
 forbids imperial interest to remain in statu quo, or to seek 
 security in " medias res;" and thus the efforts made to conceal 
 diminished power contribute to debilitate it still more. 
 
 An eminent Spanish author, Dom Savedra Faxardo, in a work 
 of inestimable value, " Idea de un Principe Pohtico y Christano," 
 pubUshed in 1695, compares " the stabihty of a great empire to 
 that of a column self-sustained, the equihbrium of which, once lost, 
 it inclines and falls, and the heavier it is the greater is the velocity 
 of its descent." * * * * "So it is," he says, " with empires ; their 
 equihbrium is authority and good repute. When they begin to 
 
 • Tac. Hist. 1, 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 lose these they begm to fall, without power being able to sustain 
 them ; on the contrary, it tends to the fall of the very greatness 
 of kingdoms. A column perfectly upright resists gigantic eiforts — 
 one that inclines a child is capable of throwing down, because the 
 incUnation favours the impulse ; and, in falUng, there are no arms 
 strong enough to elevate it. An act overwhelms reputation, and 
 many other acts are not sufficient for its restoration, because there 
 is no stain that men try to efface that does not leave a mark, nor 
 opinion that is wholly changed." * * * * 
 
 " Infamy that is remedied leaves crevices in the visage ; and 
 thus the crown, not being planted on the upright column of jus- 
 tice, falls to the ground." * * * * 
 
 " Even when the ruin of empires stares us in the face, better is 
 to risk the loss than to lose the reputation by wliich only it can 
 be retrieved."* 
 
 The same profound thinker, who, in a long diplomatic career 
 had sounded all the depths and shoals of state poHcy, observed, 
 that " empires would be perjDetual if princes would accommodate 
 them well to their power, their power to their reason, and their 
 reason to existing circumstances." 
 
 As nothing can be reasonable that is not just, justice and 
 moderation are the bases on which the Spanish sage rests the hope 
 of an empire's perpetuation. 
 
 Spain in 1620 was at the acme of its power : the wealth of the 
 new world was pouring into that El dorado of the continent. 
 The surfeit of her prosperity distempered her rulers' brains. 
 They lusted for more dominion ; they aspired to the estabhshment 
 of universal sway in Europe. They dreamt of making a great 
 Iberian empire out of the united kingdoms of Portugal and Spain ; 
 of subjugating England by its invincible armada; of placing an 
 Infanta of Spain on the throne of France. As far as the magnifi- 
 cent iniquity of the scheme was concerned, the grandeur of this 
 " baseless fabric of a vision" was worthy of the conception of the 
 son of Charles V. 
 
 It cannot be said that no wreck has been left behind ; the 
 Escurial, the Armada, and the conquest of Portugal, are lasting 
 monuments of the wrecked ambition of the Spanish sovereign. 
 
 * Idea de un Principe Politico, por Savedra, p. 194. 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 The Kiiig of England, in 1172, played the game of the PhUips, 
 in France and Ireland, but for smaller stakes, and with some suc- 
 cess in the latter kingdom. He won it, but his successors were 
 not content to retain their winnings on the original terms of the 
 game, — the compact with the Irish people. They repented that 
 the latter had not been entirely " cleaned out," and as there was 
 no more play at " treaties," recourse was had to open robbery. 
 Thus, Ireland was cheated into acquiescence with British rule, 
 and then robbed of its advantages. 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Prior to the time of Henry II., the christian rehgion was 
 estabhshed in Ireland ; letters, as they were then cultivated in 
 Europe, flourished ; the state was divided into six principahties, 
 each of wliich had its ruler ; the nation one code of laws, (the 
 ancient Brehon code) ; and at the period of the descent of the 
 English adventurers, one sovereign, whose supremacy was ac- 
 knowledged by all, but which had httle more in it of the attributes 
 of supreme power, than a nominal recognition, and the periodical 
 assemblage of the chiefs and nobles of the land in the legislative 
 councils of the Royal House of Teamor. 
 
 The wars of succession of the various regal chieftains, the 
 necessary consequence of the pecuhar laws of descent and inheri- 
 tance (of Tanistry, as they are called), from the earhest times had 
 been productive of strife and bloodshed; the weakness that ensued 
 from them was at length taken advantage of by a handful of 
 needy adventurers, the aUies of a prince who had been driven 
 from liis possessions on account of liis crimes, Dermot M'Murrogh, 
 King of Leinster, of infamous memory. 
 
 This man's treason to his country originated partly in his 
 tyrannous conduct as a prince, and partly in the criminal courses 
 of liis private life. 
 
 The vengeance of O'Rorke, King of Breiffny, whose honor he 
 had injured, drove him from his country, and led to his alliance 
 with a foreign nation, like the Count Juhan, who invited the 
 Moors into Spain, to be revenged of the lung Roderick, whom he 
 suspected of dishonoring his daughter. 
 
 The fragment of Irish history of Maurice Regan, servant and 
 secretary to Dermot, translated into French, and from thence 
 into EngUsh, by the Lord President, Sir George Carew, gives 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 the most authentic account extant, not excepting that of Cam- 
 brensis, of the events connected with this foreign alhance. 
 
 I refer to it merely for facts omitted or but shghtly noticed in 
 Davies' Historical Tracts, which shew the nature of the descent 
 made in Ireland, and the success of the adventurers, and that of 
 their sovereign at a subsequent period. Dermot had gone over 
 to France in 1168, to soUcit aid from Henry II., who was then 
 in that kingdom, and had returned with vague and general 
 assurances of support, and some letters of license to his English 
 subjects to grant assistance, for which encouragement the Prince 
 of Desmond had " acknowledged Henry to be his lord, and pro- 
 mised to serve him faithfully during his life." 
 
 Dermot proceeded to Bristol, where he entered into negotiations 
 with Richard, Earl of Strigul (Strongbow), for succours to re- 
 establish liim in his kingdom. The earl refused to give the 
 required aid without the king's special license, the price of wliich 
 was to be the daughter of Dermot, "and after his death the king- 
 dom of Leinster." In the meantime Dermot was recommended to 
 go to Wales, " to visit a king called Hice (Fitzgriffiths), to desyre 
 him to enlardge out of prison a gentleman called Robert Fitz- 
 Stephen." The prisoner was set at large, and Regan was sent 
 with letters through Wales " promising all such as would come to 
 serve hym (Dermot) in hys wars in Ireland, large recompense in 
 landes of inlieritance to souch as would staye in the countrye." 
 The liberated prisoner, " and some nine or ten knights of good 
 account," got together a force "in allneare about the number of 
 300 horsemen and foot." 
 
 In 1169, according to Regan (Cambrensis says May, 1179), 
 this band of marauders landed at Bann, near Wexford, which 
 place surrendered to Dermot after two assaults. Dermot raised 
 3000 men, and with this force, and that of the Enghsh, proceeded 
 against the King of Ossory. A bloody battle ensued, which 
 endured from morning till night. Dermot was successful. " He 
 harassed and burnt all the country, and returned with a large 
 prey." Another battle with the men of Ossory took place with 
 like result ; " two hundred and twenty were slaine, whose heads 
 were presented to Dermot." Cambrensis makes the number three 
 hundred, and relates an exploit of Dermot worthy of him : — Among 
 the heads he found one of a man to whom he bore a mortal hatred ; 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 he took the head up by the hair and ears, and bit away the nose 
 and hps.* 
 
 He proceeded making various forays in the territories of the 
 chiefs of Ossory, Leix, and OiFaley, till 1170, when O'Connor, the 
 " monarque of Ireland," with an army of 60,000 men, intended 
 for the siege of Dublin, was signally defeated at Finglass. 
 
 In 1172, previously to the king's arrival, Waterford, Wexford, 
 and Dublm were in possession of the English adventurers. The 
 number that had come over previous to 1170, according to 
 Regan, was 300 with Fitz-Stephen — with Maurice Fitz-Gerald, 
 number blank — with Remond le Grosse 10 knights and some foot, 
 not exceedmg 100 (Cambrensis says 300) — with the Earl of 
 Pembroke 1500 or 1600 soldiers. But in 1170, Miles de Cogan 
 was at the head of 700 — Remond le Grosse's regiment was 800 
 strong ; the total number of English being 4500. 
 
 In 1172 Henry II. landed near Waterford, attended by the 
 Earl of Pembroke (previously recalled from Ireland), "with divers 
 other lords, earls, and barons, besides 400 knights and 4000 
 solcUers." 
 
 The following year the news of the Prince Henry's rebellion 
 obliged the king " to take provisional orders" for the affairs of 
 Ireland, which having accomplished, he embarked at Wexford 
 for his kingdom, having attempted no enterprise against the un- 
 subdued natives of Ireland, contenting himself with receiving the 
 nominal submission of many chiefs, according to Cambrensis, of 
 " all Ireland, saving Ulster ;" and, on Davies' authority, of " all 
 the petty kings or great lords within Leinster, Connaught, and 
 Munster, who submitted themselves unto him, promised to pay 
 him tribute, and acknowledged him their chief and sovereign 
 lord."t 
 
 Henry never drew the sword in Ireland, nor aspired to any 
 other higher title than " Lord of Ireland," nor demanded other 
 subjection of the chiefs and kings than that degree of submission 
 which consisted in paying tribute, leaving with them " all other 
 points of sovereignty," in the words of Davies, and in all his 
 
 • Harris's Hibernica, p. 17. 
 
 f Sir John Davies' Discovery of the true causes why Ireland was never 
 thoroughly under obedience to the Crown of England, p. 8. 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 compacts with them, the style of kings, as in his compact with 
 Roderick in 1175. Rodericum regent conactce. In the reign of 
 his successor, and hkewise of Richard II., the same regal titles 
 were given to the native rulers in all pubhc documents. In the 
 reign of Henry III. the title of king was given to the king of 
 Thomond — to another "regulus" — senior to a third; and down 
 to the reign of Ehzabeth similar titles of the petty kings and 
 prmces were recognised and given, in numerous documents stiU 
 existing in the records of the Irish chancery and exchequer. 
 
 Conquest there was none ; nor is there any claimed by the 
 English historian of any eminence who treats of those times, 
 " until the 39th year of Queen Elizabeth, when that royal army 
 was sent over to suppress Tyrone's rebellion, which made an end 
 of, and absolute conquest of, all the Irish."* 
 
 The " absolute conquest" spoken of in this passage is somewhat 
 at variance with the title of the author's book, wherein his 
 inquiry is plainly founded on the fact, that " Ireland was never 
 brought under obechence to the crown of England." 
 
 From the time of Henry II. to the end of Cromwell's reign, 
 Ireland was garrisoned, not governed, by England. Wars with 
 the English, that were called rebelhons, were the rule — truces, 
 that did not deserve the name of peace, the exception. 
 
 It was not until the reign of James I. that a disposition was 
 shown in Ireland to own allegiance to the British crown ; in the 
 reign of the second Charles that there was a more general acqui- 
 escence in the claim of Enghsh sovereignty ; and in the reign of 
 his successor, a complete acknowledgement of allegiance to the 
 sovereign who sat upon the Enghsh throne. The revolution, the 
 Irish people thought, did not abrogate their allegiance to the 
 Stuarts ; they clung with desperate fidelity to the royal cause. 
 They were defeated at the Boyne, but their devotion, ill-deserved 
 though it was, to the fallen Stuarts, was not conquered, and the 
 accession of the daughter of James II. to the throne, in the person 
 of Queen Anne, was the means of transferring once more their 
 allegiance to the crown of England. 
 
 Hume was not unmindful of their fidelity as subjects, when he 
 described the cathohc people as, " loyal from principle, attached 
 
 ' Sir John Davies' Discov. &c., p. 4. 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 to regal power from religious education, uniformly opposing 
 popular frenzy, and zealous vindicators of royal prerogatives." 
 
 The chiefs and princes who submitted to Henry II. retained 
 their own customs and laws, even so late as the reign of Elizabeth. 
 The tanistry law of descent prevailed; and the brehons, or 
 judges, chosen by the Irish tribes, were the cliief dispensers of 
 the law. 
 
 Previously to the reign of James I. no regular circuits were 
 established, nor did the king's writs extend into the provinces. 
 Till the reign of Edward VI. the English government was con- 
 fined to a colony which occupied a space of about twenty-six 
 square miles. 
 
 An act of parliament of Henry VIII. the 13th year of his reign, 
 chapter 3, declares, " there are only four shires where the king's 
 laws are occupied on this land," namely, Dublin, Kildare, Meath, 
 and Louth.* 
 
 The occupation of Ireland in the different reigns referred to, 
 (the extension of " the pale" to the precincts of the strongholds 
 successively acquired), resembled very much the establishment of 
 Enghsh power on the western coast of Africa, and as it exists 
 to this day, at all the British settlements south of Sierra Leone, 
 and northward of the Line. The fortified places and the territory 
 within the range of the guns of the several forts, formed the pos- 
 sessions wherein British law was supposed to prevail, and beyond 
 which British power hardly extended, except when occasionally 
 put forth against hostile tribes in their vicinity. The coast was 
 garrisoned, but the country remained unconquered, and unpos- 
 sessed by the sea-board settlers. 
 
 The question of Ireland's separate and distinct existence, as 
 an independent kingdom, being recognised by the first English 
 sovereign who received the submission of the principal rulers and 
 chiefs of the Irish septs, on their entering into treaty with him, is 
 not contradicted. 
 
 Henry, on his return from Ireland, gave the lordship of Ireland 
 to his youngest son, John, " Sans terre," as he was called, and 
 the Pope confirmed the gift, and sent him a crown of peacocks' 
 feathers. Whether his holiness was prone to waggery or not, 
 
 • History of the Irish Parliament, by Lord Mountmorres, vol. i. p. 42. 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 J • history Joes not inform us. The value of the confirmation is not 
 < ^ oi much importance — if it were of consequence, the following 
 i s allegation of the motives which induced his holiness to make a 
 t ^ present of Ireland to young " Lackland's" father, might be read 
 I A with some interest. The bull of the Pope, investing Henry 11. with 
 s~^\n the lordship of Ireland, sets forth the object of the king in flying 
 1 , colours : — " to enter the island of Ireland, in order to reduce the 
 I K people to obedience, into laws, and to extirpate the seeds of vice." 
 > ***(.' ^Yg therefore, with that grace and acceptance suited 
 
 v\ to your pious and laudable designs, and favourably assenting to 
 ^ your petition, do hold it good and acceptable, that for extending 
 the borders of the church, restraining the progress of vice, for the 
 >j^ correction of manners, the planting of virtue, and the increase of 
 ^ religion, you enter this island and execute therein whatever shall 
 V appertain to the honor of God, and welfare of the land." * * * 
 How faithfully were these designs carried into execution, by 
 Henry and his successors, by Henry VIII., Edward III., James, 
 Charles, Elizabeth, Cromwell, the second Charles, William, Anne, 
 "^ and bv three of the Georges ! 
 
 When the lust of dominion, and the rage for territorial plunder, 
 
 ^ and the concomitant hatred of the oppressed and plundered, takes 
 
 V possession of the breasts of sovereigns, why cannot they leave the 
 
 holy name of religion unprofaned, the blessed aim of planting 
 
 virtue, restraining vice, and correcting manners, unpolluted by 
 
 V 
 
 "^^ these pretensions ? 
 
 The separate, distinct, and independent state of Ireland, con- 
 tinued under the lordship of John, during the reign of Richard I., / .V ' 
 and when the former succeeded his brother Richard, by the 
 elevation of the lord of Ireland to the English throne, the two 
 crowns were united in John's person, and Ireland ceased to be a 
 J separate nation, but still continued a distinct kingdom. 
 \, The question of the kind of dominion which England gained 
 
 ^ over Ireland, is one that peculiarly belongs to the subject of this 
 ^ volume. It is nothing short of the greatest absurdity or most 
 ^ \ stupid arrogance to treat this matter as a mere topic of antiqua- 
 ^ rian interest. It is of vital interest to the question of the justice 
 or injustice of the withdrawal from Ireland of the distinctive 
 attribute of an independent kingdom. 
 
 The dominion gained over Ireland by the sister kingdom, must 
 
 /(/%U^-f 
 
 /. 
 
 //.A. 
 
 
 .ttZ 1^^/^^^ c^VL ^-1-/A.^ ^^/X ^f) 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 have been effected by one or other of the following means : — by 
 conquest, or inheritance, by purchase, by cession, or assent. 
 
 Ireland, certainly, was neither conquered, inherited, nor pur- 
 chased. 
 
 The princes and cliiefs of Ireland who had suffered from the 
 ravages of the lawless and rapacious English adventurers, whose 
 excesses appear to have been as barbarous as they were impo- 
 litic, hailed the presence of Henry in Ireland with joy, for some 
 of them had been already in communication with him, remon- 
 strating against the cruel and wanton acts of his subjects, and had 
 been given to understand that these proceedings of the adven- 
 turers were not countenanced by him. They entered into treaty 
 with him on his arrival, agreed to acknowledge him as their liege 
 lord, on condition of receiving all the protection and privileges 
 which were conceded to his own subjects. 
 
 The hmited and conditional dominion acquired by Henry 
 became gradually extended, though invariably resisted whenever 
 it passed the original limits ; and finally, in subsequent reigns, 
 when the force of tyranny and of circumstances rendered resist- 
 ance unavailing, the authority unjustly extended was acquiesced 
 in, leaving the right, however, to be reclaimed and recovered to 
 the possession of the same institutions which England enjoyed. 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The nature of the dominion gained in Ireland by Henry 11. and 
 his successors is the subject of this chapter, 
 
 Davies commences his work with an inquiry, " whether the 
 Enghsh forces in Ireland were, at any time, of sufficient strength 
 to make a full and final conquest of that land ?" and leaves it to 
 be inferred that no such conquest had been made, notwithstanding 
 aU the " extraordinary armies transmitted out of England." 
 
 We have seen what the amount of the extraordinary army was 
 in the time of Henry II. — a handful of needy adventurers, with all 
 their reinforcements not exceeding 5000 or 6000 men, and what 
 the extent of their acquisition was, namely, the possession of 
 the capital and three or four towns of importance. 
 
 Henry came and went, and did not conquer ; for Davies tells us 
 he departed " without di'awing the sword," " not leaving behind 
 him one true subject more than those he found there at his coming 
 over, which were only the EngUsh adventurers spoken of before." 
 He calls that state of dominion " a perfect conquest of a country 
 which doth reduce all the people of a country to the condition of 
 subjects; and those I call subjects, which are governed by the 
 ordinary laws and magistrates of the sovereign. For though the 
 prince doth beare the title of sovereign lord of an entire country 
 (as our kings did of all Ireland), yet if there be two third parts of 
 that country wherein he cannot punish treason, murder, or theft, 
 unless he sends an army to do it, if the jurisdiction of his ordinary 
 courts of justice doth not extend into these parts to protect the 
 people from wrong and oppression, — if he have no certain revenues, 
 no escheats, or forfeitures out of the same, I cannot justly say 
 that such a country is wliolly conquered. 
 
 "* 
 
 ■Discovery of the true cause." Edu. 1747. Page 10. 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 Vattel, in his admirable work,* makes six distinct states of in- 
 dependence of kingdoms, in partial subjection to others, superior 
 to them in strength. 
 
 The 1st, " Des etats Ues par des alhances inegales." 
 
 2nd, " Des etats lies par les traites de protection." 
 
 3rd, " Des etats tributaires." 
 
 4th, " Des etats feuditaires." 
 
 5th, " Des etats soumis au memo prince." 
 
 6th, " Des etats federatives." 
 
 Respecting the first he says, " On doit done compter au nombre 
 des Souveraines ces etats qui sont hes a un autre, plus puissant, 
 par un alliance inegale dans laquelle, comme I'a dit Aristote, on 
 donne au plus puissant plus d'honneur, et au plus faible plus de 
 secours. Les conditions de ces alhances inegales peuvent varier 
 a I'infinie. Mais quelle quelles soient, si pourvu que I'allie infe- 
 rieur se reserve le souverainete, ou le droit de se gouverner par 
 lui-meme, il doit etre regarde comme un etat independant, qui 
 commerce avec les autres sous I'autorite de droit des gens." 
 
 This droit des gens, he tells us in a preceding chapter, imposes 
 a general obligation, — a primary law which binds the society of 
 nations. " Que chaque nation doit contribuer au bonheur, et a la 
 perfection des autres, de tout ce qui est en son pouvoir." And in 
 a note he cites the following passage from Xenophon, " If we find 
 a man always seeking his own advantage without troubling him- 
 self with his duty to others, nor the obligations of friendship, why 
 should we spare him when an opportunity presents itself?" Of 
 dominion acquired by treaties of protection, Vattel says : — " Un 
 etat faible qui pour sa surete se met sous la protection d'un 
 plus puissant, et s'engage en reconnaissance a plusieurs devoirs 
 equivalens a cette protection, sans toutefois se depouillcr de son 
 gouvernement et de son souverainete, cet etat, dis-je, ne cesse pas 
 pour cela de figurer parmi les souverains qui ne reconnaissent 
 d'autre loi que le droit des gens." 
 
 Of tributary states, he says : — " II n'y a pas plus de difiiculte 
 a regard des etats tributaires. Car bien qu'un tribut paye a une 
 puissance etrangerc, diminuc quelque chose do la diguite de ces 
 etats, etant un avou de leur faiblcsse, il laisse subsister entierement 
 
 • Le Droit des gens, par Vattel. 1802. vol. i, p. 26. 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 leur souverainete." Of feudal states he says: — "Lorsque I'hom- 
 mage, laissant subsister I'independance et I'autorite souveraine 
 dans radministration de I'etat, emporte seulement certains devoirs 
 envers le Seigneur du fief, au meme un simple reconnaissance 
 lionorifique, il n'empeche j>oint que I'etat, ou le prince feuda- 
 taire, ne soit veritablement souverain." 
 
 Of two states submitted to the same prince, he says : — " Deux 
 etats souverains peuvent aussi etre soumis au meme prince, sans 
 aucune dependance de I'un envers I'autre, et chacun retient ses 
 droit de nation libre et souverain." 
 
 Of states forming a federative republic, he says : — " Enfin 
 plusicurs etats souverains et independans peuvent s'unir ensemble 
 par un confederation perpetuelle, sans cesser d'etre chacun en 
 particulier un etat parfait. lis formeront ensemble un republique 
 federative : les deliberations communes ne donneront aucune 
 atteinte a la souverainete de chaque membre, quoiqu'elles en 
 puissent gener 1 exercise a certains egards en vertu d'engagemens 
 volontaires." 
 
 There are some inaccuracies in the preceding observations, with 
 respect to the nations subjected to the Romans, being governed 
 by their own laws. 
 
 The nature of these institutions, the degree of independence, 
 Habihty to tribute or taxes, or exemption from them, we find, by 
 the fifteenth book of the Pandects, entirely depended on the 
 nature of the rights accorded to them, whether colonial, muni- 
 cipal, or Italic* Nor is it the fact, that the deprivation of the 
 power of making war or alliance, is a proof of servitude or com- 
 plete dependence. 
 
 In the case of the federal states, when they voluntarily enter 
 into engagements, whereby they leave matters of external policy 
 to a congress, in which they are represented, they do not relin- 
 quish their independence. The true and indisputable evidences 
 of complete subjection to a foreign power, efiected by force of 
 arms or menaced violence, is unqualified submission to the victor 
 or invader, — without any stipulation for the enjoyment of their own 
 laws, the maintenance of their own institutions, or the communi- 
 
 • Lib. Digestorum 50us ild mauicipalera et de incolis, ap. corpus juris civilis 
 a Gothofredo. Cologne, 1616, page 1815, vol. i. 
 D 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 cation of those of the people who have gained complete dominion 
 over them. Here then, we have all the forms of partial subjec- 
 tion set forth, and in none of them is that partial subjection held 
 to be a status fatal to independence. 
 
 A state that has passed under the unqualified domination of 
 another, is thus spoken of by Vattel : — " Mais un peuple qui a 
 passe sous la domination d'un autre, ne fait plus un etat, et ne 
 pent plus se servir directement du droit des gens. Tels furent les 
 peuples et les royaumes que les Remains soumirent a leur empire, 
 la plupart meme de ceux qu'ils honoroient du noms d'amis et 
 d'allies, ne formaient plus de vrais etat. lis se gouvernaient dans 
 I'interieur par leur propre lois et par leur magistrats, mais au 
 dehors oblige de suivre en tout les ordres de Rome n'osaient faire 
 d'eux meme, ni guerre, ni aUiance : ils ne pouvaient traiter avec 
 les nations." 
 
 In Molyneux's Case of Ireland, in rebutting the claim set up 
 to Ireland as " a colony of England," reference is made to the 
 state of subjugation in which' the conquered, or otherwise acquired, 
 possessions of Rome, were held under the name of colonies. 
 
 It seems to me, the nature of the tenure and government of 
 those territorial spoils or acquisitions of Rome, is disparaged by 
 any comparison with the kind of occupation which passed for 
 government in Ireland. 
 
 The Romans made a very broad distinction in the institutions 
 they gave or left with the people of countries and kingdoms volun- 
 tarily connected with them, or violently reduced to subjection, 
 distinguished for their heroism, or degraded by former servitude. 
 The territories acquired, and even particular cities and towns, 
 were ruled under various degrees of imperial favour, and with 
 immunities and privileges of different kinds : some had conferred 
 on them what was called the "jus Latii," and subsequently "jus 
 Italicumf others, the "jus coloniarium," and others the "jus 
 municipiorum." The Italians, who had linked themselves to the 
 fortunes of Rome, were looked on more as fellow-subjects than 
 foreign alhes or feudal vassals. They were permitted to enter the 
 Roman legions — magisterial offices were open to them, and had 
 equal privileges with the Romans, with the exception of the ex- 
 ercise of the suffrage. Eventually the latter was conceded to 
 them, and first to them, of all the nations in subjection to the 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 Romans. Hence, this liigh privilege was called "jus Latii." In 
 its extended form it was called "jus civium," and was accounted 
 the highest distinction of all conferred on those who were not 
 natiu'al born subjects. This state of goTernment was_the summit 
 of the ambition of the subjected nations (who had no power to 
 recover their independence). Next to it, in point of dignity, was 
 that of a province or a city called Colonia. In some instances the 
 "jus Latii" were superadded to their other privileges. The title 
 and immunities of the system, called " municipiiim," are by some 
 authors considered of greater eminence than those of the colonial ; 
 the great distinction between them appears to have been the pri- 
 vilege of retaining their own laws and customs, conceded to the 
 people, entitled " municipes.'" 
 
 But the great distinguisliing characteristic of Roman conquest 
 and domination at all times, and in all countries, seems to have 
 been its readiness to communicate its laws to the people subjected 
 to its power, and its wisdom in abstaining from forcing its religion 
 on the natives it had reduced by force of arms, acquu'ed by its 
 wily pohcy, or terrified into submission by the privilege of its 
 power. 
 
 Puifendorf, in his great work on the rights and duties of citi- 
 zens, has treated the question of the employment of force against 
 foreign nations in the following plain terms, which no sophistry 
 can pervert from their obvious, rational, and philosophical signifi- 
 cation. The only objection that can be raised is to the reference 
 to the disposal of captives, which is unworthy of the author. 
 
 " No just and legitimate war can be made except for three gene- 
 ral causes : — To defend ourselves and what belongs to us from an 
 unjust aggressor; — or, to bring to reason those who refuse to 
 render what they are indebted to us ; — or, to obtain reparation 
 for damage or a wi'ong which they have done us, and security 
 that will leave no injury to be feared in future at their hands. 
 The wars which are undertaken for the first cause are defensive, 
 and for the other two motives offensive."* 
 
 In the chapter devoted to the consideration of the question, 
 " of the different methods of acquiring sovereignty, especially in 
 a monarchy," he says : — " Every legitimate government is founded 
 
 * Puffcudorf, lib. xi. chap. 16. 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 on the consent of subjects, — but on that consent in diiFerent ways. 
 Sometimes a people is constrained, by force of arms, to submit 
 to the domination of a conqueror, — sometimes, also, the people, of 
 its own special movement, offers to some person the sovereign 
 authority, and confers it with a full and entire liberty." 
 
 " One acquires, or, rather, according to the common mode of 
 expression, one seizes on the sovereignty by way of conquest, 
 when, having a just cause of war against a people, that people is 
 reduced, by the superior force of arms, to the necessity of 
 submitting henceforward to one domination." 
 
 " This legitimate conquest is founded not only on the circum- 
 stance of the conqueror being able, if he wished, to make a 
 rigorous use of the right of war, to take away the hves of the 
 vanquished, permitting them to ransom their lives at the expense 
 of their liberty, as the least of the two inevitable evils, by which 
 he exercises, besides, a praise-ivorthy act of clemency." 
 
 " But still it may be said, that the vanquished, having engaged 
 in war against him, after having offended him, and refused the 
 just satisfaction they owed him, they are consequently exposed 
 to the fate of arms, and have tacitly consented beforehand to all 
 the conditions that the conqueror may impose on them." * 
 
 Now, it is not pretended by any historian, that the adventurers 
 who were the subjects of Henry II., made a just and legitimate 
 war on the Irish. They made war for territorial plunder, and 
 stipulated for the spoil before they quitted their own land — for 
 their " cantreds" of lands in Wexford and its vicinity, as we find 
 by the account of two contemporary writers. 
 
 As for Henry, he made no war in Ireland ; he went there 
 rather to prefer his sovereign claim to the chief territorial spoil 
 of his plundering subjects, than to pillage on his own account. 
 Indeed, the force he brought with him was insufficient for any 
 extensive marauding in any of the provinces. But, on any 
 of the grounds laid down by Puffendorf, he certainly was not 
 justified in sharing in the spoils. 
 
 He had received no injury from the Irish; they owed him 
 nothing ; he had no plea of aggression, for seeking to secure his 
 dominions by invading their territory. 
 
 * PiiflFendorf, lib. xi., chap. 10. 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Resistance to invasion and domination, partially and tempo- 
 rarily subdued, or in other terms the suppression of rebellions, at 
 various periods, in different parts of the country, is the principal 
 ground on which early English dominion is founded in Ireland. ' 
 
 This is the kind of conquest, in right of which Coke and 
 Blackstone claimed for England the power to make laws for 
 Ireland. Many rebellions have been put down in England and 
 Scotland, but the Scotch and English people are not accounted 
 conquered, — and if they were so, the conqueror would still be 
 bound to make all the amends in his power to the subdued 
 nation for the calamities which liis hostilities had brought upon it, 
 by means of good government. 
 
 A faithful discharge of engagements, — toleration in matters of 
 religious opinions, — and the maintenance either of the laws and 
 customs of the country ; or the introduction of those of the 
 conqueror, with the concurrence, or in reality for the advantage, 
 of the conquered nation. 
 
 Puffendorf, (in a passage cited in a previous chapter,) speaks of 
 a perfect conquest giving a right to a victor to dispose of the 
 lives and liberties of the vanquished — to kill or enslave the latter 
 at his option. Puffendorf, however, stands alone in the maintenance 
 of this opinion. Vattel and Filangeri admit the power, but do not 
 recognize the right ; on the contrary, they acknowledge no just 
 cause of war, but the maintenance of the honor and security of 
 a state, by means that are just as well as humane ; and con- 
 sequently, the highest injustice that man can commit on man, 
 namely, reduction to a state of personal or political slavery, 
 deprivation of just laws, and the violation of those of humanity, 
 receives no sanction from them. 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 Sufficient has been said to show that in any sense of the term 
 conquest, Ireland cannot be said to have been acquired, or to be 
 retained, by any rights which that term imphes. 
 
 This fact is plainly admitted by Sir John Davies, the Enghsh 
 attorney-general of James I., in the title of his work, written and 
 published in the reign of that sovereign ; though, strange to say, 
 in the first chapter of that treatise he contradicts his title, and 
 states that Ireland was conquered in the 39th year of the reign of 
 Elizabeth ; and again contradicts that assertion in the last chapter, 
 and states, that it was not till the reign of the sovereign then on 
 the throne, James I., that the conquest of Ireland was achieved. 
 
 The real nature of the original connexion between the two 
 countries is very plainly set forth in the following passage of Sir 
 John Davies ; nothing less like a foundation on conquest can be 
 conceived : — 
 
 "For they (the Irish) governed their people by the Brehon 
 law : they made their own magistrates and officers ; they par- 
 doned and punished all malefactors within their several counties : 
 they made war and peace one with another without controlment ; 
 and this they did not only during the reign of King Henry II., 
 but afterwards in all times, even until the reign of Queen 
 Ehzabeth: And it appear eth what kind of subjects these Irish 
 lords were, by the concord made between King Henry II. and 
 Roderick O'Connor, the Irish King of Connaught, in the year 
 1175, which is recorded by Hoveden,* in this form : — " Hie est 
 finis et Concordia, inter Dominum Regem Anghae, Henricum, 
 filium Imperatricis, et Rodericum, Regem ConnactsD, scihcet, quod 
 Rex, &c. Angha concessit praedict. Roderico hgeo-homini suo, 
 ut sit Rex sub eo paratus ad servitium suum, ut homo suus," &c. 
 Yet the right of making laws in the English parliament to bind 
 the kingdom of Ireland is claimed by Sir Edward Coke, in virtue 
 of the power acquired by conquest. 
 
 In Sir Edward Coke's seventh report, in Calvin's case, he 
 proves, from many authorities, that Ireland is a separate and 
 distinct kingdom, out of the year-books and reports — one of which, 
 from the year-book second of Richard III., in the exchequer 
 chamber, runs thus : — 
 
 * Davies, apud Hoveden, in Henrico Secundo, fol. 312, 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 " Quo ad primam questionem dicebant quod Terr. Hibenii^e 
 inter se habent parliamentum et omnimodo cur. prout in Angl. et 
 per idem parliamentum faciunt leges et mutant leges, et non 
 obligantur per statuta in Anglia, quia non hie habent milites par- 
 liamenti, sed hoc intelhgit de Terris et rebus in terris ilhs tantum 
 efficiendo sed personas earum sunt subjecti et tanquam subjecti 
 erunt obhgati ad aliquam rem extra terram illam faciend. sicut 
 habitantes in Calesia Gascoigne, Guien," &c. " In banco regis hie 
 in Anglia." 
 
 Molyneux, by whom the preceding extract is cited (page 91), 
 observes, that " Coke, in liis transcription of this passage, has 
 given a broken and unfaithful citation, by introducing, in a pa- 
 renthesis, after the words ' Ireland has a parliament, makes and 
 changes laws, and is not bound by statutes made m England,' the 
 following sentence ' (which is to be understood, unless they be 
 specially named).' " Molyneux has not noticed the singular fact, 
 that in the first edition of " Coke's Institutes," the interpolated 
 passage does not exist. 
 
 His dictum is laid down without any argument or authority ; 
 but elsewhere, in the report of the same case, fol. 17, he says — 
 " Though Ireland be a distinct dominion from England, yet the 
 title thereof being by conquest, the same, by judgment of law, 
 might by express words be bound by the parhament of England." 
 
 Molyneux asks "what Coke meant by judgment of law, — 
 whether he meant the law of nature and reason, or of nations, or 
 the civil laws of our commonwealth, in none of which sense, I con- 
 ceive, will he or any other man be able to make out his position."* 
 
 However, Coke sufficiently refutes himself in the fourth Insti- 
 tute, at page 349 : " 'Tis plain that not only King John (as all 
 men allow), but Henry II., also the father of King John, did 
 ordain and command, at the instance of the Irish, that such laws 
 as had been in force in England should be observed and of force 
 in Ireland." Hereby Ireland being of itself a distinct dominion, 
 and no part of the kingdom of England, was to have parhaments 
 holden there as in England ; and at page 12, Coke tells us, " that 
 Henry II. sent a Modus into Ireland directing them to hold their 
 parliaraents."t 
 
 • Molyneux's Case of Ireland, &c. p. 117. 
 t MolTneus, page 121. 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 ' " But to wliat end was all this," observes Molyneux, " if Ireland, 
 nevertheless, were subject to the parhament of England ? The 
 king and parliament of these kingdoms are the supreme legisla- 
 tors. If Ireland be subject to two (its own and that of England), 
 it has two supremes ; 'tis not impossible but they may enact dif- 
 ferent or contrary sanctions — which of them shall the people 
 obey ?" The same right is claimed by Blackstone, on similar 
 grounds, yet with all the hesitating uncertainty of a mind 
 unconvinced of the truth of its own conclusions : — 
 
 " The original and true ground of this superiority (of Britain 
 over Ireland) is what we usually call, though somewhat improperly, 
 the right of conquest — a riglit allowed by the law of nations, if 
 not that of nature, but which, in reason and civil law, can mean 
 nothing more than that in order to put an end to hostilities, a 
 compact is either expressly or tacitly made between the conqueror 
 and the conquered ; and if they will acknowledge the victor for 
 their master, he will treat them for the future as subjects, and not 
 as enemies."* 
 
 The right claimed on the ground of conquest, that is here relied 
 on, is, nevertheless, acknowledged to be " somewhat improperly 
 so called ;" ergo, the idea of conquest is one that arises in error, 
 and the superiority claimed falls to the ground. But even if the 
 right existed, and the claim was well founded, are there no bounds 
 to the tyranny of the conqueror, or the power in virtue of which 
 he has made contracts or conditions with the conquered people ? 
 
 Montesquieu says, " Conquest being a necessary, lawful, but 
 unhappy power, which leaves the conqueror under a heavy obliga- 
 tion of repairing the injuries done to humanity." 
 
 The mere dicta of those great lawyers is all that has been left 
 by them with respect to the fact from which the riglit is deduced. 
 • Coke's and Blackstone's knowledge of English law, vast as 
 it was, does not necessarily imply a co-extensive knowledge of 
 Irish history ; and even if those great luminaries of the legal 
 profession had ten times the amount of black-letter erudition, and 
 acquaintance with all the subtleties of precedent and prescription 
 of English jurisprudence, of its written and unwritten law, which 
 they possessed, it is possible, nay, very probable, in a question 
 
 • Blackstone'a Commentaries, vol. i., page 10.3. Edn. London, 1809. 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 that involved the rights and privileges of nations, the opinion of 
 Sir Wilham Scott, a common-law lawyer of no extraordinary 
 repute, on such a subject would be held entitled to much liigher 
 respect : that the authority of Vattel, in any case that concerned 
 "the rights of men," or of PufFendorf, in any matter that affected 
 "the reciprocity of their rights and duties," vrould outweigh that 
 of the Institutes of Coke, or the Commentaries of Blackstone. 
 In the estimation of men of common sense who looked for justice, 
 and not " reasons of state" decisions, on such subjects, and loved 
 truth better than dominion, preferment, or imperial power, it 
 could not be otherwise. But if, in great constitutional questions 
 affecting the hberties of a people, the mere dicta of great lawyers, 
 however learned they may be " in the matters of the law," are to 
 disauthorize the doctrines of eminent constitutional statesmen, if 
 the opinions on such questions of Coke and Blackstone, to say 
 nothing of the Jeffries, dead or living, or of the Eldons and the 
 Lyndhursts, or the Pennefathers of a later day, are to be held 
 of more weight than those of the Sidneys, the Hampdens, the 
 Eussells, or the Floods and Grattans of our own country, woe be 
 to that land Avhicli makes such men the arbiters of pubhc hberty, 
 and triple woe to the unfortunate nation whose weakness is 
 exposed to the fatal effects of legal iniquity brought to the sup- 
 port of imperial injustice ! 
 
 When a legal sanction is sought, for aggression on the rights 
 or territorial possessions of a weaker power, judges are seldom 
 appealed to in vain, — they are expected to give the state the 
 countenance of the laws, and seldom in any age, or in any country 
 has it been withheld, — " ne ccesarem offensionem impingerit." 
 
 Deference to the wishes of the sovereign, or servile subjection 
 to the general opinion of the state, is carried to great length by 
 great lawyers. 
 
 The memorable saying of Grattan applies not to the great law 
 lords of any particular age or country, but to all their class, with 
 few exceptions, and the brighter and more remarkable on that 
 account : " The judges are bad arbiters of pubhc liberty. There 
 is no act of power for which they have not a precedent, nor any 
 false doctrine for which they have not a judicial authority." 
 
( 42 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The grand question at issue between the advocates and opponents 
 of the contested right of Irish independence, is now to be consi- 
 dered ; namely, the right of Ireland to the laws and institutions 
 of England. 
 
 The nature of the original connexion between England and 
 Ireland ; of the federal contract entered into by Henry II. and 
 his immediate successors, with the Irish people ; the peculiar 
 privileges conferred or withheld by the early sovereigns, — these 
 are matters which must be ascertained before that^question can 
 be answered. 
 
 Cambrensis, speaking of the terms entered into by the Irish 
 chiefs with Henry II., says, " Rex Corcagiensis Dormitius advenit 
 ei et tam subjectionis vinculo quam fidehtatis sacramento rege 
 Anglorum se sponte submisit."* 
 
 ! On the voluntary submission of the Irish, each of the kings, 
 prelates, chiefs, &c., gave I^ng Henry an instrument under his 
 seal in the manner of a charter, granting and confirming the 
 whole kingdom to the king, and constituting him, and liis heirs, 
 Lords of Ireland for ever. Henry made a suitable return for 
 the homage and fealty sworn him by the kings of Ireland ; before 
 he left Ireland he called a general council of parhament at Lismore, 
 in which the laws of England were freely, gratefully, and unani- 
 mously received and ratified by the oaths of the parties ; in the 
 words of Matthew Paris, in his life of Henry II. " Rex Henricus 
 antiquam ex Hibernia rediret apud Lismore concilium congregavit, 
 ubi leges leges AnghsB sunt ab omnibus gratantur et Juratoria 
 cautione prestita confirmatae." 
 
 • Case of Ireland, ap. Camb. Edition, 1698, p. 9. 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 Thus the laws of England were received and confirmed by 
 common consent in council, and the constitution of Ireland was 
 estabhshed on the same principles on which that of England was 
 founded, " Ireland being made a free, independent, and complete 
 kingdom under the crown of England." This was done without 
 the interposition of the English parliament, by the sole authority 
 vested in the king by the people of Ireland, as they were repre- 
 sented by their kings, prelates, and nobles. 
 
 On Henry's return to England he sent to Ireland a " Modus 
 tenendi parhamentum," or, form of holding parliaments there, 
 similar to that wliich prevailed in England. Tliis document no 
 longer exists, but its exemphfication by Henry IV. is cited by 
 Coke, in the 4th Inst, cap. 1 and 76, as an authentic document. 
 
 The title of this Modus runs thus, "Henricus, Rex Anghas 
 Conquestor et Dominus Hibernise, &c., mittit banc formam Archi- 
 episcopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Privibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, 
 Justiciariis, Vice Comitibus, Majoribus, Prsepositis, Ministris, et 
 omnibus Fidehbus suis terra Hibernise tenendi parhamen- 
 tum." &c.* 
 
 This form, Molyneux observes, agrees for the most part with 
 the Modus said to have been allowed by Wilham the Conqueror, 
 when he obtained the kingdom of England. Selden questions 
 the authenticity of this document, and Pryn rejects both the 
 Eno-hsh and Irish Modus. 
 
 Coke, on the other hand, strenuously contends for the authenti- 
 city of both. Pryn's cliief objection is to the word, "parhament," 
 which, he states, at the time of Wilham the Conqueror, and of 
 Henry II., was not given to the great council of England. 
 
 His other objection is to the word " Sheriffs," on the ground 
 that they were not estabhshed in Ireland in Henry's reign.f Yet 
 the words " Vice Comes" is used in the Irish Modus. 
 
 Molyneux observes, that "it is reasonable enough to imagine 
 that the name parhament came in with Wilham the Conqueror." 
 'Tis a word perfectly French, and he sees no reason to doubt its 
 coming in with the Normans. 
 
 To the other objection he answers, " that Henry II. intending 
 to estabhsh in Ireland the form of government of England, as the 
 
 • Molyneux. 
 t Molyneux's Case of Ireland, p. 29. 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 first and chief step thereto, he sent them directions for the holding 
 of parhaments, designing afterwards, and in due form, to settle 
 the other constitution agreeable to the model of England." * * 
 
 " Sheriffs were established in some counties in Ireland in 
 King John's time." 
 
 The exemplification in the sixth of Henry IV., cited by 
 Molyneux, Coke states was made by " inspeximus," under the 
 great seal of Ireland ; and that the original document was in the 
 hands of Sir Christopher Preston. 
 
 In the exemplification, it was stated that the original Modus 
 transmitted to Ireland was produced before the Lord Lieutenant, 
 (Sir John Talbot,) and Council, at Trim. 
 
 The exemplification was in the hands of a Mr. Hackwell, of 
 Lincoln's Inn, and by him was communicated to Selden. 
 
 The original Modus which had been in the hands of Preston, 
 on the authority of Dr. Dopping, came into the possession of 
 Sir Francis Aungier, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, out of the 
 treasury of Waterford, as the Bishop had been informed by the 
 Earl of Longford, Aungier's grand-son. It was found amongst 
 Aungier's papers, by Sir James Cuff, Deputy Vice-Treasurer of 
 Ireland. 
 
 The document was given by Aungier to Sir Wilham Dumville, 
 Attorney-General of Ireland, and with his other papers and 
 manuscripts came into the hands of the Bishop of Meath, whose 
 nephew, Mr, Samuel Dopping, communicated the record to 
 Molyneux. 
 
 John, being created king in the parhament at Oxford, under 
 the style and title of Lord of Ireland, during twenty -two years, 
 while his father Henry II., and his brother Richard L, reigned 
 in England, enjoyed all manner of kingly jurisdiction in Ireland, 
 as the Irish Statutes, 33 Henry VIII. expressly declares. 
 
 When he ascended the Enghsh throne, the fundamental laws 
 of each nation remained distinct, though the countries were 
 united in obedience and allegiance to one sovereign. In the 
 twelfth year of John's reign, he visited Ireland for the second 
 time, A.D., 1210, and Matthew Paris states that more than twenty 
 princes (plus quam viginti Reguh) met him at Dublin, paid him 
 
 • Molyneux's Case of Ireland, p. 32. 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 liomage, and the king caused English laws and customs to be 
 ordained, (fecit quoque Rex ibidem construeri leges et con- 
 suatudinis Anghcanas,) appointing " Sheriffs and other officers to 
 administer justice among the people of that kingdom, according 
 to English laws." In the first year of liis reign, 1216, John's 
 successor, Henry III,, granted a charter of hberties to Ireland, 
 (extant in the red book of the Exchequer,) with no essential 
 difference to that which he granted to England eight years later. 
 
 The same year he confirmed that charter, and in more express 
 terms, all other liberties granted by his father and him to the 
 people of England : " In consideration of the loyalty of his Irish 
 subjects, they and their heirs for ever should enjoy all the 
 liberties granted by his father and him to the realm of England." 
 
 A free and independent English parhament was conferred by 
 the charter. 
 
 A letter from the Queen Regent, in the 38tli year of the 
 reign of Henry III., calling for aids of men and money, was 
 addressed to the states of the Irish kingdom, directed to the 
 " Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, Knights, 
 Freemen, Citizens and Burgesses," — in point of fact, to the 
 members (as they would now be termed) of both houses of 
 parliament, eleven years before the period from which Coke 
 erroneously dates the origin of the House of Commons in England. 
 
 Hence it is pretty clear that supplies were only obtained in the 
 reign of Henry III. from the parhament. 
 
 "What is the essential character of a parliament which the 
 common law of England recognizes? The power of making, 
 revising, confirming, and annulling laws, to wit, " that no people 
 may be bound by laws to which they do not give their assent." 
 
 The charter of Henry III. in England conferred no privilege 
 which the Irish charter and subsequent confirmation of it by the 
 same sovereign did not grant to the Irish people, or which their 
 " heirs for ever" were not entitled to. 
 
 The argument against these early parhaments in Ireland, that 
 the commons formed no essential part of them before the 49th of 
 Henry III., Molyneux clearly shows entitled to no credit, on the 
 authority of " the learned Mr. Petyt," keeper of the records in 
 the Tower, in his book on that subject, ( page 71,) wherein he 
 deduces his ninth argument from the comparison of The Ancient 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 General Concilium, or Parliament of Ireland, 38tli Henry III., 
 with the parliament of England. 
 
 The words of Petyt are, " the ensuing record, 38tli Henry III., 
 clearly evinces that the citizens and burgesses were then a part 
 of their (the Irish) great council or parhament." This was 
 eleven years before the pretended beginning of the commons in 
 England.* 
 
 One of the records to which Petyt refers, (not 38th Henry III. 
 in 4 Hibernia,) is the letter of the Queen Regent, cited in the 
 preceding page. 
 
 Henry, about the twelfth year of his reign, specially empowered 
 Richard de Burgh, then Justice of Ireland, to convoke the grand 
 council, " to summon all the archbishojis, bishops, earls, barons, 
 knights, and freeholders, and sheriffs of each county ; and before 
 them cause to be read the charter of his father. King John, where- 
 unto his seal was appended, whereby he had granted to them the 
 laws and customs of England, and unto wliich they swore obedi- 
 ence. And that he should cause the same laws to be observed, 
 and proclaimed in the several counties of Ireland, that none 
 presume to do contrary to the king's command."t 
 
 Lord Clare went a little further than Pryn, Avhen he stated in 
 his celebrated speech on the Union, " There were no parliaments 
 in Ireland previously to the tliird of Edward." The second Pryn 
 acknowledges there was one in thej'eign of Henry II., but says, 
 " there appear no footsteps of a parhament afterwards, till the 
 tliird of Edward II., because the acts of the parliament in the 
 latter reign, are the first that are printed in one Irish statute 
 book." But, as Molyneux observes, " so we may argue the 
 parliaments of England to be of later date than pretended, when 
 we find the first printed acts in Keeble to be no older than the 
 ninth of Henry HI. ; whereas, it is most certain that parhaments 
 had been held in England some years before that."| 
 
 Ireland, then, under Henry II., John, and Henry III., had all 
 the laws, customs, and liberties of England conferred on them, 
 not by Enghsh parhaments but by English sovereigns. 
 
 Assuredly the great privilege of all, that of the national council, 
 
 * Molyneux, p. 49. 
 
 t Tryn against Coke's 4tli Inst, apud Molyneux, p. 52. 
 
 I Molyneux, p. 57. 
 
 { 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 was not withheld. Henry II. held this national council at Lismore ; 
 John confirmed all his father's privileges, and his successor con- 
 firmed all those of the two preceding sovereigns, and exemphfied 
 that form of holding parliaments which John transmitted into 
 Ireland ; while in France, his queen, then regent of the kingdom, 
 sought succours in men and money from the Irish parliament, 
 and left on record a document which all the ingenuity of the 
 opponents of Irish independence cannot divest of its value, as 
 an incontrovertible testimony to the independence and perfect 
 organization of a legislative body, composed of Lords and 
 Commons, at that early period. 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sir John Davies' speech to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, when 
 his Excellency approved of him as Speaker of the house of Com- 
 mons, the 2nd of May, 1613, is not usually to be found in the 
 early editions of his Tracts. It was first pubhshed with them 
 together with his hfe, in the Dublin edition, printed 1787. 
 
 In this speech we find the most subtle, labored, and able attack 
 on the character and constitution of the Irish parhament, pre- 
 viously to the reign of James I., that ever was made, and at the 
 same time, a vast deal of information, the result of great research, 
 on the subject of the mode of holding parliaments, from an early 
 period. Having adduced the best arguments that presented 
 themselves to me in favor of the early existence of parliaments 
 in Ireland, of their co-existence with the Enghsh connexion, and 
 co-equal privileges with the English parliament, I think it is 
 proper to lay before my readers those arguments of an opposite 
 kind, which carry most weight with them, reserving the right at 
 the conclusion of them, of making a few observations, and but a 
 few, to show how unfairly the subject has been treated by Sir 
 John Davies. 
 
 " The kings of England," observes Sir John Davies, " were no 
 sooner lords of Ireland, but they made a real union of both these 
 kingdoms, as is manifest by authentic records of the time of King 
 John, and King Henry III. so as Ireland became but as a member, 
 qiiasi memhriim Anglke, as it is so resolved by all the justices, in 
 third of Henry YIL" ****'' And now at this day, ( God 
 be blessed,) the subjects of both realms have but one king, which 
 is the renowned king of England : and are ruled and governed 
 by one common law, Avhich is the just and honorable and common 
 law of England, and as there is now but one common law of 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 England, so for the space of one hundred and forty years after 
 King Henry II. had taken possession of the lordship of Ireland, 
 there was but one parhament for both kingdoms, which was the 
 * * * * all that time. But the laws made in the parHaments 
 of England were from time to time transmitted hither under the 
 great seal of that kingdom, to be proclaimed, enrolled, and exe- 
 cuted as laws of the realm. ****** 
 
 " All which statutes, together with the warrants and writs, 
 whereby they were transmitted, we find enrolled and preserved 
 to this day among the records of this kingdom. * * * 
 
 " But when ? — how long since ? — in what king's reign was this 
 great common council, tliis high court of parhament erected first 
 and estabhshed in Ireland ? 
 
 " Doubtless, though the rest of the ordinary courts of justice 
 began with the first plantation of the EngUsh colonies here, yet 
 the wisdom of the state of England thought it fit to reserve the 
 power of making laws to the parliaments of England for many 
 years after. 
 
 " So this high, extraordinary court was not estabhshed in 
 Ireland by authority out of England for many years after, in the 
 form that it now is, till towards the dechning of King Edward II.'s 
 reign ; for before that time, the meetings and consultations of the 
 great lords with some of the commons, for appeasing of dissensions 
 among themselves, though they he called parliaments in the 
 ancient annals, yet being ivithont orderly sum/nions, or formal 
 proceedings, are rather to he called parlies than parliaments. 
 
 " But by what reason of state was the state of England moved 
 to establish tliis court of parliament in Ireland at that time ? 
 
 " Assuredly, this common council was then instituted when 
 Ireland stood most in need of council ; for, under the conduct of 
 Edward le Bruce, the Scottish nation had overrun the whole 
 realm, England had the same enemy at her back, and the barons' 
 rebelhon in her bowels, and so being distracted in herself could 
 give neither consilium nor auxilium to the distressed subjects 
 here, so as they being left to their own strength and council, did 
 then obtain authority from the state of England to hold this com- 
 mon council of the realm among themselves, for the quenching of 
 that common fire, that had almost consumed the whole king- 
 dom. * * * * And this, by the testimony of the best anti- 
 
 E 
 
( 50 ) 
 
 quarians, was the first time, and first occasion of instituting this 
 liigh court of parliament in Ireland. ***** 
 
 " In the beginning of the reign of King Edward III., Sir 
 Anthony Lucye did summon and hold one parhament, and Sir 
 Ralph Ufford another ; and the principal cause of holding both 
 these parliaments was to repress the insolencies and reform the 
 abuses of the great lords descended of English race, of which the 
 Earl of Desmond was the most exorbitant offender. 
 
 " And after that, during the same king's reign. Sir Thomas 
 Rookesby, at one time, and Lionel, Duke of Clarence, at another, 
 held several parUaments at Kilkenny, which tended to no other 
 end but to reduce the degenerate English in general from the 
 barbarous customs of the Irish to their ancient civil manners, and 
 the obedience of their true mother, the state of England. 
 
 " After this we find the same cause still to continue, of calhng the 
 succeeding parliaments in this realm, until the wars of Lancaster 
 and York began, which made a great alteration in both kingdoms. 
 
 " For if we look into the parliament rolls of those times, which 
 are mean between the 40th year of King Edward III. and the 
 30tli year of King Henry VI., we shall find the statutes of 
 Kilkenny confirmed in every parliament, and then the laws of 
 principal consideration are against 'coin and livery,' sess of 
 soldiers, night suppers, 'cumrick,' and the hke extortions and 
 lewd customs, which the English had learned amongst the 
 
 " So as for the space of one hundred and forty years, after the 
 first erecting of this high court of parhament, it is apparent that 
 never any parliament was called to reduce the Irish to obedience, 
 or to perfect the conquest of the whole island, hut only to reform 
 the English colonies that were become degenerate, and to retain 
 the sovereignty of the crown of England over them only, and to 
 no other end or purpose. 
 
 " Parhaments were never called so often, nor so tliick one upon 
 the other as in the times of King Henry VI. and King Edward IV. ; 
 for scarce there passed a year without a parhament, and some- 
 times two or three parliaments were summoned, and held within 
 the compass of a year, which was such a trouble and charge to 
 the subject, as a special law was made that there should be but one 
 parhament in a year. 
 
( 51 ) 
 
 " But to what end did they call so many parliaments ? What 
 matters did they handle in these common councils? Did they 
 consult about the recovery of the provinces that were lost ? or of 
 final subduing of all the Irish ? We find no such matter at all 
 propounded ; but we find in the parhaments, in the rolls of that 
 time, an extraordinary number of private bills and petitions 
 ansAvered and ordered in parhament, containing such mean and 
 ordinary matters, as but for want of other business, were not fit 
 to be handled in so high a court. ***** 
 
 " And such were the motives of calhng the parliament of this 
 kingdom, and the matters therein debated, during the wars of 
 York and Lancaster, and after that likewise until the tenth year 
 of Iving Henry VII. 
 
 " In that year, wliich was the tenth year after the uniting of 
 the Roses, as now it is full ten years since the uniting of the 
 kingdoms under one imperial crown (a happy period of time, we 
 hope, for holding of a parhament in this kingdom) : in that year 
 did Sir Edward Poynings summon and hold this famous parlia- 
 ment, wherein, doubtless, he showed a large heart and a great 
 desire of a general reformation, and to that end procured many 
 general laws to pass, wliich we find most profitable and necessary 
 for the common weal at this day. 
 
 " Among the rest, he caused two laws to be made, which may 
 rightly be called leges legum, being excellent laws concerning the 
 laws themselves, whereof one did look backward to the time past, 
 and gave a great supply to the defects of former parliaments, by 
 confirming and estabhshing at once in this realm all the statutes 
 formerly made in England. 
 
 " The other looked forward to the time to come, by providing 
 that from henceforth there should be no parhament holden here, 
 until the acts which should be propounded were first certified into 
 England, and approved by the king and his council there, and 
 then returned hither under the great seal of that realm. 
 
 " This latter act is what we call Poyning's act, and is indeed 
 that act of parhament, which is a rule for our parliaments until 
 this day. ********* 
 
 " As for the principal parliaments which have been holden 
 since that time, during the reigns of King Henry YIII., Queen 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, (for King Edward VI. did call no 
 parliament in Ireland,) they were all summoned upon special 
 and particular occasions, and not for the general settlement of 
 the whole kingdom. For to what end was the parliament holden 
 by the Lord Leonard Gray, in 28th Henry VIIL, but to attaint 
 the Geraldines, and to abolish the usurped authority of the 
 Pope? 
 
 " Wherefore did Sir Anthony St. Leger call the next parliament 
 after in 38th Henry VIII, but to invest that prince with the title of 
 King of Ireland, and to suppress the abbeys and rehgious houses ? 
 
 " To what purpose did Thomas, Earl of Sussex, hold his first 
 parhament in 3rd and 4th of King Phihp and Queen Mary, but 
 to settle Leix and Offaly in the crown ? 
 
 " And his second, in the second year of Queen Ehzabeth, but 
 to re-establish the reformed rehgion in this country ? 
 
 " What was the principal cause that Sir Henry Sidney held a 
 parliament in the eleventh year of Queen Elizabeth, but to 
 extinguish the name of O'Neale, and entitle the crown to the 
 greatest part of Ulster ? 
 
 " And lastly, what was the chief motive of the last parliament, 
 holden by Sir John Perrot, but the attainder of two great peers 
 of this realm, the Viscount Baltinglass and the Earl of Desmond, 
 and for vesting of their lands, and the lands of their adherents, 
 in the actual possession of the crown ? * * * * * 
 
 " I must not forget to note also to your lordship, what and 
 how many persons were called in former times, to make up the 
 body of this great council. 
 
 " For the persons before the 33rd year of King Henry VIII. 
 we do not find any to have had place in parhament, but the 
 English of blood, or English of birth only : for the mere Irish in 
 those days were never admitted, as well because their countries, 
 lying out of the limits of counties, could send no knights, and 
 having neither cities or boroughs in them, could send no burgesses 
 to the parhament ; besides, the state did not then hold them Jit to 
 be trusted with the council of the realm. 
 
 "For the number since, before the 34th year of King 
 Henry VIIL, when Meath was divided into shires, there were no 
 more than twelve counties in Ireland, besides the hberty of 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 Tippcrarv ; the number of knights must indeed have been few ; 
 and since the ancient cities were but four, and the boroughs which 
 sent burgesses not above thirty, the entire body of the whole 
 house of commons could not then consist of one hundi*ed persons ; 
 and though Queen Mary did add two shires, and Queen Elizabeth 
 seventeen more, to increase the number of knights in that house, 
 yet all did not send knights to the parUament, for the remote 
 shires of Ulster returned none at all. For the lords temporal, 
 though they are yet but few, yet was the number less before 
 King Henry VIII. was styled King of Ireland, for since that 
 time divers of the Irish nobiUty, and some descended of Enghsh 
 race have been created both earls and barons. 
 
 " And lastly, for the bishops and archbishops, though their 
 number was greater than now it is, in respect to the divers unions 
 made of latter years, yet such as were resident in the mere Irish 
 counties, and did not acknowledge the king to be their patron, 
 were never summoned to any parhament, 
 
 " And now, by way of comparison, it may easily appear unto 
 your lordship, how much this first parhament, now begun under 
 the blessed government of our most gracious King James, is hkely 
 to excel all former parhaments, as weU in respect of the cause 
 and time of calling it, as of the persons that are called unto it. 
 
 " For this parhament, {God be blessed!) is not called to repel 
 an invasion, or to suppress a rebelhon, or to reduce degenerate 
 subjects to theii' obedience. ****** 
 
 But now, since God hath blessed the whole island with an 
 universal peace and obedience, together with plenty, civiUty, and 
 other fehcities, more than ever it enjoyed in any former age ; 
 this general council of the whole realm is called now principally 
 to confirm and estabhsh those blessings unto us, and to make 
 them perpetual to our posterities. ***** 
 
 "Again, it is not called in such a time as when the four shires of 
 the pale only chd send their barons, knights, and burgesses to 
 the parhament ; when they alone took upon them to make laws to 
 bind the whole kingdom, neglecting to call the subjects residing 
 in other parts of the realm unto them, as appeareth by that 
 parhament, holden by the Viscount of Gormanston, wliich Sir 
 Edward Poynings, in the 10th year of Hem*y VII. caused to be 
 utterly repealed, and the acts thereof made void, diicfly for that 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 the summons of parliament went forth to the four shires of the 
 pale only, and not unto all the rest of the counties. 
 
 "But it is called in such a time, when this great and mighty 
 kingdom, being wholly reduced to shire ground, containeth thirty 
 three counties at large ; when all Ulster and Connaught, as well 
 as Leinster and Munster, have voices in parhament by their 
 knights and burgesses ; when all the inhabitants of the kingdom, 
 English of birth, English of blood, the new British colony, and 
 the old Irish natives, do all meet together to make laws for the 
 common good of themselves and their posterities. 
 
 " To this end his majesty hath most graciously and justly 
 erected divers new boroughs in sundry parts of liis kingdom. * * 
 Neither is this a new or strange precedent, for his majesty 
 doth but follow the steps herein of his next predecessors wliich 
 went before liim. * * * ^^d truly as your lordship hath 
 more honour in this respect (the assembling of parhament) than 
 any of your predecessors, so I may justly say, without adulation, 
 that your lordsliip hath merited this particular honour more than 
 any of them that have gone before you. * * * Hath he 
 not acted his part so well upon tliis theatre of honour, as no man is 
 ambitious to come upon the stage after him, knowing it is more 
 easy to succeed him in his place than to follow him in his painful 
 and prudent course of government, and that he must be as strong 
 as Hercules to undergo the burthen that such an atlas hath borne 
 before him ? 
 
 " Nay, hath he not performed Hercules' labours, m suppressing 
 more monstrous enormities in Ireland than Hercules himself did 
 destroy monsters, when he sought adventures over aU Europe ? 
 
 " I ask not these questions, as if any man were doubtful or 
 ignorant of liis noble virtues and deserts ; but as praise is nothing 
 but a reflection of virtue, so should it be dehvered rather collate- 
 rally than cUrectly, to avoid suspicion of direct flattery, which I 
 know your lordship loveth not, as I know yom^ lordsliip needs it 
 not. ********** 
 
 " You had need be a virtuous and most worthy deputy, since 
 you sit in the throne, and represent the person of the most vir- 
 tuous and excellent king in the world. 
 
 " For he that doth fight with the sword of a king, write with 
 the pen of a king ; he that hath the justice, mercy, and bounty of 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 a king in his hands had need be furnished with those noble powers 
 and virtues as are fit for the rule and government of a kingdom, 
 especially if he hold the place of such a king as our most renowned 
 and gracious sovereign is, who is the greatest and best king that 
 now reigneth upon the face of the earth. * * * * 
 
 " For if that man be accounted the greatest subject of a king- 
 dom, that is in the highest favour with a king upon earth, why 
 should not that kmg be the greatest king on earth, that is in the 
 greatest favour ivith the king of heaven ? * * * * 
 
 " Again, I will call liis majesty the best king, for that he is a 
 most just king, and justice is the best of all kingly virtues ; and 
 for that, also, he is a most bountiful king, resembhng therein the 
 divine goodness, ever spreading and communicating Ms riches unto 
 others, wliich we must needs remember in this Idngdom ; for wo 
 cannot forget it without ingratitude, since we all know that his 
 majesty doth not only expend the whole revenue of tliis land upon 
 itself, but spares yearly out of England a great mass of treasure 
 to support the extraordinary charge thereof, out of which the 
 greater number of us here present, by entertainments, pensions, 
 or rewards, do taste every day of his majesty's bounty." 
 
 Sir John Davies was better acquainted with the arts and 
 sciences of court-life, by which preferment is obtamed, than with 
 the law of nature or of nations. 
 
 In early life he recommended liimself to the favour of Queen 
 Ehzabeth — then more m the blossom of her sins than in the bloom 
 of her youth — by three-and-twenty elaborate acrostics, celebrating 
 her charms and her wit in fulsome strains of the most nauseous 
 adulation. 
 
 In his address to the lord deputy, and his reference to the con- 
 temptible pedant, his royal master, we have a sample of his 
 powers as a parasite in his maturer years. 
 
 The same quahties which fit a man to be a parasite, disquahfy 
 him for the rough duties of citizenship in a free state. The per- 
 fections of princes, and the prizes in the lottery of court-life — 
 patronage and preferment, are matters of more concern to him 
 than the rights and privileges of his fellow-subjects. 
 
 We are told by Anthony Wood, that " Davies had more in him 
 of the sokUcr than the lawyer." The only proof of his turn for 
 
( 56 ) 
 
 soldiership that is given in his Hfc, is a violent assault on a gen- 
 tleman of one of the Inns of court, from which he was expelled 
 from the society of the King's Inns Benchers. 
 
 But, in his treatise on Ireland, we have evidence enough from 
 the beginning to the end of it of liis extraordinary predilection 
 for the employment of the sword, for the purpose of enlightening 
 and civilizing a subjected people. 
 
 He perpetually laments that the country was not sufficiently 
 " broken by the sword," to prepare the way for the advances of 
 the law, and to second its operation. This is the old cry of 
 Spanish conquest, — the old doctrine of the exterminating 
 " Conquistadoras," — the old plea for plunder, — the old blasphemy 
 in the name of Christianity and civiUzation, to wit, the interests 
 of humanity and good of religion, the extension of good laws, the 
 removal of barbarous customs ! 
 
 Here and there, indeed, he questions the wisdom, — the expe- 
 diency of the governors of Ireland attempting " to root out the 
 Irish, which they were not able to do." 
 
 In one passage, treating of Queen Elizabeth's reign, (page 91) 
 lie deprecates the policy which for three hundred and fifty years 
 kept the " Enghsh laws from being communicated to the Irish, 
 and the benefit and protection thereof being allowed unto them, 
 though they earnestly desired and sought the same : for as long- 
 as they were out of the protection of the law, so as every Enghsh- 
 man might oppress, spoil, and kill them without control, how was 
 it possible they could be any other than outlaws, and enemies 
 to the crown of Ireland ?" 
 
 And in another, the last sentence of his book, he says, " there 
 is no nation of people under the sun that doth love equal and 
 indiiferent justice better than the Irish : or will rest better satis- 
 fied with the execution thereof, although it be against themselves, 
 so as they have the protection and the benefit of the law, when 
 upon just cause they deserve it." Much may, and ought to be, 
 pardoned for these two passages. 
 
 But it cannot, and ouglit not to be passed unnoticed, that not 
 one syllable elsewhere do we find in his work rcprobatory of the 
 exterminations that were carried on, even in his own time. On 
 the contrary, in that work, and his letters, he treats of the 
 wholesale dispossessions, evictions, and transportations of the 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 peasantry, the confiscations of the property of the gentry, with 
 all the sang froid that might be expected in one of the adven- 
 turers or undertakers of the day ; nay, he speaks of them 
 approvingly, as a means of civihzing the natives ! 
 
 All notions of natural justice, of humanity with respect to the 
 plundered people, seem to have been dead in liis bosom ; at least 
 not one glimpse of the light of either is to be discovered in liis 
 treatise, except in those passages to wliich I have referred: — "A 
 barbarous country must be first broken by a war, before it will 
 be capable of good government." 
 
 Again, "the war would have lasted to the world's end if, in the 
 end of Queen EUzabeth's reign, the Irish had not been broken 
 by the sword." 
 
 James, the chief favorite of Heaven of all earthly princes, 
 ** in his wisdom, thought it fit still to maintain such competent 
 forces here, as the law may make her progress and circuit about 
 the realm under the protection of the sword, (as Virgo, the figure 
 of justice, is by Leo in the zodiac,) until the people have perfectly 
 learned the lesson of obedience, and the conquest be estabhshed 
 in the hearts of all men." 
 
 James' method of gaining the hearts of men by the sweep of 
 the sword, and the mode of peace-making of the Virgin Queen, 
 whose subjects, God knows, had been sufficiently "broken by the 
 sword," are deserving of attention. 
 
 One would think the attorney-general of the former need not 
 have complained of the sparing use of his favorite instrument of 
 civilization. Surely there was breaking enough with the sword, 
 blood enough shed for any moderate legal appetite, but great 
 lawyers have large stomachs and pliant consciences. 
 
 Davies had two consciences, however, — one that belonged to 
 the Irish attorney-general, — the other that appertained to the 
 English member of parliament. 
 
 There is no possibihty of mistaking the drift of the several 
 passages of his speech, on his appointment to the speakership of 
 the Irish commons. No labor was spared to depreciate the 
 character of the Irish parliament as an independent legislature. 
 
 The early parliaments were described as " councils," — theu" 
 proceedings were local ones, — their members a few unwilling 
 colonists. Yet parliaments in England at the same period went 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 by the same name. Legislation for the sweep of the SAVord was 
 not such fitting occupation for those bodies, as enactments for the 
 local regulations of the several counties which were represented 
 in them ; and if the Irish people were excluded from them, it is 
 not to be wondered that the burgesses were not numerous. 
 Nevertheless, after all the praise of Poyning's act, which struck 
 at the root of parliamentary independence in Ireland, when Davies 
 quitted Ireland, and took his seat in the EngUsh parliament, to 
 his honor be it said, he spoke strenuously against the pretended 
 right of binding Ireland by English acts of parliament, and Sir 
 Edward Coke, on the same occasion, in the language he used 
 (ambiguous as it was) recognized the justice of the principle 
 enunciated by Davies. 
 
 The following account of the discussion in question, in the house 
 of commons, January 1620, is taken from the excellent life of 
 Davies, prefixed to the edition of his Tracts, pubhshed in 1787. 
 
 " When it was moved to acquaint the king with the grievances 
 of Ireland, considering how much blood and treasure it had cost 
 this kingdom. Sir John said, "It is expressly in the law books 
 set down, that Ireland is a member of the crown of England ; yet 
 this kingdom here cannot make laws to bind that kingdom : for 
 they have there a parliament of their own." Sir Edward Coke, 
 who was the experienced leader of that house, suggested that, 
 " they ought to consider, first, what we may do ; and secondly, 
 what is fit to he done in a parliainentary course. Ireland, (said 
 he,) was never totally reduced till the coming of this king : for 
 there was ever a back door in the north of that kingdom. If 
 Ireland be not safe we cannot be sure ; but if Ireland be safe, our 
 navy well furnished, and the Low Countrymen our fast friends, 
 we need not fear the pope, nor the devil. It is both fit and lawful 
 for us to complain for Ireland : that on such complaints the king 
 doth order a reformation, and those things which may not be 
 reformed, but by a parliament, his majesty doth put in a course, 
 by giving order for a parliament in Ireland to remedy the 
 abuses there."* 
 
 * Sec Pari. Deb. 1620-21, vol. i. pp. 327-8. 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 We come now to the consideration of another subject, only in- 
 ferior in importance to that wliich has engaged our attention in 
 the preceding chapter. 
 
 Did the English parliament, prior to the reign of Henry VH., 
 claim or exercise the right of legislating for Ireland, and of carry- 
 ing into effect the execution of laws in that country, wliich did 
 not obtain the sanction of the Irish parhament ? 
 
 In the records of the time of Henry III., cited in Coke's First 
 Institute, fol. 141, there is a royal letter patent, in which we find 
 the following words : — " Because for the common interest of the 
 land of Ireland, and the unity of both countries, the king wills, 
 and it is provided by his common council, that all laws and 
 customs, which are observed in the kingdom of England, should 
 be observed in Ireland ; and that the said land should be subject 
 to and governed by, the same laws, as our Lord King John, when 
 he was last in Ireland, ordained and firmly commanded."* 
 
 " All acts of parliament," says Lucas, " made in England before 
 the 8th of Edward IV. were, by a parhament held at Drogheda 
 that year, ratified, confirmed, and made the force of law in 
 Ireland." And again, " All the statutes made by parhament in 
 England for the common and pubhc weal of that kingdom, before 
 the 10th of Henry VII., were, by another parhament held at 
 Drogheda that year, made effectual in law, and enacted to be 
 observed, used, and executed within this land of Ireland in all 
 points."t 
 
 Many other instances might be cited, in the succeeding reigns 
 
 • Harris's Hibernica, vol. ii. p. 59. 
 t Lucas, 10th Address, p. 23; 
 
( 60 ) 
 
 down to the time of William III., when the British parliament 
 legislated for, or rather against, the trade of Ireland. 
 
 It is not true that the practice began with the civil wars of 
 Ehzabeth and James ; but it is unquestionable that these wars 
 were made more than the pretext of interfering with the inde- 
 pendence of the Irish parhament. These wars were made 
 auxiliary to the supremacy of the imperial parhament. During 
 their continuance the parliament in Ireland was prorogued for 
 a long and indefinite period, — in the reign of Ehzabeth for a 
 quarter of a century. 
 
 During those troublesome times, Irish parliaments were some- 
 times summoned and held in England, for the purpose of obtaining 
 supphes. 
 
 In the reign of Edward III. the Irish knights, citizens, and 
 burgesses were summoned to England, and attended there to 
 represent their kingdom. These prorogations and transferences 
 of the Irish parhament were, in all probability, more the causes 
 than the consequences of public commotion. 
 
 They took place generally when the Irish parliament grew restive 
 in the hands of the undertakers, who governed the kingdom. 
 
 " There was no general rebellion,'" says Lucas, " in Ireland 
 since the first British invasion, that luas not raised or fomented 
 by the oppression, instigation, evil influence, or conyiivance of the 
 English. Let the world hence judge whether, from these, any 
 handle may be taken to tyrannize over all classes of inen in this 
 kingdom indiscriminately. "* 
 
 In the 10th year of Henry IV. it was enacted, in 'the Irish 
 parliament, " that no law, made in the parhament of England, 
 should be of force in Ireland till it was allowed and pubhshed by 
 authority of the parliament in this kingdom." 
 
 A similar statute was made in the 29th of Henry VI. These 
 statutes are not to be found in the rolls, nor any parliament roll 
 of that time ; but a statement of Sir Richard Bolton, Chief Baron 
 of the Exchequer in Ireland, is cited by Molyneux, to the follow- 
 ing effect : — " He had seen the same exemplified under the great 
 seal, and the exemplification remaineth in the treasury of the city 
 of Waterford." 
 
 • Lucas, loth Address, p. 24. 
 
( CI ) 
 
 In tlic frequent troubles of Ireliind many other rolls and records 
 of the kingdom were lost. From the coming of Henry II., 1172, 
 to the 7th of Henry VI., 1428, no parhamentary rolls, according 
 to Molyneux, arc to be found. The evidence of Davies, however, 
 to such documents of an intermediate date, — the exemphfication 
 of the tAvo acts of Henry IV. and Henry VI., — shows th^at a claim 
 to bind Ireland by English acts of parhament, though not expressly 
 asserted in any Enghsh statute, was at an early period virtually 
 claimed, but absolutely denied by the Irish parliament. 
 
 In the reign of Richard III. and Henry VII., in the case of 
 certain merchants of Waterford involved in law proceedings in the 
 English courts of justice, the judges' decision in favour of those 
 merchants was given on these grounds : — " That Ireland could 
 not be bound by statutes made in England, because Ireland sends 
 no representatives to the British parliament." 
 
 For four hundi'ed years after the connexion was estabhshed 
 between the two countries, no such pretended right was asserted 
 in an Engish statute. 
 
 " It is evident to demonstration," says Lucas, " that no law, 
 statute, or ordinance, made in England, except such as were 
 declaratory of the common law before received, were to be or 
 pretended to be of any force in Ireland, till they were specially 
 received, approved and confirmed by the Irish parliament." 
 
 This statement goes to prove too much ; many acts that were 
 passed in England, and transmitted to the Irish parliament for 
 its sanction, and which received its sanction, were certainly not 
 merely declaratory acts of common law previously in force. 
 
 Neither is it true that in the transmission of all such acts, it 
 never was intended they should be in force in Ireland till they 
 received the sanction of the Irish parliament. 
 
 This statement gives too much credit to the honesty of the 
 intentions of the Enghsh parliament towards that of Ireland. 
 The latter, it is perfectly true, for four hundi'ed years after 
 Henry II.'s acquisition of Ireland, maintained a noble struggle 
 for its rights, with an unscrupulous, jealous, and insidious rival, 
 and an enemy of its co-existent attributes. 
 
 Thus we find, that EngUsh laws were transmitted into Ireland, 
 and executed there, but Molyneux contends that "all the 
 charters, and grants of liberties, from Edward the Confessor's 
 
( 62 ) 
 
 time down to the 9th of Henry III. were but confirmations one 
 of another, and all of them declarations and confirmations of the 
 common law of England." 
 
 And thus Ireland came to be governed by one and the same 
 common law with England, and those laws continue as part of the 
 municipal and fundamental laws of both kingdoms to this day. 
 
 By degrees all the statutes which were made in England, from 
 the time of Magna Charta to the lOth of Henry VIL, which did 
 concern the common pubhc, weal, " were received, confirmed, 
 allowed, and authorized to be of force in Ireland, which was done 
 by the assent of the Irish parliament, and no otherwise." * * 
 
 " We shall next inquire whether there are not other acts of 
 the English parliament, both before and since the 10th of 
 Henry VII., which were and are of force in Ireland, though not 
 allowed of by parliament in this kingdom ; and we shall find that 
 by the opinion of our best lawyers, there are divers such ; but 
 then they are only such as are declaratory of the common law of 
 England, and not introductive of any new law. For these 
 become of force by the first general establishment of the common 
 laws of England, in this kingdom, under Henry II., King John, 
 and Henry III., and need no particular act of Ireland for their 
 sanction."* 
 
 Molyneux maintains that it was only in his time (reign of 
 William III.) that " a doubt began to be moved, whether Ireland 
 was not bound by all the English statutes, since the 10th of 
 Henry II., that are introductive of a new law." * * * 
 
 " But it is not to be found in any records in Ireland, that even 
 any act of parliament introductive of a new law made in England, 
 since the time of King John, was by the judgment of any court 
 received for law or put into execution in the realm of Ireland 
 before the same was confirmed and assented to by parliament 
 in Ireland."! ******** 
 
 " 'Tis urged that though perhaps such acts of England, which 
 do not name Ireland, shall not be construed to bind Ireland, yet 
 all such English statutes as mention Ireland either by the general 
 ATords of all his majesty's dominions, or by particularly naming 
 of Ireland, are, and shall be of force in this kingdom. 
 
 * Molyneux's Case, p. 70. 
 t Molyneux's Case, p. 77. 
 
( 63 ) 
 
 " This being a doctrine first broached directly, (as I conceive,) 
 by William Hussey, lord chief justice of the king's bench in 
 England, in the first year of Henry VII., and of late revived by 
 the Lord Chief Justice Cook, and strongly urged and much relied 
 upon in these latter days.* ***** 
 
 " 'Tis well known since Poyning's act in Ireland, the 10th of 
 Henry YIL, no act can pass in our parliament here, till it be first 
 assented to by the king and privy council of England, and 
 transmitted hither under the broad seal of England. Now, the 
 king and his privy council there have been so far from surmising 
 that an act of parliament in England, mentioning only in general all 
 the king's dominions, or subjects, should bind Ireland, that they 
 have clearly shown the contrary, by frequently transmitting to 
 Ireland, to be passed into laws here, Enghsh statutes, wherein the 
 general words of all the king's dominions, or subjects, were 
 contained, which would have been to no purpose, but merely 
 ' actum agere,' had Ireland been bound before by those English 
 statutes. 
 
 " But in the year 1641, and afterwards in Cromwell's time, 
 and since that in King Charles II., and again very lately in 
 King WilUam's reign, some laws have been made in force in 
 
 Ireland."t 
 
 Molyneux enters into a long argument to show, that these 
 things were only done in the confusion of the times, and in some 
 cases were only confirmations of former acts, but it seems to me 
 more consonant to truth, to state plainly these acts were acts of 
 usurpation, which were detested, and in Ireland resisted, some- 
 times feebly, — after public commotions, often strenuously, though 
 ineifectually, in parliament. 
 
 There is a passage in Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion, 
 which bears out completely tliis view of the question :% — " It was 
 declared by all the judges, and parUament, in 1640, in Ireland, 
 that the subjects of this kingdom are a free people to be governed 
 only according to the common law of England, and the statutes 
 made by parhaments in this kingdom, and according to the lawful 
 customs used in the same." 
 
 • Molynenx's Case, pp. 81, 82. 
 t Molyneux's Case, p. 99. 
 % Appendix, page 4. 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 And at page 96 of the appendix of the same work, he says : — 
 " It is asserted by the clergy, that the 39 articles of the Church 
 of England were not received here in subordination to the Church 
 of England, but were received because they agreed with the 
 doctrine of the Church of Ireland ; and the convocation of Ireland 
 utterly refused to receive the canons made in England, but made 
 canons of their own." 
 
 The supremacy of the superior courts of judicature in England, 
 the courts of king's bench and chancery, has been relied on as an 
 argument for the supremacy of the English parhament. 
 
 It appears, as observed by Lucas and Molyneux, that so early 
 as the reign of Henry III., four knights were sent by the Lord 
 Deputy, Gerald Fitzmaurice, into England, to know what was the 
 state of the law on a controverted question, " the king's justice of 
 Ireland being ignorant what the law was." 
 
 In successive reigns similar questions were referred to England, 
 and at length it was held that the court of king's bench in Ireland 
 was subordinate to that in England. Similar circumstances, 
 attended with similar results, occurred with respect to the Irish 
 court of chancery, and obtained the force of law. 
 
 These early appeals were general complaints to the king of 
 Ireland, who was in England, by persons who thought themselves 
 injured; and it is the doctrine of lawyers, that in such appeals to 
 the court of king's bench, which is, Aula Regia, or Curia Domini 
 Regis, it is the king to whom the suit is made, as laid down in 
 Coke's Fourth Institute, page 72. The king's bench was pre- 
 sumed to be wherever the court was, and to follow the latter 
 wherever it went — the sovereign being also presumed to preside 
 over this court. Controverted judgments came to be brought 
 before it from Ireland, but not in virtue of any pre-eminence over 
 the Irish judicature, except that which it derived from the pre- 
 sumed presence of the king from its contact with the court. 
 
 Molyneux says, "the same may be asserted of the court of 
 chancery, because Scroope and Lombard held that the chancery 
 did follow the king, as the king's bench did. These reasons may 
 be vahd or otherwise, without aifecting the question of the high 
 claim of Ireland to independence of its courts. It is quite suffi- 
 cient that their subordination to those of England was resisted and 
 rejected, and only acquiesced in when resistance was of no avail." 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 Neither Molyiieux, Luoas, nor any of their late folloAvers, have 
 noticed the decision of the Irish chancellor, in the case of the Earl 
 of Thomond, when it was adjudged by his lordship, and all the 
 judges in this kingdom, assembled in chancery — " That the court 
 of chancery in Ireland is not subject to the chancery of England, 
 or subordinate to the same, but that the chancery of Ireland is of 
 as great authority as the chancery of England, and not to be 
 controlled thereby."* 
 
 It is only in the mine of the political literature, in the separate 
 treatises of early political writers, that we can obtain a true 
 knowledge of the parhamentary transactions of those times. In 
 the tracts collected and pubhshed by Harris, entitled " Hibernica," 
 in the second volume, we find " a declaration setting forth how 
 and by what means the laws and statutes of England, from 
 time to time, came to be in force in Ireland, ascribed to Sir 
 Richard Bolton, lord chancellor of Ireland, and the answer of Sir 
 Samuel Mayart, serjeant-at-law, to the former production." These 
 treatises are written in reference to a conference of the Irish 
 commons with the committee of the lords, upon certain questions 
 propounded to the Irish judges, in June, 1641. A declaration was 
 made on that occasion by the prolocutor — '' That the general 
 statutes of England were received in Ireland, — some at one 
 time, some at another ; but all of them, by Poyning's act of 
 the 10th of Henry VIL, and that no other statute or new 
 introductive law was first received and enacted in the parliament 
 of that kingdom." 
 
 The declaration of the house of commons on that occasion 
 was to the following effect : — " That the subjects of Ireland 
 were a free people, and to be governed only according to 
 the common law of England, and statutes established by the 
 parliament of Ireland, and according to the lawful customs used 
 therein."t 
 
 This was the beginning of the controversy, and in April, 1644, 
 the proceedings in both houses were directed to the consideration 
 of the declaration ascribed to Sir Richard Bolton, but the parlia- 
 ment was prorogued on the 6th of May ; and it visibly appears, 
 
 • Day's Car. 2. 
 
 t Harris's Hibernica, vol. ii. preface. 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 says Harris, that " a leaf was torn out ( of the journals of the 
 lords,) where the proceedings of the said sessions were entered, 
 and the journals of the commons, of 1644, are all wanting, so that 
 the resolutions on this subject of both houses of parliament are 
 unknown," 
 
 There are two remarkable passages in Bolton's declaration, in 
 which a great deal of conclusive reasoning will be found compressed 
 in a very small space. 
 
 " If a king come to a christian kingdom by conquest, seeing he 
 hath potestatem vitce et necis, he may, at his pleasure, alter and 
 change the laws of that kingdom; but until he doth make an 
 alteration of those laws, the ancient laws of the kingdom remain : 
 but if a christian king should conquer the kingdom of an infidel, 
 and bring it under subjection, then, ipso facto, the laws of the 
 infidel are abrogated ; for that they be not only against Chris- 
 tianity, but against the law of God and nature, contained in the 
 decalogue : and in that case, until certain laws be estabhshed 
 amongst them, the king by himself, and such judges as he shall 
 appoint, shall judge them and their causes, according to natural 
 equity, in such sort as kings in ancient times did within their 
 kingdoms before any certain laws were given. But if a king 
 have a kingdom by title of descent, there, seeing by the laws of 
 that kingdom he doth inherit the kingdom, he cannot change 
 those laws of himself, without consent of parliament. Also, if a 
 king have a christian kingdom by conquest, as King Henry II. 
 had Ireland; after King John had given unto them, (being under 
 his obedience,) the laws of England for the government of that 
 kingdom, which are not only regal but also politic ; no succeeding 
 king could alter the same without a parliament of that kingdom 
 as appears in Calvin's case, Cooke's lib. 7, foho 17.* 
 
 " And now, inasmuch as the laws of England and Ireland do 
 not admit of any inconveniences, it is to be considered what 
 inconveniences may follow, if the kingdom of Ireland should be 
 bound by any statute made in England, and not confirmed by 
 act of parliament in Ireland. First, the parliament of Ireland 
 should be nugatory and superfluous, if by naming Ireland in any 
 statute made in England, Ireland should be bound : then all 
 
 • Harris's Ilibcrnioa, part ii. p- 28. 
 
( 67 ) 
 
 tlicse parliaments ■which have been hoklen in Ireland since 12th 
 John, for the space of about four hundred years, should have 
 been needless and superfluous, which is not to be imagined. 
 Secondly, if the statutes made in England, by expressing Ireland, 
 should be binding, then, by the same, a statute made in England 
 may repeal, alter, or change all the laws and statutes, which 
 hitherto have been made and approved, or hereafter shall be 
 made or approved in Ireland, which were a thing marvellously 
 inconvenient for that kingdom. And Mr. Littleton saith, ' that 
 the laws will rather suffer a particular mischief than a general 
 inconveniency ;' and it is most certain that ' Argumentum ab 
 inconvenienti est in lege fortissimum.'' An argument drawn from 
 any inconvenience is of the greatest force in law. Thirdly, if the 
 parliaments in Ireland and England be holden at one and the same 
 time, as they now are ; and one parhament shall make a law, and 
 the other likewise should make another law, direct contrary to 
 the other in the same point, it may be demanded, which of these 
 laws shall be obeyed in Ireland ? Fourthly, if the statutes made 
 in Ireland, by those who best know the state and condition of the 
 kingdom of Ireland, and of the people there, shall not be repealed, 
 or any ways altered or changed ; or when laws be imposed by 
 the parhament of England, which cannot possibly know the state 
 and condition of Ireland so well as those which are inhabiting, 
 and have been born and lived many years in that kingdom, it 
 would be very inconvenient for them.* * * * * 
 
 " I cannot conceive why the laws and statutes made in Ireland 
 should be controlled or any ways altered by any other authority 
 than by the parhament of that kingdom. ' Nil tarn, conveniens 
 naturali cequitati iimimquemque dissolvi eo ligamene, quo ligatus 
 est.' Nothing is so agreeable to natural equity, as that every 
 ones hould be unbound by the same authority by which he was 
 bound."t 
 
 The declaration ascribed to Sir Richard Bolton, "how the laws 
 of England came to be in force in Ireland," must have been pub- 
 lished about 1642, for in that year it was first made the subject 
 of parUamentary discussion. At the expiration of fifty-six years 
 
 * Harris's Ilibcrnica, vol. ii, p. 30. 
 t Harris's Hibcrnica, \o\. ii, p. 31. 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 from the date of the latter, Molyneux's " Case of Ireland" was 
 published, in 1698 ; sixty years elapsed between the latter publi- 
 cation, and that of Lucas's addresses to the citizens of Dublin, 
 1738, and between that period and the date of Irish independence 
 1782, forty-four years elapsed. From the time when Bolton's 
 declaration first stu-red the great question of independence, which 
 was set at rest for a short period by Grattan in 1782, the duration 
 of the interval was one hundred and forty years. How long is 
 the interval to be, between the robbery of the parliament itself 
 in 1800, and the restoration of it ? 
 
( G9 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 We have now to consider whether the compact entered into by 
 Henry and his three successors, with the Irish people, was 
 observed or violated. 
 
 The real natui'e of the English settlement established in 
 Ireland, the Umits to its legal power and authority, so late as the 
 reign of EHzabeth, the barbarity of the colonial policy pursued 
 in Ireland, its murderous influence and effects ; the general attain- 
 der of the natives of the country, the seizure of the soil, the 
 three sweeping confiscations in a century, and finally, the state 
 of the connexion between the two countries, in the reign of 
 James I., are more clearly and compendiously set forth in the 
 speech of Lord Clare on the Union, in the Irish parliament, than 
 in any history of those times. The speech of that most able 
 and unprincipled man, who, on the occasion referred to, made no 
 scruple to avow, " that in every communication which he had had 
 with the Idng's minister for the last seven years, he had uni- 
 formly and tlistinctly pressed upon him the urgent necessity of 
 Union !"* 
 
 His facts are unquestionable ; his deductions are utterly at 
 variance with them. The former are valuable ; for, coming as they 
 do from the bitterest of all the enemies of Irish independence, 
 no partiality to the interests of his country can reasonably be 
 suspected : '^fas est ah hoste doceri" 
 
 He sets out with asserting the connexion with England origin- 
 ated in a federal compact of some old Irish chiefs with the 
 Enghsh king. " If the conquest of Ireland was the object of 
 the EngUsh king, his embarrassments on the continent seem to 
 
 * Parliamentary Report. Dub. 1800. 
 
( 70 ) 
 
 have disabled him from effecting it, the first Enghsh settlements 
 here having been merely colonial, such as have since been made 
 by the different nations of Europe, on the coasts of Asia, Africa, 
 or America. During several successive reigns, the English colony 
 was left to thrive by its own strength and resources, having 
 received no other reinforcement than the occasional arrival of 
 British adventurers. The consequence was, that for centuries 
 the English pale was not pushed beyond its original hmits. So 
 late as the reign of Henry VIIL, it consisted of four shires 
 only, and Mr. Allen, then master of the rolls, reported to the 
 king, that his laws were not obeyed twenty miles from the 
 capital. The common observation of the country was, ' that 
 they who dwelt by west of the river Barrow, dwelt by west of 
 the law.' " 
 
 The attempt, he says, to introduce Enghsh statute law, proved 
 altogether abortive. When the lord deputy apphed to Maguire, 
 chief of Fermanagh, to receive a sheriff commissioned by Henry 
 Vin., the chief of Fermanagh repHed : " Your sheriff shall be 
 welcome to me, but if he comes, send me his ' Eric' (price of his 
 head), that, if my people slay him, I may fine them accord- 
 ingly ! !" 
 
 [Up to this time the savage policy of the British government 
 was to discourage all connexion of the colonists with the native 
 Irish.] 
 
 " The statute of Kilkenny, enacted in the reign of Edward HI., 
 prohibited marriage or gossipred with the Irishry, claiming the 
 benefit of the Brehon law, by any person of Enghsh blood, under 
 the penalties of treason. 
 
 " It was a declaration," says Lord Clare, " for perpetual war, 
 not only against the native Irish, but against every person of 
 English blood who had settled beyond the hmits of the pale, and 
 from motives of personal interest or convenience had formed 
 connexions with the natives, or adopted their laws and customs." 
 
 [The murderous policy of the pale, which treated the people of 
 the country as the natural enemies of the colonists, whom it was 
 permissible to kiU and spoil, on the plea of the pale privilege 
 and the payment of a trifling fine, received a new element of 
 destructiveness in the reign of Edward VI., and the efforts made 
 to force the reformed liturgy upon the Irish people, when they 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 were summarily called upon, on pain of death, to abjure the 
 religion of their ancestors. 
 
 In the succeeding reign, the nation was called on to abjure 
 the Reformation. 
 
 In the next reign the nation was again called on to return to 
 the reformed hturgy, and from that time a war of extermina- 
 tion, with brief intervals, not of repose but of lassitude in the 
 career of oppression, and of exhaustion in that of resistance, was 
 waged against the imliappy people.] 
 
 " The violence," says Lord Clare, " committed by the regency 
 of Edward, and continued by Ehzabeth, to force the reformed 
 rehgion in Ireland, had no other effect than to foment a general 
 disaffection to the Enghsh government — a disaffection so general 
 as to induce Philip II. of Spain to attempt partial descents on the 
 southern coasts of this island, preparatory to his meditated 
 attack upon England. Ehzabeth quickly saw her danger, and 
 that it was necessary without delay to secure the possession of 
 Ireland : she sent over a powerful and well-appointed army, and 
 after a difficult and bloody war of seven years, effected the 
 complete reduction of the island, which to the period of this first 
 conquest, had been divided into a number of licentious and 
 independent tribes, under the rule of the ancient chiefs of the 
 country and powerful lords of English blood, who had obtained 
 profuse territorial grants. 
 
 " She did not, however, live to see this reduction completed : 
 the capitulation with O'Neale, was not signed till some time after 
 her death, and, therefore, her successor must be considered as 
 the first EngHsh monarch who possessed the complete dominion 
 of Ireland." 
 
 The accession of James I. (continues Lord Clare,) was as the 
 era of connexion between the sister islands. " Then, for the first 
 time, was the spirit of resistance to the English power broken 
 down, and the Enghsh laws universally acknowledged." A few 
 observations, that do not occupy a page of printed matter, follow ; 
 and his lordship, with that extraordinary recklessness which 
 characterized his mode of reasoning, proceeds to point out the 
 barbarous pohcy of the laws which James introduced for the 
 enforcement of the reformed liturgy, and the universal dis- 
 affection which sprung up, in consequence of those laws and other 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 measures of his — thus clirectl}'^ contradicting the preceding state- 
 ment " that the EngHsli laws were universally acknowledged." 
 
 " The first object of the king seems to have been to establish 
 the reformation, but in pursuing it, unfortunately he adopted the 
 same course by which his predecessors had been misled, but his 
 measures were attended with much more serious and extensive 
 consequences. Their orders for religious reformation had ex- 
 tended only to the churches and districts within the pale; but 
 the orders sent by the council of James I. extended to the whole 
 island. The province of Ulster had been the principal theatre 
 of the late war, and had been confiscated and seized into the 
 hands of the crown. The old proprietors who had led the 
 revolt, were expelled, and replaced by a new set of adventurers 
 from England and Scotland — all protestants, who, with a new 
 rehgion, brought over with them a new source of contention with 
 the inhabitants. ******** 
 
 " The distinction of Englishry and Irishry had been nearly 
 effaced in the time of Elizabeth, and was succeeded by a new 
 schism of protestant and papist, but from the first introduction of 
 his protestant colony, by James I., the old distinctions of native 
 Irish and degenerate Enghsh, and Enghsh of blood, and English 
 of birth, were lost and forgotten ; all rallied to the banner of the 
 popish faith, and looked upon the new protestant settlers as the 
 common aggressors and enemy, and it is a melancholy truth, that 
 from that day, all have clung to the poj)ish religion as a common 
 bond of union, and a hereditary pledge of animosity to British 
 settlers and the British nation. ****** 
 
 " James I. was therefore di'iven to the necessity of treating the 
 old inhabitants as a conquered people, and governing their 
 country as an Enghsh province, or of fortifying his protestant 
 colony, by investing them exclusively with the artificial power of 
 a separate government, which on every principle of self-interest, 
 and self-preservation, they ivere bound to administer in concert 
 tuith England." 
 
 So much for the universal acknowledgement of the English 
 laws in James I.'s time, and in that of his successors, Charles 
 and Cromwell. 
 
 Lord Clare observes : '* The steady government of Strafford 
 kept down these animosities, which liad continued Avith unabated 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 rancour until his time. But at his removal, the old inhabitants, 
 taking advantage of the weakness and distraction of the English 
 government, broke out into open hostility and rebellion. The 
 flame had long been smothered, and at length burst forth with a 
 terrible explosion. The native Irish began the insurrection ; but 
 Avere soon joined by the EngUsh colony and lords of English 
 blood, with few exceptions ; and, after a fierce and bloody con- 
 test of eleven years, in which the face of the whole island was 
 desolated, and its population nearly extinguished by war, pesti- 
 lence, and famine, the insurgents were subdued, and suifered all 
 the calamities wliich could be inflicted on a vanquished party, in 
 a long contested civil war ; this was a civil war of extermination." 
 
 [The steady government of Strafford was displayed in his 
 proceedings in the Court of Castle Chamber in Ireland, 
 which was much of the same nature as the Star Chamber in 
 England, and in his barbarous pohcy towards the Irishry, of 
 which we have some evidences given on his trial.* The third 
 article of the accumulated treason with which he was charged 
 sets forth : — 
 
 " That on the 30th of September, in the 9th of Charles I., he 
 said, in a public speech before divers of the nobility and gentry 
 of Ireland, that Ireland was a conquered nation, and that the 
 king might do with them what he pleased." 
 
 And speaking of the charters former kings of England made to 
 the city of Dublin, he further said, " That their charters were 
 worth nothing, and did bind the king no farther than he pleased."] 
 
 " Cromwell's first act," says Lord Clare, " was to collect all 
 the native Irish who had survived the general desolation, and 
 remained in the country, and to transplant them into the province 
 of Connaught, wliich had been completely depopulated and laid 
 waste in the progress of the rebellion. They were ordered to 
 retire there by a certain day, and forbidden to repass the river 
 Shannon on pain of death, and this sentence of deportation was 
 rigidly enforced until the restoration. Their ancient possessions 
 were seized and given up to the conquerors, as were the posses- 
 sions of every man who had taken a part in the rebellion, or 
 followed the fortunes of the king, after the murder of Charles L 
 
 • Fourth volume of Rushworth's collection. 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 And this whole fund was distributed amongst the officers and 
 soldiers of Cromwell's army, in satisfaction of the arrears of 
 their pay, and adventurers who had advanced money to defray 
 the expenses of the war. And thus a new colony of new settlers, 
 composed of all the various sects which then infested England — 
 Independents, Anabaptists, Seceders, Brownists, Socinians, Mille- 
 narians, and Dissenters of every description, many of them infected 
 with the leaven of democracy, poured into Ireland, and were put 
 into possession of the ancient inheritance of its inhabitants." * * 
 " Charles II. was restored," and his lordship tells us, " The 
 civil war of 1641, the rebellion against the crown of England, 
 and the complete reduction of the Irish rebels by Cromwell, re- 
 dounded essentially to the advantage of the British empire. 
 But admitting the principle in its fullest extent, it is impossible 
 to defend the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, by which it 
 was carried into effect." ******* 
 " The Act of Settlement professes to have for its object the 
 execution of his majesty's gracious declaration for the settlement 
 of his kingdom of Ireland, and satisfaction of the several interests 
 of adventurers, soldiers and others, his subjects there, and after 
 reciting the rebellion, the enormities committed in the progress 
 of it, and the final reduction of the rebels by the king's English 
 and protestant subjects, by a general sweeping clause, vests in 
 the king, his heirs and successors, all estates real and personal, 
 of every kind whatsoever in the kingdom of Ireland, wliich at 
 any time from the 21st of October, 1641, were seized or seques- 
 tered, into the hands or to the use of Charles I. or the then king, 
 or otherwise disposed of, set out or set apart by reason or on 
 account of the rebelhon." ****** 
 
 " And having thus, in the first instance, vested three-fourths of 
 the land and personal property of the inhabitants of this island 
 in the king, commissioners are appointed with full and exclusive 
 authority, to hear and determine all claims upon the general 
 fund, whether of officers and soldiers for arrears of pay, of ad- 
 venturers who had advanced money for carrying on the war, or 
 of innocent papists, as they are called ; in other words, of the old 
 inhabitants of the island, who had been dispossessed by Cromwell, 
 not for having taken a part in the rebelhon against the English 
 crown, hut for their attachment to the fortunes of diaries II." 
 
( 75 ) 
 
 " I wish," continues his lordship, " gentlemen, who call them- 
 selves the dignified and independent Irish nation, to know that 
 seven milhons eight hmidred thousand acres of land were set out 
 under the authority of this act, to a motley crew of English 
 adventurers, civil and military, nearly to the total exclusion of 
 the old inhabitants of the island, many of whom, who were 
 innocent of the rebellion, lost their inheritance, as well for the 
 difiiculties imposed upon them by the court of claims, in the proofs 
 required of their innocency, as from a deficiency in the fund for 
 reprisal to EngUsh adventurers, arising principally from a profuse 
 grant made by the crown to the Duke of York. * * * 
 
 " After the expulsion of James from the throne of England, the 
 old inhabitants made a final effort for recovery of their ancient 
 power, in which they were once more defeated by an Enghsh 
 army, and the slender rehques of Irish possessions became the 
 subject of fresh confiscation. From the report made by the 
 commissioners appointed by the parhament of England^in 1698, it 
 appears that the Irish subjects, outlawed for the rebelHon of 
 1688, amounted to the number of 3978 ; and that their Irish 
 possessions, as far as could be computed, were of the value 
 annually £211,623, comprising 1,060,792 acres. Tliis fund was 
 sold under the authority of an Enghsh act of parhament, to 
 defray the expenses incurred by England in reducing the rebels 
 of 1688, and the sale introduced into Ireland a new set of 
 adventurers ! 
 
 " It is a subject of curious and important speculation to look 
 back to the forfeitures of Ireland incurred in the last century. 
 The superficial contents of the island are calculated at 11,426,82 
 acres. Let us now examine the state of forfeitures : 
 
 Confiscated in the reign of James I., the whole of the) „ q„^ ' _ 
 
 province of Ulster, containing J ' ' 
 
 Set out by the court of claims at the Restoration 7,800,000 
 
 Forfeiture of 1688 1,060,792 
 
 Total acres 11,697,629 
 
 " So that the whole of your island has been confiscated, with 
 the exception of the estates of five or six old famihes of Enghsh 
 blood, some of whom had been attainted in the reign of 
 Henry VIIL, but recovered their possessions before Tyrone's 
 rebellion, and had the good fortune to escape the pillage of the 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 English republic, inflicted by Cromwell; and no inconsiderable 
 portion of the island has been confiscated twice, or perhaps thrice, 
 in the course of a century. The situation, therefore, of the Irish 
 nation, at the revolution, stands unparalleled in the liistory of the 
 inhabited world. If the wars of England, carried on here from 
 the reign of Elizabeth, had been waged against a foreign enemy, 
 the inhabitants would have retained their possessions under the 
 established laAV of civihzed nations, and their country have been 
 annexed as a province to the British empire. But the continued 
 and persevering resistance of Ireland to the British crown during 
 the whole of the last century was mere rebelUon, and the muni- 
 cipal law of England attached upon the crime. What, then, was 
 the situation of Ireland at the revolution, and what is it at this 
 day ? The whole power and property of the country has been 
 conferred by successive monarchs of England upon an English 
 colony, composed of three sets of Enghsh adventurers who 
 poured into this country at the termination of three successive 
 rebellions."* 
 
 When the reader reads in the foregoing pages bare statements 
 of momentous events, such as the account of a seven years' civil 
 war, another of eleven, a war of extermination, and three sweep- 
 ing confiscations of the island, in a period of one hundred years, 
 it is requisite for liim to fill up the terrible picture on his mind 
 of all the sufferings, calamities, privations, cruelties, massacres, 
 famines, and pestilential diseases that the wretched people suffered 
 and endured in these wars, famines and confiscations ! ! ! 
 
 The noble author I have quoted gives only the grim and 
 ghastly outlines of this cycle of the terrible regime of blood and 
 rapacity that constitutes the government of Ireland, for a period 
 exceeding; six hundred years. 
 
 But the period that Lord Clare has chosen to illustrate, is 
 suflftcient for examination, and for all the purposes of this inquiry ; 
 it is more than suflicient to show that the barbarities committed 
 by the Spaniards on the natives of Mexico, Peru, Haiti, and the 
 adjacent islands, were surpassed in Ireland ; that the savagery 
 practised in Ireland was more systematic, murderous, and un- 
 remitting than it ever was in the new world, and more criminal 
 
 • Lord Clare's speech on the Union, p. 21 — Report, Milliken, Dub. 1800. 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 on the part of the Eiighsh government, inasmuch as its laws 
 sanctioned every violation of justice and humanity, while those of 
 Spain, from first to last, refused their sanction to the iniquities of 
 the conquistadoros, and the government of Spain had the decency, 
 oven whilst it despised the laws of God and the rights of 
 humanity, to defer to the opinion of the world, and to play the 
 hypocrite, by framing laws for the protection of the Indians, which 
 it knew would never be carried into effect. 
 
 Miserable merit there might be in that hypocrisy, but something 
 of the sense of shame, and of the recognition of the claims of 
 humanity, and of the rights of human beings, there was, in the 
 reluctance that prevailed to pollute the code of Spain with san- 
 guinary and inhuman edicts. 
 
 One of the most powerful of the political writers of 1778, whose 
 pieces bore the signature of Guatimozin, summing up his comments 
 on tliis subject, disposes of it in a few remarkable words : — " If 
 you would see Irish grievances, turn over your statute book. 
 Look for the word Ireland, or for the Avord penalty, 'tis equal 
 Avhich, for where you meet the first, the second inevitably follows ; 
 so that you may trace Ireland through the penal code, as you 
 would track a wounded man through a crowd by blood." 
 
 Barrington has noticed a few of the penal laws, from the time 
 of WilUam III. and but a few, by no means more barbarous than 
 many others of the bloody code.* 
 " By 7th WilHam III., — No protestant in Ireland was allowed to 
 
 instruct any papist. 
 " By 8th Anne, — No papist was allowed to instruct any other 
 
 papist. 
 " By 7th William III., — No papist was allowed to be sent out 
 
 of Ireland to be educated. 
 " By 12th George I., — Any cathohc priest marrying a protestant 
 
 and cathohc, was to be hanged. 
 " By 7th George II., — Any barrister or attorney marrying a 
 
 catholic, to be dis-barred. 
 "By 2nd Anne, — Any papist priest coming into Ireland and 
 
 ofl&ciating, to be hanged. 
 " By 8th Anne, — Fifty pounds to be paid to all informers against 
 
 catholic archbishops and vicars-general. 
 
 • Barring ton's Rise and Fall, p. 221. 
 
( 78 ) 
 
 " By 7th William III., — No papist allowed to ride any horse worth 
 
 more than £5. 
 " By 9th George II., — Papists residing in Ireland must make good 
 to protestants, all losses sustained by ravages on the coast of 
 Ireland by the privateers of any catholic king. 
 " By 29th George II., — Barristers and attorneys were obhged to 
 waive their privileges, and betray the secrets of their clients, 
 if papists. 
 
 God forbid that the pall, which covers the horrid corpse of the 
 pohcy of the " pale" and the penal code, should be lifted for the 
 purpose of presenting frightful apparitions of crime and suifering, 
 or of renewing ancient rancours between the descendants of the 
 lord of the pale and those of the proscribed race, the oppressor 
 and the oppressed, Celt and Saxon, Catholic and Protestant,— in 
 effect, between those who are not answerable for the misdeeds of 
 their ancestors, and those who have their own grievances to 
 redress, and not the calamities of bye-gone barbarous ages to 
 avenge — in a word, between the Irish and the English of our 
 days! 
 
 A far different object than the revival of ancient rancours is to 
 be effected by recalling the feuds, the proscriptions, the carnage, 
 confiscations, the violated engagements of past times. 
 
 The object that is sought is to show the English people that we 
 have suffered great wrongs at the hands of their governments — 
 that we have great claims on their justice — that it is not to their 
 pity we have to appeal, but to their pride, the pride of a nation 
 whose prominent boast is its love of justice, — whose best charac- 
 teristic is the love of wliat is termed in honest, homely Saxon 
 words — fair play. 
 
 It was by foul play that Irish independence, stipulated for by 
 those who conferred the title of lord of Ireland on the second 
 Henry, and guaranteed by each of his successors, till the reign of 
 Henry VII., was first violated by the act that bears the name of 
 Sir Edward Poynings. 
 
 It was by foul play that James I. packed the Irish parhament, 
 and converted it into a convocation of fanatics, by making close 
 boroughs of his " Protestant colonics." 
 
 It was by foul play that the Catholics were deprived, in the 
 reign of William III., of the privilege of sitting in parliament, 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 after all their rights and privileges had been confirmed to them 
 by the treaty of Limerick. 
 
 It was by foul play that the parliament of Ireland was legislated 
 for in England, in the same reign, 10th and 11th of WilHam III., 
 and the most prosperous manufacture of Ireland, the woollen 
 manufacture, was prohibited, under penalties for its exportation, 
 of imprisonment, and fine, by confiscation of goods ; and, where the 
 confiscated goods did not answer the inflicted fine, of transporta- 
 tion, — the laws declaring that he (the offender) shall he trmisported 
 to the plantations ! ! ! An act, passed in virtue of what Sir William 
 Blackstone called the dominion of the sovereign legislative 
 parliament. 
 
 It was by foul play that the Irish parliament was rendered a 
 mere court for registering Enghsh ministerial acts, the " umbra" 
 of a representative, deliberative assembly, and kept thus de- 
 graded, till the volunteers of 1782 sent the intimation of the 
 nation's will, booming with the echoes of the artillery at Dun- 
 gannon, across the channel, demanding the restoration of the 
 independence of which they had been deprived, and their demand 
 was conceded fully, frankly, and, in the words of the minister of 
 the day, the concession was a " final settlement." And lastly, at 
 the expiration of eighteen years, from that final settlement, it was 
 by foul play, — the foulest of the foul, — soiled and filthied with 
 every kind of subtle baseness and individual turpitude, broken 
 faith, governmental abandonment, the shedding of much blood, 
 public prostitution, enormous corruption, vast expenditure on a 
 worthless object, and lavish profusion of noble titles on worthless 
 men, that Ireland was robbed of her parliament. 
 
 Thus, the solemn engagement of Henry II., ratified by two of 
 his successors, stipulating that Ireland should have the same laws 
 and independent institutions which Britain possessed, was violated ; 
 and, since the act of union, the faith of England remains broken 
 with the Irish people. 
 
 Here is the language which was held by an Enghsh baronet in 
 1778, in reference to the efforts which were then making in 
 Ireland to regain the independence of the parliament and the 
 freedom of Irish trade. The latter object he reprobated, being 
 the representative in the British House of Commons of a great 
 manufacturing district. 
 
( 80 ) 
 
 In reference to the former one, Sir Christopher Wray, in a 
 letter addressed to the pubhsher of the Freeman's Journal, used 
 the following words, which, to his honour, deserves to be 
 remembered — '^ I detest and abhor that dangerous, anti-constitu- 
 tional, tyrannical position of the English laiu, that 'Ireland 
 ought to he subordinate and dependent' on the British croiun ; and 
 that the king's majesty, with the consent of the lords and commons 
 of Great Britain in parliament, hath power to make laws to bind 
 the people of Ireland. Sir, I ever opposed such a position in 
 respect to America — I will ever oppose it in respect to Ireland."* 
 
 People of England, gentlemen of England, journalists of 
 England, and last and least of all, government of England, do 
 like this just man ; look on the question not as it affects your 
 imperial pride, — your imperial interests, but as it affects the honor 
 of your national character, and the eternal interests of justice. 
 Declare openly in the face of heaven what many of you feel, but 
 unfortunately are deterred from expressing, that you detest and 
 abhor that dangerous and anti-constitutional tyrannical position of 
 the English law which has effected in Ireland, Avhat was attempted 
 to be eft'ected in America, and which was opposed by all good 
 men of all parties in your country. 
 
 * Ileprint of the letters of Guatimozin and Causidicus, Dub. 1779- 
 
( SI ) 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 At the commencement of this treatise, I gave some account of 
 the annexation of the crown of Portugal to that of Spain. The 
 results of that union remain to be noticed; and, also, the circum- 
 stances under which SjDanish domination endured in Portugal, for 
 a period of sixty years. In 1640, John, Duke of Braganza, began 
 to have the eyes of all Portugal fixed on his movements. He was 
 then hving in seclusion at ViUa Viciosa, the seat of his ancestors. 
 His father's chief aim had been to inflame his mind against the 
 usurpers of the crown which belonged to liim. But the duke 
 was not a man easily inflamed, or even roused from the natural 
 indolence and insousiance of his disposition. He disliked the 
 Spaniards, and had a sort of affection for his country ; he was a 
 man of sound discretion, free from glaring vices, and would have 
 preferred a state of tranquil obscurity to the splendid misery of 
 a throne. It had been a part of the Spanish poHcy to seek to 
 extinguish his influence over his countrymen, by heaping invidious 
 honors and distinctions on liim. He had been offered the office 
 of Governor of Milan, and refused it ; he had been invited to join 
 the Spanish army, on the frontiers of Arragon, and declined the 
 invitation. The post, however, of commander-in-chief of all the 
 fortresses in the kingdom, had been forced on him ; but stiU he 
 resisted Spanish influence, and even availed himself of his foreign 
 official dignity, to assume all the splendor of his rank and former 
 station. The change was not ill-timed, nor were the ideas it 
 suggested without their value in the minds of his countrymen. 
 His legal adviser, and manager of liis pecuniary affairs, an eminent 
 doctor of laws, John Pinto Ribiero, erroneously styled by Vertot, 
 " the steward of his household," took the most effective means of 
 promoting the duke's interests, and this without the apparent 
 
 G 
 
( 82 ) 
 
 consent or knowledge of the latter. He rallied the dispirited 
 Portuguese of distinction ; in assembUes, convened ostensibly for 
 convivial pleasures, and when he knew his men, railed against 
 the Spanish tyrants, reminded the nobihty of their former honors, 
 lamented their humiliations, their compulsory attendance at the 
 Spanish court, and their necessary obedience to the commands of 
 the Spanish sovereign, when he summoned the flower of their 
 nobihty to join his standard in a foreign country. With the mer- 
 chants, he bewailed the dechne of commerce, the transference of 
 the trade of the Indies to Cadiz. With the clergy, he condoled 
 on the violation of their privileges and immunities, on the 
 possession of their richest benefices and preferments by foreign 
 incumbents. He truly represented to the popular subordinate 
 judges and magisterial officials (the juizes de pove and escrivanos), 
 the withdrawal of the youth of Portugal, and their employment 
 in Spanish armies in Catalonia and elsewhere, and the ruin thus 
 brought on the industrial resources of their country, as an exile 
 and a drain on the nation's strength, in the prosecution of Spanish 
 policy.* 
 
 About two years before the revolution an insurrection had 
 broken out at Evora, in consequence of excessive imposts newly 
 levied in that district. The insurrection was suppressed, and 
 no disposition shown for several months after the restoration 
 of order to punish the persons implicated in that movement. All 
 offences were apparently forgotten and forgiven, Avhen the Spanish 
 government ordered the prosecution of the offenders; numbers 
 were executed, and their punishment assumed the character of 
 cruelty and perfidy. " Two things especially," says the author of 
 " The Spanish Revolutions," "brought those people to resolve upon 
 the last extremity. The first was, that Vasconcellos established 
 a duty of one-fifth upon all merchandize that was either imported 
 or exported ; an excessive and most tyrannical impost, and never 
 heard of in the most despotic monarchies. [What would the author 
 say if he lived to examine the present Portuguese tariff?] The 
 second was, that the province of Catalonia being revolted from 
 its subjection to Spain, the Duke of Ohvarez published the 
 ' Arriere ban,' commanding all persons included therein to serve 
 
 * Vertofs " History of the Revolution in rortugal," Lond. Ed. 1700, p. 29. 
 
( 83 ) 
 
 in the Catalonian wars. Tliis order would have completed the 
 ruin of the nobility, by the vast expense of such a remote and 
 tetUous campaign."* The Duke of Braganza repUed to Ribiero's 
 first overtures, that " the time when God would dehver the 
 nation from its wretched bondage, was not yet come." Ribiero 
 was of a diiFerent opinion, and he, accordingly, procured a meeting 
 of the " fidalgos" to be held, with the Archbishop of Lisbon at 
 the head of them. The Archbishop was a member of the noble 
 house of De Cunha, a man well experienced in the affairs of the 
 world, and, from a long residence in Spain, in a dignified 
 ecclesiastical capacity, intimately acquainted with the Spanish 
 court. He possessed great powers of eloquence, and influence 
 over all classes. He had the reputation of a virtuous prelate ; 
 his hfe was blameless, and neither at a foreign court nor in 
 the exalted station he held in his own country, had he forfeited 
 the respect of the Spaniards, nor the confidence of liis own 
 countrymen. 
 
 The conspiracy di'agged on slowly for some time, till a sudden 
 
 impulse was given to its movement by a discourse of the archbishop 
 
 at a meeting of the Almadas, Almeides, and Mellos, for it was a 
 
 singular thing in this conspiracy that the sons of the principal 
 
 leaders were leagued with their fathers, in the same poUtical 
 
 confederacy. He set before the assembled nobles, the intolerable 
 
 grievances under which they laboured, reminded them of the 
 
 number of their order whom Philip II. had butchered to secure 
 
 the conquest of their country, of the brief of absolution obtained 
 
 from Rome, on account of the multitude of priests, and others of 
 
 religious orders, whom he had caused to be put to death, to 
 
 secure his usurpation, and since that, of the innumerable victims 
 
 to the inhuman policy of the Spaniards in their country. The 
 
 church, he said, had been filled with a scandalous clergy, the 
 
 creatures of Vasconcellos. The people were borne down with 
 
 excessive taxes. Their nobihty were summoned to the Spanish 
 
 court, and were treated with contempt by the Castilians in Spain, 
 
 while these strangers enjoyed their estates in Portugal. He 
 
 concluded by assuring them that so great were the miseries of 
 
 his country, he would rather die ten thousand deaths than witness 
 
 * "History of the JRevolutions in Spain," Loud. Ed. 4 vols. 1724, vol. ii, 
 p. 440. 
 
( 84 ) 
 
 the increase of them, nor would he desu-e to live, but that he 
 entertained the hope that so many noble persons were not met 
 together in vain.* 
 
 The discourse had its desired eifect. The tyranny of their 
 Spanish rulers, the astute wicked conduct of their Portuguese 
 agent Vasconcellos, the individual wrongs of the persons assembled, 
 of some whose estates had been unjustly confiscated, of others 
 who had lost fathers, brothers, friends, who had been sacrificed 
 for the cause of their country, " these considerations (says Vertot) 
 joined to their own private animosities made them unanimously 
 resolve to venture hfe and fortune rather than any longer bear 
 the heavy yoke."t The question of the form of government 
 caused a division among them ; some were for a republic like that 
 of Holland, some for a monarchy, and those who were in favour 
 of the latter were divided between the adherents of the Duke of 
 Braganza, the Marquis of Villarcal, and the Duke of Aveiro, all 
 princes of the blood royal. The archbishop declared for the 
 Duke of Braganza. Pinto wrote to the duke, informing liim of 
 the success of the first meeting, and advised liis coming to Lisbon 
 as if on private business, to encourage his partizans, but took 
 care to keep his communication with the duke a profound secret, 
 even from those who declared for D. John in the assembly. 
 Pinto Ribiero even took care to express great doubts of the duke's 
 entering into the design. The duke came uj? from Villa Viciosa 
 to Almada, a castle near Lisbon, with a magnificent equipage, 
 attended by a cortege befitting a sovereign. The people sur- 
 rounded him in multitudes as if waiting for liis assent to proclaim 
 him king. But the duke was too prudent to trust so vast an 
 enterprize to the uncertain issue of a popular commotion. He 
 treated them with reserved benignity, as if he was constrained 
 from manifesting his love for them, and he did not even enter 
 Lisbon, to avoid giving umbrage to the Spaniards. 
 
 Pinto managed to get a deputation appointed by the con- 
 spirators to wait upon the duke at Almada, for the purpose of 
 soliciting him to accept the crown. The duke granted the 
 interview, but prudently limited the number of persons of the 
 deputation to three. Miguel d'Almeida, Antonio d'Almada, and 
 
 * "Bellum Lusitanium," and Vertot 's History, 
 t Vertot's Revolutions of Portugal, p. 27. 
 
( 85 ) 
 
 Pedro Mendoza were chosen. Almada was the spokesman on the 
 occasion. Vertot informs us that he represented to the duke 
 the unhappy state of Portugal, its degradation, and destitution 
 under the Spanish yoke, — the danger which every man of 
 influence, or former rank and station was exposed to, from Spanish 
 jealousy, and more than any other the Duke himself. When he 
 had pretty well exhausted these topics, he took another hne of 
 argument, which, like the postscript of a lady's letter, was reserved 
 for the most important part of the communication. He said " it 
 only remained for him to remind the noble duke that Spain no 
 longer held the balance of the power of Europe in her hands. 
 That monarchy once so formidable could scarcely now preserve 
 its ancient territories. The French and Dutch not only waged 
 war against it, but had often overcome it, and Catalonia itself 
 then employed the greatest part of its forces. It had scarcely 
 an army on foot. The treasury was exhausted, the kingdom was 
 governed by a weak prince, who was himself swayed by a 
 minister who was abhorred by the nation." He then represented 
 what hopes they might found on the professed enmity of most of 
 the princes of Europe to the Spanish sovereign, and on such 
 encouragement as Holland and Catalonia had met with from that 
 able statesman. Cardinal Richelieu, whose mighty genius seemed 
 bent on the destruction of the Spanish power. In fine, that there 
 never was a more favourable opportunity for the assertion of his 
 rights, and the dehvery of his country from a foreign yoke. 
 
 The duke neither accepted nor rejected the proposal made to 
 him ; he commended their zeal for the mterests of Portugal, and 
 their anxiety for his welfare, but " he feared that matters were 
 not ripe for so great an enterprize, which if not brought to a 
 happy result would prove fatal to them all."* 
 
 The Duke returned to his palace, and communicated every 
 thing to liis wife, with whom he never failed to advise in every 
 important matter. The duchess was a person of a noble mind 
 and spirit, worthy of the confidence reposed in her wisdom. 
 She was a noble Castihan lady, Donna Suisa de Guzman, daughter 
 of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. She asked the duke, " in case 
 the Portuguese, acting on his rejection of their proposal, should 
 
 * Vertot's History of the Revolution of Portugal, p. 33. 
 
( 8G ) 
 
 decide on a republic, would he join with them, or with the King 
 of Spain ?" The duke replied, with his countrymen undoubtedly, 
 for whose liberty he would venture his life. The duchess then 
 said, " why cannot you do for your own sake what you would do 
 as a member of the commouAvealth ?" After this she urged his 
 right to the crown, the wrongs the people suffered at the hands 
 of the CastiUans, and reminded him, " it was inconsistent with the 
 honor of a person of his quality to be an idle looker on, that his 
 children would reproach his memory, and posterity execrate it 
 for neglecting so fair an opportunity of restoring them what they 
 ought in justice to have had. 
 
 The duke probably required not much persuasion to accept 
 the offer made to him, by the advice of his lady ; he deferred, 
 however, appearing openly in the business till the conspiracy was 
 more matured, and its numbers augmented. 
 
 At this juncture, (the Spanish government being acquainted 
 with the posture of affairs at Lisbon,) the duke was summoned to 
 Spain, to report in person to the king the condition of the forts 
 and garrisons. Assurances were given to him at the same time 
 by the minister, that his reception would be in every respect such 
 as was due to his deserts. The duke perceived his destruction was 
 resolved upon ; he concluded he was betrayed. He despatched a 
 messenger to Madrid to acquaint the minister that he would obey 
 the summons, and immediately make his preparation for the 
 journey. 
 
 Some days after this answer was returned to the minister, the 
 same messtaiger (duly instructed by his master) brought an 
 account to Olivarez of the duke's having suddenly fallen sick. 
 When tliis pretext failed, the messenger presented a memorial, 
 praying to have the affair of his master's precedence in the court 
 adjusted. In the meantime events hastened to the desired end 
 in Portugal. The chief conspirators determined on the day their 
 plans were to be carried into execution. An assembly was called, 
 the question of the proclamation of Dom John, or the establishment 
 of a republic was again discussed, and the decision was in favour 
 of the former. The Padre Nicolao Maia, who took an active part 
 in the revolution and has left the best account extant of it, says, 
 that the plans of the conspirators in the month of August, began 
 to be carried into effect, " when the Spaniards entered on new 
 
( 87 ) 
 
 persecutions (of which the conspirators it was said were timely 
 apprized), and if Providence had not been propitious, the project 
 of uniting the two crowns would have been effected."* 
 
 The Padre Maia was employed to keep the people in expectation 
 of some event, without disclosing to them any part of the plans 
 or object of the leaders, to communicate with the judges of the 
 people (de Povo) and other subordinate authorities, who had risen 
 from the people, or whose sympatliies were with them. At length 
 Maia procured a meeting to be held at the house of D. Antao 
 de Almada, where it was finally determined that the people should 
 be informed an opportunity would arise, when they would be 
 expected to follow the nobility when the time for action came. 
 Maia states, that without the co-operation of the clergy the 
 enterprize never could have succeeded. The illustrious Archbishop 
 of Lisbon, D. Roderigo de Cunha, Fereira the Prior of St. 
 Nicholas, a Rev. Doctor of the inquisition, Stephen de Cunha, 
 and the Friar Luis de Abren, were indefatigable in their 
 exertions, but no less discreet than energetic. There was scarcely 
 a night, says Maia, that meetings were not held at the house of 
 John Pinto Ribiero.j 
 
 " On the Friday" says Maia, " before the attempt, the con- 
 spu'ators met in the garden of Dom Antao de Almada, when it 
 was announced that one of their party had been seen on the 
 opposite side of the Tagus, where he had been to reveal their 
 secrets to the secretary Vasconcellos. This inteUigence (which 
 turned out to be erroneous,) threw the assembly into consternation. 
 Nevertheless, their wonted intrepidity was soon exhibited in the 
 proposal of several of them, to make an immediate eifort, and to 
 commence by seizing on Vasconcellos, and proclaiming the Duke 
 of Braganza. Some proposed a night attack on Vasconcellos, at 
 an hour when he was accustomed to receive his friends, and put 
 all of them to death. Tliis vile counsel the brave old man, 
 Michael de Almeida, reprobated. He said, the day revealed the 
 
 * Eela^ao de Felice Acclamacao, por N. de Maia, Lisboa, 1641, reprinted 
 Lobo, 1803, p. 339. 
 
 t Tliis man was a distinguished jurist, a Doctor of law, a successful prose 
 writer, a tolerable poet, author of a work on the duties of a judge, the rights of 
 his master to the crown. liis works, embracing compositions in all these 
 branches of science and literature, in one folio vol., show him to have been a 
 man of varied talents and acquirements. 
 
( 88 ) 
 
 secrets of the night; but still, with mild words, he cooled his 
 associates' ardor, stimulated too much by uncontrolled courage. 
 Finally it was arranged that there should be no further delay, 
 and they in the meantime provided themselves not only with 
 corporal arms, but also with spiritual ones, for the following 
 Saturday, when their words were to become works, in conformity 
 with what was ordained, which was unanimously approved."* 
 
 " On Friday," continues Maia, " all the preparations suggested 
 by Michael de Almeida were made. All confessed." From other 
 historians we learn, that the archbishop had previously given 
 orders to certain clergymen, on whom he could depend, to be in 
 their places in their several churches during the night of Friday, 
 Avithout hghts, and with the doors left ajar, in order to perform 
 such clerical functions as might be required of them. Each of 
 the conspirators proceeded that night to the nearest chapel, and 
 there, according to Almeida's recommendation, prepared for the 
 morning's dangers. 
 
 The anonymous author of the "Revolutions of Portugal" 
 (vol. ii., page 640) states, that the heads of the conspiracy assem- 
 bled on the morning of the 1st of December, in a church, where 
 they joined in prayer, and in the participation of the solemn rites 
 of religion, at seven o'clock in the morning, and in the course 
 of about an hour, were on their way to the palace. 
 
 This is one of the most extraordinary circumstances recorded 
 in history. This kind of preparation, so different from that we 
 read of in the accounts of the night's preparations of other con- 
 spirators for the perils of the coming day, in riot and mad revelry, 
 drowning reflection, under the name of care, in wine. One of 
 the first at his perilous post, on Saturday morning, the 1st of 
 December, 1640, was Pinto Ribiero. While he was waiting near 
 the palace for the Fidalgos, he was accosted, says Maia, by a 
 friend, who inquired the cause of his appearance in that quarter 
 at so early an hour. Ribiero replied — " It is nothing ; I have an 
 appointment here, under the saloon of the ' Tudescos,' to change 
 one king for another, and presently will return home."t In the 
 meantime, Maia was collecting the people in the immediate neigh- 
 bourhood of the palace, and so effectually had he arranged matters, 
 
 • Relagao, &c., de Maia, p. 35. 
 t Relauao por Maia, p. 354. 
 
( 89 ) 
 
 that the instant the signal was heard in the square, communica- 
 tions were set a-going from street to street, from quarter to 
 quarter, from one end of the capital to the other, and before half 
 an hour had elapsed the square was thronged with people, headed 
 by Maia. 
 
 Most of the conspirators were conveyed in covered vehicles to 
 the vicinity of the palace, in order to conceal their weapons and 
 keep their numbers unnoticed.* 
 
 One may form some idea of the spirit of the persons who were 
 engaged in this enterprize, from an account given in Passarello's 
 great work, " Bellum Lusitanium," of a noble Portuguese lady, 
 Phihppa Villiena, Countess of Atonguia, on that eventful morning, 
 helping to accoutre her two sons, and sending them forth to give 
 their young hands and hearts to that cause in which their father 
 was embarked. Her countenance* (says Passarello) was radiant 
 with joyful expectations and pride, that was conscious of being 
 able to give so many defenders to such a glorious cause. She 
 told them "to go with alacrity to the service of their country, 
 however perilous it might be, and whatever might be their fate ; 
 and either to deserve to be partakers of the future liberty of their 
 native land, or partners in the glory of those who died in its 
 defence." 
 
 This speech ought to gain sympathy for the country which 
 produced such women as Philippa ViUiena ; and her heroism was 
 not a solitary instance of exalted courage, or of the noble spirit 
 of patriotism which animated the women of Portugal in 1640. 
 Philippa Villiena, like Cornelia, was rich in jewels ; and history 
 informs us that her children were those which were the chief 
 treasures of her heart. 
 
 At eight, a. m., when the clock struck, and the signal of a pistol 
 shot was given, the different companies rushed onwards to their 
 respective places of attack, in the public square, where the palace 
 and offices of state were situated. Almeida fell on the German 
 guard, and being taken unawares, they were speedily routed, and 
 many of them killed. Mello, his brother, the Lord Ranger, and 
 Estevau d'Acugna attacked the Spanish soldiers on guard at 
 
 • Robert Emmet was not unacquainted with this passage in the history of the 
 Portuguese Revolution. 
 
 * Bellum Lusitanium, Passarello, p. 27. 
 
( 90 ) 
 
 the small fort in the square with similar success. They were 
 now joined by many of the citizens, headed by a priest (Maia), 
 who led on the people, and fought with them with extraordinary 
 resolution. The officer of the guard cried out. Long Hve the 
 Dulce of Braganza. Pinto forced his way into the palace, with 
 those who were to enter Vasconcellos' apartments. Maia states 
 that "the first person who entered the palace was old Dom 
 Miguel d' Almeida, sword in hand, crying, Liberdade! Liber- 
 dade ! viva el Re Dom Joao IV !" 
 
 The first clerk of the secretary's office, an underling of 
 Vasconcellos', employed in carrying his master's most oppressive 
 acts into execution, was struck down by a stroke of a sabre, at 
 the door of the office, by Menezes. Vasconcellos' rooms were then 
 bm-st into by Pinto, Roderigo de Sa, and many others. The 
 unfortunate man had secreted himself in a press, in one of the 
 apartments : he was found buried under a heap of papers. He 
 was shot through the head by de Sa, the Lord Chamberlain, and 
 thrown out of the window of the palace ; whereupon the cry was 
 raised that rung throughout the city in a few minutes — the 
 tyrant is dead — long live Dom John, the King of Portugal. 
 
 The vice-queen had shut herself up in her chamber. The multi- 
 tude, after threatening to set fire to the apartment if it was not 
 opened, gained an entrance. She was found attended by the 
 Archbishop of Braga, whose life would have been sacrificed but 
 for the interference of d' Almeida. The vice-queen behaved with 
 courage at first, at length with absurd arrogance, considering her 
 position, and the perils which surrounded her. Don Carlos 
 Norogna desired her to return to her apartments, when she was 
 hastily attempting to quit the palace : he represented the danger 
 she would encounter at the hands of an infuriated people. " The 
 people!" said her highness, with ill-timed hauteur, "what can 
 the people do to me?" "Nothing, Madame," said Norogna, 
 angrily, "but throw your highness out of the window." The 
 Archbishop of Braga hearing this reply, snatched a sword from 
 one of the soldiers and flew at Norogna. D'Almeida laid hold 
 of him, and implored of him not to expose his life to unnecessary 
 danger, for he (Almeida) had plenty of difficulty already with his 
 associates to get them to promise that his life should be spared. 
 Pinto, in the meantime, had proceeded with his followers to the 
 
( 01 ) 
 
 citadel, which was in the possession of the Spaniards, who could 
 easily have destroyed the town, which was likewise exposed to 
 the fire of the Spanish fleet in the Tagus. He had obtained, with 
 difficulty, and not without menaces, from the vice-queen, a war- 
 rant under her hand addressed to the governor, directing him to 
 surrender the citadel. The fleet, consisting of tliree Spanish 
 galeons, made no resistance to the force sent against it. Several 
 of the officers had been captured on shore. The revolution in the 
 city was completely successful : the vice-queen and principal 
 Spanish officers taken in the palace were held as hostages — the 
 forts and garrisons throughout the country surrendered, with the 
 exception of St. Juhan, at the mouth of the Tagus, at the first 
 summons. St. Julian underwent a siege, and eventually capitu- 
 lated. A coup de main, cff'ected by a few individuals, — an 
 enterprize commenced by a number of persons, — some liistorians 
 say, not exceeding forty, but probably amounting to a hundred, 
 and joined by a multitude, without any previous notification of 
 their designs of a positive nature, and in the course of an hour, 
 broke down the Spanish power in Portugal, and dissolved the 
 union of the two countries, which had subsisted for sixty years. 
 When the work of the revolution was done, Dom John, on the 
 6th of December, entered Lisbon in triumph, and was crowned on 
 the 15th of the same month with great magnificence. Pinto 
 Ribiero, the author of this revolution, it is gratifying to find, 
 appears to have put forward no claims to honours or preferment ; 
 he continued, the historians of these times state, to enjoy the 
 confidence of the sovereign ; but the king, it is added, was fearful 
 of exciting the jealousy of the magnates of the country by con- 
 ferring on him any title of nobility or place of public trust, with 
 the exception of the office of " juiz desembargadoz." Perhaps it 
 was as well that the king's timidity should have prevented him 
 from doing either. The man who delivered his country from a 
 foreign yoke recompensed and ennobled himself.* 
 
 " Posterity," says the author of " The Revolutions of Spain," 
 " will be astonished to learn, that the conspirators, on the 5tli of 
 
 • Many of the preceding details are taken from Vertot's History of tlie Revo- 
 lution, with such correction of errors and additional matter, as accounts of a date 
 subsequent to his, and authorities which were not within his reach, enabled tlie 
 author to make. 
 
( 92 ) 
 
 November, when they laid then' plan before the Duke of Braganza, 
 to make themselves masters of a city like Lisbon, and to subvert 
 the government of a whole kingdom, had on their list no more 
 than three hundred and fifty men upon whom they could depend, 
 one hundred and fifty nobles and gentlemen, and two hundred 
 citizens." 
 
 The numbers given in the preceding passage probably far exceed 
 the truth. The only author who has given an accurate account of 
 the persons engaged in this extraordinary revolution is the Padre 
 Maia, an actor in it, whose exploits other historians are lavish in 
 their praise of. The names of the Fidalgos engaged in the 
 deliverance of their country from their Spanish tyrants, recorded 
 by Maia, amount to seventy, — those of the nobles to thirty-five : 
 Michael de Almeida, Antao de Almada, subsequently ambassador 
 at the court of England, and his son George de Mello, Peter 
 Mendonca, Anthony Mascarenhas, John Pinto Kibiero, are fore- 
 most on the list ; eight de Cunhas, six de Mellos, seven Saldanhas, 
 three Noronhajs, one Tavora, one de Atonguia, two sons of Gomez 
 Freire Andrade, four Maldonnados, three Meldoncas, five 
 Menezes, &c., &c. 
 
 Where are the descendants of these heroic men to-day ? — who 
 are the inhabitants of their dilapidated dwellings, — of the palaces 
 of the Fidalgos ? Some of their descendants are begging their 
 bread : the blood of some of the noblest of them, the Tavoras and 
 Atonguias, flowed freely on the scaifold ; and that of one of the 
 bravest of them, the idol of his country, the brave, but ill-fated 
 General Gomez Freire, was hanged like a felon, in 1817, while 
 the Marquis of Beresford held the supreme mihtary command 
 in Portugal. To what end did the Fidalgos of 1640 save 
 their country ? Two hundred years have passed over, and the 
 country, from which the invaders were expelled, has fallen into 
 the hands of stock-jobbers and scheming politicians, Germans in 
 principle, — Germans in policy, — Germans in hatred to the liber- 
 ties of the people of Portugal. The restored kingdom is ruled by 
 a descendant of John IV., of that Braganza race, which, through 
 all chances and changes, preserves its distinctive characteristics, 
 and transmits from generation to generation the same incapacity 
 for acts of greatness, gratitude, or generosity. No matter ; it 
 was not for the Braganzas, but for Portugal that the Almeidas 
 
( 93 ) 
 
 and Almadas perilled their lives. They fulfilled their mission. 
 Spain, to this day, feels to her heart's core the wound they in- 
 flicted on her power. They have left glorious names, every 
 where honoured, except in Portugal. 
 
 On one subject, referred to in the preceding pages, at the 
 risk of encroaching on hmits barely sufficient for the main object 
 of this treatise, some observations are offered which may not be 
 misplaced. The principal meetings of the conspirators were held 
 in the garden of the Count de Almada, at the rere of his house, 
 in the square of St. Domingos. The house is yet standing, at 
 the corner of a lane, called Escadinhas da Barocco. The arclii- 
 tecture of the fine old marble portico, that has ceased to be the 
 entrance, is superior to most of the monstrosities in building of 
 Pombal's time. At one of these garden conferences, a very 
 remarkable oration of Almada is given in Passarello's Bellum 
 Lusitanium (page 35). The Conde de Erceira, likewise, in his 
 history of " Portugal Restaurado," refers to these garden meet- 
 ings, vol. i. page 92 ; and also the Padre Maia, in his "Relacao," 
 at page 350 ; and Birago, in his " Ilistoria della Desunione," 
 at page 166. A spot better fitted for such conferences it would 
 be difficult to conceive. IIow comes it that conspirators, instead 
 of burying themselves in gloomy recesses and dark rooms, seem 
 to dehght to make confidants of nature, to enter into secret 
 treaties with its beauties and its freshness, and to implicate the 
 heavens in their daring projects? William Tell planned the 
 downfal of the Austrian tyranny in Switzerland in a garden. 
 "Wolfe Tone and Thomas Addis Emmet agreed on the terms of re- 
 sistance to Enghsh rule in a garden at liathfarnham. Macracken, 
 Russell, and Neilson registered their vow of deathless fidehty to 
 the same cause on the green sward of the Cove Hill, commanding 
 a view of the lough beneath, and some of the most glorious 
 scenery of Down and Antrim. Almada and his confederates 
 planned the revolution Avhich put an end to the Spanish power in 
 Portugal, in a garden in Lisbon. What is the secret of this 
 penchant for garden conferences — of conspirators or patriots 
 (utrumquc horum mavis accipe) ? One would thinli such places 
 would not " suit the gloomy habit of their souls," or the tastes of 
 men who were busy with " treason, stratagems, and broils." It 
 might be supposed that conspirators so engaged could have no 
 
( 94 ) 
 
 feelings in common with persons who take pleasure in — plots — 
 of ground, with sweet shrubs and flowers. We show little know- 
 ledge of human nature, however, when we generalize, ad libitum, 
 in our classification of men engaged in such enterprizes as those 
 of the Almadas and Almeidas, when we ascribe to them all the 
 malevolent dispositions that are ordinarily accounted the charac- 
 teristics of those who are embarked on the troubled waters of 
 revolution. Marat plotted wholesale murders in vaults and 
 cellars. Thistlewood planned the assassination of a ministry in 
 garrets and hay-lofts. But the men whose hearts were set on great 
 national objects, like those I have referred to, whose breasts were 
 inflamed with lofty sentiments, — with exalted enthusiasm, whether 
 of a legitimate or a mistaken kmd, could commune with flowers 
 and with stars, as well as with foaming waves and rugged moun- 
 tains. They had sympathies to be touched by what was beautiful 
 and subhme in nature. It was for the Marats and their compeers, 
 who had none, either with nature or humanity, to skulk in vaults 
 and cellars from the face of heaven and the sight of men. 
 
 The scene of those conferences between Almada' and his asso- 
 ciates, at the abode of the former, and the interesting objects 
 which serve as monuments of their constancy and courage, are 
 known to very few, even of the old inhabitants of Lisbon. On 
 the rising ground, at the rerc of the house, in a small court-yard, 
 approached from the upper story, there are two very remarkable 
 columns, which, from the street, appear projecting from the roof 
 of the house, and would hardly be distinguished from chimneys if 
 one's attention was not directed to them. These records in stone 
 of the expulsion of the Spaniards, are said to date from the 
 second or third year of the liberation of Portugal. These 
 columns are in height about forty feet ; they are constructed of 
 masonry of a tapering, octagonal form, for about two-thirds of 
 their elevation. The cHameter at the base is from twelve to 
 fifteen feet, and the lower part of each forms a small chamber ; 
 they terminate like the upper part of minarets, in a cyhndrical form, 
 with a castellated frcizc-work round each a few feet from the 
 top. These grotesque monumental structures, more like the 
 nondescript order of obchsks of a French cemetery than triumphal 
 pillars, are, nevertheless, the most interesting objects in Lisbon. 
 There is no inscription of any kind upon them. In the small 
 
( 95 ) 
 
 court where tliey stand there is a door-way, now closed up, wliich 
 formerly communicated with the adjoining lane. It was by this 
 door that the conspirators used to enter, and proceed to the 
 garden by a private passage which led to the latter, but of wliich 
 no trace is now discoverable. The garden, for one in a city, is of 
 considerable extent, surrounded by very high walls, higher than 
 the adjoining houses, wliich gives a sombre appearance to the 
 place. At the extremity of the garden, facing the entrance, the 
 vista terminates in an alcove, faced with blue pictorial tiles of that 
 description used in Portuguese churches for the representation of 
 Scriptural events. Tliis alcove is ornamented with a large marble 
 fountain in the centre. Immediately above it there is an admira- 
 bly executed representation, in glazed tile, of the revolution at 
 the moment of the attack on the palace. Dom Miguel Almeida 
 figures in a balcony, displaying a flag, with the motto — " Liber- 
 dade, Liberdade, viva el Re D. Joao IV. !" The figures in the 
 fore-ground, — of the conspirators and the Spanish soldiers in 
 conflict, — are represented with great spirit. A strange looking 
 lumbering carriage, like a lord mayor's coach of the olden times, 
 th'awn by four horses, apiparently frightened by the clamour of 
 the multitude, is seen in front of the palace. Beneath this 
 representation there is an inscription, in these words : — 
 
 Redempoao de Portugal 
 FideliJade e amor 
 Triumpho. 
 
 On the wall on the right hand side, six persons are represented 
 sitting in a garden round a table, deeply engaged in conversation, 
 with an appropriate motto above the picture : — 
 
 Amor, Constancia, e Fidelidade. 
 
 with another inscription below : — 
 
 Ventures Sitio, 
 Honorosas confcrencias 
 Em que se formon, 
 A redempeao de Portugal. 
 
 On the left hand side, there is a representation of a procession 
 which followed the successful issue of the conspiracy, of which all 
 the liistorians speak in reference to an alleged mu\aculous occur- 
 rence on that occasion. The Archbishop of Lisbon is represented 
 
( 96 .) 
 
 heading the procession, bearing a cross, attended by the mayor 
 mounted on horseback, carrying the city standard, and followed 
 by a great multitude of people. 
 
 The alleged miraculous occurence is represented in the extended 
 right-hand of the figure of our Saviour on the cross. The inscrip- 
 tion underneath is in these words : — 
 
 Benedictus Dominus Deus, 
 Israel, qui visitavit 
 Et fecit redempsionem, 
 Plebis suae. 
 
 The garden is now neglected, the walls are damp, and covered 
 with green mould, the walks are only distinguishable from what 
 were the flower-beds, by fewer weeds. The place, in short, has 
 the desolate, dreary aspect of a modern ruin ; — the sadness and 
 solitude of an old mansion falling into decay, which has passed 
 from an ancient family ; a solemn gloom, and dismal grandeur 
 which hangs about the ruin of property long mortgaged, or newly 
 sold, of a man who belonged to a wrecked nobility. The 
 descendants of the noble Antonio d'Almada continued to possess 
 this mansion, till they became involved in the disasters of the 
 latest war of succession, which ended in the downfal of Dora 
 Miguel. This last war of the princes of the house of Braganza 
 proved fatal to the Count d'Almada, who followed with desperate 
 fidelity the fortunes of an unworthy master. He died at Santarem 
 during the usurpation ; his son succeeded to his title, which, in 
 other countries, would be associated with glorious recollections. 
 The young man who bears it, impoverished in liis circumstances, 
 retaining a small remnant of the patrimony of that ancestor of 
 his who mainly contributed to restore the Braganza dynasty to 
 the throne, shorn of the lustre of his name, and the influence of 
 his rank, wears out an obscure existence in one of the distant 
 provinces. 
 
 One would think this spot, sacred to freedom, was a shrine to 
 be visited by many pilgrims, to honor the memory of the heroic 
 men of 1640, to recal their achievements, and renew vows of 
 fidchty to the glorious cause of national independence. But the 
 place is deserted, — the silence of death is there, — and none but 
 strangers, who commune with the spirits of the Almadas and 
 Almeidas, recal the past ; or, pondering on future contingencies. 
 
( 97 ) 
 
 pray that a thought never may be harboured of subjecting again 
 the country of such men to a foreign yoke, — or of causing the 
 footsteps of a Spanish soldier to be set or seen on its soil. 
 
 Too much space may have been devoted to matters incidental 
 to this part of my subject, but, as no notice of them is to be found 
 elsewhere, some allowance may be made for their irrelevancy. 
 
 Thus terminated violently, as it commenced violently, the 
 Spanish domination in Portugal. It lasted sixty years, but time 
 gives no prescription to the title of injustice, and the government 
 of all the perfidious PhiUps was one continued career of rapacity, 
 insolence, and despotism. 
 
 History, it is said, is experience teaching by example. The 
 end of all legitimate teaching is to remove, or prevent evil, — the 
 examples it presents of the results of evil, are not produced for 
 imitation but avoidance. The previous account of Spanish violence 
 and misrule in Portugal, has been introduced with the view 
 of warning our rulers against the results of bad government. 
 There are many points of analogy in the policy of the rulers of 
 both countries towards the nations they provincialized, in the 
 conduct of the Ohvarez and Vasconcellos tribe, the Alvas and 
 Mantuas, towards Portugal, and that of their English and Irish 
 prototypes towards our country. In some points no comparison 
 holds ; one country was acquired by conquest, founded on a fraudu- 
 lent claim, — the other by compact. But in both cases, there was 
 broken faith, solemn engagements violated, and early injustice 
 made the cause of subsequent despotism, and systematic violence 
 and misrule. So far as regards mis-government, the analogy is 
 complete. But the termination of it by violence in Portugal, was 
 a necessity which exists not in Ireland, and, therefore, even on 
 such low grounds as those of expediency, the adoption of violent 
 means for the recovery of the rights we were robbed of in 1800, 
 would be of more than questionable utility or patriotism. Triumphs 
 based on the success of revolutions seldom wear well, though they 
 have been earned dearly. In a country where there is a platform 
 for the efforts of moral force to resist injustice, no other theatre 
 need be sought for its exertions, and no better weapons used 
 than those of reason, imperturbable, immutable in its purpose, 
 and untiring in its peaceful warfare. 
 
 H 
 
( 98 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Poyning's restrictive act, in the reign of Henry YIL, left Ireland 
 the shadow of a parliament. 
 
 Several acts, in the times of Cromwell, Charles II., and 
 William III., went farther than the former ; but it was not till 
 the 6th of George I. the usurped power of the English par- 
 liament was embodied in a statute which claimed the right of 
 binding Ireland by its laws without the sanction of the Irish parlia- 
 ment. England was then strong — Ireland was weak, and submission 
 was a necessity, but five-and-twenty years had not passed over before 
 England was weak and Ireland was strong, and resistance to the 
 tyranny of its parliament became a virtue. America was revolu- 
 tionized, and on the point of separation from the mother country. 
 France had declared war against England — the volunteers had 
 sprung into existence — the young giant of Irish nationahty made 
 the first trial of its strength in favor of its commerce and its 
 manufactures, and the general adoption of non-importation and 
 non-consumption agreements effected the freedom of Irish trade. 
 
 On the 1st of March, 1782, at a meeting of a corps of Dublin 
 Volunteers, his Grace the Duke of Leinster in the chair, it was 
 resolved : — " That the king, lords, and commons of Ireland own 
 they are competent to make laws binding the subjects of this 
 realm, and that we will not obey or give operation to any, save 
 only those enacted by the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, 
 whose rights and privileges jointly and severally we are deter- 
 mined to support with our lives and fortunes."* 
 
 On the 15th of February preceding, the Dungannon Volunteer 
 Convention had issued its celebrated declaration of rights and 
 
 * Barrington's Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation. Paris Ed., p. 101. 
 
( 99 ) 
 
 grievances, and the result in England was a cliange of ministry ; 
 the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr. Fox "were called to his 
 majesty's councils. 
 
 On the 14th of April, 1782, the Duke of Portland arrived in 
 Ireland, a successor in its government to the Earl of Carlisle, 
 and on the 16th of the same month the secretary of state, the 
 Right Hon. Hely Hutchinson, said he had been ordered by the 
 viceroy to deliver a message from the king (on the subject of a 
 settlement), " recommending to the house to take the same into 
 their most serious consideration, in order to effect such a final 
 adjustment as might give satisfaction to both kingdoms."* 
 
 An amended address was unanimously carried, setting forth 
 " That the kingdom of Ireland was a distinct kingdom, with a 
 parhament of her own, the sole legislature thereof ; that there 
 was no body of men competent to make laws to bind the nation, 
 but the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, nor any parhament 
 which had any authority of any sort whatever in this country, 
 save only the parliament of Ireland : to assm'e his majesty that 
 they (the commons) humbly conceived that in this right the very 
 essence of their liberty existed, a right which they on the part 
 of all the people of Ireland do claim as their birth-right, and 
 which they could not yield but with their hves."t 
 
 The nation had willed its freedom, and it is seldom that one 
 which is true to itself, is or can be kept in slavery. Ireland had 
 then 90,000 men under arms ready to assert their rights. On 
 the 27th of May the house met after an adjournment, and the 
 viceroy dehvered a speech from the throne in which he said it 
 was " With the utmost satisfaction he found himself enabled by 
 the magnanimity of the king, and the wisdom of Great Britain, 
 to assure the house that immediate attention had been paid to 
 their representations, and that the British legislature had con- 
 curred in a resolution to remove the causes of their discontents 
 and jealousies, and were united in a desu-e to gratify every wish 
 expressed in their late addresses to the throne." * * " His 
 majesty had further given it in command to liim to assure the 
 house of his gracious disposition to give his royal assent to a 
 
 • Irish Parliamentary Debates. 1782. p. 332. 
 t Parliamentary Debates, 1782. 
 
( 100 ) 
 
 measure to prevent the suppression of bills in tlie privy council of 
 this kingdom, and the alteration of them anywhere."* 
 
 Mr. George Ponsonby, one of the confidential friends and 
 supporters of the Duke of Portland, found it useless to oppose the 
 address: he said "He would answer that the noble lord who 
 presided in the government of Ireland wished to do every thing 
 in his power for the satisfaction of the nation ; and he would use 
 his utmost influence in obtaining the rights of Ireland, an object 
 on which he had fixed his heart."] 
 
 After the speech was read, " Mr. Grattan bore testimony to the 
 candid and unqualified manner in which the address had been 
 answered by the Lord Lieutenant's speech." He said, " / under- 
 stand that Great Britan gives up in toto every claim to authority 
 over Ireland. I have not the least idea that in repealing the 6th 
 George L, Great Britain shoidd he found to make any declara- 
 tion that she had formerly usurped a power ; no — this tuoidd he 
 a foolish caution — a dishonourable co7idition. The nation that 
 insists upon the humiliation of another is a foolish nation. 
 Ireland is not a foolish nation. Another part of great mag- 
 nanimity in the conduct of Britain is, that every thing is given 
 up unconditionally. This must for ever remove suspicion." Mr. 
 Grattan moved an address to the crown, expressive of the fullest 
 confidence in the efiicacy of the proposed repeal of the 6th 
 George I., as a complete settlement of the great constitutional 
 question at issue. 
 
 Mr. Flood said " Nothing appeared to him at present that could 
 disturb the general harmony, but there were many English acts 
 still existing which operated in this kingdom, and notwithstanding 
 the laudable acquiescence which appeared in the renunciation of 
 English claims, who could engage that the present administration 
 might not, at some future period, change its mind ?" 
 
 Mr. Walsh said " With respect to the repeal of 6th George I., 
 I rely on it as a lawyer — that it is inadequate to the emancipa- 
 tion of Ireland. The 6th of George I. is merely a declaratory 
 law. That law declares that England has a power to make laws 
 to bind Ireland. What then does the repeal of the 6th George I. 
 
 • Irish Debates, 1782, p. 354. 
 t Irish Debates, 1782, p. 342. 
 
( 101 ) 
 
 do, with respect to Ireland ? Simply this, and not a jot more ; 
 it expunges the declaration of the power from the statute book, 
 but it does not deny the power hereafter to make laws to bind 
 Ireland, whenever England should think herself in sufficient force 
 for the purpose. ******** 
 
 "With respect to the fine-spun distinction of the English 
 minister (Mr. Fox) between internal and external legislation, it 
 seems to me to be the most absurd position, and at the same time 
 the most ridiculous one that possibly could be laid down, when 
 applied to an independent people. ***** 
 
 " Ireland is independent or she is not ; if she is independent, 
 no power on earth can make laws to bind her, internally or 
 externally, save the king, lords and commons of Ireland." 
 * * " His objections were decisive against that part of the 
 address which had been moved by his honourable friend (Mr. 
 Grattan), namely, that there will no longer exist any constitutional 
 question between the tiuo nations that can disturb their mutual 
 tranquillity." 
 
 Mr. Fitzgibbon (the Lord Clare of deathless notoriety) said, 
 " Since I came into parliament I never gave a vote which I am 
 not ready to defend upon my legs. JVo man ever heard me assert 
 the supremacy of the British 'parliament. * * No man has 
 said the Duke of Portland has power to grant us the redress for 
 which the nation is now committed; but, as the nation is com- 
 mitted, no man will, I hope, recede, but go through, heart in 
 hand ; for as I was cautious in committing the nation, so will I be 
 firm in asserting her rights." 
 
 Mr. Martin and the recorder. Sir Samuel Bradstreet, were the 
 only other ministers that objected to that part of the address ; the 
 house being divided, however, upon the words objected to, the 
 address was carried by two hundred and eleven votes against 
 two.* The recorder and Mr. David Walsh composed that 
 minority, which, perhaps, is the most glorious one in the annals 
 of the Irish parliament. 
 
 At this important juncture no efforts were spared to neutralize 
 or mitigate the ardour of the patriotism of Grattan and Lord 
 Charlemont. These efforts were but too successful. On the 30th 
 
 * Irish Debates, 1782, page 371. 
 
 ' ■-• ' ■',- a 
 
( 102 ) 
 
 of May a motion was made in the house of commons to confer a 
 grant of £100,000 on Mr. Grattan. Mr. Conolly, a privy coun- 
 cillor and confidential friend of the viceroy, said, that " the Duke 
 of Portland felt equally with the Irish people the high value of 
 those services, and that he luas authorized by the lord lieutenant 
 to express, in the strongest terms, the sense he entertained of the 
 public virtue of Mr. Grattan, and of his eminent and important 
 services to Ireland ; and, as the highest proof he could give of his 
 admiration and respect for that distinguished individual, he (the 
 lord lieutenant) begged to offer, as a part of the intended grant, 
 the vice-regal palace in the Phoenix Park, to be settled on Mr. 
 Grattan and his heirs for ever, as a suitable residence for so me- 
 ritorious an individual! ! !"* 
 
 The astounding offer of a vice-regal palace to a man who had 
 signally thwarted the pohcy of Enghsh rule in Ireland, and 
 pledged the house of commons on the 16th of April to resist that 
 policy, at the peril of their lives ; the wonderful change that 
 had taken place in the opinions of our rulers within six weeks, 
 when the prime-serjeant announced — in these words, " If matters 
 proceed to the extremities to which I fear they are verging" — his 
 apprehensions that his majesty's ministers were meditating violent 
 measures against Ireland, can never be sufficiently admired. 
 
 The offer of the vice-regal palace to a man who, under less 
 embarrassing circumstances, would have been prosecuted for 
 treason, or be driven from parhament, hke Molyneux, and have 
 his speech burned by the common hangman, like the book of the 
 latter, — or be driven, not only from parhament, but from his 
 country also, — a proscribed traitor, like Lucas, — and left, like the 
 latter, to die in indigence, and be followed to the grave by a 
 beggared family, — the insidious offer was received in silence. 
 The secretary for Ireland could not conceal his chagrin ; " He 
 did not wish to be considered as giving a sullen acquiescence ; 
 but he conceived that marks of favour of this nature always 
 appertained to the crown alone, and he should have wished that 
 this grant had come from the royal hand."t 
 
 Finally, Mr. Grattan's friends objecting to the largeness of the 
 proposed grant of the commons, consented to his acceptance of 
 
 • Irish Debates, 
 f Irish Debates. 
 
( 103 ) 
 
 the sum of £50,000, wliicli was well due to him ; and had that 
 sum been thrice tripled, it Avould have been still more worthily 
 bestowed on the opponents of his amendments, had they been 
 successful, on the 27th of May, 1782, in securing, not the repeal 
 of a single statute, but the renunciation of an usurped right, 
 which, in various forms, had been exercised for centuries, and 
 might be resumed at any future period. 
 
 The conduct of the British ministry furnished a very curious 
 commentary on Mr. Grattan's declaration, that " no constitutional 
 question will any longer exist between the two countries." The 
 final settlement was scarcely completed, when Mr. Fox declared 
 in parhament that "the repeal of that statute (6th George I.) 
 could not stand alone, but must be accompanied by a final adjust- 
 ment, and by a sohd basis of permanent connexion." 
 
 " He said that some plans of that nature would be laid before 
 the Irish parliament, by the Irish ministers, and a treaty entered 
 upon, which treaty, ''when proceeded on, might be adopted by 
 both parhaments, and finally become an irrevocable arrangement 
 between the two countries." 
 
 The Irish leaders, in" plain language, were deceived by the 
 British ministry and the viceroy, the Duke of Portland, and the 
 declarations made in both parliaments, on the part of the 
 government, that the repeal of the 6th of George I. was a " final 
 settlement." 
 
 In the meantime, a month had hardly elapsed before Lord 
 Abingdon, in the house of peers, moved for leave to bring in a 
 declaratory bill to re-assert the right of England to legislate 
 externally for Ireland, in matters appertaining to the commerce 
 of the latter. A similar motion was made in the British house of 
 commons by Sir George Young. 
 
 One clause of Lord Abingdon's bill stated, that Queen Elizabeth 
 " having formerly forbad the king of France to build more ships 
 than he then had, without her leave first obtained, it is enacted, 
 that no kingdom, as above stated, Ireland as well as others, 
 should presume to build a navy, or any ships of war, without 
 leave from the lord high admiral of England."* 
 
 The motion Avas not seconded, and Lord Abingdon pocketed his 
 
 • Hardy's life of Charlomont, vol. ii., p. 26. 
 
( 104 ) 
 
 1)111, on the chancellor declaring that it would be opposed by 
 government. 
 
 These motions were duly responded to in Ireland. Tlie volun- 
 teers, then 120,000 strong, beat to arms throughout the kingdom.* 
 
 The echo of the clatter came booming over the channel, and 
 the tranquilhty of Downing-street was once more disturbed. 
 
 Another act was precipitately introduced into parhament and 
 passed into law, not renouncing, as Barrington states, England's 
 right to legislate for Ireland, but distinctly confirming Ireland's 
 right to legislate for itself, removing all doubts as to the com- 
 petency of the judicial tribunals in Ireland, to try and dispose of 
 all actions and suits of law and equity instituted in that kingdom, 
 and decide them without appeal from thence; and providing, 
 likewise, that no writs of error should be received in any except 
 in the Irish tribunals, and this adjustment is declared in the act, 
 " estabhshed and ascertained for ever, and shall, at no time here- 
 after, be questioned or questionable." 
 
 * Barrington's Rise and Fall. 
 
( 105 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XIV, 
 
 In September, 1783, another convention was held at Dungannon, 
 the specific object of which was parhamentary reform, at which 
 it was determined to hold a grand national convention of volunteer 
 delegates in Dubhn, in the month of November following. 
 
 The history of that extraordinary assembly does not come within 
 the scope of this treatise to enter into, further than to state, that 
 numerous plans of reform were submitted ; the Bishop of Derry's 
 proposal, to extend the elective franchise to the Cathohcs, was 
 opposed by the great leaders, and especially by Lord Charlemont 
 and Mr. Flood, and the plan of the latter was ultimately adopted. 
 
 On the 29th of November, a number of the delegates, who were 
 members of parliament, proceeded direct from the convention to 
 the house of commons, some apparelled in their volunteer uniforms, 
 in order to support the motion of Mr. Flood for leave to bring in 
 a bill, founded on his plan of parliamentary reform, excluding the 
 Catholics from its proposed benefits. The house was a scene of 
 tumult and confusion — some violent speeches were made on both 
 sides : the motion was lost, seventy-seven voting for reform, and 
 one hundred and fifty against it. After passing some resolutions, 
 the convention, whose meetings had then extended over a period 
 of three weeks, finally adjourned. The scene that had taken 
 place in the house of commons had determined Lord Charle- 
 mont to put an end to the proceedings of the convention. 
 
 There can be no doubt but the appearance of a body of men in 
 the house of commons, in a double capacity, as members of that 
 house, and delegates of another deliberative assembly, in mihtary 
 costume, was an anomalous procecchng, but the existence of the 
 whole volunteer body was an anomaly. 
 
 The question however, the advantage or disadvantage to Irish 
 
( 106 ) 
 
 interests of the final adjournment of the convention, remains a 
 problem, which it is difficult to solve. The probabihty is, that 
 the fatuitous bigotry which led to the rejection of the claims 
 of the great body of the people to the rights of freemen, had 
 rendered the volunteer association incapable of rendering any 
 further service to the nation. Their proceedings with respect to 
 the catholic question alienated the catholics from them; their 
 mode of pressing the question of reform in the house of commons, 
 deprived several of their most eminent leaders of their parha- 
 mentary influence and prestige. 
 
 " The reader," says Hardy " who remembers the day of this 
 military convention, will be naturally anxious to inquire what 
 sensation its adjournment, or rather downfall, excited? To the 
 best of my recollection, little or none whatever."* 
 
 Sic transit gloria mundi. The volunteers dragged on a doomed 
 life, in a state of equivocal loyalty in the sight of government, 
 and of Frankenstein volition and vitality, in the apprehension of 
 the father of their institution. One would have thought there 
 was national vigour in it for more than an existence of fifteen 
 years, and power to effect more than an ephemeral independence 
 which lasted only eighteen years. 
 
 February 7th, 1785. The celebrated commercial propositions, 
 after discussion in both houses of parliament in England, were 
 laid before the Irish commons by Mr. Secretary Orde, as the 
 basis of a distinct commercial treaty between two independent 
 states. 
 
 Mr. Orde read the following paragraph from the viceroy's 
 speech, at the opening of the session : " He had to recommend in 
 the king's name, to their earnest investigation, those objects of 
 trade and commerce, which had not yet received their complete 
 adjustment. In framing a plan to the vioAv of a final settlement, 
 they would be sensible that the interests of Great Britain and 
 Ireland ought to be for ever united and inseparable." The 
 propositions, eleven in number, were, on the whole, not disadvan- 
 tageous to Ireland. The eleventh provided "that for the pro- 
 tection of trade, whatever sum the gross hereditary revenue of 
 the kingdom, after deducting all drawbacks, bounties, &c., should 
 
 • Hardy's life of Cliarlemont, aoI. ii, p 129. 
 
( 107 ) 
 
 produce, annually, the sum of £656,000 should be appropriated 
 towards the support of the empu'e, in such manner as the parlia- 
 ment of this kingdom shall direct." 
 
 The general tendency of the other propositions, with the excep- 
 tion of the seventh, was an equahzation of duties in both kingdoms. 
 The seventh was supposed to admit of some doubt as to its effects 
 Avitli respect to some articles of Irish manufacture. 
 
 It is not in the political writings of the times, but in the par- 
 liamentary debates of that day, that the real character of those 
 propositions will be ascertained. If ever there was a measure of 
 Mr. Pitt's, that had reference to Irish interests, apparently not 
 characterized in all its bearings by downright insidiousness and 
 bad faith, it was, probably, the measure in question. 
 
 On the 11th of February the propositions were agreed to ; and 
 an address to his majesty carried, expressive of the gratitude of 
 the house for the measure adopted towards an arrangement of 
 commercial intercourse between both kingdoms. 
 
 On the 12th of August Mr. Orde moved for leave to bring in a 
 bill founded on tiuenty propositions, the basis of a final adjustment 
 of the commercial relations between both countries. With respect 
 to the original eleven propositions, he said ten of them were drawn 
 up by himself, the eleventh had been suggested by Mr. Grattan, 
 but the English minister luas not responsible for them, nor were 
 they binding on him. They were only devised with a view to 
 form the ground-work of an arrangement, which would be effected 
 by the proposed bill. 
 
 Public infamy was often displayed in the Irish parhament, but 
 never in a more unblushing manner than on this occasion. His 
 motion was carried by a majority of nineteen, and on the 15th, 
 the bill, embodying provisions of a very different character to 
 those of the original propositions, was introduced and suffered to 
 be read for the first time, on the distinct understanding that 
 government did not intend to proceed with it during that session, 
 being fully convinced that if proceeded with, it would have been 
 rejected by a large majority. The house was prorogued, and the 
 first attempt against the restored independence of the Irish par- 
 liament was defeated. Mr. Pitt never forgot nor forgave Ireland 
 the failure of this measure. 
 
 The Irish parhament had reposed on its laurels for upwards 
 
( 108 ) 
 
 of four years after its triumph over the Enghsh minister, 
 when another question arose, of more importance than any pre- 
 vious one since the restoration of its independence, and one in 
 which it involved itself in grave difficulties, with very questionable 
 prudence. 
 
 On the 5th of February, 1789, the Marquis of Buckingham 
 informed both houses of the severe indisposition of his majesty, 
 and on the 11th, Mr. Conollv moved an address to the Prince 
 Regent, " humbly to request his royal highness to take upon 
 himself the government of this realm, during his Majesty's 
 indisposition, and no longer ; and, under the style and title of 
 Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name of his Majesty to exercise 
 and administer, according to the laws and constitution of this 
 kingdom, all regal powers, jurisdiction, and prerogatives to the 
 crown and government thereunto belonging."* 
 
 The motion, seconded by Mr. Ponsonby, was carried Avithout a 
 division, and a similar one in the house of lords by a large 
 majority. 
 
 On the 19th, a deputation from both houses waited on the 
 viceroy with the addi'ess to the prince, which his excellency 
 refused to transmit. The consequence of his refusal was a vote 
 of censure on the lord heutenant in both houses. Four members 
 of the commons, and two of the lords were appointed to wait on 
 his royal highness with the address. In the meantime, the king 
 was restored to health, and the regency suspended. 
 
 The two lords, the Earl of Charlemont and the Duke of 
 Leinster, and the four members of the commons, Messrs. O'Neil, 
 Conolly, Ponsonby, and Stewart, were received, however, by his 
 royal higliness, " with the utmost fervor of affection and gratitude," 
 but the language in both houses of parUament in respect to the 
 deputation, was any thing but flattering or concihatory.f 
 
 It is beside the object of this treatise to enter into the merits 
 of this question, but it is essential to it to state the free grounds 
 on which it was mooted in Ireland. 
 
 The prince was the rising sun of the Whig party in England. 
 His confidential friends and servants were Mr. Pitt's opponents. 
 It was believed, on his assumption of the regency, he would have 
 
 • Irish Debates, 1789, p. 40. 
 t Hardy, vol. ii., p. 188. 
 
( 109 ) 
 
 called them to his councils, and it was the object of this party to 
 free him from all trammels which would have interfered with 
 the prerogative of freely choosing his own ministers. 
 
 Their efforts were not successful in the Enghsh parliament, as 
 those of the Irish whigs were in theirs. Nevertheless, the prince 
 had still the power, had he chosen to exercise it, in opposition to 
 the queen's wishes, to displace Mr. Pitt and his colleagues ; and 
 his letter to Mr. Pitt plainly shows, that no such intention 
 was entertained by liim. 
 
 Ireland's devotion to his interests and those of his political 
 friends exposed her to all the vindictive feelings of the triumphant 
 minister. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that this question with us was not an 
 Irish question ; it was a party question ; it was taken up for party 
 purposes, and Ireland paid the penalty of a false step on the part 
 of the Irish opposition. 
 
 The support of the regency question, in England, was a very 
 different thing to what it was in Ireland. In the latter country 
 the issue was one wliich gave the opponents of Irish independence 
 a plea for attributing to it conduct on that question which 
 jeopardized the connexion with England, and involved the par- 
 liament in a quarrel with that of England, Uttle short of a disputed 
 succession to the throne. It is notliing to the purpose to say, 
 that an unrestricted regency was the right one to have adopted ; 
 that the prince was believed to be a friend to Ireland ; that his 
 party were favourable to its interests. 
 
 The independence of Ireland was held by too frail a tenure, to 
 risk it for any advantages that could accrue from a change of 
 ministry, or an extension of the powers of a temporary ruler of the 
 state. One tiling is very clear, the mooting of this question was 
 one of the great arguments that was relied on in 1799, in both 
 parliaments for the extinction of the Irish legislature. But it 
 ought not to be forgotten, that the course adopted in the Irish 
 parliament was one of simple whig pohcy, acted on with the entire 
 concurrence of the whig leaders in England, and probably in 
 obedience to their suggestions. 
 
( 110 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The partial relaxations of the penal code in 1782 and 1793, 
 wrung by fears from a reluctant power, and neither liberally 
 nor gracefully conceded, had the effect of stimulating the people, 
 only partially enfranchised, to renew their efforts for complete 
 liberation. The concessions made to the cathohcs in 1793, 
 extended the elective franchise to a large class of the catholic 
 peasantry. 
 
 Even in granting those concessions, Mr. Pitt's hostile pohcy 
 towards the Irish parliament was successfully pursued. The 
 prejudices of the ultra protestant party in the parliament were 
 brought mto immediate colhsion with the people's rights, and 
 those of the ascendancy party in place, who were compelled to 
 vote for the government measure, were either degraded in the 
 eyes of the country by the sudden retraction of their opinions, 
 or their inconsistency in vituperating the catholics and yet voting 
 for the relief bill. 
 
 Another important object was gained, that of bringing odium 
 on some of the popular leaders, honest in their mistaken opposi- 
 tion to this measure ; men like Lord Charlemont, who it was 
 known would vote against it, whilst it was sure to be supported by 
 Lord Clare, the bitter enemy of the Roman Cathohcs, notwith- 
 standing his vehement abuse of them on that very occasion. 
 Thus the versatility of parhament, and the inconsistency of its 
 members were made instrumental to its disgrace. 
 
 In the meantime, the effects of the French revolution were 
 felt in England, Ireland, and Scotland. Reform became the 
 watch-word of the popular leaders of the three kingdoms. " I 
 doubt very much," says Lord Charlemont, in one of his letters, 
 '' if M. Dumourier ever heard of a parliamentary reform, and 
 
( 111 ) 
 
 yet I am almost tempted to suspect him of having some share in 
 what is going tbrward." 
 
 In the interval between 1791 and 1794, reform merged into 
 repubUcanism very mucli in the united Irish societies, and there 
 is no question but that hatred to Mr. Pitt's ministry had as much 
 to do with the change as animosity to England. 
 
 From 1785 to 1800, the whole tenor of Mr. Pitt's poHcy was 
 to unsettle the mind of the Irish nation ; to create dissension ; 
 to bewilder and confuse men's thoughts ; to deprive parhament of 
 its influence, by bringing it into hatred and contempt — in a word, 
 to break down the proud spirit of an independent nation, and 
 render the people weak enough to rob them of their dearest 
 rights. 
 
 This was a fiendish poUcy, and it was coolly, deliberately and 
 perseveringly pursued, with all the remorselessness, mahgnity, 
 mockery of faith in virtue and integrity, and with no less of the 
 craft and pitiless persistance in treachery and cruelty that is 
 commonly attributable to the ministry of a power that is not of 
 heaven nor of earth. 
 
 The hopes of the catholics were alternately elevated and 
 depressed — now wound up to the liighest pitch of expectation, 
 then cast down without apparent reason or possible advantage to 
 the state. 
 
 An old element of mischief that had not been in activity for 
 several years, was called into operation ; fanaticism was revived, 
 and its dupes deceived by delusive expectations held forth of a 
 perpetuation of their power and ascendancy, which the minister 
 in reality tolerated the existence of only for his special purpose 
 of disuniting Irishmen, and thereby effecting a parchment union 
 of theu' country with England. 
 
 Lord Westmoreland's unaccountable recal in 1794, — Lord 
 FitzwiUiam's no less unaccountable appointment, considering the 
 antagonism of liis principles to those of Mr. Pitt on every subject 
 except the prosecution of the war with France, and, within a 
 period of two months, his precipitate recal in order to transfer 
 liis power to the Beresfords, and his ofiice to the contemptible 
 automaton of Mr. Pitt, the worthless Camden, are no longer 
 mysteries even in the minds of people of orchnary information. 
 
 The cathoUcs were then prepared for emancipation by a 
 
( 112 ) 
 
 viceroy specially selected for this service, and all their hopes 
 naturally centred in his government. These are circumstances 
 which never can be explained away while the letters of the 
 excellent Lord Fitzwilliam to the Earl of Carhsle are in existence. 
 
 Sir Laurence Parsons said, on this occasion, "he never 
 witnessed such ominous infatuation as that by which the minister 
 was led. If he perseveres, the army must be increased to myriads, 
 and every man must have five or six dragoons in his house."* 
 
 Little did the future union-peer, Lord Rosse, imagine that it 
 was the very object of the ministers to goad the country to 
 rebellion ; to garrison it with foreign troops ; to terrify the 
 people, and to gain over a corrupt and intimidated parliament. 
 
 • Hardy's life of Charlemont, vol. ii., p. 347. 
 
( 113 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 From 1793, the Irish government was m possession of oral and 
 documentary information of the treasonable nature and extent 
 of the plans of the northern United Irishmen and Defenders, as 
 the reports of the secret committee of the house of lords in 1793, 
 and of both houses in 1797 and 1798, proved beyond a possibility 
 of contradiction. The Irish government could not have left the 
 English muiister in ignorance of this conspiracy, and yet no 
 effectual means were taken to prevent rebeUion, till the month of 
 March, '98, when the principal leaders were arrested in Dubhn. 
 But while the members of the executive were left at large, the 
 people were goaded into madness in the year 1797, by military 
 excesses, one twentieth part of the horrors of which, in the 
 northern comities, have never been revealed. 
 
 Three years previously the fury of fanaticism had been let 
 loose on the CathoUcs of Louth and Armagh. They were hunted 
 like wild beasts, driven from their homes, plundered, and shot 
 down with more impunity than would have been extended to their 
 slayers had they killed as many hares without a hcense. "With a 
 single exception in the county of Armagh, no magistrate would 
 take a deposition against the depredators and persecutors. The 
 government afforded the people no protection, and connived at 
 the barbarities practised on them. Society, in short, in those 
 counties was resolved into its original elements ; might became 
 right, and the relative duties of the rulers and the ruled ceased 
 to have any binding power on either. 
 
 The conspiracy, which the government had allowed to go on 
 
 from 1791 to 1798, proceeded, yearly increasing in magnitude, 
 
 extending from county to county, till most of the people, and a 
 
 great majority of their leaders who had distinguished themselves 
 
 I 
 
( 114 ) 
 
 in volunteer politics, and afterwards in the advocacy of reform 
 and Catholic emancipation, were involved in sedition, or what was 
 then as bad, lay under the suspicion of it. At length it was 
 caused " to explode prematurely ;" the people rose in three 
 counties only; and although government had upwards of 114,000 
 men under arms in Ireland in 1798, several of the principal 
 towns in these counties fell into the hands of the insurgents, and 
 the executive, with all its power, and several years' previous pre- 
 paration for the result of its policy, was barely able to put down 
 the rebelhon in these three counties. Had Hardy's expedition 
 reached Killalla in the month of May, instead of December 
 following, no premature explosion would have been requisite to 
 have involved the whole of the south and west of Ireland in 
 rebeUion ; and it may be fairly inferred, from the defeat and flight 
 of the army at Castlebar, under Lord Lake, in the month of 
 December, when insurrection every where else had been put 
 down, that a very different result might have been apprehended, 
 when the insurgents were in possession of so many of the im- 
 portant towns of Wexford, Down, and Antrim. 
 
 In the suppression of these partial outbreaks of insurrection, 
 and the defeat of a small body of invaders, not exceeding 1100 
 men, 70,000 lives were lost, — 50,000 on the part of the people, 
 and 20,000 on that of the king's troops. Such is the estimate of 
 the sacrifice of Ufe, according to Plowden and Moore, and other 
 writers, who treat of the events of 1798. The cost of exciting 
 and prematurely exploding the rebellion of 1798, and of defeating 
 a small body of invaders, amounting to about 1100 men, is 
 estimated at eighteen and a half millions ! Some writers, who 
 treat of the events of that period, estimate the amount at twenty- 
 one milhons. Mr. Staunton, in his letters to the Right Honourable 
 A. J. Littleton, in 1833 (letter ii., page 14), says — " The expense 
 of the rebeUion was eighteen and a half milhons. For this, 
 Ireland has been rendered exclusively responsible, though it 
 ought to be regarded as an imperial outlay, as Ireland, while the 
 rebellion lasted, was obliged to contribute to imperial expenditure. 
 Another reason would occur to those who consider that the 
 British government liad been justly charged with having suffered 
 the insurrection to explode, as necessary to the attainment of 
 their object." 
 
( 115 ) 
 
 Another publication of his says, that " the enormous disburse- 
 ments connected with the rebeUion added eight and a half 
 milUons to the Irish debt."* 
 
 In the latter statement there is evidently a typographical error. 
 The amount added to the debt by the rebellion and its concomi- 
 tant measure must have been considerably greater, as the 
 following account of the debt, from 1795 to 1801, plainly shows : — 
 
 1795 the Irish Debt was £2,940,000 ' 
 
 1797 5,376,000 
 
 1798 9,275,000 
 
 1800 21,757,000 
 
 1801 26,841,000 
 
 These details are taken from a pubhcation on the " Financial 
 Management of Ireland." (Dublin, 1842, p. 8.) 
 
 The expenditure, in three of these years, on the authority of 
 the statements of the Right Honourable T. S. Rice, in his speech 
 on the 11th of February, 1834, was as follows : — 
 
 1795, Irish Expenditure, £2,276,469 
 
 1797, 2,705,313 
 
 1798, 3,356,887 
 
 1800, 5,893,323 
 
 The income, he states, in 1800, was £2,684,261 ; but it is 
 alleged that only three quarters of a year's revenue were cal- 
 culated in that estimate. The amount, however, differs not 
 materially from the amount of revenue estimated by Lord 
 Castlereagh, for the same year. The income, then, may be sup- 
 posed to represent the ordinary expenditure of that period. But 
 the ordinary expenditure of government, and war contributions 
 combined, could not possibly have increased the debt in such a 
 ratio, as the augmentation appears to have been, in a period of 
 six years. From 1795 to 1797 the debt was nearly doubled — 
 from 1797 to 1798 the increase was nearly four millions — from 
 1799 to 1800 the increase was eleven mihions and a half; and 
 from 1800 to 1801 the increase was five millions. The total 
 augmentation, from 1795 to 1801, was twenty-four millions. This 
 vast increase must have been principally occasioned by the ex- 
 traordinary charges of the vast raiUtary force maintained in 
 Ireland for nearly five years, at a cost little short of four millions 
 
 • Facts aud Fallacies, by M. Staunton, Dublin, 1833, p. 15, 
 
( 116 ) 
 
 a year ; — of the purchase of the first i:»arhament, amounting to 
 one and a half milhon ; — of the claims of the suffering loyalists 
 one and a half million more; — of pensions and secret service-money, 
 awards, and increased expenditure of judicial tribunals, from 
 1797 to 1801, the amount of which cannot be ascertained, but 
 must have been enormous. 
 
 The outlay occasioned by the rebellion cannot, and ought not, 
 in common fairness, be separated from the cost cf the union. The 
 rebellion was fomented for the purpose of effecting that measure ; 
 and the latter is clearly chargeable with all expenses incurred in 
 carrying it. It was a dear bargain, and would have been a bad 
 one at any price. 
 
 There was another item in the expenditure which is sometimes 
 overlooked, but which, nevertheless, no figures of arithmetic, nor 
 of speech, can adequately represent the transcendent importance 
 of, namely, the vast expenditure of arbitrary power, and the pro- 
 portionate one of Irish suffering, and the cost of lost sympathies 
 with British rule and interests. That expenditure was a waste of 
 inestimable treasure, which the measure that Mr. Pitt staked his 
 fame on the success of, never can compensate, or atone for the 
 loss of. On the contrary, at the expiration of forty-four years, 
 that measure serves only as a monument of a gigantic iniquity, 
 the memory of which excites the same feelings of abhorrence this 
 day, which it engendered at the commencement of the present 
 century, in Ireland. 
 
 The government, in short, fomented a rebellion, and, in the 
 words of Lord Castlereagh, caused it "to explode prematurely," 
 in order to break down the strength and spirit of the country, to 
 enable its agents in the Irish parliament to effect an union. The 
 fact has been repeatedly denied, and lately by one of the London 
 morning papers of hberal poHtics. The indentical words, "to 
 explode prematurely," were repeated in the Irish house of com- 
 mons, by Mr. John Claudius Beresford. The words, however, 
 were first used by Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 In the report from the secret committee, presented to the 
 Irish house of commons, in 1798, drawn up in Lord Castlereagh's 
 office by Mr. Knox, under his lordship's immediate direction, the 
 following passage occurs at page 26 : — 
 
 " That from the vigorous and summary expedients resorted to 
 
( 117 ) 
 
 hy government, and the consequent exertion of the military, the 
 leaders found themselves reduced to the alternative of immediate 
 insurrection, or of being deprived of the means on which they 
 rehed for effecting their purpose ; and that to tliis cause is ex- 
 clusively to be attributed that premature and desperate effort, the 
 rashness of ivhich has so evidently facilitated its suppression." 
 Elsewhere in the same report we find the following words : — 
 "And it appears from a variety of evidence laid before your 
 committee, that the rebelhon would not have broken out so soon 
 as it did, had it not been for the well-timed measures adopted hy 
 government, subsequent to the proclamation of the lord heutenant 
 in council, bearing date 17th March, 1798."* 
 
 On a later occasion, Lord Castlereagh expressed himself in terms 
 confirmatory of the licitness of the pohcy pursued in 1798, in 
 reference to Robert Emmett's insurrection in 1803. On the 7th 
 March, 1804, on the occasion of Sir John Wrottesley's motion for 
 inquiry into the conduct of the Irish government, Lord Castle- 
 reagh said : — 
 
 " Though he agreed with the honorable baronet that preventive 
 measures luere preferable to punishment, he thought that principle 
 might be carried too far ; and it luas material not to urge the 
 rebels to postpone their attempt by any appearance of too much 
 precaution and preparation. The honorable baronet might laugh, 
 but it was expedient that the precautions should not have been 
 carried to such an extent, as to alarm the fears of the rebels, and 
 thereby induce them to delay their project. Besides, it was 
 desirable that the measures after applied for to parliament shoidd 
 be claimed on ostensible, not on arguable grounds." 
 
 Mr. Windham said, — "That ministers maintained the monstrous 
 doctrine that rebelhon was to be fostered by the government till 
 it came to a head, that the cure might be radical. This might be 
 good policy in a general, against an open enemy. He might 
 watch him and let him march into toil, taking care to be too 
 strong. But it was infamous in a government against rebels." 
 
 Lord Castlereagh denied " that he meant to hold out that an 
 insurrection should be invited, for the purpose of giving govern- 
 ment a pretence for enacting strong measures."! 
 
 • Report from the secret committee of the Irish house of commons, 1798. 
 t Report of the debate in the imperial parliament, March 7th, 1804, pp. 14, 57. 
 
( 118 ) 
 
 In statements of this kind, it would be a folly to expect admis- 
 sions fully and plainly expressed, all that can be looked for, are, 
 glimmerings of truth accidentally emitted, which, corresponding 
 with other analogous lights thrown on one common subject of 
 inquiry, can leave no reasonable doubt of the real nature of the 
 matter under consideration. 
 
 The corroborative enlightenment of oui' minds, in the case of 
 such obscure expressions as those of " well-timed measures," is 
 derived from the admissions of Mr. John Claudius Beresford, in 
 the house of commons, and of Lord Clare, in the house of lords ; 
 that torture had been had recourse to in Ireland, in detecting and 
 defeating the plans of the rebels in 1798 ; " that it was unmanly 
 to deny it," in the words of the former ; and in those of the latter, 
 in debate in the British house of peers, the 21st March, 1800, that 
 "he admitted, (on the subject of torture,) that it had been used, 
 and he put it as a question, in the case of the blacksmith, (which 
 had been referred to in the debate,) from whom a confession of 
 pikes had been extorted, whether the injury to society by his 
 torture for half-a-minute was not less than that of the number 
 of murders which would have taken place if that confession had 
 not been extorted."* 
 
 There is a cool deliberate impudence in this audacious attempt 
 to make it appear that the use of torture had been only had 
 recourse to in a single instance. The practice was general in 
 Dublin, in the principal towns of Wicklow, "Westmeath, Kildare, 
 Wexford, Carlow, Kilkenny, Louth, Antrim, Donegal, and 
 Monachan. In Clonmel and Waterford the torturers were 
 persons of distinction, as they were in Dubhn, Drogheda, and 
 Wexford. 
 
 England at this period was prosperous and powerful ; eighteen 
 years previously, she was weak and embarrassed. But her posi- 
 tion in 1798, was very different to what it was at the close of the 
 American war, when she was weak, broken, disunited at home, 
 unsuccessful in her colonies, and friendless on the continent. In 
 1800, she had risen to the highest pinnacle of her imperial 
 elevation, her interests were triumphant in all parts of Europe, 
 with the exception of France, — her fortunes were prosperous in 
 
 • Parliamentary Register. Loudon Chronicle, March 21st, 1801. 
 
( 119 ) 
 
 the East and West Indies. Her arms were every where victorious, 
 her credit was restored, her commerce and agriculture had revived. 
 She was drunk with glory, — but still insatiable in her thirst for 
 imperial domination. It mattered not how or where she was to 
 be aggrandized. The only question was, when and where an 
 attempt should be made to extend dominion, or to concentrate 
 its power ? 
 
 The first use she made of her prosperity, was to rob Ireland of 
 her national independence, — of the parliament, whose indepen- 
 dence she had solemnly ratified in her own senate eighteen years 
 before. 
 
( 120 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The projected union of the kingdoms of Ireland and England, 
 was grounded on a parliamentary prerogative, presumed to exist 
 in the Irish legislature, by which it was empowered to use the 
 trust reposed in it by the nation, for the destruction of the vital 
 principle in which that trust had its being, and the exercise of its 
 delegated attributes its origin. 
 
 The means employed to effect the object were fraud and force, 
 embracing every species of delusion, corruption, and intimidation. 
 The ministerial purpose was of a nature that necessitated action, 
 on the principle that reasons of state involve higher interests, and 
 include graver imperial considerations, than those which are 
 connected with ordinary notions of justice, matters of conscience, 
 or mere questions of right and wrong. 
 
 On the 22nd of January, 1799, his Excellency, Lord Cornwallis, 
 opened a new session of parliament with a speech, wherein, 
 directing its attention to the efforts that had been made for the 
 separation of the two kingdoms, he said, " he was commanded by 
 his majesty, to express his anxious hope, that this consideration, 
 joined to the sentiment of mutual affection and common interest, 
 may dispose the parhament in both kingdoms to provide the most 
 effectual means of maintaining and improving a connexion essential 
 to their common security, and of consolidating, as far as possible, 
 into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power, and the 
 resources of the British empire."* The committee appointed to 
 draw up the address to his majesty in reference to this paragraph, 
 all important to the Irish parhament, replied ; " We shall not fail 
 
 " Parliamentarj' Debates, 1797. 
 
( 121 ) 
 
 to firivo the fullest consideration to a communication of such 
 momentous importance." The address was moved by Lord 
 Tyrone, and seconded by Mr. Robert Fitzgerald ; the debate 
 lasted for twenty-two hours ; two other debates took place on the 
 union, in the house of commons in the same month. An amend- 
 ment was proposed to the addi'ess, on the first debate in the house 
 of lords, by Lord Powerscourt, couched in the following terms, 
 " That the union, as their lordships conceived, was not within the 
 hmits of their power ; and that if it were, it would be highly 
 impolitic to adopt such a measure, as it would in their opinion 
 tend more than any other cause ultimately to a separation from 
 Great Britain." The amendment was negatived ; forty-six lords 
 were for entertaining the question of union, nineteen against it ; 
 while in the commons, ministers had but a majority of one, and 
 on the debate of the report of the address the day following, 
 government was left in a minority of five. The members were a 
 hundred and six for the union, a hundred and eleven against it ; 
 and this result closed all further proceedings on the subject during 
 the remainder of the session.* 
 
 The rejection of the union spread joy throughout the country ; 
 meetings were called in almost every town, and congratulatory 
 addi'esses voted to the principal opposers of the measure. On the 
 1st of June, 1799, Lord CornwalHs closed the session with a 
 speech, wliich plainly announced the determination of the minister 
 to persist in his nefarious purpose : — 
 
 " I have his majesty's particular commands, to acquaint you, 
 that a joint address of the two houses of parliament of Great 
 Britain has been laid before his majesty, accompanied by re- 
 solutions proposing and recommending a complete and entire 
 union between Great Britain and Ireland, to be estabhshed by 
 the mutual consent of both parhaments, founded on equal and 
 liberal principles; on the similarity of laws, constitution and 
 government, and on a sense of mutual interests and affec- 
 tions "********** 
 
 The minister had fully calculated on the success of his measures, 
 in the month of January. Of the three hundred members of 
 
 * Hardy's life of Charlemont, vol. il., p. 419. 
 
( 122 ) 
 
 which the house was composed, two hundred and sixteen had 
 voted on the 24th ; sixty-nine held offices during pleasure; nineteen 
 were to have offices for their votes ; and one was bought over 
 in the body of the house ; thirteen commoners were subsequently 
 created peers, or their wives peeresses, for their votes.* 
 
 Barrington's Rise and Fall, p. 420, 
 
( 1-^3 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 At the opening of parliament, the loth of January, 1800, no 
 reference whatever was made to the speech from the throne on 
 the projected union. Sir Laui'ence Parsons opened the debate, 
 by observing, that "the reason of the omission was obvious to 
 every man in the house. From the time that we rejected that 
 measure, last session, the minister has employed every engine of 
 the government, and endeavoured, by the most unwarrantable 
 practices, to pervert the sentiments of the parHament on that 
 subject ; and he does not wish that you should take it into con- 
 sideration until his machinations are complete. If those in power 
 thought an union would be a beneficial measure for these king- 
 doms, they would be right in proposing it ; but, then, they should 
 propose it to the free, uninfluenced, uncontaminated sentiment of 
 parHament, instead of which, means have been used which would 
 render this measure, if carried, not an act of the parliament, hut 
 an act of despotism. It matters not ivhether you, the representatives 
 of this great nation, are turned out of that door by the sword of 
 the army, or the gold of the treasury — hy a Cromwell or by a 
 secretary ; in both ca^es the treason against the constitution is the 
 same. One of the greatest offences of James II. was attempting 
 to pack a parHament. What is the offence that I arraign now ? 
 It is that the minister of the crown is prostituting the prerogative 
 of appointing to places, in order to pack a parliament. The 
 transaction is too glaring ; — a string of men are to go out, who were 
 against the union, in order that a string of men may come in, who 
 are for it. Any thing so barefaced has not appeared in either 
 kingdoms since the days of that abdicated monarch. Are we, 
 then, to sit supinely here until his practices are matured ? Are 
 we to wait while we sec the serpent collecting himself in his coils, 
 
( 124 ) 
 
 only to spring upon us with greater violence, and not to strike at 
 him now ? Are any measures to be kept with a government 
 which is proceeding against your constitution by such foul means ? 
 Does not the time in which the English ministers have determined 
 to attempt the union, prove that they mean to take an unfair 
 advantage of Ireland ? They first attempted it during the weak- 
 ness and distraction of this country, and in the last session ; and 
 though rejected by this house, and condemned universally by the 
 nation, they are preparing to renew the attack now, tvliile the 
 spirit of the people is still depressed by recent troubles ; — while the 
 country is covered with armies, far greater than ever were known 
 here before ; — ivhile martial law prevails, and a formidable 
 invasion is menaced; in short, while apprehensions from without 
 and from within preclude all free exercise of the public mind upon 
 the fatal project, they hope to trample on the independency of 
 Ireland."* 
 
 Sir L. Parsons moved an amendment to the address, assuring 
 his majesty, that " the bounden duty, wishes, and sentiments of all 
 his Irish subjects were, to preserve the blessings which they owed 
 to the spirited exertions of an independent resident parliament, 
 the paternal kindness of his majesty, and the hberahty of the 
 British parliament in 1782." 
 
 The debate on the 15th and 16th of January, introduced Mr. 
 Grattan to the scene of his former triumphs, when, in the 
 language of the report of the parliamentary debates, "an in- 
 describable emotion seized the house and gallery, and every heart 
 heaved in tributary pulsation, to the name, the virtues, and the 
 return to parhament of the founder of the constitution of 1782, 
 the existence of wliich was then the subject of debate."! 
 
 To tliis debate, and the succeeding ones of the 5th and 6th, 
 and the final one of the 19th of February, Ireland owes those 
 master-pieces of noble, national, patriotic eloquence which are the 
 chief glory, " life, grace, and ornament" of its senate. It does 
 not come within the limits of the object of this volume, to attempt 
 to convey any idea of the vast powers of mind, and still more 
 inestimable principles of independence and fidehty to the constitu- 
 
 * Parliamentary Debates, 1800, p. 8. 
 
 t Parliamentary Debate of the 15th and 16th January, 1800. Moore, Dublin, 
 r. 116. 
 
( 125 ) 
 
 tion of their country, which were displayed in the speeches of 
 Grattan, Plunkett, Bushe, Ponsonby, and Parsons, — of the bold 
 assertion of the nation's rights, and the incorruptible integrity 
 manifested in those of Foster, Parnell, Dobbs, Egan, Barrington, 
 Hardy, Roclifort, O'Donnell, O'Hara, and Falkiner.* 
 
 Neither is it in my province, to illustrate the wickedness, the 
 weakness, or the folly of those who sold their country's rights, or 
 were seduced into the crime of bartering them for the favour of a 
 foreign minister, for gold, for titles or preferment, by any 
 reference to the speeches or the votes of the prime culprit, Lord 
 Castlereagh, his reckless coadjutor, Lord Clare, Lord Tyrone, 
 Toler, Kemmis, Yerner, Coote, Smith, Musgrave, Newcomen, 
 the Cavendishes, the Moores, the Knoxes, the Lindsays, the 
 Beresfords, and their move obscure, but not less ignoble, compeers. 
 
 If brilhant eloquence could have produced any effect on a 
 packed parliament, or the conscience of a corrupt minister, 
 Grattan's closing speech in this debate, on the 16th inst., might 
 have excited at least a sense of shame, some feelings of remorse, 
 some latent spark of pity even for the drooping advocate, hopeless 
 of his cause, who sunk exhausted into his seat, at the termination 
 of his speech, in that place where he had once been the foremost 
 man of his time ; the approved of all approvers ; the father of his 
 country's independence in 1782 ; the glorious defender of it in 
 1789 ; the faithful follower of its fortune, who " had watched over 
 its cradle, and wallvcd after its hearse" to the grave in 1800. 
 
 The amendment of Sir L. Parsons was lost by a majority of 
 42 votes ; 96 were in its favor, and 138 against it. 
 
 On the 3rd of February, 1800, Lord Castlereagh delivered a 
 message from the lord lieutenant, acquainting parhament " that 
 a joint address of the two houses of the British parliament had 
 been laid before his majesty, accompanied by resolutions proposing 
 and recommending a complete and entire union between Great 
 
 • Sir Frederick Falkiner was known to the author, when he was in the direst 
 distress. Even then he was a perfect personification of an Irish gentleman — one 
 of the old school, of polished manners, of excellent humour, and fascinating 
 address. Poverty ultimately broke down his spirit and his reason. He died in 
 a foreign country by his own hand in 1823, after receiving an unfeeling rebuff 
 from one of his own countrymen, to whom he had applied for some pecuniary 
 assistance. 
 
( 126 ) 
 
 Britain and Ireland, to be established by the mutual consent of 
 both parUaments, founded on equal and liberal principles ; on the 
 similarity of the laws, constitution and government, and on a 
 sense of mutual interests and affections. * * * * 
 
 "His majesty had observed with increasing satisfaction, that the 
 sentiments which have continued to he manifested in favor of this 
 important and salutary measure, by such numerous and respect- 
 able descriptions of his Irish subjects, confirmed the hope he had 
 expressed, that its accomplishment would prove to be as much the 
 joint, as it unquestionably was the common, interest of both his 
 kingdoms.^' 
 
 The " increasing satisfaction" at the continued manifestations of 
 the approving sentiments of the Irish lieges, of " such numerous 
 and respectable descriptions," with respect to this " salutary mea- 
 sure," did honor to the royal head and heart; infinite credit to the 
 ingenuous qualities of the English minister, and the powers of 
 face of his Irish minion, who pronounced these words before the 
 representatives of the Irish people. Human fatuity, falsity, and 
 effrontery, could not go farther, and human endurance can hardly 
 be said ever to have been tried more effectually than it was 
 on this occasion, by the recreant reformer, the would-be destroyer 
 of liis pohtical associates in 1794, and the young apostate from 
 his early principles, the juvenile patricide, who united the cool 
 calculating perfidy of a Reynolds, with the brazen bare-faced 
 flagitiousness of the hoary headed scorner and corrupter of public 
 virtue. Sir Robert Walpole. 
 
 Previously to the delivery of the viceroy's message. Sir 
 Laurence Parsons stated to the house "An act which he con- 
 sidered as one of the greatest enormity, a high infringement of 
 the privileges of parliament, and a violation of the liberties of the 
 subject. His information was derived from the most respectable 
 persons (whom he named). A Major Roberts, who commanded 
 at Birr, having been lately told there luas an intention of assem- 
 bling the freeholders and inhabitants to deliberate on the propriety 
 of petitioning parliament against a legislative union, replied to 
 the communication, that he woidd disperse them by force if they 
 attempted any such thing ; that the major, however, applied to 
 government for directions as to his conduct, and the kind of 
 directions he gave could only be judged of by the conduct itself 
 
( 127 ) 
 
 On Sunday last, several freeholders and respectable inhabitants 
 assembled in the session house, luhen the High Sheriff, Mr. Darly, 
 went to them, and ordered them to disperse, or he woidd compel 
 them ; they were about to depart ivhen a gentleman came, and 
 told them the army luas approaching. The assembly had just 
 time to vote the resolutions, but not to sign them. They broke iip, 
 and as they luent out of the sessions house, they saw vnoving towards 
 it a column of troops with four pieces of cannon in front, matches 
 lighted, and every disposition made for an attack upon the sessio7is 
 house, a building so constructed that if the cannon had been fired 
 it must have fallen on the magistrates and people, and buried 
 them, in its ruins. A gentleman spoke to Major Roberts, on the 
 subject of his approaching in that hostile manner; his answer luas, 
 that he waited but for one word from the sheriff that he might 
 blow them to atoms ! These were the dreadful measures," Sir 
 Laurence said, " by which government endeavoured to force the 
 union upon the people of Ireland, by stifling their sentiments and 
 dragooning them into submission."* 
 
 He proposed two resolutions, deprecatory of the act of pre- 
 venting freeholders of any county, from meeting to petition 
 parhament, and requiring that High Sheriff Darly and Major 
 Roberts should be called to the bar. The motion was opposed by 
 Lord Castlereagh. He said " it was one of those inflammatory 
 tricks luhich had of late been frequently played off, and if now 
 adopted, luoidd seem to admit the fact alleged, by unnecessarily 
 declaring a principle, ahvays and universally asserted." 
 
 Few men have ever been more true to their infamy than Lord 
 Castlereagh. He never stumbled, in public life, by accident or even 
 by stratagem, on any straight-forward, honest, or honorable pro- 
 ceeding. Johnson speaks of an English poet, who was not only 
 extremely vicious, but singularly open and undisguised in his 
 depravity. Castlereagh shared this peculiarity with the English 
 poet, but then, we are told, it was only in public that the Irish 
 lord was a villain. 
 
 * Parliamentary Debates, v. and vi., February, 1800, Moore, Dublin, p. 144. 
 A similar proceeding to that described by Sir L. Parsons took place in 
 the county Tipperary. A county meeting, duly convened by the sheriff', to 
 enter into resolutions condemnatory of the projected union was dispersed by 
 military violence. 
 
( 128 ) 
 
 After the message of the viceroy had been dehvered by his 
 lordship, he submited the eight articles of the union to the house. 
 After reading the infamous propositions, and entering on some 
 details respecting differential duties, he said, " He trusted he had 
 stated enough to show that the proposal, (union,) was such a one, 
 as it ivas honest hi Great Britain to make, and honorable for 
 Ireland to accept." Lord Castlereagh's motion, (craftily framed 
 so as to conceal its vast importance to the destinies of Ireland,) 
 to have the articles of union, and other papers connected with 
 that measure printed and circulated, being put, ministers had a 
 majority of 43; 158 voted for the motion, 115 against it. By 
 this division the union was virtually carried. On the 10th of 
 February, when the measure was brought before the house of 
 peers. Lord Clare made liis celebrated speech, the concluding 
 words of which were, "I now propose to this grave assembly for 
 their adoption, an entire and perfect union of the kingdom of 
 Ireland with Great Britain. If I live to see it completed, to my 
 latest hour I shall feel an honorable pride in reflecting on the httle 
 share which I may have had in contributing to effect it."* 
 
 Poor humanity ! how soon do all thy big hopes of wealth, of 
 pomp, power, and of official greatness, vanish. Little did the 
 proud lord think, who was then domineering over his order, and 
 dooming his country to national death and degradation, that "the 
 latest hour," of which he spoke, was not far distant, that scarcely 
 eighteen months should elapse before he should be humbled in the 
 dust, — and yet on his death-bed should deplore to his surrounding 
 relatives, that he had contributed to effect a union, and with his 
 latest breath bitterly lament the mischievous and mistaken part 
 he had taken. This fact is given on the authority of his lordship's 
 nephew, in Mr. Grattan's work ; in this volume it is given on the 
 authority of his lordship's niece. He died on the 28th Jan., 1802. 
 A man singularly gifted, with noble talents, great energy, signal 
 courage, capable of most generous actions ; but proud, arrogant, 
 and unprincipled ; an enemy to his country, and a victim to the 
 chagrin of ill-weaved ambition, and of mortified pretensions to 
 consideration in the country, to which he had betrayed his own. 
 
 At the close of the session of 1799, Lord Castlereagh's efforts 
 
 * Parliamentary Debates, 1800, p. 101. 
 
( 129 ) 
 
 to secure by any means a majority in the commons for his next 
 attempt on the life of liis country's independence, had been inde- 
 fatigable. "The place-bill," says Sir Jonah Barrington, "so long 
 and so pertinaciously sought for, and so indiscreetly framed by 
 Mr. Grattan and the whigs of Ireland, now, for that time, proved 
 the very engine by which the minister upset the opposition, and 
 annihilated the constitution. That bill enacted that members, 
 during the pleasure of the crown, should not sit in parliament 
 unless re-elected ; but, unfortunately, the bill made no distinction 
 between valuable offices which might influence, and nominal offices 
 which might job; and the chiltern hundreds of England were, 
 under the title of the escheatorship of Munster, Leinster, Con- 
 naught, etc., transferred to Ireland, with salaries of forty shilhngs, 
 to be used at pleasure by the secretary. Occasional and temporary 
 seats were thus bartered for by government, and by the ensuing 
 session made the complete and fatal instrument of packing the 
 parhament and eifecting a union."* 
 
 "Lords Cornwalhs and Castlereagh," says Barrington, "having 
 made good progress during the recess, now discarded all secresy 
 and reserve. The various acts of simple metallic corruption, 
 wliich were practised without any reserve, during the summer 
 of 1799, are too numerous to be recited in this volume. It will 
 be sufficient to describe the proceedings, without particularizing 
 the indi\iduals. Many of the peers and several of the commons 
 had the patronage of boroughs, the control of which was essential 
 to the success of the minister's project: these patrons Lord Castle- 
 reagh assailed by every means which his power and situation 
 afforded. Lord Cornwalhs was the remote. Lord Castlereagh the 
 intermediate, and Mr. Secretary Cooke the immediate agents 
 on many of these bargains. Lord Shannon, the Marquis of Ely, 
 and several other peers, commanding votes, after much coquetry, 
 had been secured during the first session, but the defeat of 
 government rendered their future support uncertain. 
 
 " The parliamentary patrons had breathing time after the 
 preceding session, and began to tremble for their patronage and 
 importance ; and some desperate step became necessary to govern- 
 ment, to insure a continuance of the support of these personages. 
 
 • Barrington's Rise and Fall, p. 407. 
 
( 130 ) 
 
 This object gave rise to a measure which the British nation will 
 scarcely believe possible ; — its enormity is without a parallel. 
 
 " Lord Castlereagh's first object was to introduce into the 
 house, by means of the Place-Bill, a sufficient number of depend- 
 ants to balance all opposition. He then boldly announced his 
 intention to turn the scale, by bribes to all who would accept 
 them, under the name of compensation for the loss of patronage 
 and interest. He publicly declared, first, that every nobleman 
 who returned members to Parliament, should be paid in cash 
 £15,000, for every member so returned : secondly, that every 
 member, who had purchased a seat in the parliament, should 
 have his purchase money returned to him by the treasury of 
 Ireland ; thirdly, that all members of parliament or others, who 
 were losers by a union, should be fully recompensed for their 
 losses; and that £1,500,000 should be devoted to this service: — 
 in other terms, all who supported his measure, were, under some 
 pretence or other, to share in this bank of corruption. 
 
 " A declaration so flagitious and treasonable was never publicly 
 made in any country ; but it had a powerful eifect in his favour ; 
 and before the meeting of parliament, he had secured a small 
 majority (as heretofore mentioned) of eight, above a moiety of 
 the members, and he courageously persisted. 
 
 "After the debate on the Union, in 1800, he performed his 
 promise, and brought in a bill to raise one million and a half of 
 money upon the Irish people, nominally to compensate, but really 
 to bribe, their representatives, for betraying their honour and 
 selling their country. This bill was but feebly resisted — the 
 divisions of January and February (1800) had reduced the 
 success of the government to a certainty, and all further opposi- 
 tion was abandoned."* 
 
 * Barrington's Rise and Fall, pp. 449, 450. 
 
( 131 ) 
 
 COMPENSATION FOR BOROUGH RIGHTS EXTINGUISHED BY 
 THE UNION, AND NAMES OF BOROUGHS FOR WHICH IT WAS 
 SEVERALLY AWARDED. 
 
 BOROUGHS. 
 
 COMPENSATION. 
 
 BOROUGHS. 
 
 COMPENSATION. 
 
 Clonnakilty 
 
 . Co. Cork 
 
 £15,000 
 
 Blessington 
 
 Wicklow 
 
 £15,000 
 
 Castlemartyr 
 
 do. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Wicklow 
 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Charleville 
 
 do. 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 Inistioge 
 
 Kilkenny 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 
 
 . 7 500 
 
 Cavan 
 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 Newcastle 
 
 . Dublin 
 
 • 1 j'-'V.'V 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Philipstov\Tii 
 
 King's Co. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ballinakill 
 
 . Queen's Co. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Carlingford 
 
 Louth 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 St. Johnstown 
 
 . Longford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Dunleer 
 
 do. 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 Mullingar 
 
 , Westmeath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Askeaton 
 
 Limerick 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Harristown 
 
 . Kildare 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Charlemont 
 
 Armagh 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Boyle 
 
 . Roscommon 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Middletou 
 
 Cork 
 
 . I5,(X)0 
 
 Longford 
 
 • ...... 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Naas 
 
 Kildare 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Augher 
 
 . Tyrone 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Maryborough . 
 
 Queen's Co. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Killbeggan 
 
 . Westmeath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Enniscorthy . 
 
 Wexford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Castlebar 
 
 . Mayo 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ardee 
 
 Louth 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Kilraallick 
 
 . Limerick 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Doneraile 
 
 Cork 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Duleek 
 
 . Meath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Lanesborough . 
 
 Longford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Taghmon 
 
 . Wexford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Kells 
 
 Meath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Carrick, Drumsruck 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Lismore 
 
 Waterford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Belturbet 
 
 . Cavan 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Tallagh 
 
 Waterford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ballyshannon 
 
 . Donegal 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Newtown-Lim- 
 
 
 
 Newtownards 
 
 . Down 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 avady 
 
 Derry 
 
 . 15.000 
 
 Banagher 
 
 . King's Co. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Killybegs 
 
 Donegal 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 St. Johnstown 
 
 . Donegal 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Baltinglass 
 
 Wicklow 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Callan 
 
 . Kilkenny 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Fethard 
 
 Tipperary 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Baltimore 
 
 . Cork 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Trim 
 
 Meath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Dingle 
 
 .- Kerry 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Tuam 
 
 Galway 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Carysfort 
 
 . Wicklow 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Knocktopher . 
 
 Kilkenny 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Rathcormac 
 
 . Cork 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Granard 
 
 Longford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Hillsborough 
 
 . Down 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Athy 
 
 Kildare 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Monaghan 
 
 • 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Kildare Co. 
 
 . 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Lifford 
 
 . Donegal 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Randalstown . 
 
 Antrim 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ratoath 
 
 . Meath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Tulsk 
 
 Roscommon 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Fore 
 
 . Westmeath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Donegal Co. . 
 
 . 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ardfert 
 
 . Kerry 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Roscommon Co 
 
 . 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Gouran 
 
 . Kilkenny 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Navan 
 
 Meath 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Thomastown 
 
 do. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 St. Canice, &c., 
 
 
 
 Clonmines 
 
 . Wexford 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Irishtown 
 
 Kilkenny 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Bannow 
 
 do. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Clogher 
 
 Tyrone 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Fetliard 
 
 do. 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Old Leighlin . 
 
 Carlow 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Bangor 
 
 . Down 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 Antrim Co. 
 
 . 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Jamestown 
 
 . Leitrini 
 
 . 7,500 
 
 Swords 
 
 Dublin 
 
 . 15,000 
 
 Ivillyleagli 
 Gorey 
 
 T^n\m 
 
 . 15,000 
 . 15,000 
 
 
 
 
 jyu" 11 
 
 . Wexford 
 
 Total Compensation £ 
 
 1,237,500 
 
 55 Boroughs vested in peers, and for which compensation was awarded them by 
 
 the Commissioners. 
 3 Boroughs vested in Bishops, for which payment was awarded to the First 
 
 Fruits' Fund. 
 24 Boroughs vested in private individuals, who received compensation according 
 
 to their alleged duration of tenure, and one Borough — Swords, so noto- 
 
45,001) 
 23,000 
 13,000 
 15,000 
 
 ( 132 ) 
 
 riously corrupt that none of the many claimants could establish any valid 
 claim to monied compensation. 
 
 Barrington says : — 
 
 Lord Shannon received for his patronage in the Commons £45,000 
 
 The Marquis of Ely 
 
 Lord Clanmorris, besides a peerage 
 
 Lord Belvidere, besides his doceur 
 
 Sir Hercules Langrishe . 
 
 The Speaker, the Right Honourable John Foster, on the 17th 
 
 of February, when the bill was in Committee, pronounced his 
 
 able speech in opposition to it ; the last effort of the uncorrupted 
 
 and incorruptible opposition, and it may be termed the funeral 
 
 oration of the Irish parliament. 
 
 On the final division, ministers had a majority of forty-three. 
 There were twenty-seven members unavoidably absent, all 
 inimical to union ; and one hundred and fifteen having voted 
 against it, the government in reality had only a majority of 
 eight votes, taking into account the total number of members of 
 the house — namely, three hundred ; and of the one hundred and 
 fifty-eight, twenty " were notoriously bribed or influenced cor- 
 ruptly."* 
 
 • Barington's Rise and Fall, p. 461. 
 
( 133 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The incompetency of the representatives of the people to vote 
 away the parliament they were delegated to sit in for the sole 
 purpose of making, amending, or evoking laws consistent with, or 
 confirmatory of, its fundamental authority, is pointed out by 
 Barrington, in the following terms : — 
 
 " The great fact, therefore, (and the irrefragable authorities on 
 which it rests are repeated and spread over many parts of this 
 short history,) necessarily produces a deduction, more intrinsi- 
 cally important, and involving more grave considerations than any 
 other that can arise upon this subject. From these principles it 
 follows as a corollary, that the act of union, carried by such means, 
 was, in itself, a nullity, ab initio, and a fraud upon the then ex- 
 isting constitution ; and if a nuUity in 1800, it is incontrovertible 
 that nothing afterwards did, or possibly could, validate it in 1833. 
 
 " No temporary assent, or, in tliis case, submission, could be 
 deduced as an argument. No lapse of time, unless by prescrip- 
 tion (beyond wliicli the memory of man runneth not), can ever 
 estabhsh any act, originally illegal ; — no hmitation, through lapse 
 of time, can bar the rights and claims of the crown, — there is no 
 limitation, through lapse of time, to the church, — no hmitation, 
 through lapse of time, can bar the chartered right of even a petty 
 corporation; and a fortiori, no lapse of time can legalize any act 
 hostile to the rights of a free people, or extinguish the legislature 
 of an independent nation. In that point of view, therefore, 
 
 NO LEGISLATIVE UNION EVER WAS CONSTITUTIONALLY ENACTED 
 BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES ! ! ! 
 
 " But considering that question in another point of view ; it is 
 the invariable principle of all international law, that the infraction 
 of a solemn treaty, on the one side, dispenses with any adherence 
 
( 134 ) 
 
 to the same treaty by the other ; of course, annuls both, and 
 leaves the contracting parties in statu quo, as they respectively 
 stood before the treaty ; and it was, therefore, argued by those 
 able men, that the renunciation act of the 23rd George III., 
 ' recognizing the unquahficd independence of Ireland, and 
 expressly stipulating and contracting that it should endure for 
 ever,' was the very essence and consideration of the international 
 and federative treaty ; and through its infraction by England, 
 both countries stood in the very same state as at the period when 
 England repealed her own statute of George I., and admitted its 
 unconstitutionality and her own usurpation. Ireland, of course, 
 remained in the same position as she stood at that period. * * 
 
 " From all these considerations it inevitably follows, that if, 
 through force, or fraud, or fear, or corruption, in enacting it, the 
 union was null, then any act of the imperial parliament, repealing 
 the act of union, would be, in fact, only repealing a nullity, and 
 restoring to Ireland a legislature she never had been constitu- 
 tionally deprived of. It was admitted that had the infraction of 
 the federative treaty been the act of Ireland, then this reasoning- 
 would have lost its validity ; but the contrary is direct and 
 indisputable."* 
 
 We find something like a spirit of prophecy in the language 
 with which this measure was reprobated in the English parliament : 
 
 The present Lord Grey, in 1800, thus opposed the union : — 
 
 " If the parliament of Ireland was left to itself untempted, un- 
 intimidated, it would have rejected the resolutions. There are 
 three hundred members, and one hundred and twenty of these 
 strenuously opposed the measure, amongst whom were two-thirds 
 of the county members, the representatives of Dublin, and almost 
 all the towns which it is proposed shall send members to the 
 imperial parliament ; one hundred and sixty-two voted in favour 
 of the union ; of those, one hundred and sixteen were placemen — 
 some were English generals of the staff, without a foot of ground 
 in Ireland ; completely dependent upon government. * * 
 
 Let us reflect upon the acts used since last session of the Irish 
 parliament to pack a majority. All persons holding offices under 
 government, even the most intimate friends of the minister, if 
 
 * Barrington's Rise and Fall, pages 402, 403. 
 
( 135 ) 
 
 they hesitated to vote as directed, were stript of all their employ- 
 ments. Other arts were had recom'se to ; no less than sixty-three 
 seats were vacated by their holders having received nominal 
 
 " Twenty-seven counties petitioned against the measure (the 
 union). The petition from Down is signed by 17.000 independent 
 men, and all the others are similar. Dubhn petitioned under 
 the great seal of the city, and each of the corporations followed 
 the example. Those in favour of the measure, possessing great 
 influence, obtained a few counter-petitions ; yet, though the 
 petition from Down was signed by 17,000, the counter-petition 
 was signed only by 415. Though there were 707:000 who signed 
 petitions against the measure, the total number of those in favour 
 of it did not exceed 3,000, and many only prayed that the measure 
 might be discussed. Could a nation in more direct terms, express 
 its disapprobation, than Ireland has, of a legislative union with 
 Great Britain ? The nation is nearly unanimous, and this great 
 majority is composed not of fanatics, bigots, or Jacobms, but of 
 the most respectable in the community. * * * * 
 
 I am far from supposing British members will wantonly abuse 
 their powers (not they, of course !) — but the property of a nation 
 
 SHOULD NOT BE LEFT AT THE DISCRETION OF ANY MEN WHO ARE 
 
 strangers! * * * We naturally take a pleasure, 
 
 ivhen in calamitous circumstances, in bringing others into a con- 
 dition equally deplorable — it is, therefore, to be feared that we 
 would not be unwilling to make the burdens of Ireland as heavy 
 as our own." 
 
 This prophecy has been more than borne out ; for while they 
 have made us responsible equally with themselves, for the whole 
 of the enormous debt of England, they have, by ruining our trade 
 and manufactures, and by stimulating absenteeism, rendered us 
 less able to pay to the general revenue. We are, therefore, 
 hopelessly mortgaged, so long as the union endures. 
 
 Lord Grey thus concluded : — " Though you carry the measure, 
 yet the people of Ireland will wait for an opportunity of recover- 
 ing their rights, which they ivill say were taken from them by 
 force /" 
 
 "While the last act of the drama was performing inside the 
 walls of the Irish parhament, the house was surrounded with 
 
( 136 ) 
 
 soldiers ; an English regiment was selected for this service, and 
 the porticos of the noble building were bristling with bayonets 
 when the members walked out of the house they were to enter 
 no more — except on business connected with money. Just as the 
 debate had concluded, a gentleman, well known in Dublin, saw 
 Curran, wrapped in a great coat, standing beside one of the pillars 
 of the portico, leaning against it, where he had been apparently 
 for some time. His face was shrivelled, its expression haggard, 
 the color of his face almost yellow, he was the picture of despair. 
 Curran was not then a member of the house. The gentleman 
 accosted him, Curran shook hands with him but did not speak 
 one word. The gentleman put liis arm in his, and led him away ; 
 Curran moved on as if he was unconscious of the presence of an 
 old acquaintance. At length some observation in reference to the 
 result of the debate caught his attention. He stopped suddenly, 
 stood immediately in front of his acquaintance, who was one of 
 the society so many of whose members had been his clients, — 
 and said with that extraordinary energy which was peculiar to 
 him, — " Where are your 300,000 men now ?" 
 
 Other words were spoken, some incoherently, none that might 
 not have been expected to have fallen from the lips of John 
 Philpot Curran on that occasion. 
 
 The picture of that Irish Marius standing on the threshold of 
 that place where the liberties of a nation were laid in ruins — 
 spell-bound, silent, desolate in mind, stricken down, and spirit 
 broken, brooding over the fall of Ireland, the annihilation of 
 her nationality, — might suit our pubhc places, and the walls of 
 that building which was a house of parliament, as well as the 
 representation of Wilham the Conqueror landing in England, or 
 triumphing at the battle of Hastings. Times may come when 
 Ireland may have galleries for works of art devoted to the illus- 
 tration of her history. It is too much the fashion to think there 
 are no bright spots in its pages. There are passages in them 
 worthy of great artists. 
 
( 1^7 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 We have now to examine the question which has been so often 
 discussed, and so variously decided, namely, the conduct pursued 
 by England towards Ireland since the union. 
 
 It may be laid down as a general principle, that small states in 
 the vicinity of, or subject to the power of, great ones are univer- 
 sally looked upon with a jealous eye ; that jealousy leads to acts 
 of injustice and feelings of hatred towards its victims. Largeness 
 of territory seems to imply largeness of moral and mental powers 
 on the part of its possessors, and to give a natural right to the 
 inhabitants of a country of great limits, to lord it over the people 
 of narrower ones. The idea of political superiority is invariably 
 associated with a sense of personal superiority, a proud persuasion, 
 on the part of the inhabitants of the country which is the seat of 
 empire, or the centre of arts and commerce, of superior powers of 
 intellect and moral attributes, over those of a smaller country, or 
 one subject to it. Sometimes we find this superiority asserted 
 on higher grounds than those merely of locahty, or of any adven- 
 titious advantages. It is generally, but very erroneously, 
 behoved, that the merit of the conception which made the Irish 
 people " ahens in language, aliens in blood, ahens in reUgion," to 
 the people of England, belongs to the present Chancellor, Lord 
 Lyndliurst. That memorable passage, varied shghtly in the 
 principal epithet and some of the connecting terms, from the 
 original, is to be found in the work of a learned prelate of the 
 church of England, Dr. Edmund Gibson, lord bishop of London, 
 " On the danger and mischiefs of popery," (p. 4, London 1751). 
 It will be observed that his lordship not only defrauded the 
 bishop of his just claim to the merit of this generous repudiation 
 of Irishmen, as having any thing in common, in language, lineage, 
 
( 138 ) 
 
 or religion with Englishmen, but rather weakened the force of 
 the bishop's reasoning, by omitting some words that tended to 
 show that the great superiority of all of his countrymen over 
 the aliens of Ireland, was in spiritual matters. " By arts and 
 methods too Httle observed and attended to on our part (says Dr. 
 Gibson) have these strangers been suffered to corrupt our people, 
 and devour our strength ; for in no other hght than that of 
 strangers, does our constitution allow us to consider papists and 
 popery : strangers to us in religion ; strangers in government ; 
 and strangers in interest and design." 
 
 It is a pity to deprive Lord Lyndliurst of the merit of origina- 
 ting this alienating doctrine, but the Right Rev. Father in God, — 
 Edmund Gibson of London, was evidently the author and originator 
 of it, though acted on long before his time, when rapacity publicly 
 took the habit of hypocrisy, and added the guilt of impiety to 
 that of plunder. 
 
 The same policy, in reality, which the bishop of London preached 
 the piety of in 1751, which inculcated the necessity of making 
 CathoHcs " strangers" in their own land, was acted on in recent 
 times, when the Irish were denounced, by the present Lord High 
 Chancellor of England, in the house of peers, as " AUens in blood, 
 aliens in language, ahens in rehgion" to the people of England, 
 to whom the act of union professed to bind them in one common 
 bond of brotherhood and citizenship. 
 
 No better commentary, than that denunciation, is needed, on the 
 working of that measure of the union at a period of forty years 
 from the date of its enactment. The plain and obvious meaning 
 of that declaration is this ; — the Irish, who, in the language of the 
 law, are united to us, — nommally entitled to all the rights and 
 privileges of Englishmen, — are in reaUty separated from us in all 
 essentials. They are of a separate language, a separate race, 
 a separate creed, they are ahens to us, with whom no union of 
 interest or affection possibly can hold. 
 
 The several instances of a financial kind, in which the faith of 
 the British government, as pledged to Ireland in the articles of 
 the union, in the solemn promises of Mr. Pitt, and specious 
 representations of Lord Castlereagh has been broken, are clearly 
 set forth in one of Mr. Staunton's valuable financial statements.* 
 * Staunton's " Case of Ireland," p. 29. 
 
( 139 ) 
 
 " The countries were united in January, 1801, and three years 
 scarcely passed over before there was an imposition of new taxes, 
 calculated to produce as large a sum as £1,253,000 a year. 
 
 " On the 20th of June, 1804, it was left for Mr. Foster, who was 
 an opponent of the union, to make the astounding announcement 
 that the Irish debt, which was to suffer no increase, had ruinously 
 increased ; and that the revenue, notwithstanding the milhon that 
 the English minister was to take on his own shoulder, had dechned. 
 He complained of the system of borrowing money out of the 
 country, and thus creating absentee debts, and absentee taxes. 
 He remarked, that the debt, which in 1793 was £2,400,000, was 
 then nearly £53,000,000. He proposed to raise new taxes by 
 increasing the duty on wines." * * * * ^ * 
 
 " The total revenue which he expected the state would derive 
 from all these additions, was, as I have said, £1,253,000 a 
 
 ■^T ^ O T* ^ "^ ^ ^ * ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 " Lord Lansdowne, in 1822, made a motion on the state of 
 Ireland. He complained of the obvious decay of the resources 
 of the country. He said (Hansard's debates, vol. vii. p. 1050) 
 that in 1807 the revenue amounted to £4,378,241 ; that between 
 that and 1815, additional taxes had been imposed, which were 
 estimated to produce £3,376,000, and that so far from an increase 
 to the revenue having been the result, there was a great decline ; 
 the revenue in 1821, having been only £3,844,889, or, £533,000 
 under the amount before the imposition of the £3,500,000 new 
 taxes. Adding these taxes spoken of by Lord Lansdowne, to the 
 taxes proposed by Mr. Foster, we have a total of £4,629,000, as 
 the fruits of exchequer exaction between 1804 and 1815. * * 
 
 " At the consolidation of the exchequers in 1817, Mr. Vesey 
 Fitzgerald referred to the declaration of the finance committee, 
 and declared that England had drawn altogether disproportionably 
 on the means of Ireland. 
 
 " ' You contracted' said he, ' with her for an expenditm*e she 
 could not meet, — your own share of which you could not meet, 
 but by sacrifices unexampled — by exertions, the tension of which 
 only England could have borne. Ireland had been led to hope 
 her expenditure luoidd have been less than before she was united 
 to you. In the fifteen years preceding the union, it amounted to 
 £41,000,000 ; but in the fifteen years of union it swelled to the 
 
( 140 ) 
 
 enormous amount of £148,000,000. The increase of her revenue 
 ivould have more than discharged, without the aid of loans, 
 an expenditure greater than that of the fifteen years which 
 preceded 1801. Your own committee have shown you what an 
 advance in permanent taxation Ireland had made.' * * * 
 
 " The words of Sir John Newport, as reported, were these : — 
 ' In reviewing the burdens imposed on that part of the united 
 kingdom, at different periods, (a consideration over-looked too 
 much from the magnitude of the affairs of the empire), it will 
 be seen that she took upon herself too large a share in the 
 expenditure incident to the war, and has now, in a state of peace, 
 a substantial and irresistible claim on the justice of the country for 
 a fair and adequate relaxation of the pressure of taxation which 
 had been accorded to Great Britain. If the statement be indis- 
 putable, that Ireland has made such sacrifices, then her claim for 
 relaxation of burthens cannot be impeached.' * * * 
 
 "Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald's statement and resolutions at the 
 consolidation, are the curiosities of the whole annals of finance. 
 He came down to announce a national bankruptcy. He said, as 
 we have seen, that England contracted with Ireland for an 
 expenditure she could not meet, and the consequence was Ireland's 
 inabihty to meet the interest of the increasing debt. He referred 
 to the report of the finance committee of 1815, to show that 
 if Ireland was obliged at length to shrink from the engagements 
 imposed upon her, it was not because her pubhc men had not 
 manifested willingness enough to tax the people to the uttermost. 
 Havino" made the point of insolvency, and having shown that the 
 calamity did not occur in consequence of the energies of Ireland 
 not having been put forth to an extent outstripping England 
 herself, he submitted his resolutions. He moved, first, that 
 'The act of union having declared that when the circum- 
 stances of the two countries would admit of their contributing 
 indiscriminately by equal taxes to the general expenditure, it 
 shall be competent to the parliament to declare, that aU futm'e 
 expenses shall be defrayed indiscriminately by equal taxes.' He 
 then moved (see parliamentary debates. May 20, 1816) that ' The 
 respective circumstances of the two countries will, henceforward, 
 admit of their contributing indiscriminately.' Thus, having 
 declared the incompetency of Ireland, or what he regarded as 
 
( 141 ) 
 
 such, he, in the next breath, pronounced her perfect ability to 
 bear equal taxes with England. The fact was, Ireland was 
 paying unacknowledged taxes, which were not dreamt of in his 
 philosophy ; but the singularity was, that after the declaration of 
 insolvency he had the gravity to move, that ' henceforward the 
 countries should contribute indiscriminately.' * * * From 
 this time ' assunilation' may be said to have taken its date as a 
 system ; but admitting that burthens, according to the notion of 
 the Enghsh financiers, should be ' assimilated,' it by no means 
 follows that rehef should not also be ' assimilated ;' and it now 
 remains to be inquu'ed how far the two countries have got, 
 relatively, the benefit of tax-remission since the war. 
 
 " We have seen, from the statement of Mr. Ponsonby, that up 
 to 1817 the rehef of Ireland was only to the amount of £344,000. 
 In 1818 Irish assessed taxes, to the extent of £236,000, were 
 repealed ;* but in 1819 imperial taxes, to the extent of £3,190,000, 
 affecting, amongst other articles, malt, tobacco, and tea, were 
 imposed ; and, as the Irish portion could not be far short of half 
 a million, the practical rehef to Ireland must have been, to this 
 period, very limited. In 1821 the entire rehef was to England. 
 In 1822 and 1823 the Irish assessed taxes were finally repealed ; 
 but the custom duties of Ireland were raised to the standard of 
 England. In 1824 the protecting duties (amounting to £300,000) 
 were removed ; but they were practically, according to my view, 
 only an encouragement to British commerce. From 1825 to the 
 present time there is scarcely to be reckoned a relief to Ireland, 
 but what is included in the remission of the leather and coal 
 duties, which are in a great measure counterbalanced by the 
 injurious change in the duties on wines, glass, paper, and postage. 
 Accordinjr to all calculations entitled to attention, there has been 
 repealed, since the war, taxation particularly affecting Ireland, to 
 the extent of £945,433, and imposed to the extent of £1,005,866, 
 leaving the balance not for, but against, the country ; and the total 
 tax remission, up to the present day, if the Duke of Wellington 
 be an authority, amounts to £34,000,000. * * * * 
 
 " By what recklessness, then, or stupidity, I ask, on the part 
 of the English minister, or inertness on ours, could it have hap- 
 
 • Sir John Walsh, M.P., on parliamentary reform, p. 39. 
 
( 142 ) 
 
 pened, that we have remained to this moment subject to all the 
 war's burdens without the advantage of the war's enormous 
 expenditure? AVhat was the cause? What could have been 
 sufficient to produce so strange, and anomalous, and ruinous a 
 state of things ? The great juggle about the consolidation of the 
 exchequer, is, perhaps, the best answer that can be given to the 
 question. The vulgar notion regarding the Irish debt is, that it 
 exceeded, at the consolidation, £150,000,000, and that England 
 took upon her shoulders over £100,000,000 of the amount. This 
 was what Lord Liverpool would have called ' fairness, generosity, 
 liberality, and kindness.' It has been the answer to every complaint 
 we have made since 1817. Sir John Newport once observed, that 
 he never asked any thing in parliament for Ireland without 
 making Mr. Baring ask, ' when we would pay the debt ?' The 
 honourable baronet said he always answered Mr. Baring, by 
 uttering emphatically the word — 'never.' His opinion is, that 
 we never will, and never ought to pay this debt, as it was bor- 
 rowed in our name on a false estimate of our resources. At the 
 union, England, as we have seen, bound us to contribute 
 £2,000,000 to her £15,000,000 ; and when our taxes fell short of 
 this quota, money was borrowed principally in England to make 
 good the deficiency. Now, in the increase of taxes, we went 
 beyond England herself; and when it was requisite that there 
 should be such enormous borrowing in our name, it was plain, 
 that England, to use Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald's phrase, ' contracted 
 with us for an expenditure we could not meet.' " 
 
 The value of the matter in the preceding pages furnishes the 
 best apology that can be made for the length of the citation. To 
 the author of the several publications referred to, in which, for 
 years past, an interest has been kept up commensurate with their 
 importance, Ireland is deeply indebted for his indefatigable 
 efforts in her behalf. 
 
( 143 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The state of representation under the act of union, in 1800, and 
 the reform bill, in 1833, is thus accurately described in one of 
 the valuable reports of the committee of the repeal association, 
 in 1840, in the following terms.* 
 
 " The mode in which the number of Irish members to sit in the 
 united parliament, was calculated by Lord Castlereagh, and exhi- 
 bited to the Irish parliament. 
 
 
 Members. 
 
 For Population 
 
 202 
 
 — Exports, 
 
 100 
 
 — Imports, 
 
 93 
 
 — Revenue, 
 
 39 
 
 434 
 
 "The mean of these quantities gave 108^ ; so that, according to 
 Lord Castlereagh's own calculation, the right of Ireland exceeded 
 108 members; — no excuse was given for striking off the eight. 
 Of these, Ireland was defrauded without pretext or argument, and 
 reduced to the number of one hundred, 
 
 " This was a glaring injustice, but it was considerably aggra- 
 vated by reason of the total fallacy of the scale adopted by 
 Lord Castlereaoh. 
 
 " For example : — he took the population of Ireland as being 
 only two-fifths of the population of England, there being then no 
 actual enumeration in either country ; — but the subsequent enu- 
 merations have proved, that Ireland, instead of only two-fifths of 
 the population of England, had, in fact, tvjo-thirds, — so that the 
 allowance by Lord Castlereagh on the above scale of 202 mem- 
 bers, ought to have been more than 300 on the score of relative 
 population. 
 
 * See pamphlets 42 vol., pamphlet ii, p. 7. 
 
( 144 ) 
 
 " The second Item of the scale is equally fraudulent ; namely, — 
 comparative estimates of exports ; that for Ireland was taken by 
 Lord Castlereagh as only one-fifth; whereas, in fact, Ireland at 
 that time supplied the British forces in almost every quarter of 
 the globe, with provisions of every description, and her exports 
 ought to have been taken at tivo-fifths at the least. 
 
 " The tliii'd item, the imports, were calculated as considerably 
 below one-fifth, but they certainly were much higher, and, instead 
 of ninety-three members, ought, at the very lowest calculation, 
 have given Ireland 100, — that is, one-fifih. 
 
 " The fourth item, of revenue, was perfectly fraudulent, because 
 Ireland at that time owed a debt only of nineteen millions, — 
 whereas, at that time, England owed above four hundred and 
 SEVENTY MILLIONS ; tlio consequoiice is, that the interest of at 
 least 450 milhons ought to have been deducted from the English 
 revenue, before it was brought into a comparison with that of 
 Ireland : and it is perfectly manifest that in that view of it, the 
 Irish revenue, instead of being, what Lord Castlereagh called it, 
 one-tiuelfth, was certainly, at the least, one-sixth. * * # # 
 
 "Your committee are convinced that they have made these 
 corrections much more unfavorable to Ireland, than they really 
 would have been, and they now beg leave to contrast the scale, 
 as produced by Lord Castlereagh, with that which he ought to 
 have produced, if he had any regard to the just rights of the 
 people of Ireland. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh' s scale. 
 
 
 
 It ought to be — 
 
 
 Population, - - 2-3th, ... 
 
 202 
 
 2-3rd 
 
 
 
 , 300 
 
 Exports, - - I -5th, ... 
 
 100 
 
 2.5th, 
 
 
 
 200 
 
 Imports, less than l-5th, ... 
 
 93 
 
 l-5th, 
 
 
 . 100 
 
 Eevenue, - - l-12th, ... 
 
 39 
 
 l-6th, 
 
 
 
 . 78 
 
 434 678 
 
 " The mean of the first was, as we have already shown, 108, — 
 which was the number of members Lord Castlereagh admitted 
 Ireland ought to have : whereas, even upon the data assumed by 
 himself, if this had been stated with any species of accuracy, the 
 mean of the 678 would be 169^. 
 
 " Thus, at the union, if justice had been done to Ireland, she 
 would have obtained 169 members, instead of 100. 
 
( 1^^:^ ) 
 
 " Under these circumstances it is palpable that we do not claim 
 too much in asking for 150 members, or in declaring that we are 
 convinced that no justice can be intended for Ireland in this par- 
 ticular, as long as the number is less. * * * # 
 
 " Then we take up the finance report of the year 1831, which 
 gives to Great Britain a nett revenue of £48,325,215, while it 
 attributes to Ireland only £4,500,897; now this must be admitted 
 to be entirely fallacious. ******* 
 
 "For example; — there were many articles consumed in Ireland, 
 the entire duty of wliich was paid in England ; the amount cannot 
 be accurately ascertained, as separate accounts are no longer kept 
 for Ireland : but the last year in which such separate account was 
 kept, the duty on teas consumed in Ireland, exceeded £500,000, 
 and various other articles, as, silks, spices, drugs, and the greater 
 part of the duty on timber, sugar, cotton, coffee, paper, glass, 
 wine, and other articles consumed in Ireland were paid in, and cre- 
 dited to, England. To make this matter plain, we have taken the 
 account as it ought to be stated, by correcting the finance report 
 of 1831, according to the admitted truth and fact. 
 
 Revenue credited Great Britain, £48,325,213. 
 
 Deduct teas consumed in Ireland, £500,000, 
 
 Deduct for all other customable \ ^ ■ r^r^ ^fyn 
 articles consumed in Ireland, ^ *-»'*^^'^J"' £1,500,000, 
 
 Real revenue of Great Britain, ... £46,825,215, 
 
 Revenue credited to Ireland, £4,560,897, 
 
 Add the above, £1,500,000, 
 
 Actual Irish ;"evenue, £6,060,897. 
 
 " It will thus appear that Ireland paid considerably more than 
 one-eighth of the entire revenue. 
 
 "Let it now be recollected, that in 1831 the population of Eng- 
 land was, in round numbers, 13,000,000; that of Ireland 8,000,000; 
 — so that, at the passing of the reform act, if the representation 
 ought to be distributed according to population and revenue, — 
 and taking them in the most unfavorable way to Ireland, that is, 
 even supposing the Irish revenue was only one-tenth of the Eng- 
 lish, the representation should stand thus ; — taking the English 
 representation to be so low as five hundred : 
 
( 146 ) 
 
 Ireland for population, 8 to 13, on 500 gives 307 
 Revenue, 1 to 10, on 500, gives 50 
 
 Total 357 
 " The mean of the tivo being one-half, entitled Ireland to One 
 
 HUNDRED AND SEVENTY EIGHT MEMBERS. 
 
 " This was the right of Ireland, at the time of passing the reform 
 bill; and assuredly your committee are extremely moderate, when 
 under the entire of the foregoing circumstances, they propose to 
 the National Association to Hmit the demand of Ireland, to one 
 hundred and fifty members. 
 
 "The other branch of the grievances inflicted on Ireland, consists 
 in the superiority given to the English counties over the Irish, — 
 for this purpose we refer only to a few instances. First, tiventy- 
 five counties in England do each of them return four members, 
 and one returns six, — viz. Yorkshire. 
 
 ''No county in Ireland returns more than tiuo members, though 
 the population of the Irish counties, returning only two members 
 is enormously greater than the population of the English counties, 
 returning ybiw. 
 
 English counties. 
 
 
 
 Irish counties. 
 
 
 Members. 
 
 Population. 
 
 
 Members. 
 
 Fopulalion 
 
 Cumberland, ... 4 .. 
 
 . 126,681 
 
 Cork, 
 
 2 ... 
 
 713,716, 
 
 Leicestershire, ... 4 .. 
 
 197,276 
 
 Tipperary, 
 
 ... 2 ... 
 
 390,598, 
 
 Northamptonshire, 4 . . 
 
 179,276 
 
 Do^vn, 
 
 2 ... 
 
 337,571, 
 
 Worcestershire, ... 4 .. 
 
 211,356 
 
 Galway, 
 
 2 ... 
 
 381,407, 
 
 Wiltshire, 4 .. 
 
 239,181 
 
 Tyrone, 
 
 2 ... 
 
 302,945. 
 
( 1^7 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XX If. 
 
 The various acts of post-union injustice, including those of which 
 mention has been made in the preceding pages, have been ably 
 summed up in Mr. Smith O'Brien's admirable speech in the 
 house of commons, on the 4th of July, 1843, and from it the 
 following passages are taken, with which this part of my subject 
 is concluded. 
 
 " In passing under review some of the consequences of the 
 union, we shall have no difficulty in discovering whence arises 
 the desire for its abrogation. The first topic to which I shall 
 advert, is its effects upon the financial relations between Great 
 Britain and Ireland. Upon this point, the most extraordinary 
 difference of opinion prevails in the two countries. One can 
 scarcely meet a person in society in England who does not 
 consider it a great hardship, that Ireland should be exempted 
 from any of the taxes borne by England. The first lord of the 
 treasury, (Sir Robert Peel) tells us that Ireland is treated in regard 
 to taxation, with peculiar indulgence. Yet in Ireland it is 
 generally behoved that grievous financial injustice is one of the 
 consequences of the union. The light in which this question is 
 regarded in Ireland may be stated as follows. 
 
 " At the time of the union, the debts of the two countries were 
 respectively : — 
 
 Funded and unfunded debt of Great Britain, year ending, 
 
 January, 1801, £446,386,044 
 
 Funded and unfunded debt of Ireland, year ending, January, 
 
 1801, 28,545,134 
 
 Total charge of, in Great Britain, previous to 1801, ... 16,566,586 
 
 Total charge of, in Ireland, previous to 1801, 1,194,006 
 
 Difference between the amount of separate taxation, to which 
 Great Britain is fairly liable on account of debt in- 
 curred previous to the union, 15,372,580 
 
( 148 ) 
 
 " Assuming that Ireland has been taxed in proportion to its 
 resources, equally with Great Britain, since the union, there ought 
 still to be this difference of taxation; otherwise, the poorer 
 country is called upon to pay the debt incurred by the richer, 
 previous to the partnership. But instead of a separate taxation 
 on Great Britain, exceeding £15,000,000, the produce of all the 
 taxes to which Great Britain is liable, and from which Ireland is 
 still exempt, exclusive of the property tax, does not now amount 
 to much more than £7,000,000. The property tax will produce 
 about £5,000,000, from which a portion is derived from the tax on 
 the incomes of Irish absentees. In order to show that Ireland 
 contributed, to the extent of its resources, equally Avith Great 
 Britain during the war, I will quote an extract from the report of 
 the select committee of 1815, on the public income and expenditure 
 of Ireland. 
 
 " Your committee cannot but remark, that for several years, 
 Ireland has advanced in permanent taxation, more rapidly than 
 Great Britain itself, notwithstanding the immense exertions of 
 the latter country, and including the extraordinary and war 
 taxes. The permanent revenue of Great Britain itself, having 
 increased from 1801, when the amounts were first made to 
 correspond in the portion of 16^ to 10 ; the whole revenue 
 of Great Britain (including war taxes,) in the proportion of 
 21^ to 10 ; and the revenues of Ireland in the proportion of 23 
 to 10. 
 
 " But in the 24 years referred to by your committee, the increase 
 of Irish revenue has been in the proportion of 46| to 10. 
 
 " The above statement was made by a parliamentary committee, 
 at the close of the war. But it may be said, that in the remission 
 of taxes since that time, greater indulgence has been shown to 
 Ireland than to England. I have moved for a return of the 
 amount of taxes affecting each kingdom, which have been repealed 
 since 1814. That return has not been yet presented : I must 
 therefore rely on secondary authority, and quote the statement 
 made by Mr. O'Connell in the debate in the corporation of 
 Dublin upon the repeal of the union, in which he computed that 
 the produce of taxes affecting Great Britain, which have been 
 repealed, amounted to £47,214,338 ; whilst during the same 
 period, the taxes repealed, which affected Ireland, amounted only 
 
( 149 ) 
 
 to £1,575,940, being one-thirtieth, — whereas, in the imposition of 
 taxes, it was computed that Ireland ought to be subjected to a 
 burden proportioned to that of Great Britain, in the ratio of 2 to 
 15, or 7^ to 1. The financial jugglery by which Ireland has been 
 brought in as a debtor to Great Britain, has been as follows : — 
 Mr. Pitt in dictating the terms of the union, assumed that Ireland 
 could pay towards the general expenses of the united kingdom 
 a contribution in the proportion of 2-15ths, or 1 to 7^, although 
 the previous revenue of Ireland had borne to the revenue of 
 Great Britain, the proportion of less than 1 to 12. Separate 
 accounts were kept for each kingdom. Loan was added to loan, 
 and placed to the account of Ireland, although over such loans 
 Ireland had no control, until at length the Irish revenue was 
 unable to meet the interest on the nominal debt so accumulated 
 against it. In the meantime, taxation had been carried in Ireland 
 to that point, at wliich increased taxation produced a diminution 
 instead of an increase of revenue. At length in 1816, the 
 exchequers of the two countries were consoHdated, and since that 
 period, successive attempts have been made to assimilate the 
 taxation of Ireland to that of Great Britain, until the Irish people 
 will have the privilege of contributing, equally with the English, 
 towards the payment of the charge on the debt incurred by 
 Great Britain previously to the union. The people of Ireland 
 are unable to perceive the justice of these financial arrangements ; 
 and they feel indignant, when they are told, upon every occasion 
 on which a grant of £10,000 may be required for such objects, 
 that they do not contribute in their fair proportion to the taxation 
 of the united kingdom, and that England ought not for ever to be 
 made ' a milch cow' to Ireland. Those who desire a repeal of 
 the union, contend, that if that measure were to take place, the 
 financial arrangement of the two countries would be adjusted on 
 a footing more favourable to Ireland than that on which they at 
 present stand; and that either the taxes upon the principal 
 articles of consumption, such as tea, sugar, malt, tobacco, &c., 
 would be reduced to the standard which prevailed previous to the 
 union, or that the surplus revenue of Ireland would be applied 
 to the promotion of local improvements. * * * * 
 
 " Not only did Ireland lose by the union the advantages re- 
 sulting from the residence and expenditure of a large portion of 
 
( 150 ) 
 
 the wealthiest classes, but the drain upon her resources has been 
 still further augmented by the gradual abstraction of all her pubhc 
 establishments. Upon grounds of economy and general pohcy, I 
 am far from objecting to any consohdation of the pubhc depart- 
 ments which may be attended with diminution of expense, and 
 greater uniformity and vigour of administration ; but, in with- 
 drawino- from Ireland the various fiscal estabhshments which 
 existed previous to the union, an attempt ought to have been 
 made to compensate, in some other manner, the pecuniary loss 
 sustained by such withdrawal. Many opportunities of making 
 such compensation have been neglected. As an instance, let us 
 see how parliament has dealt with Ireland in regard to the naval 
 expenditure of the united kingdom. None of the harbours of 
 England can rival those which we possess. How advantageously 
 some of them are situated for naval expeditions is proved by the 
 recent rendezvous at Cork, of a fleet destined for some pecuUar 
 service, which appears to have a reference to the affairs of the 
 Peninsula ; yet there does not exist in Ireland a single naval dock- 
 yard. In this country there are nine, namely, Deptford, Wool- 
 wich, Chatham, Sheerness, Portsmouth, Plymouth, Pembroke, 
 Deal, North Yarmouth. In Ireland there is only a small 
 victualling establishment at Cork. ***** 
 
 " I have carefully examined the navy estimates for the <3urrent 
 year, 1843 — 4, and I find, out of a gross expenditure of 
 £6,579,960, not more than £10,000 will be expended in Ireland, 
 exclusive of the small amount of provisions now purchased there. 
 * * * I find, by a parhamentary paper which was laid on the 
 table during the session of 1842, No. 305, that the balance of 
 remittances between the exchequers of the two kingdoms, for a 
 specific period, stands as follows : — 
 
 Remitted from the Irish Exchequer to the British Exchequer, 
 
 between 1795 and 5th January, 1842 £25,995,453 
 
 Remitted from the British Exchequer to the Irish, during 
 the same period 8,311,274 
 
 Balance remitted from the Irish to the British Exchequer.... 17,664,179 
 
 " In order to show that the causes which have produced this 
 result are still in operation, I may mention that of the above 
 amount of £25,995,453, the portion remitted from the Irish to 
 
( 151 ) 
 
 the British exchequer during the nine years ending 5th January 
 
 1842, was £6,355,000 
 
 Whilst during the same period there was remitted from the 
 British to the Irish Exchequer, only 80,000 
 
 Balance of remittance from the Irish to the British Exchequer, 6,275,000 
 Being upon an average an annual remittance of about 700,000 
 
 " Now, those who speak for repeal of the Union, beheve, that 
 instead of such an annual tribute being sent out of their country, 
 the supphes voted by an Irish parhament would be expended in 
 Ireland by Irishmen, for the benefit of Ireland. * * * 
 
 " The next great legislative measure, by which the interests of 
 Ireland have been affected, was the reform act. It will be ad- 
 mitted, the reform bill could not have been carried, if it had not 
 been supported by the votes of a majority of the Irish represen- 
 tatives ; yet in the adjustment of the representation, the claims of 
 Ireland were overlooked. Previously to the reform act, both 
 Ireland and Scotland had reason to complain that they were not 
 represented adequately, in proportion to their population and re- 
 sources, in comparison with England ; but Scotland had less reason 
 to complain than Ireland ; yet Scotland obtained an addition of 
 eight members, whilst only five were given to Ireland. * * * 
 
 " The detail of the injustice which Ireland has suffered, in 
 reference to its representation, is even more striking than the 
 general view here presented. The corrupt borough of Harwich, 
 with its population of 3,829 persons, together with the nomination 
 borough of Ripon, possess as much influence in the legislature as 
 the county of Tipperary (including the members for Cashel and 
 Cionmel), with its population of 435,553, and its rental of 
 £886,439. Again, compare the representation of Dorsetslure 
 with that of the county of Galway. The area of Dorsetshire is 
 627,220 acres ; its real property assessed to poor rate in 1841, 
 £735,234 ; its population in 1841, 174,743 persons ; the number 
 of its members— county 3, Bridport 2, Dorchester 2, Poole 2, 
 Lyme Regis 1, Shaftesbury 1, Wareham 1, Weymouth 2 — 
 total 14. The area of Galway is— county 1,485,533 acres, town 
 25,059 acres— total 1,510,592 acres ; the rental, as estimated by 
 . Griffiths— county £850,000 ; town (excluding the value of the 
 houses) £18,894— total rental £868,894 ; and if the value of the 
 houses be included, not less than £900,000 per annum. The 
 
( 152 ) 
 
 population in 1841 was — county 422,923; town 17,275 — total 
 440,198; county members 2, town ditto 2 — total members 4. In 
 each of the particulars of area, rental, and population, Galway 
 greatly exceeds Dorsetshire ; yet Dorsetshire has 14 represen- 
 tatives, while Galway enjoys only 4. * * * * * 
 
 " If the number of our representatives is inadequate, not less so 
 is the constituency by whom they are elected. * * * 
 
 "The population of Ireland in 1841 was 8,175,238 persons. The 
 number of electors registered between the 1st of February, 1835, 
 and the 1st of February, 1843, was as follows : — Counties 63,389 ; 
 cities 27,091 ; boroughs 19,465 ; — total 109,945 ; being less, by 
 14,332, than the number registered during the five years pre- 
 vious to the 1st of February, 1837. But, inasmuch as this 
 registry extends over a period of eight years, a large deduction, 
 probably not less than one-third, ought to be made for double 
 registries, deaths, and expiration of title. After these deductions 
 have been made, the actual number of persons qualified to vote, 
 cannot be assumed to be more than 80,000, or say one per cent. 
 on the population. If property be regarded as the legitimate 
 basis of the franchise, the number of electors is almost equally 
 inadequate in reference to this test. Assuming the rental of 
 Ireland to be £15,000,000 per annum, which is not far from the 
 truth, there would not be more than one elector for every 
 £187 10s. of rental. Now, in the first year, after the Reform 
 Act, the proportion of electors to population in England was, in 
 counties, as 1 to 24, and in boroughs and cities as 1 to 17. The 
 number of electors in England has since that time considerably 
 increased : in Ireland the constituency is yearly diminishing. So 
 much for the general views. Now look to the detail Assuming, 
 first, that the parliamentary franchise ought to be commensurate 
 with population, let us compare the number of electors in two 
 counties of Ireland and England in which the population is nearly 
 the same — Mayo and Lmcolnshire. In Mayo, Avhich has only 
 two representatives, the population in 1841 was 388,887 persons. 
 The number of electors registered between the 1st of February, 
 1835, and the 1st of February, 1843, was 1494. This number is 
 subject to a deduction of say one-third for double registries, 
 deaths, and loss of title. In Lincolnshire, which is represented 
 by 11 members, the population was in 1841, 362,717 persons ; 
 
( 153 ) 
 
 the number of electorss qualified to vote in 1840 was — county 
 electors 18,876 ; town ditto 3999— total 22,875. But, if it be 
 said that the franchise ought not to be proportionate to the 
 population, but to property, let us compare two counties in regard 
 to rateable property. In Meath the population amounted, in 
 1841, to 183,828 persons ; the rateable rental, according to the 
 townland valuation, which is much below the actual rent, to 
 £527,593 ; the number of electors registered between the 
 1st of February, 1835, and 1st of February, 1843, 1481, 
 subject to deduction for double registries, deaths, and loss of 
 qualification. 
 
 "In Westmoreland, the population was, in 1841, 56,469 persons ; 
 the real property rated to poor rate in 1841 was £266,335 ; the 
 number of electors quaUfied to vote in 1840 was — county 4,480 ; 
 town (Kendal) 351, — total 4831. Now, if Meath had a con- 
 stituency as large as that of Westmoreland, in proportion to the 
 real property of each county, Meath would have about 9000 
 electors, instead of 1481 upon the registry, of whom, probably, 
 not more than 1000 are quahfied to vote. * * * * 
 
 " In considering the constitutional representation of Ireland, in 
 the imperial legislature, I must not altogether omit to notice the 
 injustice which was inflicted on the nobility of Ireland by the 
 terms of the union. The equivalent given to the Irish house of 
 peers, in compensation for their extinction as a separate branch 
 of the Irish parhament, was the introduction into the British 
 house of lords of only twenty-eight representative peers. The 
 position of the Irish nobihty is marked by a degrading inferiority. 
 The Irish peerage is a sort of hybrid dignity. An Irish lord is 
 something between a peer and a commoner, without the faculties 
 of either. He is excluded from his natural place in the house of 
 lords, and yet cannot exercise many of the privileges of a com- 
 moner. He cannot sit on grand juries ; he cannot vote at elections ; 
 he cannot sit in the house of commons as the representative of an 
 Irish constituency. ******* 
 
 " The next Irish question to which the attention of parliament 
 w^as directed, was that of the Irish church. As no redress has 
 yet been afforded with reference to this grievance, I am compelled 
 to dwell on this topic at more length. Let me first state the 
 relative numbers of the several religious communities existing in 
 
( 154 ) 
 
 Ireland, as ascertained in 1834, by the commissioners of public 
 instruction : 
 
 Members of the Established Church, 852,064 
 
 Presbyterians, 642,356 
 
 Other dissenters, 21,808 
 
 Eoman Catholics, 6,427,712 
 
 7,943,940 
 
 " Now I would ask any man of common sense, on either side of tho 
 house, whether it is possible that any nation could be contented 
 with an ecclesiastical system which provides a rehgious establish- 
 ment for the church of so small a minority of the people, whilst 
 the remainder of the population are excluded from similar 
 advantages. ********* 
 
 " Next in the catalogue of Irish measures, is the act of reform 
 of the municipal corporations. 
 
 " How was it treated by the British parhament ? when you 
 passed, with the concurrence of both sides of the house, a measm'e 
 of corporate reform for England, it seemed to be a natural 
 consequence that you should extend to Ireland a similar enactment. 
 Instead of doing so, you refused for two years your assent to 
 anything beyond the extinction of the former corporations. On 
 what grounds ? Simply because the people of Ireland professed 
 the Roman Cathohc faith. If there had been any doubt about 
 your motives, these doubts were removed by the declaration of 
 the person whom you have since made lord chancellor of England. 
 He told the people of Ireland that they were not to enjoy the 
 benefit of municipal institutions, because they were ' aliens in 
 blood, in language, in rehgion'. At length you found that your 
 party interests would be injured if you persisted in resistance to 
 the reform of our municipalities : you therefore consented to 
 subject the corporations of Ireland to popular controul ; but you 
 contrived to embarrass the measure with a series of harrassing 
 restrictions, apparently with no other view than that of rendering 
 it nugatory. ******** 
 
 " The last specimen of British legislation for Ireland, is the 
 arms bill, resistance to which has occupied so much of that time 
 which ought to have been bestowed on the consideration of remedial 
 measures. The conduct of the present ministry with regard to 
 
( 155 ) 
 
 this bill, has been most offensive to the Irish people. They have 
 collected together all the unconstitutional clauses of former arms 
 bills, which having been enacted during periods of insurrection, 
 had become obsolete, after the emergency, which justified their 
 original introduction, had passed away. They have called upon 
 us, not only to give to these obnoxious clauses a new sanction 
 by their formal re-enactment ; but they even propose to render 
 them still more harsh and oppressive. In vain do the Irish 
 members who represent the wishes of the great body of the 
 nation, remonstrate against this proceeding. Their voice is 
 altogether unheeded, and tliis odious law is to be forced by 
 English majorities upon a reluctant nation. How can you blame 
 the Irish people for seeking to abstract themselves from a system 
 of legislation which is thus regardless of their representations 
 and remonstrances ?"* 
 
 * Speech of William Smith O'Brien, Esq., L.E.A. Report, Dublin. 
 
( 156 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 The 1st of January, 1801, the act of union came into effect: 
 Ireland ceased to be a nation, it became a province of England. 
 The two questions which I started with propounding, the reader 
 is now in a condition to answer : — Was Ireland entitled, by the 
 terms of her original federal compact with England, to an inde- 
 pendent legislature ? Was Ireland wrongfully deprived of her 
 parliament ? If these questions be answered in the affirmative, 
 the restitution of a nation's right, wrongfully taken away, is an 
 obligation that cannot be set aside by any efforts of sophistry. 
 The same English parliament that made an unjust law to abolish 
 the Irish legislature, is competent surely to enact a just law to 
 restore it. It is no part of the duty of Irishmen, at the present 
 period to expend their time and talents in devising schemes, that 
 may be supposed to be more consonant to the wishes of the people 
 of England, than the simple project of the repeal of the act of 
 union of 1800. The people of Ireland have no right to ask more 
 than was obtained in 1782, or to be satisfied with less, in addition 
 to that boon, (and such guarantees as are requisite for its security) 
 than was conferred on the people of England by the reform act. 
 They should require better securities for their liberties than 
 Mr. Grattan was contented with in 1782 ; they may enter into 
 a treaty of commerce with England, founded on just and liberal 
 principles; they may consent, by treaty, in consideration of 
 commercial advantages, equal to those of England, to contribute 
 to the expenses of the defence of the empire and of its trade, in 
 some ratio to be determined by the proportionate value of Irish 
 trade to that of England ; they may stipulate hkewisc by treaty 
 for the military defence of their own country, and engage to 
 defray the expense of it : and lastly, they may come to an 
 
( 157 ) 
 
 agreement with the imperial government, to levy no additional 
 duty to that wliich is now imposed on any article of Enghsh 
 importation, unless a corresponding augmentation of duty is made 
 in England, on its exported commodities and manufactures for 
 the Irish market. All matters of imperial pohcy, involving 
 questions of peace or war, of succession to the throne, the 
 restriction or extension of the powers of a regency, it would be 
 advisable to leave to the determination of the imperial parliament, 
 reserving the right however, of confirming all such acts in the 
 Irish parhament, as directly or remotely might aifect Irish interests, 
 but relinquishing any claim to originate measures in reference to 
 such imperial objects. One of the most important and difficult 
 questions, that would require an adjustment previous to any 
 other parliamentary arrangement, would be the settlement of the 
 financial differences which have been created by the violation of 
 the articles of the union respecting the debt of Ireland, and 
 especially by the consolidation of the exchequers in 1817. These 
 differences should be the special subject of early negotiation 
 between the Irish leaders and the EngUsh government, and some 
 well defined general basis established, for future parhamentary 
 arrangements. In such arrangements, care should be taken by 
 the explicitness of the terms of agreement, that any advan- 
 tages acquired, should not be frittered away ; and, profiting by 
 the lesson of 1782, that in legislation, nothing should be lost that 
 was gained in negotiation. 
 
 The principles of the reform bill applied to the constitution of 
 1782 would suffice to make the house of commons efficient, and to 
 some extent a popular assembly, in which hberal whig politics, 
 after a short time, nevertheless, might be expected to preponde- 
 rate. But whether the Irish commons, constituted as it would be, 
 might afford a more extended base for real representation, or a 
 wider field for the exercise of democratic influence, than the 
 present English commons, with an extended franchise, is a matter 
 of much doubt. In 1793 the elective franchise was given to the 
 Irish forty-shilling freeholders. In 1829 it was taken from them, 
 and it is not likely to be restored. The apprehension of un- 
 settling the relief bill, guarantees, at least for some years, the 
 continuance of the restrictions on the Irish franchise. 
 
 The great question of transcendent importance is, whether an 
 
( 158 ) 
 
 English parliament, or an Irish one, restored to tho powers of 
 1782, would afford the best means of remedying the giant evil, 
 the overwhelming grievance, the landlord tyranny that produces 
 the monster misery of Ireland, the murderous destitution of 
 the peasantry ? 
 
 Any other advantage, gain, or glory, compared with the power 
 of remedying this evil, sought from the restoration of an Irish 
 parliament, is of small moment. Yet the question has not received 
 all that attention which it deserves. It has not been sufficiently 
 discussed by any class of politicians, — by whigs, radicals, or 
 repealers. Tories, of course, are out of consideration, as it is 
 only landlord interests and landlord questions which have claims 
 on them. Were the reformed English parliament not a landlord 
 house, but one that existed for the nation's good, — in one word, 
 were the franchise largely extended, and its exercise duly pro- 
 tected, landed property would be taught its duties, and shorn of 
 many of its usurped, pohtical, and social powers and privileges, 
 the people's condition would necessarily be improved. This 
 would unquestionably be the case in England ; but would it be so in 
 Ireland ? Would any important change come over the spirit of 
 the EngHsh nation, naturally proud of its imperial greatness, and, 
 like all great nations aggrandized by the spoils of others, un- 
 reasonably jealous of the power and prosperity of its neighbours, 
 and ungenerously inimical to the interests of all people dependent 
 on it? 
 
 This is the natural consequence of great territorial acquisitions 
 made or maintained by violence, fraud, and injustice. This 
 assertion demands more attention than can be given to it in this 
 place. 
 
 But would the people of Ireland, the predial classes, have 
 more chance of justice at the hands of an Irish parliament, con- 
 stituted on the old basis, but modified by the additional benefits of 
 the Enghsh reform bill ? This question ought to be answered 
 honestly and truthfully, without regard to any consequences that 
 may ensue from its solution. No other effectual barrier can ever 
 be set up against the encroachments of British power, and the 
 sly, insidious steps of its parliamentary usurpation, than a strong 
 infusion of democratic spirit, in the assemblage of the three 
 hundred members of the Irish parliament. 
 
( 159 ) 
 
 An Irish parliament, immediately chosen after the success of 
 the repeal movement, would have returned to it a large majority 
 of members truly representing tlie nation's mind on the subject of 
 repeal. Many would be borne on its stream when its course was 
 smooth, and the troubled waters of agitation ceased to perplex 
 the minds of country gentlemen, when the principal figures in the 
 fore-ground of the battle scenes in parliament, became familiar 
 objects, and their merits common subjects of discussion, and their 
 well-earned honours common objects of envy. In times of sus- 
 pended action, or of permanent repose, other feelings would 
 supervene, — other jealousies would grow up, — other interests 
 would arise, — other men would push the old leaders from their 
 stools, and there would be no hope for vigour, or the virtue of 
 that body, except in the infusion of new streams of Hfe, fresh 
 from the democracy, into the veins of the constitution. 
 
 The democratic influence in the house of commons is the only 
 flood-gate that could be opposed to the torrent of corruption that 
 might be expected to set in from England. The mode of ruhng 
 Ireland in England, for English interests, by means of an Enghsh 
 influence in the Irish legislature, in the government, in the army, 
 the church, and on the bench, there can be little doubt would 
 be again resorted to ; and no barrier but that of the rude strength 
 and staunch integrity of the democracy, largely blended with the 
 national representation, coidd long avail, against the constant 
 eff'orts of foreign jealousy and animosity, against our institutions, 
 on the part of a people, who, in their conduct towards other 
 nations, realize the strangest anomaly that can possibly be con- 
 ceived ; they glory in the freedom of their own country ; but 
 they can never look on liberty abroad except with feelings of 
 hostility to it, and especially to that degree of liberty under re- 
 presentative government which most nearly resembles the boasted 
 freedom of their own constitution. This is a strange circumstance ; 
 but one, nevertheless, that is no less true than strange. 
 
 There is a curious passage in a pamphlet entitled, "xi letter 
 from a right honorable (gentleman,) to the Rev. Mr. Gast," in 
 1755, in reference to the dangers the parhament was exposed to 
 from English corruption : — " You talk as if a country could not 
 be undone by men who have a property in it. Have not the grand 
 projectors against every kingdom's liberties in every age been men 
 
( ICO ) 
 
 of the first rank and wealth in it ? Do you seriously imagine tliat 
 there could be no way found, to secure some individuals in affluence 
 unbounded, amidst a ruined beggared people ? This is far from 
 a paradox, it is a necessary consequence. For when a people's 
 privileges and properties are betrayed into bondage, the instru- 
 ments must not only be rewarded, but, of necessity, continued in 
 extensive share of dominion to keep down the struggling spirit 
 of the people. * * * "VVill you confide in such men because 
 of their property ? Or will you not think it possible that some 
 compacts may have been formed, to preserve, or to aggrandize, 
 them amidst the general ruin ? You know these men can never 
 rise but by extra-national assistance, and will this be given them 
 without an assurance of their effecting a desired scheme ?" 
 
 I am well aware the great fear entertained of the effects of a 
 repeal of the union, is that which arises from the apprehensions 
 that seem generally to prevail that the repeal of the union would 
 bring a desperate democratic body of men into parliament, who, 
 having no property in the country, would have no dread, conse- 
 quently, of anarchy, violence, or confusion. The propounders of 
 these opinions take it for granted, that all virtue emanates from 
 property, and especially property in land ; that industry has no 
 stake in the soil, and gives no "hostages to fortune," when it 
 gives subjects and citizens to the state, and contracts obligations 
 for their support, education, and worldly advancement. A man, 
 however, who has a vast quantity of land laid out in pasture, who 
 is distinguished as a sportsman, and administers the law indiffer- 
 rently at quarter sessions, this man, no matter what his intellects 
 or his principles may be, is deemed a fit man to deal with the 
 nation's interests in parliament. The writer I have just quoted, 
 says, the syllogistic mode of argument is adopted by these 
 reasoners, — "All that is valuable in our country is the soil 
 and the game. The graziers preserve the first, the fox-hunters 
 the second. Ergo, graziers and fox-hunters have the whole 
 country in a state of preservation, and are the fittest men to 
 govern the state." 
 
 There is no reason to believe that the democracy is less just and 
 upright in relation to the rights and privileges of their fellow- 
 countrymen of all classes, than the ohgarchy, or aristocracy, 
 which governs the government of Great Britain. 
 
( 161 ) 
 
 Federalism, as explained by Mr. O'Connell, means more than 
 some of its advocates understand by that theory. 
 
 The following explanation of Mr. O'Connell's meaning of it, 
 was given in a letter of his to the Repeal Association, the 8th of 
 November, 1844. 
 
 " Simple Repeal, I take it, consists in this : — First, on the pre- 
 servation of the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland, 
 through the means of a sole executive and the golden link of the 
 crown. Secondly, in the repeal of the union statute, 50th George 
 III., chapter 47. Timidly, in the restoration of the Irish house 
 of lords in all its integrity. Fourthly, in the re-construction, 
 (upon reform principles,) of the Irish house of commons, consisting 
 of thi'ee hundi'ed members, distributed upon the basis of popu- 
 lation, that being the basis adopted by the Enghsh reform bill. 
 Fifthly, that the restored Irish parhament should have aU the 
 powers which were vested in the Irish parhament before the 
 union ; that is to say, complete legislative and judicial authority 
 in Ireland. 
 
 " I think it right to state my thorough conviction, as well as 
 my perfect determination, that we should never consent to receive 
 less for Ireland than what is contained in these five propositions ; 
 this would be giving Ireland to the Irish ; but it would give them 
 no further share in the advantages of British connexion. It will, 
 however, amply content me, because the Irish parhament would 
 have in itself, inherent means of opposing the abuse, by Great 
 Britain, of the powers which are vested in the British crown, and 
 in which the late Irish parliament had no share. 
 
 " I repeat, thus much I require for Ireland, — complete legis- 
 lative and judicial authority, vested in the crown and the restored 
 Irish houses of lords and commons. It never entered into my 
 mind to accept of less, and it never can. 
 
 "It may be right here to remind the Irish people of a fact, 
 that there were seventy nomination boroughs in Ireland before 
 the union. All these would have been swept away at the 
 time of the reform bill in England, if Ireland then had had 
 her ovra parhament. They will, of course, be considered as 
 annihilated, and so much of the union statute as sweeps them 
 away, would be re-enacted by the act repealing the union statute 
 itself:' 
 
 N 
 
( 162 ) 
 
 Federalism, as expounded, or purported to be expounded, in 
 Mr. Sharman Crawford's recent letters to the editor of the 
 Freeman's Journal, would appear to have very little in common 
 with the Federalism described by Mr. O'Connell, as the following 
 passages from Mr. Crawford's letters will plainly show: — 
 
 "I shall as a preliminary step, refer to the practical evils which 
 have arisen, and which, it may be apprehended, will hereafter 
 occur, from the existing state of the connexion between Great 
 Britain and Ireland; I shall class them under the following 
 heads : — 
 
 " 1st. — Violation and insecurity of civil rights. 
 
 " 2nd. — Imperfect and ignorant legislation regarding our local 
 institutions and financial capabilities. 
 
 "3rd. — The danger and the probability of an assimilation of 
 taxation. 
 
 " 4th. — Expenses and difficulties in seeking and obtaining acts 
 for improvement. 
 
 " 5th. — Insufficiency of aid from the state, for public works in 
 Ireland. 
 
 " 6th. — Evils of centralization, and probable increase of them. 
 
 " 7th. — Inadequacy of the Irish representation in the imperial 
 parliament to express the wants and feelings of the people of 
 Ireland. 
 
 " 8th. — Inadequacy of the Imperial parliament to do the work 
 required under the present system of parliamentary business. 
 
 " 9th. — Difference of circumstances between England and Ire- 
 land rendering assimilation impracticable and inexpedient. 
 
 " 10th. — Proofs of the foregoing from the present condition of 
 Ireland. 
 
 " 11th — Present danger to the connexion of the two countries." 
 
 The first position, which is the ground-work of the argument, 
 and which alone it would be sufficient to sustain, is illustrated 
 in the following terms : — 
 
 " There is no security for civil rights. The union was based 
 on the theory of identification, but that identification was not pro- 
 vided for by the act of union, — that identification does not exist — 
 that indentification cannot exist between countries whose circum- 
 stances are in every respect so dissimilar as those of England and 
 Ireland. From this cause separate legislation became necessary ; 
 
( 103 ) 
 
 and how were we treated ? Just as every country must expect 
 to be treated, and I will say, deserves to be treated, who places the 
 power of separate legislation in the hands of the representa- 
 tives of another country. By the means of an English majority 
 in the imperial parliament, the two great measures for the ad- 
 vancement of popular liberty, — the parliamentary reform act and 
 the corporation reform act, — were curtailed in all their important 
 provisions when framed for Ireland, and the rights of the people 
 of Ireland have been incessantly violated by a succession of arbi- 
 trary and unconstitutional laws, passed on various occasions since 
 the union by the same power." ****** 
 
 " I wish now to show that the demand so made is not only just 
 and right in itself, but in accordance with the principles and 
 general practice of the British constitution, as applied to the 
 several portions of the empire, where separate governments or 
 separate estabUshments of any kind are required. I may refer, as 
 proofs to my assertion, to the local legislatures of Canada, Jamaica, 
 Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, the Bermudas, Newfoundland, 
 Prince Edward's Island, &c. Eastern India is the only important 
 exception — an exception which cannot probably long continue. I am 
 warranted, therefore, in the assertion, that local representation is 
 the principle of British rule, and that the connexion estabhshed 
 wdth Ireland by the act of union was and is an exception to this 
 rule, an anomaly which cannot be justified either by the theory 
 or the practice of the British constitution. 
 
 " As I deem it of great importance, to show that the claim of 
 local legislation now put forward by Ireland is not an innovation 
 on the British constitution, I shall devote this section to a review 
 of the powers conferred by England in the constitutions she has 
 granted to her provinces ; and as a sample I shall give an analysis 
 of the act for the construction of the legislature of the united 
 provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, 3rd and 4th Victoria, 
 chapter 35. 
 
 " The preamble states that "it is necessary that provision be 
 made for the good government of the provinces of Upper and 
 Lower Canada, in such manner as may secure the rights and 
 liberties, and promote the interests of all portions of her Majesty's 
 subjects ivitMn the same." This is distinctly what I demand for 
 Ireland, 
 
( 164 ) 
 
 " The 3rd section declares, that the legislature of Canada shall 
 consist of two houses, to be called a Legislative Council and House 
 of Assembly ; and that these two houses, with the assent of her 
 Majesty, shall have power to make all such laws as may be 
 necessary for the peace, ivelfare, and good government of Canada, 
 subject to the exceptions and regulations in this act contained, 
 
 J(£jfy-j ^ Tt" vp- vr« vP vP 'W' 
 
 " The 42nd clause regards the power of the local legislature in 
 making laws, and provides safeguards against partial or unwise 
 legislation on certain particular matters. It provides as follows : — 
 
 " ' That whenever any bill or bills shall be passed by the houses 
 of parliament in Canada, containing any provisions to vary or 
 repeal certain acts therein stated, or which shall contain any 
 provisions which shall in any manner, relate to or affect, the 
 enjoyment or exercise of, any form or mode of reUgious worship, 
 or shall impose or create any penalties, burdens, disabilities, or 
 disqualifications, in respect of the same, or relate to other matters 
 regarding religious worship, every such bill or bills shall, pre- 
 viously to any declaration or signification of her Majesty's assent 
 thereto, be laid before both houses of parliament of the united 
 kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland ; and it shall not be lawful 
 for her Majesty to signify her royal assent until thirty days after 
 the same shall have been laid before the same houses, or to assent 
 to any such bill or bills in case either house of parUament shall, 
 within the said thirty days, address her Majesty, to withhold her 
 assent therefrom,' 
 
 " The 43rd clause regards the power of taxation. It recites an 
 act passed in the 15th George III., chap. 12, which declared that 
 the king and parhament of Great Britain would not impose any 
 duty, tax, or assessment whatever, payable in any of his majesty's 
 colonies, &c., except only such duties as it might be expedient to 
 impose for the regulation of commerce, the net produce of such 
 duties to be always paid and applied to, and for the use of, the 
 portion of the empire in luhich the same shall be respectively 
 levied, in such manner as other duties collected by the authority 
 of the respective general courts or general assemblies were 
 ordinarily paid and applied. The clause then goes on to establish 
 these provisions — to retain in the imperial parliament the right 
 to impose such duties as may be necessary, for the regulation of 
 
( 165 ) 
 
 navigation and commerce ; but provides that the produce of all 
 such duties levied within the province, shall be at the disposal of 
 the local legislature, hy and with the assent of her Majesty. 
 
 " The act then proceeds to make provisions with regard to the 
 courts of law, the power of the governor, and other matters 
 locally affecting the concerns of the colony. 
 
 " Such are the important powers vested by this act in the local 
 legislature of Canada ; they are no innovation on the constitution, 
 because we find the same power given by an act so far back as 
 the tliirty-first year of the reign of George III, (1790), which 
 act is referred to in the act from which these extracts are taken. 
 
 " My object in quoting this act for the constitution of the local 
 legislature of Canada is to clear away, by practical demonstrations, 
 the objection of those who say that the power of local and im- 
 perial legislations cannot be defined ; they are defined and acted 
 on in the various colonial possessions of England, on which local 
 legislatures are conferred. ****** 
 
 " For reasons I have often before stated, it appears to me 
 indispensable for the permanence of the connexion, and the safe 
 dealing with the various interests concerned, that if a local 
 legislature be estabUshed in Ireland, an imperial control should 
 be yielded to imperial legislature with regard to certain classes 
 of measures. And if such control be given, Ireland ought to 
 have a representation in the body to which that control is per- 
 mitted. And if Ireland be so represented, I think it can be 
 effected by such an arrangement of parliamentary business as 
 will not do violence to the existing constitution of the empire. 
 But the object I have first and mainly in view is to show the right 
 of Ireland to local legislation, and the justness and practicability 
 of her demand." ******** 
 
 The third letter of Mr. Crawford gives the details of his plan, 
 which are in fact nothing more than the application of the 
 principles of the Canadian and West Indian legislatures, to the 
 proposed measure of an Irish local house of assembly and council. 
 The working of those unibrce of parhaments, in the colonies, is 
 not very favourable to Mr. Crawford's recommendations of the 
 adoption of the shadow of a shade of an independent legislature 
 similar to that which exists in Jamaica and the Canadas. It 
 surely must have escaped Mr. Crawford's attention, that the 
 
( 166 ) 
 
 West India legislatures, whenever they ceased to be subservient 
 to the Governors, and the Councils, the majority of whose members 
 are either appointed by the former, or, in virtue of government 
 offices, are councillors in right of such appointments, the practice 
 of " The King's House" in each colony, has ever been to foment 
 divisions in the house of assembly, to gain over a sufficient 
 number of refractory members " to do the king's business," and 
 this object has been usually effected, either by cajoling or 
 corruption, by facilitating a job, bestowing a place, or over- 
 whelming with " King's House" favour, the wives and daughters 
 of intractable opponents in the assembly, at balls and banquets, 
 during the stormy period of a session. And on some great 
 occasions, when such efforts have failed, Mr. Crawford cannot 
 forget, that designs have been entertained by the government of 
 the mother country, of curtailing their privileges, already suffi- 
 ciently restricted, for no act passed in the West India legislatures 
 has the force of law, if it be at variance with any imperial 
 statute ; and the fact is sufficiently recent for remembrance, 
 that a measure was proposed to parliament, by the late ministry, 
 for suspending for a term of years, the functions of the House 
 of Assembly of Jamaica. Mr. Crawford surely cannot forget, 
 that the squabbles between the legislatures of Canada and 
 the governors, (squabbles inseparable from the constitution of 
 those Assemblies, and the pretensions of governors to interfere 
 with their privileges, and the instructions of governors to control 
 their proceedings,) have been the occasion of rebellion in those 
 provinces. Rather than a legislature on the model of those of 
 the West Indies and the Canadas should be given to Ireland, most 
 fervently does the author pray, that her eight millions of inha- 
 bitants should continue to be dragged at the tail of another 
 country, without a parliament of her own. Perhaps he may 
 know more than Mr. Crawford does, or can do, of the unsuccessful 
 working of those local legislatures of Canada, Jamaica, &c." 
 
( 1G7 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The triumph of the Repeal cause might be hoped from itss 
 justice. So might that of Poland be hoped for, even against 
 hope, when the gallant people of that ill-fated country were 
 contending against the power of the Autocrat of all the Russias. 
 So might that of Portugal be hoped for, when the most powerful 
 monarch of the universe made war on its independence. But 
 the ways of Providence are beyond our wisdom to comprehend ; 
 and the very triumphs of injustice, — which seem complete, and of 
 permanent advantage to the \ictor, — in the guiding hands of Him, 
 with whom (in our inadequate powers of expression) " ten thou- 
 sand years are as one day," — turn out to be the scourges of 
 ambition — the remote but efficient causes of the ruin of ill-used 
 power. 
 
 The triumph of the Repeal cause, it would be too much to 
 hope for from the justice or generosity of Great Britain, in the 
 times which blind nations with respect to their true interests — 
 when prosperity betrays their judgments — when the successes 
 of injustice hft up their proud hearts, and lead them to tliink 
 their power is supreme, secure, and irresistible. But there is 
 no power superior to that of Providence, and no elevation of 
 pohtical influence so exalted as to be secure against reverses, 
 that in a single year may undo the work of ages, and make 
 the triumphs of a hundi'ed well-fought fields cede to the un- 
 foreseen combinations of events which a single season may 
 bring forth. 
 
 The triumph of the Repeal cause, in all human probabihty, is 
 destined to be achieved. " A country of eight millions of inha- 
 bitants is not destined to be dragged long at the tail of another !" 
 
( 168 ) 
 
 But in the aspect of the affairs of Great Britain and of Europe, 
 at the present moment, no man can state that Repeal is imme- 
 diately to be obtained, — that the struggle for it has not to be 
 continued for another year, and may not have to be continued 
 for two or three, or even four years. But whoever calmly and 
 attentively considers the state of commercial affairs in England, — 
 of her commercial relations with foreign countries, — the nature of 
 the influence which is predominant in the Peninsula, — the drift of 
 the policy which is pursued on the Continent, — the progress of 
 native manufactures in America, in France, in Germany, in Hol- 
 land, in Belgium, in Switzerland, — the precarious tenure of the 
 Chinese market, — of the territorial acquisitions newly wrested 
 from the natives of India ; and above all, the state of the labour- 
 ing population of England, the up-heavings of society, from the 
 lowest strata to the surface, gradually, but obviously, thinning 
 the crust at each ebulhtion and expansion of its inflammable and 
 inflamed materials: whoever considers deeply this state of 
 things, and behoves that England is not hkely to be, within the 
 five ensuing years, bound in penalties to an amount equal to her 
 debt, not only to keep the peace in her own possessions, but to do 
 justice, ample justice, to the inhabitants of them, comes to a con- 
 clusion which few thinking men in England, in or out of office, 
 will concur in. " The power of England is supported by her 
 wealth ; and as that wealth is accumulated by commerce, and as 
 her trade with Ireland is now a principle (rather a very large) 
 part of that commerce, Ireland may be said to hold the key of 
 such a proportion of her wealth, as the trade of Ireland bears to 
 the universal trade."* 
 
 It requires, however, a strong faith in the repeal cause to be- 
 hove in its success, when one sees the old policy of its enemies, 
 and those of the Irish parliament nearly half a century ago, once 
 more brought into operation; — when divisions are sown in the 
 repeal soil, and the bitter fruits of dissension begin to show them- 
 selves here and there in the shape of anonymous reprehension, of 
 angry expostulation, dubious counsels, unworthy imputations, and 
 necessitated defences, not of the cause, but of its trusty advocates. 
 
 * Letters of Causidicus, No. 12. Dublin, 1779. 
 
( 169 ) 
 
 It needs a strong faith in the patriotism and virtue of the Irish 
 priesthood, to be fully convinced of the failure of all efforts to 
 divide its body, to deprive the pubhc cause of the energies of any 
 portion of its members, when one sees an insidious measure affect- 
 ing the interests of their reUgion, flung into their ranks like a 
 torch lighted at both ends — a flaming brand of discord. But the 
 faith cannot easily be shaken that is founded in the deep conviction 
 of an entire people's settled purpose, — in the justice of its un- 
 bounded confidence, — in the representation of all its feehngs, 
 wants, and wishes by the great advocate of civil and religious 
 liberty, — in the devotion to all its interests, of a hierarchy and 
 clergy untrammelled with state connexion, — in the utihty and in- 
 tegrity of its press and national association, served by the best 
 energies and talents of the young men of Ireland. IsTor should 
 the exertions of the latter be relaxed by passing difficulties, or 
 any efforts that covert treachery, or undisguised hostihty can 
 make to bewilder or to break down pubhc opinion. 
 
 The eloquent Drennan, in liis letters signed " OreUana, or the 
 Irish Helot," pubhshed in 1785, addressing himself to the young 
 men of Ireland, and urging them on " to the final accomplishment 
 of their glorious purpose, by concentering, and condensing the 
 will of a whole people into one great assembly," says, " I address 
 myself to you with warmth and with emphasis. The spirit of 
 national reform, like the spu-it of youth, must be active, ardent, 
 progressive, impassioned, enterprising, enthusiastic. Advanced 
 age is a heavy, inactive, procrastinating disposition which always 
 (no, not always) acts on the defensive, and wishes, hke Fabius, to 
 conquer by delay. The genius of reform must be attended with 
 a certain gallantry of soul which pushes forward in the field of 
 virtuous glory. It is this gallantry of soul, hke the white plume 
 on the helmet of Henry IV. of France, always seen in motion 
 among the thickest of the enemy, which will inspire those who 
 follow with confidence, and those who oppose you with despair. 
 ****** " You are not yet benumbed 
 
 with the trembling caution and commercial selfishness of the 
 aged. The corrupted part of the globe has not yet contami- 
 nated the native honesty of your hearts. * * * * 
 * * * * * *' Your unadulterated spirit has all 
 
( 170 ) 
 
 the raciness of generous cind genuine growth, and tastes of the 
 flavour of the soil."* 
 
 Chief Baron Wolfe, at the expiration of more than half a 
 century, in language which the "Nation" has aptly appropriated 
 for its motto, expressed himself in nearly similar terms, recom- 
 mending his countrymen "to create and foster public opinion 
 in Ireland, and to make it racy of the soil." 
 
 The object of both was nationality — the means of serving it the 
 same ; — the energies of the young, the generous, the genial friends 
 and lovers of liberty throughout the land. But all the glory that 
 is connected with this object, and the bright hopes that are 
 founded on the agency that is employed for its attainment, can 
 only be consummated by an entire reliance on the truth and 
 wisdom of that admirable saying — " the etids of war may be 
 attained by the instruments of peace." 
 
 But while this doctrine is taught, preached, and practised by 
 all thinking men, it would be a folly to shut our eyes to facts that 
 cannot be denied, namely, that the majority of mankind are less 
 influenced by the lessons of philosophy, than by considerations of 
 the ripeness or immaturity of any opportunity that presents a 
 prospect, or possibihty that appears of recovering the rights 
 which they have lost, and have set their hearts on regaining. 
 
 " I pray it may be considered," says Molyneux, " whether any 
 men obey longer than they are forced to it ; and whether they 
 will not free themselves from this force as soon as they can. 'Tis 
 impossible to hinder men from desiring to free themselves from 
 uneasiness ; 'tis a principle of nature, and cannot be eradicated. 
 If submitting to an inconvenience be a less evil than endeavouring 
 to throw it off, men will submit. But if the inconvenience grow 
 upon them, and be greater than the hazard of getting rid of it, 
 men will offer at putting it by, let the statesman or divine say 
 what they can. 
 
 " But I will yet go a little further, and venture to assert, that 
 the right of being subject only to such laws, to which men give 
 their own consent, is so inherent to all mankind, and founded on 
 such immutable laws of nature and reason, that it is not to be 
 
 * Letters of Orellana, No. 4. Dublin, 1785. 
 
( 171 ) 
 
 alienated, or given up by any body of men whatsoever ; for the 
 end of all government and laws being the pubUc good of the 
 commonwealth, in the peace, tranquillity, and ease of every 
 member therein, whatsoever act is contrary to this end, is, in 
 itself, void, and of no effect ; and, therefore, for a company of men 
 to say, ' Let us unite ourselves into a society, and let us he abso- 
 lutely governed by such laws, as such a legislator, without ever 
 consulting us, shall devise for us — His always to he understood, 
 provided we find them for our benefit ; for to say ive will he 
 governed by those laws, whether they be good or hurtfid to 
 us, is absurd in itself; for to what end do men join in society 
 but to avoid hurt, and the inconveniences of the state of 
 nature ?'* ****** 
 
 " The laws and hberties of England were granted above five 
 hundred years ago to the people of Ireland, upon their submission 
 to the crown of England, with a design to make them easy to 
 England, and to keep them in the allegiance of the king of England. 
 How consistent it may be with true policy to do that which the 
 people of Ireland may think is an invasion of their rights and 
 liberties, I do most humbly submit to the parhament of England 
 to consider. They are men of great wisdom, honour, and justice, 
 and know how to prevent aU future inconveniences. We have 
 heard great outcries, and deservedly, on breaking the edict of 
 Nantes and other stipulations. How far the breaking of our con- 
 stitution, which has been of five hundi'ed years standing, exceeds 
 that, I leave the world to judge. It may, perhaps, be urged, 
 that 'tis convenient for the state of England, that the supreme 
 council thereof should make their jurisdiction as large as they 
 can ; but with submission, I conceive that if this assumed power 
 be not just, it cannot be convenient for the state. What Cicero 
 says, in his offices, 'Nihil est utile, nisi idem sit honestimi,' is 
 most certainly true."t 
 
 I take leave of my subject, in a few memorable words spoken 
 by one of the brightest ornaments of the Irish senate, not the late 
 Lord Chief Justice, — but Charles Kendal Bushe — words which are 
 
 * Molyneux's Case of Ireland, p. 112. 
 
 t Molyneux's Case of Ireland, pp. 172 — 3, 
 
( 172 ) 
 
 an epitome of union history, its origin, its consequences, and its 
 crimes. His words are — " I forget for a moment the unprincipled 
 means by which the union has been promoted, and I look on it 
 simply as England reclaiming, in a moment of our weakness, that 
 dominion wliich we extorted from her in a moment of our virtue — 
 a dominion which she uniformly abused, which invariably op- 
 pressed and impoverished us, and from the extortion of which we 
 date all our prosperity." 
 
 END OF ESSAY. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 PRIVY COUNCIL CORRESPONDENCE, 
 
 DURING GREAT PART OF THE TEARS 
 
 1811, 1812, 1816, 1817. 
 
25th May, 
 
 1801. 
 
 28th March, 
 
 1806. 
 
 19th April, 
 
 1807. 
 
 26th August, - 
 
 1813. 
 
 9th October - 
 
 1817. 
 
 29th December, 
 
 1821. 
 
 25th May, 
 
 1801. 
 
 13th February, - 
 
 1802. 
 
 6th February, - 
 
 1804. 
 
 23rd March, - 
 
 1805. 
 
 21st September, 
 
 1805. 
 
 28th March, - 
 
 1806. 
 
 19th April, 
 
 1807. 
 
 13th April, 
 
 1809. 
 
 18th October, - 
 
 1809. 
 
 4th August, - 
 
 1812. 
 
 3rd August, - 
 
 1818. 
 
 29th December, 
 
 1821. 
 
 RETURN OF THE NAMES OF LORDS LIEUTENANTS, LORDS 
 JUSTICES, AND CHIEF SECRETARIES OF IRELAND ; 
 
 1801—1821. 
 
 A Return of the Names of the several Lords Lieutenants and Chief Secretaries 
 of Ireland, appointed since the Union, with the dates of their appointments : — 
 
 LORDS LIEUTENANTS. DATE OF APPOINTMENT. 
 
 Philip, Earl of Hard\ricke . . - 
 
 John, Duke of Bedford ... 
 
 Charles, Duke of Richmond . - - 
 
 Charles, "Viscount Wliitworth ... 
 Charles, Earl Talbot 
 His Excellency, the Marquis "Wellesley, K.G. - 
 
 CHIEF SECRETARIES. 
 
 Right Honorable Charles Abbot 
 
 — . — William Wickham - 
 . — — Sir Evan Nepean, Bart. 
 
 — — Nicholas Vansittart - 
 
 — — Charles Long 
 _ — William EUiot 
 _ _ Sir Arthur Wellesley, K.G. - 
 
 — — Robert Dundas 
 _ _ William AV. Pole 
 
 — _ Robert Peel - 
 
 — , — Charles Grant 
 
 — — Henry Goulburn 
 
 W. Blacker, D. Vice- Treasurer. 
 Vice Treasurer's office, Dublin Castle, 20th March, 1827. 
 
 N.B The appointments of the Lords Justices were not notified to tliis office. 
 
 ROLLS OFFICE, IRELAND. 
 A Return of the names of the several Lords Lieutenants, Lords Justices, and 
 
 Chief Secretaries of Ireland, appointed since the Union, with the dates of their 
 
 Appointments, appearing inrolled in the Rolls office of his Majesty's High 
 
 Court of Chancery in Ireland : — 
 
 Philip, Earl Hardwicke, Lieutenant General and Governor General of 
 Ireland ; appointment dated at Westminster, 27th April, in the forty-first year 
 of the reign of George III. 
 
 The Right Honourable Charles Abbot, Principal Secretary of State; 
 appointment dated 19th June, in the forty -first year of the reign of George III. 
 
 John, Duke of Bedford, Lieutenant General and General Governor of 
 Ireland ; appointment dated at Westminster, 12th March, in the forty-sixth year 
 of the reign of George IH. 
 
 Charles, Duke of Richmond, Lieutenant General and General Governor of 
 Ireland; appointment dated at Westminster, 11th April, La the forty-seventh 
 year of the reign of George III. 
 
 Charles, Viscount AVhitworth, Lieutenant General and General Governor 
 of Ireland ; appointment dated at Westminster, 23rd June, in the fifty-third 
 year of the reign of George IH. 
 
 Lords Justices : — ^William, Lord Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all 
 Ireland ; Thomas, Baron Manners, Lord High Chancellor ; Sir George 
 Hewitt, Bart., Commander of the Forces in Ireland; appointment dated 13th 
 March, in the fifty-fifth year of the reign of George III. 
 
 Charles CHETWYND,Earl Talbot, Lieutenant General and General Governor 
 of Ireland ; appointment dated at Westminster, 3rd October, in the fifty-seventh 
 year of the reign of George III. 
 
 Lords Justices Williasi, Lord Archbishop of Armagh ; Thomas Baron 
 
 Manners, Lord High Chancellor; and General Sir David Baird, Commander 
 of the Forces in Ireland ; appointment dated 11th May, 1821. 
 
 Richard, Marquis Wellesley, Lieutenant General and General Governor of 
 Ireland ; appointment dated at Westminster, 8th December, in the second year 
 of the reign of George IV. 
 
 J. Wogan, Deputy Keeper of the Rolls. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 PRECIS 
 
 OF 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE WITH MAGISTRATES, &c. 
 
 PART /.—JANUARY TO JUNE, 1811. 
 
 29th Dec. 1810.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ANNESTOWN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 He has given three guineas a piece to Edward and John 
 Connors, and three to Flavin, for the support of the three 
 soldiers that are protecting him ; they must be fed by him, as 
 party violence is so great against him (Flavin), they cannot go 
 out of sight of his family. Has also given one pound to Tim 
 Denehy, who was severely wounded by the Caravats, who sup- 
 posed him a spy of Mr. Langley's. Lord Waterford sent up (he 
 behoves) his depositions. Mr. Langley thinks a few guineas 
 more should be given to Denehy to get him to his own county 
 (Kerry). He has promised the two Connors, one shilling and 
 eight-pence a day each until the trial, and Flavin, one shilling a 
 day each, for the three solcUers. Requests an order to draw for 
 fifteen guineas, which he will account for, before he wants more. 
 As there are vacancies for boatmen at Waterford, &c., requests 
 one to be given to .John Connors, from whom he expects much 
 information. Lord Waterford goes to London on Tuesday, and 
 then this side of the country will be left to Mr. Langley and 
 him ; but has no fear but that they shall enforce the laws, and 
 bring to punishment where it is possible. 
 
 2nd Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ANNESTOWN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 29th ultimo, 
 and if he will draw on Mr. Taylor for fifteen guineas, as he pro- 
 
( 182 ) 
 
 poses, his bill will be paid ; but at the same time informed that 
 the object, in placing money at his disposal, is, to come at informa- 
 tion respecting unlawful meetings and acts of the depredators 
 that infest the country, and not for charity to persons who may 
 have suffered by their acts, unless such claim be recompensed 
 with a disclosure of the offenders ; and when any case of similar 
 compassion occurs, he is requested to name it as a case of charity 
 to government, who are at all times much obhged by liis commu- 
 nications of the state of the country. 
 
 Isf Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM SAMUEL MATHEWS, ESQ. 
 
 BONNETSTOWN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Enclosing a copy of the examinations of a policeman of that 
 county, who had been robbed of his arms the night preceding by 
 a formidable gang. From the frequent attacks of that kind, 
 shots fired, &c., in different directions through that side of the 
 county, he is induced to think arms are concealed ; and request- 
 ing to be empowered to make search in several baronies, and 
 also the Liberties of the City of KiUienny, for which he is also a 
 magistrate. 
 
 \ St Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD HUNT, ESQ.* 
 
 GREENVILLE, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acquainting, that in consequence of private information, he 
 took out a pony of Milckney to the lands of Red Acres and 
 Killahy, eleven miles from Waterford, on the Callan road, and in 
 the county Kilkenny, and came up with a party of Caravats 
 mounted, to the number of forty, just as they had attacked two 
 houses. Was near enough to hear their attack, and see them 
 fire. On their return, intercepted them, and ordered them, as a 
 magistrate, to stop and dehver their arms, which they would 
 not ; when he gave orders to his party to fire, which they did. 
 The Caravats ran in every direction, leaving one man and horse 
 dead ; owing to the darkness of the night, was prevented taking 
 further advantage. Refers to the information he sends, for the 
 particulars of their outrages. Was gratified by the readiness 
 with which those who had been attacked gave their informations. 
 So much blood was traced in different du^ections next morning, 
 concludes there must have been five or six severely wounded. 
 They are described as young men of the meanest and lowest 
 
 * Same person as the Rev. Edward Hunt, mentioned iu p. 199, and elsewhere. 
 
( 183 ) 
 
 class ; not like farmers' boys, but rather idle and loose set, that 
 are seen unemployed in towns, and general opinion is they are 
 from Carrick-on-Suir. Is convinced the system is not of that 
 alarming extent which he had for some time imagined. The 
 farmers are not concerned; and nothing but the fear of their 
 cabins being burned makes them submit to their repeated out- 
 rages. 
 
 2dJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD COX, ESQ. 
 
 CLARA, king's COUNTY. 
 
 Stating, that it is the opinion of liis father and himself, that there 
 should be a party of the military stationed in the town of Clara, 
 for the reasons that he personally stated to government on the 
 Saturday previous : That a riotous mob of some hundreds threaten 
 to disturb the peace, and has actually broken out and committed 
 great depredations on each other, particularly on the last fair- 
 day of Clara ; and having but two constables in the town, it would 
 be impossible for him to keep the peace without military, whose 
 appearance alone would deter the rioters. If it should not be 
 convenient to send military, he has been strongly recommended 
 by the grand jury of the county and others to the lord lieutenant 
 for the raising a corps of yeomen cavalry, which, if he should, 
 would be able effectually to keep the peace. 
 
 \stJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Enclosing depositions. The money given him by government, for 
 the reward of information, shall be cautiously used. His reasons 
 for stating a deep conspiracy to be on foot, originates from various 
 confidential informations, by persons to be depended on. Has kept 
 a strict eye on the disaffected in his neighbourhood, who are 
 equally watchful of him. The first information he placed any 
 dependence on was from a priest, who, on a former occasion, gave 
 most material information ; but were it known, or even suspected, 
 that he had done so, his life would be the forfeit. The robberies 
 and outrages committed at Ballina, and in the parish of Kilglass, 
 from whence the former rebeUion extended, the taking of arms 
 and dressing in disguise, and all the bad consequences arising 
 from such proceeding, he (Mr. Hillas) has strongly impressed on 
 the mind of every person in his parish. Public and nightly 
 dances are universally practised; but he strongly recommends 
 their total suppression. 
 
( 184 ) 
 
 4th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter and enclosures of the 1st 
 instant, and thanking him for the readiness he expressed to afford 
 his aid in the preservation of the peace ; and observing, that from 
 the specimen he has given, of what the sources of his informants, 
 relative to the state of the country, are, and their means of intel- 
 ligence, it should seem, that if properly addressed, they may be 
 made still more communicative. With respect to nightly meet- 
 ings, their suppression would be very desirable, where danger is 
 to be apprehended from them, as far as the law will allow, taking 
 care, hoAvever, to put it in force with all the lenity consistent 
 with the public safety. 
 
 2d Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ANNESTOWN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing informations of Pat. Hanley, stating his having been 
 twice flogged, before he gave back his farm to his father-in-law, 
 Maurice Fitzgerald, and who is prevented, under terror of the 
 lash, to let his property to any person but John Fitzgerald, (his 
 brother), who will not give near the value for it, and that Hanley 
 now dreads another beating for mentioning one he suspected. 
 He (Mr. Cole) has offered five guineas for the names of the 
 Caravats, and twenty guineas to any person who would prosecute 
 to conviction. Those who were at Hanley's house got the verbal 
 information from one who says he was forced to be one of the 
 party, to whom he has pledged his honor never to mention his 
 name, and who has given him the names of the persons, but no 
 sum of money will induce liim to prosecute. Has taken John 
 Fitzgerald on suspicion, and will make him give ample security 
 to keep the peace — and Pat. King in the same way. Hanley 
 would not have charged them with it, if he was not sure he was 
 right ; they are all wealthy, and in their Hue respectable farmers, 
 and all allied. 
 
 The turnpike house was robbed of three pistols ; and Hearne, 
 of Kilmaire, fell in wdth forty mounted men, armed ; told Lord 
 Waterford the same night, but so dark and stormy, no hopes in 
 sending a party after them. Disturbances very great near 
 Curraghmore and Carrick ; the rest of the county to Dungar- 
 von quiet, but no less dangerous. 
 
( 185 ) 
 
 5th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ANNESTOWN, CO. WATEBFORD. 
 
 His letter of the 2nd instant has been received with Hanley's 
 deposition (wliich is now returned), as there appear to be well 
 founded reasons for concluding that John Fitzgerald may have 
 been the instigator of the outrages committed against him, of 
 which circumstance if proof could be obtained, so as to found a 
 successful prosecution on it, a salutary example might be derived. 
 The offers wliich he (Mr, Cole) has made are very reasonable, 
 and should they lead to the end proposed, must overbalance the 
 expense to which they may eventually give rise. Hanley should 
 be closely pressed to tell all he knows, as it is scarcely credible 
 that he should have so good a guess at the persons by whom he 
 suffered, without more reasons than he chooses to own ; and if no 
 other means can obtain it, it would be desirable to see if an 
 action of defamation might not force it from him, in the form of 
 a plea of participation. Of the outrages enumerated, it is much 
 wished that depositions were forwarded to government, and, 
 whenever he has an opportunity of making known that wish, is 
 requested to do so. 
 
 ZrdJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM OLIVER LATHAM, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY, 
 
 Enclosing certificate filled up, and requesting no time to be lost in 
 sending liim the warrant to search for arms. It has been re- 
 ported to him that a large assemblage of men took place the 
 night before at BaUingaray, fired shots, and had horns blowing. 
 Two men of the name of Hacket and Doyle have offered to give 
 liim informations relative to any person in the county who has 
 carried arms for the last six months, for a small reward. They 
 have lodged informations already, one for being robbed on the 
 road, and the other for his house being broken open. It was 
 through these men he was enabled to commit to gaol one of the 
 most atrocious offenders in the county. 
 
 bth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO OLIVER LATHA3I, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY, 
 
 Forwarding a warrant to search for arms, according to the cer- 
 tificate transmitted in his letter of the 3rd mstant. With respect 
 to offering rewards for information, relative to persons who have 
 carried arms for the last six months, it is doubtful that such in- 
 
( 186 ) 
 
 formation could be of any use ; but it might be advisable to hold 
 out expectations of reasonable rewards for discovering those who 
 are now illegally possessed of arms, on condition the arms are 
 found and seized. 
 
 AthJan. 1811.1 
 
 FEOM SAMUEL JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERART. 
 
 He has received the warrants for search ; has committed to gaol 
 James Hickman, a notorious leader, on positive information ; he 
 promises to give much useful information, if not prosecuted ; — 
 wishes for directions how to act. Has also apprehended one of 
 the gang who robbed the mail guard of their arms. Has paid 
 some money for private information, and wishes to have £100 at 
 his disposal, for like purposes. Has not yet had time to get 
 information on oath of the burning of Dunne's house, but the 
 guard at Mowleis hill barrack, saw the flame and heard shots. 
 
 1th Jan. 1811.1 
 
 TO SAMUEL JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter of 4th instant, and thanking 
 him for his exertions in apprehending offenders ; desiring him to 
 draAV on Mr. Taylor for the sum he requires, and to furnish an 
 account of the expenditure; on the subject of Hickman's offer, to 
 consult with sergeant Moore, at Clonmel. 
 
 %thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM FREDERICK FRENCH, ESQ. 
 
 BALLINAKILL, QUEEN's COUNTY. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of letter, and enclosing original informa- 
 tions. The farmers are well prepared to resist the insurgents, 
 but if once a principle of terror gets amongst them (as in the 
 former rebellion) it will have the worst effect. The gentlemen 
 have determined to offer considerable rewards, for the apprehen- 
 sion of the writers and distributors of threatening letters. En- 
 closes a notice to be printed and posted on the chapel doors. 
 Cannot trace any system or progress as in the county Tipperary 
 and Kilkenny, but if not opposed at the outset would become 
 very alarming ; recommends two gentlemen to be appointed 
 Magistrates. Do not intend to call a meeting of Magistracy, 
 but to keep these matters from being public, and expect to 
 maintain the peace without further trouble. 
 
( 187 ) 
 
 1th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO MATTHEW FORDE, ESQ. 
 
 CLOUGH, CO. DOWN. 
 
 From the circumstances stated in the affidavits transmitted with 
 his letter of the 6th instant, there is a probabihty of his being 
 able to bring the principals in the riots at Seaford, on the 5th 
 of December, to justice. With respect to the conduct of the 
 priest mentioned in his letter, government has not the means of 
 interposing, but it is extremely desirable that the grounds of 
 objection to Freemasonry should be previously ascertained. The 
 government feel assured he will render all possible assistance. 
 
 \Qth Jan. 1811.] (For letter of 6th, see December Precis. J 
 
 FROM D'ARCY MAHON, ESQ. 
 
 ATHY, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Immediately after receipt of letter of 8th, had occasion to call 
 on Mr. Bagot, a respectable magistrate, to whom he mentioned his 
 communication to government, and he perfectly coincided with 
 him as to the state of the county. That it is very notorious that 
 the priests of Kildare, and several others, have preached to their 
 flocks against the pernicious system disseminating among them, 
 to plunge them into another rebelUon. Has reason to believe a 
 field officer, on half-pay, of British service, was employed at 
 Antwerp in a confidential situation under the French government, 
 Avhich warrants the suspicion of a correspondence between Ant- 
 werp and Ireland. Part of the insurgents' oath is, to be ready 
 to join the French when they come : dechnes communicating the 
 names of the informants, lest their lives should be exposed. 
 
 6th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM TH0:MAS JAMES RAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 TRIM, CO. MEATH. 
 
 R. O'Connor has remained some time without leaving Dangan 
 demesne ; won't let his sons mix with the lower orders as they 
 formerly did. The system of Shanavests is spreading to the 
 Castlecomer coUieries (10,000 men). The Rev. Mr. Wainwright, 
 an active magistrate, knows of thirty-two stand of arms ; wishes to 
 be informed of the act of parliament relative to the search of arms. 
 
 3rd Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD USHER, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Having hoard, that the officer, commanding the troops at Cap- 
 poquin, had reported that neighbourhood to be quiet, is anxious 
 
( 188 ) 
 
 to state, that it is by no means the case. That two huncbed men, 
 armed, rode through Cappoquin, and passed the Barrack gate. 
 The disaffected every day gain strength, and have deputies from 
 each parish. Thinks he could get a quantity of arms, if the time 
 to apply for leave, under the late act, would admit. Power went 
 to gaol for safety : was attempted to be murdered in his own 
 house, and an attempt has been made to poison him in gaol. 
 There is money due for his subsistence, and he is in want of 
 clothes, &c. ; begs Mr. Taylor to remit some to be expended to 
 the best of his judgment for Power's use. 
 
 9th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing post-bills for one hundred guineas, to be paid Fleming 
 for his spirited conduct ; approving of the advertisement for the 
 apprehension of persons guilty of the outrages enumerated 
 therein, and of the offer of reward that may enable any magis- 
 trate to surprise any party of the insurgents ; and observing that 
 one hundred pounds is a larger offer than is customary for in- 
 formation not leading to conviction, and suggesting half that sum 
 for private information. At the same time, the amount is left 
 entirely at his discretion. 
 
 8th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 He has received circumstantial information, which leaves no 
 room for doubt, that the lower classes in the neighbourhood of 
 Pathangan and Kildare, are making great progress in swearing 
 each other; but their avowed object he has not yet ascertained. 
 Detailing a list of persons who appear to be most active ; they are 
 most anxious and active to procure arms. He will continue to 
 communicate whatever may occur, and do all in his power to 
 support the laws, &c. 
 
 9th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 In consequence of his letter of the — instant, requesting an 
 intervicAv with him at the Castle. For the present, it is very de- 
 sirable that depositions could be procured of the attempts to 
 administer illegal oaths. It will then be for consideration, Avhether 
 
( 189 ) 
 
 to act at once against the persons charged, or he by for the pur- 
 pose of discovering the principal offenders, rather than to punish 
 the ignorant people who are deluded by them. 
 
 \2thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE RIGHT HON. DENIS BROWNE, 
 
 WESTPORT, CO. MAYO. 
 
 On consultation with a confidential friend, on the subject of the 
 anonymous letter, is of opinion that there are no grounds for the 
 statement, except that the Messrs. M'Donel are disaffected per- 
 sons, and the only persons in their station of life who are so in 
 the county ; every precaution taken, and inquiry shall be made, 
 the same as if the statement was credited. 
 
 9th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HON. DENIS BROWNE, 
 
 WESTPORT, CO. MAYO. 
 
 Enclosing the copy of an anonymous letter that has been for- 
 warded by post to government, stating " the French are landing 
 arms on a small island near Newport, county Mayo, and that a 
 relative of Mr. C. M'Donnell lands them on the coast;" and 
 relying on Mr. Browne's activity to ascertain whether the intel- 
 lio-ence is founded on fact. 
 
 o 
 
 7th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. WILLIAM GORE, 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Stating an act of outrage and sacrilege committed on the parish 
 church of Killmachillgan and Templeboy, of which he is rector, 
 on the night of the 1st instant. Informations have been sworn 
 against some young fellows for singing, on the night of the 25th 
 December, a song of a most treasonable and seditious nature ; and 
 hopes to have them secured. If exertion on the part of the loyal 
 inhabitants is not immediately put in force, the country may 
 exhibit the same anarchy and confusion as disgraced it some 
 years ago. 
 
 StkJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM ROBERT RAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 ATHY, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 The person giving him information is a yeoman, and a respect- 
 able farmer, near that town, lie had the information from a 
 
( 190 ) 
 
 labourer of his own, that meetings are held in farm-houses, and 
 under pretence of rosaries (a form of prayer), and that every 
 night they extend a mile further. The neighbourhood full of 
 arms, which is the reason we have not taken any from the 
 yeomen. He (Mr. liawson) has called in all the arms which 
 might not be defended. 
 
 SthJan. 1811.1 
 
 FROM E. V. FITZGERALD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 He has procured a man (John Fitzgerald) to league himself 
 with the banditti (most of whom are deserters, whose names and 
 regiments he encloses a hst of) ; the gang laid a plan for the 
 robbery near Patrick's Well, which they executed so quickly he 
 had not time to get his informant's notice to prevent it, but in 
 consequence of his perseverance has apprehended one of them, 
 John Hogan, who has made a verbal confession of his guilt. 
 He trusts his informant's intelligence will enable him to defeat a 
 desperate plan of murder and robbery laid by these ruffians. 
 Refers to government whether it would not be more advisable to 
 punish Hogan as a deserter, than to bring Fitzgerald, the in- 
 former, to prosecute. 
 
 nth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD WILLCOCKS, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Enclosing an anonymous letter dated Dungarvan, 8th instant, 
 respecting the state of the county of AVaterford, and desiring 
 him to make such a use of it as he may think necessary. 
 
 UthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM J. CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 From information he has got, there exists a great division 
 amongst the lower class, which, taking advantage of, he expects 
 such information as will enable him to act ; should his presence 
 be required in Dublin he will instantly attend. As the farmers 
 and others of property refuse to join these illegal associations, 
 suggesting an idea of forming an association Jhr the protection of 
 the Peace and Property of the Country, and admit all well-in- 
 clined to join it. 
 
( 191 ) 
 
 l2thJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO J. CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. EJXDARE. 
 
 From tlie course he purposes to adopt, his presence in Monas- 
 terevan will be more useful than a personal interview. The 
 division among the lower orders will, it is hoped, turn to good 
 account, and the meeting of Magistrates appears well calculated 
 to produce the effect he looks for, and as it will not carry in its 
 appearance any idea of alarm, beneficial consequences may be 
 expected. 
 
 9th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM AIATTHEW FORDE, ESQ. 
 
 CLOUGH, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of letter, but the point to which he par- 
 ticularly alluded it has not ascertained, namely, whether the 
 Crown SoUcitor will be ordered to prosecute. Had no idea that 
 government should interfere as to the CathoUc Freemasons, but 
 only wished to show that the disturbances all over Ireland were 
 confined to the papists, and that the priests were at the bottom 
 of them. 
 
 lOth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. THOS. HANDCOCK, 
 
 NEW ROSS, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Great pains taken by ill-disposed people to agitate the country, 
 which at present is comparatively quiet. Great quantities of 
 gunpowder purchased by the lower orders, under the pretext of 
 shooting water-fowl, which implies they must have fire-arms, for 
 which the magistrates do not now possess power to search, without 
 information on oath, or by application to government, wliich is too 
 tedious. Many disaffected persons above the lowest rank in the 
 town of x^ew Ross, and a priest named Dixon, who, in 1798, was 
 convicted of treason, and who had just returned from Botany Bay, 
 when he was appointed to the care of 500 to 600 souls at Ross. 
 
 The Protestant clergyman on applying for liis tithe, was in- 
 formed by a disaffected person of considerable substance and 
 influence with the lower orders, that if parliament did not exempt 
 the " people" from tithe, another rebellion shall do it. 
 
 Can supply sworn documents of these facts ; was informed by a 
 Roman Catholic gentleman of considerable property in the 
 county Kilkenny, that two priests of that county declared the 
 country to be on the eve of a general insurrection ; that they 
 were well supplied with arms, and are now robbing for money to 
 
( 192 ) 
 
 purchase ammunition, and that all the influence of the Romish 
 clergy cannot prevent it. 
 
 I4thjaji. 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. THOS. HANDCOCK, 
 
 NEW ROSS, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 10th instant : with 
 respect to the sale of gunpowder, inquiry will be set on foot, and 
 such restrictions imposed as the law will admit : the magistrates 
 have it in their power to prevent the too easy acquisition of it by 
 the lower orders, by refusing licenses where they have reason to 
 suspect the privilege has been abused. No precaution can be 
 taken against the misconduct of the priest whom he mentions, 
 except that vigilant attention to his conduct, which Mr. Handcock 
 so laudably exerts for the security of the country. The Attor- 
 ney-General will be consulted with respect to the intemperate 
 remark made by a suspicious person at Ross about tithes. Sir 
 E. Littlehales has taken a note respecting the mihtia ballot. 
 The information received from the Roman Catholic gentleman is 
 of such vital importance that it is hoped Mr. Handcock will pre- 
 vail on liim to make liis communications direct to government. 
 
 lOthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM CORNELIUS BOLTON, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Having seen a paragraph in the public prints that the Caravats 
 had paraded in the open street of that city, in defiance of the 
 magistrates, is anxious to assure government of its being an 
 absolute falsehood, and he has desired the editor to have it con- 
 tradicted in those papers in wliich it had appeared. 
 
 14th Jam. 1811.] 
 
 TO FLEMING M'NEILL, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Requesting him to procure copies of depositions of the outrage 
 stated in his letter of the 13th to have taken place at Hilltown, 
 and to acquaint the magistrates with the wish of government to 
 be made acquainted with all circumstances relating to the public 
 peace, requesting him to direct his attention to the Harp Society 
 at Belfast, and advising secrecy and caution to be observed in his 
 inquiries. 
 
( 193 ) 
 
 HthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 A MEETING held in Ncwry, which is increasing every day. The 
 new members are told it is a harp society, the same as is held in 
 Belfast ; but so great precaution is used, he cannot get acquainted 
 with their oaths or proceedings. The disaffected persons of 
 former times are the heads of it. Suggesting the idea of a stranger 
 who would endeavour to gain their confidence, as they are guarded 
 against those whom they know to be well affected. 
 
 UthJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 11th instant, and 
 approving of his endeavouring to get a proper person to gain the 
 confidence of the society he mentions, and endeavour to ascertain 
 their object. 
 
 \9thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM WILLIAM EYANS, ESQ. 
 
 RATHANGAN. 
 
 Has known Neale many years, — a man of very bad character ; 
 is a good clerk, and a deep, designing fellow ; is informed that he 
 is going about swearing the people. The officer commanding 
 there, a steady young man, says there are attempts made to 
 seduce his men in their billets. A Protestant soldier heard some 
 men say they were not afraid of the soldiers, as there were but 
 four Protestant sokUers in the party (which is the case). The 
 deception they use, to lead the people on, is by asking them if 
 they are not anti-unionists. Will send a list of names. 
 
 13<A Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Thomas Butler is now in Waterford gaol ; he has sworn to se- 
 veral men, all tenants of Lord Waterford, hving in a barbarous 
 part of the country, at a considerable distance from him and Mr. 
 Langley. They wait only for a reply to this letter to endeavour 
 at taking seventeen of them ; they have now, friends of Butler 
 setting those fellows. Mr. Langley intends to go to the town of 
 Carrick, and he to Kilmacthomas, from which they will act in 
 conjunction. Will require an order of mihtary assistance. Butler 
 
( 194 ) 
 
 has nothing to save his Ufe, but turning king's evidence. If 
 money should be wanting, begs to know if he may draw on Mr. 
 Taylor. 
 
 IbtkJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ■WATEBFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 13th instant ; observing, that under the 
 circumstances Butler is at present, his testimony would not be 
 sufficient for a prosecution, and that it seems more advisable to 
 ascertain whether the facts stated by him have actually occurred, 
 and if he could identify any of the perpetrators — all which, it is 
 hoped, may be quietly done, and then the proposed plan for sur- 
 prising and securing them may be duly adopted. 
 
 Serjeant Moore, who is now at Waterford, has, no doubt, before 
 the receipt of this letter, given liis advice on tliis subject. The 
 mihtary will not, therefore, be found necessary for the present ; 
 but, on any sudden emergency, a party, on application to the com- 
 manding officer, will be furnished. Mr. Taylor will honour his 
 draft for fifty guineas. Requests he will give the earliest intelli- 
 gence of what steps he may take with respect to Butler. The 
 affida\its are sent directed to Serjeant Moore, from whom he will 
 receive them. 
 
 IdthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN D. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 INNISTIOGE. 
 
 He yesterday committed to gaol, Thomas Butler, who was taken 
 in the act of plundering a house of fire arms. For particulars of 
 his depositions, refers to Major Cole, who promised to transmit 
 copies. Butler had given information against seventeen. With 
 respect to remuneration, he did not mean to seek compensation 
 for his services, but merely a reimbursement of expenses for three 
 years past, such as a magistrate who warmly exerts himself is 
 liable to, and which, if his circumstances were adequate to such 
 losses he would not apply for. 
 
 \GthJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN D. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 INNISTIOGE. 
 
 His letter of the 13th instant has been received, informing of the 
 commitment of Butler, on which subject Major Cole and Serjeant 
 Moore have been written to, and to whom he is referred. With 
 
( 19^ ) 
 
 respect to payment of expenses, notliing more can be added to 
 what has already been communicated through Major Cole ; from 
 which, he will perceive, if a detailed statement of the sums and 
 the account on which they were disbursed will be furnished, there 
 exists every inclination to reimburse whatever sums may have 
 been expended in the public service. 
 
 16//* Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM MR. SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Attended a meeting of magistrates, the day before, very nume- 
 rous, and all perfectly united and anxious to maintain the laws. 
 Thinks the banditti will soon be expelled the neighbourhood of 
 Callan. Magistrates anxious to be informed of the extent of their 
 powers. One of them, a Mr. Lowe, of Callan, stated, as a fact, 
 that he had been met at night by a person authorized to treat for 
 those deluded people ; that they would give up their arms, and 
 take the oath of allegiance if assured of an amnesty. Informed 
 him that if his proposition was reduced to writing, it would be 
 presented to government ; but that without a disclosure of their 
 objects, system, and instigators, a mere delivery of arms would be 
 of no avail. 
 
 I7th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO MR. SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 His letter of the 16th instant has been received, notifying the 
 good spirit that prevails among the magistrates of Kilkenny. As 
 to the extent of their power, of which they appear to be ignorant, 
 Mr. Townsend has been desired to prepare an abstract of the laws 
 of arrest, with regard to magistrates, constables, &c., together 
 with extracts from the white-boy acts, of which copies have, in 
 many instances, been dispersed. His remark, on Mr. Lowe's 
 proposition, is perfectly in union with those which government 
 wishes to impress on the mind of the people — a mere surrender of 
 arms can be of no use. One example of a noted ruffian to be of 
 much more avail. 
 
 loth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR BRIDGEMAN, 
 
 BALLYMOATE, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Having received information of some unhcensed arms, in the 
 hands of suspicious persons, issued a warrant to the constables. 
 
( 196 ) 
 
 and, with a sergeant and three yeomen, searched the persons' 
 houses, and found two French muskets, and Prussian, and two fowl- 
 ing-pieces ; and has this day been informed where there are 
 tAventy stand more ; but being ignorant of the repeal of the act 
 enabling the magistrate to search, and being threatened with a 
 prosecution for the search he has made, requests a warrant may 
 be sent to him to authorize him to make further search. 
 
 nth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR BRIDGEMAN, 
 
 BALLYMOATE, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of 15th inst. ; and acquainting him 
 that any two justices of the peace who have received information 
 on oath, may search for arms; and that in cases of suspicion only, 
 it is necessary to have the lord lieutenant's warrant, and referring 
 him to particular sections of the arms act, which are enclosed. 
 On his sending a certificate, as directed by the act, a warrant will 
 be issued. 
 
 Uth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM HON. AND REV. ARCHDEACON ST. LEGER, 
 
 TIPPERART, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Stating the country to be in nearly a state of insurrection; 
 scarcely a night passes that some house is not attacked; meeting 
 of large bodies, well armed, by night, and sometimes by day. 
 Mentions the meeting at Donoghill, (see Mr. Cooper's letter, 
 page 71). Very difficult to procure information. A determined 
 and active magistrate much wanted, to be out with the troops. 
 From experience, he knows the expense to be very great for 
 obtaining private information, and also the duty severe on an 
 individual. Though the duty is incumbent on magistrates, 
 thinks in times hke the present, they ought to be remunerated. 
 
 \7th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD SADLIER, ESQ. 
 
 TIPPERARY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In answer to his memorial, is directed to acquaint liim that it 
 would be impossible to make any remuneration to him for the 
 discharge of his duties as a magistrate, without deviating from an 
 established rule, and drawing into disrespect, a situation, the 
 dignity and influence of which, has always been considered as 
 equivalent to the duties imposed on it. 
 
( 197 ) 
 
 \6thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM J. CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Being obliged to go to Dublin, requests an interview on Saturday. 
 
 IGtkJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM FLEMING MACNEILL, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Does not find any steps have been taken to discover the authors of 
 the transaction at Hilltown. Hears Belfast is getting very bad. It 
 would require a person to be resident there some time, to be able 
 to do any thing there with effect. The suspicious person whom he 
 first communicated with government about, is now in Newry, ever 
 since the recent business at Maynooth, where he had a farm, and 
 used to be very much with the students. The soldiers of the 
 59th regiment, in consequence, it would seem, of not being sent to 
 their own place of worship, went in a riotous manner last Sunday 
 to chapel. There is much danger of their being seduced by 
 the disaftected in that town. 
 
 \lthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE PvEV. THOMAS HANDCOCK, 
 
 NEW ROSS, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 The Roman Catholic gentleman, Avhom he mentioned as having 
 given him the information from the priests, he is not at hberty to 
 name, the communication being made to him in confidence. He 
 is a man of considerable property in the county of Kilkenny, and 
 the truth of the circumstance respecting the priests may be ascer- 
 tained by applying to the high sheriff of the County Kilkenny. 
 He hopes to continue to receive useful intelligence from the gen- 
 tleman, who, though a zealous Catholic, has always conducted 
 himself well. Suggests the plan of obliging the purchasers of 
 gunpowder, to produce their game licenses, where they are not 
 known. Encloses an information, he took this day, for instruc- 
 tions how he is to act ; as there is a confederacy of disaffected 
 men at New Ross who, from a public fund, harrass with law any 
 magistrate whose zeal may make him exceed his authority. 
 
 \9thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 His first discoveries were made by his being a Freemason ; which 
 channel is now shut, as the few Roman Catholics who are so, are 
 
( 198 ) 
 
 excluded by the Harp, or Green Society. Such is the dread their 
 clergy hold Freemasons in, that one of the persuasion has been 
 refused the rites of the church. Still thinks a stranger might 
 be found in the Dubhn police, to be of service here. Recommends 
 the captains of yeomanry, in the neighbourhood of where the 
 nightly meetings are held, to be pinvately ordered to prevent such. 
 
 list Jan. 1811.1 
 
 TO E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 In reply to his letter of 19th instant, to observe ; that, if a person 
 who had knowledge of the parties whose views are the object of 
 inquiry, could be found to undertake it, he would, in many re- 
 spects, be preferable to a stranger. 
 
 2\stJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO T. R. SMITH, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRT, CO. DOWN. 
 
 It being represented that a very suspicious society, called the 
 Harp, or Green Society, has been recently formed in Newry, and 
 that nightly meetings have occurred in the neighbourhood of 
 Rathfriland, Narrow Water, and in the barony of Mourne, to 
 request he will give what information he can collect there, thereto ; 
 and, from his local knowledge, to procure some person to endea- 
 vour to gain the confidence of this society, in order to ascertain 
 their objects. All expenses attending such inquiry to be reim- 
 bursed, and recommending the utmost secrecy and circumspection 
 in the business. 
 
 16M Jan. 1811.1 
 
 FROM JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. EILDARE. 
 
 As there is certainly a division among the people, and almost all 
 the persons, possessing property, refusing to join, thinks it would 
 be a wise plan to form some association, for the protection of the 
 peace and property of the country, without any other title ; and to 
 admit all persons who seem inclined, and protect them from 
 being forced to join the disaffected. 
 
( 199 ) 
 TO JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 As such an association as he proposed to form, might, under exist- 
 ing circumstances, give loose to alarm, he will do well to postpone 
 the formation of it, until an opportunity can be had of again con- 
 versing with him on the subject. 
 
 \9thJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. E. HUNT, 
 
 MT. JULIET, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 This day attended the meeting of magistrates, — when Messrs. 
 Lowe and Smith proposed, on the part of the Caravats, that they 
 would, on obtaining an amnesty for past offences, surrender their 
 arms, take the oath of allegiance, and enter into security for good 
 conduct, as will be more particularly stated in the resolutions 
 transmitted by the sheriff; but although he signed, as well as 
 several of the magistrates, sooner than cause a division, yet ex- 
 pressing his private opinion, that the conviction of a principal 
 leader would have better effect, than the measure proposed this 
 day. 
 
 '2SrdJan. 1811.]- 
 
 TO THE REV. E. HUNT, 
 
 MT. JULIET, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication, — the opinion expressed by 
 him perfectly coincides with the view which government have 
 taken of Messrs. Lowe and Smith's proposal, of Avhich he will be 
 officially apprised by the High Sheriff, who is written to by this 
 post. 
 
 I9thjan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM WM. ISOD, ESQ., HIGH SHERIFF, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Enclosing the result of a meeting of the magistrates, held this 
 day, stating, that in consequence of a communication that had 
 been made to Edward Smith and Matthew Lowe, Esqrs., two 
 magistrates, from persons who admit themselves to be concerned 
 as leaders in the disturbances, and who propose to surrender to 
 them, not only themselves, to take the oath of allegiance, but sur- 
 render fire-arms, and give useful information of the purposes and 
 intentions of their nightly meetings, proAaded they would receive 
 his Majesty's pardon for their offences, save and except murder, 
 burning, and highway robbery ; and that the magistrates, being 
 
( 200 ) 
 
 favourable to any lenient measure, beg to submit this statement 
 for his Grace's consideration, and precise directions thereupon. 
 
 2Srd Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO WM. ISOD, ESQ., HIGH SHERIFF, 
 
 CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 In reply to the statement enclosed in his letter of the 19th, from 
 the magistrates, on the proposal brought forward by two of that 
 body, Messrs. Lowe and Smith, it is wished that the magistrates 
 should understand, that government cannot enter into any terms 
 of compromise with the persons in whose behalf the proposal has 
 been made ; but that the magistrates should use their influence to 
 improve the disposition to subordination it seems to announce ; 
 and at the same time to impress on the offenders that their best 
 claim to favour will be in the surrender of their arms, confession 
 of their crimes, and a full disclosure of their objects and insti- 
 gators ; and desiring him to make these sentiments known to 
 the magistrates. 
 
 2.)yY/ Jaw. 1811.] 
 
 TO PATRICK POWER, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Informing him that depositions of the occurrence mentioned in 
 his letter of the 21st instant, have been required from the Rev. 
 Mr. Herbert, before whom, it is presumed, he has carried his 
 servants to swear to the facts ; and if he should not have done so, 
 to beg he will lose no time in seeing that gentleman. 
 
 24th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing the only depositions that have been taken of the 
 attack on Mr. Power's house, &c, ; and stating that he had secured 
 and lodged in gaol all the persons named in the information, and 
 also the servant, who was the informant, for his own security. He 
 thinks the country becoming less disturbed : the party at Mr. 
 Power's were common robbers, and not 
 
 21s/ Jaw. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. THOMAS BROWN, 
 
 KINSALE, CO. CORK. 
 
 With the consent of the Bishop of Cork, he encloses a copy of an 
 information of his proctor against several of his parishioners, who 
 
( 201 ) 
 
 4 
 
 by force prevented him from valuing his parish. They also re- 
 sisted, by arms, a magistrate of the county, who went to lay a plan 
 for building a church, and di'ove him and his party off Avith 
 threats, if they should ever return on the same errand. Nothing 
 but a mihtary force can give protection to his proctor. Three of 
 the ring-leaders have been apprehended, and have given bail for 
 their appearance at the next assizes. Has been in peaceable pos- 
 session of his parish forty years, and never, until now, met any 
 opposition : he fears this conduct is a prelude to something worse. 
 
 IdthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 He has just received strong assurances of soon getting positive in- 
 formation against some notorious offenders. Has no doubt, the 
 person giving him this useful information, will be protected and 
 compensated by government. As he has already sent copies of 
 the depositions, wishes to know if he shall also give others to Rev. 
 Mr. Grove. A meeting of the parishioners took place, Avithout 
 distinction of religion, and entered into strong resolutions. Refers 
 to his brother, Counsellor Hillas, for further information. Wishes 
 to be informed of the powers of a magistrate, in searching for 
 arms. 
 
 23rd Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO, SLIGO. 
 
 His letter of the 19th instant has been received, informing of his 
 having strong hopes of apprehending some offenders ; assuring him 
 such protection and reward as shall be proper, will be afforded 
 to those, by whose information he may be enabled to bring the 
 offenders to justice ; it will not now be necessary to send the de- 
 positions Mr. Grove applied for. Approving of the resolutions of 
 the parishioners of Kilmashalgan and Templeboy. Enclosing to 
 liim the arms act of last session, and observing that by the act of 
 1807, 2 session, chap. 54, any person convicted of having un- 
 licensed arms, is subject to ten pounds penalty and forfeiture of 
 arms. 
 
 24th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD CREAGHE, ESQ. 
 
 GOLDEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 21st instant, observing to him, that 
 the having arms unregistered is an offence, in the first instance, 
 
( 202 ) 
 
 • 
 
 incurring a penalty and seizure, and on non-payment, only subjects 
 the delinquent to imprisonment ; and it is presumed he has pro- 
 ceeded against Quinlan accordingly. The conviction of Wall, is, 
 no doubt, according to law, and his having received the arms from 
 his landlord is no legal excuse for his want of license, thouo-h it is 
 favourable to him ; and it must rest with him (Mr. Creaghe) to 
 settle the degree of bail. 
 
 24tkJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO G. NEVILLE, AND JOHN FITZPATRICK, ESQRS. 
 
 JOHNSTOWN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 In reply to their letter of the 22d instant, acquainting them that 
 it is not necessary that they should have a warrant, to search for 
 arms, in places where they have information on oath of their being 
 concealed ; and desiring they may lose no time in making such 
 search ; and after, if a warrant should be necessary, the certificate 
 enclosed, to be filled up and returned, in order to found a warrant 
 thereon. 
 
 23d Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 In consequence of the wish of government that he should post- 
 pone the foundation of an association of the magistrates, &c. (see 
 page 199), he will proceed no further until he has further instruc- 
 tions. At the same time, he feels unpleasant at now dechning a 
 measure he had proposed to his neighbours, to whom, and the 
 well-disposed farmers, it will be a disappointment. 
 
 24:thJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN CASSIDY, ESQ. 
 
 MONASTEREVAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 The principal objection to the association, mentioned in his letter 
 of the 23d instant, was the exciting an unnecessary degree of 
 alarm ; but as he has proceeded so fixr in the business, it must be 
 now left to his discretion, and that of the other magistrates, in 
 folloAving up the steps that have been taken ; to be cautious of 
 admitting any other than magistrates, or substantial persons into 
 the association. 
 
 2MJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM T. R. SMYTH, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 He had not heard of any meetings at Narrow-water or Rathfri- 
 land. As to Newry, it has always been disafi"ccted. At the 
 
( 203 ) 
 
 theatre, lately, there appeared a spirit of disloyalty among the 
 lower orders, principally butchers : they were encouraged by a 
 young man of the name of M'Cumley, who conducts himself with 
 great impropriety, and associates with Mr. O'Hanlon, who had 
 been in the Spanish service. 
 
 'iZdJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM WILLIAM DESPARD, ESQ. 
 
 CULLAN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 He has admitted Diegan to bail. There has been a search made 
 for arms, but in most instances with httle success. Has appre- 
 hended two of the banditti who committed depredations at 
 Ballingarry. It has been suggested to him, that, by surrounding 
 the chapel during service, he would be enabled to arrest several ; 
 but considering it an ungenerous act, at tliis time, has declined it. 
 Understands that a notorious offender of the name of Patrick 
 Mullally, of this neighbourhood, has made some surrender of 
 himself or terms for protection, with some magistrates of Kilkenny ; 
 and should he be protected, it ought to be on condition of his 
 giving most useful information, which he can do, as he is the head 
 of a very large party. Scarce a night passes without some out- 
 rage. Information not to be had* 
 
 25th Jan. 1811.1 
 
 TO WILLIAM DESPARD, ESQ. 
 
 CULLAN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 23d instant : 
 observing, that his objections, to surrounding the chapels in search 
 of offenders, meet the entire concurrence of government. If any 
 apphcation shall be made on behalf of Mullally, his suggestions 
 shall be attended to ; and any intercession for a criminal, under 
 such accusations, must be accompanied with most urgent reason, to 
 induce government to Usten to the proposal. Trusting that his 
 exertions have not been wanting, to discover the authors of the 
 outrages alluded to in the last paragraph of his letter. 
 
 '25th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD WILCOCKS, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERART. 
 
 Enclosing to him a letter, relative to the punishment of Cocko- 
 rane, and desiring he will prevent a similar evasion of his 
 punishment, from taking place on the 29th. 
 
( 204 ) 
 
 2irdJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM , ESQ. 
 
 TOUGHAL, CO. CORK. 
 
 Stating the country to be dreadfully disturbed ; and expressing 
 his zeal for the public serA-ice. A serjeant of the !N^orth Cork 
 Militia nearly killed in apprehending a deserter. Enclosing a 
 letter relative to the bad designs of Cockorane, now in Waterford 
 gaol, against him ; stating his punishment of flogging to have 
 been most scandalously executed. Enclosing a letter from Mr. 
 Barron, with respect to the robbery of his arms. 
 
 2ithJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR ECCLES, 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Reporting several disorderly assemblies having taken place in 
 Athy, and seditious words uttered. Endeavoured to see Bayly, 
 the yeoman mentioned by Mr. Rawson ; but he appears to be too 
 timid to be made use of. Encloses a letter from Mr. Rawson, that 
 a DubHn mihtia man in Carlow, had given such information as to 
 induce his colonel to go off to government immediately. A ser- 
 vant, who is in the habit of telling his secrets when drunk, Avas 
 overheard, crying, — " "What ! me mm'der my master, and take 
 an oath, which I never did in my life ! I will not, though I will 
 not tell of you, P. Devoy." 
 
 25M Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MA.JOR ECCLES, 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 24th instant, regretting that 
 Bayly's timidity should prevent liis being useful to himself and 
 government. Recommending him (Major E.) to consult with 
 Mr. Rawson, with respect to Devoy's plan, as overheard in his 
 conversation with the servant, between whom and his master a 
 confidential intercourse might be established. Requesting to be 
 informed what plan he and Mr. Rawson may fix on. 
 
 2Qth Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. NICHOLAS HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 24th, and thank- 
 ing him for his successful exertions. The conduct of Cavanagh is 
 deserving of reward ; but it will be well to withhold it. until he 
 has estabhshed his credit with a iurv. In the meantime, if 
 
( 205 ) 
 
 necessary, he should be removed to a place of security, and 
 encouraged by such promises as will not go to invahdate his tes- 
 timony as a witness. 
 
 22nd Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR PRE]ST)ERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN. 
 
 The parties concerned in the transaction with the Wexford mihtia 
 (who, he fears, have rather exaggerated, in their account of it) 
 have surrendered. He last night went there on hearing of a riot 
 and apprehended some offenders. Thinks a small detachment 
 should be quartered there. Robberies of arms and money con- 
 tinue ; the latter, it is reported, is for the maintenance of prisoners 
 and the support of their defence. Highway robbery is also re- 
 sorted to ; and encloses information and an intercepted letter to 
 the curate priest of the parish of Rushed, pointing out the leaders 
 in everv act of outrage. Wishes to know if he will be warranted 
 in apprehending them. Requests he may be appointed to the 
 commission of the peace for the counties Cork and Limerick. 
 
 2QthJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO JAMES P. POE, ESQ. 
 
 CtJLLAN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Acquainting him, in reply to his letter of the 25th instant, that 
 he may offer adequate rewards for information leading to convic- 
 tion, of smaller sums for private information, wliich will be 
 reimbursed to him. 
 
 Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM B. MAJOR WARBURTON, 
 
 TULLAMORE. 
 
 Stating that nightly meetings are held, and are attended by 
 strangers of the better order. He has employed two men to 
 attend those meetings, with a view of discovering their object. 
 Great appearance of disaffection in the country, and seditious 
 newspapers forwarded free of expense. 
 
 26th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM C. C. HAMILTON, ESQ. 
 
 CO. MEATH. 
 
 Enclosing depositions respecting the outrage at Major Tucker's, 
 and a letter from Mi\ Chaloner, stating that nightly meetings are 
 
( 206 ) 
 
 carried on from Navaii to Cavan, thirty-eight miles through a 
 country inchned to rioting, and where there is not a soldier. 
 Thinks that troops should be sent to the county Meath ; and if so, 
 pledges himself the magistrates will be ever ready to do their 
 duty. 
 
 23rd Jan. 1811.1 
 
 FROM JOHX HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROJMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Ix consequence of capital information against Patrick Dermot, had 
 him apprehended ; but he, unfortunately, contrived to make his 
 escape. Has used every exertion to cause his being retaken ; 
 proposes a reward, for so doing, being offered, and wishes to know 
 what sum will be thought proper. Has taken his informant under 
 his protection. She promises to give most important discoveries, 
 and in consequence of what she has already sAvorn, several sus- 
 pected persons have fled. Has expended twenty-three and a-half 
 guineas for information, &c., in carrying his plans into execution. 
 
 tiGtkJan. 1811.1 
 
 TO JOHN HILLAS, ESQ. 
 
 DROMORE WEST, CO. SLIGO. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 23d instant, and in reply, 
 approving of his conduct in the aftair to wliich it relates ; and 
 acquainting him that he is at liberty to offer one hundred pounds 
 reward for the apprehension of Dermot ; and that he has done 
 perfectly right in taking the Avitness under his protection. If he 
 sends up a private account of the sums paid by him, no time Avill 
 be lost in remitting the amount. 
 
 QSthJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR ECCLES, 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Has received information of a notice having been posted on the 
 chapel door, at Crookstown, near Halliton, threatening with 
 death, the inhabitants of that neighbourhood, who had offered 
 rewards for the persons who had robbed the house of two women 
 there, and denouncmg similar vengeance against any one who 
 should inform — signed " Colonel Caravat," and ending Avith 
 " Prosperity to Bonaparte." 
 
( 207 ) 
 
 26th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD WILCOCKS, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 As he has reason to know that the punishment of Cockorane was 
 shamefully evaded, he will take care to be present at his next 
 and have it properly inflicted. Has been employed in collecting 
 evidence, and providing for their security. When the punishment 
 of Cockorane is over, will return to Clonmel, where his presence 
 is absolutely necessary. Since his last arrival there, there has 
 not been a single outrage committed in the neighbourhood. 
 
 29th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO LONGFIELD, ESQ. 
 
 MALLOW, CO. CORK. 
 
 In consequence of a letter from General Floyd, by which it ap- 
 pears that he (Mr. Longfield) apprehends that arms are in the 
 possession of ill-disposed inhabitants, •' but that since the repeal 
 of the insurrection act no magistrate may touch them," the 
 enclosed acts are now sent him, by wliich he will perceive that the 
 opinion he possesses on that point has been founded on mistake. 
 
 29th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD WILCOCKS, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 26th instant, and 
 approving of his intention of being present at the next punishment 
 of Cockorane, to see it duly inflicted ; and hoping that his absence 
 from Clonmel will not be delayed beyond the time absolutely 
 necessary, as every day affords some instance of the advantage of 
 his presence in Tipperary, for promoting the objects of the special 
 commission. 
 
 3lstJan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM T. S. WHITNEY, ESQ. 
 
 EDGEWORTHSTOWN, CO. LONGFORD. 
 
 In reply to a letter of the 30th instant, requests that ten guineas 
 may be transmitted to him, wliich, he thinks, will answer all the 
 purpose desired for obtaining further information. The system of 
 secrecy, observed by the lower orders, in their proceedings against 
 the state, is uncommonly great. For the present, he must be 
 absent for a short time from home ; but government may rely 
 on his best exertions being used, to obtain and transmit every 
 information respecting the peace of the country. 
 
( 208 ) 
 
 mthJan. 1811.1 
 
 TO T. S. WHITNEY, ESQ. 
 
 EDGEWORTHSTOWN, CO. LONGFORD. 
 
 It having been represented by General Archdall, tliat tbrougli 
 his (Mr. Whitney's) exertions, the fact of a meeting having taken 
 place at Castle Wilder has been ascertained, and the pnrport of 
 the oath administered, &c. ; and that he considers his informer as 
 deserving of reward ; acquainting him that if he will name the 
 sum to which he thinks him entitled, and how it shall be remit- 
 ted, it will be done ; and to request he will draw from him every 
 particular of the transaction, and its objects, and the names of 
 those concerned, and to assure the person of being liberally 
 encouraged by government for whatever useful discoveries he 
 shall make. 
 
 30th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE RT. HON. DENIS BROWNE, 
 
 WESTPORT, CO. MAYO. 
 
 His letter of the 25th instant has been received, and a communi- 
 cation had with the Commander of the Forces, and if it be not too 
 late, steps will immediately be taken to enable Major-General 
 Brereton to supply the force required. On the subject of the 
 recent disturbances at Mayo, agrees with him in thinl5:ing that a 
 system of co-operation among the insurgents is hardly to be 
 doubted ; but under what influence that system has been nur- 
 tured, vigilance and exertion only can solve. 
 
 29th Jan. 1811.] 
 
 FROM R. ROSS ROWAN, ESQ. 
 
 RATHFRILAND, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Has made every inquiry, and cannot find that any such transac- 
 tion as carding, or threshing, people, had taken place. Lives 
 within two miles of Hilltown, where such occurrences could not 
 have taken place unknown to him. Has been a magistrate for 
 thirty years, and never knew the country more peaceable. There 
 are some people, in his vicinity, fond of propagating bad reports. 
 
 5\stJan. 1811.] 
 
 TO LIEUT. READE, COMMANDING DETACHMENT 
 WEXFORD REGIMENT, 
 
 THURLES, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Information having been received, that on the fair-day of 
 Thurlcs (the 4th of February), the Shanavests and Caravats 
 
( 209 ) 
 
 meditate a conflict, and are preparing to meet in considerable 
 numbers, he is desired to be in readiness to give every assistance 
 in his power towards the apprehension of any persons so assem- 
 bled ; and previously that he will concert measures with Mr. 
 Langley, or any magistrate or officer of police, who may be pre- 
 pared to avail himself of the mihtary force at Thurles, for the 
 same purpose, and if any of the parties endeavour to escape from 
 the attempt to apprehend them, on the side of Thurles, there may 
 be parties of the military, under the direction of the civil power, 
 planted on the other side, for that purpose. It will, however, be 
 for him, and those whom he may consult, particularly Mr. Lang- 
 ley, to concert what plan may be best for carrying the desired 
 purpose into execution. 
 
 FEBRUARY, 1811. 
 
 3rd Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR W. IRVINE, 
 
 DROGHEDA. 
 
 The reasons for his having reported the country to be disturbed, 
 were, from a conversation ho had with Mr. Ralph Smyth, a 
 magistrate of Drogheda, and also with the mayor, they having a 
 great deal of private information. Nothing has come within his 
 own knowledge; nor has he been called on to assist the civil 
 power, except in one instance, to take a robber. 
 
 1st Feb. 1811.1 
 
 TO THE REV. T. HANDCOCK, 
 
 NEW ROSS, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 31st ultimo. Signifying the Lord 
 Lieutenant's acknowledgments for his attention to the peace of his 
 neighbourhood : his reliance on the continuance of his exertions 
 in discovering the councils and acts of the disaffected in that 
 quarter, and the grounds on which the expectation of a French 
 invasion in May next is understood to rest. 
 
 2nd Feb. 1811.1 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR MOORE, 
 
 CARLOW, CO. CARLOW. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 1st instant, and 
 recommending him to communicate to some discreet magistrate 
 
( 210 ) 
 
 his suspicions relative to the meetings in Carlow, and if possible, 
 to procure some intelligent person to join them, to discover their 
 object. Should he obtain any further information, requesting he 
 will communicate it. 
 
 IstFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR-GENERAL CAMPBELL, 
 
 ARMAGH, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Rumours have been spread of nightly meetings having taken 
 place in divers parts of the north-east division of his district ; 
 but they cannot be traced to any authentic source. 
 
 2nd Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ. 
 
 BURROW, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Stating that on the 2nd instant a violent outrage had been com- 
 mitted, by three yeomen, on an assembly of Roman Catholic 
 clergy, and a number of parishioners, who had met quietly for 
 the purpose of ascertaining the dispute with the priest of the 
 parish. Several people were wounded. The affray was at length 
 put an end to, by the arrival of a party of the Louth regiment. 
 Recommends the military at Rathdowney to be reinforced, and 
 these yeomen to be disarmed. 
 
 5th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ. 
 
 DURROW, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 His letter of the 2nd instant, reporting an affray that took place 
 at Rathdowney, has been received ; and it is desired that no pains 
 may be spared in apprehending and dealing according to law 
 with those who are known, and to discover others of the instiga- 
 tors and offenders. 
 
 5th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO CAPT. BUTLER, DUBLIN REGIMENT, 
 
 BALTINGLASS, CO. WICKLOW. 
 
 Acquainting him that an informer, who for some time past has 
 been in communication with government, has stated that he is 
 admitted to the society of a considerable number of persons 
 in the neighbourhood of Baltinglass and Kildare, who have come 
 up from the county of Tipperary, for the purpose of exciting 
 disturbance. Besides which, ho repeats the statement which had 
 been before received through his (Capain Butler's) communica- 
 
( 211 ) 
 
 tion with Colonel Vesey, that it is the intention of the ill-dis- 
 posed to possess themselves of the arms in that quarter by a 
 sudden and general attempt. This man has been referred to 
 Captain Butler, in order that he may sift his intelligence ; and in 
 case such strangers are in the country, he may lose no time in 
 carrying the account to a neighbouring magistrate, for the 
 purpose of his acting, if it appears expedient, under the 7th 
 section of the enclosed act ; and he is requested to name such 
 magistrate as he may think it prudent to call on ; and if Captain 
 Butler should persist in his opinion, that arms are in the hands of 
 improper persons, and that the design of getting possession of 
 them by a sudden eifort is in any degree of maturity, he will 
 suggest to such magistrate, the expediency of filling up the 
 enclosed certificate with the particulars of the suspicions, &c. 
 Thanking him for his attention to whatever relates to the public 
 welfare. 
 
 'indFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM B. MAJOR ECCLES. 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from Lieutenant Farmer, stating that a 
 notice (which he encloses) had been posted on the chapel of N. 
 Narraghmore, which the priest, in a loyal and spirited manner, 
 took down before his congregation. 
 
 9th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO SAMUEL COOPER, ESQ. 
 
 CASHEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 6th instant, recommending remune- 
 ration to be made to Lieutenant Wayland. His Grace desires he 
 will point out the manner and extent to which Lieutenant Way- 
 land should be rewarded: and observing that it will be advisable 
 to withhold any pecuniary remuneration, until after the prosecu- 
 tion of those persons, against whom his testimony may be re- 
 quired. 
 
 13M Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Has learned from the gaoler, that there are several of the con- 
 victs anxious for their punishment being commuted on serving in 
 the army or navy. Will go to the gaol with an officer for the 
 purpose of having such as are willing attested. The gentlemen 
 
( 212 ) 
 
 of the country very anxious they should be sent away. An offer 
 has just been made him from John Lonergan, under sentence for 
 execution, that he will give most extensive information, if his life 
 is saved. Requesting a respite without delay, in case his pro- 
 posal shall be accepted of. 
 
 12th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 As it appears by a letter from the Solicitor-General, that Hogan 
 and the twelve men convicted at Clonmel, who had at first a wish to 
 commute their punishment for service in the army or navy, have 
 retracted their wish, but as it is hkely they may resume their 
 first intention previous to the time of punishment, which, if the 
 magistrates of the neighbourhood are of opinion it will have a 
 good effect, his Grace has every inclination to commute. Inquir- 
 ing if there is any one in his quarter of the description of a 
 Surgeon, or Sir John Casey. 
 
 I9th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM HENRY WHITE, ESQ. 
 
 CASHEL. 
 
 Agreeable to the instructions of government, he has provided 
 a habitation and subsistence for Kilfoyle, in the town of Cashel ; 
 and he is fully aware of the impropriety of holding out any 
 promise of reward to him, that might defeat his testimony as a 
 witness. Enclosing an information of Kilfoyle against Michael 
 Ryan, a noted offender, and the benevolence of government to 
 him (Kilfoyle) will induce liim to discover the haunts of this 
 fellow, and Dwyer. His reason for not naming those persons 
 in his former despatches, was the system of terror so prevalent 
 in the country. 
 
 I2th Feb. \8U.^ 
 
 TO HENRY WHITE, ESQ. 
 
 CASHEL. 
 
 Requesting he will take an opportunity of conversing with 
 William Kilfoyle, with respect to his removal, and settling with 
 him whatever will be most acceptable to his feelings relating 
 thereto, and to guard against any risk of his personal safety. 
 Government will take care to provide for his subsistence ; at the 
 same time not to lead him to count upon the receiving further 
 reward, when his evidence can be of no further use, though when 
 
( 213 ) 
 
 that time arrives his claim will not admit of a doubt. Requesting 
 an early answer. 
 
 \3th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO B. MAJOR PALMER, 
 
 RAPHOE, CO. DONEGAL. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 9th instant, acquainting him that it 
 is desu'able, that information should be formally lodged against 
 the person in whose possession the lead was found ; for which 
 purpose, recommending, that the circumstances of suspicion be 
 made known to some active magistrate, upon examination of 
 which, important information may come out. 
 
 lOth Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. K HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Requesting such an answer that he can show to the officer 
 commanding the Carrick corps, with respect to its being placed 
 on permanent pay. Stating a robbery committed in the house 
 of Mr. Riordan, a shopkeeper in the town. Requesting to be 
 informed, if he has it in his power to compel persons to give 
 evidence on oath, touching their knowledge of felonies or misde- 
 meanors. 
 
 ISthFeb. 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 10th instant ; acquainting him 
 in reply to his query, that where informations have been sworn 
 that a felony has been committed, and that there is reason to 
 suppose that any person can give evidence thereto, a magistrate 
 may compel their attendance, and if they refuse to answer, or 
 prevaricate, may commit them to prison. Requesting his opinion 
 as to what extent of protection and encouragement should be 
 given to Pierce Cavanagh. 
 
 Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 LoNERGAN, the opulent farmer who is to be hanged at MulHna- 
 hone, has offered to Mr. Jephson to make discoveries, if his life 
 was spared ; but, after full consideration, he (the Solicitor) and 
 Sergeant Moore are of opinion that there is nothing he can 
 
( 214 ) 
 
 discover sufficient to countervail the necessity of the example to 
 be made of liim, and therefore they gave a peremptory answer 
 to Mr, Jephson, excluchng all hope. However, if his Grace 
 should think otherwise, the execution can be stopped by express. 
 
 13th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Acknowledging his two letters of the 11th and 12th instant, and 
 acquainting him of the Lord Lieutenant's concurrence in the 
 opinion he has conveyed to Mr. Jephson, respecting Lonergan's 
 offer to make useful discoveries; and his approbation of the 
 course taken with those persons, who, from their youth or other 
 favourable circumstances, have been led to expect merciful con- 
 sideration ; also, of the precautions taken for the security of 
 witnesses. The share which the Catholic bishop has had in tran- 
 quilhzing the country demand the best acknowledgments. ' Mr. 
 Langley's claims are under consideration, and Cavanagh the 
 subject of correspondence with Mr. Herbert. 
 
 12^/j Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 THURLES, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 The Cork mail-coach attacked near to the seventy-mile stone and 
 to the turnpike-gate, where it had been stopped not long before. 
 The assailants, without challenging, fired three shots, two of which 
 wounded the dragoons who escorted the mail. Enclosing copies 
 of informations received from the men of the Wexford regiment. 
 
 \2th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR WARBURTON, 
 
 TULLAMORE, KINg'S COUNTY. 
 
 His informant states that there has been a check to the proceed- 
 ings of the disaffected by the death of two of their leaders. A 
 gentleman of the name of O'Brien, resident in or near the square 
 in Limerick, is said to receive information from France, by ships 
 which put into that harbour, and that the ill-disposed wait his 
 instructions. They are led to behove that if the French are suc- 
 cessful in Portugal, they will then come to Ireland. All this has 
 been given on oath. Encloses a deposition of their meetmgs, &c. 
 
 14/A Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR WARBURTON, 
 
 TULLAMORE, KING's COUNTY. 
 
 In reference to his letter of the 12th instant, he is requested to 
 learn the particulars of the persons, whose death he mentions, who 
 
( 215 ) 
 
 had taken a leading part in the proceedings disclosed to him, 
 which, as they have been made to Mr. Drought, a magistrate, the 
 necessary vigilance will be used to obtain information of their 
 meetings, or to find a person to mix with them, in order to dis- 
 cover their objects ; and suggesting his assisting Mr. Drought by 
 means of his informant, which would put his veracity to the test. 
 Enclosing some white-boy acts for any magistrate who may wish 
 for them. 
 
 \SthFeb. 1811.1 
 
 FROM JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONJIEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In consequence of information which he has received (at so very 
 late an hour that he sends this letter by post-office express), he 
 requests his humble recommendation may be laid before the Lord 
 Lieutenant, that his Grace would grant a respite to John Loner- 
 gan, who is to be executed the next day but one. 
 
 15th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 13th instant, to acquaint him that the 
 proposal made by Lonergan had been previously brought under 
 consideration, and that a judge's respite had been sent from Kil- 
 kenny, but no hopes given him of a remission of his sentence ; 
 and as his Grace has been unable to discover any grounds upon 
 which mercy, with propriety, could be extended to him, Mr. 
 Bagwell is requested to lose no time in acquainting him that all 
 interference in his behalf cannot avail. 
 
 I5th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE EARL ANNESLEY, 
 
 CASTLEWILLAN, CO. DOWN. 
 
 It being represented that a man of the name of Woods, near 
 Castlewillan, is forging pikes every night, and also a man of the 
 name of Smith, near Hilltown, his lordship is requested to ascer- 
 tain the truth of the report, and communicate the result of his 
 inquiries. Enclosing a copy of the arms act. 
 
 Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE EARL ANNESLEY, 
 
 CASTLEWILLAN, CO. DOWN. 
 
 In reply to a letter of the 15th instant, stating that he believes 
 there are grounds to credit the report of Woods making pikes, as 
 
( 216 ) 
 
 several of his lordship's tenants have apphed to him to be enrolled 
 as yeomen, for the defence of their lives and properties. Will 
 investigate these matters, and communicate the result. Woods is 
 a tenant of Lord Downshire's, and the magistrates nearest to him 
 are Mr. Ross Rowan and Mr. Newell. There is no person of the 
 name of Smith at Mullamore, but he has a tenant of that name, 
 at Ballydoo, on whom he has placed a watch. 
 
 15th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REY. NICHOLAS HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from Mr. Power, relating to Cavanagh ; 
 tliinks it will be absolutely necessary to remove liim. Some 
 time ago he seemed desirous to enlist. Intends making an exten- 
 sive search for a large quantity of arms, and wishes to know if 
 he may divide his party, and whether peace-officers can act under 
 his warrant, while he is searcliing at a distance. 
 
 mk Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. NICHOLAS HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 15th instant, authorizing him to 
 advance to Cavanagh any sum of money he may think reason- 
 able, and that Cavanagh may be sent to DubUn if he think proper, 
 and if he wishes to go to Bristol his passage will be paid for by 
 government. With respect to the search for arms, Mr. H. is 
 at Uberty to divide his parties as he proposes. 
 
 \3tk Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM PATRICK POAVER, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Detailing the spirited and steady conduct of his servant, Pierce 
 Cavanagh, and recommending liim to the consideration of govern- 
 ment ; and stating that Maurice Quam, who is to be executed on 
 the 23rd instant, has besought him for a longer day, and that his 
 body may be given to his friends. Thinks advantage might be 
 taken of his situation, to induce him to imphcate a number of 
 murderers, robbers, and Caravats, &c. 
 
 18//i Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO PATRICK POWER, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 13th instant. It is unnecessary 
 to enter further on the subject of Cavanagh, wliose case has 
 
( 217 ) 
 
 become the subject of correspondence with the Rev. N. Herbert, 
 who has been directed to settle with him (Mr. Power), the extent 
 and manner in which Cavanagh can be best remunerated for his 
 praiseworthy conduct. With respect to Quam, though he should 
 be discouraged for any hope of royal mercy which cannot bo 
 extended to him, yet there can be no objection to receive any 
 confession or discovery he may make. 
 
 I8th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE EARL OF ORMONDE, 
 
 CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 His lordsliip's letter to the SoUcitor-General, respecting the pro- 
 position of those persons concerned in taking arms and other 
 outrages, has been laid before the Lord Lieutenant ; and his Grace 
 has directed it to be explained to his lordship, that it is impossible 
 to offer pardon, to persons who have so offended, upon terms ; he 
 cannot, therefore, be authorized to enter into any negotiations 
 vnth. those disturbers of the peace. Any person who may deliver 
 himself up, and his arms, may have his individual case considered ; 
 but no engagement can be entered into with those who have so 
 transgressed. 
 
 14th Sj- Uth Feb.} 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD. 
 
 Reporting one or two acts of insubordination, but trusting the 
 example of the execution of the seven men will have a good effect. 
 Is certain that if Mr. Langley, JNIr. Paul, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Usher, 
 Mr. O'Shea, and liimself had the power of promising pardon in 
 the county for what has passed, on condition of a full disclosure 
 of the guilt of individuals, and deUvering back of the arms to the 
 parties who have been robbed, that many would embrace it. The 
 seven unfortunate men were yesterday (16th February) executed, 
 in presence of four thousand spectators. They confessed their 
 guilt, forgave their prosecutors, and called on their former 
 associates to desist. Very few magistrates or country gentlemen 
 attended. 
 
 \9th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD. 
 
 Thanking him for his letters of the 14th and 17th instant. In 
 reply to the suggestion of empowering liim, Mr. Langley, and 
 other gentlemen to promise pardon for past offences, acquainting 
 
( 218 ) 
 
 him that it is impossible the promise of such mercy should pre- 
 cede the acts of submission. The course therefore to be pursued, 
 will be, to encourage those who are willing to desert their vicious 
 jiractices to surrender unconchtionally to the government, in the 
 hope that if their penitence be real, and testified by a full disclo- 
 sure of all they know, and a faithful surrender of their arms, 
 the lenity of government will forbear to proceed against them 
 for past offences, more especially if the subsequent conduct of 
 the country shall afford ground to believe their contrition is 
 sincere. 
 
 Feb. 1811.1 
 
 FROM PETER WALSH, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Communicating the earnest wish of John Kennelly, the prose- 
 cutor of Quinlan, that this man's body may be delivered to his 
 family after execution. That they are people of good character 
 in their rank of life, and that he (Mr. Walsh) will have it pub- 
 lished, and made known that the body was given up at the request 
 of John Kennelly, the prosecutor, which he conceives will have a 
 very good effect. 
 
 \^th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO PETER WALSH, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In consideration of the meritorious conduct of Kennelly, as stated 
 by the Solicitor-General, and that it would be extremely gratify- 
 ing to him (Kennelly) that the family of the prisoner should be 
 permitted to have his body for burial, it is desired that the family 
 of Quinlan may be informed, that in consequence of his interces- 
 sion the body shall be given up to them by the sheriff. That, 
 however, he will be directed to delay the delivery until a late 
 hour in the evening. Notwithstanding the obligation of Kennelly, 
 which his acquiescence in the wishes of Quinlan's friends impose 
 on them, it will be desirable that a guard should for some time be 
 afforded him, and requesting his opinion as to what extent it may 
 be necessary. 
 
 I9th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO VERE HUNT, ESQ. 
 
 CAPPOQUIN. 
 
 The Sohcitor-General and Mr. Serjeant Moore having represented 
 that Mary , who prosecuted to conviction four persons 
 
( 219 ) 
 
 before the special commission, is worthy the protection and atten- 
 tion of government, he is requested to give liis opinion in what 
 way it may be most effectually done to suit her wishes, and to 
 hold out encouragement to others to come forward in the public 
 cause. 
 
 Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM ARCHIBALD JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a copy of a notice which he took down the day before 
 from a tree at a cross road, which had remained all Sunday and 
 several persons looking at it, but none would venture to pull it 
 down. Has just heard of another being posted on the gate of 
 the Rev. Mr. Henson, rector of Rosdi*oit. This business is 
 spreading fast, but he has good hopes it may be put a stop to. 
 
 I6th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Having no doubt of the incUnation of government, to accept of the 
 offer of the unfortunate men, (who were that day to receive their 
 punishment), to enter into the navy on its being remitted, he wrote 
 a letter to the sheriff (of which he encloses a copy) to delay the 
 punishment, at the same time he did not hold out any hope to the 
 men that their punishment would be remitted. Requesting they 
 may be sent off as soon as possible. 
 
 2l0thFeb. 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN BAGWELL, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Approving of the suspension of the punishment of the persons 
 mentioned in his letter of the 16th instant, and apprizing him 
 that orders will immediately be given for transmitting them to 
 Cork to be forthwith sent into the navy. 
 
 Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. NICHOLAS HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Requesting that, if it is possible, a further respite may be granted 
 to Quinlan, and thinks that if his sentence should be commuted 
 to transportation, it would have a very beneficial effect, and cause 
 a great quantity of arms to be delivered up. 
 
( 220 ) 
 
 The inhabitants of that part of the county Tipperary border- 
 ing on Kilkenny, have sent to inform him they would give up 
 their arms if he would promise them protection for the past. 
 This he has done on the terms of the enclosed certificate (provided 
 it should meet the Lord Lieutenant's approbation). 
 
 20tkFeb. 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 His letter relative to the case of John Quinlan, under sentence of 
 death at Kilkenny, has been fully considered ; but there being no 
 circumstance attending it, any way different from those of other 
 persons who have suffered, his sentence cannot be remitted. It is 
 presumed Mr. H. may not be yet aware, that, subsequent to 
 the trial, James Kennelly's house had for some nights been sur- 
 rounded by large parties firing shots, a circumstance which, though 
 not leading to the decision, renders it less painful to reflect the 
 law must take its course. With respect to the offer of pardon to 
 those who shall come in and surrender arms, government cannot 
 hold out such terms ; but such offenders as shall acknowledge their 
 guilt, surrender arms, and give such information as may enable 
 magistrates to take effectual measures for preventing a renewal 
 of disturbances, shall have their case considered with every 
 disposition to mercy. 
 
 2lst Feb. 1811. ;\ 
 
 TO MICHAEL CARROLL, ESQ. 
 
 CCLLAN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 His application, through the Solicitor-General and Serjeant 
 Moore, in behalf of Keatinge, and also of Dunne and Sullivan, 
 has been most anxiously considered, but cannot be complied 
 with. The plea of the weakness of Keating's intellect should 
 have been urged at the time of his trial; and observing that it 
 has not been corroborated by his conduct in confinement. With 
 respect to the equality of punishment of Caravats and Shanavats 
 in the cases of Dunn and SulUvan, it is impossible for government 
 to interfere. 
 
 2\stFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM GEORGE CHAPMAN, ESQ. 
 
 PORTARLINGTON, QUEEN'S COUNTY. 
 
 He and Mr. Bagot have agreed that the person who went to 
 Major Sirr, shall follow his chief informant in order to keep up 
 
( 221 ) 
 
 constant communication. Major Sirr informed the chief he should 
 be rewarded according to the extent and value of his services from 
 £20 to £100. He has not yet received the commission of the 
 peace. 
 
 list Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO GEORGE CHAPMAN, ESQ. 
 
 PORTARLINGTON, QUEEN'S COUNTY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 20th instant (to Mr. Cole), and 
 approving of his conduct relative to the promises of reward that 
 have been made by him. 
 
 12nd Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Wishes to be appointed a magistrate for the counties of Down 
 and Armagh, as several who give him information would not like 
 to go before another to swear to it, lest their names should be 
 divulged. 
 
 23rd Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO E. R. COURTENAY, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Acquainting him, that as the Lord Chancellor has recently 
 refused to add to the magistracy for the counties of Down and 
 Armagh, government feel unwilling to press his lordship to do so, 
 unless they could show some urgent reason, which it is satisfactory 
 to hear does not exist ; and trusting he will procm^e depositions 
 where necessary, although it may be necessary to call for the 
 intervention of a tliird person. 
 
 24</t Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO E. V. FITZGERALD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 In reply to his memorial setting forth his services as a magis- 
 trate, and the losses he sustained in 1808, by his forbearing 
 to prosecute to conviction the persons apprehended under charge 
 of participating in an outrage at Cahiscon; and praying to be 
 granted remuneration. Acquainting him, that although his 
 Grace would be glad of an opportunity of complying with his 
 wish to be employed in some office under his administration, he 
 fears that none such is hkely to present itself. As, however, 
 he had no other evidence but that of an approver against the 
 
( 222 ) 
 
 parties to the robbery at Cahiscon, it is satisfactory to think, 
 no emolument has been lost to him by complying with tho 
 supposed wishes of government. 
 
 2lstFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE EARL OF ORMONDE, 
 
 CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Notwithstanding his being unable to hold out any promise of 
 protection to the persons guilty of taking arms, several have 
 voluntarily surrendered, of which his lordship encloses a hst. He 
 has merely given them a certificate of receipt, but he hopes they 
 will be favourably considered by government. Fourteen stand 
 more have been dehvered to Mr. Lowe. 
 
 Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO THE EARL OF ORMONDE, 
 
 CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter, enclosing a list of arms that had been 
 delivered up to him. There is nothing to add to what has been 
 formerly written to his lordship respecting those persons, except 
 that no advantage will be taken of them, and that their conduct 
 entitles them to the favourable consideration of government, 
 though no compromise can be made with them. 
 
 21st Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM HAWTRY WHITE, ESQ. 
 
 WEXFORD, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a letter, which was put into his hands, and would have 
 communicated it before, but as no notice had been taken of the 
 Catholic meetings in Dubhn, made him careless of doing so ; it 
 being otherwise now, he sends it. 
 
 25th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO HAWTRY WHITE, ESQ. 
 
 WEXFORD, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 21st instant, enclosing 
 a letter wliich had been put into his hands, stating that frequent 
 meetings were held in the county of Wexford. 
 
 2lstFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. GORGES, ESQ. 
 
 DUNSHAUGHLIN, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Enclosing informations relative to the outrages committed on 
 Mr. Ilardman's property, and observing, that he thinks the entire 
 
( 223 ) 
 
 of the party suspected should be arrested. Requesting that 
 Major Sirr may be sent down to examine the persons. Several 
 meetings held at night; and he recommends tliirty men to be 
 stationed in the neighbourhood. 
 
 26th Feb, 1811.] 
 
 TO ME. WM. BRADSHAW, CHIEF CONSTABLE. 
 
 SHEVARDAGH, CO. TIPPERART. 
 
 In consequence of a representation of the magistrates of the 
 county Tipperary, of his improper conduct at the whipping of 
 three men on the 23d instant, it is the Lord Lieutenant's inten- 
 tion to dismiss him ; and it is also for his Grace's consideration, 
 whether the Attorney-General should not be directed to prosecute 
 you for yom' misconduct, unless you shall be able to show cause 
 to the contrary. 
 
 4th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM MR. AVILLIAM BRADSHAW, 
 
 LISNAMROCK, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing a memorial detailing the particular circumstances 
 which occurred at the whipping, and certificate signed by several 
 magistrates, testifying his good conduct upon various occasions 
 since his appointment to the office of chief constable of Shevardagh. 
 
 20th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM OLIVER LATHAM, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE. 
 
 In consequence of tlieT very | improper conduct of WilHam 
 Bradshaw, requesting he may be dismissed from his office of chief 
 constable. 
 
 2Sd Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM ]SL\TTHEW COOKE, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE. 
 
 Making the same complaint against Bradshaw, and recommend- 
 ing a Mr. Baker to be appointed in his place. 
 
 2tirdFeb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR. 
 
 Is sorry that government does not approve of the terms proposed 
 by the deluded disturbers, and fears they will not give up their 
 
( 224 ) 
 
 arms on any other. Has sent Cavanagh five guineas to defray 
 his expenses up to Dubhn. 
 
 ISth Feb. 1811.1 
 
 FROM HENRY BRISCOE, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Requesting to know if government will permit him to receive 
 arms from the people called Caravats, on promise of pardon for 
 what was past, &c. ; and if, on their finding security for future 
 good behaviour, and giving up their arms, he may desist from 
 putting the law in force against them. Requesting to know to 
 what extent he is authorized to search for concealed arms, and 
 how he is to deal with those on whom they are found. 
 
 26th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 TO HENRY BRISCOE, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 13th instant, to acquaint him, that 
 although it is impossible for government to enter into compromise 
 with persons under a charge of felony, or may have been guilty 
 of such, that, nevertheless, if they deliver up their arms, &c., 
 they will entitle themselves to the protection of government 
 against prosecutions, for the taking such as are surrendered, 
 provided the robbery was not attended with cruelty or personal 
 violence. Enclosing a copy of the act for preventing improper 
 persons keeping arms ; in which he will find the answer to his 
 queries on that subject. 
 
 24th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM CONNELL O'DONEL, ESQ. 
 
 NEWPORTPRAT, CO. MAYO. 
 
 Requesting to be informed how far he is entitled, as a magis- 
 trate and yeomanry captain, to search for arms, of which he has 
 got intelligence of a large quantity being in the hands of improper 
 persons. 
 
 26th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY. 
 
 Enclosing the circular letter of Mr. Hay, secretary to the 
 Catholic committee, and stating that the Catholics of that town 
 had all signed the petition previous to this letter being sent. 
 
( 225 ) / 
 
 27th Feb. mil. -\ 
 
 TO A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 26th mstant, enclosing a circular, 
 a printed one, from Mr. Edward Hay, secretary to the Catholic 
 committee, which had been forwarded to Enniscorthy ; and desir- 
 ing he will state whether any of the three persons named therein 
 have been appointed in consequence thereof, and if he knows who 
 they are, and the manner of their appointment. 
 
 25th Feb. 1811.] 
 
 FROM PETER WOLFE, ESQ. 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARK. 
 
 Since his last communication, the person then alluded to has been 
 through the most disaffected parts of the country, which seems 
 daily to discover symptoms of a plot. There is a great quantity 
 of arms in improper hands. Recommends restrictions in the sale 
 of gunpowder. Suspects the canal turf-boats to convey arms 
 from Dubhn. Recommends Mr. William Mills, near Naas, as a 
 trusty and confidential magistrate. 
 
 26th Feb. 1811. J 
 
 FROM MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing papers and information relative to the transaction at 
 Ballyporeen, which Lord Lismore has taken up, and the clergy 
 and inhabitants insist in pursuing the investigation. A Mr. 
 Sutton, from the county Wexford (who was very hostile to Lord 
 Ely's interest in that county), takes a very active part in the 
 inquiry. Has committed two strangers to Clonmel gaol, under 
 suspicious circumstances, which he details. 
 
 26th Feb. 18U.-] 
 
 FROM H. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 I THURLES, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 He has received assurances from somo leaders of the Caravats, 
 that they will return to their allegiance and surrender their arms, 
 if they are insured the pardon and protection of government. 
 Requests to know how he shall act. Enclosing a notice he that 
 moment received, threatening him, in consequence of his putting 
 the law in force against some of his tenants, who burned the 
 ground. 
 
( 226 ) 
 
 '2&thFeb. 1811.] 
 
 TO H. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 THURLES, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acquainting liim, in reply to his letter of the 26th instant, that 
 government can come to no terms of compromise with persons 
 who have been guilty of offences against the law. To the pro- 
 posals alluded to, he will give that answer. Understanding, 
 however, that where arms are surrendered, the government will 
 not be disposed to institute any prosecution against the persons 
 giving them up, provided the taking of them had not been ac- 
 companied with any act of cruelty. 
 
 MARCH, 1811. 
 
 Ut March, 1811.] 
 
 TO WILLIAM DESPARD, ESQ. 
 
 CULLAN, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 26th ultimo, and 
 acquainting him that his son has been recommended by his Grace, 
 to the Chancellor, for the commission of the peace for IGllcenny 
 and Tipperary, wliich will be sent down to him as soon as made 
 out. 
 
 'ind March, 1811.] 
 
 TO ROBERT GRUBB, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 28th ultimo, and 
 acquainting him that his suggestion as to the whippings being 
 carried into execution in Clonmel, wiU be submitted to the 
 Judjres. 
 
 *&" 
 
 2nd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 ANNESTOWN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 1st instant, reporting the attempt 
 made to get possession of the guns and arms of a vessel wrecked 
 near Annestown, which his prudent precautions prevented. To 
 acquaint him of liis Grace's thanks for this service, and to request 
 that he will endeavour to discover the persons engaged in the 
 attempt. Returning the threatening notice, and suggesting that 
 as the fears of Pat Mullowney appear to offer him as a willing 
 instrument of discovery, he may be employed in publishing the 
 reward for private information. If Flavin can remain in the 
 country, there will be no objection to bestow the gratuity on him; 
 
( 227 ) 
 
 nor if Connor is fit for the situation, to appoint him. Requesting 
 his answer on the two last points. 
 
 2nd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO B. MAJOR SANKEY, 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his report of the 1st instant, and to acquaint him 
 he is at hberty to promise such reward as he may think reason- 
 able to the soldier of the South Mayo regiment, upon his giving 
 the intelhgence of which he is supposed to be in possession. 
 
 2nd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO GEORGE SLATOR, ESQ. 
 
 TULLAMORE, KING's COUXTY. 
 
 Thanking liim for his communication of the 1st instant, and 
 requesting the hst of arms he mentions. With respect to the 
 pubhcations in question, Mr. Cox is already in prison for one libel 
 in the Irish Magazine, and has to abide the judgment of the 
 King's Bench, in next term, for another ; and it is hoped those 
 measures will put an end to such mischievous productions. If, 
 however, the persons to whom he alludes should again give circu- 
 lation to the magazine of February last, it will be highly proper 
 to desire some person to purchase it, and, without giving any 
 intimation of the intention, to mark it, so as that its identity may 
 be ascertained by him, if it shall be found necessary to produce 
 it, in evidence, on a prosecution for the publication. 
 
 2nd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO R. J. ENRAGHT MOONEY, ESQ. 
 
 MONTE GLENARRT, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 28th ultimo, reporting an out- 
 rage committed on the property of Mr. Fitzgerald, vicar of the 
 Seven Churches, and suggesting that in addition to the measures 
 he has taken for securing him compensation for the injury, it will 
 be desirable to try the eifect of offering rewards for the discovery 
 and conviction of the parties to the crime, and holding out small 
 gratuities for private information. Those rewards to be made out 
 in his own name, and will be reimbursed him. 
 
 2nd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO G. ATKINSON, ESQ. 
 
 NEWRY, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 28th ultimo, and to acquaint 
 him, that he is authorised to oifer rewards, as may be reasonable, 
 for the discovery of the authors of the threatening notices. 
 
( 228 ) 
 
 Is* March, 1811.1 
 
 FROM C. M. SKINNER, ESQ. 
 
 BELFAST, CO. ANTRIM. 
 
 Having for a long time had information of illegal meetings in 
 that part of the country, hopes to he at last able to detect some of 
 those concerned. Mentioning the names of the several persons 
 he has reason to suspect, and proposing to employ a person, on 
 whom he can depend, to find out their secrets. 
 
 3rd March, 1811.] 
 
 TO C. M. SKINNER, ESQ. 
 
 BELFAST, CO. ANTRIM. 
 
 His letter to the Chief Secretary has been communicated to the 
 Lord Lieutenant ; and expressing his Grace's thanks for the atten- 
 tion he has shown to the important inquiries entrusted to him by 
 General Mitchell, and his approbation of the steps taken to render 
 the young man he mentions instrumental to the discovery so 
 important to obtain; and that he has the sanction of the govern- 
 ment for the payment he has promised, and for any other expen- 
 diture, &c. A vigilant eye will be kept on the persons he men- 
 tioned, for ascertaining the cause of theu' meetings. He will be 
 so good as to give a more particular description of names and 
 abodes. 
 
 1st March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM W. IZOD, ESQ. 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Detailing the particulars of the execution, and that soon after 
 the body of Quinlan was dehvered to his friends, previous to 
 which he (Mr. Izod), stated to them as strongly as possible that 
 they would not have got the body but at the particular request 
 of the prosecutor. A good number of the common people were 
 assembled, but not the least appearance of any disposition to riot. 
 
 4th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO HENRY BRISCOE, ESQ. 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to liis letter of the 2nd instant, acquainting him, that 
 although the certificate of the magistrates can of itself avail 
 nothing, nor has any authority been given for the issuing of them, 
 still, wherever an unequivocal proof of submission has been mani- 
 fested by the surrender of arms, there would be a disinchnation 
 on the part of government to proceed against an oifender on 
 
( 229 ) 
 
 account of taking such arms, unless his crime had been accom- 
 panied with circumstances of cruelty or pecuhar outrage. If, 
 therefore, any person surrendering arms, is charged with any other 
 offence, it will be for the discretion of the magistrate to decide 
 on the prudence of calling him to account for other offences, not 
 of a heinous complexion, or are not unavoidably pressed upon liis 
 notice. Where there is no crime charged against an individual, 
 nor any specific provision of the law which justifies the calling 
 upon him to find security for his behaviour, &c., general cha- 
 racter or report of his concern in breaches of the peace will not 
 warrant that measure. 
 
 3rd March, 1811. J 
 
 FROM THOMAS J. RAWSOX, ESQ. 
 
 TRIM, CO. MEATH. 
 
 His pro-collector, Mr. Allen, went into a house to warm himself; 
 Father Swords, the parish priest, was very drunk, called him 
 informer, &c. ; made a fiddler play rebel tunes, &c. Several 
 farmers have been robbed of sacks and winnowing sheets (but no 
 corn), supposed for tents. The ganger at Kinnegad was lately 
 abused, and his seizure rescued. 
 
 4th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO THOMAS J. RAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 TRIM, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 3rd instant, and expressing his 
 Grace's thanks for the communication. 
 
 Srd March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY. 
 
 As soon as he can ascertain who the additional members of the 
 committee are, besides those mentioned in Mr. Hay's circular 
 letter, he will immediately communicate. 
 
 5th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY. 
 
 Requesting he will privately endeavour to procure the printed 
 letters adverted to in his letter of the 26th ultimo, and transmit 
 them, provided he can ascertain the day of their receipt, (as in 
 that case only is the possession of them desirable,) and if he 
 
( 230 ) 
 
 can ascertain the persons, by name and description, to whom they 
 were addressed, it will make the communication more valuable. 
 Enclosing an extract from an anonymous letter from Wexford, 
 reflecting on the conduct of Mr. Jacob. 
 
 6th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL, 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Requesting he will inform Dr. Power, R. C. Bishop of Waterford, 
 that however anxious his Grace may feel to accede to any re- 
 commendation for the estabhshment of that order and tranquillity 
 towards which Dr. Power's exertions have been so laudably con- 
 tributed, he considers it impolitic, and also inconsistent with the 
 sentiments avowed by government to similar propositions, to listen 
 to any intercession on behalf of offenders, until they have given 
 proof of their submission. He may, however, assure Dr. Power, 
 that when arms have been surrendered, he is at liberty to offer his 
 assurance that government will be disinclined to take proceedings 
 against any individuals making the surrender, who had not been 
 guilty of any pecuhar atrocity, and whose subsequent deportment 
 justifies the presumption that his submission was sincere. 
 
 Ath March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Recommending that John Browne and the Whelans, who are 
 under sentence for execution, the 9th of March, may be still 
 held over as hostages for the peace of the country. 
 
 e,th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 4th instant, informing him that a 
 respite until Tuesday, the 9th of April, has been granted for 
 Browne and the Whelans, as also for Dower, and that the 
 extension of that respite may be expected, if the country remains 
 tranquil. 
 
 1th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD WILLCOCKS, 
 
 CLONMEL. 
 
 Stating that in consequence of private information, he has been 
 successful in getting some fire-arms. Will lose no tune in 
 
( 231 ) 
 
 executing the commands respecting Mr. Barron's communication ; 
 from tlie similitude of hand -writing, he finds that Mr. Barron 
 ■was the writer of the anonymous letter, (addressed to Sir C. 
 Saxton) from Dungarvan. 
 
 8/^ March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN OGLE, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. AKMAGH. 
 
 Stating that he has lodged examinations against Patrick M'Kew ; 
 and Corporal Tipping has done the same, which he now encloses. 
 Reporting a numerous meeting of United Irishmen that is to 
 take place that night at Keady, where three committees of them 
 are to assemble, and that he will have a confidential person there 
 to watch them. Will attend Monaghan assizes, and do all in his 
 power to make an example of M'Kew. 
 
 9th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN OGLE, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 8th instant, with its enclosures ; 
 and observing that from the information wliich Tipping appears 
 to have given, it is scarcely possible to collect how far he is 
 entitled to credit ; however, if upon examination of him, he 
 (Mr. Ogle) has been satisfied of his speaking the truth, and that 
 illegal oaths have been tendered by M'Kew, he may be properly 
 committed. Will be glad to receive sworn information of the 
 other facts mentioned in his letter. 
 
 nth March, 1811.] 
 
 TO. W. G. PAUL, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from Serjeant Moore, by wliich he will find 
 that no specific charge has been made against Berry ; he is, 
 however, very properly committed as a stranger, and as that is 
 the case, it may be advisable to treat him under the act of the 
 
 50th G. ni. c. 102., s. 7. rather than as a vagrant. is 
 
 detained for want of securities, and it is possible if Mr. Paul 
 furnishes a description of him, it may lead to some further 
 discovery respecting him. 
 
( 232 ) 
 
 \Qth March. 1811.] 
 
 FROM JAMES DAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 DUNDALK, CO. LOUTH. 
 
 Since Colonel Ogle's letter, M'Kew has been committed to 
 Monaghan gaol. As he is not one of the council retained by the 
 Crown Solicitor, he begs leave to dechne attending the Monaghan 
 assizes. 
 
 Wth March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN OGLE, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 In regard to the observation on Corporal Tipping's information, 
 he refers to the copy of his and Joseph Fearon's, and in respect 
 to M'Kew, requesting the late Mr. Secretary Trail's letter of the 
 21st of March, 1808, may be consulted : — as Mr. Dawson was his 
 neighbour, and could consult with him with more confidence, he 
 could have wished him to be employed. The meeting of United 
 Irishmen at Keady fair was numerous, and three or four persons 
 were sworn. 
 
 I2th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO JOHN OGLE, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 11th instant, to inform him that the 
 several documents to which he refers, have been borne in mind, 
 and it still seems that the reliance to be placed on the charges 
 against M'Kew must depend on the manner in which the evidence 
 is given, of which he is the only judge in this stage of the 
 proceedings. Mr. Dawson has been written to in consequence of 
 a letter from him. 
 
 nth March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM PETER WOLFE, ESQ. 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Reporting that a number of persons armed, were seen assembled 
 in the demesne of Dangan, and that the son of Mr. O'Connor 
 was there dressed in green. 
 
 I3th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO PETER WOLFE, ESQ. 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 11th instant. 
 
( 233 ) 
 
 I5th March, 181 l.i 
 
 FROM REV. JOHN WHITTY, 
 
 BALTINGLASS, CO. WICKLOW. 
 
 Enclosing informations, wliich are the grounds that he has for 
 supposing the state of the country alarming. Has no doubt but 
 that the person named in Dunn's affidavit, was a messenger from 
 the Dubhn Cathohc Committee. The peasantry all armed, and 
 believes that some time ago, a general flame was ready to burst. 
 
 16th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. JOHN WHITTY, 
 
 BALTINGLASS, CO. WICKLOW. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of 15th instant, with the depositions 
 of Jeremiah Kinshela and Denis Dunn, and observing that it 
 would be very satisfactory to ascertain whether the strangers 
 mentioned in the affidavits, were known to have held the same 
 language, or had any intercourse Avith others of the neighbour- 
 hood, besides the informants. 
 
 I7th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO WELDON JORDAN, ESQ. 
 
 CASHEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 As it is apprehended he must have mistaken Mr. Serjeant Moore's 
 conversation respecting the surrender of arms, no time is lost in 
 acquainting him that the government cannot consent to enter into 
 any compromise with, or sanction the otter of pardon to, criminals, 
 in the manner which his notice imports. That to entitle them- 
 selves to mercy, oft'enders must have shown an unconditional sub- 
 mission. Of this, the surrender of arms, and the acknowledgment 
 of their offences, would be considered as one of the weightiest 
 proofs, and should their crimes not have extended to murder, 
 burning, or acts of cruelty, government will feel little disposed to 
 visit their past offences on them ; and, subject to those restrictions, 
 he is authorized to use his influence in encouraging the surrender 
 of arms. 
 
 nth March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM REV. GEORGE LAMBERT, 
 
 ARDEE, CO. LOCTH. 
 
 He is endeavouring by private means to find out the persons who 
 might be employed to post the papers. Nothing of this sort has 
 occurred in Louth ; but there are some whispers about something 
 at Carrickmacross, the truth of which he will find out. 
 
( 234 ) 
 
 I6th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO REV. GEORGE LAMBERT, 
 
 ARDEE, CO. LOUTH. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 17th instant. 
 
 nth March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from Dr. Power, Roman CathoUc Bishop, 
 who is to meet him and Mr. Langley at Dunhill Chapel, for the 
 purpose of addressing the congregation. The recurrence of dis- 
 turbance is not owing to any relaxation on the part of the magis- 
 trates. A crowd of men and women have just come from one 
 townland in consequence of a notice served on them ; proposing 
 to place a corporal's guard for their protection. Does not think 
 the execution of the four men now under sentence of death, will 
 have any effect. 
 
 19th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 17th instant, respecting the recurrence 
 of outrage, to express his Grace's approbation of the exertions, in 
 conjunction with Mr. Langley, he has made for the preservation 
 of the public peace, and hopes that, with the assistance of the 
 Roman Catholic Bishop of Waterford, they will be able to check 
 the licentious spirit that continues to manifest itself. The pre- 
 caution of stationing the military party at appears to have 
 
 been called for, by the circumstances he has reported, and it is 
 hoped its presence will excite the well disposed to give every 
 assistance to the magistracy. 
 
 \8lh March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM GITSTAVUS ROCHFORT, ESQ. 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Enclosing a list from some of the persons who received letters 
 from Secretary Hay, put into the post-office by a Serjeant in 
 Mulhngar, to whom they came. The letter returned to Mr. 
 Fitzgerald, of which he gave intimation, may possibly discover 
 what they are about. Giving an opinion of several persons 
 whom he has reason to suspect. From all he can collect, their 
 system is well arranged, and he is satisfied the statement made 
 by Cane, the Mayo soldier, was the fact. There are a number of 
 arms in improper hands, and does not know whether he shall 
 proceed to take them or not. 
 
( 235 ) 
 
 \9thMa>ch, 1811.] 
 
 TO GUSTAVUS ROCHFORT, ESQ. 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letters of the 17th and 18th instant, acquaint- 
 ing him that the fate of the letter which he pointed out has not 
 been ascertained ; he will of course keep an attentive eye upon 
 Rose. The meetings which appear to him to be still held in 
 conformity with what was disclosed by the South Mayo private, 
 will, of course, be strictly watched. It would not be advisable to 
 make a general search and seizure of arms, unless a special 
 notice of such intention, had been communicated by a previous 
 warning, that it would be resorted to against all who did not 
 register at the approacliing sessions. The propriety of this 
 measure will, however, depend on the state of the country, as the 
 magistrates can, in individual cases, deprive improper persons of 
 their arms. 
 
 19M March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM J. POLLOCK, ESQ. 
 
 NAVAN, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Three notices, similar to the one he encloses, having been put on 
 three chapels, he has taken measures to get at the authors. En- 
 closing a letter from Mr. Blackburne. 
 
 I9th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM OLIVER LATHAM, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Has offered rewards for the apprehension of some offenders, and 
 for private information, in consequence of which he has been able 
 to apprehend Denis Shea. Requesting twenty guineas to be sent 
 him, for what he has expended. Wishes to know if he would be 
 justified in taking up prosecutors, to keep them in a place of 
 safety. 
 
 2lst March, 1811.] 
 
 TO MR. SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a letter, which places the conduct of the Roman 
 CathoUc Bishop of Waterford in so favourable a point of view, 
 and to desire that, if an opportunity offers, he would apprise Dr. 
 Power of the sense that is entertained of his disposition to assist 
 the government, and of the readiness which the Lord Lieutenant 
 feels to manifest it, by attending to any wish of Dr. Power that ifc 
 is in his Grace's power to comply with. There were sent in great 
 haste, by the last post, some papers relating to a transaction in 
 
( 236 ) 
 
 which Lord Llandaff dues not appear to have acted as discreetly 
 as he ought. It will be very desirable that government should 
 have the result of his (Serjeant Moore's) investigation of the 
 matter, before any opinion on his lordship's conduct is pro- 
 nounced. 
 
 ^th March. 1811.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCOKTHY. 
 
 Has just been informed, that a man of the appearance of a sailor, 
 passed through the country on Tuesday along the sea coast, and 
 told the people to be on the look out every night, as there were 
 arms from France to be landed in the neighbourhood of Black- 
 water, and several other places mentioned, and that there is no 
 doubt of a French invasion this summer ; that the arms are 
 packed up in chests, with ten stand each. Has sent a person to 
 inquire through the country the sailor passed through, and he is 
 to bring the names of all the persons whose houses the stranger 
 stopped at. The people of the town and neighbourhood seem in 
 dead silence. 
 
 2lst March, 1811.] 
 
 TO A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY. 
 
 His letter of the 20th instant has been received, and he is re- 
 quested to use every effort to ascertain at what time and through 
 what houses the sailor in question passed, and also with whom he 
 conversed upon the subject, and more especially to endeavour to 
 trace his steps, and in case of coming up with him to apprehend 
 and commit him under the 50th Geo. HI., c. 102, s. 7, provided he 
 answers the description he has received respecting him ; at all 
 events, to apprehend and oblige him to find security. Request- 
 ing early information on this subject, and acquainting him that 
 any expense he may incur in executing those instructions will be 
 repaid. 
 
 \8th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM J. r. POE, ESQ. 
 
 CULLEN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing informations of Walter Cumin, who, he had reason to 
 suppose, could give him useful information, but was not aware of 
 his being so deeply concerned, until he saw his informations. By 
 the advice of Lord Desart and Serjeant Moore, he proceeded to 
 apprehend all whom Cumin had sworn against, and only found 
 
( 237 ) 
 
 one at home, John Ryan. Cumin absconded, but he had him 
 apprehended, as being concerned in felony ; but he will not now 
 prosecute, depending on some protection he and some others 
 have got from Lord Ormonde. Ryan and Keefe are both in 
 Kilkenny gaol; wishes to know how he shall act at the next 
 assizes. 
 
 2\st March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN POLLOCK, ESQ. 
 
 NAVAN, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Stating the measures that he has adopted for discovery of the 
 persons concerned in posting threatening notices ; and requesting 
 twenty guineas may be sent him, for the purposes he details in his 
 letter. 
 
 22nd March, 1811]. 
 
 TO JOHN POLLOCK, ESQ. 
 
 NAVAN, CO. MEATH. 
 
 •Enclosing twenty guineas to be disbursed as proposed in his 
 letter of 21st instant. 
 
 24th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 He has communicated to Doctor Power, the sense his Grace enter- 
 tains of his conduct, who seemed deeply sensible of the honour 
 done him ; thinks there is every appearance of the insurgents 
 being shortly subdued, or reclaimed, as a number of magistrates, 
 priests, and private gentlemen have taken upon them to receive 
 arms. He fears, in some instances, it may be injurious to the 
 public interest and the orders of government. He has read to 
 Doctor Power the precise terms on wliich government Avill receive 
 the surrender, &c. ; mentions one or two outrages, as to guns 
 being taken from a man shooting crows, &c., and detailing the 
 particulars of the convictions at the assizes. 
 
 24th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 The person whom he has employed, reports, that the sailor made 
 no delay ; stopped only for a short time at the house of William 
 Masterson, of Ballygarret, and Martha Cullen, of Ballyvalden ; 
 said he was going to Waterford, and from thence to the West of 
 Ireland, where, he said, the most of the arms were to be landed : 
 the vessel is not to put into port, but anchor off particular places. 
 
( 238 ) 
 
 Has a trust J person in the service of a farmer on the coast, to 
 whom the first intelhgence will come. Any plan that may be 
 suggested for the better discovery of the business, shall be punc- 
 tually executed. 
 
 24th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM COLONEL OGLE, 
 
 FOEKHILL, CO. ARMAGH, 
 
 Enclosing the examinations against Pat. M'Kew and Kelly, 
 who were convicted at Monaghan assizes. Since M'Kew's con- 
 viction, a man of his late neighbourhood has claimed protection 
 from Mr. Quin, acknowledging he had taken the United Irish- 
 man's oath. If government think fit to give any encouragement 
 to that effect, many hundreds would come in. Recommends that 
 Corporal Tipping should be discharged. 
 
 26th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO COLONEL OGLE, 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH, 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of 24th instant, and expressing his 
 Grace's thanks for his zeal and perseverance in the conviction of 
 M'Kew and Kelly. The proposal respecting Tipping should not 
 be carried into execution, until it is clear that no further discovery, 
 and consequent prosecution can grow out of M'Kew's conviction. 
 He is right in the presumption that no protection of a magistrate 
 can supersede the law, and that persons now coming forward to 
 acknowledge their concern in what appears a long concocted 
 conspiracy, cannot expect much consideration, unless they put 
 government in possession of the plans, parties, and principals of 
 the conspiracy. To this effect, he should lose no time in com- 
 municating with Mr. Irvin, and satisfying liim of the extent of 
 the interference he has permission to promise ; taking care that 
 he understands that the government, after all, reserves to itself 
 the right of judging in each individual case. He will, of course, 
 take care of Tipping's personal safety, and inform him what sub- 
 sistence will be requisite for him. An order will go this post for 
 the removal of M'Kew to Dublin. 
 
 25th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO, WATERFORD. 
 
 The assizes have terminated ; four, for the murder of Collins, found 
 guilty and executed ; and two, for the murder of Ryans. Magrath 
 still under his wounds. Recommends that one hundred and fifty 
 guineas be given to Flavin, to build a slated house. 
 
( 239 ) 
 
 25th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM CAPTAIN HALL, 
 
 THURLES, CO. TIPPERAKY. 
 
 Requesting the riot and Avhite-boy acts to be sent to him. In 
 consequence of the town having illuminated, for General Matthew 
 passing tlu'ough it the day before, it became a scene of riot and 
 tumult ; and he (Captain Hall) was obliged to take most prompt 
 and decisive measures for the dispersion of the mob. 
 
 25th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. M. PURCELL. 
 
 CHARLEVILLE, CO. CORK. 
 
 Several gentlemen have thought it prudent to enter into sub- 
 scriptions, to create a fund for rewarding such as may be able to 
 apprehend, or give private information leading to the discovery 
 of, offenders ; recommending Liscarroll and Kanturk as proper 
 places for a mihtary station ; requesting to be advised in what 
 manner he shall apply for rewards to be paid by government. 
 
 28th March, 1811.] 
 
 TO THE REV. M. PURCELL. 
 
 CHARLEVILLE, CO. CORK. 
 
 With respect to rewards, the magistrates will have the sanction 
 of government, for the offer of such reasonable rewards as they 
 may think the circumstances of the case demand, for discovery 
 and conviction ; and any sums they may be called upon to dis- 
 burse on that account will be repaid on apphcation. If it should 
 be thought necessary for government to advance rewards for 
 those who have or may assist in the apprehension of the ruffians, 
 it will, of course, become the subject of distinct apphcation. 
 
 27th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN OGLE, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 M'Kew has sent him word he vrill make discoveries ; thinks it 
 will be advisable for liim to see liim in Dubhn ; has written to 
 Mr. Quin as to the extent of protection he has permission to 
 promise ; recommending soldiers to be stationed at Keady. In 
 regard to Corporal Tipping, it might be of advantage to place 
 him in a confidential situation ; and being unknown in Dublin, he 
 could mix with the disaffected. 
 
( 240 ) 
 
 29th March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM J. G. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 James Farrell was, yesterday, found guilty, on the evidence of 
 Catherine Delaney and Mary Crehan, who gave the fullest and 
 fairest testimony, for which the grand jury have presented fifty 
 pounds for each ; submitting the expediency of government giving 
 a greater reward to those two women, than what the law permits 
 the grand jury to do. He has only had three pistols and two 
 guns surrendered to him, and those from persons against whom 
 riots and assaults have been sworn. Does not perceive the 
 smallest disposition in the people to surrender arms. 
 
 APRIL, 1811. 
 
 Ut April, 1811.] 
 
 TO J. G. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the conviction of Farrell, 
 and of the failure of the prosecution against Dwyer. AVith re- 
 spect to the further remuneration of C. Delaney and Mary 
 Crehan, to each of whom the grand jury have presented fifty 
 pounds, suggesting, that at the time these sums become payable, 
 if they shall be found insufficient to maintain these women, it will 
 be full time to consider of the further demand their services may 
 claim. For the present, no time should be lost in procuring a 
 secure residence for them, and making such provision for their 
 immediate support, as may be suitable to their condition in life ; 
 keeping in view the further aid they will receive from the pre- 
 sentments, and the disposition of government to protect them. 
 Those who have dehvered the few arms to him, do not come within 
 the condition contained in letter of 28th ultimo. The circum- 
 stance will, in each case, have what weight it ought in the measure 
 of punishment which shall hereafter be inflicted, in case the pro- 
 secutions should be proceeded in. 
 
 3\st March, 1811.] 
 
 FROM SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Stating the various circumstances which took place at the 
 assizes, and enclosing a hst of the several persons tried, their 
 sentences, &c. ; and stating that every observation he has made, 
 
( 241 ) 
 
 inclines him to form an opinion, that some amendment has already 
 taken place in the dispositions and conduct of the people of that 
 turbulent county. Upon the subject of surrendering of arms, has 
 taken and will take every pains, to make the explanations govern- 
 ment desires to be generally known. 
 
 2nd April, 1811.] 
 
 TO SERJEANT MOORE, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 The effective proceedings against offenders at Clonmel has af- 
 forded great satisfaction. The flattering symptoms that have 
 begun to manifest themselves, it is hoped, will be promoted ; and 
 if the magistrates will be unanimous, vigilant, and active to 
 preserve the peace which has been restored, more lasting tran- 
 quillity will be the result. With respect to the conditions for the 
 sm'render of arms, nothing more can be added, except that it is 
 to be feared he will find as much difficulty in removing mistaken 
 notions — as to the extent of their authority, that has the sanction 
 of government — in Kilkenny, as he had elsewhere, especially 
 between the two lords, who have a different feehng on the sub- 
 ject. It is well the Wexford regiment case has undergone a legal 
 investigation, as it will quiet the clamour, and assist the govern- 
 ment in its decision, on the merits of the representation made to 
 it, in behalf of the mihtary party. 
 
 2nd April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM R. J. ENRAGHT MOONEY, ESQ. 
 
 GLENAVY, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Stating that he has only been able to take up six stand of arms, 
 and that there are one hundred and sixty stand in the neighbour- 
 hood of Ballycumber and Seven Churches in the hands of 
 the very worst description of people. Enclosing informations of 
 Mr. Shevington ; but, from his character, he does not know how 
 far they should be credited. Thinks Major Warburton may be 
 able to give the real character of the parties. Reports the minds 
 of the people to be much disturbed, and that they wish for aid 
 from France. Some sheep, the property of M. A. Johnston, have 
 been houghed. Requests a warrant to search for arms. 
 
 3rd April. — Since writing the above, has had a conversation 
 with other magistrates, who all agree that some measures should 
 speedily be taken, in taking the arms from those who hold them 
 contrary to law. 
 
( 242 ) 
 
 ith April, 181 i.-] 
 
 TO H. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 THURLBS, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 2nd instant, to acquaint him, that as 
 Daniel Kearney, whose petition he transmitted, seems to be en- 
 titled to protection, he is desired to state in what manner he can 
 best be taken care of — whether by some suitable situation, if he 
 is quahfied, or by removing him to a place of security. In the 
 meantime, to request that he will furnish him with whatever may 
 be necessary for his subsistence, wliich will be repaid him, as also 
 any further sum he may advance, for his more permanent 
 provision. 
 
 Ath April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM R. LONGFIELD CONNOR, ESQ. 
 
 BANDON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Having come to the assizes, a tenant on liis brother's estate 
 brought him two notices, of which he encloses copies, which had 
 been posted on his house in the night ; has got a number of the 
 neio'hbouring gentry to join in large rewards for the discovery of 
 the persons concerned in posting such notices. 
 
 6th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO OLIVER LATHAM, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 4th instant, to desire he will consult 
 with the magistrates and gentlemen of his neighbourhood, as to 
 the amount of remuneration which Dignam ought to have, and 
 acquaint government with the result. In the meantime, he will 
 afford protection and subsistence to him, which will be reimbursed 
 on his furnishing the particulars. Approving of the offer of 
 rewards as he proposes. The Lord Lieutenant has no ground 
 for remitting the capital part of Langley's sentence. 
 
 eth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENAULE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 To desire he will state what he thinks ought to be the provision 
 of C. Delaney and Mary Crehan, taking into consideration that 
 they have been disappointed of rehef by grand jury present- 
 ment ; in the meantime to request he will subsist them in some 
 place of safety, and render account of the expenses he has 
 incurred. 
 
( 243 ) 
 
 Atk April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM V. D. HUNT, ESQ. 
 
 CAPPAWHITE, CO. TIPPERABY. 
 
 Requesting £30 to be sent him for the use of Mary Crehan. 
 
 1th April 1811.] 
 
 FROM WILLIAM BAKER, ESQ. 
 
 TIPPERARY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Stating that Michael Ryan, a notorious and desperate fellow, 
 has been apprehended, and that he is indebted to the early intel- 
 hgence and principal assistance, afforded him and liis servants by 
 Benjamin andDarbyHickey,whom he recommends to his Grace's 
 attention; at the same time observing that a reward of £100 had 
 been offered for taking this man, but such rewards are not aliuays 
 paid — never quickly. 
 
 lOth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO WILLIAM BAKER, ESQ. 
 
 TIPPERARY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 To desire he will state by whom, and in what terms, the reward 
 of £100, mentioned in his letter, has been offered for the appre- 
 hension of Michael Ryan, and if it shall appear that the person 
 he recommends, cannot in any event receive the benefit of it, 
 the Lord Lieutenant will take into immediate consideration the 
 recommendation he has made, and to which, it is liis Grace's wish, 
 he should add the amount which he thinks it right they should 
 receive ; if, on the contrary, they are entitled to the reward, or 
 any part of it, it is necessary there should be an exphcit under- 
 standing of their prospects, previous to any decision of their 
 claims to remuneration. 
 
 7th April, 18\ I.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD CREAGHE, ESQ. 
 
 GOLDEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Michael Gready, who is charged with appearing in arms and 
 several offences, has offered to get in the arms of his party, if 
 Mr. Creaghe will apply for his pardon. Sohciting a pardon for 
 Timothy Dwyer, who was tried at the last commission for posting 
 a notice ; representing him to be an icUot, and that he has a large 
 family. 
 
( 244 ) 
 
 \Oth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD CREAGHE, ESQ. 
 
 GOLDEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acquainting him that it is impossible to take Gready's case into 
 consideration until he has submitted to justice, and therefore 
 every exertion should be made for his apprehension. The pro- 
 posal as to Ryan cannot be admitted, as government cannot con- 
 sider the claim of an offender on any terms but unconditional 
 surrender. A reference will be made to Lord Norbury 
 respecting Dwyer, but his lordship seems to doubt his plea of 
 idiotcy. 
 
 7th April, \8U.} 
 
 FROM CAPTAIN MATTHEWSON, 
 
 GLEN ARM, CO. ANTRIM. 
 
 The circumstances stated in Daniel M'Clarty's information have 
 not yet come to his knowledge, but from common report, there 
 have been unlawful meetings frequently held in the district 
 M'Clarty lives in, since the month of October, and guns fired 
 every second or third night, as if to collect the disaffected at their 
 places of rendezvous. Knows George Arsbill personally, and if 
 authorized, will soon commit him to Carrickfergus gaol. Knows 
 very httle of M'Clarty, — in case he can collect any useful in- 
 formation will shortly communicate it. 
 
 \Oth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO CAPTAIN MATTHEWSON, 
 
 GLENARM, CO. ANTRIM. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 7th instant, observing, that as it 
 appears by the reports he has received, and the concurrent 
 testimony of two of his yeomen, that there may be a foundation 
 for M'Clarty's statement, no time should be lost in ascertaining 
 the truth of what he has advanced ; for this purpose, it seems 
 desirable, that, omitting for the present to take any steps against 
 Arsbill, and continuing to maintain the strictest secrecy, he should 
 endeavour to prevail with some trusty person to give his apparent 
 consent and co-operation to their projects, until the objects of the 
 meeting, &c., are developed, — any expense he shall incur will be 
 repaid, and requesting to hear from time to time any particulars 
 he may learn. 
 
( 245 ) 
 
 9th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM OLIVER LATHAM, ESQ. 
 
 KILLENACLE, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Stating that he had communicated with the different magistrates 
 and gentlemen, who all concur in thinking that £50 is the lowest 
 sum Pat. Dignam should be paid for his loyalty. 
 
 9th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM MICHAEL KEANE, ESQ. 
 
 CAPPOQUIN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In consequence of private information, that Bryan was concealed 
 near Killeagh, he despatched Wilham Fitzmaurice to that place, 
 and who, at the hazard of his life, brought Bryan a prisoner, and 
 he is now in Waterford gaol ; in consequence of which, and his 
 other services, he commends him to the consideration of his Grace. 
 Enclosing the confession which John Bryan made to him, at the 
 same time he held out no inducement whatsoever to him to make 
 any discovery. 
 
 Uth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO MICHAEL KEANE, ESQ, 
 
 CAPPOQUIN, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 9tli instant, regarding his 
 opinion as to the extent of remuneration Mr. Fitzmaurice is 
 entitled to ; approving of his conduct towards Bryan ; the advan- 
 tage to be taken of his disposition to disclose, must depend upon 
 the use that might be made of his testimony, as well as the 
 prospect of bringing him to punishment ; his crime is of such a 
 natui'e, that if the evidence is clear against him, his prosecution 
 cannot be avoided; if, however, his conviction is uncertain, 
 endeavours should be made, to ascertain if those who have suffered 
 can identify the offenders ; no hope of favour to be held to 
 Bryan. Requesting to know the result of these enquiries. 
 
 13th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO THE REV. N. HERBERT, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing copies of the examination of John Bryan, taken before 
 two magistrates of Co. Waterford, and of a letter from one of 
 those gentlemen ; he (Mr. H.) Avill best judge how far what he 
 has said can be confided in, and he will conduct himself accord- 
 i'^g^y ; remarking, however, that it proceeds from a man who 
 has no hope of escape for himself, and who may feel exasperation 
 
( 246 ) 
 
 against the accusers of his accomplices in guilt, and is interested 
 in throwing discontent on the proceedings of courts of justice. 
 
 I3th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. ■WATERFORD. 
 
 Like letter and enclosures as that to Mr. Herbert, 
 
 13th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO SAME. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 10th instant, to acquaint him, that if 
 he can ascertain that Hogan wishes to go to Cheek Point, he may 
 be exchanged with Connors, and that placing Connors in the 
 passage barge, was for the purpose of bringing him as near Cheek 
 Point as possible. 
 
 \3th April, 1811.^ 
 
 FROM MORGAN KENNEDY, ESQ. 
 
 DUNGARVON, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating that on John Bryan, being brought in a prisoner, he had 
 sent for him (Mr. K.) and mentioned that as he had no chance of 
 pardon, he wished to ease his conscience, in consequence of which 
 he took his information, (which he encloses) in the presence of 
 Captain Morten of the Leitrim Militia; that some strong cir- 
 cumstances concur in leading him to beUeve them true, and that 
 it appears Patrick Bryan, for the purpose of saving himself and 
 his brother, prosecuted, at last assizes for Waterford, four men to 
 conviction, and who were executed for the same ; recommending 
 that copies of their informations should be sent to Major Cole 
 and Mr. Herbert. 
 
 lUhApril, 1811.] 
 
 FROM H. LANGLEY, ESQ. 
 
 THURLES, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Recommending that either £200 should be given to Daniel 
 Keane, to establish himself at Thurles, or an annuity of £20. 
 
 16th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Enclosing him £86 9s. Od., being the amount of the advances 
 made by him for the apprehension of offenders ; to desire that he 
 
( 247 ) 
 
 will take care that Kennedy is settled in some place of security, for 
 which he may call for any sum that may be necessary, and 
 signifying his Grace's particular acknowledgements for his 
 zeal, &c. &c. 
 
 I6th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ARMSTRONG, 
 
 SLANK, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letters of the 14th and 15th instant, the latter 
 reporting outrages, and the former enclosing threatening notices, 
 which have been shown to the Attorney-General, who, notwith- 
 standing the strong similarity of hand- writing, thinks " there is 
 not legal evidence against the suspected person, and that the 
 magistrates should endeavour to procure a luitness, who can 
 swear to the hand-writing, and any other evidence that can be 
 had, and suspend their proceedings in the mean time." 
 
 With respect to the outrages near Gormanstown, the magistrates 
 should lose no time in procuring affidavits of the facts, and 
 consulting the best means of preventing a recurrence of such 
 offences, in furtherance of which they have the sanction of 
 government for offering rewards, &c. ; besides, if the civil power is 
 inadequate, a communication will be had with the Commander 
 of the Forces for such mihtary aid as may be requisite. In the 
 meantime, the commanding officer of the district has directions to 
 give the assistance of the troops. He is, perhaps, aware that to 
 the force already at Garrestown and Balbriggan, it is proposed 
 to station a detachment at Ardcastle ; will be glad to receive 
 copies of any depositions that may be taken ; and recommending 
 that the deponents should always be closely examined as to their 
 knowledge of the perpetrators. 
 
 \6th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Commenting at great length on the conduct of Mr. Morgan 
 Kennedy, in taking the informations of, and recommending, John 
 Bryan. Requesting that Judge Fox may be inquired of, with 
 respect to the declaration made by Kearney in the dock, when 
 found guilty, which clearly shows the falsity of Bryan's testimony. 
 
 ISth April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ARMSTRONG. 
 
 SLANE, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Stating the difficulty he finds in getting information, as what 
 they tell in confidence (as they suppose) to ono of themselves 
 
( 248 ) 
 
 they deny the next moment to the magistrates. As an instance, he 
 encloses an affidavit taken the day before ; but when Vahey was 
 brought forward he denied every article of it, and said he must 
 have been drunk, if he had said what the affidavit set forth ; but 
 that he did say so, he (Colonel Armstrong) has no doubt. Mr. 
 Fisher had both Vahey and Corry in custody, and went through 
 the ceremony of taking their affidavits, but to no purpose. Is 
 very glad to hear of a party being stationed at Ardcastle. 
 
 \9th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL HART, 
 
 LONDONDERRY, CO. LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 14th instant, and coinciding 
 with him in the reasons given by Cornelius, against associating 
 any one of his own regiment with him, in the detection to be 
 made. This difficulty, it is to be hoped, will be overcome by 
 application to Sir G. Hill and the Bishop of Derry, who will pro- 
 bably supply some trustworthy person. The introduction of 
 
 Cornehus at is an additional cause for exertion. Will be 
 
 obliged by his sentiments, and those whom he consults. 
 
 nth April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM LORD TYRAWLEY, 
 
 CASTLE LACKEN, CO. MAYO. 
 
 Requesting that £20 a year may be allowed to the Rev. Mr. 
 Magee, a priest, whose conduct has been most meritorious, to 
 whom in a great measure is owing the return of peace and tran- 
 quiUity to his neighbourhood. 
 
 20th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO LORD TYRAWLEY, 
 
 CASTLE LACKEN, CO. MAYO. 
 
 In consequence of his recommendation that Mr. Magee, a priest, 
 who, by his communications, has enabled his lordship to keep a 
 vigilant eye on the peace and order of his county, should receive 
 some remuneration. His Grace approves of £20 annually being 
 applied to liim, so long as he continues to perform similar 
 services. 
 
 20^^ April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD CREAGHE, ESQ. 
 
 GOLDEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Since he last wrote, the Rev. Mr. Bergan has got in five stand of 
 arms. Recommending that some small gratuity should be given 
 
( 249 ) 
 
 to him, as he has always been ready in assisting and getting 
 information. 
 
 23rd April, 1811.] 
 
 TO RICHARD CREAGHE, ESQ. 
 
 GOLBEN, CO. TIPPEKARY. 
 
 In consequence of his letter of the 20th instant, recommending 
 the Rev. Mr. Bergan (a priest) to his Grace's consideration, 
 twenty guineas is now enclosed to be given by him to Mr. 
 Bergan. 
 
 20th April, 1811.] 
 
 FORM HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Requesting that his letter of 16th instant may be destroyed. 
 Since coming to Waterford gaol, John Bryan has requested to see 
 him and Mr. Humble, and if he sends any good reason for it 
 they will go to him ; but nothing short of his desiring to recant 
 his informations, lodged before Mr. Kennedy and Captain Moreton, 
 will induce him to go near him. Acknowledging receipt of £20, 
 which he has given to the priest of the parisli, who will publicly 
 hand it to the constable's daughters, at chapel. Enclosing James 
 Hogan's letter, which will remove the difficulty of E. Connors' 
 removal to Cheek Point. 
 
 23rd April, 1811.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 His letter of 16th instant is among private papers, where it 
 will be perfectly secure against any disclosure of its contents. 
 The course he intends to pursue, with respect to Bryan, seems 
 most eligible, considering the uneasiness his declaration has given 
 already. His recantation should be encouraged as much as pos- 
 sible, without letting him perceive they have the least weight on 
 any one. His Grace has consented to the exchange between 
 Hogan and Connors. 
 
 23rd April, 1811.] 
 
 TO JAMES DAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Requesting he will acquaint whether any thing has come to his 
 knowledge respecting a person of the name of Dixon, a Presby- 
 
( 250 ) 
 
 terian minister, who is represented to have been active in disse- 
 minating mischief in the neighbourhood of Keady, and that he will 
 cause a watchful eye to be kept on him. 
 
 27th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM ARTHUR ACHMUTY, ESQ. 
 
 KILMORE, CO. OF CAVAN. 
 
 No depositions relative to thrashing, &c., have been made before 
 him : and reports his part of the county to be in perfect tran- 
 quillity. 
 
 24th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL HART, 
 
 LONDONDERRY, CO. LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Sir Georgk Hill's letter of 22nd instant has been received, 
 in which he sets forth the course which it is presumed, in concur- 
 rence with him and the Bishop of Derry, it is proposed to adopt, 
 in consequence of Corporal Cornelius's information. Acquaint- 
 ing him that a conference with the law officers has been had, in 
 consequence of which he is now apprized of their opinion, and is 
 desired to stay all proceedings, until the sworn informations of 
 Cornelius have been transmitted to government, and liis Grace's 
 directions thereupon communicated. 
 
 He is requested to communicate this letter to the Bishop of 
 Derry and Sir G. Hill. 
 
 2Gth April, 1811.1 
 
 FROM COLONEL OGLE, 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Stating, that in the Freeman's Journal of the 17th April, he 
 had read a paragraph asserting that the affidavits against M'Kew 
 and Kelly were forged by government, &c. And also stating that 
 the rector of the parish and a magistrate has repeatedly said that 
 the examinations in question were fabricated, and that he is en- 
 deavouring to invalidate the testimony of the witnesses. He 
 (Mr. Ogle) thinking this so serious an offence, has acquainted the 
 Primate of the circumstance, and also taken legal steps to obtain 
 redress, and expects to be supported by government ; has autho- 
 rised Fearon and his son to keep arms for their protection. A 
 person named Muchcgan was sworn in an United Irishman at 
 Drogheda by Hagan. Corporal Tipping states much disaffection 
 to prevail at Newry, but great caution observed since the late 
 convictions in the North. Wishes to know what the intentions of 
 
( 251 ) 
 
 government arc with respect to Corporal Tipping ; thinks he 
 would be useful in Dublin. 
 
 27^A April, 1811.] 
 
 TO COLONEL OGLE, 
 
 FORKHILL, CO. ARMAGH, 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter of 26th instant, adverting 
 to a paragraph in the Freeman's Journal, announcing that the 
 prosecution of M'Kew and Kelly at the last Monaghan assizes was 
 founded on suspicious evidence. This insinuation will no doubt 
 be satisfactorily refuted by the disclosure that Fearon will make, 
 which it is expected will give a full insight into all the proceed- 
 ings in which he has been concerned. It seems he should take 
 speedy measures for his removal to a place of security, previous 
 to which he should take his depositions, &c., or send them up to 
 town for the inspection of the law officers. AVith respect to the 
 misconduct of the rector of the parish, he has adopted the most 
 proper course in acquainting the Primate, but no opinion can be 
 formed of this offence against law. From the brief statement 
 he has furnished, as to the ultimate disposal of Fearon, it will not 
 be possible to decide at present. Shall be glad to hear from 
 Newry. M'Kew still persists in asserting his innocence, and has 
 not made any communication of moment. 
 
 26th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM R. E. S. ENRAGHT MOONEY, ESQ. 
 
 GLENAVY, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Informing, that one of the most forward of the rioters of Seven 
 Churches, had come to his house in his absence, and given up his 
 arms, but would not give up himself; that Mr. Shevington de- 
 clares his expectations that government will reward him for what 
 he has done, from which circumstance it is feared his testimony 
 cannot be much relied on. The person Avhom he impUcates is a 
 most industrious poor man. Enclosing a certificate, and request- 
 ing a search warrant. 
 
 29th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO R. E. S. ENRAGHT MOONEY, ESQ. 
 
 GLENAVY, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 In reply to his letter of 26th instant, it is to be wished that the 
 rioter at the Seven Churches who has given up his arms, had also 
 been brought in reach of the law, and as he is known, it is trusted 
 his exertions will ultimately succeed in apprehending him. What 
 
( 252 ) 
 
 he has ah-eady observed respecting Mr. Shevington, seems to 
 render it very unadvisable to act on his communication. Enclos- 
 ing a second certificate for the search of arms, and directing how 
 it shall be filled. 
 
 21th April, 1811.] 
 
 FEOM MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to letter of 24th instant, does not know how the claims 
 of Hewton came not ta be mentioned equally with Moore and 
 Prendergast ; thinks him deserving of £50. 
 
 ^Oth April, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN, CO. TIPPERRRY. 
 
 Informing him that a sum of £50, or £10 per annum, whichever 
 he prefers, will be given to Hewton. 
 
 28th April, 1811.] 
 
 FROM THE BISHOP OF ELPHIN, 
 
 ELPHIN, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 Requesting to know what form is necessary to search for arms, 
 under provision of Act 50 George III. 
 
 30th April, 1811.] 
 
 TO THE BISHOP OF ELPHIN, 
 
 ELPHIN, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 Enclosing a blank certificate, with directions for it being filled, 
 and also a copy of the arms act. 
 
 MAY, 1811. 
 
 6th May, 1811.] 
 
 TO THE EARL OF LLANDAFF, 
 
 TIPPERARY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Informing his lordship, that in consequence of a communication 
 to government, Mr. Serjeant Moore had been directed, at the last 
 assizes for the county of Tipperary, to investigate the case rela- 
 tive to three men who were indicted for assuming the name of 
 Curran, and violently assaulting' a man of the name of Kerr ; and 
 
( 253 ) 
 
 from his report, it appearing, that in October, 1809, Michael 
 Dwyer, John Dwyer, and Timothy Handley were committed to 
 the gaol of Clonmel, charged with the above outrage, but in No- 
 vember following discharged, by virtue of an instrument under 
 the hand and seal of Lord Llandaff, directed to the keeper of the 
 gaol, and reciting, that his lordship had received sufl&cient sure- 
 ties for the appearance of those persons at the next assizes for said 
 county to abide their trial. That the clerk of the crown prepared 
 bills of indictment, which were found at a quarter sessions at 
 Cashel, in July, 1810, on the aforesaid charges; and crown 
 summonses served, and by them disobeyed ; and at the end of 
 August, or beginning of September, they were apprehended by 
 virtue of the crown capias, whereupon an instrument was produced, 
 dated 5th of August, 1810, under liis lordsliip's hand and seal, 
 wi'iting as above, respecting the appearance of said persons at 
 next Cashel sessions, &c., and concluchng, " These are, therefore, 
 in liis Majesty's name, commanding and charging you, and each of 
 you, that you utterly forbear and cease, on sight hereof, to take, 
 molest, or imprison the said persons ;" and if so imprisoned, &c., 
 " you are, on sight hereof, to release them," &c., &c. That they 
 have never come in to stand their trials, and that no bail appears 
 to have been taken for their appearance; and acquainting his 
 lordship, that before liis Grace comes to any conclusion on this 
 subject, his personal respect for liis lordship induces liim to direct 
 this communication of the circumstances, in order to give his 
 lordship an opportunity of offering an explanation. 
 
 May 7th, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JAMES DAWSON, ESQ. 
 
 FORKHILL LODGE, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Acknowledging letter of the 23rd ultimo. Has made every in- 
 quiry respecting " Doctor Dickson," and finds that he is a most 
 turbulent, disaffected, and disloyal man. Adds that there are 
 several townlands in the parish of Derrynoose where arms are 
 concealed. 
 
 UthMay, 1811.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BOYLE, ESQ. 
 
 NEWTOWN LIMAVADY, CO. LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Respecting Edward Lafferty's offer to swear against R. 0. 
 Fairy, and his sons, being standard or ribbonmen whom he met 
 with a party returning from a nightly meeting. He dechned 
 giving information before a magistrate (three miles distant) ; 
 promised to come to Newtown next evening, but had not done so ; 
 his character not being the best. Mr. Boyle adds, that he has 
 reason to think the above system is widely extended. 
 
( 254 ) 
 
 \6thMau, 1811.] 
 
 FROM ROBERT GRUBB, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERRAY. 
 
 Has engaged in three or four prosecutions, the expense of which 
 does not exceed five or six guineas ; has gone to trifling expense 
 to procure the arrest of John Murphy, indicted for the murder of 
 Mulcahy. Has not yet removed the woman, whose information he 
 sent copy of, and who is still protected by three soldiers in her 
 own house. Mentions one Denis Spain, who has been twice 
 whipped at Borrisoleigh, but is now so reduced, and in such a 
 declining state of health, that he recommends his removal from 
 prison, and that the remainder of his sentence to confinement may 
 be remitted. 
 
 nth May, 1811,] 
 
 TO ROBERT GRUBB, ESQ. 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 16th instant ; thanking him for 
 his communication ; expressing approbation of the expenditure he 
 has incurred, of which it is wished to have an account, as soon as 
 he has provided for the witness he mentions, in order that direc- 
 tions may be given for his repayment ; and acquainting him, with 
 respect to Spain, it seems desirable that he should not be set at 
 large, as from the infirm state of his health more attention can be 
 paid to him in the hospital of the prison. 
 
 I4lh and I5th May, 1811.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATEBFORD. 
 
 Mentioning the arrest of Bryan, by Fitzmaurice and Tobin, and 
 demand for one hundred pounds, as a reward for the same ; and 
 also, that he had committed Michael Walsh to the county gaol for 
 endeavouring to seduce two soldiers of the Leitrim militia from 
 their allegiance. 
 
 l8thMay, 1811.] 
 
 TO OLIVER STOKES, ESQ. 
 
 LISTOWEL, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 14th instant, enclosing (in com- 
 pliance with his opinion) one hundred pounds, to be paid to 
 Maurice Connell, in compensation for his losses, and in reward for 
 his conduct in bringing offenders to justice. 
 
( 255 ) 
 
 JUNE, 1811. 
 
 1st June, 1811.] 
 
 TO HENET ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Signifying to him, his Grace's approbation of his remaining in 
 the country, until it is seen whether the outrages, alluded to in 
 his letter of the 30th ultimo, are the acts of a few desperate 
 criminals, or connected with a more general plan of mischief. To 
 desire he will state the result of his inquiries to the several 
 occurrences mentioned in his letter. 
 
 6th Jane, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PEENDERGAST, 
 
 CLOGHEEN, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 3rd instant ; and expressing his 
 Grace's thanks for his endeavours to apprehend the conspirators 
 against the life of Fitzpatrick, the Hearthmoney collector ; and 
 observing that it would be extremely desirable to entrap them 
 into such an attempt to effect their purpose, as should bring them 
 within the reach of the law ; but without knowing the extent of 
 Mr. Bushe's information, and the use he is at hberty to make of 
 it, it is not possible to form any idea of the manner in which it 
 should be done. The proper measures shall be taken for having 
 his absence from military duty excused. Major Prendergast Avill 
 have the goodness to acquaint Mr. Fitzpatrick with the substance 
 of the above communication, contirmed by the Lord Lieutenant's 
 desire, in answer to his letter of the 3rd instant, to his Grace ; 
 that if it becomes necessary he should be attended by a mihtary 
 force in the collection of the taxes, that he should, with the 
 sanction of the neighbouring magistrates, make his apphcation to 
 that effect, to the commanding officer of the district. 
 
 6th June, 1811.] 
 
 FROM HEXRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating that he had offered twenty guineas reward to an in- 
 former, to set Walsh and Jordans for liim, and requesting to 
 know if it will be approved of; and recommending ten guineas to 
 be given to Edward Connors, until he should be appointed boat- 
 man at Cheek Point, of which he has as yet received no notice 
 from the board. 
 
( 256 ) 
 
 7th June, 1811.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 6th instant, and enclosing him 
 fifty guineas, the particulars of which sum, as well as the like 
 formerly advanced to him, he is requested to furnish as soon as 
 convenient : approving of his offering a reward of twenty guineas 
 to his informer for the services he has undertaken to perform, 
 and of his advancing to Connors whatever may be necessary for 
 his subsistence, until his appointment at Cheek Point takes effect, 
 the reason of the delay of which shall be inquired into. 
 
 \2thJune, 1811.] 
 
 TO JAMES LANGTON, ESQ. 
 
 CHARLEVILLE, CO. CORK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 10th instant, and acquainting 
 him that any sums he may find it useful to disburse for private 
 information will be repaid : the amount must, in some degree, 
 depend on the particular circumstance of the case. In that to 
 which his letter refers, ten or twelve guineas, perhaps — if the 
 charge against the Carrolls is direct and positive — might not be 
 too much to expend on their being lodged in prison. It is trusted 
 he will take care the witnesses are not exposed to risk of per- 
 sonal safety, or chance of being deterred from following up the 
 prosecution of the offenders. 
 
 lOth June, 1811.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR PONSONBY, 
 
 LISTOWEL, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Stating, at some length, his apprehensions that he may have been 
 misrepresented to government. 
 
 \9thJune, 1811.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS MANSFIELD, ESQ. 
 
 LETTERKENNY, CO. DONEGAL. 
 
 Detailing the circumstances which occasion the apprehension of 
 some dreadful outrages taking place on the 12th of July, between 
 the Orangemen and Catholics, if not prevented by the presence 
 of a large military force. 
 
( 257 ) 
 
 22nd June, 1811.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS MANSFIELD, ESQ. 
 
 LETTERKENNY, CO. DONEGAL. 
 
 Acknowledging liis letter of the 19th instant, and informmg 
 him that in consequence of representations made to government, 
 respecting the hostiUty of the Orangemen and Cathohcs in Let- 
 terkenny and that quarter, his Grace has sent detachments of 
 troops to that place, Raphoe, &c., and whose presence, it is hoped, 
 will be sufficient to prevent mischief, even if the Orangemen 
 should persist in parading, and there should exist in the Cathohcs 
 a disposition to oppose it ; expressing satisfaction at the anxiety of 
 the magistrates to prepare against any violation of the law, &c. 
 
 24th June, 1811.] 
 
 TO G. HOMAN, ESQ. 
 
 LETTERKENNY, CO, DONEGAL. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of a letter, signed by him and by 
 Mr. R. Ball, and acquainting him that reinforcements of troops 
 have been sent into the country, along the shores of Lough 
 Swilly, in consequence of representations from the general officers 
 of the district, and the magistrates in that quarter, from which it 
 was apprehended that the animosity between Orangemen and 
 Cathohcs might, on the 1st and 12th of July, break out into 
 violence ; but that it was not understood from the intended pro- 
 cessions and parades that any ulterior object was in view; re- 
 questing he will confer with the neighbouring magistrates, and 
 procure any authentic information that may corroborate his state- 
 ment, and transmit it. 
 
 IdthJune, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PONSONBY, 
 
 LISTOWELj CO. KERRY. 
 
 Acquainting him, that the observations contained in the letter 
 of the 29th ultimo, to which he has thought it necessary to reply, 
 were not made in consequence of any representation to govern- 
 ment with respect to his conduct on the occasion alluded to ; 
 but were merely the repetition of a communication, which, in 
 many instances, it had been found requisite to make to magis- 
 trates in different parts of the country. 
 
 22nd June, 1811.] 
 
 FROM G. HOMAN AND R. BALL, ESQRS. 
 
 LETTERKENNY, CO. DONEGAL. 
 
 Stating their fear of disturbance taking place on the 12th of 
 July, similar to the accounts of Mr. Mansfield. 
 
( 258 ) 
 
 ^thJune, 1811.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 23rcl instant, and its enclosures ; 
 approving of his placing the witness Fleming in a place of security, 
 and affording him necessary subsistence. With respect to re- 
 ward, it would be better to postpone making him any offer or 
 promise of that nature, until after his testimony shall have been 
 put to the proof on Mullowney's trial. 
 
 21th June, 1811.] 
 
 FROM SIR GEORGE HILL, 
 
 LONDONDERRY, CO, LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Detailing the particulars which occurred at the meeting of the 
 magistrates and gentlemen at Letterkenny, in conjunction with 
 Sir Charles Asgill, and enclosing the resolutions they entered 
 into. 
 
 29th June, 1811.] 
 
 TO SIR GEORGE HILL, 
 
 LONDONDERRY, CO. LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 27th instant, reporting the 
 steps that have been taken by the magistrates of Donegal, in con- 
 junction with Sir Charles Asgill, to prevent the mischief that is 
 apprehended. The resolutions he enclosed, appear calculated to 
 put down any attempts at violence in the commencement, if not 
 entirely to prostrate its occurrence. 
 
 28th June, 1811.] 
 
 FROM EARL ANNESLEY, 
 
 CASTLEWILLAN, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Stating, that having received information of the priest of the 
 parish of Hilltown, charging him with promoting thrashers ; and 
 that, in conjunction with one M'Donell (who had been a rebel in 
 '98, and got a pardon), he was promoting rebellion, and that his 
 freemason parishioners are ready to come forward to make good 
 these charges. He (Lord Annesley) wishes to be informed how 
 he should act. 
 
 29th June, 1811.] 
 
 TO EARL ANNESLEY, 
 
 CASTLEWILLAN, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 28th instant, and returning his 
 Grace's thanks, as well for the communication as for the caution 
 
( 259 ) 
 
 his lordship is so soUcitous to observe, in proceeding criminally, 
 where the situation and profession of the accused ought to furnish 
 a presumption of his innocence. The nature of the charges pre- 
 ferred against the priest in question, and the means which his 
 lordship appears to have for bringing them home to him, render 
 it less advisable to state the whole matter to the heads of the 
 Cathohc clergy than it might, perhaps, otherwise have been. The 
 precise mode, however, which ought to be pursued cannot well be 
 decided on until the informations are regularly sworn, and trans- 
 mitted to the Lord Lieutenant's consideration, when this shall be 
 done, agreeably to the Attorney-General's advice, with as much 
 privity as possible. The interval between the taking and acting 
 on the depositions will be so short as neither to hazard the escape 
 of the parties accused, nor lead to a supposition that there exists 
 any disinclination to punish a violation of the law. Requesting 
 he will lose no time in forwarding copies of affidavits in support 
 of the complaint his letter aUudes to. 
 
 END OF JUNE, 1811. 
 
( 261 ) 
 
 PRECIS 
 
 OF 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE WITH MAGISTRATES, &c. 
 
 PART II JULY TO DECEMBER, 1812. 
 
 30M June, 1812.] 
 
 FROM H. ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating tliat he was going to collect evidence, respecting the 
 murder of James Power ; and that the county is so universally 
 quiet, that the dragoons may be removed, and that he had not 
 employed them but on the public service, which he can prove, 
 and requests the affair may be investigated. 
 
 \st July, 1812.] 
 
 TO H. ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to liis letter of the 30th ultimo, observing, that it seems 
 only to be necessary that he should send proofs that there was 
 no misapplication of the force placed at his disposal. 
 
 29^^ June, 1812.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR-GENERAL BURNET, 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Reporting that a few days after Mr. Berger had been making 
 observations in the neighbourhood of Knockala Fort, he was 
 seen taking the heights in the rear of a work now erecting on a 
 point on the Island of Inch ; and that he appears to be far 
 wandering from the avowed object of his visit to Ireland. 
 
 \st Juhj, 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL BURNET, 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 29th ultimo, enclosing one 
 from Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson ; observing that it is very 
 satisfactory to know that such an occurrence*, (M'Bride's death,) 
 
 u 
 
( 262 ) 
 
 is entirely attributed to accident ; however, it is presumed that 
 the due course of legal investigation will be pursued for the 
 purpose of authenticating the circumstances attending it. Thank- 
 ing him for his communication respecting Mr. Berger, to whose 
 movements attention will be given. 
 
 1st July, 1812.] 
 
 TO REV. EDWARD CHICHESTER, 
 
 LONDONDERRY. 
 
 Requesting his attention to the movements of a foreigner, who 
 had been permitted some months back to come to Ireland, solely 
 for the purpose of pursuing his geological researches, but who 
 is said to be making observations near Knockala Fort, taking- 
 heights in the rear of a work now erecting on a point of the 
 island of Inch, in Lough Swilly. 
 
 28th June, 1812.] 
 
 FROM MARTIN GRANNET, ESQ. 
 
 MIDDLETON. 
 
 Stating that some hundreds of the lower orders assemble every 
 night, styhng themselves Caravats, and commit various outrages. 
 
 2nd July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Stating that he has just heard that pikes of a new form were 
 making from one sent from Birmingham, and requesting to know 
 if any information of a similar kind from any other part of the 
 kingdom has been received. 
 
 3rd July, 1812.] 
 
 TO A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the day before, and acquainting 
 him that the information he has received respecting the preparation 
 and construction of a new species of pike is entirely new, and 
 that there is no reason for apprehending that there exists in any 
 part of the country a design of the nature such preparation would 
 imply ; requesting, however, that he will probe his intelligence to 
 the bottom. 
 
 Srd July, 1812.] 
 
 TO COLONEL WOLFE, 
 
 NAAS, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Enclosing the substance of a communication, which states that 
 something is going on in the neighbourhood of Allen, Blackwood, 
 
( 263 ) 
 
 and Hodgestown, in the county of Kildare ; something was said 
 on the subject, by the parish priest of Rathcoffy, from tlie altar, 
 but was not rehshed by the congregation. Matthew Cusack of 
 Bhickwood, should be watched ; it is stated that pikes are 
 making in the upper part of Kildare. 
 
 1st July, 1812.1 
 
 FROM CHARLES COSTELLO, ESQ. 
 
 BALLAGHADEREEN, CO. MAYO. 
 
 Enclosing Gurran's statement, given on the 28tli of June, and 
 remarking that he was not in the least satisfied with it, but that 
 he promised to come the following day with many other documents, 
 instead of which he has absconded towards Dubhn ; encloses 
 his description. Requesting an order to be sent for accommodation 
 to be given to Thomas Mulligan, the informer, in the barracks. 
 
 2nd July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD WILSON, ESQ. 
 
 ROSCOMMON, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 Reporting that he has been endeavouring to apprehend fellows 
 who go about collecting money to defend the Threshers now in 
 gaol; and that on the night of the 1st instant, the house of 
 D. Hanley was broken into, and himself sworn to be up to 
 Captain Thresher's laws, and had beat him violently, and de- 
 stroyed his house, &c. ; that he has sworn positively against 
 three of the persons, one of whom has been lodged in gaol. 
 Recommends Hanley being protected. 
 
 Ath July, 1812.] 
 
 TO EDWARD WILSON, ESQ. 
 
 R0SC03IM0N, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 2nd instant, requesting he will give 
 such protection and subsistence to Hanley and his family as 
 circumstances may require; but the subject of future remuneration 
 will be more properly considered, after his conduct on the trial 
 of Dunhed and others ; hoping that the usual grounds for ap- 
 plication, at the next assizes, for compensation on account of his 
 losses, will be stated. 
 
 Qth July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE BISHOP OF LIMERICK, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 4th instant, and returning its 
 enclosure, in order that no time may be lost in obtaining the 
 signatures of the magistrates to the offer of rewards, &c. With 
 
( 264 ) 
 
 respect to issuing a proclamation, it is impossible that any steps 
 can be taken until attested copies, of whatever information can be 
 procured relative to the fact, shall be in possession of government ; 
 of which he is requested to apprize Mr. Blennerhasset, and to 
 desire him to be careful that the affidavits contain an express 
 denial of any knowledge, or suspicion of the persons by whom 
 the criminal acts were committed ; and as soon as this has been 
 done, his Grace will consider whether the case should be submitted 
 to the Privy Council. 
 
 4<A July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE RICxHT HON. J. 0. VANDELEUR, 
 
 KILRUSH, CO. CLARE. 
 
 Stating that he had been informed by the parish priest of several 
 persons having been flogged and robbed of arms. A threatening 
 notice, posted on his (the priest's) door, in consequence of his 
 having exhorted them to refrain from such proceedings ; that the 
 priest thinks there is a great quantity of arms concealed, and 
 wishes Mr. V. to search for them, in consequence of which he 
 requests to be informed how he is to act. Requests the priest's 
 name to be kept secret. 
 
 &th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HON. J. 0. VANDELEUR, 
 
 KILRUSH, CO. CLARE. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 4th instant, regretting that the 
 secrecy which the priest enjoins him to observe will not allow of 
 his offering rewards for the discovery of the authors of the 
 threatening notice. The same objection, however, does not 
 appear to stand in the way of his making the experiment in the 
 cases of robbery and flogging that have occurred. Authorizing 
 the offer of rewards, &c. Enclosing the Arms Act. 
 
 Ath July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Requesting that a fcAV more abstracts may be sent, and that he 
 will have them read and explained in the chapels. Stating, that 
 in consequence of Mr. Pearce Power, of Clonmel, having received 
 intimation of his death being determined on by the Caravats, he 
 (Dr. Austin) had proceeded to Clonmel with some of Captain 
 Haynes' infantry and Captain Courtenay's cavah'y, and remained 
 until quite day, and did not hear or meet any person except a 
 German dragoon, who had been sent alone through a most 
 intricate road, and unable to speak a word of English ; hears that 
 
( 265 ) 
 
 the Caravats were out on that night collecting money, and that 
 the troops were to be withdrawn from Middleton. No potatoes 
 brought to market from dread of the Caravats. 
 
 oth Juhi, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. WILLIAM READ, 
 
 TULLA, CO. CLARE. 
 
 Detailing the particulars of the opposition given to him by some 
 
 of his parishioners, adjoining the parish of , which he states 
 
 to be much resorted to by deserters ; complaining of the conduct 
 of Moloney, a magistrate, and stating that he Qsh\ Read) had 
 laid all his papers before General Darby, who agreed to give him 
 a party of the miUtary to enable him to arrest the persons against 
 whom he had warrants ; that he has fixed on Wednesday night 
 to go out, and wishes to know if he may take any fire arms he 
 meets with. 
 
 1th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. WILLIAM READ, 
 
 TULLA, CO. CLARE. 
 
 In reply to his letter (to Sir E. L ), observing that the resist- 
 ance wliich had been given to the civil power, appears to have 
 required the military assistance wliich General Darby consented 
 to afford. With respect to the complaints he has insinuated 
 against Mr. Moloney's conduct, there is no means of forming any 
 opinion. In general, magistrates are not at liberty to refuse to 
 be examined when called on, unless they had reason to doubt the 
 truth ; but in the event of misconduct of a magistrate, the proper 
 course is by a statement to the Lord Chancellor. Enclosing the 
 Arms Act. 
 
 %th July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS WOODLEY, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Transmitting what written documents were in his possession, 
 with his remarks thereon, concerning the disturbances in the 
 barony of Kinnathlon since the 21st March, and giving at great 
 length his opinion on the several matters related in the informa- 
 tions he enclo.ses, which he requests may be returned. 
 
 UthJuly, 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS WOODLEY, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter of 8th instant, and its 
 enclosures, which are now returned, that they may be duly 
 
( 2G0 ) 
 
 returned to the assizes. Observing upon the general state of 
 the disturbances and the causes of them; and remarking, that 
 it is satisfactory to observe, that between April and the attack on 
 Mr. M'Bith's house, the instances have not been frequent, in 
 consequence of his exertions and that of the neighbouring 
 magistrates. 
 
 I3th July, 1812.1 
 
 TO THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 11th instant and its enclosures ; 
 observing, that it is clear Davison has given a false account of 
 himself; there does not appear any reason for the magistrates 
 being in haste to release him, — though if the account he gives 
 of himself be satisfactory, his liberation cannot be postponed. 
 Suggesting his being chPvrged with the falsehoods he has told ; 
 and apprized, that until he gives a true account, &c., he will 
 have to thank himself for any further detention he may suffer. 
 Enclosing copy of a letter from Mr. Read of Carhngford. 
 
 nth July. 1812.1 
 
 FROM EDWARD WILSON, ESQ. 
 
 ROSCOMiMON, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 Stating that the assizes are over ; but that the convictions of the 
 Threshers are not at all to his expectations, owing entirely to the 
 reluctance of the juries in finding them guilty. Representing 
 that Wilham Dolan has done his duty as witness for the crown, 
 and has sent him to Athlone until something can be done for him. 
 Suggesting the propriety of himself returning to Dublin. 
 
 I3th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO EDWARD WILSON, ESQ. 
 
 ROSCOMMON, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 11th instant, acquainting him that he 
 is at liberty to return to Dublin, whenever he thinks fit, putting 
 the most active magistrates into possession of any information 
 likely to be of service. Requesting to learn the situation and 
 time of life of Dolan, and his opinion of the manner he might 
 possibly be disposed of. 
 
 Uth July, 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Requesting he will state the ground of his opinion, and the 
 extent of authentic information that he has received on the 
 
( 267 ) 
 
 subject of the country being never more disturbed, &c,, than at 
 present, and submit the measures which may seem to him best 
 adapted to secure pubhc tranquilUty. Authorizing the offer of 
 rewards for pubHc and private information. 
 
 16th July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Stating that he is well convinced that the county and city of 
 Limerick, and that part of Clare convenient to it, are ready for 
 rebeUion, and better prepared than in the year 1798, and that it 
 is so secretly carried on, as to require time and money to develop 
 it. That he has informed General Darby of nightly meetings 
 being held ; and that he has paid a person for procuring private 
 information, and has sent two persons to join those meetings, and 
 hopes soon to be able to state more fully; has given the General, 
 also, a hint of the improper use made of yeomanry arms. 
 
 IQth July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BOYCE, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating that he and Mr. Gumbleton had proceeded to the house 
 of M'Connery and Thomas Power, attended by some hussars, 
 and that at two o'clock M-Connery's house was attacked by 
 the Caravats, who broke in the door; and that he could not 
 prevent the hussars from firing, which defeated his plan ; and, 
 though many must have been wounded, they took but one 
 prisoner. 
 
 16M and \8th July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Enclosing the second examination of Davison, whom he had 
 warned to tell the truth, as he expected to be hberated, but who 
 stiU denies all knowledge of the disturbances. He has sent to 
 Mr. Boyce, to know if Venn would testify on oath ; observing, 
 that having communicated the circumstances of this stranger to 
 government, does not think, according to the act of parliament, a 
 magistrate is at liberty to enlarge him, but by the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant's order. Has examined a soldier of the 20th regiment, 
 
 who had been in the North d M , who says he knows 
 
 Davison's family to be as he describes ; suggests Davison's being 
 removed to Cork gaol. Requests particular directions as to what 
 security should be required, in the event of his being hberated ; 
 and any, and what, allowance to enable him to return to his 
 friends. Enclosing a description of Davison. 
 
( 268 ) 
 
 ISth. — Mr. Boyce gone to Waterford assizes, but Venn said, 
 in presence of the constable, that Davison wanted to swear him, 
 &c., and is willing to swear to the facts ; will send for him ; 
 suspects Davison to be one of the emissaries from England. The 
 nightly depredations continue, — confined to provisions. Hopes 
 soon for information to enable him to apply for warrants to 
 secure arms. 
 
 20th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 16th and 18th instant, observing 
 that the Attorney-General is of opinion that by transmitting the 
 particulars of any detention of a stranger, pursuant to the 7th 
 section of the 50th George III., cap. 102, the magistrate is not 
 so far deprived of his jurisdiction over the case, as to be 
 incompetent to discharge the person detained either on security 
 or without it, as he shall see reason ; he ought, however, to be 
 cautious in exercising that poAver without the concurrence of 
 government, where once he has made it a party to his act. In 
 the case of Davison, therefore, he would have been again autho- 
 rized to use his discretion as to his enlargement, if circumstances 
 had seemed to warrant it. It, however, seems from his account 
 of what Venn is prepared to urge against him, that he will have 
 to remain in custody on charges of a criminal nature, and the 
 further consideration of his treatment as'^a stranger, be put out 
 of the question. Should the case be otherwise, he is requested 
 to inform, &c. 
 
 20th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO ARTHUR FRENCH ST. GEORGE, ESQ. 
 
 BRANMORE, CO. GALWAT. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 18th instant, and its enclosures, 
 relative to the murder of Higgins ; observing, that without 
 attested copies of depositions as to the death, &c., the subject 
 cannot properly be brought under the Privy Council, and that it 
 may be doubtful whether the crime is such as to require this extra- 
 ordinary interference, more especially as all the real advantages 
 of the measure may be obtained by offering a reward, equal to 
 that which the council would proclaim, accompanying that offer 
 with a promise on the part of the magistrates of their inter- 
 ceding with government for pardon, &c. Any rewards so offered, 
 not exceeding £200, will have his Grace's sanction. 
 
( 269 ) 
 
 \Sth July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. WILLIAM EASTWOOD, 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Stating, the vindictive spirit against persons who have taken land 
 over the heads of others, or late in the possession of others, is 
 extinguished in every other district except Templendigan, in 
 which it was hoped that some remedy would have been applied, 
 but that all were disappointed by the acquittal of the felon, and 
 that they consider it wholly useless to offer rewards, but will do 
 so if government thinks proper. 
 
 2\st July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. WILLIAM EASTWOOD, 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 18th instant, and authorizing 
 him to offer rewards for private information. 
 
 2lst July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acquainting, that Morgan Bryan was, by the verdict of a 
 jury, declared to be a vagabond, and laid under bail ; that Pat. 
 Bryan is ready to go to Newfoundland if government will enable 
 him, and that the country about Annestown and Mr. Langley's is 
 perfectly quiet. 
 
 22nd July, 1812.] 
 
 TO H. ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 21st instant, and acquainting 
 him that his suggestion, with respect to Patrick Bryan, will be 
 attended to without delay. 
 
 2\st July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BOYCE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating, Connery, whose house had been attacked, has refused 
 to prosecute the man whom they had taken up (Day), and that he, 
 Mr. Boyce, had to go to Waterford on purpose to do so ; but that, 
 after all his exertions, he has succeeded in putting off his trial. 
 Detailing particulars of the apprehension of this man, as related 
 by Mr. Gumbleton, also the conduct of the Brunswickers, and 
 hopes the promise he has made to Donovan will be approved of. 
 Slating the expenses he has incurred, and wishes to know if 
 he may continue them for informations. 
 
( 270 ) 
 
 ■2ardJuly, 1812.1 
 
 TO JOHN BOYCE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 21st instant, and approving 
 of his successful exertions for the preservation of the peace ; and 
 requesting he will state the amount of reward he considers the 
 persons who assisted him are entitled to ; and to accompany it with 
 an account of any expenses he may have incurred. Authorizing 
 the offer of rewards for useful information. 
 
 20th July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Enclosing the information of Robert Venn, and requesting that 
 it may be returned to him ; stating that Venn said that Da\4son 
 once or twice looked sternly at him, and said, " I believe you 
 are a steady man who can be trusted." Venn also says, that if 
 he had taken the oath, he is sure he would have heard every 
 thing, but that he could not voluntarily take an oath and after- 
 wards voluntarily break it, which he felt in his own mind he 
 would do ; says Davison certainly was not drunk, but quite cool 
 and collected. 
 
 23rd July, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 20th instant, and returning its 
 enclosures. Observing, with respect to Venn's information, he 
 seems to have anticipated the objection that may be made to it as 
 a ground for committal ; and that on a conference with the 
 Attorney-General, it appears that unless something more specific, 
 as to the nature of the oath tendered by Davison, or the con- 
 fessions made by him, can be obtained, his detention as a stranger 
 is the only measure which circumstances will authorize resorting 
 to. Suggesting, however, that by following up the clue furnished 
 by Venn's examination, it is probable Davison's participation in 
 some of the outrages committed at the time to which it refers, 
 may be brought home to him. 
 
 22nd July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR-GENERAL BURNET, 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Stating that a serious affray had taken place at a fair at Killctee, 
 in the county Down, in which the yeomanry, under the command 
 
( 271 ) 
 
 of their Captain, the Rev. Mr. Wilkinson, had fired, in con- 
 sequence of Avhich some persons were killed. Disapproving of 
 yeomanry being employed on those occasions, and acquainting, 
 that he has sent to the nearest magistrates a Brigade-Major, 
 desiring an inquiry on oath. Enclosing a paper, signed by 
 Mr. Edie and Mr. Carey, requesting a detachment to be 
 stationed at Killetee, but which he had not comphed with, not 
 considering Mr. Edie a person to be attended to on this occasion, 
 and Mr. Carey not being a magistrate of Tyrone. 
 
 24M July, 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GEi^ERAL BURNET, 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Acquainting him that his communications of the 22nd instant 
 have been jJlit into the hands of Sir E. Littlehales, who will at 
 once receive the Lord Lieutenant's directions for making inquiry 
 into the conduct of the yeomanry ; and observing, that until 
 informations, verifying the statement, have been forwarded, it 
 will not be possible to take any steps against the parties who 
 have misconducted themselves. 
 
 2Qth July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM JAMES GALBRAITH, ESQ. 
 
 OMAGH, CO. TYRONE, 
 
 Detailing minutely the particulars of the riot at the fair of 
 Killetee. 
 
 251)1 July, 1812.] 
 
 TO JAMES GALBRAITH, ESQ. 
 
 OMAGH, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 23rd instant, and requesting 
 he will transmit, without delay, copies of the affidavits relative 
 to the affray at Killetee, and impress upon the magistrates the 
 necessity of a strict investigation. 
 
 21th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO TRISTRAM CAREY, ESQ. 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 In answer to his memorial, expressing his Grace's hope, that he 
 will attend and give testimony before the magistrates who under- 
 take the investigation of the occurrence at Killetee ; in the 
 meantime he should be aware, that, under the authority of any 
 magistrate, whatever force may be requisite for the protection 
 
( 272 ) 
 
 of his person or property, will be furnished from the nearest 
 detachment, and continued so long as the magistrate in commu- 
 nication with the commanding officer considers necessary. The 
 propriety of stationing a regular force in preference to any other 
 cannot fail to meet the consideration of the Commander of the 
 Forces when the proposal for a detachment at Killetee is regu- 
 larly laid before him. 
 
 21th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO COLONEL KER, 
 
 COOTEHILL, CO. CAVAN. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 24th instant, and enclosing 
 post bills for £60 ; requesting he wiU dispose of it in payment 
 of the debts, and towards the rehef of Henry M'Cabe, as he 
 (Colonel Ker) shall think fit, furnishing a memorandum of its 
 receipt and apphcation ; recommending that the man is placed 
 in security, for which purpose any additional assistance will be 
 advanced. 
 
 21th Juhi, 1812.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR MARSHALL, 
 
 DRUMSNA, CO. LEITRIM. 
 
 Returning the enclosure contained in his letter of the 25th 
 instant; and observing, that as there seems to be reason for 
 behoving the informants have some knowledge, or suspicion, at 
 least, of the parties by whom they were attacked, it might not be 
 amiss to attempt to ascertain the extent of their knowledge, by 
 the offer of small rewards and promises of secrecy. 
 
 'iAth July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. THOMAS HANDCOCK, 
 
 ROSS, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Stating that £100 reward had been offered for the conviction 
 of the persons guilty of the burning, &c., at MiUgarrow ; and that 
 two women had sworn positively to the person of Robert Bayly, 
 but that they would not be credited by the jury ; and that since, 
 accident has brought forward evidence that clears him of the 
 offence, and lays it upon another, who, with several more, have 
 been committed to gaol, on the information of a confederate, (see 
 Mr. Tottenham's letter). County quiet, though rumours of an 
 insurrection, which he does not credit. Reports of Sir Francis 
 Burdett intending to visit Ireland. 
 
( 273 ) 
 
 27M Juhj, 181-2.] 
 
 TO THE REV. THOMAS HANDCOCK, 
 
 ROSS, CO. 'WEXFORD. 
 
 Thanking liim for his letter of the 24th instant ; and observing, 
 with respect to the women on whose information Bayly appears 
 to have been subjected to prosecution, that their crime of wilful 
 perjury ought not to go unpunished, and it is trusted the 
 necessary steps will be taken for prosecuting them without delay ; 
 at the same time, it may be right to bear in mind, that as the 
 court in which the evidence of one of the informers was rejected 
 at the trial, did not direct a prosecution for the perjury, there 
 may be sufficient reason for not resorting to that measure. 
 
 loth July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Reporting the burning of Pat. Power's house; and enclosing 
 the printer's account for pubhshing reward for the discovery of 
 the murderers of James Power. 
 
 21th July, 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. 'WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 25th instant, and enclosing 
 £62, the amount of advertising rewards ; hoping that the 
 necessary steps have been taken to secure to Power a compen- 
 sation for his losses, by presentment at the next assizes ; and 
 further, authorizing him (Mr. C.) to offer a reward for the 
 discovery of the persons guilty of burning Power's house. 
 
 21th July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR MARSHALL, 
 
 DRUMSNA, CO. LEITRIM. 
 
 Enclosing copy of an anonymous letter which had been put 
 under his door, cautioning him to be on his guard on the night 
 of the 30th instant ; stating that some persons, whose loyalty can 
 be depended on, have informed liim that something was in 
 the contemplation of the disaffected, and that their manner, &c., 
 was the same previous to the rising of '98. 
 
 28M July, 1812.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR MARSHALL, 
 
 DRUMSNA, CO. LEITRIM. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 27th instant, acquainting him that 
 there is no reason to apprehend that any general movement of 
 
( 274 ) 
 
 tlie disaffected, is in contemplation, nor any other reason for 
 expecting a partial attempt at mischief ; and that it is trusted 
 that the circumstances which have naturally excited liis vigilance, 
 yrill turn out to be equally unworthy of serious alarm, nay, 
 perhaps, to have originated from the report against which 
 measures were unsuccessfully adopted. Requesting he will give 
 an anxious eye to what is passing around him. 
 
 AUGUST, 1812. 
 
 3lst July, 1812.] 
 
 FROM JAMES ILES, ESQ. 
 
 ARMAGH, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Enclosing the evidence taken before a bench of magistrates held 
 to inquire into the causes of the disturbances which took place 
 on the 12th and 13th of July ; and also, a statement of the 
 occurrences of those days, as collected from the evidence ; and 
 referring to a paragraph in the " Evening Herald" of the 29th, 
 to which the statement is an answer, and also stating that the 
 magistrates feel highly indignant at the misrepresentations pub- 
 lished both in that paper and in the " Evening Post" ; and that 
 it is their intention to take the opinion of the Sohcitor-General 
 on the hbellous nature of the paragraph alluded to, and hope for 
 the support of the government. 
 
 \st August, 1812.'1 
 
 TO JAMES ILES, ESQ. 
 
 ARMAGH, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter of the preceding day, and 
 expressing his Grace's acknowledgments to the gentlemen who 
 have undertaken the investigation of the affray which took place 
 on the 13th of July ; remarking, that notwithstanding the con- 
 tradiction of the witnesses who have been examined, there seems 
 sufficient ground for calhng on several of the persons who are 
 proved to have been engaged, to find bail to appear and answer 
 such charges as may be hereafter brought against them, to put 
 the matter into a train for legal investigation. With respect to 
 the hbellous matter in the "Evening Post" the magistrates 
 cannot fail to have the best advice from the quarter to which they 
 have resorted, and assuring them that every proceeding which 
 has for its object the maintenance of pubhc authority, &c., will 
 be regarded and countenanced by government. 
 
( 275 ) 
 
 3rd Auyust, 1812.] 
 
 TO LIEUT.-GENERAL DRUMMOND, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 1st instant, desiring that he would, 
 through the magistrates of the neighbourhood, and by such 
 other means as he may judge best, endeavour to ascertain how 
 
 far the accounts relative to the by the disturbers of the 
 
 peace in the quarter of Shanahill, are to be rehed on, for which 
 purpose, suggesting the employment of some discreet person, 
 acquainted with the country, to mix amongst them, and strive to 
 ascertain their numbers and objects, &c., any expense attending 
 which will be repaid. 
 
 3rd August, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON. CO. CORK. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 31st ultimo ; observing, that the act 
 aheady referred to, and under which it seems Davison's detention 
 has proceeded (unless indeed a more distinct charge of tendering 
 an unlawful oath has been preferred by Venn, subsequent to the 
 letters on that subject), points out the steps to be taken in the 
 event of a person, detained as a stranger, failing to find security 
 or give a satisfactory account of himself. That Davison appears 
 to have given contradictory accounts of himself, and by no means 
 to give a satisfactory statement of liis recent manner of hving, nor 
 to have referred to any person that can bear such testimony to 
 his conduct, &c., as to do away the suspicions that his conduct 
 with respect to Venn, and his contradictions respecting himself, 
 have justly raised against him. Therefore, perhaps, it would be 
 most advisable to commit him as a stranger, under the act, 
 apprizing him that his release Avill depend on his giving satisfac- 
 tory references, to clear him from the imputation of having come 
 into the country with mischievous designs. 
 
 2nd August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR HILL, 
 
 ARMAGH, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Stating that he does not know whether the magistrates have 
 stated theh' opinion to be that the attack uj)on the Orangemen 
 on the 13th July was a preconcerted measure, but that the 
 affidavit, which he now encloses, coupled with Mr. Willis's and 
 other circumstances, leave no doubt that it was so. 
 
. ( 276 ) 
 
 SrdAuyust, 1812.1 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR HILL, 
 
 ARMAGH, CO. ARMAGH. 
 
 Thanking him for liis letter of 2nd instant. 
 
 4th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating the outrage on Mr. Kervan's house, as mentioned by 
 Mr. Langley, and that this is the fourth time Mr. K.'s house 
 has been attacked. Requesting that four dragoons may be 
 allowed to search for arms. Stating the hardships which the 
 tenantry, on the estate lately sold by Lord Enniskillen, suffer for 
 want of fuel, not being permitted to cut turf by their present 
 landlords. That his constable, a very wealthy man of good in- 
 formation, will, if it is desired, go to Dubhn, and state on his oath 
 as to his knowledge how it is likely the year may terminate. 
 
 6th August, 1812.1 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 4th instant, and acquainting 
 him that his accustomed attention to, and knowledge of, matters of 
 the kind he mentions, leaves no doubt but that he has taken 
 every measure to detect the offenders, and of course that he has 
 taken depositions of the inhabitants, of which he is requested to 
 transmit copies. And with respect to the general state of the 
 country, his opinion needs not the support he proposes to give it, 
 and therefore his constable's presence can be dispensed with. 
 The hard condition imposed on the tenants of Lord Enniskillen's 
 late property does not seem very creditable to the present owners, 
 and it is hoped humanity as well as interest will induce them to 
 relax the severity of a prohibition so likely to be attended with 
 interruptions of the public peace. His request for four dragoons 
 wUl be submitted to the Lord Lieutenant, but he must be aware 
 of the desire to keep the regiments together as far as practicable. 
 If the presence of Mr. Wilcocks should be thought requisite, his 
 presence could be spared with less difficulty at the present time. 
 
 5th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Stating that he had, in pursuance of Sir C. Saxton's letter of 
 2nd instant, told Davison that he must be committed to gaol, and 
 
( 277 ) 
 
 that liis release would depend on liis giving satisfactory references 
 to clear him from the imputations of mischievous designs ; that 
 he has given reference to his father, Robert Davison, Brampton, 
 near Carhsle, to whom Dr. Austin is to wi'ite, which Davison 
 said he also would do, but without any expectation seemingly 
 
 of its doing much good, and to Surgeon Leech, yeomanry. 
 
 Requesting to know if it is the Lord Lieutenant's A\ash that he 
 should be committed to gaol under 50th of the King. Requesting 
 his Grace's desire may be exphcitly made known to liim, as from 
 the expression of " perhaps it would be advisable to commit the 
 prisoner," he don't know how to act. Reciting the words of the 
 act, and stating that all he wishes, is, for the Lord Lieutenant to 
 let him know what seems right to him to be done, for which 
 purpose he encloses a memorial to his Grace on the subject. 
 
 8th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 In answer to his memorial, relative to the detention of Davison ; 
 observing, that the act of the 50th of the King, c. 102, under 
 which he has been detained, leaves it discretionary with the 
 magistrates either to commit or take bail, or discharge, any per- 
 son coming under the description pointed out by the said act. 
 When the magistrate has taken the first-mentioned course, it is 
 also incumbent on him to make a full communication to the Lord 
 Lieutenant. His Grace is then empowered to direct the further 
 detention or discharge, without insisting on securities or requiring 
 further satisfaction, in which latter respect he will remark that the 
 power of the magistrate is different from that which is lodged 
 with the government; nevertheless, a commitment under the 
 act does not preclude the magistrate from making a subsequent 
 order of discharge, if he be afterwards satisfied of the account 
 given by the person, or sufficient security offered, which con- 
 struction of the act, has he will perceive, for its object, the 
 prevention of any infringement unnecessarily on the liberty of 
 the subject. 
 
 6th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO DITTO. 
 
 Acquainting him, that in addition to the foregoing letter, there 
 is not anything to add, relative to the detention of Davison, that 
 can assist him in the discharge of his duties under the 50th 
 George III., c. 102. If no satisfactory account of him has been 
 obtained in the interval, nor any security offered, his detention 
 
( 278 ) 
 
 will follow of course. The answer to the references may perhaps 
 influence the duration of his confinement, or if doubts then 
 remain, the decision of government communicated without delay. 
 The doubtful expression in the letter to which he refers, originated 
 in the presumption that a more specific charge against Davison 
 might grow out of the further examination of Venn, as he will 
 perceive by referring to letter of 3rd instant. 
 
 6th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM JAMES GALBRAITH, ESQ. 
 
 MOUNT STEWART. CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Dated from Baron's Court, where he had attended by the desire 
 of Lord Abercorn, together with General Burnet, several magis- 
 trates and other gentlemen, to inquire into the particulars of the 
 aifray at Killetee, and near two hundred people from that 
 neighbourhood, together with Captain Wilkinson, who com- 
 manded the yeomanry on that occasion ; detaihng the particulars 
 of what Lord Abercorn had stated to the assembly, and that of 
 all those who had attended on this occasion, he (Mr. Galbraith) 
 had reduced four to writing, which information he encloses, and 
 also states their particular cases, and a warrant was immediately 
 issued against the only individual yeoman who was identified 
 as being guilty of any particular act except the common firing, 
 and that O'Neil, a person charged with instigating the mob to 
 throw the stones, had been admitted to bail. 
 
 lOth August, 1812.1 
 
 TO JAMES GALBRAITH, ESQ. 
 
 MOUNT STEWART, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 6th instant, expressing the Lord 
 Lieutenant's acknowledgments to Lord Abercorn, and the Magis- 
 trates and General who investigated the circumstances of the 
 aifair at Killetee, and signifying his Grace's approbation of the 
 objects proposed by the inquiry, and the steps that have been 
 consequently taken with respect to O'Neil. With respect to the 
 conduct of Mr. Wilkinson, in calling out his corps, it is not easy 
 to form an opinion, unless his reasons for so doing were precisely 
 stated ; observing at some length, on the precaution that should 
 be taken in using a mihtary force, in order to prevent disturb- 
 ances at fairs, &c., and that it is his Grace's wish, Mr. Wilkinson 
 should be told, that in order to do away any suspicion of impru- 
 dence or indiscretion, that might attach to his conduct on the 
 occasion, it is desirable that he should minutely state the im- 
 pressions or representations under which he felt it incumbent on 
 
( 279 ) 
 
 him to assemble his corps, and to what circumstances his absence 
 from the party, who were sent into the town, is to be attributed. 
 When his Grace shall be in possession of this explanation from 
 Mr. "Wilkinson, he will be better able to judge of the propriety 
 of the calhng out, and applying, the mihtary force, and how it 
 was exercised. 
 
 Sth August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM WALTER I^VANAGH, ESQ. 
 
 CARLOW, CO. CAELOW. 
 
 Enclosing informations respecting an attempt to burn some 
 houses, but which appears to have been caused by private malice, 
 and not by the system of combination, known by the name of 
 "Moll Doyle and her seven sons" — of which system he details 
 the particulars and origin, &c. — and their objects against those 
 who take 'lands, &c. ; representing the necessity of a military 
 force, and that there is a slated house, well suited for the ac- 
 commodation of tliirty men ; that the offer of rewards confided 
 to him shall not be abused, and trusts may be of service. 
 
 lOth August, 1812.] 
 
 TO WALTER KAVANAGH, ESQ. 
 
 CARLOW, CO. CARLOW. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of Sth instant ; thanking him for his 
 attention to oppose and suppress the spirit of outrage ; and sug- 
 gesting, that the employment of some confidential and trust- 
 worthy person to associate with the confederates, seems the best 
 prospect of ascertaining the extent of the combination, and of 
 discovering the individuals, &c., and any expense so incurred will 
 be reimbursed him. The precautionary measures he proposes to 
 adopt, for the quiet and security of the well disposed, will, of 
 course, come communicated through the proper channel — the 
 Brigade-Major, and in due time be submitted for the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant's decision. 
 
 nth August, 1812.] • 
 
 TO A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 9th instant ; and observing 
 that it may be useful to learn in what particular neighbourhood 
 the fabric of pikes is going on, if he is not able to obtain more 
 particular information. 
 
( 280 ) 
 
 \Oth August, 1812] 
 
 FROM ROGER O'CONNOR, ESQ. 
 
 SUMMERHILL, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Representing that Mr. Wade, the sheriff of the county, had 
 committed his (Mr. O'Connor's) gatekeeper and woodi'anger to 
 gaol, and had seized a carbine, his property ; that he had refused 
 to admit the man to bail, until he had consulted Sir C. Saxton, 
 for which purpose he was then going to Dublin; that on his 
 return he did admit the man to bail, on Mr. O'Connor's recog- 
 nizance, but had kept the carbine ; and complaining in very 
 strong terms of this proceeding, &c. 
 
 lUh August, 1812.] 
 
 TO ROGER O'CONNER, ESQ. 
 
 SUMMERHILL, CO. MEATH. 
 
 In answer to his letter of the 10th instant, observing that the 
 sheriff of Meath did, as he states, report that, in his search after 
 three prisoners under sentence of death, who had escaped from 
 Trim gaol, he had apprehended and lodged in prison a man, 
 against whom informations, charging a felony, had been sworn, 
 and that he had seized and detained certain arms and suspicious 
 papers found in his possession. Upon this communication there 
 was only to point out to him what was the regular course to be 
 taken, for the due commitment of a person under charge of felony, 
 and to apprise him how the law stood respecting unregistered 
 arms ; the particular circumstances which he (Mr. O'Connor) 
 has stated, do not however seem to require, that the law, either 
 with respect to the forfeiture of the arms, or the penalty incurred 
 by the possession of them, should be enforced ; and, under the 
 impression, that he will take care they are not misused in the 
 hands to which he entrusts them, they may in some sort be con- 
 sidered as having remained in his custody. The Lord Lieutenant 
 has directed Mr. Wade to be written to, suggesting the restora- 
 tion of the arms into his hands, as consistent with the pubhc 
 safety, and acquainting him, (Mr. Wade), that his Grace for- 
 bears to express any opinion with respect to the acceptance or 
 refusal of the bail offered for Kiernan, as the magistrates who 
 are in possession of the depositions, and have had the advantage 
 of viva voce examination, are best competent to decide on the 
 nature and credibihty of the charge that has been preferred 
 against him. 
 
 9th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Requesting to know if a memorial to the Lord Lieutenant, 
 stating his exertions, and praying to be allowed any sum per 
 
( 281 ) 
 
 day considered proper, from the time of his bemg appointed to 
 the commission of the peace, woukl be attended with success ; 
 stating that the neighbourhood of Shanahill, county Waterford, is 
 in a disturbed state, but hopes soon to set it to rights, having 
 received General Drummond's directions on that subject. 
 
 lUh August, 1812.1 
 
 TO CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of 9th instant, acquainting him, that it is 
 regretted there are no funds at the disposal of government, out 
 of which the allowance proposed by him can issue ; but whenever 
 his services in the actual apprehension of offenders entitle him to 
 remuneration, there will be no want of disposition on the part of 
 government, to pay the most favom'able attention to his claims. 
 
 I3th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Requesting he will give his attention to the conduct of a person 
 named Ryan, a saddler, living at Thomond Gate, in Limerick, 
 whose conduct and associates it might be useful to watch, and 
 that he will acquaint government with any result of importance 
 that may arise. 
 
 I2th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Stating that O'Brian perseveres in his information, and that two 
 persons were active in taking Daniel, the robber of Mulcahy's 
 arms, and that if it is approved of he will give them £20 each. 
 Every part of the country perfectly tranquil. 
 
 Uth August, 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of 12th instant, and approving of his 
 giving £20 each to the persons who apprehended Daniel; en- 
 closing £40, to be divided as he proposes. 
 
 Uth August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR MOORE, 
 
 CARLOW, CO. CARLOW. 
 
 Enclosing copy of an extract of a letter from Dubhn, which 
 represents the calamity of an approacliing rebellion, and that 
 
( 282 ) 
 
 Mullingar is to be the first place attacked, &c., and that the 
 person from whom this information is derived, had written to the 
 officer commanding at Mullingar. 
 
 15th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR MOORE, 
 
 CARLOW, CO. CAKLOW. 
 
 In answer to his letter of the 14th instant, requesting he will 
 furnish the name of the person from whom the account was given 
 him, and draw from him, under the assurance of perfect secrecy 
 on the part of government, the name, situation, and character of 
 his informant, and the individuals through whom the intelhgence 
 is derived ; and at the same time that he is urged to every ex- 
 ertion, he is also apprized of the existence in that quarter of the 
 comitry (Mulhngar), of a desire to propagate alarm, and that his 
 report may have its origin in the same circumstance. 
 
 15th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO GUSTAVUS ROCHFORT, ESQ. 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Enclosing Major Moore's letter, — observing that there is no 
 reason to give any credit to its contents, further than the respect- 
 able quarter from whence it comes ; it is put into his hands 
 rather with a view to inform him of what is said respecting his 
 neighbourhood, than that it demands any extraordinary exertion 
 of his vigilance. 
 
 13th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DOCTOR AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLE TON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Stating, that by the advice of his counsel, he had committed 
 Davison to the county gaol ; that he had him brought into the 
 county court house, and acquainted the Chief Baron with his 
 detention, but who made no order in his case ; that in his com- 
 mittal he had stated all the particulars as to bail required by 
 the act, that he declares he can get no bail, and that he is wilhng 
 to enter into the navy. 
 
 \5th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. DOCTOR AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 13th instant, and returning its 
 enclosure ; acquainting him, that if Davison is admitted into the 
 navy, or will undertake to transport himself to England without 
 delay, his liberation appears unobjectionable, and may take place 
 without waiting for answers to the references respecting him. 
 
( 283 ) 
 
 I5th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIR, CO. TIPPEEARY. 
 
 Requesting to know if his application of the 6th June has been 
 laid before his Grace for a civil employment, and urging his 
 claims on the government. 
 
 nth August, 1812.] 
 
 TO CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 CARRICK-ON-SUIB, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Acquainting him that his letter of the 15th instant shall be 
 laid before the Lord Lieutenant, though there is no reason to 
 think that his Grace is less embarrassed with other claims at this 
 time. 
 
 18th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Having written to him on the 13th instant, respecting Thomas 
 Ryan, he is now acquainted that by a communication just re- 
 ceived, it appears that another person of that name, and lately 
 from England, where he was active in mischief, has been traced 
 to Limerick ; requesting he will have him watched. 
 
 18th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. M. WAINWRIGHT, 
 
 TRIM, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Enclosing a copy of the notice he had served on Mr. O'Connor, 
 on returning the sword and carbine taken from his porter. 
 
 19th Augvst, 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. M. WAINWRIGHT, 
 
 TRIM, CO. MEATH. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter, enclosing the notice he has thought 
 it necessary to give Mr. O'Connor, and it is not doubted but 
 that he has good reason for adopting that measure. 
 
 19th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM GUSTAVUS ROCHFORT, ESQ. 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Stating that the lower orders are well conducted, and grateful 
 for the assistance given them in the time of scarcity ; but that he 
 had been informed by a gentlemen, that a cathoHc curate had 
 
( 284 ) 
 
 told him, that he and his rector were exhorting the people to be 
 on their guard, not to be led astray, &c., and drawing a com- 
 parison between these exhortations and those used previous to 
 the year '98. 
 
 2<dth August, 1812.] 
 
 TO GUSTAVUS ROCHFORT, 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Expressing thanks for his communication, and acquainting him 
 that on tracing the report, mentioned in the last letter to liim, 
 to its source, it proves to be, as suspected, an idle one. 
 
 \Sth August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLONMEL, CO. TIPPEBARY. 
 
 Stating that he was setting off for Clogheen, in which neigh- 
 bourhood, a system of highway robbery, hitherto unknown, had 
 prevailed, and that for two days and nights every passenger and 
 carriage had been plundered. 
 
 20/A August, 1812.] i 
 
 TO MAJOR PRENDERGAST, 
 
 CLONBIEL, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 18th instant, and acquainting 
 him that the result of his visit to Clogheen, where it seems a 
 new system of depredation has discovered itself, is anxiously 
 expected. Authorizing the offer of rewards, the extent of which 
 offers he will take care to communicate from time to time. 
 
 I8th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 MARYBOROUGH, QUEEN's CO. 
 
 Enclosing an account of money expended in the support of 
 Meaney's family ; stating that he had asked Mr. Briscoe to take 
 charge of them, who had promised to do so as soon as directed 
 by government, — he (Captain Blake), then setting out for Mary- 
 borough. 
 
 20th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO CAPTAIN BLAKE, 
 
 MARYBOROUGH, QUEEN'S COUNTY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 18th instant, and enclosing 
 £28 4s., the amount of money expended for Meaney's sub- 
 sistence; expressing regret that his useful services will be lost 
 
( 285 ) 
 
 to the neighbourhood of Carrick-on-Suir, and acquainting him 
 that Mr. Briscoe has been written to, to take charge of Meaney's 
 family. 
 
 nth August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM GODFREY JklASSEY, ESQ. 
 
 TIPPERABY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Informing, that he had committed the prisoners he had before 
 written about, to Limerick gaol, but that he fears they may escape 
 for want of evidence sufficient to convict them, from the reluctance 
 of prosecutors to come forward, owing to the system of terror 
 held out ; and that in his opinion the surest way to get rid of 
 them, would be sending them on board the fleet. Acquainting, 
 that on Sunday he had apprehended two more of the gang, 
 Daniel Doherty and Daniel Finerty, and committed them to 
 Limerick gaol. In reference to the letter addressed to him of 
 the 5th, stating that the prisoners might be tried by the White- 
 boy Act, and that the yeomen would prosecute ; stating that they 
 would most readily do so ; but as the prisoners were not taken 
 in a body, but separately, doubts if they can be tried under that 
 act. With respect to one of them, William Jackson or Cloney, 
 is informed that he is a deserter from the 38th regiment, having 
 murdered one of that regiment. 
 
 20th August, 1812.1 
 
 TO GODFREY MASSEY, ESQ. 
 
 TIPPERARY, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 17th instant, observing, that although 
 it might not, as he remarks, be a case for conviction, unless it 
 could be made out that the persons separately taken in arms, 
 were of the same party that had recently assembled, yet it will be 
 for a jury to decide whether, under all the circumstances of their 
 discovery and apprehension, the case is not such as to warrant 
 the conclusion of their having been so assembled, and dispersed 
 only in their endeavour to escape detection and punishment. If it 
 turns out that Cloney has not been guilty of the crime he is 
 charged with having committed in the 38th regiment, he (Mr. M.) 
 might avail himself of his disposition to give evidence on behalf 
 of the crown, and if that course be deemed inexpedient, he will 
 have the advantage, by means of his information, to find some 
 individuals who may identify and appear against the persons in 
 custody, by means of Cloney, Donovan, and Roach. Orders 
 have been given to Sir E. Littlehales to make inquiries, the 
 result of which will be communicated. 
 
( 286 ) 
 
 18//t August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Stating, that on inquiry he finds that there have been meetings 
 at Thomond Gate under the pretence of regulating trade, but, 
 that he apprehends there is something more in it ; purposes to 
 set a watch upon them, and to surprise them at their next 
 meeting, and at the same time to search the house of Ryan, who 
 appears to be very active in the business. Representing the 
 western part of the county of Limerick to be very much dis- 
 turbed, and that parties assemble every night in arms and white 
 shirts over their clothes, to the amount of several hundreds. 
 The arms extremely bright, and he understands that in a late 
 affray, more of the arms of the Glen corps have got into 
 their hands ; that the meetings at the county Clare side of the 
 town are not so frequent, but that he shortly expects to take one 
 of the ringleaders in that quarter, whom he expects wiU turn 
 out an useful king's evidence. No magistrate for ten miles in 
 that quarter, and recommends his brother, Mr. Edward Lloyd, 
 to be commissioned for county Clare. Wishes to be informed, if 
 he may send any persons he should happen to take, illegally 
 assembled, on board the tender. 
 
 2lst August, 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 18th instant, and expressing 
 confidence that in proceeding against the persons who assembled 
 at Thomond Gate, whose surprise he meditated at the next meeting, 
 he will take care to have not only sufiicient grounds to warrant 
 such interference, but be satisfied that the mterruption will not 
 be so premature, as to prevent his obtaining a thorough know- 
 ledge of the ultimate objects and connexions of the associations. 
 Expressing surprise at liis account of the state of the western 
 part of the county Limerick, as no report of disturbances in 
 that quarter has recently been made to government ; inquiry, 
 however, will be made with respect to the nightly meetings at 
 Glin, as also into any loss or abuse of the yeomanry arms. 
 Acquainting him, that in the absence of the Lord Chancellor 
 from Ireland, it is desirable to abstain from making any addition 
 to the magistracy ; but if his lordship is applied to on his return, 
 in the customary form, his request, no doubt, will meet his ready 
 attention. With respect to his (Mr. Lloyd's) power of sending 
 criminals on board the tender, it cannot be legally done, but with 
 the consent of the party. 
 
( 287 ) 
 
 I9th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM EYRE EVANS, ESQ. 
 
 KILMALLOCK. 
 
 Annexing the copy of an affidavit made before him, by Lieute- 
 nant Wilson, commanding a detachment of the Monaghan mihtia, 
 quartered at Kilmallock, relative to two men whom he has con- 
 fined, under very suspicious circumstances, and stating that one 
 of the persons wrote a letter that morning, and got another to 
 direct it and put it into the post-office, and that both, when 
 interrogated, denied having wrote the letter. Has detained the 
 letter, and requests to know what steps he shall take. 
 
 22nd August, 1812.] 
 
 TO EYRE EVANS, ESQ. 
 
 KILMALLOCK. 
 
 Thanking him for his communication of the 19th instant, and 
 observing that the deposition of the officer commanding at 
 Kilmallock is sufficient of itself to found any charge against the 
 persons in custody ; but as it seems probable that something specific 
 may be obtained by the examination of Lieutenant Wilson, he is 
 recommended to resort to that course without delay. Should it 
 fail, he will be aware that under the 7th section of 50th George III., 
 c. 102, they may be detained, if strangers in the country. In 
 the meantime, the regular steps will be taken for getting 
 possession of the letter in the post-office of KilmaUock. 
 
 20th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. DR. AUSTIN, 
 
 MIDDLETON, CO. CORK. 
 
 Stating that Davison had sailed from Cork for Bristol in the 
 " Surprise," Captain Hyde, to whom he had given two guineas 
 to be given to Davison on landing, for travelhng expenses, 
 which sum, with his passage money and subsistence, amounts to 
 £5 12s. 6d, which he hopes government will pay him. 
 
 20tk August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD F. BLENNERHASSET, ESQ. 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Enclosing a very detailed account of a riot, which he states to 
 have taken place on the 1st of August, in that town, in con- 
 sequence of the Roman Cathohc meeting, and of various acts of 
 outrage having been committed, in consequence of the town being 
 illuminated, and seditious emblems exhibited in transparencies ; 
 
( 288 ) 
 
 that two magistrates were personally insulted (Mr. Bateman and 
 Mr. Cosbie), and that the Provost was unable to suppress a 
 repetition of the bonfires and illuminations on the following 
 night, and that to the activity of Captain Fitzmaurice, of the 
 Queen's regiment, alone was to be attributed the restoration of 
 quiet, &c. 
 
 22iid August, 1812.1 
 
 TO A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 This letter, marked confidential, and acquainting him, that a 
 representation that he (Sir C. Saxton) has seen, has led him to 
 address him, as he would willingly interrupt it on its way to 
 the Lord Lieutenant, as it charges Mr. Jacob with unbecoming 
 demeanour towards a gentleman who, from his profession, was 
 entitled to expect forbearance, even if he had offered, which he 
 does not appear to have done, any provocation. That he will, no 
 doubt, learn, that the misunderstanding between him and the 
 Roman Cathohc Bishop of Ferns, on the 2nd instant, is the circum- 
 stance alluded to, and that no doubt is entertained but that he will 
 be impressed with the propriety of endeavouring to atone for any 
 unjustifiable offence he may have hastily given, and prevent the 
 subject from coming officially for the consideration of government. 
 That other instances of misconduct imputed to him, on the same 
 occasion, are forborne to be mentioned, as no doubt he has already 
 repented, if any expressions of exultation should have escaped 
 him, on the late successes in the Peninsular war, calculated to 
 offend the feelings of any of his Majesty's subjects, and inconsistent 
 with peaceable and orderly demeanour, though more especially 
 to be expected from a magistrate, and servant of the public ; and 
 stating that it will be satisfactory to learn, by such explanation 
 as he may make, that he would not wantonly offend Dr. Ryan, 
 or wantonly run the hazard of wounding the feelings of a fellow- 
 subject, by any unwarrantable indulgence of his joy or power. 
 
 24<A August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM A. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Detailing the particulars of the misunderstanding that occurred 
 between him and Dr. Ryan, viz. — that in walking about the 
 town, after having requested of the inhabitants to illuminate 
 their houses in consequence of Lord Wellington's victory, he had 
 stopped at the door of a Quaker, who asked him was there any 
 danger of his windows being broken ? to which he replied, that 
 
( 289 ) 
 
 he hoped not, as the Quakers were well affected to the King, 
 though they did not illuminate, which he was sure all but the 
 disaffected would do, and that in spite of them they would illu- 
 minate ; that at the time he made this remark, no person 
 appeared in his view, nor did he think any but the Quaker's 
 family were within hearing ; but that, unfortunately. Dr. Ryan 
 and Priest Scallion were passing, and who returned, and 
 addressing him, said, he had been told that he had called him a 
 disaffected blackguard, who would not illuminate ; and that he 
 replied, he had not ; that several contradictions took place, and 
 that he had said, whoever informed him so was a liar, and that 
 he followed to explain, but would not hear him. 
 
 27<A August, 1812.] 
 
 TO A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acquainting liim, that the same post which brought his answer 
 to the private letter, also conveyed Dr. Ryan's statement 
 addressed to the Lord Lieutenant, a copy of which is en- 
 closed, from which he will perceive that there is a material 
 difference in the views respectively taken of the origin of their 
 late differences, which his Grace is unwilling to beheve can be 
 tinctured by any recurrence to former animosities ; and hopes 
 that candid explanation and conciliatory disposition on both sides 
 will effectually do away all unjust impressions, &c. Acquainting 
 him, that in the reply to Dr. Ryan, his Grace's sentiments are 
 to be expressed to the same effect, and his persuasion, that con- 
 sidering the violence of language into which he (Mr. Jacob) 
 admits himself to have been betrayed, he will feel no hesitation 
 in making the first advances towards such explanation as the 
 case will admit of — a measure from which the profession of Dr. 
 Ryan seems to remove every repugnance, and which may be the 
 means of avoiding an unpleasant discussion before the Lord 
 Chancellor. 
 
 2\st August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM REV. DR. RYAN, 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Stating that Mr. Jacob has wantonly insulted him ; asserting 
 that he was a disaffected person, calling him a liar, &c. 
 
( 290 ) 
 
 27th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO REV. DR. RYAN. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acquainting him, that previous to the receipt of his letter of the 
 21st instant, the circumstances which he had stated had been 
 received from Mr. Marsden, and that the sentiments of govern- 
 ment respecting Mr. Jacob's alleged conduct having been signified 
 to him, they have drawn from him a representation, which leads 
 his Grace to think that the expressions used by Mr. Jacob in the 
 first instance, were not intended to apply to him, (Dr. Ryan,) 
 nor that Mr. Jacob was aware that he was at hand at the time 
 they were uttered. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it has been suggested to Mr. Jacob, 
 (for which see the above letter). And in conclusion, expressing 
 his Grace's confidence that such an opening for mutual under- 
 standing, &c., will be welcome to his (Dr. Ryan's) wishes, and 
 be preferred by him to a protracted examination before the Lord 
 Chancellor, to whose decision an appeal must be made as a ground 
 for dismissal from the peace. And although his character as a 
 hearth-money collector is not affected, yet Mr. Jacob must know, 
 and will be reminded, that any act tending to create disturbance 
 or disunion, will be visited by the severest marks of reprehension 
 from his Grace, as well as from the superior officers of his 
 department. 
 
 27th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM GUSTAVUS ROCHFORT, ESQ. 
 
 MULLINGAR, CO. WESTMEATH. 
 
 Stating that a gentleman living near to Castletown had informed 
 him, the son of a man who had given him useful information at 
 the time of the former rebellion, had told him that about ten days 
 before, there had been a meeting of between two and three 
 hundred persons on the hill of Knockaster; that some persons 
 who were reluctant to be sworn were compelled to swear ; that 
 the captain's name was Edward Coney. 
 
 26th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE PROVOST OF TRALEE, 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Detailing minutely the circumstances which occurred at the riot 
 of Tralee, by which it appears that the statement given of these 
 transactions by Mr. Blennerhassct, were much exaggerated, 
 and stating, that, had the writer of the statement transmitted 
 
( 291 ) 
 
 to government, consulted with him, or any other of the magis- 
 trates who witnessed the transactions, or had taken more time 
 to examine into them himself, he, probably, would not have seen 
 the necessity of troubhng government with so strong a report. 
 
 29th August, 1812.] 
 
 TO WILLIAM ROWAN, ESQ., PROVOST, 
 
 TKALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 26th instant, 
 and thanking him for those very minute and satisfactory com- 
 munications he has furnished in reply to letter of 22nd instant. 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1812. 
 
 30th August, 1812.] 
 
 FROM A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Asserting that the representations he had made contained facts, 
 which can be testified on oath, and positively disclaiming to have 
 used the words imputed to him, in the charges preferred against 
 him by Dr. Ryan. 
 
 2nd Sep. 1812.1 
 
 TO A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Enclosing the copy of an affidavit, relating to the misunder- 
 standing between him and Dr. Ryan ; and observing, that, as it 
 seems to confirm the idea already expressed with respect to the 
 origin of the dispute, it may, perhaps, weigh with him as an 
 additional motive for the explanation suggested, with a view to 
 his justification, in case Dr. Ryan's complaint should come before 
 the Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1st Sep. 1812.J 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATEKFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing three informations ; he and Mr. Langley setting out 
 to search for arms. Requesting thirty guineas to be sent to him 
 to procure information ; promises inibrmation by the next 
 
( 292 ) 
 
 post; respecting Mr. Barron Quinlan whose head was so badly 
 wounded, nearly dead ; one of the persons concerned, he (Mr. 
 Cole) has lodged in gaol. 
 
 3rd Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 1st instant, and its enclosures ; 
 observing, that none of the depositions contain (what is always 
 desirable) a denial of all knowledge or suspicion of the perpe- 
 trators. Expressing satisfaction at hearing that those concerned 
 in the outrage, have been lodged in gaol. Enclosing tliirty 
 guineas to be disposed of in rewarding private informers, for 
 which he is required to account, and accompany it with the 
 necessary vouchers. 
 
 1st Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM JOHN BOYCE, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Representing the misconduct of that part of the yeomanry on 
 permanent duty, having on the Tuesday night before, fired 
 several shots, and, notwithstanding he had requested of them to 
 desist, and go quietly home, they would not, but continued firing. 
 That on the Thursday and Friday following, several shots were 
 fired near his house, with a view to insult him ; that he was 
 obliged to order part of the German Legion to patrole the streets, 
 and that the captain of them, (Guffren) and he, had stones thrown 
 at them, and that his informer, Donovan, had told him that 
 
 several of the yeomanry were sworn Caravats. Requesting 
 
 to know his Grace's pleasure, with respect to the information 
 given by Donovan, against several persons, as being sworn 
 Caravats. 
 
 4th Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO JOHN BOYCE, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acquainting him, that directions will be given for investigating 
 the improper conduct of the yeomanry, mentioned in his letter 
 of the 1st instant. With respect to the persons said to have 
 taken an illegal oath, observing, that the deposition of Donovan, 
 although it may warrant their apprehension, seems yet so little 
 to be relied upon, that his Grace recommends that further 
 questions should be used, to obtain specific information of the 
 fact, previous to his (Mr. B.) making trial of the effect which their 
 apprehension, under that charge, may produce. 
 
( 293 ) 
 
 2nd Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating that he and Mr. Langley had searched the enth'e county 
 where disturbances have of late been most prevalent, and where 
 it is well known that arms and ammunition are in the possession 
 of the people, but that they did not find any, nor was there one 
 of the inhabitants to be found at home ; that a sentinel at Kilmac- 
 thomas had counted eight shots fired in the very direction they 
 had searched. 
 
 Thinks that if he were to ofi^er a reward in conjunction with 
 John Kieravan, for apprehending and prosecuting the persons 
 concerned in burning his house, it would have a good effect ; has 
 been obliged to leave three soldiers to protect him. 
 
 Enclosing the information of Mrs. Shanahan, denying what 
 she had said of Mr. Barron. When he receives an answer as to 
 dragoons being sent to him, will suggest a plan for keeping the 
 county quiet for the winter. 
 
 5th Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 (This letter signed by Mr. Peel.) 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In reply to his letter of 2nd inst. with its enclosures, observing, 
 that the aflfidavit of Nancy Shanahan, so far invalidates the 
 account she had previously given, as to render it impossible to 
 resort to any other measure than the usual offer of reward, for 
 discovery and apprehension of the offenders ; but as there may 
 be some reason to suppose that her former testimony is now 
 retracted from motives of fear, it is trusted every exertion will 
 be made to prevail with her to disclose whatever intelhgence she 
 is possessed of. His question relative to the stationing a party 
 of dragoons at Annestown, during the winter, has already been 
 answered by Sir C. Saxton's letter of the 2nd inst. His plan, 
 however, for preserving the quiet of the country will be thank- 
 fully received. 
 
 4th Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Observing, that the diversity between his and Doctor Ryan's 
 affidavit is very great, which he is able to refute, on the oaths 
 and informations of several persons, but that he is unwilHng to 
 bring those persons forward, as they would incur the ill will of 
 Dr. Ryan and his flock, &c., and detailing several things reported 
 to him as having been said to his prejudice. 
 
( 294 ) 
 
 5<;j Sep. 1812.1 
 
 TO A. H. JACOB, ESQ. 
 
 ENNISCORTHY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 4th inst., and observing, that 
 as the difference between his statement and Dr. Ryan's, is so 
 great as to preclude any hope of accommodation, and though 
 the reasons he has urged for forbearing to bring forward the 
 testimony of Mr. Mason may have weight, it cannot be urged 
 to him to anticipate the justification which in the event of a com- 
 plaint being lodged against him before the Lord Chancellor, it 
 can alone be necessary for him to resort to ; but in the mean- 
 time, it is trusted he will not let the tales of insidious, if not 
 false, relators influence his conduct towards Doctor Ryan or his 
 adherents, but conduct himself with that conciliatory spirit 
 towards his Catholic brethren that ought to characterize one 
 intrusted with the administration of justice. 
 
 1st Sep. 1812.J 
 
 FROM WILLIAM EVANS, ESQ. 
 
 RATHANGAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Stating that the information he has lately received, is, that 
 there are frequent meetings in that neighbourhood, particularly 
 towards Kildare and Robertstown — that the oath is the same as 
 that formerly written by O'Connor, who was hanged in 1797, or 
 '98, and goes particularly to the extermination of Protestants ; 
 that the delegate for that district is a tailor of the name of Ennis; 
 that there had been committees in Rathangan, since the removal 
 of the troops, at the houses of C. Mulhall and Pat. Slavin ; that 
 his informant has been admitted amongst them to a certain 
 degree ; that they have sent arms, and all believe that a large 
 quantity of arms have been landed in Munster or Connaught, 
 and that the French have many thousand jackets made up to 
 send them ; they talk much of rising when the harvest is up ; 
 no man of decency amongst them ; recommends the Canal Hotel 
 at Robertstown for a barrack. 
 
 8th Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE EARL ANNESLEY, 
 
 ■CASTLEWILLAN, CO. DOWN. 
 
 Stating, that what is stated in the extract which was enclosed 
 to him, is in every respect unfounded ; that he had investigated 
 the affair, and that it was the soldiers of the recruiting party who 
 had commenced the riot, and that it does not appear to him to be 
 of any consequence to the public peace. 
 
( 295 ) 
 
 9th Sep. 1812.1 
 
 FROM L. H. MORTON, ESQ. 
 
 RUSKEY, CO. LEITRIM. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from the gaoler of Roscommon, relative 
 to a man of the name of Duffy, who had been committed by 
 Mr. Morton for issuing forged i\otes, and who says ho has very 
 important discoveries to make. 
 
 nth Sep. 1812.] 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE RECORDER, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Representing that a Mr. David Dwyer, a friend of his, informed 
 him that a Roman Catholic clergyman, the Rev. Pat. Hogan, had 
 told him he had heard, but not in the way of confession, of a 
 criminal association going forward, which met at one Brohan's, 
 a publican ; the nature of which was that an oath of secrecy is 
 administered, by each member to another, without the presence 
 of a third ; that any person divulging the oath is m danger of 
 assassination ; detaihng all the minutias of the association, and 
 that the principal of it is Mr. Anthony Bourke, a half-pay 
 lieutenant, and also a lieutenant of the Castle Waller corps of 
 yeomanry ; that the oath and rules had been given to Geary, 
 the printer of the Lhnerick Evening Post, to be printed. [Mr. 
 Dwyer said — the Recorder was mistaken, for that he meant to 
 say the printer was applied to to contradict the existence of this 
 association.] Detailing the evidence of Carey and Brohan, and 
 the conduct of Counsellor O'Gorman. 
 
 \Qlh Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE RECORDER OF LIMERICK, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Stating that late the day before. Lord Glentworth, accompanied 
 by a select number of Roman Catholic gentlemen, brought a person 
 whom they said was ready to swear informations against Mr. 
 
 Anthony B , and required they should be taken ; that the 
 
 mayor sent for him (the Recorder), when he found that this man 
 was Brohan, mentioned in his former statement ; that he took his 
 examination, and, after a conference with General Darby, jigreed 
 that it was necessary to secure Mr. Bourke ; that he proceeded to 
 his hoiise, eleven miles distant, and conducted him to General 
 Darby ; that he had searched liis desks and di'awers without finding 
 any paper in the least degree suspicious ; but that he had prit 
 several into his hands, which appeared to be intended as proofs of 
 his having obtained, by mixing with the disaffected, a knowledge of 
 their designs, but which was made known to General Payne, who 
 
( 290 ) 
 
 had commanded there, and who Mr. B. alleges, promised, on 
 leaving that, to inform Mr. Marsden, the then secretary, of the 
 confidential intercourse ; and that he afterwards had similar com- 
 munications with Mr. Willcocks, the magistrate, especially one at 
 the hotel where he lodged ; and also, that he had conveyed some 
 intelligence to the Duke of York, after quitting the 23rd 
 regiment, in a long letter, signed, " an old soldier." 
 
 Requesting to be instructed how he is to act towards Mr. B. 
 who is at present lodged in the temporary barrack, and whether 
 he may admit him to bail, if offered. 
 
 2\st Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO THE RECORDER OF LIMERICK, 
 
 LIMERICK CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Observing that his letter of the 19th inst., and its enclosures, in 
 some degree anticipate the particulars required by the letter to 
 him of that date, and in reply to his question, respecting the 
 bailment of Lieutenant Bourke, that as the charge in Brohan's 
 affidavit, amounts at the utmost to a confession on the part of 
 Bourke, and is in its nature so indistinct, as, without explanation 
 or confirmation, to render it incapable of becoming the ground of 
 a legal proceeding ; there can be no reason for refusing to admit 
 him to bail ; he will not however fail to draw from him the names 
 of the persons with whom he was associated at Brohan's and any 
 other place, and proceed to sift the matter to the bottom. There 
 is no knowledge of Mr. Bourke's employment under General 
 Payne, nor of his communications with Mr. Willcocks ; with the 
 latter an immediate correspondence will be sought ; and if the 
 result of Mr. Smyth's investigation renders it necessary, a re- 
 ference will be had with General Payne. 
 
 21 St Sep. 1812.1 
 
 FROM MAJOR-GENERAL DARBY, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Enclosing a pubUcation of the evening before, and stating that 
 Bourke's arrest was not known to them, when the newspaper 
 was pubhshed ; and that, being unwilling to put him into the 
 common gaol, to which he was averse, he had, at the desire of 
 the Recorder, put him in a barrack room, with directions that he 
 should be supplied with what was necessary ; that no one has 
 conversation with him ; that it is probable the paper enclosed 
 may throw some hglit on the subject ; that nothing further has 
 come out, and that the Recorder is very anxious for a reply to his 
 letter. 
 
( 297 ) 
 
 22nd Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL DARBY, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 21st instant, enclosing a copy 
 of the L. E. Post, by which there appears a disposition to consider 
 the investigation respecting a conspiracy in a ludicrous view ; the 
 circumstances, however, as reported, leave no doubt of the pro- 
 priety of examining scrupulously into the whole affiiir ; and to 
 that effect the Recorder of Limerick has been apprized, and his 
 difficulties, as to admitting Lieutenant B. to bail, answered. Mr. 
 Willcocks, to whom he referred, was acquainted with him, but 
 received no information from him of any moment, nor was he 
 induced to repose any confidence in him, as he appeared 
 unsteady and wild. Requesting that he will communicate this 
 letter to the Recorder, who will be written to> the next post, if 
 Mr. Marsden can give any insight into the character of Bourke. 
 
 2Ut Sep. 1812.] 
 
 FROM GEORGE SMYTH, ESQ., RECORDER, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Representing, that he feels it totally impossible to give a more 
 detailed account, than that he has already given, unless that he 
 is ordered to examine Lieutenant Bourke, and report his 
 account. 
 
 23rd Sep. 1812.1 
 
 TO GEORGE SMYTH, ESQ., RECORDER, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 In answer to his letter of the 21st instant, acquainting him, that 
 in requiring a more minute detail of the alleged conspiracy of 
 Lieutenant Boui'ke, it was in the expectation, that not only 
 Brohan's affidavit, but the affidavits of others, might be procured, 
 particularly as Bourke seemed rather to justify, than deny, his 
 conduct ; remarking to him, that under these circumstances, there 
 was no reason for keeping Bourke ignorant of the charges against 
 him, nor for checking any disposition on his part, to disclose the 
 object of his conduct, or names of his associates. With such 
 assistance, the hope is still retained, that further insight may be 
 obtained into the case : and suggesting, that notwithstanding the 
 opinion he entertains of Carey, he should not omit to examine 
 him, and also to call upon Brohan, to swear positively, to his 
 knowledge or ignorance of the persons, exclusive of Bourke, who 
 attended the meetings at his house. 
 
( 298 ) 
 
 24th Sef. 1812.1 
 
 FROM FRANCIS WOODLEY, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acquainting of the elopement of Mary Callaglian, and stating 
 liis suspicions that she had been influenced by her priest, and 
 also the tutelar bishop (Dr. Coppingcr) ; that if so, her personal 
 safety is not endangered ; but if she had been induced to it by 
 any other means, he fears she will be assassinated, as he got the 
 knowledge of several assassinations that had been intended ; David 
 Hennessy's, and also Mr. and Mrs. Macbeth, for whose safety he 
 has great apprehensions ; has requested of them to remove into 
 some town, until after the assizes : and that his own life is to be 
 be attempted. Is inclined to believe that Mary Callaglian is 
 secreted some miles off, and will use every means to discover her, 
 and if so, would be glad to know how he is to act. Thinks the 
 present tranquillity is not to be relied on ; has been requested 
 by many farmers, to admit several to surrender, on their giving 
 bail, but this he declines. 
 
 26ih Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing, agreeably to the account transmitted in his letter of 
 25th instant, £58 7s. 8d., together with ten guineas to be given 
 to Moore, for apprehending Mandeville, and requesting separate 
 receipts, for himself and Moore. 
 
 2Sth Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Requesting, in consequence of the absence of Mr. Smyth from 
 Limerick, he will take up the inquiry, he has commenced, into 
 the charge made by Brohan against Lieutenant Bourke, and 
 pursue it to the utmost, Avithout giving it more pubhcity or im- 
 portance than it seems entitled to. Detaihng to him every par- 
 ticular relating to the subject, that has not been made known 
 to him by the public prints. Requesting he will omit no means 
 of coming at the real character of the transaction, and of the 
 persons imphcated in it ; and if there shall appear to him sufficient 
 grounds for treating Lieutenant Bourke, as engaged in a criminal 
 attempt against the peace of the country, tliat he will pursue 
 whatever course the law will justify, for making him answerable 
 for the offence. Observing to him, that as yet, the indistinctness 
 of the charge, or rather confession, has been such, as to entitle 
 
( 299 ) 
 
 the cautious proceeding hitherto adopted with respect to Bourke's 
 personal hberty, to approbation ; though, if the result of the 
 inquiry should make the aifair more serious, he should be dealt 
 with in a very tUfferent manner. As Major-General Darby 
 knows all the business, he need not scruple to confer with him 
 upon it. 
 
 29<A Sep. 1812.] 
 
 TO THE HIGH SHERIFF OF LIMERICK, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 In reply to that part of his letter which relates to the offer of 
 rewards ; authorizing his offering such reasonable rewards as 
 he may think proper — the necessity of advertising anew, those 
 formerly offered, but of which the time has expired, does not 
 appear ; and on consideration, perhaps he wdl be of opinion that 
 the authority now given Mm will answer every purpose ; and 
 observing that there are no traces of those rewards in the office. 
 It is presumed the witnesses are hving, and forthcoming, and 
 that there is every probability of their evidence being sufficient 
 for conviction, otherwise it may be questionable whether the 
 appi^hension of those offenders would be desirable. 
 
 OCTOBER, 1812. 
 
 29th Sep. 1812.1 
 
 FROM R. W. GUMBLETON, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Representing that the private information communicated to him, 
 has been in a great measure the means of quieting the country, 
 and that he had advanced £30 and promised £50, for a continu- 
 ation of services, and requesting a remittance of £50. 
 
 2nd Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO R. W. GUMBLETON, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 In answer to his letter of the 29th ult., calling his attention to the 
 terms in which the letter to him of the 18th July is expressed, 
 respecting the reward he proposes to give to a secret informer, 
 by wliich it was intended, that authority from the Lord Lieutenant 
 should precede any payment or decision as to the amount, although 
 it is not doubted that the sums advanced l)y him have been dis- 
 creetly issued ; observing, that every addition to it, except for 
 
( 300 ) 
 
 services actually performed, and then only to be given with the 
 sanction of government, might be viewed as disproportionate to 
 the informers' claims ; previously, therefore, to the making fur- 
 ther issues, he is requested to send an account of the times and 
 payment made to the amount of £30, for which a post bill is now 
 transmitted, and specify the nature of the claim, which he expects 
 will be hereafter estabhshed, to the additional £20 required by 
 his letter. 
 
 6th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO A. WALTERS, ESQ 
 
 YOUGHAL, CO. CORK. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 3rd inst. 
 
 Sth Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS WOODLEY, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging receipt of his letter of the 4th inst. ; referring 
 him to a letter of yesterday ; and requesting he will inform of the 
 nature of the minor offences which those persons have committed, 
 Avho decUne to give up their accomplices. 
 
 8th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM RICHARD WILLCOCKS, ESQ. 
 
 BALBRIGGAN, CO. DUBLIN. 
 
 Stating, that from the best information he can coUect, he cannot 
 learn that Collier is in the neighboui'hood at present, but had 
 been frequently seen, previous to the robbery of the Derry mail, 
 and not since. From the arrangements he has made, hopes to 
 discover the place of his retreat. 
 
 Srd Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Enclosing Mr. Bourke's statement, and also that of Brohan, 
 and giving it as the opinion of General Darby and himself, that 
 it is a fabricated explanation of Bourke, to cover his other inten- 
 tions, and that after the best consideration, they had determined 
 to send Bourke to confinement, until the pleasure of government 
 was known. Carey, not in Limerick at present, but could add 
 little to the information given. 
 
( 301 ) 
 
 Stating that on the 22nd of August, he had taken a party of 
 mihtary to Crattelloe, in the county Clare, and had apprehended 
 several persons charged with nightly depredations and felonies ; 
 and that the expense of setting them, and refresliing the troops, 
 had cost liim ten guineas, and that for services of this nature, in 
 the years 1809, 10, and 11, whilst mayor of Limerick, he had 
 expended £300, for which he has never received any remu- 
 neration, though Colonel Yereker promised to mention it to 
 government. 
 
 6th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 3rd instant, remarking, that as the 
 statement wliich Brohan has given, respecting the resolution pro- 
 posed by Mr. Bourke, at the meeting to which Brohan's affidavit 
 relates, does not appear to vary the charge materially, from the 
 original preferred, and on wliich Bourke has been admitted to 
 bail, his further detention can be productive of no advantage, nor 
 would it perhaps be justifiable, unless there is reason to beheve the 
 charges against him at Castle Connel, are of such a nature as to 
 require it. Requesting, however, that he will cause Brohan to 
 swear to his supplementary statement, and forward a copy of his 
 depositions, together with such as may be taken respecting 
 Bourke's transactions at Castle Connel. 
 
 Enclosing the amount of expenses incurred by him on the 22nd 
 of August, in apprehending offenders in the neighbourhood of 
 Crattelloe, and desu^ing a detailed statement of the circumstances 
 under which they were incurred, and of the maimer and propor- 
 tion in which they were disbursed. Regretting that the lapse of 
 time, and want of authority, seem to offer an insurmountable 
 barrier to the payment of previous disbursements. 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR MAHONY, 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Stating that he has been informed by Mr. John O'ConneU, a 
 gentleman of good property, and a magistrate, that confidential 
 persons of the lower classes, have, upon his promise of keeping 
 their names secret, and furnishing protection to them if necessary, 
 undertaken to give such precise information of all intended acts of 
 outrage, as may enable him to detect and commit the criminals; 
 that these illegal acts, appear to be confined to Mr. O'Connell's 
 estate : and detailing the particulars of some outrages committed 
 by a party which was headed by a person in the uniform of a 
 cavalry yeoman. 
 
( 302 ) 
 
 \2th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR MAHONY, 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Acknowledging liis report of tlio state of his district of the 7th 
 instant, and acquainting him that his Grace feels confident, he will, 
 in conjunction with Mr. O'Connell, use every exertion to discover 
 and apprehend the persons concerned in the outrages which Mr. 
 O'Connell states to have been committed in his neighbourhood. 
 
 I6th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 I request you will let me know whether you have heard of 
 persons of the name of Shannon and M'Leod, who are said to 
 have been murdered in Ireland, being suspected as spies on the 
 disaffected. Shannon is stated to have been at Watcrford and 
 M'Leod at Cork. 
 
 I3tk Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM R. W. GUMBLETON, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Stating, that the disorder of the country was such, at the time 
 of liis promising £50 to the secret informer, that he considers it 
 a small sum for the services rendered ; and asserting the good 
 effects which resulted from the measures he had adopted. 
 Acquainting of his having got intimation of an intended rising in 
 the parishes of Youghal, Co, Cork, and Temple Michael, Co. 
 Tipperary, for the purpose of murdering some of his tenants, 
 who have lately taken farms ; intends to be prepared for the 
 attack. Accounting for the money he had expended. 
 
 nth Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO R. W. GUMBLETON, ESQ. 
 
 TALLOW, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing £20, the balance of the £50 alluded to in his letter 
 of the 13th instant, and there is no doubt entertained, but that 
 by the prudence of the plan he means to adopt, he will be able 
 to defeat the violence he supposes to be in contemplation ; 
 thaidving for his zeal, &c., and hoping he will continue liis 
 communications. 
 
( 303 ) 
 
 Wth Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Enclosing an extract of a letter from General Payne, to show 
 in what manner Mr. Bourke was employed by him when com- 
 manding in Limerick, and what httle rehance can be placed upon 
 his information, liequesting to know the result of the inquiry 
 at Castle Connel, and to dehver a letter enclosed to Mr. Bourke. 
 
 21*7 Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM WILLIAM EVANS, ESQ. 
 
 RATHANGAN, CO. KILDARE. 
 
 Stating that in his letter, he had mentioned the names of three 
 publicans in that town, at whose houses seditious meetings were 
 held ; and that one Ennis, (a tailor, near Glenacre,) was the 
 delegate in his neighbourhood ; and that he is informed there is 
 to be a very extensive meeting in Kildare, on the following 
 Sunday, for the purpose of forming a new oath, and giving out 
 new instructions ; enclosing a copy of the present oath. Dunn, 
 a tailor, has been appointed a Captain ; does not pledge himself 
 for the truth of all tliis information, but has it from a person 
 who has been encouraged to join the society, by the desire of 
 Sir C. Saxton. Cautioning the government, with respect to 
 John Neale. 
 
 2bth Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Suggesting the expediency of appointing one or more of the 
 most active magistrates, to preserve the peace of the country, 
 and to remunerate them for their services ; and referring to 
 Colonel Vereker or General Darby, to recommend proper 
 persons, or to send down a magistrate from Dublin. 
 
 30/A Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD,. ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Thanking him for his letter of the 25th instant, acquainting hiin 
 that there do not appear sufficient grounds for adopting the 
 measures suggested by him at present. 
 
( 304 ) 
 
 2lst Oct. 1812.] 
 
 FROM THE REV. JAMES DAY, 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Detailing the result of the inqmries he made, in consequence of 
 the directions of government, communicated in letter of the 12th 
 instant, and stating that the town and neighbourhood is much 
 disturbed ; enclosing copy of an information, .showing that the 
 object of the disturbers is the acquisition of fire arms ; that the 
 persons sworn against, were apprehended on his warrant, but in 
 a short time enlarged, (he takes it for granted on bail,) but that 
 he had refused to bail them : and recommends his son to be put 
 into the commission of the peace ; suggesting the propriety of a 
 general review of the yeomanry arms. 
 
 30th Oct. 1812.] 
 
 TO THE REV. JAMES DAY, 
 
 TRALEE, CO. KERRY. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter, enclosing informations ; and thanking 
 him for his attention to the wishes communicated by letter of 
 the 12th instant ; acquainting him, that the apphcation of his son, 
 to be put into the commission of the peace, should be made to the 
 Lord Chancellor, and that the expediency of inquiring into the 
 state of the yeomanry arms near Tralee, will be immediately 
 considered. 
 
 NOVEMBER, 1812. 
 
 1st Nov. 1812.] 
 
 FROM MAJOR-GENERAL DARBY, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Stating, that, notwithstanding the official reports, particularly 
 those of the General-Brigade-Major, represent the country as 
 perfectly quiet, that there can be no doubt of frequent nightly 
 meetings in that part of the neighbouring counties, which seldom 
 terminate without some act of violence ; that they are always 
 armed in some way or other, and have marks of distinction for 
 their leaders. 
 
 2nd Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL DARBY, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 1st inst., and requesting he will 
 state the grounds of his supposition, that nightly meetings take 
 
( 305 ) 
 
 place in the county of Linierick ; and that he will forward the 
 information of any person upon whom, or upon whose property, 
 the acts of violence he alludes to have been committed. 
 
 1st Nov. 1812.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD KELLY, ESQ. 
 
 MOAT, CO. GALWAY. 
 
 Stating, that he had issued several written advertisements, 
 offering reward for private information ; and that he did expect 
 an order might have been sent to make search for the gun in 
 such places as might be suspected ; and lest such order might 
 have been forgot, requesting to know if such search shall be 
 made. 
 
 3rd Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO EDWARD KELLY, ESQ. 
 
 MOAT, CO. GALWAY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 1st instant, referring him to the act 
 of parliament (enclosed) for preventing improper persons having 
 arms ; observing, that the 3rd section empowers two justices of 
 the peace, having information upon oath, of arms being concealed, 
 to proceed to search for them without any further authority ; 
 and in the event of such information being procured, upon his 
 transmitting the form of certificate enclosed, filled up &c., no time 
 will be lost in sending him the Lord Lieutenant's warrant. 
 
 1st Nov. 1812.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR ORMSBY, 
 
 KILKENNY, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Stating that the only outrage he has heard of since his last 
 report, is that of a Mr. Little having been fired at and severely 
 wounded, on the 2nd ult., on his way to the fair of Currahill ; 
 owing, as it is supposed, to his having taken some ground, and 
 let it at an advance of rent. 
 
 6th Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO MAJOR-GENERAL DARBY, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Acquainting him that on consideration of Mr. Anthony Bourke's 
 case, no objection appears to his being now admitted to bail ; the 
 Mayor of Limerick has been written to, to admit Mr. Bourke to 
 bail, on his entering into security for his appearance in the usual 
 manner. 
 
( 306 ) 
 
 6th Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO THE MAYOR, 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Desiring he will cause an immediate inquiry to be made into the 
 very extraordinary conduct of the gaoler, as deposed by Ensign 
 Tenison, respecting the sentinel, having been fired at, from the 
 gaol. 
 
 9th Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO JAMES WILKINSON, ESQ. 
 
 STRABANE, CO. TYRONE. 
 
 Acquainting him that the Lord Lieutenant having considered 
 the whole of the correspondence relative to the affray at the fair 
 at Killetee, on the 21st July, his Grace cannot attribute his 
 conduct, in directing the attendance of the yeomanry corps under 
 his command at that fair, to any other motive than a reasonable 
 apprehension that the public peace would be disturbed, and to a 
 desire to prevent or suppress disturbance ; observing, however, 
 that as he was the onlv magistrate in attendance, it was most de- 
 sirable that he should not have detached any part of his force, 
 or that he should have employed them in sufficient numbers, as 
 would have put an end to the disturbance without resistance. 
 
 7th Nov. 1812.] 
 
 FROM FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 Communicating the names of the next magistrates to the place 
 where Francis Gilmore resides, and stating that a similar robbery 
 had been lately committed on another yeoman near Cahirconlish, 
 in the county Limerick, and that on Thursday night before, there 
 had been a barn and a large quantity of corn and hay burned 
 within a mile and a half of Limerick. 
 
 Requesting that Mr. Peel be reminded of his promise respecting 
 the money he advanced when Mayor of Limerick ; and for the 
 services done by him, referring to Colonel Vereker. 
 
 21s^ Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO FRANCIS LLOYD, ESQ. 
 
 LIMERICK, CO. LIMERICK. 
 
 In answer to his letter of the 7th inst., observing, that when Mr. 
 Peel promised an investigation of his claim for the remuneration 
 of £300, he did so under the impression that the claim had been 
 regularly submitted, specifying the items of the money advanced 
 
( 307 ) 
 
 and tlie different purposes to which it had been applied ; but 
 upon reference to his office, this claim does not appear to have 
 been made before the 3rd October, 1812, nor any reason assigned 
 for the delay ; under these circumstances, it is regretted, the 
 necessary adherence to those regulations under which alone the 
 pubhc money can be issued, appears to preclude a compliance 
 with his present apphcation. 
 
 21s< Nov. 1812.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD CONWAY, ESQ. 
 
 ROSCREA, CO. TIPPERARY. 
 
 Representing that the letter sent to him on the 17th does not 
 contain any specific order or direction to some magistrate for the 
 county of Tipperary, to take out or give him a military force to 
 execute the laws ; that he will proceed to Roscrea, and expect to 
 find there such exphcit instructions as government may think 
 proper to give on the occasion. 
 
 25th Nov. 1812.] 
 
 TO EDWARD CONWxVY, ESQ. 
 
 ROSCREA, CO, TIPPERARY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of 21st instant ; observing that it never was 
 intended to send him a specific order or direction to any magistrate 
 of the Co. Tipperary, to take out or give him a military force to 
 execute the law. Should his tenants, or any other persons, rescue 
 cattle wliich had been distrained for the payment of any rents, 
 and commit acts contrary to law, the magistrates have sufficient 
 authority, upon the necessary informations being sworn, to call 
 out the mihtary. That he must bo aware of the danger of dele- 
 gating such authority as he requires ; and although the Lord 
 Lieutenant does not suppose any improper use might be made of 
 it by him, yet he cannot allow of any such interference on the 
 part of government, when a remedy to it is to be obtained by the 
 ordinary proceedings of magisterial authority. 
 
 DECEMBER, 1812. 
 
 7th Dec. 1812.] 
 
 FROM HENRY ST. GEORGE COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATERFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Enclosing the information of Lieutenant Picknall. Reports the 
 better sort of people to be highly irritated, and ready for any 
 enterprise, and to hold constant meetings ; and from their Ian- 
 
( 308 ) 
 
 guage, has no doubt but that something dangerous is in their 
 contemplation. Stating that he had apprized Sir C. Saxton, of a 
 committee sitting in Annestown, and wished for his sanction to 
 search the papers, of a person whom he believed was secretary 
 to it ; that this person has returned from Carrick, where he is 
 said to have been busily employed. 
 
 9th Dec. 1812.] 
 
 TO HENRY ST. G. COLE, ESQ. 
 
 WATEBFORD, CO. WATERFORD. 
 
 Acknowledging his letter of the 7th instant, and acquainting 
 him, that without some positive information, it would not be legal 
 to make the search he recommends ; and that his zeal and 
 activity is trusted to for a discovery of the transactions he sus- 
 pects; and advising additional circumspection on the part of 
 Lieutenant Picknall, for the preservation of his barrack from 
 any apprehended attack. 
 
 9th Dec. 1812.] 
 
 FROM EDWARD CULLEN, ESQ. 
 
 CASTLECOMER, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 Stating, that in consequence of the pardon offered to any of the 
 persons concerned in a robbery and murder upon a Mrs. Wilson, 
 in January, 1812, Thomas Wilson (Little), one of those con- 
 cerned, has written a letter to him, informing him of the name of 
 those concerned ; but considering this confession not sufficient 
 authority to arrest the parties, he sends the warrants against 
 John Wilson and Thomas Wilson (Wright), two of the party, 
 who have absconded from their homes, and who were seen in 
 Cork, and who, it is said, have taken their passage for Bristol, 
 in the hope that the necessary additional authority may be added 
 to the warrants for their apprehension in Bristol. 
 
 I2th Dec. 1812.] 
 
 TO EDWARD CULLEN, ESQ. 
 
 CASTLECOMER, CO. KILKENNY. 
 
 In reply to his letter of the 9th instant, observing, that as the 
 warrant he enclosed is not founded upon information on oath, 
 but on the mere confession of one of the parties, which can be no 
 evidence, except against himself, and which does not even appear 
 to have been made before a magistrate, it Avould not be proper to 
 act upon it ; and therefore suggesting the propriety of every 
 exertion being made for the apprehension of Thomas Wilson 
 
( 309 ) 
 
 (Little) ill the first instance, and then for procuring information 
 on oath from some credible witness, detailing sufficient facts to 
 justify the issuing a warrant, on strong suspicions, against John 
 and Thomas Wilson (Wright). 
 
 IGtk Dec. 1812.] 
 
 FROM BRIGADE-MAJOR BEEVER, 
 
 NEWTOWNBARRY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Enclosing a letter from Captain Hunter Gowan, containing in- 
 formation relative to an intended attack on Dublin Castle. 
 
 2lst Dec. 1812.] 
 
 TO BRIGADE-MAJOR BEEVER, 
 
 NEWTOWNBARRY, CO. WEXFORD. 
 
 Observing, that though the account, enclosed in his letter of the 
 16th instant, is very improbable, yet he is requested to keep up 
 a correspondence with Captain Gowan, and if he apprehend the 
 danger, that he will forward the information. 
 
 end of DECEMBER, 1812. 
 
 z 
 
( 311 ) 
 
 TIPPEBAEY MAGISTRACY. 
 
 1816 & 1817. 
 
 I Memorial of Daniel and Stephen Egan, of Koscrea, brewers, setting forth 
 
 their innocence of the charge of conspiring to murder the Rev. J. Hamilton, 
 of the county of Tipperary. 
 
 II Counter-memorial of the Rev. J. Hamilton, Justice of the Peace, expla- 
 natory of his conduct, in his magisterial capacity, from the year 1813 to 
 1817, and the grounds on which criminal proceedings had been instituted 
 against the Messrs. Egan. 
 
 {The former memorial, presented to the Earl \Miitworth, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in 1816; tha 
 latter memorial, presented to his Excellency, in 1817.] 
 
 To His Excellency, Earl Whitworth, Lord Lieutenant 
 General and General Governor of L^eland. The huwhle 
 Memorial of D^vniel and Stephen Egan, of tJie toiun of 
 Roscrea, in the county of Tipperary, 
 
 Humbly Shew, 
 
 That your memorialists arc the sons of Stephen Egan, brewer, 
 of Roscrea, in the county of Tipperary, where, for fifty years 
 past, he has been an inhabitant. 
 
 That your memorialist, Daniel Egan, is a married man, having 
 two children ; and that your memoriahsts were born and educated 
 in town of Roscrea. 
 
 That, on the evening of the 11th of January last, your memo- 
 rialists were arrested, under a committal, issued by the Rev. 
 John Hamilton, who is a Protestant cm'ate and a magistrate in 
 the town of Roscrea, 
 
 That such warrant was issued on the information of one 
 Robert Dyer, and Hickey, brother-in-law to said Dyer, common 
 day-labourers, charging your memoriahsts, and many other per- 
 sons, with a conspiracy to murder the said John Hamilton. 
 
 That, immediately after such arrest, your memoriahsts were 
 marched in slow procession, under the guard of a company of 
 soldiers, over a distance of forty miles from their home and family, 
 and lodged in the gaol of Clonmel. 
 
 That your memoriahsts, and several other persons, were 
 brought up at the late special commission, for the county of Tip- 
 perary, before the Chief Justice, Lord Norbury, and Baron 
 George, and wore indicted capitally for the said conspiracy. 
 
 That your memoriahst, Stephen Egan, with three others, were 
 
( 312 ) 
 
 subsequently brought to trial, on three distinct capital indict- 
 ments, and that this trial was conducted under the direction of 
 the Sohcitor-General and Crown- Solicitor, and at the expense of 
 his Majesty's government. 
 
 That said special commission having been held during the law 
 term, your memoriahsts were obliged to retain counsel from the 
 courts in Dublin, and to protect their innocence by a number of 
 witnesses, brought at a heavy expense, and from a distance of 
 from forty to fifty miles. 
 
 That these hardships, so much affecting the reputation, cha- 
 racter, and property of your memorialists, were still inconsider- 
 able, when compared with the flagitious attempt made to ruin your 
 memorialists, and dishonour our laws, by a plot, whose object it 
 was to bring your memorialists, and so many other innocent men, 
 to an ignominious and disgraceful death, through means of 
 perjury, and under the forms of the law. 
 
 That the manifold and flagrant perjuries developed on said 
 trial, in the case attempted to be set up for the crown, and more 
 particularly in the evidence of the chief witness. Dyer, excited 
 the indignation of a crowded court, and called forth the repro- 
 bation even of the Solicitor-General, and of the learned Judge 
 who presided at the trial. 
 
 That your memorialists abstain from disgusting your Excel- 
 lency by any more particular reference to those perjuries, and 
 on this head, beg leave to refer to such report, as the govern- 
 ment of the country may be pleased to require from the learned 
 Judge who tried the cause, or from the leading counsel for the 
 prosecution, to whom your memorialists do not hesitate to refer, 
 in full confidence that this description of the evidence, on that 
 prosecution, is neither coloured nor overcharged. 
 
 That the jury, upon the said trial, having audibly signified 
 their disbelief of the witness for the prosecution, and their 
 abhorrence of the attempt to criminate your memorialists ; the 
 learned Judge, with the full assent and approbation of the 
 Solicitor-General, directed an immediate acquittal of your memo- 
 rialists, on the case as made for the crown, and did not deem it 
 necessary to call upon your memorialists to produce any of their 
 numerous witnesses, who were in attendance, for the purpose of 
 falsifying and exposing this iniquitous conspiracy against the lives 
 of so many innocent subjects. 
 
 That a verdict of acquittal was pronounced, and the Solicitor- 
 General immediately afterwards moved the court for leave to 
 send up bills of indictment against the said Robert Dyer, for 
 wilful and corrupt perjury upon the said trial ; and that the said 
 motion was instantly and willingly granted; and the said Dyer, 
 under the direction of the court, immediately succeeded your 
 memorialists in the dock. 
 
( 313 ) 
 
 That bills of indictment to that effect were accordingly sent up 
 against Dyer, grounded on the examinations of his Majesty's 
 Crown-Solicitor, as memorialists are informed. 
 
 That the grand jury empannelled for the said special com- 
 mission, was pleased to ignore the said bills ; on the following 
 morning, he, the said Robert Dyer, was liberated from confine- 
 ment, and permitted to resume his situation in the town of Roscrea, 
 unpunished. 
 
 That the said Rev. John Hamilton, the magistrate, on his first 
 introduction into the town of Roscrea, was tutor in the family of 
 a Mr. John Birch, who carried on the said trade of brewing as 
 your memorialists' father, and in the same town of Roscrea. 
 
 That, although he holds the commission of the peace, he has 
 no property in that country, and very httle any where else, 
 according to his own admission on liis oath at said trial. 
 
 That the alleged attempt to murder the said John Hamilton, 
 for the instigation of which your memorialists were arrested, was 
 admitted by said Mr. Hamilton on said trial, to be not an actual 
 firing at his person, but a firing of shots at an efligy, made and 
 dressed up by his Avife and himself, and fired at with his own 
 previous knowledge, and by liis own consent. 
 
 That the said reverend magistrate further admitted, that he 
 represented to government, that the said attack was made against 
 his person and life, but did not communicate to them that the said 
 shots were so fired at his own efiigy, or with his own consent. 
 
 That it appeared on the said trial, that the said Dyer had 
 been, and was then, in the receipt of five shillings a week, for 
 having suppressed his evidence against one Francis Cotton, on a 
 trial, in which said Cotton was charged with the murder of one 
 Quigley ; and it further appeared that this circumstance was 
 known to the said Rev. Mr. Hamilton, and had occurred two 
 years before the trial of your memoriahsts, and it further appears, 
 said Mr. Hamilton declared to the jury on the inquest of said 
 deceased Quigley, that said Dyer had perjured himself several 
 times, and was unworthy of belief. 
 
 That said Rev. Mr. Hamilton admitted on the trial of your 
 memorialists, that Dyer was in the employment of a club : That 
 your memorialists had evidence to prove at their trial that a 
 select number of persons, some of them magistrates, met at the 
 house of said Mr. Birch, and were at his table sworn by the said 
 Mr. Hamilton. 
 
 That some time previous to the reported attack on the person 
 of Mr. Hamilton, and whilst to his knowledge the said Dyer was 
 still receiving the said five shilhngs per week for compounding the 
 said felony of murder, the said Mr. Hamilton admitted, that he 
 proceeded to search the house of the Egans for arms, in the month 
 of June, 1815, in consequence of information which he said he had 
 
( 314 ) 
 
 received so long before as the month of February preceding, from 
 said Robert Dyer. 
 
 That the house of Stephen Egan, the father, is separate from 
 that of Daniel Egan, the son. 
 
 That the said Mr. Hamilton admitted, that although said Dyer 
 gave no information against said Stephen Egan, the father, yet he 
 went in three months after the information had been given against 
 Daniel, the son, and searched the houses, not only of the son, but 
 of the father, together -with the desks, papers, &c., even to the 
 bed-rooms of the females. 
 
 That the said search lasted from three o'clock at midnight until 
 eight o'clock in the following morning, although that district has 
 never been proclaimed. 
 
 That, subsequently, and on the night when the shots were fired 
 at the said effigy, your memoriahsts were arrested by a number 
 of the Monaghan mihtia, without any civil authority whatsoever ; 
 kept in the guard-house all night ; at two o'clock next day brought 
 before said Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Kerr, of said regiment, 
 after which hour they were discharged at the interference of other 
 magistrates. 
 
 That the said Dyer, so reprobated as a perjurer by the counsel 
 for the crown, remains still unpunished ; is now at large, and may 
 still be found in the employment of the said Birch, together with 
 the aforesaid Cotton. 
 
 That the said Robert Dyer, on the said trial, was so well dis- 
 ciplined in his perjured story, that the truth or consistency of his 
 testimony was not shaken in the smallest degree, until he had been 
 more than an hour giving his evidence on the table. 
 
 Your memoriahsts most humbly entreat your Excellency 
 to institute an inquiry into those wicked enormities, to 
 investigate this flagitious conspiracy against the lives of 
 so many innocent men, and to direct compensation to be 
 made for those serious injuries to the property of memo- 
 rialists, (who live by their industry), for their various 
 losses and expenses, in defending their lives and character, 
 thus placed in peril, on a sudden, by a capital and instan- 
 taneous prosecution, against so many industrious indivi- 
 duals, supported at the expense of the public, conducted 
 by the second law officer and law agents for the crown, 
 and resting on the obstinate and stubborn testimony of 
 an habitual, detected, and still unpunished perjurer. 
 
 And your memorialists will ever pray. 
 
 (Signed), DANIEL EGAN. 
 STEPHEN EGAN. 
 
( 315 ) 
 
 To His Excellency, Charles, Earl Whitvvorth, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant General and General Governor of Ireland. The 
 Memorial of the Rev. John Hamilton, of Roscrea, in the 
 county of Tipperary. Clerk. 
 
 Humbly Sheweth, 
 
 That your memorialist, having good reason to know that 
 many misrepresentations of his conduct and character, while a 
 magistrate for said county, were made to your Excellency, to the 
 great injury of memoriaUst and his family, he is anxious, before 
 your Excellency retires from the government of Ireland, to 
 vindicate himself by the following statement. 
 
 On the 5th of February, 1813, the Lord Chancellor was 
 pleased to appoint memoriahst a magistrate for the county of 
 Tipperary, an office which memoriahst was so far from seeking, 
 as was stated by ]Mi\ Prittie in the House of Commons, that he 
 was totally unaware of his appointment, until it was communicated 
 to liim by Sir John Craven Carden, Baronet, in the following 
 words : — 
 
 " Priory, February 6th, 1813. 
 "My dear Sir, — I this day received Mr. Gregory's letter, 
 relative to the magistracy, which I enclose you, and hope you 
 will excuse my taking so great a hberty with you." 
 
 Thus it appears, memoriahst was appointed by the Duke of 
 Richmond's government, at the recommendation of Sir J. C. 
 Carden, who was of opinion that an active and efficient magis- 
 trate was wanted in the neighbourhood of Roscrea, where justice 
 was administered in a manner, which memoriahst, from motives of 
 dehcacy, does not wish to mention ; and so apprehensive was 
 memorialist of the opposition he should meet with in the impartial 
 discharge of his magisterial duties, that he made it a condition 
 of his undertaking the office, that another magistrate should be 
 appointed to co-operate with him. The choice was left to 
 Samuel Cooper, Esq., agent to the Right Honourable Lady 
 Caroline Damer, proprietress of the town, and that gentleman, 
 at the recommendation of Mr. Christopher Smith, of Roscrea, 
 named Mr. Vizier Bridge, who possesses a leasehold property 
 on her ladyship's estate near the town. AccorcUngly ]\Ii\ Bridge 
 was appointed, but strange to tell, he was among the foremost 
 to oppose memoriahst, and has never ceased to persecute him. 
 Early in the month of May, 1813, memoriaUst was obliged to 
 dismiss from the office of billetting soldiers in Roscrea, one 
 
( 316 ) 
 
 Benjamin England, a sub-constable of the county Tipperary, for 
 corrupt practices in the branch of his office. On the 15th of 
 the same month, the five following magistrates, viz. — Wilham 
 P. Vaughan, Esq. ; The Rev. Thomas L'Estrange ; AVilliam and 
 Thomas Hutcliinson, Esqrs. ; and Vizier Bridge, Esq., held a 
 meeting, and re-instated the said England in his office of bil- 
 letting, though memoriahst gave clear proofs of his guilt, and 
 England himself produced a hst of persons, who paid him an 
 annual subscription for the exemption from billets. Mr. Vaughan 
 went out from the meeting, and announced the result to a large 
 assembly of people in the public streets, who, thereupon threat- 
 ened to memorial the Duke of Richmond, then Lord Lieutenant, 
 to remove memoriahst from the magistracy, and on the same 
 day, a subscription was set on foot, to prosecute memorialist in 
 the King's Bench, for an alleged illegal committal of one John 
 Murphy, who had disturbed the peace of the town, and excited 
 religious animosities, by an exhibition of certain eggs, pretended 
 to have been laid with several religious emblems thereon, an 
 exhibition which the Rev. Joseph Downes, a Roman clergyman, 
 required memorialist as a magistrate to prohibit. Mr. Justice 
 Day pronounced from the bench, that not even the semblance of 
 rehgious persecution was imputable to memorialist on the occasion, 
 and that if he had not acted as he did, he would be unfit to hold 
 the commission of the peace for an hour longer. But though 
 memoriahst was subjected to very great inconvenience and expense, 
 in defending himself successfully against this charge, he would 
 not introduce it here if it were not notorious, that not only three 
 of the above named magistrates, but the Honourable F. A. Prittie 
 also instigated the prosecution. Mr. Prittie went so far as to 
 take the voluntary affidavits while the matter was pending in the 
 King's Bench. Under these circumstances of opposition and 
 persecution, memoriahst laid his situation before the Duke of 
 Richmond, and had in return a letter from the Right Honourable 
 Mr. Peel, the chief secretary, assuring him of protection in the 
 proper discharge of his duty, which letter concluded with these 
 words. " His Grace has no doubt, from the respectable com- 
 munication he received previous to your appointment as a 
 magistrate, that you will always discharge the duties of that 
 station, with zeal and fidelity." These words are quoted, because 
 zeal has been alleged against memoriahst as a matter of blame. 
 
 A few days after the constable was re-instated, memoriahst 
 mentioned the circumstance to the General of the district, who 
 came to inspect the troops at Roscrea, and the General directed 
 memorialist to submit the whole affair to government, which 
 having done, memorialist was informed by the Chief Secretary, 
 that the Attorney-General had advised tlae prosecuting of the 
 
( 317 ) 
 
 constable, and that it was likewise intended that the conduct of the 
 magistrates who were concerned in the re-appointment of the billet- 
 master, should as far as possible be brought under consideration. 
 At the subsequent summer assizes, a bill of indictment was found 
 against the constable, but owing to the absence of some material 
 witnesses, the crown lawyers put off the trial until the assizes 
 following, and the constable was admitted to bail, on which 
 occasion the Honourable F. A. Prittie became one of liis sureties. 
 At the spring assizes, 1814, the constable was found guilty on 
 the clearest and most respectable testimony ; was dismissed from 
 his office, fined £100, and sentenced to twelve months' imprison- 
 ment. Baron M'Cleland, who presided at the trial, reprobated 
 the conduct of the magistrates who had re-instated the constable, 
 and declared he would report it to the Lord Chancellor, who he said 
 would no doubt discharge his duty towards them, and certainly 
 the pubhc did expect that such delinquency, at least with regard 
 to the principals, should not go unpunished and unnoticed. 
 Mr. Prittie gave an excellent character of the constable, and did 
 every thing in liis power to frustrate the prosecution ; and on this 
 occasion, too, some fresh complaint to government was threatened, 
 in consequence of wliich mcmoriahst wi'ote to the Chief Secretary 
 on the subject, enclosing a report of the trial, and received the 
 following answer. 
 
 " Dublin Castle, March 26th, 1814. 
 " Sir, — I had the honoui' of receiving, and submitting to the 
 Lord Lieutenant, your letter of the 25tli instant, with the accom- 
 panying report of the trial of Benjamin England, on a charge 
 of extorting money, as billetting constable at Roscrea, from 
 several of the inhabitants, under a contract that no soldier should 
 be quartered on them; and I am to express his Excellency's 
 satisfaction as well as my own, at the result of a prosecution 
 instituted on your suggestion, from motives which entitle you to 
 the approbation of government as well as the pubhc. 
 " I am &c. &c. 
 
 (Signed), "ROBERT PEEL." 
 
 Soon after this, the Right Honourable Lord Norbury, a Privy 
 Counsellor and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, called upon 
 memorialist, and asked liim whether he had not urged govern- 
 ment to have the five magistrates above named superseded, to 
 which memoriahst rephed, he had not, and that he left the matter 
 entirely to the pleasure of the government and the Lord 
 Chancellor, who he hoped would protect him if again attacked 
 by the same party. His lordship then asked, if he might convey 
 memoriahst's reply to the Lord Chancellor, to which memorialist 
 
( 318 ) 
 
 assented, and his lordship did then, on the part of the govern- 
 ment, assure memoriahst of future protection. 
 
 On the 8th of November, 1814, the Right Honourable Lord 
 Norbury informed memorialist by letter, that a complaint had 
 been made against him for extorting money by way of fine, from 
 a painter of Roscrea, in the case of Dean Hawkms ; and desired 
 memoriahst to forward his defence to his lordship. 
 
 It is necessary to state here, that the Very Rev. Dean Hawkins, 
 a magistrate for the King's county, and county Tipperary, had 
 been grossly abused and threatened in the streets of Roscrea, by 
 a house-painter, in the month of May preceding, and had lodged 
 an information against the man, before memorialist ; which infor- 
 mation was returnable to the next general quarter sessions of the 
 peace ; but he having manifested the deepest contrition for the 
 offence, and having by the Dean's desire, published a most 
 humble apology ; and having given twenty shillings for the poor 
 of Roscrea, and a like sum for the poor of the Dean's parish of 
 Dunkerrin, and as he was already under a recognizance in a 
 large sum, to be of the peace, and good behaviour, which recog- 
 nizance must have been forfeited, to the ruin of liis family, had 
 his misconduct to the Dean come before the bench, memorialist, 
 with the approbation of the Dean, suppressed the information. 
 A copy of the information, and of the painter's printed apology, 
 the Dean's receipt for the twenty shilhngs for the poor of Dun- 
 kerrin, and the application for the twenty shilhngs for the poor of 
 Roscrea, together with a statement of the motives which induced 
 memorialist to suppress the information, were directly forwarded 
 to his lordship, who, on the 11th of November, wrote to memo- 
 rialist, that he had explained the transaction in the quarter 
 it was requisite to do so. This quarter memorialist conceived to 
 be the Lord Chancellor ; and having learned from the bridewell- 
 keeper, that the Hon. F. A. Prittie, Wilham P. Vaughan, Esq., 
 and Lorenzo H. Jephson, Esq., brother-in-law to Mr. Prittie, 
 had sent for him to Mr. Prittie's, at Corville, and examined him, 
 touching the committal of the painter ; and, having also learned, 
 that those gentlemen instigated him to make an affidavit, and to 
 prefer the complaint in question, memorialist addressed himself 
 to the Lord Chancellor, and considering his lordship bound in 
 honor and justice to protect him, and to give liim full information 
 on the subject, memoriahst, by letter, humbly requested a copy 
 of the groundless affidavit, which had been made by the painter 
 before Mr. Prittie, and which, that gentleman, as memorialist 
 discovered, had forwarded to his lordship, as the ground of com- 
 plaint. To this humble request his lordship did not condescend 
 to reply ; and the Right Honourable Lord Norbury informed 
 memorialist, by letter, that a copy of the affidavit was not to be 
 
( 319 ) 
 
 expected, as his lardsliip had not acted on the complaint ; on which, 
 memoriahst wi'ote again to the Lord Chancellor, representing, 
 that the complaint had been acted upon, inasmuch as his lordship 
 had called upon memoriahst for his defence, and memoriahst 
 again pressed earnestly, but humbly, for a compliance with his 
 request, but all in vain. Tliis treatment, after what had formerly 
 occurred, appeared so extraordinary, that memorialist, assailed 
 by the mahce of Mr. Prittie and his friends, and having no hope 
 of redress from the Lord Chancellor, wrote to Lord Norbury to 
 say he was resolved on surrendering the commission of the peace. 
 
 To this communication Lord Norbury rephed, that he dis- 
 approved of such a resolution ; and that memoriahst's resignation 
 would be a great triumph to any adversary, and a tacit acknow- 
 ledgment of being wi'ong, wliich he was satisfied memoriahst 
 was not. 
 
 About this time, it having been intimated to memorialist, by 
 a most respectable gentleman, that the calumnies of Mr. Prittie 
 and his friends, relative to the painter's case, might reach the 
 ears of government, and prove prejudicial, memorialist addressed 
 a letter to Mr. Secretary Gregory, on the subject, to which the 
 following reply was given : — 
 
 " Dublin Castle, December list, 1814. 
 "Sir, — Mr. Gregory has communicated to me your letter of the 
 19th inst., and its enclosures, which I have not failed to submit to 
 the Lord Lieutenant. I beg to assure you in reply, that his 
 Excellency has every reason to be satisfied with the manner in 
 which you have discharged your magisterial duties. That no 
 reports of the nature to which you refer, prejudicial to your 
 character, have reached his Excellency ; and that after the expe- 
 rience wliich he has had of your exertions in your public capacity, 
 and every account he has received of your conduct and character 
 as an individual, he would have required no small proofs of the 
 veracity of any reports injurious to you, before he had given 
 credit to them. I have the honour to be. Sir, &c., &c. 
 
 "R. PEEL." 
 
 While matters were in this state. Lord Norbury happened to 
 come to Roscrea, and after urging the inexpediency of memo- 
 rialist's resignation of the peace ; his lordship gave memoriahst 
 an assurance, which he desired him to consider as from authority, 
 that government intended to provide for him beneficially, in the 
 line of his profession, as a clergyman, a circumstance necessary 
 to be mentioned, as memoriahst's enemies have stated that he 
 originally sought such an assurance ; on the contrary, had the 
 prospect of promotion not been held out to memoriahst, he never 
 
( 320 ) 
 
 could liave formed, as in lac the never did form, any expectation 
 of the sort ; and whatever apphcations in behalf of memoriahst, 
 have been made to your Excellency in this respect, he is confi- 
 dent, in saying, that they have been made with an eye to 
 the promise communicated by Lord Norbury, as above stated, 
 encouraged by the advice and declarations of his lordship, whose 
 constant kindness commanded memorialist's esteem and gratitude ; 
 and also, by the highly gratifying approbation of your Excellency. 
 Memorialist continued to discharge the magisterial duties, and 
 nothing of a very unpleasant nature occurred, until the latter end 
 of the month of November, 1815. 
 
 On the Monday following the dreadful murder of Mr. Baker, 
 John Birch, Esq., of Birchgrove, near Roscrea, called on memo- 
 riahst to inform him, that llobert Dyer, a young man in his 
 employment, had communicated to him, that an attempt had been 
 made a few days before, to shoot memorialist through a stable 
 window looking into memorialist's garden. 
 
 The mention of this young man's name renders it necessary to 
 revert to other matters, respecting which he had previously given 
 information. So long back as December, 1813, he was brought 
 to memoriahst, by Mr. Birch, and gave an information on oath, 
 that a proposal was made to liim a few nights before, by certain 
 persons, two of whom produced pike-heads, to join them in a 
 treasonable conspiracy ; that he told the circumstance to his bro- 
 ther, James Dyer, butler to Mr. Birch, who communicated it to 
 his master ; and that his brother induced him to disclose it to 
 memoriahst, as a magistrate. Considering the state of the country, 
 the information appeared alarming, and of sufficient moment to 
 be laid before government ; and upon a representation that Dyer 
 might be made the instrument of useful discoveries, memorialist 
 received the following communication from the Chief Secretary. 
 
 " Dublin Castle, 6th January, 1814. 
 
 "Sir, — I am to assure you that his Excellency readily adopts 
 
 your suggestion of postponing the apprehension of the parties 
 
 against whom Dyer has sworn, and of taking every advantage 
 
 of the means of information which that person appears to possess." 
 
 Immediately after the receipt of this letter, memorialist re- 
 quested a meeting of several magistrates of the neighbourhood, 
 and laid before them Dyer's information, and Mr. Peel's letter, 
 and an association was thereupon formed. Mr. Birch attended the 
 meeting, and vouched for Dyer's character. Memoriahst was 
 appointed the organ of communication with government, and on 
 stating the object of the association, and the names of the magis- 
 trates then composing it, Mr. Peel thus replied : — 
 
( 321 ) 
 
 " Dublin Castle, 18th January, 1816. 
 " Sir, — It gives his Excellency great satisfaction to learn from 
 you that the magistrates mentioned in your letter have resolved 
 to act in concert for the preservation of the pubhc peace, and in 
 counteracting the designs of the disaffected, and his Excellency 
 anticipates the best results in the co-operation of gentlemen of 
 character and respectabihty." 
 
 It has been made matter of blame to memorialist that the 
 Hon. F. A. Prittie was not admitted into the association, but 
 the truth is this; that memorialist, willing to forget that gentle- 
 man's former rancour, did consent, at the instance of Mr. Birch, 
 that Mr. Prittie should be proposed, but the proposal was re- 
 jected. Dyer continued to give from time to time information ; 
 and all his informations were sworn in presence of Mr. Birch, 
 and witnessed by him, as by originals in the crown office may 
 appear. 
 
 These informations in general set forth the existence of a 
 traitorous conspiracy, resting in a great measure on the hope of 
 French assistance. In the towns and neighbourhoods of Roscrea 
 and Birr, it was stated to be principally promoted by persons of 
 the name of Egan, and actively carried on, or occasionally sus- 
 pended, according to the success or disasters of Bonaparte. The 
 most remarkable of them, sworn on 23rd of February, 1815, 
 relative to a meeting of a body of men in arms, some of them in 
 green uniform, with marks of command, held, a short time before in 
 the demesne of Corville, the residence of Mr. Prittie. Other in- 
 formations of an alarming nature followed, which induced memo- 
 riahst to convene a meeting of the above named association, at 
 which it was determined that William Hutchinson, Esq. a magis- 
 trate, and one of the association, should, in person, communicate 
 with government on the subject. The result of his interview with 
 the Attorney-General and Sohcitor-General, was, that an imme- 
 diate search should be made for arms at Roscrea, with a view of 
 discovering those matters of wliich Dyer had given information ; 
 and in two or three days after, the following communication was 
 made to memorialist by Mr. Gregory. 
 
 " Dublin Castle, 3Jarc7i 9th, 1815. 
 " Sir, — I have received, and submitted to the Lord Lieutenant, 
 your letter of the 6th instant, and its enclosures, and am to 
 acquaint you that a communication has been had with Mr. 
 Hutchinson. It is very desirable that the information of Dyer 
 should be corroborated, as no proceedings can be taken on what 
 have already been sworn, and Dyer should be encouraged to 
 
( 322 ) 
 
 gain more authentic information, and if possible, to give notice of 
 any meeting, previous to its taking place, in order that the 
 persons stated to be in uniforms and arms may be surprised and 
 seized." 
 
 A search for arms was accordingly made by memorialist and 
 Croker Wright, Esq., under warrant from your Excellency, but 
 not until the month of May or June, as memorialist learned that 
 a search was to be made in the neighbourhood of Templemore 
 and Thurles, and it was expedient that the search should be 
 simultaneous in all those places ; a.nd it is a matter of notoriety, 
 that the object was frustrated by an accidental discovery at 
 Templemore, of the intention to search, nor is it unworthy of 
 notice, that one of the principal conspirators was seen by the 
 constables near memorialist's door, passing homewards at three 
 o'clock in the morning. And two others of them told Dyer that 
 day, that they had intimation of the search at 11 o'clock the 
 preceding night. 
 
 The sensation which this search excited, and the glorious 
 victory of Waterloo, were supposed to produce a complete 
 suspension of treasonable meetings in the county of Tipperary 
 and elsewhere, but the disappointment of the disaffected, in 
 regard to foreign assistance, soon found consolation in another 
 system, namely, a design to assassinate loyal individuals, and 
 particularly active magistrates. The circumstances attending 
 the murder of Mr. Baker, were sufficient to verify the supposition. 
 It was on the Monday following this horrible assassination, 
 that memorialist was apprized by Mr. Birch of the attempt 
 above mentioned, — to shoot him as he was walking in his own 
 garden. 
 
 The information sworn by Dyer on the occasion, was to this 
 effect : — that on the evening of the 1st of December, he met 
 Thomas and John Quinlan, and Patrick Hickey, standing on the 
 bridge near memorialist's house, when Daniel Herrick, servant 
 to Mrs. Richardson, who lives next door to memorialist, came up 
 to them and said, he would show them where memorialist was, 
 and immediately brought them into a stable at the bottom of 
 memorialist's garden, and seeing memoriahst walking up and 
 down the garden, said " Is not this a nice place to do his job?" 
 and then went out and quickly returned with a short gun, into 
 which he put the ramrod to show that it was charged ; that 
 memoriahst, turnino" and walkino* towards the stable, Herrick 
 presented the gun at lum through an aperture m the window, 
 on which Dyer, with a view of saving memorialist's life, observed 
 to Herrick, " Sure you would not fire at so early an hour," and 
 then took hold of the gun, which another of them, in a passion, 
 
( 323 ) 
 
 endeavoured to wvest from him, saying, " I will blow his brains 
 out !" but at that moment, observing memoriaHst's son, a lad of 
 about fourteen years of age, to join memoriaUst in the walk, he 
 said, " If I could kill the tAvo it would be glorious, but that is 
 scarcely possible, and if only the father fell, the son would give 
 the alarm ;" and this last observation, added to the earliness of 
 the evening, enabled Dyer to succeed in a proposal to postpone 
 the attempt until a more favourable opportunity. 
 
 Most of the persons named in Dyer's information, being in the 
 employment of Mr. Birch, who has a very extensive distillery, 
 in which turf fuel is used, and who therefore is much at the 
 mercy of villains, memoriahst promised when Dyer was first 
 brought to him by Mr. Birch, not to resort to his testimony if 
 possible, because the examination of Dyer in a court of justice 
 must necessarily disclose Mr. Buxh's interference and expose 
 him to the most violent resentments ; and Mr. Birch was besides 
 most dehcately circumstanced with respect to his brother, a 
 partner in the establishment, who, in consequence of the first 
 disclosure made by Dyer, having carried his family over to 
 England, (where they have since for the most part resided), 
 might blame Mr. Birch if his interference should prove disastrous 
 to the business. 
 
 Under these circumstances, memoriahst convened a meeting of 
 the magistrates with whom he had acted, and their unanimous 
 opinion was, that for the above reasons corroborative testimony 
 should as far as possible be obtained. The first idea that 
 occurred in furtherance of this plan, was, to have the parties 
 surprised in the stable, through the information of Dyer, should 
 they again go there to Ue in wait for memoriahst. But as 
 Herrick did not perceive memoriahst going mto his garden, after 
 the information relative to the attempt on the 1st of December, 
 (memoriahst naturally avoiding a place of so much danger,) and 
 Dyer having found, though he frequently made inquiry for the 
 space of three weeks, that the parties had not returned, and were 
 not hkely to return, to the stable, to efi'ect their purpose, 
 memorialist called another meeting of magistrates m order to 
 devise some other plan that might relieve memorialist from a 
 constant state of apprehension. 
 
 Tliis, memorialist trusts, will justify him for not having appre- 
 hended the parties at once, as Mr. Ponsonby in the House of 
 Commons declared should have been done. 
 
 At this meeting a plan was suggested, which leads memoriahst 
 to mention one Thomas Halpin. 
 
 In the latter end of November, 1815, John Gason, Esq. a magis- 
 trate, wrote to memoriahst to go to his house and he should see a 
 person who might be useful. That person was Halpin, who, 
 
( 324 ) 
 
 Mr. Gason said, had been on many occasions employed by 
 government in making discoveries. 
 
 As an unusual number of outrages were at that time committed 
 in the neighbourhood, it was deemed expedient to request of 
 government that Halpin should be placed at memorialist's dis- 
 posal for a short time, to ascertain whether or not these outrages 
 sprung from any system of disaffection. Memorialist accordingly 
 addressed himself to the secretary on that subject, and received 
 from Mr. Gregory the following answer : — 
 
 " Dublin Castle, December, 4:th, 1815. 
 " Sir, — I have received your letter of the 30th ultimo ; there 
 can be no objection to Halpin being placed at your disposal, if 
 you think he can be usefully employed in the neighbourhood of 
 Roscrea. I have given directions for his being sent to you." 
 
 It is evident from the date of memoriahst's letter, that he 
 could have no intention, when he wrote, of employing Halpin in 
 his own case, though the contrary has been confidently asserted. 
 Halpin arrived, and soon threw himself in the way of a man of 
 suspected character from the neighbourhood of Thurles, who 
 acknowledged to him that a system of assassination was formed, 
 for the purpose of cutting off the active magistrates. This 
 transaction was made known to Major Sirr by Halpin. Another 
 instance of his services, I had from a most respectable family in 
 the neighbourhood of Roscrea, whose lives he saved by com- 
 municating a design to rob and murder them. 
 
 Captain Willcocks the superintending magistrate at Cashel, 
 was in the house, waiting, with Halpin, the arrival of the villains, 
 three of whom forfeited their lives on the occasion. This man 
 appearing to be a fit person to be employed for ascertaining the 
 veracity of Dyer's informations, and for corroborating them, 
 memorialist proposed him as such to the meeting of magistrates 
 last mentioned, and it was then thought expedient on memo- 
 rialist's account that a stratagem should be used to bring the 
 matter to issue. First of all it was suggested that an effigy 
 should be dressed in memorialist's clothes, and should be placed 
 in the garden, to be an object for the parties if they should 
 resort to the stable again, but this for obvious reasons not 
 appearing a good plan, was abandoned. In the course of the 
 discussion, it having been asked whether there had been any 
 appearance of an attempt on memorialist's life besides the one in 
 the stable, and memorialist answering, that for many preceding 
 nights, persons had been seen together peeping between the 
 window-shutters into memorialist's parlour window, it was de- 
 termined that such an effigy as above described, should be placed 
 
( 325 ) 
 
 in memorialist's parlour ; that Halpin should be made acquainted 
 with Dyer, and, through Dyer, with the other persons above 
 named, and if they found that those persons had actually con- 
 spired to assassinate memoriahst, and were still intent on shooting 
 him, he was to apprize memoriahst, whether there was a like- 
 lihood of their seeking an opportunity of doing so in the front of 
 memoriahst's house, in which case the effigy was to be placed as 
 above mentioned. 
 
 Memoriahst communicated the plan to Halpin, to whom he 
 gave a case of pistols, and some powder and ball, that he might 
 appear to the parties a person of their own stamp, but having at 
 the same time, as he afterwards declared on oath, given positive 
 instructions not to lead, but to folloiu. Dyer brought Halpin and 
 them together, at the house of one Meagher, a publican, in the 
 town of Roscrea, on the night of the 28th of December, when, 
 having exchanged certain signs with Hickey and John Quinlan, 
 he was admitted at once into their confidence, and, after some 
 conversation on the recent murder of Mr. Baker, was told by 
 them, that they and others had determined to murder memo- 
 riahst, and that they had for that purpose been several nights in 
 wait at the bridge, which is a little to the right of memorialist's 
 house ; and John Quinlan, perceiving Halpin had pistols about 
 him, remarked to the others, that as arms were at hand, and the 
 night dark, there could not be, perhaps, a more favourable oppor- 
 tunity to make the attempt. Halpin found means to slip out, and 
 informed memorialist of what had passed, and the figure was 
 placed in the parlour as before concerted. A httle before eleven 
 o'clock, memoriahst heard two shots fired through the window 
 in rapid succession. Memoriahst, on entering the parlour, found 
 the figure had been struck by one ball, and that two others had 
 struck the opposite wall. Halpin's account at the subsequent 
 trial was, that when they all came down to the bridge, John 
 Quinlan snapped one of the pistols from him, that he took aim 
 through an interstice between the shutters, and fired, Halpin, at 
 the same time, firing his pistol through the same place, and that 
 the parties then ran off in different directions. 
 
 It has been asked, why memoriahst did not contrive to have 
 the parties secured as soon as the shots should be fired ? Cap- 
 tain Willcocks, who viewed the place, can attest, that the openness 
 and numerous passages in front, rendered so great a number of 
 men necessary for that purpose, that alarm must have been 
 excited by their presence. As to the nature of the stratagem, 
 memoriahst is not sensible of any impropriety in resorting to it, 
 careful as he was in his instructions to Halpin ; and if any stra- 
 tagem whatever in such cases be censured, he considers the 
 objection altogether unworthy of notice ; and so conscious was 
 
 2a 
 
( 326 ) 
 
 he of the purity of his motives, and the rectitude of his conduct 
 on the occasion, that when Mr. Gregory, in a letter of the 4th 
 January, stated, he had submitted the communication and affida- 
 vits memoriaUst had forwarded, relative to the affair, to the 
 Attorney-General, and conveyed to memoriahst his opinion 
 thereon, which memorialist considered altogether unfeeling and 
 unwarrantable, and memorialist having written to the Attorney- 
 General to that effect, and that gentleman having desired, in 
 reply, a full explanation of what had been concerted between 
 memorialist and Halpin, for the information of your Excellency, 
 memorialist having found himself extremely hurt by the hasty 
 and groundless censures of the Attorney-General, preferred 
 sending Halpin at his own expense to Dublin, to be examined at 
 the Castle ; but it appears by Mr. Gregory's letter to memoriahst, 
 that Halpin was purposely sent back without any examination. 
 
 On the 29th of December, some magistrates, most of whom 
 were inimical to memoriahst, held a meeting in E,oscrea ; but 
 memoriahst declined a disclosure of particulars to them, until a 
 fuller meetmg took place, which was accordingly fixed for the 8th 
 of January, 1816. On that day, ten magistrates, exclusive of 
 memoriahst, met, the Earl of Rosse in the chair, and having sent 
 for Mr. Birch, and examined him, touching the character of Dyer, 
 and all the matters communicated by him to memoriahst, and 
 prevailed on him to let Dyer be produced as a witness, were 
 unanimously of opinion, that the parties concerned in the attempt 
 to assassinate memorialist, should be apprehended ; and that an 
 application, which they all signed, should be made to your Excel- 
 lency, to provide for Dyer, as he must be exposed to the utmost 
 danger, if he remained in the country, after giving testimony in 
 a court of justice ; which request Avas refused. 
 
 Mr. Prittie and his friends signed the application, nor can they 
 plead ignorance of all that had occurred, as Mr. Gason communi- 
 cated every circumstance to them. On the night of that day, 
 and the morning following, all the parties were taken into custody. 
 Memoriahst was informed on the 11th of January, that Patrick 
 Hickey, one of the persons apprehended, had confessed to Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Kerr, commanding the Monaghan mihtia, then 
 quartered at Roscrea, and not wishing to see him, unless in the 
 presence of other magistrates, he wrote to request the attendance 
 of Mr. Wright and Mr. Gason, and before them, Hickey made a 
 full confession on oath, not only of his participation in the trea- 
 sonable meetings held in Corville demesne — the attempt to take 
 away memorialist's hfe in the garden — and the firing into the 
 parlour window, but also, that Daniel and Stephen Egan, jun., 
 were at the Corville meetings; and moreover, that Stephen Egan, 
 jun., had administered an oath to him, to murder memoriahst, 
 
( 327 ) 
 
 which confession he made freely, without any promise or threat 
 being held out to him. 
 
 Those magistrates, thereupon, issued their warrant against 
 Daniel and Stephen Egan, jun., and others concerned, who were 
 taken into custody the next day. It is true, as stated by Daniel 
 and Stephen Egan, jun., in their memorial to your Excellency, 
 that they were carried to Clonmel, under a military escort ; but 
 they travelled in a chaise, and were permitted to sleep at the inns, 
 in the towns on their way, instead of being lodged in the several 
 bridewells — an indulgence more than sufficient to compensate for 
 the confinement in the guard-house, on the night of the firing 
 into memorialist's house, which they complained of, and to which 
 they subjected themselves by their own improper language, and 
 unlawful threats towards memorialist and the adjutant of the 
 Monaghan regiment. 
 
 The special commission commenced on the 15th January. 
 When memoriahst reached Clonmel, he found the crown lawyers 
 all prejudiced against his case. Indeed this was the less surprising, 
 as the Attorney-General had advised the government, that 
 memorialist should be left to prosecute at his own expense and 
 responsibility, though memorialist had never received a farthing 
 of all the heavy expenses incurred by him on former prosecu- 
 tions ; and, it was not until the memorial of the Earl of Rosse, and 
 the other nine magistrates, was forwarded, that memorialist was 
 led to expect any support from government, in opposition to the 
 advice of the Attorney-General ; and as matters turned out, the 
 assistance of the crown lawyers, and of the Solicitor- General in 
 particular, proved more injurious than beneficial. It was not 
 until the seventh day of the commission, that the Solicitor-General 
 vouchsafed an audience, and that only of about ten minutes, to 
 memorialist. The bills of indictment were not sent up till the 
 sixth day ; and, but for the unshaken steadiness of the grand 
 jury, it is possible they would not have been found ; the con- 
 stant tenor of the language of certain of the crown lawyers, from 
 their arrival at Clonmel having been, that government was deter- 
 mined to sift the matter to the bottom, as if memoriahst, and not 
 the prisoners, was put on his trial. 
 
 When the petit jury was sworn, the prisoners' counsel moved, 
 that all tlie witnesses on both sides should retire from the court 
 until called. Baron George, who alone presided, (Lord Norbury 
 having been seized with indisposition,) ruled, that such witnesses 
 as were on the grand jury, or were magistrates, should remain in 
 court. This was a power wliich memorialist conceives was not 
 vested in the judge, and the impropriety of it was apparent, for, 
 as memoriahst can prove, Mr. Prittie, one of the witnesses for 
 the prisoners, abused the indulgence, and became the medium of 
 
( 328 ) 
 
 a written communication from a witness in the hall, a brother of 
 one of the prisoners, to the prisoners' counsel ; and also, from the 
 grand jury box, suggested questions to be put to Dyer on his 
 cross-examination, and in short, did all in his power to frustrate 
 the prosecution. Memoriahst was the second witness examined, 
 though he should have been the first ; and with certainty he can 
 say, that his own examination, and that of the witnesses who 
 followed, and whose testimony he was admitted to hear, was on 
 the part of the prosecution, more like a cross-examination than a 
 direct one ; and memorialist was informed by respectable gentle- 
 men, that the examination of Dyer was similarly conducted, and 
 this circumstance memorialist can positively swear to, namely, 
 that on his own cross-examination, one of the crown lawyers 
 suggested to the prisoners' counsel, a question in favour of the 
 prisoners. 
 
 Memoriahst has to complain, that his own case, though long 
 posterior to the charge for treasonable practices, was tried first ; 
 and that the Solicitor-General did not open the case with any 
 explanatory address, which, in a matter embracing so many 
 circumstances and such a lapse of time, was absolutely necessary. 
 He also has to complain, that the judge refused to examine Mr. 
 Birch, in support of the character of Dyer, though the SoHcitor- 
 General had threatened to have him fined £5000, if he did not 
 appear, and Mr. Pennefather had declared to memorialist, that 
 the trial ought not to be proceeded on, without his testimony. 
 Nor did the Solicitor-General insist on the examination of Mr. 
 Birch, though memorialist urgently pressed him. At this moment 
 the judge and jury were conferring together. 
 
 It is alleged, in the memorial of Daniel and Stephen Egan, that 
 the jury signified their wish aloud, that the trial should then 
 terminate ; but memoriahst can prove by indisputable testimony, 
 that it was the Judge that made the suggestion to the jury. In 
 fact, when the Solicitor-General seemed surprised at the con- 
 ference in the jury box, the Judge said : — " Stay, stay — you do 
 not know what they are about." 
 
 It short, it was a derelict prosecution ; it was worse — for, 
 though the Sohcitor-General admitted, after examination of the 
 witnesses, that the facts had been proved, and after the verdict 
 of acquittal of the four persons tried, was pronounced, both he 
 and Baron George did ample justice to the motives of memo- 
 riahst ; yet, to the astonishment of every unbiassed man in court, 
 he moved, that a bill of indictment should be sent up against 
 Dyer, for perjury, whom he branded as a villain, who artfully 
 made a dupe of memorialist, for corrupt purposes; when, in truth. 
 Dyer was not a perjurer, nor had he duped memoriahst ; but the 
 Sohcitor-General himself, and all those who were influenced by 
 
( 329 ) 
 
 him, were egregiously duped by the artful misrepresentations of 
 Mr. Prittie and his friends ; and of this, he had the most mor- 
 tifying proof, in the ignoring of the bill by the grand jury, which 
 many times during the commission, he declared to be the most 
 respectable he had ever seen in the box ; and every member of 
 which paid the utmost attention to the trial. 
 
 The conduct of the Solicitor-General, on this occasion, was the 
 most unwarrantable ever attempted by a law officer of the crown. 
 There certainly were variances in the testimony of the witnesses 
 Dyer, Halpin, and Hickey, but they were of such a nature as not 
 to impeach their veracity ; and if Dyer's testimony varied in some 
 measure from theirs, the testimony of the others differed from 
 his, so that upon the same principle, they were perjurers as well 
 as Dyer, and yet, no bills of incUctment were moved against them. 
 But it is alleged that the character of Dyer destroyed his credi- 
 bility. Had the judge permitted Mr. Birch to be examined, his 
 character would have stood on high ground : — as it is, it may be 
 fully vindicated. 
 
 It is part of the present system of Jacobinism to raise a hu& 
 and cry against informers, whether their motives be good or bad. 
 No character, indeed, can be more odious and detestable than that 
 of a corrupt informer, particularly where the hves of men are at 
 stake ; but to disclose treasonable practices or designs of murder 
 and assassination is strictly conformable to allegiance, morality, 
 and common sense. Dyer was an informer from the most humane 
 and disinterested motives. He never was promised, and never 
 has received the smallest remuneration ; on the contrary, he has 
 suffered most materially. After the trial, he and Hickey were 
 obliged to leave Ireland, and were under the protection of the 
 present Lord Mayor of London for a length of time. Since 
 Dyer's return, his house has been set on lire, and he Uves in 
 continual apprehension ; Hickey has not ventured to return to 
 Roscrea, yet they still assert the truth of their testimony, though 
 the principal persons against whom they swore have made re- 
 peated offers to them of protection and support, if they would but 
 recant what they had sworn. 
 
 The only circumstance at all affecting the character of Dyer, 
 was his non-attendance as a witness against Francis Cotton, for 
 the alleged murder of John Quigley. It is true Dyer did not 
 attend, and memorialist knew very well at the time that Dyer 
 was overcome by the persuasions of persons of respectability, 
 who should be ashamed of such conduct, and memorialist 
 wrote to the Judge presiding in the crown courts to request 
 the trial of Cotton might be put off until the next assizes, as 
 he had every reason to hope he should be able then to produce 
 Dyer. 
 
( 330 ) 
 
 Mr. Justice Fletcher, who admitted he received the letter, 
 Avould not postpone the trial. Quigley's widow, who happened to 
 be in the hall, thereupon screamed aloud; she was brought up and 
 examined, and Cotton, upon her testimony, was acquitted, and 
 Dyer's recognizance was not escheated. 
 
 It happened, indeed, at the special commission, that Dyer's 
 family had received five shillings per week during the short time 
 he kept out of the way, but the very smallness of the sum, shows 
 he was not actuated by any pecuniary or selfish consideration ; 
 and it also appeared that memorialist had not previously known 
 any thing of that circumstance, though the contrary is falsely 
 alleged in the memorial of Daniel and Stephen Egan, and though 
 memoriahst did, and does reprehend the conduct of Dyer in 
 that instance, yet he cannot but think that the impeaching of 
 his credibility on that score, comes with a very ill grace, from 
 gentlemen who appeared to take such pains to frustrate the pro- 
 secution of persons accused of treasonable practices and attempts 
 of assassination. 
 
 Many persons were convicted at the special commission on 
 testimony more objectionable than Dyer's, and not even the 
 Solicitor-General will venture to compare the character of Keating, 
 the chief evidence against the murderers of Mr. Baker, with the 
 character of Dyer. 
 
 Memoriahst has only to state further, that, at the commission, 
 Stephen Egan, sen., had the audacity to charge Mr. Gason with 
 joining memorialist in a conspiracy to bring his sons to the gallows. 
 But the charge was refuted with a vengeance by Mr. Gason, who 
 stated that when Mr. Egan lay bound in the prison of Nenagh 
 in the year 1798, he had his irons knocked off; and as to the 
 insinuations in the memorial of Mr. Egan's sons, that this memo- 
 rialist, in consequence of having taken part in the education of 
 Mr. Birch's children, was under that gentleman's influence, and 
 that Mr. Birch made memorialist an instrument of destroying 
 their family, in order to get rid of them as competitors in brewing, 
 such calumnies are easily rebutted by the well-known indepen- 
 dence and irreproachable integrity of the whole of the Birch 
 family. Such imputations may safely be left to merited scorn. 
 
 Memorialist confesses that no circumstance relative to the entire 
 of this affair gave him more pain than the attempt of certain 
 persons to impress upon your Excellency, that the charge against 
 the persons prosecuted on his account was altogether groundless. 
 Memoriahst is content to rest this point on the following letter 
 from the Earl of Rosse, who was acquainted with all the circum- 
 stances of the case, and whose opinion memoriahst trusts will 
 have the greatest weight with your Excellency. It having been 
 reported that his lordship, whose kindness memoriahst can never 
 
( 331 ) 
 
 forget, had adopted, after the trial, ideas unfavourable to 
 memoriahst, he wrote to his lordship on the subject with the 
 greatest anxiety, and had the happiness of receiving this 
 answer : — 
 
 " Dublin, February 5th, 1816. 
 " Dear Sir, — I assure you that no doubt exists on my mind 
 of the conspiracy having been formed to take away your life, and 
 the decision of the grand jury, ignoring the bills against Dyer, 
 proves their sentiment to be the same. I also saw Mr. Bagwell, 
 of Marlfield, and such is his opinion too ; I trust, however, that 
 as these wretches have so narrowly escaped, they will not dare 
 to renew their horrid project, and I beheve they wUl be afraid to 
 do so. The circumstances certainly are very mortifying ; but 
 being caused by an active and zealous discharge of your pubHc 
 duty, which all friends to order must approve, you have in 
 your own breast a sentiment which repels the malice of vulgar 
 calumny. I am, Sir, your very obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed), " ROSSE." 
 
 The services performed by memorialist for the public good, 
 and the zealous and active discharge of all his magisterial duties, 
 the enemies he has made, and the losses he has sustained in con- 
 sequence, he does not wish in this place to dwell upon, nor does 
 he desire on this occasion to detail the unpleasant circumstances 
 which occurred after the special commission at Roscrea, all of 
 which, nevertheless, he can, if necessary, indubitably show to 
 have been the result of the misrepresentations which have been 
 made to your Excellency. The foregoing statement, however, he 
 hopes, will enable your Excellency to perceive how much he has 
 been calumniated and injured. 
 
 Memoriahst therefore humbly prays your Excellency will 
 be graciously pleased to take the premises into con- 
 sideration, and to afford him such remedy and rehef as 
 to your Excellency shall seem just and reasonable. 
 
 And memorialist will pray. 
 
 (Signed), JOHN HAMILTON. 
 
 AuguM 5th, 1817. 
 
( 232 ) 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 The foregoing Memorial was accompanied by another document, 
 bearing the signature of the Rev. John Hamilton, professing to 
 be a refutation of the allegations contained in a Memorial 
 presented to his Excellency, by Daniel and Stephen Egan, in 
 1816, " exposing the falsehood and misrepresentation of that 
 Memorial paragraph by paragraph." The Document concluded 
 in the following terms : — 
 
 " This memorialist showeth that Stephen Egan, sen., was not 
 an inhabitant of Roscrea for fifty years past ; he was an inhabitant 
 of Borrisokane for some time previous to the year 1798. Mr. 
 Gason, a magistrate, knows something about the matter. 
 
 "Where the young men received their political education, 
 they have not mentioned. 
 
 " Daniel and Stephen Egan, jun., were arrested under a war- 
 rant, issued by John Gason and Croker Wright, Esqrs., two magis- 
 trates of the county Tipperary. 
 
 " Stephen Egan, jun., was arrested on a charge grounded on 
 the information of Hickey, of having administered an oath to him, 
 to murder memoriahst, and he and his brother were arrested on 
 the information of Hickey, for appearing by night in arms at 
 seditious meetings in Mr. Prittie's demesne, Corville. 
 
 " They were permitted to lodge the night after their arrest at 
 the inn of Mr. Browne, at the request of Lieutenant-Colonel Kerr, 
 who treated them with the humanity that marks his character. 
 They travelled in a chaise to Clonmel, and lodged at the inns on 
 the way, and never were prisoners treated with more con- 
 sideration. 
 
 " Stephen Egan, jun., was indicted capitally for administering 
 the oath to murder memorialist. They were both indicted, but 
 not capitally, as aforesaid, for appearing in arms as aforesaid. 
 Of the other prisoners, only three were capitally indicted, namely, 
 for the attempt to assassinate. Stephen Egan, jun., was tried on 
 one capital indictment, namely, for administering the oath. 
 
 " Government did not pay all the expenses of their prosecution, 
 a good part of them was defrayed by this memorialist. 
 
 " This memorialist is not to be blamed, because the special 
 commission was held during the law term ; it was a circumstance 
 which materially operated against himself, and he has to deplore 
 that the Solicitor-General conducted the prosecution. 
 
 •* As to the allegation of a plot to bring Daniel and Stephen 
 Egan and others to an ignominious death, this memorialist 
 
( 333 ) 
 
 observes that the benign character of Mr. Birch refutes the 
 calumny as to him, and the motives of memorialist, were, in open 
 court, vindicated by the Solicitor-General and the Judge, and the 
 ignoring of the bill of indictment against Dyer shows the sense 
 the grand jury had of his testimony. 
 
 " The testimony of Hickey and Halpin was not impeached. 
 
 " The grand jury believed the testimony of Dyer from first to 
 last ; the opinion of the Solicitor-General and the Judge respecting 
 it was erroneous. 
 
 " This memorialist is confident, that the description of the 
 evidence on the prosecution, as given by Messrs. Egan, is un- 
 founded and malicious. 
 
 " It is not true that the jury audibly signified their disbelief of 
 the witnesses ; in fact, the memoriahst had it from one of the 
 jury, that they would willingly have heard the defence, had it 
 not been suggested to them by the judge, that the prosecution 
 should stop ; and the jury could not but acquit. It was a 
 derehct prosecution. 
 
 " The bill of indictment so improperly sent up by the Sohcitor- 
 General against Dyer, was immediately ignored by the grand 
 jury — the ' most respectable ever impanelled at Clonmel, as the 
 Solicitor-General declared to themselves. Every member of the 
 grand jury heard the whole trial. 
 
 " Dyer did not return to Roscrea, but both he and Hickey were 
 in such imminent danger that they were obliged to go over to 
 England, and were for some time under the protection of the 
 present Lord Mayor of London. Dyer has since returned, but 
 lives in constant apprehension. Hickey has not ventured to 
 return. Candour must allow, that they have been sufering 
 informers. What Mr. Birch suffered, will be mentioned in 
 another place. 
 
 " It is insinuated, that because this memorialist took a part in 
 the education of Mr. Birch's children, he was made an instrument 
 of by Mr. Birch, to destroy a wretched competitor in the brewing 
 business ; aye, and for that purpose to bring his sons to an 
 ignominious death ! This disgusting insinuation may safely be 
 passed by without comment. 
 
 " That a man may be honest though poor, those gentlemen 
 should admit for their own sakes. 
 
 " Daniel Egan was not arrested for any design on tliis me- 
 morialists's hfe. Stephen Egan, jun., was charged with instigating 
 Hickey to murder memorialist. The stratagem of the effigy 
 was resorted to, principally to ascertain the veracity of Dyer's 
 information, relative to an attempt to shoot this memoriahst in 
 his own garden through a stable window, by Hickey and others. 
 This particular is artfully suppressed by the Messrs. Egan. 
 
( 334 ) 
 
 •' This memorialist did not represent to government, nor did 
 he admit that he represented to government, that the firing at 
 the effigy was a firing at his own person. Memoriahst wrote to 
 Major Sirr, that he had made use of a stratagem on the occasion, 
 and requested of him to mention the same at the castle ; this 
 appears by Major Sirr's reply, now in memoriahst's possession. 
 
 " This memorialist knew that Dyer had been prevailed upon 
 by persons of great respectabihty, who should blush for such 
 conduct, not to appear as a witness against Cotton, but did not 
 know, until the special commission, that Dyer's family was 
 allowed five shilhngs per week, during his absence and conceal- 
 ment, which lasted but a few weeks. And the smallness of the 
 allowance shows that Dyer did not act from mercenary motives, 
 but from a weak compliance with the importunities of respectable 
 people. Memoriahst apprized the judge of the concealment of 
 Dyer, and requested to have the trial put off, but the request 
 was refused. Cotton was acquitted, and Dyer's recognizance of 
 £50 was not escheated. At the inquest held on Quigley's body, 
 this memorialist praised the fairness of Dyer's testimony, and 
 bound him to prosecute. 
 
 " This memorialist admitted, that an association of magistrates, 
 whose object was approved of by your Excellency, was formed 
 to counteract the designs of the disaffected, and that Dyer gave 
 information to them through memoriahst, from time to time. 
 What calumny, aimed at the members of that association, is 
 suppressed, where the asterisks appear, this memorialist cannot 
 conjecture. 
 
 "By the advice of the Right Hon. the Attorney-General, 
 memoriahst and Croker Wright, Esq., resolved to make a general 
 search for arms, but understanding that a similar search was 
 about to be made in the neighbourhood of Templemore and 
 Thurles, the search in Roscrea was deferred, that the search in 
 all the places might be simultaneous, — this was the cause of 
 delay. 
 
 When the search was made, it was general, through the baronies 
 of EHogarty and Skerrin, in the latter of which the town of 
 Roscrea lies. Many other houses in that town were searched as 
 well as the Messrs. Egans'. 
 
 " As the search for arms by this memorialist was under 
 warrant from your Excellency, he had power to search generally 
 in the several parishes therein named, and of course to search in 
 the house of Stephen Egan, the father, as well as in Daniel the 
 son's; but as an object of the search, as advised by the Attorney- 
 General, was to come at the papers, &c., as mentioned in Dyer's 
 informations, and Stephen Egan, the son, had apartments in the 
 premises of Stephen Egan, the father, it became necessary to 
 
( 335 ) 
 
 search in such parts and desks, &c., as in said premises were 
 occupied and used by one and both of his sons, and no other 
 search did this memoriahst make in the premises of Stephen 
 Egan, senior. The search at Daniel Egan's was very early, but 
 it did not commence till after day light, and was conducted with 
 the utmost delicacy to the females in it, though Daniel Egan has 
 been so unjust as to assert the contrary. The proclaiming of the 
 district was necessary to justify a search for arms. 
 
 "When the shots were fired through memorialist's window, 
 the town Avas alarmed, and one of the constables called out the 
 guard, by whom Daniel and Stephen Egan, jun., were taken up, 
 and with others brought to the guard-house, where the Egans, 
 Daniel in particular, behaved so turbulently, and held out such 
 threats towards this memoriahst, that they were detained till next 
 morning. Besides, it was not then ascertained whether they had 
 not been that evening at Meagher's, where the conspirators met. 
 The threats of the Egans towards memoriahst having been 
 proved before Mr. Wright next day, and this memoriahst re- 
 quiring sureties of the peace from them both, they were permitted 
 to depart, in promising to find such sureties, but were not 
 liberated at the instance of any of the other magistrates, not one 
 of whom interfered for them or went near them. Nothing 
 could have been more kind than Colonel Kerr's conduct towards 
 them. 
 
 " So far from Dyer having been disciphned, that he did not 
 know till the day before the trial, that he was to be produced as 
 a witness. He imagined that the evidence of Hickey and Halpin 
 would be sufficient, but when he found he must be examined, he 
 did not hesitate. Memoriahst took no pains to refresh his 
 memory as to the transactions that had long before occurred, 
 which probably may have caused an indistinctness in some parts 
 of his testimony. 
 
 " It appeared by a paragraph in the newspaper, which gave 
 pubhcity to the memorial of the Messrs. Egan, that no hope was 
 entertained, that the prayer of it could be granted. The object 
 of it was evidently to gratify revenge and malice, by the aspersion 
 of the character of this memoriahst in particular ; but as the 
 Almighty has preserved his life from the assassin, so he trusts 
 the same gracious being will protect his character from the shafts 
 of calumny. 
 
 (Signed), " JOHN HMIILTON." 
 
 THE END. 
 
( 337 ) 
 
 INDEX 
 
 TO CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE CHIEF SECRETARIES, AND THE FOLLOWING 
 
 MAGISTRATES, AND OTHER PERSONS (wiTH A FEW EXCEPTIONS,) 
 
 OFFICIALLY CONNECTED WITH THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 PAGES. 
 
 Achmuty, Arthur, ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 
 
 Annesley, Earl, ... ... ... ... ... 215, 258, 294 
 
 Armstrong, Lieutenant-Colonel, ... ... ... ... 247 
 
 Atkinson, George, ... ... ... ... ... ... 227 
 
 Austin, Rev. Doctor, . 264, 266, 267, 268, 270, 275, 276, 277, 282, 287 
 
 BagweU, John, ... ... ... ... 188, 211, 212, 215, 219 
 
 Baker, William, ... ... ... ... ... ... 243 
 
 BaU, R., ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 257 
 
 Beever, Brigade- Major, ... ... ... ... ... 309 
 
 Blake, Captain, ... ... ... 280, 281, 283, 284 
 
 Blennerhasset, Richard F., ... ... ... ... ... 287 
 
 Bolton, Cornelius, ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 
 
 Boyle, John, ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 253 
 
 Boyce, John, ... ... ... 267, 269, 270, 292 
 
 Briscoe, Henry, ... ... ... ... ... ... 224, 228 
 
 Browne, Hon. Denis, ... ... ... ... ... ... 189, 208 
 
 Brown, Rev. Thomas, ... ... ... ... ... ... 200 
 
 Bridgeman, Brigade- Major, ... ... ... ... ... 195 196 
 
 Burnett, Major-General, ... ... ... ... 261, 270 271 
 
 Butler, Captain, ... ... ... ... ... ... 210 
 
 Bradshaw, William, ... ... ... ... ... ... 223 
 
 Campbell, Major-General, ... ... ... ... ... 210 
 
 Carey, Tristram, ... ... ... ... ••• -.. 271 
 
 Cassidy, John, 188, 190, 191, 197, 198, 199, 202 
 
 CarroU, Michael, ... ... ... ... ... ■.• 220 
 
 Chapman, George, ••• 220, 221 
 
 Chichester, Rev. E., ... ... ... ... ... ... 262 
 
 Cole, Henry St. George, 181, 184, 185, 193, 194, 217, 226, 234, 238, 
 
 245, 247, 249, 254, 255, 256, 261, 269, 
 273, 276, 291, 292, 293, 298, 301, 307, 308 
 Connor, R. Longfield,... ... ... ... •■■ •■• 242 
 
 Cooper, Samuel, ... ... ... ••• ••• ••• 211 
 
 Cooke, Matthew, ... ... ... ... ... ... 223 
 
 Conway, Edward, ... ... ... ■•• ••• ••• 307 
 
 CosteUoe, Charles, ... ... ... ... ••• - 263 
 
 Courtenay, E. R., 193, 197, 198, 221 
 
 Cox, Edward, ... ... ... •■• ••• ••• 183 
 
 Crampton, George, 
 
 Creaghe, Richard, 201, 243, 244, 248. 249 
 
 CuUen, Edward, ... • •• 308 
 
( 338 ) 
 
 Dawson, James, 
 
 Darby, Major-General, 
 
 Day, Rev. James, 
 
 Despard, William, 
 
 Dnimmond, Lieutenant- General, 
 
 Eastwood, Rev. William 
 Eccles, Brigade- Major, 
 Egan, Daniel and Stephen, 
 Elphin, Bishop of, 
 Evans, William, 
 Evans, Eyre,... 
 
 Fitzgerald, E. V., 
 Fitzpatrick, John, 
 Forde, Matthew, 
 French, Frederick, 
 
 Galbraith, James, 
 Gumbleton, R. W. 
 Gorges, H.. 
 Grannet, Martin, 
 Gore, Rev. William, ... 
 Grubb, Robert, 
 
 Hall, Captain, 
 Hamilton, Rev. J., 
 Hamilton, C. C, 
 Handcock, Rev. Thomas, 
 Hart, Major-General, 
 Herbert, Rev. Nicholas, 
 Hill, Sir George, 
 Hill, Brigade-Major, ... 
 Hillas, John, 
 Homan, George, 
 Hunt, Rev. Edward, ... 
 Hunt, Vere D., 
 
 Hes, James, 
 
 Irvine, Major, William, 
 
 Isod, William, 
 
 Jacob, Samuel, 
 
 Jacob, Archbald, H., ... 
 
 Jacob, J. G., 
 Jordan, Weldon, 
 Kavenagh, Walter, 
 Keane Michael, 
 Kelly, Edward, 
 Kennedy, Morgan, 
 Kerr, Colonel, 
 
 Lambert, Rev. G., 
 Langley, H., 
 Langley, John, D., 
 Langton, James, 
 Latham, Oliver, 
 Llandaff, Earl of, 
 Limerick, Bishop of, ... 
 Limerick, High Sheriff of. 
 Limerick, Mayor of, 
 
 PAGES. 
 
 232, 249, 253 
 
 ... 296, 297, 304, 305 
 
 304 
 
 ... 203, 226 
 
 275 
 
 ... 269 
 
 204, 206, 211 
 
 311 
 
 252 
 
 193, 294, 303 
 
 287 
 
 190. 221 
 
 202 
 
 187, 191 
 
 186 
 
 271, 278 
 
 299, 302 
 
 222 
 
 262 
 
 189 
 
 226, 254 
 
 239 
 
 ... 233, 315 
 
 205 
 
 191, 192, 197, 209, 272, 273 
 
 248, 250 
 
 200, 204, 213, 216, 219, 220, 223, 230, 245 
 
 258 
 
 275 276 
 
 ... '" 183,184, 20li 206 
 
 257 
 
 ... 182, 199 
 
 ... 218, 243 
 
 274 
 
 ... ... 209 
 
 199, 200, 228 
 
 186 
 
 219, 224, 225, 229, 236, 237, 242, 
 
 262, 279, 288, 289, 291, 293, 294 
 
 240 
 233 
 
 279 
 
 245 
 
 305 
 
 246 
 ... 272 
 
 ... 233, 234 
 214, 225, 226, 242, 246 
 
 194 
 
 256 
 
 185, 223, 235, 242, 245 
 
 252 
 
 263 
 
 299 
 
 306 
 
( 339 ) 
 
 PAGK3 
 
 Limerick, Recorder of , ... ... ... ... '295,296,297 
 
 Lloyd, Francis, ... 266, 267, 281, 283, 286, 298, 300, 301, 303, 306 
 
 Longfield, ... ... ... ... ... ... 207 
 
 Mahon, D'Arcey, ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 
 
 Mahony, Brigade- Major, ... ... ... ... 301, 302 
 
 Mansfield, Francis, ... ... ... ... 256, 257 
 
 Marshall, Brigade-Major, ... ... ... ... 272, 273 
 
 Massey, Godfrey, ... ... ... ... ... ... 285 
 
 Matthewson, Captain, ... ... ... ... ... 244 
 
 Matthews, Samuel, ... ... ... ... ... 182 
 
 M'Neil, Fleming, ... ... ... ... 192, 197 
 
 Moore, Brigade-Major, ... ... ... ... 209, 281, 282 
 
 Moore, Serjeant, ... ... ... ... 195, 235, 237, 240, 241 
 
 Mooney, R. J. Enraght, ... ... ... ... 227, 241, 251 
 
 Morton, L. H., ... ... ... ... ... ... 295 
 
 Neville, George, ... ... ... ... ... ... 202 
 
 O'Connor, Roger, ... ... ... ... ... ... 280 
 
 O'Donnell, Connell, ... ... ... ... ... ... 224 
 
 Ogle, Colonel, ... 238, 250, 251 
 
 Ogle, John, ... ... ... ... ... 231, 232, 239 
 
 Ormonde, Earl of, ... ... ... ... ... 217, 222 
 
 Ormsby, Brigade- Major, ... ... ... ... ... 305 
 
 Palmer, Brigade-Major, ... ... ... ... ... 213 
 
 Paul, W. G., ... ... ... 231 
 
 Prendergast, Major, ... ... 205, 225, 246, 252, 255, 258, 281, 284 
 
 Poe, J. P., ... ... ... ... ... 205, 236 
 
 PoUock, John, ... ... ... ... ... 235, 237 
 
 Ponsonby, Major, ... ... ... ... ... 25(5, 257 
 
 Power, Patrick, ... ... ... ... ... ... 200, 216 
 
 Prior, Thomas, ... ... ... ... ... ... 210 
 
 PurceU, Rev. M., ... ... ... ... ... ... 239 
 
 Rawson, Robert, ... ... ... ... ... ... 189 
 
 Rawson, Thomas James, ... ... ... ... ... 187, 229 
 
 Reade, Rev. William, ... ... ... ... ... 265 
 
 Reade, Lieutenant, ... ... ... ... ... ... 208 
 
 Rochford, Gustavus, 234, 235, 282, 283, 284, 290 
 
 Rowan, Ross R., ... ... ... ... ... ... 208 
 
 Rowan, Willliam, (See Tralee, Provost of.) 
 
 Ryan, Rev. Dr 289, 290 
 
 Sadlier, Richard, ... ... ... ... ... ... 196 
 
 Sankey, Brigade-Major, ... ... ... ... ... 227 
 
 Skinner, C. M., ... 228 
 
 Slator, George, ... ... ... ... ... ... 227 
 
 Smyth, George, (See Limerick, Recorder of.) 
 
 Smyth, T. R., 198, 202 
 
 SoUcitor-General, ... ... ... 213, 214, 230 
 
 St. George, A. French, ... ... ... ... ... 268 
 
 St. Ledger, Hon. and Rev. A., ... ... ... ... ... 196 
 
 Stokes, Oliver, ... ... ... ... ... ... 254 
 
 Tyrawley, Lord, ... ... ... ... ... ... 248 
 
 Tralee, Provost of, 1290, 291 
 
 Usher, Richard, ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 
 
 Vandeleur, Right Hon. J. O ... ... ... ... 264 
 
( 340 ) 
 
 Walters, A., 
 Walsh, Peter," 
 Wainwright, Rev. M., 
 Warburton, Brigade- Major, 
 Whitty, Rev. John, 
 White, Hawtry, 
 White, Henry, 
 Wihtney, T, S., 
 Wilkinson, James, 
 Willcocks, Richard, ... 
 Wilson, Edward, 
 Wolfe, Colonel, 
 Woodley, Francis, 
 
 PAGER. 
 
 300 
 218 
 
 283 
 
 205, 214 
 
 233 
 
 222 
 
 212 
 
 207, 208 
 
 '306 
 
 190, 203, 207, 230, 300 
 
 ... 263, 266 
 
 225, 232, 262 
 
 265, 298, 300 
 
 WILLIAM HOLDEN, PRINTER, ABBEY-STREET, DUBLIN. 
 

/ 
 
DATE DUE 
 
 HV '2 
 
 
 
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 1 8 2^n 
 
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 UNIVERSn 
 
 T PRODU 
 
 CTS, INC. 
 
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BOSTON COLLEGE 
 
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