* PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY VOLUME XXII THE LYON IN MOURNING VOL. Ill October 1896 t or ~" iQ7 IV.. i 465015 BOS to B co^ ^ THE LYON IN MOURNING OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES LETTERS JOURNALS ETC. RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS OF PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART BY THE REV. ROBERT FORBES, A.M. BISHOP OF ROSS AND CAITHNESS 1746-1775 Edited from his Manuscript, with a Preface by HENRY PAT ON, M.A. IN THREE VOLUMES EDINBURGH Printed at the University Press by T. and A. Constable for the Scottish History Society 1896 ISO PREFATORY NOTE It was originally intended to add to the third volume of the Lyon in Mourning, as a key to the work, an Itinerary and Map showing the Prince's movements day by day from the date of his landing in Scotland to his departure in September 1746. This Itinerary, which has been prepared by Mr. W. B. Blaikie from many sources, printed and manuscript, confirming or correcting the data of the Lyon, and indicating the move- ments of the Government armies as well as of the Jacobites, has so far exceeded the length at first contemplated, that it has been thought well to issue it separately along with the Map as a supplement to volume iii. This supplementary issue will therefore be treated as belonging to volume iii., and will be due to subscribers for the year 1895-96. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/lyoninmourningor03forb CONTENTS PAGE Conversation with Mr. James Grant of Inverness, . . l Letter to Major MacDonald of Glenalladale, . . 8 Letter received from Donald MacDonald, merchant in Edinburgh, . . . . . .11 Continuation of Narratives, from Rev. George Innes at Forres, . . . . . . .11 Letter from William Jack, a Jacobite prisoner, 1 7th March 1747, 14 Letter from Bishop Forbes to the Rev. George Innes at Forres, ....... 16 Account of the seizing of the Hazard Sloop in the harbour of Montrose, . . . . . .18 Part of a letter from Rev. James Hay in Inverness, . 21 Note of a visit from Flora MacDonald, . . .21 Note of a visit to the old Laird of MacKinnon, . . 22 Part of a letter from Rev. George Innes at Forres, . . 22 Part of a letter from Rev. James Taylor at Thurso, . 23 Account of the sufferings of Rev. James Taylor, . . 24 Note of visit from MacPherson of Breakachie, . . 37 Letter from John MacPherson of Strathmashie, . . 37 Account in the handwriting of Donald MacPherson, younger brother of Cluny, of the Prince's sojourn in Badenoch, . . . . . .38 Letter from Captain Donald Roy MacDonald, . . 48 Conversation with Mr. Hugh MacDonald, brother to the Laird of Morar, about the Prince's landing, . . 50 Part of a letter from Rev. James Hay at Inverness, . 53 Replies by Rev. James Hay to Bishop Forbes's queries, . 53 viii THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Memorial of the suffering of David Taylor, wright in Inverness, ...... 59 Letter to Miss Flora MacDonald, . . . .62 Part of a letter from Captain Donald Roy MacDonald, . 63 Latin poem by him on the cruelties after Culloden, . 63 Letter from William Jack, a Jacobite prisoner, . . 64 Poem from the Latin of Dr. King on Flora MacDonald, . 67 Latin poem by the same (with translation) on seeing the Prince's picture, . . . . .67 Letter from a gentleman in London (Bishop Forbes) to his friend at Bath, ...... 68 Lines fit to be placed below the Prince's picture, . , 77 An acrostic on the Laird of MacLeod, . . .78 Lines in Latin by Dr. King of Oxford on seeing Miss Flora MacDonald's picture, . . . . .78 Letter and verses in Latin from Donald Roy MacDonald, . 78 Letter from Alexander MacDonald of Kingsborrow, . 80 Reply by Bishop Forbes to this letter, . . .81 Visit of MacDonald of Kingsborrow, senior, to Edin- burgh, ....... 83 Narrative by Alexander MacDonald (Dalely's brother), of raids in the Islands of Canna and Eigg, . . 84 Three epitaphs on Prince Frederick, . . .88 Latin poem on the same by Donald Roy MacDonald, . 89 Memorandum for Mr. Alexander MacDonald (Dalely's brother), . gg Conversation with Donald Cameron of Glenpean, . . 90 Letter to Mr. William Gordon, bookseller, Edinburgh, . 92 Letter to Mr. John Rattray, surgeon, . .93 Letter from Mr. Rattray to George Lockhart of Carnwath, Esq., at Dryden, • .... 94 Letter from Carnwath to Bishop Forbes, . . 95 Letter to Mr. Donald Cameron of Glenpean, . . 95 Letter from Mr. Donald Cameron to Bishop Forbes, . 96 Note of a remark by the Duke of Cumberland upon President Forbes, . g§ CONTENTS ix PAGE Narratives by Patrick Grant, one of the Glenmoriston men, of the sojourn of the Prince with them, etc., . . 97 Paragraph of a letter from Captain MacNab to Mr. James Winrame at Edinburgh, . . . .112 Conversation with Martin MacDonald, principal servant to Sir Alexander MacDonald in 1746, . . .113 Third meeting with Patrick Grant, . . . .114 Birthday ode, 1751, . . . . . .117 Epitaph of Edward Burke, . . . . .119 Narrative of a conversation with Alexander MacDonald, younger of Glengary, . . . . .119 Letter from London of a design to assassinate the Prince, 3rd October 1745, . . . . .122 Narrative by Malcolm MacLeod of his own pursuit and capture, . . . . . .123 Letter from John Anderson (John Farquharson of Aldlerg), . . . . . .128 Part of a letter from Rev. William Abernethie, . .130 Part of a letter from Mr. William Abernethie to Rev. William Erskyne, at Muthil, . . . .131 Last speech of Dr. Archibald Cameron before his execution, 132 Letter from Dr. Archibald Cameron to his son in France, . 137 Account of Dr. Archibald Cameron's behaviour at the place of execution, . . . . . .139 Translation of a letter from the Duke de Bouillon in France in 1745, . . . . .142 Translation of a letter from the Spanish resident in France in 1745, ...... 143 Examination of John Gray of Rogart, a Highland drover, in 1746, ...... 144 Death of the old Laird of MacKinnon, . . .152 Note on a bogus Glenmoriston man, . . .152 Paper from an eyewitness (John Farquharson of Aldlerg) concerning the cruelties after the battle of Culloden, . 153 Protest by Prince Charles to the European Powers in July 1748, . . . . . .159 x THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Lines on the Duke of Cumberland, . . . . l6l Paragraph of a letter from Rev. Ludovick Grant at Fortrose, . . • ■ • .163 Note of the destruction of a library at Presshome in Enzie by the military, . . • • .164 Paragraph of a letter from Rev. John Stewart at Tain, . 165 Reply to the said letter, . . . • .165 Another letter from Rev. John Stewart, . . . 1 66 Warrant by Robert Craigie, Lord Advocate, for the imprisonment of John Blaw of Castlehill, . .166 Order for and certificates of his liberation, . . .166 Papers received from Rev. Robert Lyon about Mrs. Gordon ofHallhead, . . . . . .167 Letter from Mrs. Gordon of Hallhead to Mrs. Jane Bowdler, . . . . • .168 Narrative by Mrs. Gordon, written by Thomas Bowdler, . 173 List of what General Hawley took from her when she lent him her house in Aberdeen, . . . .177 Narrative of the negotiation of John Blaw of Castlehill in France,. . . . . . .180 A verse on the death of Sir Alexander Mac Donald of Sleat, 182 Letter from Rona MacLeod, alias Young Rasay, . .183 Visit to John MacKinnon in Edinburgh Infirmary, . .183 Additions to John MacKinnon's narrative, , . .183 A Propos — Lines on the Book of Common Prayer, . .192 Note on liberation of Archibald MacDonell of Barisdale, . 192 Paragraph of letter from Thomas Bowdler, Esq., near Bath, on death of John MacKinnon, . . . .192 Letter to Mr. Roderick MacKinnon, at Broadford, in the Isle of Skye, . . . . . .193 Representation in favour of John MacKinnon before his leaving Edinburgh, . . . . .194 More explicit representation in his favour, . . .195 Letter to Mr. Roderick MacKinnon, at Broadford, in the Isle of Skye, ...... 195 Epitaph on John MacKinnon, . . . 196 CONTENTS xi PAGE Inscription intended to have been put on his grave, . 198 Note on the church bell at Langside, . . .198 Paragraph of letter from Mr. Bowdler, . . .199 A fuller copy of the lines on the Book of Common Prayer, . 200 Letter to the Right Honourable Lady Lucy Stewart Traquair, ...... 200 Letter from Alexander MacNabb, . . . .201 Letter to Bishop Gordon of London, . . . 202 Paragraph of letter from Rev. John Stewart, . . 203 Reply to this letter, ...... 204 Copy of holograph message from the Prince, . .205 Paragraph of letter from Bishop Gordon of London, . 206 Paragraph of letter from Rev. John Stewart, . . 206 Letter to Mr. Roderick MacKinnon, at Broadford, in Skye, 207 Inscription on gravestone of John MacKinnon, . . 207 Paragraph of letter from the Honourable Lady Gask to Bishop Gordon of London, .... 208 Letter to Lady Gask, . . . . .208 Letter from Lady Gask, . . . . .208 Paragraph of letter from Mr. William MacKenzy, school- master at Tain, ...... 209 Paragraph of letter to the Physician in Ordinary, . . 210 Paragraph of letter from Mr. James George, . . 211 Paragraph of letter from Lady Gask, . . .211 Letter to Fidelius, . . . . . .211 Paragraphs from letters, . . . . .212 Inscription on the tomb of the titular Dukes of Perth, . 212 Letters to the printer of the London Chronicle, . . 214 Lines on the death of King James the Eighth, . . 214 Paragraphs of Letters — From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .215 From J. G., . . . . . .215 From Lady Gask, . . . . .215 From Bishop Gordon (three letters), . . .216 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .216 xii THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Paragraphs of Letters — continued. To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .217 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .217 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .218 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .218 From the Laird of Gask, . . . .219 From Bishop Gordon (three letters), . . .219 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .219 From Lady Gask, . . . . .220 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .220 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 220 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 220 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .221 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .221 From Mr. Brown alias Laurence Oliphant, younger of Gask, . . . . . .221 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .222 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .222 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 222 From letter by Nisbet to his brother Mr. John Nisbet, Writer in Edinburgh, . . .222 From Lady Gask, . . . . .223 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 223 From Bishop Gordon concerning Nisbet's paragraph, . 223 From Lady Gask, . . . . .224 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 224 From Vienna, . . . . . • 224 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 224 From Lady Gask, . . . . .225 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .225 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 226 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 227 A Journal of a journey to Moffat, .... 227 Note of visit from Laurence Oliphant of Gask, . 244, 245 Letter to Bishop Gordon, ..... 246 CONTENTS xiii PAGE Paragraphs of Letters — From Bishop Gordon, .... 246, 247 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 247 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 247 From Lady Gask, ..... 247 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 247 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 248 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 248 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 248 To Lady Gask, ..... 248 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 249 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 249 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 249 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 249 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .251 From W. S., London, . . . . .251 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .251 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .251 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 252 Note of introduction to the following letter, . . 253 Letter from the King of Prussia to His Royal Highness Prince Charles, 12th January 1747, . . . 253 Paragraphs of Letters — From Tom Bowdler, . . . . .254 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 254 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 255 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .255 From Laurence Oliphant, .... 255 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .255 From G. C, . . . . . . 255 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 256 From Bishop Gordon (three letters), . . . 257 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .258 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .258 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 259 xiv THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Paragraphs of Letters — continued. From Bishop Gordon, ..... 260 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 260 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 260 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .261 From Lady Gask, . . . . .261 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .261 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 262 Note of death of Alexander MacDonald of Kingsborrow, . 262 Paragraphs of Letters — From Bishop Gordon (two letters), . . . 262 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 262 From Lady Gask, ..... 263 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 263 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 263 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldberg, . . 264 Another from the same on the marriage of the Prince, . 265 Paragraphs of Letters — From Laurence Oliphant of Gask, . . .266 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 267 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .267 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .268 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .269 Letter from the Marquis D'Argenson, Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to Mr. Van Hoy, Ambassador of Holland, ...... 270 Account, of Bruce, Earl of Aylesbury, from handwriting of Captain James Menzies, .... 272 Paragraphs of Letters — From Rome, ...... 272 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 273 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .274 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .274 CONTENTS xv PAGE Lines on the marriage of the King with the Princess Louisa of Stolberg Guidern, . . . . .274 Paragraph from the Dedication to King Charles n. of Stanford's Genealogical History of the Kings of England and Monarchs of Great Britain, . . 275 Paragraphs of Letters — From Thomas Bowdler, Esq., to his son Thomas, student in physic, in Edinburgh, . . . .276 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 277 From Mr. Brett, . . . . .277 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 278 To Rev. John Leith at Huntly, . . . 279 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .279 From Lady Gask, . . . . .280 Translation of notes by the sisters of Princess Louisa Stolberg of their own and sisters' names and ages, . 281 Translation of letter from them to Mrs. Oliphant of Gask, . 281 Copy of the letter and notes of ages in French, . .281 Paragraphs of Letters — To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .282 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .282 Letter from Rev. John Leith, .... 283 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 284 Inscription on a gravestone in the kirkyard of Cumbernauld, 284 Paragraphs of Letters — From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .285 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .286 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .286 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .286 From Bishop Gordon, . . . . .287 To Bishop Gordon (two letters), . . . 287 Lines on seeing a print of ' The Queen of Hearts,' . . 287 Lines on the birthday of Princess Louisa, sent to John Farquharson, . . . . . . 2SS xvi THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Paragraphs of Letters — To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .288 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 289 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 289 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 290 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 290 To Bishop Gordon, . . . . .291 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 292 From John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 292 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 292 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 293 To Bishop Gordon, ..... 293 From Bishop Gordon, ..... 294 Extract from The Public Advertiser of Ash Wednesday, . 295 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 297 Another letter from the same to the same, . . 299 Paragraphs of Letters — From Rev. George Cheyne, .... 300 From Sir William Dunbar of Durn (two letters), . 301 Letter from Bishop Gordon to Bishop Forbes, . .301 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 303 Letter from Bishop Gordon to Bishop Forbes, . . 304 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 306 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 309 Letter from Bishop Gordon, . . . .311 Extraordinary articles ' For the Public Ledger,' . . 312 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 316 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .317 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 318 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 319 Another letter from the same to the same, . . . 320 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .321 Another letter from the same, . . . .321 Superlative honour from the Sultana, . . . 322 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 323 CONTENTS xvii PAGE Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 323 Paragraphs from The St. James's Chronicle or British Evening ■ Post, . . . . . . .324 Extract of a letter from Paris to a gentleman in England, 324 ' Political Intelligence Extraordinary/ . . . 325 Verses on Princess Louisa's birthday, . . . 326 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 327 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 328 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 330 Note on the constitution of the Royal Oak Society, . 330 Some questions respecting the national debts, . .331 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . « . 332 Extract from The Weekly Magazine of 13th October 1774, . 333 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 333 Another letter from the same, .... 335 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 336 Note on the fining and imprisonment of the Brothers Woodfall, . . . . . .338 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 339 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . .341 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 342 Two verses in Latin on 31st December with a translation, . 344 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 344 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 345 Another letter from the same, .... 346 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . . 347 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 349 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 350 Paragraph of a letter from Mr. MacDonald, tutor at Gask, to his father in Leith, . . . . .351 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg about Lord Caryl, 351 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 354 Letters from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . 354, 355 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 355 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 356 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 358 VOL. in, b xviii THE LYON IN MOURNING PAGE Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 360 Letter from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . . .361 Letter from Bishop Gordon, . . . .361 Another letter from Bishop Gordon, . . . 362 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 363 Extract of a letter from Pisa, .... 364 Letter from Bishop Gordon, .... 365 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 366 Declaration for Gray Cooper, Esq. of Gogar, Secretary to the Treasury at London, .... 366 Historical anecdotes for information, . . 367 Serving of Sir Gray Cooper of Gogar as heir-male, . 369 Letter to Alexander Mitchell, Esq., Edinburgh, . . 370 Paragraph of a letter from Sir Gray Cooper of Gogar, . 370 Paragraph from John Farquharson of Aldlerg, . .371 Letter from Bishop Gordon, . . .371 Letter from Bishop Forbes to John Farquharson of Aldlerg, 372 Letter from Bishop Forbes to Bishop Gordon, . . 372 Letter from Bishop Gordon, . . . .373 Appendixes — i. Narrative by John MacDonald, . . . 375 ii. Chronological Digest of the Narratives and Papers printed in the ' Lyon/ . . . .384 THE LYON IN MOURNING Wednesday, March 7th, 1750. — Mr. James Grant, 1 merchant foi. 1482. in Inverness, dined with me in my house at Leith, in com- 7 March pany with the Revd. Mr. Alexander Mitchell in Edinburgh, 1750 the Revd. Mr. James White in Cupar of FyfFe, and Mr. Patrick Baillie, writer in Edinburgh. After dinner I presented to the said James Grant the original paper, a folio in his own handwriting, which the Revd. Mr. James Hay in Inverness had transmitted to me by the hands of the foresaid Patrick Baillie in May 1749. Mr. Grant, after looking at the paper, acknowledged it to be all in his own handwriting, and said, c Had I known that Mr. Hay was to have transmitted this paper to you, or that it could be ever useful in making out a history of these times, I would have taken more pains and have been more exact and particular. For as I imagined Mr. Hay desired such an account of me only for his own information and satisfaction, so I was the less par- ticular and circumstantial. However, such as it is, I do assure you I could with confidence subscribe my name to it, as there is nothing in it but truth, and what is well known to others as well as to myself ; and indeed I can hold up my face to the world for everything I have written in that paper.' I then informed Mr. Grant that I had written a long and particular letter to Mr. James Hay, 2 containing several queries concerning the contents of the papers which Mr. Hay had trans- mitted to me, and as I had taken an exact copy of said letter, foi. 1483. I would read the copy in Mr. Grant's hearing and in that of the company (if he pleased), in order to have from him such answers to my queries as he could give me. Mr. Grant was 1 See ff. 1463-4. VOL. III. 2 See ff. I425-35- A 2 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 March very well pleased with the proposal, and frankly promised to give me answers as far as his knowledge and memory served him. Of which answers here followeth an exact account : 1. — As to the first query, Mr. Grant said, 4 1 know the servant maid well, but have forgot her name. However, as she still lives in Inverness, I will get her name and send it to you, and I will endeavour to procure you, if possible, the name of the dragoon a«d the names of the two low countrymen that were murdered by the said dragoon, for I know the house in which the said two men were murdered.' 2. — Mr. Grant said he would easily procure the name of the gentleman whose throat was cut in a high fever, but alleged there would be difficulty in finding out the names of the dragoons who did the deed. However, he would do his best to find out their names. 3. — That man was called (said Mr. Grant) 4 by some Ewan Mackvee and by others Ewan Mackay." Mr. Grant and Mr. Baillie agreed in saying that there is a tribe of the Camerons distinguished by the name of Mackvee. 1484- 4. — Mr. Grant said he believed it was General Husk that gave Provost Hossack the severe kick at the head of the stair, but he promised to get me certain account. 5. — This query is answered by Mr. Hay himself already. 1 4 But,' said Mr. Grant, 4 the sogers took away all the books in the Meeting House." 1 6. — Here Mr. Grant said he really could not affirm anything certain about the poisoned bread, but only that it was a common report in and about Inverness, and that the said report met with credit in that country. Mr. Grant promised to make further inquiry about this matter according to the terms of my query. 7. — Mr. Grant knows not, but will endeavour to discover. 8. — Mr. Grant, if he can, is to find out the names of the three compassionate officers. 9. — Mr. Grant knows not, but will endeavour to discover. 10. — Right. 11. — Mr. Grant said, 4 Alexander Macintosh of Issich, being 1 See f. 1456. 1750] ESCAPES FROM CULLODEN FIELD 3 much wounded in the battle of Culloden, did save himself by 7 March crawling on his hands and feet the night immediately after the battle. But then Mr. Macintosh was obliged to procure two shillings sterling to give to the sentinels whom he was obliged to pass through in his crawling, and who were appointed (among others) to guard the field of battle ; the said sentinels taking the two shillings sterling, and saying that the money foi. 1485. was better to them than the taking of his life.'' However, Mr. Grant added, he could not affirm that the said Macintosh of Issich was the person meant by Mr. Hay ; for that he (Mr. Grant) had reason to think that more than one had been saved in the same way, and in the same night with the said Mr. M'Intosh. Mr. Grant promised to make further inquiry about others that were thus preserved. 12. — Right as to Fraser ; and as to the other parts of this query, Mr. Grant is to endeavour to make them out. Here Mr. Grant told a remarkable narrative which is as follows : That Lauchlan Grant (writer in Edinburgh, and foreman to Mr. Alexander Lockheart, advocate), travelling up the country immediately after the battle of Culloden, and crossing the field of battle, came to a country house near the field, where he halted, and in which house he saw one of the name of Shaw (a Badenoch man, being a handsome, well-looking fellow), wounded and stript, to whom the said Lauchlan Grant gave a shirt and some shillings in money. That in the same country house the said Lauchlan Grant did see likewise, at the same time, another man whose head he (Lauchlan Grant) believed was cloven to the harns, and whose tongue was so hanging out that the poor man himself could not put it in again. But f° l - T 4 86 - Lauchlan Grant put in the poor mans tongue, and tied a napkin about his cloven head, upon which the poor man thanked Lauchlan Grant in Erse, and prayed God to reward him. That same night Lauchlan Grant came to Inverness, took up his quarters with the often-mentioned James Grant, merchant, and gave the said James Grant an account of what he had seen and done in the country house near the field of battle. The next day afternoon the said James Grant, meet- ing accidentally upon the street of Inverness with Mr. Angus 1 1 Lauchlan, says Mr. Innes, p. 1500. — F. 4 THE LYON IN MOURNING 7 March Shaw, Presbyterian preacher at Pettie, upbraided him to his face (not sparing the whole fraternity of Presbyterian preachers), for not doing more and interceding for the distressed, par- ticularly those of his own name, and then narrated to him all that he had heard from Lauchlan Grant about poor wounded Shaw (the Badenoch man), lying in the country house. But Mr. Angus Shaw (notwithstanding the pressing importunity of James Grant) did not give himself any manner of trouble about poor wounded Shaw, though afterwards the said Mr. Angus Shaw thought fit to give out in his own vindication (as James Grant expressly and positively affirmed to me, Robert Forbes, and the company, and calling it a downright lie), that he went to the field in quest of the poor wounded Shaw, and that when he came to the field of battle, he (Mr. Angus Shaw) fol. 1487. chanced to see the said wounded Shaw set up with some others to be instantly killed in cold blood, and that then he (Mr. Angus Shaw) did not think it proper to interfere, from fear of personal harm to himself from the sogers employed to execute the orders. ' But, 1 said James Grant, ' the plain matter of fact is this, that one Lauchlan Shaw, quartermaster to Sempil's regi- ment, upon hearing the dismal story, sent a brother of his own, 1 Alexander Shaw, and a surgeon to the field of battle in order to seek out the said wounded Shaw (the Badenoch man), and to take care of him if possible ; that when the said brother of the quartermaster and the said surgeon were approaching towards the field of battle they spied carts bringing wounded men from different quarters to a certain spot on the field, that upon coming near the said spot they saw wounded Shaw (the Badenoch man whom they were seeking for), placed among the wounded, and the soldiers making ready to kill them in cold blood : upon which the surgeon stopped short and told the quartermaster's brother he would not go further for fear of the worst ; and the quartermaster's brother, looking the poor wounded Shaw (his own relation) in the face, saw him put to death, and durst not venture to say a word for saving of his life lest he should have been made to bear him company to the other world. This, 1 said James Grant again and again, ' is the Commonly called Cripple Sandie Shaw, because of a lame leg. — F. iy So] THE CRUELTIES AFTER CULLODEN 5 true matter of fact as to the fate of poor wounded Shaw, the Badenoch man. 1 1 13. — Mr. Grant cannot tell, but will enquire. fih 1488. 14. — Mr. Grant takes this man 2 to be a tenant of the Laird of Inches, but will enquire about this and the other particulars of this query. 15. — Mr. Grant could tell nothing about this. 16. — Mr. Grant cannot tell, but will enquire. 17. — ' This," said Mr. Grant, 4 is very true ; but then I know not the names of the men. However, being well acquaint with Grant of Daldriggan, I hope I may easily find out their names/ 19. (As to the particulars in these several queries, Mr. 20. C Grant said he could not tell, but he would enquire. 21. ; 22. — The foresaid often-mentioned James Grant, merchant in Inverness. 23. — The name of the poor lame man is John MacKenzie. Mr. Grant is to enquire about the dragoon's name. 24. — The forementioned Lauchlan Shaw of Strathspey by birth. 25. — Mr. Grant is to enquire about these names. Mean- time he declared he saw at the doors of the King's Milns twelve or fifteen dead corpses, some lying upon dry ground, and others lying in the water. 26. — Mr. Grant said he can easily get the names of these three women, as he has some acquaintance of them. In a word, Mr. Grant promised again and again that upon his return to Inverness he would wait upon the Rev. Mr. Hay, from whom he would ask the use of my letter, and would direct fol. 1489- his inquiries by the contents of it, and that he would moreover lay himself out to find out other things, of all which he would transmit accounts to me. Robert Forbes. In talking of the Glenmoriston men, who after the battle of Culloden were prevailed upon by the Laird of Grant to sur- render themselves and to deliver up their arms at Inverness, 1 See f. 378. 2 See f. 379. 6 THE LYON IN MOURNING 7 March Mr. James Grant was very plain and full in his expressions. He said that the bad and harsh treatment of the Glenmoriston men was not owing to any treachery in the Laird of Grant, for that the Laird had actually got assurances that the Glen- moriston men should be safe and should meet with no hardship upon their surrendering and delivering up their arms. But the harsh and cruel treatment used against these men of Glenmoriston was owing altogether to a pique the Duke of Cumberland entertained against the Laird of Grant for not raising his men in the service of the Government. For no sooner had the Glenmoriston men made their appearance at Inverness and delivered up their arms than the Duke of Cum- berland (to be revenged upon the Laird of Grant for not raising his men) gave orders to make them all prisoners, when the poor men were in full expectation of being sent home in foi. 1490. safety. It is very remarkable (as James Grant observed) that the Duke of Cumberland was very much mistaken as to the pique he entertained against the Laird of Grant, for that no man was more zealous and firm in the interest of the Govern- ment and had a greater inclination to promote it than the Laird of Grant. In a word the Laird of Grant did actually use his utmost endeavours more than once to raise his men, but they positively refused to stir a foot unless the Laird would assure them that they were to join the Highland army. When James Grant had given this account of the matter the foresaid Patrick Baillie happened to differ from him as to the case of the Glenmoriston men, and did insinuate that the Laird of Grant was blameworthy as to the harsh treatment they met with. But James Grant stood to his tackling, and was positive that the representation he had given was the truth of the matter. 'Not, 1 said James Grant, 4 that I say this with a view to vindicate the Laird of Grant. Let him vindicate himself. But then truth obliges me to say what I have said, because I had it from those very persons who were interested in prevailing with the Glenmoriston men to surrender in hopes of safety."' Mr. Grant and Mr. Baillie agreed that there were about 150 1 of the Glenmoriston men thus cruelly 1 See f. 1679. 1750] THE GRANTS OF GLENMORISTON 7 used ; some dying on ship board, some in Tilbury Fort ; others 7 March were banished, and only about half-a-dozen of them returned home. Mr. Grant said, * He made no doubt at all but the f° l - r 49*« Laird of Grant in the event of the surrendering of the Glen- moriston men had it in his view to make a merit of this piece of service thereby, and ingratiate himself with the Duke of Cumberland. But,"* as Mr. Grant truly observed, 'the Laird met with a terrible disappointment, and even let him take up his thanks for what he did / 1 As to the refusal of the Grants to rise in arms even when desired by their own chief and their attachment to the Prince and his army, James Grant said, he needed only to appeal to the kind and compassionate usage the sculking gentlemen met with among the Grants after the battle of Culloden, who took such care of them (and numbers of them did sculk in the country of the Grants) that they were absolutely safe and wanted for nothing."' 6 But, 1 added James Grant, 4 it is a thing well known that the Grants would not rise in arms even at the importunity of their own chief." Here the Rev. Mr Alexander Mitchel said, he remembred nothing better than that some of the Grants did rise in arms before the skirmish at Inverury, and came down the country as far as Strathbogie, but when they had learnt there that they were to join the Laird of fol. 1492. MacLeod and his following and to march towards Aberdeen, they then (every one of them) refused to go a foot farther, and instantly went home again. In this rising it would appear that the Grants had been imposed upon, and made believe that they were to have joined the Prince's adherents. It is well known that the Laird of MacLeod used this deceitful dissembling art to raise his own following, insomuch that the MacLeods had white Cockades in their bonnets at their rising, and in passing from the Isle of Sky to the continent, which I, Robert Forbes, have had affirmed to me by several persons of the Isle of Sky who had access to know this affair well. As to the arts of dissimulation used by the Laird of MacLeod, see f. 883. Monday, March 12th, 1750. — The foresaid Mr. James 1 See ff. 312, 1329. 8 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 12 March Grant dined with me, renewed his promises to me, and bad farewel to me, being upon his return to Inverness. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1493. Copy of a Letter to Major MacDonald of Glen allad ale. 14 March My dear Sir, — When Boradale's son did me the favour of a visit he was in such a haste that I had scarce time to acknow- ledge the receipt of your obliging and satisfying letter of November 10th. 1 I now gladly embrace the opportunity of Milton's return to the Long Isle, in order to do myself the pleasure of writing to you at some length, for truly it is a pleasure of the highest relish to me to correspond with you and such as you are. I would not have you rash in transmitting any accounts to Dr. Burton, even though he has desired it. as a favour of you. The Dr. is indeed an honest, worthy gentleman. But then he is too ready to go to the press with the narratives he receives, and (in my humble opinion) this is far from being a proper season for publishing some certain truths to the world. Before the Dr. made his appearance in print he informed me of his design, to which I writ him an answer without loss of time, and intreated him not to entertain any such thoughts till a more safe and seasonable opportunity should offer. But he and his friends in England were so keen to inform the world foi. 1494. that (notwithstanding my remonstrance upon the point) his pamphlet soon appeared, a copy of which he sent directly from the press and desired me to amend and to make some material additions. But I absolutely refused to have any hand in the affair for reasons obvious enough to Scotsmen, whatever Eng- lishmen might happen to think, 2 and I writ a letter to the honest Doctor, wherein I used him with great plainness and freedom. Since Boradale's son was with me I have had leisure to con- sider your kind and long letter (the longer the better) with 1 See f. 1447. 2 See f. 1362. 1/50] THE PRINCE IN GLEN CHOSY 9 attention, and to compare it with your Journal, and I find a *4 March small difference between them, which indeed is only a mere circumstance. But then I make it my study to be as exact as possible, not only as to facts but likewise as to the circum- stances attending them. The difference is as follows. In your Journal you have these words. 1 'They stayed in the same place till 8 o'clock at night, when, setting out, the Prince travelled stoutly till it became dark, and climbing a steep hill called Drymchossey, to the top, they observed the fires of a camp directly in their front, which they could scarcely shun, at Glen Chossey. However, being resolved to pass at any rate, they came so near without being observed as to hear them talk distinctly, 1 etc. In your letter you have these words. 2 ' It was in climbing up that hill called Drymchossey, immediately after passing by a small camp pitched in the bottom of the foi. 1495. valley or glen of that name, viz., Glen Chossey,"' etc. Now (Dear Sir) whether did you first climb up the hill Drymchossey (according to the words in the Journal), and then pass near the camp in Glen Chossey, or did you first pass near the camp in Glen Chossey (according to the .words in your letter), and then climb up the hill Drymchossey ? Though this difference be but very small and inconsiderable, yet I would gladly have it rectified, and it is in your power to do it. 3 I thank you kindly for ascertaining to me the truth of the fall upon the precipice and of the danger of tumbling head- long from it. You oblige me particularly in giving me so exactly the names of the faithful Glenmoriston men, and in favouring me with your animadversions upon that subject, for I was not a little anxious to have their names upon record. I hope they are still alive. May God bless and preserve them and reward them for their strict fidelity which was proof of the gilded dust and all its glittering charms. I earnestly beg you'll continue your laudable endeavours to find out (if possible) the true account of Rhoderick Mac- Kenzie's death, and to collect for me all the well-vouched accounts you can have of plunderings, pillagings, burnings, and murders, in doing of which pray have a particular attention 1 See f. 615. 2 See f. 1448. 3 See f. 1497- 10 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 14 March to the names both of the perpetrators and of the sufferers foi. 1496. where they can possibly be had, for, in the event of a history, the recording of proper names and sirnames will prove mighty • useful in order to strengthen and fix the facts in opposition to all contradiction and cavilling, as in a point of fact one can never be too strict and nice, especially in an age when even glaring facts are most impudently denied and contradicted with the greatest boldness. Pray, Dear Sir, will you be so good as to call to mind what passed in conversation betwixt the Prince and you and his other attendants during the time you happened to be his guardian, and to take it down in writing. This you have omitted to do in your excellent Journal, which indeed is one of the most valuable papers I have ever yet received. In taking down some Journals from persons own mouths, I was particularly careful to ask them questions about what passed in conversation, and have thereby discovered some excellent sayings expressed by the Prince, and likewise how chearfully he bore up under all his sufferings. I have heard that Clanranald, during his confinement on board a ship, kept an exact Journal of the sufferings he himself and his fellow-prisoners underwent. If this be so, may I ex- pect to be favoured with an exact copy of Clanranald's Journal, which I would take as a singular favour ? foi. 1497. I had almost forgot to mention one thing, which is as follows. In your Journal you mention a Glengary man 1 who was chased by the troops very providentially to the place where you was with the Prince, and whose father had been killed by the military the day before. Pray can you give me the name of the said Glengary man ? For in that part of your Journal there is something very remarkable and interesting. Thus, Sir, have I assumed the freedom, oftener than once, of cutting out work in plenty for you. But I hope your honest zeal to have important truths fairly and exactly represented to the public, when a proper and seasonable opportunity offers, will be sufficient to apologize for me at your hands for any trouble of this kind. My best wishes ever attend you, your 1 See f. 617. 1750] LETTERS TO AND FROM GLEN ALAD ALE 11 Lady and family, and all your concerns. With much sincerity 14 March and esteem, I am, Dear Sir, your most affectionate friend and very humble servant, Donald Hatebreeks. Tartanhall, March 14th, 1750. Copy, etc., from Glenalladale, received from Donald MacDonald, Merchant in Edinburgh, August 3rd, 1753. The fall the Prince was like to gett over a rock was climbing 3 Aug. up the hill Drimchooise, after passing by the camp formed in 1753 Glenchosy. The original of the above, on a little bit of paper without date or subscription, in Glenalladale's own hand- writing, is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Monday, March 12th, 1750. — I, Robert Forbes, received a //. i 49 8. continuation of Narratives, transmitted to me from the 12 March Revd. Mr. George Innes, at Forress (of date Fasting's Even, February 27th, 1750), all in his own handwriting, and consisting of nine pages in 4to, an exact copy of which is as follows : — 1 [giment came up to the supporting Barrels and the centre of 16 April the Highlanders was almost surrounded. Then all went to 1746 wreck.] The Prince was forc'd off the field by Sullivan and others about him. The Duke of Perth, who commanded the left, having at the beginning of the action observed the dis- order of the right wing, rode gallantly along the whole line to see what could be done ; but, before he could return, the rest of the army had fled. The officers of the Macintoshes suffered prodigiously, but not so many of the private men as might have been look'd for from their dangerous situation. The greatest slaughter was in the pursuit, for Lord Ancrum, who 1 This is in continuation of the narrative at f. 1278, where the passage in brackets is already given, but is repeated in the manuscript, probably to make the connection quite clear. It is printed in The Jacobite Afemoirs, p. 295, et seq. 12 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 16 April commanded a regiment of dragoons, and Kingston's light horse spar'd few or none. "Tis hard, if not impossible, to say what was the precise number of the kill'd on either side. The best accounts of the loss in general that I have been able to get are from a Presbyterian minister who lives within a few miles of the place. He tells me that one of the surgeons of the Duke's army, a very sedate, grave man, had counted all the bodies fol. 1499. that lay on the field of battle as exactly as he cou'd, and in- formed him that the kill'd on both sides amounted to about 750, of which he did not doubt but the one-half were of the regular troops, and that he did not believe the number of the slain, both in the field and in the pursuit, exceeded twelve hundred. Among those on the Prince's side was that loyal and brave gentleman, the Viscount of Strathallan, who, re- solving to die in the field rather than by the hand of the executioner, attacked Collonel Howard, by whom, 'tis said, he was run thro' the body. His character as a good Christian, setting aside his other personal qualities and rank in the world, as it endear'd him to all his acquaintances, so did it make his death universally regretted. But the most shocking part of this woefull story is yet to come ; I mean the horrid barbarities committed in cold blood after the battle was over. I do not now precisely remember how many days the dead bodies lay upon the field to glut the eyes of the merciless conqueror. But certain it is that there they lay till the stench oblig'd him to cause bury them. In the meantime the soldiers, like so many savages, went up and down knocking such in the head as had any remains of life in fol. 1500. them, and except in a very few instances, refusing all manner of relief to the wounded, many of whom, had they been pro- perly taken care of, wou'd undoubtedly have recover'd. A little house into which a good many of the wounded had been carried was set on fire about their ears, and ev'ry soul in it burnt alive, of which number was Collonel Orelli, a brave old gentleman, who was either in the French or Spanish service. One Mr. Shaw, younger, of Kinrara, in Badenoch, had likewise been carried into another hut with other wounded men, and amongst the rest a servant of his own who, being only wounded in the arm, cou'd have got off, but chose rather to stay to 1746] AFTER THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN 13 attend his master. The Presbyterian minister at Petty, Mr. 16 April Laughlan Shaw, 1 being a cousin of this Kinrara's, had obtain'd leave of the Duke of Cumberland to carry off his friend in return to the good services the said Mr. Laughlan had done fol. 1501. the Government. For he had been very active in disswading his parishioners and clann from joining the Prince, and had likewise, as I 'm told, sent the Duke very pointed intelligence of all the Prince's motions. In consequence of this, on the Saturday after the battle, he went to the place where his friend was, designing to carry him to his own house. But as he came near, he saw an officer's command, with the officer at their head, fire a plattoon at fourteen of the wounded Highlanders whom they had taken all out of that house and bring them all down at once. And when he came up he found his cousin and his servant were two of that unfortunate number. I questioned Mr. Shaw himself about this story, who plainly acknowledge the fact, and was indeed the person who informed me of the precise numbers. And when I ask'd him if he knew of any more that were murder d in that manner on the same day, he told me that he believed there were in all two-and-twenty. At the same time they were busy at Inverness, hanging up the poor men whom they calPd deserters, many of whom had been obliged to list in the Highland army for mere subsistence, the Government never vouchsafing to send any relief to such of their men as were taken, well knowing what a mercifull enemy fol. 1502. they had to do with. And so great was the pleasure they took in looking at these unhappy creatures, that they never buried any of them till the gallows was full, so that I 'm credibly in- 1 This is the same with that in this vol., fol. 1485, etc. Perhaps it maybe true that Mr. Laughlan [Angus, says Mr. Grant, ff. i486, 1520] Shaw (as well as Cripple Sandie Shaw and the surgeon) went to the field in quest of his wounded kinsman ; but Mr. James Grant was mightily positive in asserting the contrary. I could indeed well see that James Grant had great indignation at Mr. Laughlan Shaw for not going instantly (upon receiving information) to the field of battle to seek out his own kinsman. And, indeed, from this account of the Rev. Mr. George Innes, it plainly appears that the said Mr. Laughlan Shaw was most shamefully dilatory in his motions by his own confession. However, at any rate, Mr. Laughlan Shaw's affirmation upon the point is a plain and strong proof that the wounded Shaw (the Badenoch man) and several others were cruelly put to death in cold blood. — F. 14 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April form'd there were sometimes fourteen hanging in it altogether. There was one Christy, who had been a serjeant in the govern- ment service, but was taken prisoner, I think, at Falkirk, and had afterwards joined the Prince and was adjutant in the Duke of Perth's regiment. This man, I am credibly inform'd, was recommended to mercy by the whole court martial that sen- tenc'd him, because it appeared at his tryal that he had offer'd to the officers who were taken at that time to be their con- ductor if they wou'd attempt to make their escape. But so great was the thirst for blood that no mercy was to be found. Their treatment of their prisoners may easily be guess'd at from what I have already said. And, indeed, history, I believe, can scarce afford a parallell to it. For some days it was dangerous for any person to go near them, or to pretend to give them the least relief ; so that all of them, especially the wounded, were in a most dismal state. And after they were foi. 1503. put on board the ships, numbers of them died every day and were thrown overboard like so many dogs; and several of them, I'm told, before they were really dead. 1 Yea, one of them, 'tis said, came alive to shore near Kessack, tho' as to this last cir- cumstance I will not be quite positive. But the best idea I can give you of their usage is by transcribing part of a letter from one of themselves, an authentick copy of which lies just now before me. The writer was one William Jack, sometime a merchant, and after that a messenger at Elgin, who had been with the Prince and was taken prisoner some weeks after the battle and sent aboard one of their ships from Inverness to London. The letter was directed to several of his friends at Elgin, and came in common course of post. Tho' his stile be none of the best, I chuse to give it you in his own words. Gentlemen, — This comes to acquaint you that I was eight months and eight days at sea, of which time I was eight weeks upon half-a-pound and 12 ounces of oatmeal, and a bottle of fol. 1504. water in the 24 hours, which was oblig'd to make meal and water in the bottom of an old bottle. There was 125 put on 1 See f. 1346. 1747] LETTER FROM A JACOBITE PRISONER 15 board at Inverness on the James and Mary of Fife. In the 17 March latter end of June we was put on board of a transport of four hundred and fifty tun, calFd the Liberty and Property, in which we continued the rest of the 8 months upon 12 ounces of oat sheelin as it came from the miln. There was 32 prisoners more put on board of the said Liberty and Property, which makes 157, and when we came ashore there was only in life fourty- nine ; which wou'd been no great surprize if there had not been one conform to our usage. They wou'd taken us from the hold in a rope, and hoisM us up to the yardarm and let us fall in the sea for ducking of us, and tying us to the mast and whip- ping us if we but made water in the hold. This was done to us when we was not able to stand. I will leave it to the readers to judge what condition they might be in themselves with the above treatment. We had neither bed nor bed cloaths, nor cloaths to keep us warm in the daytime. The ship's ballast was black earth and small stones, which we was obliged to dig holes to lie in to keep us warm till the first of November last, that ev'ry man got about three yards of gross foi. 1505. harn filled up with straw, but no bed cloaths. I will not trouble you no more till I see you. There is none in life that went from Elgin with me but William Innes in Fochabers. James Brander in Condloch died sev'n months ago. Alexander Frigge dy'd in Cromarty Road. John Kintrea, that liv'd in Longbride, died also. . . . Mr. James Falconer is well and remains on board of a ship calPd the James and Mary, lying off Tilbury Fort. — I am, Gentlemen, your most humble servant, (Sign'd) Will. Jack. Tilbury Fort, 17th March, 1747. P.S. — I keep full as good heart as I ever, and have done during all my confinement ; yea, ev'n when I was in a very bad situation. If it had not been so, I shou'd not been in life, for the fish of the sea shou'd got my bones to gnaw, for they wou'd got nothing else. From such another sight, good Lord, deliver me ! for it 's impossible to describe the condition we was all into, for you shou'd thought we had no intrails within us, and 16 THE LYON IN MOURNING March all our joints of our body as perceptible as if we were cut out of stone or wood. God be with you all. Directed to Messrs. James Sutherland, Alexander Skeen, Alexander Alves, James Peterkin, and William Griggar, at Elgin. foi. 1506. From this letter you may easily see wherein consisted the great lenity of the government to their unfortunate prisoners, viz., in starving and murdering them in the most barbarous manner that it might not be said there were many brought to public execution. And indeed, their public executions were the least part of their cruelty. I should now return to Inverness, where almost innumerable other instances of barbarity were perpetrated, but I suppose you have got better accounts of them from other hands. I likewise intended to have sent you particular histories of the cruelties of Major Lockhart, Caroline Scot, and others, which they exercised throughout the Highlands, but the gentlemen who promisM me particular and well-vouch' d accounts of these things have never yet made good their word, and I don't care to write vou bare hearsays. I shall therefore only tell you one piece of Caroline Scot's conduct, by which you may judge of the rest, and it is his hanging up three men at a milnspout in Lochaber, two of them nam'd Smith, and the third Grant, after foi. 1507. they had come and surrendered their arms to him. The truth of this I was assured of by a captain of militia in the govern- ment service who saw the three men hanging. N.B. — The original of the above in the handwriting of the Revd. Mr. George Innes at Forress, is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1508. Copy of a return to the Rev. Mr. George Innes at Forress. 1 16 March My dear Sir, — Your large and agreeable pacquet of Fast- ings Even I gladly received on the 12th instant, and I must I 1 See f. 1 520. 1750] REPLY TO THE REV. GEORGE INNES 17 frankly own that when once you get the better of your dilatory 16 March sauntering way and take courage to lift the pen, you write to some purpose indeed and very much to my satisfaction ; and therefore I heartily wish you would not observe such an extra- ordinary de-li-be-ra-ti-on in your epistolary communications with me, whatever you may do with others. By the 15th instant I had your curious paper (for which I return you my hearty thanks) transcribed into my black register, and I beg your particular attention to the following remarks and queries upon it. 1. — Lately I had a conversation with a gentleman of Inver- ness about the particular of the wounded Mr. Shaw, a gentle- man of Badenoch, and he called the Presbyterian minister of Pettie, Angus Shaw, whereas you name him Laughlan Shaw. Which of the two is right ? This Presbyterian minister's plain acknowledgment is a manifest undeniable proof of the murdering in cold blood. 2. — The particular of throwing some overboard before they were really dead is a fact that I have well vouched from Inverness. 3. — Did William Jack (whose letter is a most curious piece) IS09 . ever return to Elgin again ? or was he transported ? Is he dead or alive ? for he has been blessed with a most surprizing constitution. Is it possible to procure for me in a present his original letter ? For you know how valuable originals are for vouchers in the event of a history which, in the present case (I trust in God), will appear at a proper season. Pray use your good offices to procure this for me, which I look upon as a medal, and would gladly purchase it rather than not have it. Can the said William Jack give me the name of the Com- mander of the James and Mary of Fife and the name of the Commander of the Liberty and Property ? 4. As to the gentlemen who promis'd you particular and well- vouched accounts of Major Lockhart's and Caroline Scott's cruelties, I beg you may keep them in mind of their promises ; for these monstrous doings ought to be faithfully and circum- stantially collected. Your scrupulosity and nicety as to the accounts you transmit to me please me much ; and very com- mendable it is in you not to write me bare hearsays. VOL. III. B 18 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 16 March 5. Can you give me the name of that Captain of Militia who told you that he saw the three men hanging whom Caroline foi. 1510. Scott had cruelly put to death after their surrendry ? Consider these particulars and favour me with exact answers if in your power so to do. Most kindly farewel. March 16th, 1750. An Account of the seizing of the Hazard Sloop in the harbour of Montrose. 1 November On Thursday the day of November 1745, the Hazard 1745 Sloop (in the government service) carrying 16 guns, 24 swivels, and about 80 men, Captain Hill, commander, came into the har- bour of Montrose and anchored at Ferriden, and fired upon the town for three days and nights, though none of the enemy were there. On Monday thereafter Captain Hill carried the Towns guns from the fort, viz., 4 six pounders and 2 four pounders. He unrigged the shipping and put guns and rigging aboard a vessel of tons, Kobert Arbuthnot, master, and by a gross oversight left the vessel at the key, which afterwards afforded foi. 151 1. the enemy an opportunity of taking out the cannon and with them to take his ship. On Tuesday Captain Hill burnt two barks, one of 50 tons, James Henderson, master, the other of thirty tons, John Orkney, master. He had also entered into an association with some of the townsmen to go in the night time and surprize about 100 of Lord Ogilvie's men, who were at Brichen at five miles distance with their officers, Captains Erskine and Ferrier ; but had not the resolution to execute it. On Wednesday evening a party of Lord Ogilvie's men, under the command of Walter Young, serjeant to Captain Erskine, came to Montrose and carried off Cummin, a super- visor and two gadgers, prisoners to Brechin. And next night Captains Erskine and Ferrier came to Montrose with their men. Erskine possessed the island on the South side, opposite to the town, and where the Hazard Sloop lay. Ferrier lay with Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, p. 112, footnote. 745] SEIZING OF THE SLOOP HAZARD 19 his men on the north side next the town. While they were Nov. there on Friday morning at sun-rising, the Hazard sent her pi. 1^12. boat up to the pier, where the coxon and his men landed, but being fired upon, run back to their boat. One man was killed and another wounded in the back. They rowed off to the Isle and were taken prisoners by Captain Erskine, who saved the coxon from being shot by one of Erskine' s men. The Hazard fired on all sides of the town and Isle, but none were hurt. Saturday, Captain Erskine went to the fort at the south point of the water mouth, and at 4 afternoon saw a ship at sea with French colours. He then hoised a waif directing her into the harbour, and she accordingly came in without a pilot, having six guns, 3 pounders, a good many French officers, and about 150 of Lord John Drummond's regiment, and the Irish picquets. She also brought in her hold two brass cannons, 16-pounders, two of 12 and two of 9, which being landed, the last two were carried to the battery. The Hazard upon seeing the French ship fired again to the leeward a signal of decoy. But upon a signal from Captain Erskine her officers landed on the south f° l - I 5 I 3« side, and he directed the frigate to run aground out of reach of the Hazard. They then landed her six guns, three on the south side and three on the north, and got them ready to fire on the Hazard next morning, but did her no damage, save cutting some of her rigging. Meantime Captain Ferrier carried Arbuthnot's ship, which had the town's cannon, from the pier to the fish shore, and on Sunday at 4 afternoon got out the cannon, the Hazard firing on the town and that ship all the while, and one of the shot pierced the ship through while they were working, but nobody was hurt. They carried 4 of the six pounders to the Dial Hill, on which the Hazard also fired some few shot. Against 12 at night they got their cannon on the Hill ready, and fired on the Hazard and con- tinued so to do untill morning. On this Sunday afternoon, Captain Erskine sent a serjeant toi. i5 x 4« with some French and some of his own men to Ferryden-town, very near to which the Hazard lay, who fired musket shots upon her, but did no execution. And if Captain Hill had had foresight and resolution he might have easily got out to sea with the Hazard on the Sunday night, the wind bein^ fair, and 20 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1745 Nov. nothing to hinder him, and as the small French frigate wanted her guns, which had been taken ashore and was just in his way, he might have carried her along with him or burnt her, most of her men being on shore. On Monday morning the Hazard hoisted a flag of truce. Then his lieutenant and his brother came ashore in his boat, and asked liberty to go off with the King's ship which was refused. The lieutenant and the Captain's brother were carried up to the town to Mr. Carnegie of Balnamon, governor of the county for Prince Charles, and the lieutenant wrote to the Captain with the boat ; upon which the Captain came immedi- ately ashore and surrendered himself and his ship. The officers foi. 151 5. were lodged in public houses, and the common men, being about 75, were put in prison. The day before (being Sunday) Captain Erskine (having been informed that a boat sent by the Hazard Sloop to Admiral Bing in the Firth of Edinburgh was returned, and had put in to Usan harbour, about a mile off, and had dispatches to Cap- tain Hill from that Admiral) sent a party and seized the boat and men. But the midshipman who commanded had gone to Dunenald, where he was taken, but he had thrown his dis- patches and all the arms into the sea. Monday night (the day Captain Hill surrendered), a French frigate called Le Fine, of 32 guns, came to the back of the Ness and landed Lord John Drummond and about 300 men ; and next day (being Tuesday) about midday appeared the Milford man-of-war of 40 guns. This made the French ship cut her foi. 1516 cable and make for the shore, but the wind being right down against her she was obliged to run ashore within the water mouth. The Milford came after her and dropt anchor at the water mouth, and fired on the French ship and on a boat cross- ing the river, in which boat a young French officer was killed. The Milford finding herself aground cut her cable and fired to windward and leeward to get off, but in vain, untill she sent her boat to the south side and fixed a rope to a rock by which she haled off. And had not the French captain and most of his men deserted their ship, they could with their guns have prevented this boats passing or fixing the rope ; or had the Milford been kept 10 or 15 minutes longer she had never got 1750] THE SEA FIGHTING AT MONTROSE 21 off, but would have been fixed on the bank till next tide as the Nov. water was then ebbing. The French had carried down % twelve pounders (which came by the first small frigate) and made a battery on the north side to attack the Milford. But she got off before it was ready. N.B. — The preceding copy I transcribed from a copy foi. 1517. sent to me from the right reverend Bishop Keith in Edin- burgh, upon Friday, March 16th, 1750. Bishop Keith had got the account from the foresaid Captain Erskine's own mouth, brother to Lord Dun. I returned to Bishop Keith his own copy, which was in the handwriting of the Revd. Mr. Alexander Mitchel. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of part of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, from the Revd. Mr. James Hay in Inverness. 1 Dear Sir, — I do assure you that I am doing all in my power 16 March to get what you want. One may think it may be easily and soon done, but it is not so. For the beloved C d and favourite followers could do no harm ; therefore some do all in their power to conceall what they know. But to steal it from them may be allowable, though it takes the longer time. I was told last day that Mr. Grant was again called to Edin- burgh. He hase not been here for many months. I doubt not but Mr. Baillie will make you acquaint with him. I want but two or three of what can be got. There will be some addi- tions. March 16, '50. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. N.B. — Saturday afternoon, March 3\st, 1750. — I was foi. 1518. favoured with a visit of Miss Flora MacDonald, when I 31 March asked her particularly about the names of those who were on board the boat with the Prince (when in the female dress) from the Long Isle to the Isle of Sky. 2 1 See f. 1425. 2 See f. 529. 22 THE LYON IN MOURNING 31 March The names of all on board are : Flora MacDonald, Betty Burk,Neil MacDonald MacKechan, John MacDonald (cousin german to Glenalladale) at the helm, Duncan Campbell, Macmerry, and Alexander MacDonald. All the said five attending the Prince and Miss MacDonald were people belonging to the Long Isle. The above John MacDonald at the helm was after- wards drowned in passing from the Long Isle to the con- tinent. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 151Q. N.B. — Wednesday Forenoon, April %5th, 1750. — I 25 April waited upon the old Laird of MacKinnon 1 and his lady, at their lodgings in Carrubers Close, Edinburgh, where I asked them particularly about the name of that man of MacKinnon's following, whom Captain John Ferguson of The Furnace caused whip so unmercifully that the blood gushed out at his sides, etc. They told me that the name of the man was John MacGinnis ; that after the above whiping bout he was carried a prisoner to London, and that he returned home again to the Isle of Sky, and was still alive. 2 Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1520. Copy of part of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, from the Revd. Mr. George Innes at Forres. 3 29 April Now for William Jack and your queries ; and in answer to your 1st — Mr. Shaw's name is Angus, and not Laughlan Shaw, as your gentleman very rightly told you. My mistake proceeded from my thinking upon one Laughlan Shaw, Presby- terian minister at Elgin. %. William Jack was transported to 1 Who (as he himself told me) had been prisoner three years, six months, and ten days, and was at last liberate by a order from one of the Offices. Robert Forbes, A.M. 2 See Alexis, Part 1st, printed page 22nd, and Appendix to the Scots Maga- zine for 1749, page 637, column 1st. [see also hereof, ff. 201, 1224J. Robert Forbes, A.M. 3 See ff. 1500-150S CORRESPONDENCE 23 Barbadoes, where, I suppose, he yet lives, his friends having 29 April got several letters from him since his transportation. And to make you quite happy as to this point, know that I have got the original letter you seem to value so much, and shall trans- mitt it to you by the first sure bearer, for I don't care to trust this hyrer, as he is given to drink. I cannot learn the names of the commanders of the transports. 'Tis possible Mr. J. Falconar at London may know them. 3. The gentlemen who promised me particular accounts of Lockhart, etc., have not yet been so good as their word. You may be sure 'tis not my fault. 4. The name of the Captain who told me of the three men hang'd by Caroline Scot is (I think William) McKintosh, captain of the company of militia rais'd by the town of Inverness, under Lord Loudon's command ; and the place where he told it was in the house of Earlmilns, where my Lord Moray's chamberlain lives. Forres, 29 April 1750. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of part of a Letter from the Revd. Mr. foi. 1521 James Taylor at Thurso to me, Robert Forbes. I have sent you under the same cover with this by the bearer, 8 March George Cordner, A true and circumstantial Account of my Sufferings from the sixteenth of April, 1746, till the same day in April 1747, interspersed with some other occurencies which it could not well be separated from. If you, after perusing it, find any particulars worth your notice and excerpt- ing I shall be glad : if otherwise, you may return it to me, for I have not another copy. 8th March 1750. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Copy of the forementioned true and circumstantial Account, etc., taken from the handwriting of the said Revd. Mr. James Taylor, in 23 pages 8vo. April Some days after the people of Cathness had got certain accounts of the action at Culloden, on the 16th of April, in the year One thousand seven hundred forty and six, Daniel Gilchrist, son to Master James Gilchrist, the famous Presby- terian minister in Thurso, came from Inverness, accompanied by one David Forbes, a mean fellow of a very obnoxious character (who had serv'd in Captain Alexander Mackay's foU 1522. Company, and been made prisoner at the battle of Gladsmuir, and confiVd in the Abbay of Holyrood, with many others of his way, who shar d very remarkably in the Prince's clemency and beneficence, notwithstanding which they, contrary to their engagements to him, rejom'd their respective corps how soon they dar'd make any appearance, as did the most of their worthy and honourable officers — brave men of the sword !), and by what means they and their discrete advisers must best know, brought with them a sort of warrant from the puissant Earl of Sutherland (who had no authority for that end), directed to the Laird of Ulbster, then sheriff of Cathness, or his deputy, to apprehend the Reverend Mr. James Taylor, Episcopal minister in Thurso, and to burn his meeting house (the usual way of reformation observ'd by the followers of Core), though he could be charged with no crime, unless his being a nonjuror be deemed one. This unwarrantable warrant was delivered to Mr. James Campbell, sheriff clerk of Cathness, then Ulbster s deputy, whereof Mr. Taylor was advis'd about two hours after by a friend of his from the Gerth, the residence of the said Mr. Campbell. This and the many uncommon monstrous barbari- ties acted by the orders of a certain great officer at Inverness, etc., upon the persons, etc., of those were called, or supposed to foi. 1523. be Jacobites, whereof he had daily accounts, made Mr. Taylor judg it would be prudent to retire from his own house to lodge with some friends m the country, to prevent being insulted by 1746] SUFFERINGS OF REV. JAMES TAYLOR 25 the two above-named fellows, and other furious zealots, who April might have join'd with them to distress him. For in these times of prevailing iniquity the saints believd they had a just right for promoting the interest of the good old cause to seize upon or destroy the effects, and banish and butcher the persons of all who oppos'd their novel tenets in Church or State. Mr. Taylor continued for a few weeks after this in Cathness in as private a manner as he thought consistent with his safety and health, till he received two letters from Sir James Stuart of Burray, and one from his lady, earnestly intreating him to go to Burray (as he had us'd to do several summers before), to read prayers and administer to them the holy supper of our Lord. To which he made answer, that he would most readily comply with their request if they thought it safe for him to be in their bounds, after such a warrant had been sent to the deputy sheriff of Cathness against him. Accordingly, about three of the clock in the morning of the 17 May seventeenth day of May, he received another letter from Sir James, urging him to come to Burray with a boat he had sent fol. 1524. to bring him over the frith, assuring him of all the security his interest was capable to afford. Upon which he took boat at Scrabster Rings, and got to Flottay in the afternoon, and arrived at Burray the next day, where as usually he met with the kindest reception. About two days thereafter Sir James was informed that Master Moodie of Melsater, then a lieutenant of foot in the British service, had accepted a commission to come north, in company with some ships of war designed for the Orknays and Western Islands, in order to search for and apprehend his person, and to burn his house, etc. And on Friday the 23d of said month Sir James was again warned by a gentleman of integrity that if Moodie was not already in Orknay, he was certainly hovering near its coast, and earnestly pressed him to provide for his own and ladie's security. The next day, in the forenoon, several ships appear'd and made to Holm Sound, where some of them anchor'd, and others held on their course to Stromness. About eight of the clock at night two or three big ships past by Burray the same way. About ten o'clock Sir James commanded to send a boat to Holm Sound 26 THE LYON L\ MOURNING 24 May for intelligence, which was detain^ by Mr. Moodie ; and this might have convinced Sir James that it was high time to shift fol. 1525. for himself. But neither this nor any other warnings could prevail with him to leave his own house and avoid the impend- ing danger, which proceeded (perhaps) from a consciousness of his innocence, though some people believ'd it to be the effect of another cause. For had he duly considered the unwearied malice which the numerous party that follow'd the Earl of Morton in that country (who had for several years gone all lengths heedless fury was capable to drive them, to blacken his character and ruin his interest) continued still to bear against him, he would have certainly retired to some other country, and remained till the heat of the prosecutions had somewhat abated. Between three and four of the morning on Sunday the 25th, Mr. Taylor was alarm'd in his bedroom by one of the servants, who begg'd him immediately to get up and shift for himself, for Mr. Moodie, with a great number of redcoats, had landed in the island, and were hastening towards Burray to burn the house, etc. Upon which Mr. Taylor made ready to get from the house, and when he had gone out of the close, saw Sir James and his brother in law, Mr. Carmichael, running towards the old barnyards, but had not got a furlong from the house, when Moodie with his party surpriz'd them, and apprehended fol. 1526. Sir James, but Mr. Carmichael got off by speed of foot. Mr. Taylor and William Watt, merchant in Kirkwall, made all the haste they could towards the Little Ferry, but on their way thither they were advis'd that some of Moodie's people, detach'd for that end, had broke the boats lying near the store house, which made them turn towards the east end of the Island, and on their way applied to one of Sir James's tenants to carry them about Burrayhead to South Ronaldsay in a boat which was lying near to the kirk, promising him a very large reward. But he stifly refused to gratify them, tho 1 he might have done it with all ease and safety, being a consummate coward and traitor, as the bulk of his neighbours commonly are. This necessitate them to proceed further eastward to the rocks within the East park where they might have probably lien conceaPd till the redcoats had withdrawn from the Isle. 1746] ARREST OF STEWART OF BURRAY 27 But Mr. Taylor being confident of his having acted all along in 25 May so cautious and irreprehensible a manner that he could neither be apprehended nor imprisoned by any British law in being, left the rocks and walked westward, and within a few minutes Mr. Watt and he were surprized by two of Mr. Moodie's men arm'd with musquets, pistols and swords, who, with many others, were now traversing the whole Isle in quest of Mr. Carmichael, who was lurking in a tenant's house, but basely betray'd and catch'd by the pursuers, and carried to the house of Burray, foi. 1527. where Master Taylor and Watt were confined under a guard some time before. Sir James was, immediately after being apprehended, hurried away under a guard of soldiers to a boat, and carried to a tender anchor d in Holm Sound, to which Messieurs Carmichael, Taylor, and Watt were caried some few hours thereafter. While on board this cutter, Mr. Taylor saw a letter which he had wrote from Thurso to Sir James, containing some accounts of the action at Culloden, which was taken out of Sir James's pocket, and by his uncommon penetration, Moodie believ'd it contained some very exceptionable expressions, and communicated it to Mr. Andrew Ross, the then deputy sheriff of the Orkneys, who being of Master Taylor's acquaintance, he expected might befriend him, and therefore wrote him twice from the cutter, but was favour'd with no answer. This and his mild and Christian behaviour to many others in these days of confusion and scene of inhumanity, is well known to many, but highly detested by all Christianly dispos'd and honest men, and must fix indelible slur on his character while time lasts. Copies of this letter were sent to the captain of every ship on board whereof Mr. Taylor was confin'd, and the original, as he was inform'd, was at length sent to the Duke fol. 1528. of Newcastle's office in London, where it was judged quite irreprehensible. Sir James and his three fellow captives continu'd on the cutter till 'twas determin'd by Messieurs Moodie and Ross to have them carried to the Tolbooth of Kirkwall, in pursuance of which resolve they were landed after seven at night, and oblig'd to travel to the burgh aforesaid, guarded by all Moodie's command, who, with Mr. Ross, strutted before them 28 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 May all the way like two bashaws after some remarkable victory. When they enter'd the town they were met by the train'd bands of Kirkwall, who made no small and martial an appear- ance, and were kept for some time in the streets to display the glories of the young hero's triumph and to gratify the malice of the Mortonian faction, who, like heedless asses, implicitly followed the subverter of their interest and liberties, and, indeed, mortally hated Sir James, yea, and all that opposed their follies or tendered the good of their country without a cause. After this parade they were carried into the town house and guards plac'd within, and around it without, where they were lodg'd till about four of the clock the next afternoon, when they were taken out and carried in triumph through the streets and led on their way for Stromness, which lies about twelve miles from the burgh. Some of the poor redcoats who had slept very little for two days before, and had drunk somewhat too much, which had rendered them incapable to march on foot, were soundly druVd foi. 1529. by Moodie with his feet and pike till he broke the last over one of their heads. Fine discipline this for brave military men ! And he forgot not to add weight to the correction by loud magnanimous curses and horrid imprecations. The prisoners came to Alexander Graham's house in Strom- ness about ten at night, and were allow'd to take a small refreshment. During which time a poor man, of the name of Johnstone, had come in to see Sir James Steuart, and was mournfully condoling his present confinement, which, Mr. Moodie hearing, entered the room in a hideous fury, curs'd and unmercifully beat him with his feet, till the poor old man fell to the floor. And immediately the four captives were hurried to a boat and carried to the Shark sloop of war, commanded by Mr. Middleton, then lying of Stromness. This gentleman is famous for his faithful services done to some English merchants by whom he had been employed some years before to find out the north-west passage. And here they were confiVd under many hardships and indignities till the 11th or 12th of June, when they were turn'd over to the Old Loo man of war, commanded by an English gentleman, Captain Noreberry, who us'd them with the greatest humanity and kindness. 1746] JACOBITE PRISONERS ON SHIPBOARD 29 Some days thereafter, the Zoo, with some other ships of war, June were order'd to sail for the west Highlands to prevent any ships that might come from France their landing in that country, foi. 1530. They cruis'd several days off the Long Island, St Kilda, Skie, etc., and to the westward of Barrahead. While on this cruise the four prisoners had frequently very melancholy news con- cerning the narrow searches were made to find out Prince Charles and his followers, and the monstrous barbarities exercis'd by the D of C d, and many of the savages under his command upon the persons of many poor gentlemen and others who had the bad luck to come in their way, and of the incredible havock of many innocent people's effects, to the utter ruin of them and their families. Simon, Lord Lovat, MacNeil of Barra, John Gordon, younger, of Glenbucket, were by this time apprehended, as were great numbers of inferior persons, severals of whom were treated most cruelly by some of the officers, specially by Captain Ferguson, a fellow of very low extract, born in the county of Aberdeen, who, being naturally of a furious, savage disposition, thought he could never enough harass, misrepresent and maltreat every one whom he knew, or supposed to be an enemy to the goodly cause he himself was embarked in. On the first day of July Sir James Steuart and his three fellow-prisoners were turn'd over from the Old Loo to the Terror sloop, commanded by Mr. Duff, son to Patrick Duff, sometime Laird of Craigstown in Buchan. Good Captain Noreberry sent his first lieutenant, Mr. Manwaring, along with them, desiring him to inform Mr. Duff how they had been treat by him while on board the Loo, and to tell him that foi. 1531. whatever civilities he should show to them he would resent as done to himself. To which the haughty Duff paid very small regard. Within some hours after they came to this sloop, they were, by the great indulgence of their new captain, coop'd up in an ugly hole of about six foot long and somewhat less in breadth, where they suffer'd extremely for many weeks ; nor could a Turkish bashaw have born himself higher towards these prisoners than the young officer did towards them while under his command. 30 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 3 July This sloop loos'd from the Island of Barra on the third of July, where the crew had done all the mischief they could, and within three days was on the coast of Buchan opposite to Rosan- tie, and the next day was opposite to Banff, where the brave captain went ashore to visit some of his near relations. That afternoon she made for Cromarty Road where she anchored and continued for some days, whence she was ordered to the road of Inverness, and there lay at anchor till the first of August, when she sail'd as a convoy to the Pamela of Barrowstownness, then a transport in the Government's service, on board of which were several scores of prisoners who (poor men !) had each of foi. 1532. them the allowance of half a pound oat meal, such as it was, a day, and a chopin of water. On the seventh they anchored on the Thames opposite to Woolwich, and the ninth, Sir James was carried by a messenger to New-prison, where he was clapt in irons, soon after fever'd, and died within a week or two. It is well known how much this honest gentleman had been abus'd and oppressed by the present Earl of Morton and his brainsick underlings in the Orknays, and the scandalous injustice he met with before a certain court held some years ago in Edinburgh, whose judges had, by his lordship's influence re- ceiv'd peremptory orders from the then prime minister, etc., to pass sentence at all hazards against Sir James, which was accordingly done in plain opposition to common law and national practice. And during his confinement, yea, and after his death, the scurrilous Court scribblers were not ashamed, perhaps from the honest accounts they received from the Orknays, to publish the most arrant falshoods that Hell could invent ; such as : That Sir James had been one of the Young Chevalier's chief officers, and had been frequently with him in some of his adventures, tho' the writter hereof can faithfully declare he never saw that prince in his life. Calumniare audaciter, etc. And they added that Sir James had been at the head of three hundred men in Orknay, whereby he had cruelly harassed the foi. 1533. Earl's partizans and the valuable fautors of the good old cause there ; which was as real a truth as that Presbyteiianism is the only government should obtain in the Christian Church, or that usurpation is no breach of our civil constitution. After Sir James was carried from the Terror, the three 1746] SIR JAMES STEWART OF BURRAY 81 remaining prisoners were more harshly us'd than ever before. 9 Aug. For tho 1 the hold to which they were confin'd had neither air nor light but from the door, and very little of either that way, their humane countryman, the tender hearted Captain, com- manded the door to be shut and padlock'd upon them about eighth at night, and not to be opened till after eighth in the morning. And besides, two centinels were plac'd at the door with swords and pistols for the more security. In this situation Master Taylor was often necessitate to suck in air through the chinks of the door to prevent being stifled. Some days being spent under these new hardships, they were turn'd over to the formention'd Pamela, where many of the poor prisoners had died, and their bodies were thrown into the river. But the dead after this were interr'd at the charge of the inhabitants of Woolwich. Many were still heavily sick, and it was dangerous to be shut up in the hold with them. Here the three foresaid fol. 1534. captives met with MacNeil of Barra and Young Glenbucket, who had been brought prisoners on the Pamela from Inverness. On the 24th, the Pamela was order'd down the river to anchor between Gravesend and Tilburry Fort, where some other transports were lying with prisoners, which was no con- venient station for people so confined, for the country on each side the river is very wet and marshy, which occasions frequent unwholesome fogs, and all the grand necessaries of life sell there at a much higher rate than in many places in England. At length by the indulgence of the Court every prisoner was allowed half a pound weight of bread a day, and an quarter of an pound weight of cheese or butter for breakfast, and on the flesh days half an pound boiFd beef for dinner, but no ale or beer. But by the avarice and villainy of the victualler, one Bonny, a broken taylor, they seldom or never receiv'd above three-fourths of the said weights, and sometimes not so much. Besides, it was the opinion of many that the fleshes were none of the wholesomest kind, 1 as being purchased from butchers who were suspected to deal in diseased cattle. But they were obliged to use such victuals or starve. And even such of the prisoners as had money were greatly straitned to obtain healthy 1 See f. 313. 32 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Sept. provisions by the boundless avarice of the soldiers and back- foi. 1535. wardness of the sailors to bring them honestly from Gravesend. Upon the night of of September, Master Carmichael made his escape by getting out at the cabbin window, falling into the river, by which he was born up by four bladders which, it seems, he prepared for that end, and was carried to the South wark side whence he got safe to London, and there remained in the safest way he could till after the Act of Indemnity was published in Summer 1747. This elopement occasion'd no small confusion among the guard and shipmen, and the following night, Mr. Taylor, upon a mere suspicion that he must have been privy to and favour'd his escape, because they had slept together on the same bed, was after a long and strict examination by the commanding officer, Lieutenant Laurence (tho" otherwise a discrete and very sympathising man), forc'd down to the hold, among the throng of the prisoners, many of whom were now sick of fevers, fluxes, and other distempers ; and here (notwithstanding all his caution to prevent it) he fever'd within three or four days, and con- tinued very bad for the space of two weeks ; and had he not been most tenderly car'd for during his sickness by Mr. John MacDonald, 1 a brother of Kinloch-moidarts, who had been bred foi. 1536. a surgeon, and was one of the prisoners, he had good reason to apprehend it would have been fatal. How soon he began, by God's blessing, to recover he much desir'd to be above decks for the benefit of the open air, but was denied that freedom, especially when the foresaid officer was on board. And thus was he treated for the space of six weeks till Mr. Laurence was advis'd that his guard was to be very soon reliev'd by another party, and then he condescended to converse with and use Mr. Taylor more friendly ; from his being convinced that he had no concern in Mr. CarmichaeFs elopement, and the day he was remov'd recommended him most warmly to the officer that was to succeed him, and to the sympathy of Thomas Grindly, master of the Ship. But this last was as void of this Christian quality as a Libyan tyger ; and Barker, the new officer, was a rank atheist of a most 1 See f. 1441- 1746] JACOBITE PRISONERS AT TILBURY 33 scandalous life and lost character ; who had not the least Oct. tincture of the social virtues and a very shame to human nature itself. Cruelty was one of his darling qualities, and had he not been restricted by his commission, he would probably have sacrificed all the poor prisoners to gratifie his impotent fury and madness. He catch'd some letters which Master Taylor had directed to some of his well-wishers in London and else- where, acquainting them with the state of his case and the hardship he had felt and yet fear'd (tho' they contain'd nothing reprensible, and sent them to the Secretary's office). But his fol. 1537. malicious design was (to his regret) fairly disappointed. He oblig'd honest Mr. MacNeil of Barra and Mr. Gordon, younger, of Glenbucket, who was almost blind, to sleep in the hold, and put all the hardships he was capable of inventing upon them and all the captives there. On the first day of November, Barra and Mr. Gordon, in company with the Laird of Clanranold, Bysedale, etc., were carried by Mr. Dick, a messenger, to his house in London, where they were confin'd till Summer 1747. After this Mr. Taylor made application to Grindly for the benefit of the cabin now and then to get the use of the fire during the cold winter season, which he sometimes allow'd, and as often denied. But this harsh treatment did not in the least surprise Mr. Taylor, for Grindly is an ignorant, irreligious, intolerably forward, avaritious and self- conceited Whig, who possesses no greater share of sympathy toward his fellow creatures in distress than he does of good manners and common sense. He had been guide to the party that apprehended Sir Alexander Dalmahoy. About the beginning of December Mr. Kirk, a surgeon, who was appointed by the Court to attend the sick on board the transports and those confined in Tilbury Fort, seem'd much dissatisfied with Grindly 's neglecting to wait of him with his ship's boat so punctually as he desir'd, and as 'twas said, com- plain d thereof to the Admiralty, from which, on the 25th, there came an order to discharge the Pamela from the Government's service, and to bestow the prisoners in other transports lying off the said Fort. Accordingly Mr. Taylor, with other three prisoners, were carried on board the James and Mary, an English fol 1533. transport, where they met with a great number of prisoners, vol. in. c 34 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 25 Dec. among whom were four gentlemen who had been allowed, for some time before, to sleep on a platform above the hold, to whom Mr. Taylor join'd himself. But a few days thereafter, upon the change of the guard, these poor gentlemen were ordered to the common hold which had not been cleaned from the horse's dung and piss, which were sometime before brought over in it from Holland. And here they were confin'd in a sad enough condition long beyond the time when Mr. Taylor was made to look for his liberation. For he was advis'd on the first day of the preceding October by a worthy friend, who had his intelligence from those who managed the then prosecutions against those who were called rebels or disaffected persons, that there had been no legal information enter'd against him, and that therefore he was j udged entirely innocent. This gave him ground to expect he would, within a few days, be set at liberty. But either by the hurry of business the gentlemen at the helm of affairs were then really in, or by their indifference about relieving the poor innocents from their misery and distress, he obtained not his freedom till the thirteenth of February 1747. On the 15th he came to London and found by his long confine- ment and bad entertainment he was hardly able to walk the streets without great uneasiness, and had he not receiv'd assist- ance from some well dispos'd people there, especially from a fol. 1539. worthy, right reverend nonjurant clergyman, 1 his sufferings would have proved next to intolerable. Master Taylor had expected, from the time of his imprison- ment, that when his innocence should have been examined into and discover^, and his liberation obtain'd, the ministers in the administration would allow him a reasonable consideration for the losses he had sustained by so tedious a confinement, and for bearing his charges to Thurso. But after he had receiv'd his pass by the Duke of Newcastle's orders from Mr. Larpent, one of his clerks, he was by him advis'd to go to Captain Eyrs of Battera's regiment who had receiv'd some cash to be distributed to several prisoners (who were liberate at the same time with Mr. Taylor) from whom he got the liberal allowance of a guinea and an half, a sum very equal to the expenses he must be Mr. Taylor means here Bishop Gordon. — Robert Forbes, A.M. 1747] MR. TAYLOR RETURNS TO THURSO 35 necessarily oblig'd to, considering his character and the valetu- Ma dinary state he was reduc'd to by his undergoing so many hardships. This is a convincing proof of the justice and com- passionate disposition of the celebrated administration to give such a trifle to a clergyman for his dammages and to support him from London to John of Groat's House, a distance of 515 miles. On the fifteenth day of March he took his passage on a trading sloop bound for Leith, where he landed the twenty second. He went thence to Edinburgh, where he staid about fourteen days to gather some strength, and from that set out for foi. Cathness on the seventh of April by the Highland Road, and on the eleventh came to Inverness, and the next forenoon was attending prayers with the Reverend Mr. James Hay in his house there. But when the half of the Litany was near read, the company heard one calling rudely at the door, which good Mr. Hay himself open'd and found it to be the fellow Forbess, made honourable mention of in the beginning of this paper, who had informed his Captain, Mr. Alexander Mackay, that he had learn'd Mr. Taylor was at Mr. Hay's incog. Upon which the brave, well-thinking Captain informed General Blakeney, who ordered some dozens of his musqueteers to be martial'd on the High street to apprehend Mr. Taylor and carry him to prison. When Forbess entered Mr. Hay's house and was ask'd why he had call'd there so very unseasonably, he answer'd that he was sent to call Mr. Taylor to his Captain's lodgings to commune with him about the time he design'd to take journey, for the Captain was going north and wanted to go in his com- pany. Whereupon Mr. Taylor went immediately towards John Paul's where he lodged the preceding night, and on his way thither was surpris'd to see such numbers of soldiers drawn up in order on the High Street, who allow'd him civilly enough to proceed to his quarters where his pass was secur'd with his foi. baggage, which he put into his pocket and then went to Mr. Mackay's lodging to whom he show'd it. The Captain after reading it went to the street where his General with other inferiour officers were at the head of the musqueteers and acquainted the General that he had seen and read Mr. Taylor's pass ; upon which his Captainship was severely reprehended by 36 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1747 12 April Mr. Blakeney for putting him and his men to so unnecessary a trouble upon so lame information from the villain Forbess who had been lately punished for his shameful malverses. The Captain soon returned to his lodging, where Mr. Taylor still remained, and told him that he might go about his affairs when and how he inclined. The next day Mr. Taylor took horse for Cathness, and came to his own house in Thurso on the afternoon of the sixteenth. He had heard at London, and on his way homeward, from several persons, that about the 25th of the preceding June, by an order from the then sheriff, the wise and mighty zealous Laird of Ulbster (who had neither advice nor commission from any superior Magistrate for that purpose, except from the Earl of Sutherland, as above hinted in his sham warrant, or by a letter from his uncle, the honourable Laird of Brodie, urging him as foi. 1542. he regarded the Government's good graces forthwith to set about so acceptable a work), Dr. Theodore Dunnet, and John Donaldson, then bailies in the town of Thurso, the pulpits and seats, with the ten commandments affixed to a very large frame, were broken down and carried by great numbers of the Thurso saints of both sexes out of Mr. Taylor's Meeting-house to a void place benorth the town and there burnt to ashes, in presence of the godly sheriff and all the numerous crowd that attended the long wished for show. Would not this have merited mighty favours to the prudent actors from any wise Court ? And That such a zealous people might be blest with a priest worthy of them, Mr. James Gilchrist, the Presbyterian in- cumbent at Thurso, who generally puts his sickle into other men's corn, had (as was believed at the desire of all his brethren in the county of Caithness except one) gone to Edinburgh and thence to London to misrepresent and asperse the bulk of the Cathness gentry as enemies to the present Establishment ; and believ'd he would soon have the pleasure to see them and their families totally undone. But this wicked design was shamefully frustrated. However Gilchrist's expedition turn'd to some account for he went a foi. 1543. begging through his friends in London, etc., whom he made believe that he could not continue in Cathness for the wicked 1747] SOME OF THE DOINGS IN THURSO 37 Jacobites who had threatened to take away his life and destroy his family. Honest Whigry that never thinks shame of lying for worldly interest ! It is well known by many in Cathness that this busiebodie could not keep his own house upon the account of his numerous debts for which he was daily threatened with captions. It was said he begg'd more than two hundred and fifty guineas at London, but is not like for all this to get out of his difficulties. The blessing of the Lord maketh rich, and his curse must make poor. N.B. — The original of the preceeding true and circum- santial account, etc., in the handwriting of the Revd. Mr. James Taylor, in 23 pages 8vo, is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Thursday afternoon, about 3 o'clock, May 31st, 1750, I, M r 544. Robert Forbes, was sent for to go to David Watson's house, 3 1 Ma y I 75° vintner on the Shore of Leith, to see one Mr. MacPherson. When I came I found Mr. MacPherson of Breackachie, 1 younger, and Donald MacPherson, Cluny's youngest brother. After conversing a little Breackachie delivered to me a letter from Mr. MacPherson of Strathmashie inclosing a paper consisting of twelve pages in folio, which twelve pages are all in the handwriting of the foresaid Donald MacPherson, youngest brother to Cluny, as he himself acknowledged to me. Breackachie said there were some things omitted in the said 12 pages, and that he would gladly go to my house in order to have a private hour to go over the 12 pages with me, and to give me the omissions from his own mouth, that I . might note them down, all which was accordingly done. Copy of foresaid Letter from Strathmashie to me, Robert Forbes. 2 My dear Sir, — I must with regrate confess to you that I account myself at an exceeding great loss for the too great a 1 See ff. 1473-1481. 2 See ff. 890-910. 38 THE LYON IN MOURNING i May pause in the corresponding with such ane agreeable and valu- able correspondent. And indeed when I reflect that I have the favour of the last letter from you (tho I doe not really think I'm any one in debt) I can scarcely forbear chideing foi. 1545. myself for soe long a silence. Its true I cannot say that hitherto I was furnished with any materialls fit for seting your pen agoeing, which I hope will apologize in part for me. What is confusedly set furth in the enclosed papers, take as from a friend who wants noe more than ability to doe you a pleasure. I assure you the fault is not in the will, and that assures me of pardon from you ; tho' my escapes and other faults, which pro- ceed only from weakness in the intellects, and may be many, when you may rest satisfied that truth is sacredly observed. I cannot indeed say of this as of the last that I myself was ey- witness to any transaction. But I have all from very good authority that was, and to whom I give equall credite as if I were in person present, who I well know would assert noe falshood. 1 . . . And ever am, with much esteem, My very Dear Sir, Your most obedient and faithfull servant, (Sk subscribitur) John M'Pherson. Strathrnashie, 1st May 1750. Copy of the forementioned 12 Pages in folio, etc. After the fatal catastrophe of the Prince's army at Culloden upon the sixteenth of April 1746, and that they meant to make head again about Achnicarry, 2 till upon the Earl of fol. 1546. Loudon's approach with an army the few of 'em that had got together were made to disperse; Lochiel being then bad of his wounds was obliged to shift from his own country the length of the Breas of Rannoch, near which, about the 20th of June, in a hutt called Benvrichk, Cluny M'Pherson and M'Pherson of Breackachie met him and Sir Stewart Threp- land, physician, who attended him for the cure of his wounds. Cluny brought them from thence to Benalder, a hill of great circumference in that part of Badenoch next to Rannoch, and 1 A portion of this narrative is printed as Appendix 46 to Home's History of the Rebellion, where it is stated to have been dictated by Cluny himself. 2 See f. 162. 1746] THE PRINCE IN LOCHIEL'S COUNTRY 39 his own ordinary grassings, where they remained together Aug. without ever getting any true notice of what had become of his Royal Highness for near three months when they received the agreeable news of his being safe and at Locharchaik from one John MacPherson 1 alias M'Colvain, a tenant of Locheirs, who was sent by Cameron of Cluns to find out Locheil and Cluny in order to discover to "em that his Royal Highness was safe, and where he was to be found. And upon M'Pherson's return to Cluns and the Prince being certifyed where to find them, Lochgarry and Doctor Archibald Cameron were by his Royal Highness dispatcht to 'em on some certain private message, when, upon those gentlemen's meeting with Locheil and Cluny, it was concerted amongst 'em all the Prince shou'd come to foi. 1547. their assylum as the safest place for him to pass some time in. On which Lochgarry and Doctor Cameron were immediately returned to his Royal Highness to acquaint him of the resolu- tion taken by his other two friends and them, and that Cluny wou'd on a certain day then fixt meet his Royal Highness at Achnicarry in order to conduct him to Badenoch. Upon Lochgarry and Doctor Camerons return to the Prince (they having set off a day or two before Cluny) his Royal Highness was so impatient to be with his two friends whom he had not for a long time seen, that he wou'd not wait for the Achnicarry trist, believing he woud intercept Cluny on the way, and accordingly set out for Badenoch immediately, where he arrived the 29th of August, having in the meantime missed intercept- 29 Aug. ing Cluny on the way as he believed he woud, by which means Cluny went the length of Achnicarry, where he was acquainted of the turn his Royal Highness had taken, on which he made all the dispatch possible, but did not come up with his Royal Highness untill a day or two after his arrival in Badenoch. The Prince lay the first night at Corineuir at the foot of Benalder after his coming to Badenoch, from which he was foi. 1548. conducted next day to Mellanmuir in Benalder, a sheiling of a very narrow compass where Locheil with M'Pherson of Break- achie, Allan Cameron, his (i.e. LochieFs) principal servant, and two servants of Cluny were at the time. It cannot but be 1 Vol. i. f. 173, where the name is not mentioned but the fact is narrated. 40 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 29 Aug. remarked that when Locheil saw five men approaching under arms, being the Prince, Lochgarry, Doctor Cameron and two servants, taking the five to be of the army or militia who lay incampt not above five miles from them and probably in search of 'emselves, and as it was in vain to think of flying, tho" the numbers had been greater, Locheil at the time being quite learn and not in any condition to travel, much less to fly, it was resolved, (which a message beforehand would have pre- vented) that the attackers as they j udged 'em to be sho'd be received with a general discharge of all the firearms, in number twelve firelocks and some pistols, which they had in the small sheil house or bothie (as we commonly call such little huts) in which they at the time lodged. Whereupon all was made ready, pieces planted and levelled from within and (in short) they flattered "emselves of geting the better of the searchers there being no more than their own number, and likewise con- sidering the great advantage they had of firing at 'em without being at all observed and the conveniency of so many spare arms. But as the auspicious hand of Almighty God and his fol. 1540. Providence, which was so conspicuous in the escorting his Royal Highness at all times prevented those within the hut from firing at the Prince with his four attendants they came so near at last that they were known by those within, and then Locheil tho' lame made the best of his way to meet his Royal Highness without, who it may be believed received him very graciously. The joy at this meeting was certainly very great and much easier to be conceived than expressed. However, such was his Royal Highness circumspection that when the other would have kneeld at his coming up to him he sad, 6 Oh ! no, my dear Locheil," claping him on the shoulder, ' you don't know who may be looking from the tops of yonder hills, and if they see any such motions they'll immediately conclude that I am here, which may prove of bad consequence. , Locheil then ushered him into his habitation which was indeed but a very poor one as to the accomodation and make. The Prince was gay, hearty, and in better spirits than it was possible to think he could be, considering the many disasters, misfortunes, disappointments, fatigues, and difficulties he had undergone, which are not necessary here to be repeated, as they 1746] THE PRINCE MEETS WITH LOCHIEL 41 are before now too much felt and known. However, into the 3° Aug. hut his Royal Highness with his retinue went, viz. Lochgarry, Doctor Archibald Cameron, and two servants, where there was more eatables and drinkables provided for his entertainment than he expected. There was plenty of mutton newly killed, f oL J 5S 0 - and an anker of whiskie of twenty Scotch pints, with some good beef sassers made the year before, and plenty of butter and cheese, and besides, a large well cured bacon ham ; pro- visions formerly laid in for Locheil by MacPherson of Breack- achie, younger. Upon his entry he took a hearty dram, which he pretty often called for thereafter to drink his friends healths ; and when there were some minch'd collops dress'd with butter for him in a large sawce pan that Locheil and Cluny carried always about with 'em, which was all the fire vessels they had, he eat heartily, and said with a very chearful and lively coun- tenance, 6 Now, gentlemen, I leive like a Prince,"' tho 1 at the same time he was no otherwise served than by eating his collops out of the sawce pan, only that he had a silver spoon. After dinner he asked Lochiel if he had still lived during his skulking in that place in such a good way. To which Locheil answer d, ' Yes, Sir, I have for now near three months that I am here and hereabouts with my cousin Cluny and Breakachie, who has so provided for me that I have still had plenty of such as you see, and I thank Heaven that your Royal Highness has come safe through so many dangers to take a part." In two days after his Royal Highness lodged with Locheil at Mellanamuir. Cluny came to 'em there from Achnicarry, and upon his coming into the hut, when he wou'd have kneeled, his Royal Highness fol 1551. took and prevented him, and kissed him, as if he had been an equal, and soon after said, 'I'm sorry, Cluny, you and your regiment were not at Culloden. I did not hear till of very late that you was so near to have come up with us that day.' Upon the next day after Cluny 's coming he thought it was time to remove the quarters, and brought the Prince about two miles further into Benalder, to a little sheill called Uisk- chilra, where the hut or bothie was superlatively bad and smockie. Yet his Royal Highness took with everything. Here he remained for two or three nights, and then from thence removed to a very romantic comical habitation made 42 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 2 Sept. out for him by Cluny, at two miles farther distance into Ben- alder, called the Cage. It was really a curiosity, and can scarcely be described to perfection. Twas situate in the face of a very rough high rockie mountain called Letternilichk, which is still a part of Benalder, full of great stones and crevices and some scattered wood interspersed. The habita- tion called the Cage in the face of that mountain was within a small thick bush of wood. There were first some rows of trees laid down in order to level a floor for the habitation, and foi. 1552. as the place was steep this rais'd the lower side to equall height with the other ; and these trees, in the way of jests or planks, were entirely well levelled with earth and gravel. There were betwixt the trees, growing naturally on their own roots, some stakes fixed in the earth, which with the trees were interwoven with ropes made of heath and birch twigs all to the top of the Cage, it being of a round or rather oval shape, and the whole thatched and covered over with foge. This whole fabrick hung as it were by a large tree, which reclined from the one end all along the roof to the other, and which gave it the name of the Cage ; and by chance there happen'd to be two stones at a small distance from other in the side next the precipice resem- bling the pillars of a bosom chimney, and here was the fire placed. The smock had its vent out there, all along a very stonny plat of the rock, which and the smock were all together so much of a colour that any one coud make no difference in the clearest day, the smock and stones by and through which it passed being of such true and real resemblance. The Cage was no larger than to contain six or seven persons, four of which number were frequently employed in playing at cards, one idle looking on, one becking, and another firing bread and cooking. Here his Royal Highness remained till he was acquainted foi. 1553. that the shiping for receiving and transporting him to France was arrived. In the meantime of his Royal Highnesses having his quarters in the Cage, he sent Cluny and Doctor Cameron on some private affair to Locharchaick, a part of LocheiPs country, who in their way, before they left Badenoch, in a very dark night, had the good luck to meet with the beforemen- tioned John M'Pherson, alias M'Coilvain, he having been sent 1746] CLUNY'S CAGE IN BENALDER 43 by Cameron of Cluns to find out Cluny, that if it was possible 13 Sept. he might fall on some way to get his Royal Highness acquainted of the arrival of the ships. And this chance meeting was cer- tainly a very great providence, since if it had happen'd other- wise the Prince would not have known of the shippings' arrival till the return from Locharchaik, which delay, as the arrival was sometime before, might have proved of very bad con- sequence. But it pleased God to dispose better for his Royal Highness, who seemed to be still the Almighty's particular care. For tho' the night was the very darkest, as is before observed, the express met the other gentlemen in the teeth, and was known by 'era, whereupon, having got his news, and knowing him to be trustee and might be believed, Cluny im- mediately provided a trustee guide, one Alexander M'Pherson, son to Benjemin M'Pherson in Gallovie, who brought the express directly to the Cage, where they arrived about one in fol. 1554. the morning the thirteenth of September, on which minute his Royal Highness began his journey for the shipping, and against daylight arrived at his old quarters in Uiskchilra. Here it must be remarked that before the Prince removed his quarters to the Cage, Breackachie was dispatched from Uiskchilra to find out John Roy Stewart, and then to go together to the East Coast, with a view to hire a ship and take off the Prince, Lochiel, Cluny, and those formerly men- tioned about him. When Cluns dispatched the courier to the Prince in the Cage to certifie him of the arrival of the ships on the West Coast, he at the same time dispatched Murdoch MacPherson (a near relation of Invereshie's) to Mr. Mac- Pherson of Breackachie, younger, desiring him to stop his progress to the East Coast, and to repair immediately to the place where the Prince was. The said Murdoch came to Breackachie when going to bed, and then Breackachie's lady (one of Cluny 's sisters), finding out the matter, began to talk of her dismal situation, having so many children, and being then also big with child. Upon which Breackachie said, 'I put no value upon you or your bairns unless you can bring me forth immediately thirty thousand men in arms ready to serve my master. 1 Instantly Breackachie set out on his return to the Prince, and took along with him John Roy Stewart (whom M *55S 44 THE LYON IN MOURNING 13 Sept. the Prince used to call the Body), but did not allow John Roy to know that the Prince was in Badenoch, but only that they were going to see Lochiel, etc. When the Prince heard that Breackachie and John Roy Stewart were coming near the hut Uiskchilra, he wrapped himself up in a plaid and lay down in order to surprize John Roy the more when he should enter the hut. In the door of the hut there was a pool or puddle, and when John Roy Stewart just was entring, the Prince peeped out of the plaid, which so surprized John Roy that he cried out, ' O Lord ! my master ! 1 and fell down in the puddle in a faint. Breackachie likewise brought along with him to Uisk- chilra three fusees, one mounted with gold, a second with silver, and the third half mounted, all belonging to the Prince himself, who had desired Breackachie to fetch him these pieces at some convenient time. When the Prince saw the fusees he expressed great joy, saying, ' It is remarkable that my enemies have not discovered one farthing of my money, a rag of my cloathes, or one piece of my arms,' an event which the Prince himself did not know till he came to Benalder in Badenoch, where he was fol. 1556. particularly informed that all the above things were still pre- served from the hands of his enemies. 1 The Prince (as is already observed) arrived at his old quarters at Uiskchilra in his way to the ships against daylight in the morning of September 13th, where he remained till near night, and then set off, and was by daylight the 14th at Corvoy, where he sleep'd some time. Upon his being refreshed with sleep, he being at a sufficient distance from any country, did spend the day by diverting himself and his company with throwing up of bonnets in the air and shuting at 'em to try the three foresaid favourite fusees, and to try who was the best marksman, in which diversion his Royal Highness by far exceeded ; and in the evening of the fourteenth he set forward and went on as far as Uisknifichit, on the confines of Glenroy, which marches with a part of the Breas of Badenoch, in which last place he refreshed himself some hours with sleep ; and before it was daylight got over Glenroy the fifteenth, and kept 1 Portions of this narrative have been printed by Mr. Chambers in his History of the Rebellion. 1746} ON THE MARCH TO THE COAST 45 themselves private all day. As they were approaching LochiePs 15 Sept. seat, Achnicarry, they came to the river Lochy at night, being fine moonshine. The difficulty was how to get over. Upon this Cluns Cameron met them on the water side, at whom Lochiel asked how they would get over the river. He said, 6 Very well, for I have an old boat carried from Lockharkaig that the fol. 1557. enemy left unburnt of all the boats you had, LochieL , Lochiel asked to see the boat. Upon seeing it he said, ' I am afraid we will not be safe with it. 1 Quoth Cluns, 6 1 will cross first and show you the way.' The matter was agreed upon. Cluns upon reflection said, * I have six bottles of brandy, and I believe all of you will be the better of a dram." This brandy was brought from Fort Augustus, where the enemy lay in garrison, about nine miles from that part of Lochy where they were about to cross. Lochiel went to the Prince and said, ' Will your Royal Highness take a dram ? 1 6 O, 1 said the Prince, ' can you have a dram here ? ' 6 Yes, 1 replied Lochiel, 6 and that from Fort Augustus too.' Which pleased the Prince much that he should have provisions from his enemies, etc. He said, 6 Come, let us have it. 1 Upon this three of the bottles were drunk. Then they passed the river Lochy by three cross- ings, Cluns Cameron in the first with so many, then the Prince in the second with so many, and in the last Lochiel with so many. In the third and last ferrying the crazy boat laked so much that there would be four or five pints of water in the bottom of the boat, and iu hurrying over the three remaining bottles of brandy were all broke. When the Prince called for fol 1558. a dram it was told that the bottles were broke, and that the common fellows had drunk all that was in the bottom of the boat as being good punch, which had made the fellows so merry that they made great diversion to the company as they marched along. After the morning of the 16th the Prince arrived in Achni- 16 Sept. carry, LocheiFs seat, where he was as ill off as anywhere else for accommodation, as the enemy had brunt and demolished all there. All the sixteenth he stayed there, and set out at night and arrived the seventeenth at a place called Glen- camger, in the head of Lochharkaig, where he found Cluny and Doctor Cameron, who had prepared for him, expecting 46 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 17 Sept. him. By a very great good chance, Cluny understanding that he himself and others of 'em would be necessarily obliged to travel often betwixt Badenoch and LocheiPs country, and knowing that it was scarce possible for people traveling that way, even those that cou'd be seen, and much less they that cou'd not, to find provisions in their passage, as all was rum- maged and plundered by the enemy, planted a small store of meal, carried from Badenoch, in the house of one Murdoch foi. 1559- M'Pherson in Coilerig of Glenroy, a trusty e man and tennant to Keappoch, in the road, and about half way, to be still a ready supply in case of need, from which secret small magazine he and Mr. Cameron brought some with "em as they went for- ward from Benalder, and had it made into bannocks against the Prince's coming to Glencamger. And when he and his company arrived there was a cow kilFd, on which bannock and beef his royal highnes with his whole retinue were regalled and feasted plentifully that night. On the eighteenth he set 19 Sept. out from Glencamger with daylight, and upon the nineteenth arrived at the shipping, 1 what was extant of the Glencamger bonnacks and beef having been all the provisions till then. The whole time his Royal Highness took in Badenoch was from his arrival there upon the twenty-ninth of August till his leaving it, and being in Uisknifichit upon the fifteenth of September, during which he was still in good health and hearty, and in such a close private way, tho' within six or seven miles at most of Loudon's camp of militia at Shoromore, or SherifF- muir, in the head of Badenoch, a large mile from Garviemore, fol. 1560. and no more than four or five miles from Dalchunnie, which is one of the most publick and best frequented stages betwixt Edinburgh and Inverness, upon the Highland Road, that all his own party except the few that kept him company were at a loss to think what had become of him, and his enemies quite nonpluss'd. They some times thought he had got himself removed to the east coast through the hills of Athol, and laid an imbargo upon all the shipping from that quarter. At other times they had information that he lurked in the shires of Angus or Mearns, and a search was made for him in the most suspected places of those shires, and particularly Mr. 1 See ff. 1476, 1572. 1746] SEARCHING FOR THE LOST PRINCE 47 Barclay of Ury's house in the shire of the Mearns, whose lady Sept. is aunt to Locheil by the father, and to Cluny by the mother, was most narrowly searched, while he was quite safe and unconcerned about "em in the Cage and others his dwellings in Benalder. When he came there he was indeed in a pretty deplorable way, interely destitude not only of the comforts but even of the necessaries of life. His royal person had not as much as one shirt to put on his back except that which he then wore, untill Cluny set his sisters german, Isobell, relict to fol. 1561 M'Intosh of Aberarder, Christian, married to M'Pherson, Breackachie, and Unn, then unmarried, now married to M'Pherson of Dalrady, who were all three together in one house at Breakachie, about making some for him in all haste, whereby he was soon provided. He sat and drank all the time pretty well and hearty, and seem'd to be quite reconcifd with his entertainment, which was generally sent from Breakachie by the above three ladies, as there was no family at Cluny, all having been burnt there, and his lady being then at Edinburgh. His Royal Highness (as is well known) went thro"* a rare scene and train of difficulties from the unhappy day of Culloden till he went on board for foreign parts, and was no doubt in many places in the Highlands and Islands, sometimes private enough. But "'tis a question if at all he pass'd so much of his time anywhere so private and secure as he did that he spent in Benalder, being always within the circumference of six miles. 'Tis true indeed Cluny kept good trustee spies of his friends in Loudon's camp so that one man cou'd not stir fol. 1562 there without intelligence being brought to the Prince's quarters. And when laying out the best intelligence, safe passage from the kingdom was not found out, there was actually a plan laid of his passing the whole winter, which was approaching, with Cluny and as he wou'd direct, which, if there had no safe mean of getting over seas cast up, wou'd in all probability have succeeded with equal privacy to the time his Royal Highness had already spent in Benalder, and the beginning to put this scheme in execution by some of those then with his Royal Highness their otherways shifting for 'emselves, as a throung cou'd not as well keep together privately as a less number, was only put off till Cluny's return from Locharchaik. 48 THE LYON IN MOURNING Sept. All about his Royal Highness during his abode in Benalder of Badenoch were Locheil, Cluny, Loehgarry, Doctor Cameron, and Breakachie, one Allan Cameron, a young genteel lad of Calard's family, who was principal servant to Locheil, and four servants belonging to Cluny, particularly James M'Pher- son, his piper, Paul M'Pherson, his horsekeeper, Murdoch and foi. 1563. Duncan M'Phersons. This Murdoch the Prince generally called Murik, who and Paul cou'd speak no English and were commonly employd in carrying provisions from Breakachie. N.B. — The original of Strathmashie's letter to me, and the original of the 12 pages in folio, are both to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. /*/. 1564. Copy of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, from Captain Donald Roy MacDonald. 31 May Reverend Sir, — I give you this trouble to convince you of 1750 Captain Malcolm M'Leods lys in part of what he reported to you. He mentions that the Prince being about to part with him after delivering the charge of him to the Laird of M'Kinnon, said to him, 'Don't you remember that I promis'd to meet Murdo M'Leod, the Doctor, and Donald Roy M'Donald at Cammistinavaig, so I must write them a letter of apology for not meeting, which he wrote verbatim, or to the same purpose, mentioned in the Appendix of the Scots Magazine , 1 749. As he intimats, the letter was directed to the Doctor, tho* 1 he intended to pass a complement upon him, he rather does him ane injury. For according to Captain Mal- com's tale the Doctor ought have met the Prince at Cam- mistinavaig, since he had made such a promise. 1 But to vindicate the Doctor, if he had promised such a thing, any that foU 1565. is acquaint with him wou'd believe he wouM stand to his word, and therefore I take his words and confute his cousine, Captain Malcom. For he told me when I came early in the morning accompanied with the young Laird of Raarsay to the Byre under Nicolson's big rock, that the Prince with Captain 1 See ff. 233, 247, 764, 867, 871. 1750] CAPTAIN DONALD MACDONALD 49 Malcom went off (he knew not no better) about 8 o' th" clock 31 May at night, and left orders that Donald Roy M'Donald shou'd meet him late upon Sunday next or early Monday at Cam- mistinavaig, without making the least mention that himself had receiv'd the like orders. I went alone to the place appointed. If the Doctor promis'd to come there, why did not he goe alongst with me. I receiv'd my orders from the Doctor, and the Doctor from the Prince, so the Doctor ought have been more ready to execute them. If the Prince's letter was directed for the Doctor, why did Captain Malcom under night send a boat with it to me from Raarsay to Cammistinavaig in Isle of Sky, or if he only sent me a perusall why did he never ask it back. Perhaps he'll say the Doctor cou'd not come to the place upon account of his wound being not fully cur'd then. In objection to that, I f olt I566, say his wound was thwart the two shoulder blades and cou'd not infect his feet and leggs, whereas my wound was in the foot, and consequently more uneasy for me in time of travelling. I cou'd find several objections against Captain Malcom, but what I said may be sufficient in the meantime. I know he meant to robb me of the honour receiv'd of the Prince and conferr the same upon the Doctor. I allow him to tell as many lys as he pleases to his own advantage, but let him tell no lys to my disadvantage while I 'm in life to deny them, otherwise if I tell reall truth of him, shall make him blush. He believes he cou'd aggrandize himself by words since he cou'd not do it by actions. Quae sine teste gerit, quorum fuga conscia sola est. Ov. Met. L 13. I am, reverend Sir, your most humble servant, (Sic subscribitur) Donald MacDonald. Edinburgh, May Z\st, 1750. p.S. — In the lines made upon my lame foot, 1 where you Sibilans per aura?,, mark it Volitans per auras by blotting out Sibilans. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my Papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1 See f. 780. vol. in. D 50 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 foi. 1567. Narrative of a Conversation about the Prince s landing in Scotland, with Mr. Hugh Mac- Donald, brother to the Laird of Moror. 1 15 June Leith, Friday, June 15th, 1750. — Mr. Hugh MacDonald, 1750 brother to the Laird of Moror, of Clanranald's family, favoured me, Robert Forbes, with a visit, and told me that when the Prince came first upon the coast of Scotland he himself was in Edinburgh, and that in returning to the Highlands he happened to meet with MacDonald of Kenlochmoydart crossing the water of Lochy, who asked him, * What news ? 1 4 No news at all have I, 1 said Mr. Hugh. 4 Then,' said Kenloch- moydart, 4 1 '11 give you news. You 11 see the Prince this night at my house. 1 4 What Prince do you mean ? ' said Mr. Hugh. 4 Prince Charles,* 1 said Kenlochmoydart. 4 You are certainly joking,"' said Mr. Hugh, 4 1 cannot believe you." Upon this Kenlochmoydart assured him of the truth of it. 4 Then, 1 said Mr. Hugh, 4 what number of men has he brought along with him ? 1 4 Only seven, 1 said Kenlochmoydart. 4 What foi. 1568. stock of money and arms has he brought with him then ? 1 said Mr. Hugh. 4 A very small stock of either, 1 said Kenloch- moydart. 4 What generals or officers fitt for commanding are with him ? 1 said Mr. Hugh. 4 None at all, 1 replied Kenloch- moydart. Mr. Hugh said he did not like the expedition at all, and was afraid of the consequences. 4 1 cannot help it, 1 said Kenlochmoydart. If the matter go wrong, then I "11 certainly be hanged, for I am engaged already. I have no time to spare just now, as I am going with a message from the Prince to the Duke of Perth. 1 They then took leave and parted. When Mr. Hugh MacDonald came to Kenlochmoydart he met there with Angus MacDonald, banker, brother to Kenloch- moydart, who told him that the Prince was still on board in Lochnannuagh, that he might see him to-morrow if he pleased, but that he behoved to take no notice of him at all in quality of a prince, as he was known to none of the crew, with whom he passed for a Monsieur L'Abee, being in the habit of one. 1 Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, p. 20 et seq. See also the beginning of the Appendix of Scots Magazine for 1747, and the volume for 1749, pp. 165, 166. 1745] LANDING OF THE PRINCE IN MOROR 51 Next day, Angus and Mr. Hugh MacDonalds went on board the June vessel in Lochnannuagh when the Prince happened to be above deck, to whom Mr. Hugh made up, saluting him as an abbee, foi. i welcoming him to Scotland, asking how he liked the country, etc. The Prince soon learning what Mr. Hugh was, went to the cabin desiring Mr. Hugh to be brought to him and dis- covered himself to him, informing him upon what design he had come. Upon this Mr. Hugh paid his respects to him as to a prince, and begged he would be exceedingly cautious and keep himself very private, as the garrison at Inverlochie was not far off, and the Campbells in the neighbourhood thereof, who (all of them) would be too ready to take him, and give him up to his enemies, etc. ' I have no fear about that at all," said the Prince. In talking about the expedition Mr. Hugh suggested his own fears as to the event, and hinted that he was afraid the Prince would find it the most eligible course to return ag%in to France and wait a more favourable opportunity, as he had brought no forces along with him, etc. The Prince said he did not chuse to owe the restoration of his father to foreigners, but to his own friends, to whom he was now come to put it in their power to have the glory of that event, and as to returning again to France, foreigners should f° l - 1 never have it to say that he had thrown himself upon his friends, that they turned their backs upon him, and that he had been forced to return from them to foreign parts. In a word, if he could get but six stout trusty fellows to join him, he would chuse far rather to sculk with them among the mountains in Scotland than to return to France. Young Clanranald and Allan MacDonald, senior (brother to Kenlochmoydart), had been dispatched by the Prince to Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod, and when they returned with their absolute refusal, and with instructions from them to importune the Prince to return, then friends became more pressing than ever in persuading a return to France ; insomuch that the few that had come along with the Prince (Sir Thomas Sheridan not excepted) joined in urging him to return. The Prince was single in his resolution of landing. Mr. Hugh MacDonald observed to the Prince that 52 THE LYON IN MOURNING June Sir Alexander MacDonalcTs and the Laird of MacLeod's refusal would make many others backward that liked the cause well fol 1571. enough, and would throw a great damp upon the design. In this he was supported by all present. But the Prince still insisted in his resolution, and gave always the same answer as above. Dr. Archibald Cameron came from his brother Lochiel to urge the Prince to return, and was very positive that Lochiel would not join. To him the Prince gave likewise the same answer and desired to know of MacDonald, younger of Scotus (of Glengary's family), who had come of himself to pay his respects to the Prince, if he would go a message from him to Lochiel, and endeavour to persuade Lochiel to do his duty. Young Scotus complied, and succeeded so well that he brought Lochiel along with him to Borodale, the Prince being by that time landed. When Mr. Hugh MacDonald saw the Prince positive (before leaving the ship) to make a trial of what could be done, he importuned his young chiftain to go ashore immediately and raise as many men as might be sufficient to guard the Prince's person and to preserve him from being surprized by any small fol. 1572. party of redcoats or Campbells that would attempt to make him prisoner, for it must be remarked that Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod endeavoured to procure a promise from Young Clanranald not to join, and indeed they prevented so far as to make him backward enough in joining. But Mr. Hugh MacDonald and other friends joined in persuading him to consider the urgency of the case, and to consult the safety of the Prince's person, to which he listened and immediately raised his following upon the continent. As Mr. Hugh MacDonald had gone off for France in 1746, at the same time (though not in the same ship) with the Prince, I asked him about the particular time of their setting sail. He said they weighed anchor about 12 at night of September 19th, or about 1 in the morning of the 20th. 1 1 See flf. 1476, 1559. 1750] THE PRINCE'S LEAVING SCOTLAND 53 June %0th, 1750. — At 10 o'clock in the morning I was with 2 ojune Mr. Hugh MacDonald in his own room at Edinburgh and read my prima cur a (which is to be found among my papers) of the preceeding narrative in his hearing, and he approved of it as true and exact. Robert Forbes, A. M. Tuesday, July 3d, 1750. — I, Robert Forbes, received a letter foi. 1573. from the Revd. Mr. James Hay at Inverness, containing in it eight pages in 4to, in the handwriting of said Mr. Hay, and three pages in folio in the handwriting of some other person, perhaps of David Taylor, wright, in Inverness, as would appear from the tenour of the paper. 1 Copy of part of the foresaid Letter from the Revd. Mr. James Hay at Inverness. Reverend dear Sir, — As I have been expecting to get a sure bearer, but found none, I have ventured to send the inclosed by post. Pray let me know when it comes to hand. June 30. Copy of foresaid eight pages in 4to in the hand- writing of Mr. James Hay. Answers to your Queries. 1. Margaret Grant, a servant maid in town was commanded by one in the habit of a dragoon to hold his horse on the street when he went into the well-house and kilFd two unarm'd men who fled there for protection. He was one who fol. 1574- came there first after the battel. When Margaret Grant heard the poor mens cryes she run away from the horse and at some distance saw him come out and take his horse and go to Mr. 1 Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 31 1 et seq. See of this Collection ff. 1425- 1435, 1482- 1492. 54 THE LYON IN MOURNING April Hay 1 the minister s house, when he told he was a volunteer from the county of Cumberland come out to feight for his religion and liberty, and that he had a billot upon that house, for minis- ters had always good things. He had blood upon him. His name was Rea. The volunteers being abhorrd and disregard by the officers who believed they did nothing but go with storys to C d. That house was appointed by the quartermaster for others, and Rea being turnd from one bed to another was told by his landlady that she had no more beds, and said he was ill rewarded. He replyd he was so. He had doupt into that affair without thinking as many others had done, and was it to do again they would not get one for ten. foi. 1575. To which she replyed that she was very glaid. His return was he believd that. He would not leave the house, was very oblidging to the family. Upon his being desired by his land- lady to get a youth into the kirk to see a near relation who was prisoner, he went willingly and ordered the guard to let in that youth. The sogar told him he was orderd to let all men and boys in, but none out ; upon which Rea pulld him back, and said he could not get in at that time : of which he advised his landlady, which prevented others going there. The sogars name cannot be known. % The gentleman kill'd by the dragoons in Inverness was James Aberdeen, merchant in Old Aberdeen, who had a wife and six children. It was in Widow Davidson's house. The dragoon's names cannot be known. 3. I am told Ewen M'Cay, not Kay, to be of the M'Cays of Ha, an old tribe of the M'Intoshes from David son. His fathers name is Donald. They lived in Lochils lands. 4. When Generall Hally commanded that all the ports in foi. 1576. town should be shut that no rebell might escape, and that the meeting house with the seditious preacher in the midle of it should be burnt, Generall Husk said : It was his opinion that the meeting house should be taken down and the timber given to the ovens, as there was great scarcity of fireing. When Pro vest Hosack said they shoud mix mercy with judgement, as their enemies were now at their mercy, Hally said, 6 Damn the ] i.e. the forementioned Revd. Mr. James Hay.— Robert Forbes, A.M. 1746] HAWLEY AND HUSK AT INVERNESS 55 puppie. Does he pretend to dictate to us ? Carry him away. 1 April And another cryed, 6 Kick out,' which Sir Robert A or Odair did on the top of the stairs with such a force that he did not touch them till he was at the end of the first flat. 5. The meeting house was not burnt, but taken down. The sogars went to Mrs. Hay with the books, cups, flagons, paten and gown, and said they were come to give her the first offer of these, because they were her own. She offerd so much, which they rejected, saying their D. knew they were not to work for nought. Upon which she said, He had another way to pay them than by her effects. In the mean time the officers forbad her to buy them for they would take her mony and fol. 1577. return for them as they had done in other places. It was not known that any meeting house or effects were destroyd untill they came into town. 6. There can be no exact account got of the poisond bread. The gentleman nor sogars name (I mentiond) cannot be known and the person of credit had it only from hearsay. (See the paper inclosed). 1 8. Lieutenant Hugh Fraser in Bleckny's regiment, Captain Urquart and Lieutennant Ward in Ballero's, did all the good offices in their power for the prisoners. I refer this to the paper ! 9. The young Captain who was heard more than once say that he saw 72 men killed was young M'Leod. 10. Your conjecture about Belfinly is right. 11. The man who crawld from the field of battell to the house of Cantray was Donald Dallas, Cantrays lieutennant. Its about 2 miles. He hase recovered. 12. 2 The gentleman whose body was taken up twenty days after it was coverd with a litle earth was James Dallas of Can- tray, a loyall, kind, brave young man, who rais'd his company at a great expence to serve his royall master. 13. The other was Alexander M'Gillevry of Dumnaglass who was more than six weeks unburied, and without smell. He was fol. 1578. collonell of the Clan Chatton, the Mackintoshes, in this coun- try. I may add many have not produced a finer youth. Had 1 i.e. the three forementioned pages in folio. — Robert Forbes, A.M. 2 Should be 13. 56 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April all acted the part that these two gallent young gentlemen did with Gallish M'Bain, major, Angus M'Intosh of Far, Alexan- der M'Gillevry and Robert M'Gillevry, all three captains (who fell upon the field) and the rest of that clan with some others, that day would have brought forth other things than it did. 14. Alexander Young in Inches, not knowing of a battel that day, was with his yok'd plough two miles from the field of battel, who, upon seeing the retreat advance, he went speedily towards his house, whom Kingstoun's horse followed and shot in the leg, and went after him into the house and shot him dead ; and a son about 8 or 9 years of age they shot also. An elder son made his escape by going into the next room, and making a hole in the wall, sav'd himself. The said Alexander and his sons corps's were covered with earth near his house untill about Christmass, when they were taken up and carried to Inverness to their burriall place without any disagreeable 1579. smell. The poor disconsolate widows horses, cattle, and effects were taken away, and she borrowed money to buy some of them back. 15. The gentleman lying on the ground wounded was young Inverallachy. It was told by the sogars that one officer of distinction and then another were orderd by C d to shot that man, which they refusing to do, C d inquird a common sogar if his gun was chargd. He replying it was, C d ordered to shot that man, which he did. His corpse ly yet on the field of battell, a place on the opinion of some of his friends preferable to the finest burriall place. 16. 'Tis impossible for me to find out the place where the woman in labour of childbirth, with nine others, were burnt alive, it being in the Highlands. Collonell Desaing told it in Banff, and thankd God that he was not the person who com- manded there ; and Mr. Jno. Stuart, the Presbyterian teacher in Lochaber, told that it was true and consisted with his knowledge. 1 1 I myself heard the said Mr. John Stewart (some time in Summer, 1747), declare in general in the house of my Lady Bruce, in Citadel of Leith, that many strange cruelties, shocking things, had been done by the redcoats in the High- lands after the battle of Culloden. In Summer, 1747, the said Mr. John Stewart had come up to Edinburgh with Keppoch's son, a young boy whom the Duchess Dowager of Gordon had desired to have to give him his education. Robert Forbes, A. M. 1746] CRUELTIES AFTER CULLODEN 57 17. Hugh Fraser and his son, about 18 years of age, and April John M'Donald were shot 1 when harrowing, by Lockhart's party, in Glenmoristoun. Daldrigan was forced in a naked //. i 5 8o. condition to witness the hanging up of the corpses of the said three men by the feet on a gallows. Old Lady Glenmoristoun witness'd this, whose house and all her effects were burnt. The first party that went to her after that, threatnd to take her plaid and napkin from her, but by importunity they left them ; but the second party took her napkin, and the third party her plaid, so she was left destitute of both. 18. The above-named lady says she was informd that Isoble M'Donald, in Glenmoristoun, 2 was ravishd by some of Major Lockharts party while her husband, Alexander M'Donald (skulking), did see it. And Kathrin M'Donald, in Knoidart, big with child, was ravishd, with many more whose names I cannot get. 19. Hugh Fraser, who had Mr. Chisholm, the Presbyterian teacher in Kilmorack in the Aird, his protection, was shot dead by Lockar^s orders (I always mean the famous Major), and when Mr. Chisholm spoke to Lockart about him, he said he would do so with him. 20. The woman brought to bed, Sunday before the battle, was Elspet M'Phail, in Gask. Her husband is Donald M'lntosh, and the child born on Sunday is Alexander, whom M 1581. one of the dragoons took by the leg or thigh and threw it about his hand, not head. 21. Paul M'Bain, near Faillie, his wife, Jean Clerk, had her nose slit and head cut, out of which came severall bones. Its impossible to get the officers or sogars names, for none durst ask them questions. The author 3 of the paper in folio tells me he satisfyed you about the rest of the queries. Addenda. The women running races at Fort Augustus, having no cloaths but their shirts, and women upon horses, some with 1 See f. 1680. 2 See f. 1681. 3 i.e. James Grant, merchant in Inverness, who formerly sent me a paper in folio in his own handwriting. See f. 1482.— Robert Forbes, A.M. 58 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April short coats, others with sogars coats, who, by turning of the stoup, fell from the horses, which was fine diversion to C d and his h — 1 — ish followers, is a certain fact which many do assert. Three men of Slanes, going to deliver up their arms at Fort William, were orderd by the famous Caroline Scot to be hung foi. 1582. over the miln spout with the ropes of a salmon net, which was done until they died. Lieutennant Parsons, in Blyths regement, travelld from the one end of Locherchal to the other and saw not horse, catle, sheep, goat, or any man or woman, untill he came to the end of it, where there were in a hutt seven dead men. Upon one saying to him that these men had starvd for want of food, He answer'd, No. But by holding out his hand disco verd it was by shoting them. Alexander Thomson, gardener in Culloden, and William Ross, grive there, declair'd that there was sixteen or seventeen wounded men taken out of a byre at Culloden by a party of men commanded by an officer to whom the grive applied for a young boy whom he asserted coud not have carried arms. But the officer said he coud not leave him. However, he left him at last, and the rest were thrown into carts and waggons. The persons who saw this, believing the poor wounded were to be carried to the town to an hospitall, saw them taken up to the foi. 1583. field of batle, where they were all shot. The officer nor sogars names cannot be known. The above-named men may be believed, as they wisrTd well to C d, of whom they would not designdly tell a bad thing. All the wounded on the field of batle were killd on the Thursday, and the wounded in houses were carried to the field on Fryday, where they were killd. You are right about John Fraser. But, as I have no acquaintance where he is, I cannot answer your queries about him. 1 1 This should have been Article 12. See ff. 1429, 1577. F. 1746] MEMORIAL OF DAVID TAYLOR 59 Copy of the fore-mentioned three pages in folio, 1 etc. 16 A P ni A memoriall of David Taylor, wright in Inverness, his usage and confinement after the batle of Coloden, being the 16th Aprile, 1746, when many were kilFd in cold blood and att three or four miles distance from the field, besides many beggars they met on the high way. And next morning they kilFd all the wounded that lay in the field. This I was told by Ballfinlay, who was providencially saved by ane officer who foi. 1584. came by when two souldiers were disputing, the one for saving and the other for killing him. This officer took a cordial out of his poket and gave him, and hade him carryed to the next houses, and next day to an hospitall. And as the souldiers were rude to him, Doctor Adare hade him and Mr. Nairn carryed to a privat place, where he ordered care to be taken of there wounds ; and some good gentlewomen took care to get all necessaries conveyed to them. The eavening of the batle they sett a litle town on fire, where they burnt a great many wounded, whose bodies were a most melancholly sight next day. And on the Fryday, being the third day after the batle, they gathered all the wounded they found in the houses and other wheres about Coloden, and carryed them to the field, where they sett them in rank and shott them. The next morning after the batle, Robert Mathies, servant to Governor Caulfield, came with a partie and planted one sentrie within my house, one other without, and one at my foi. 1585. shope door, ordering them to let nothing out, where they con- tinued for two months. About ten o'clock in the morning of the day after the batle, five of Generall Blackney's officers took possession of my house, where they meass'd for two months, when their followers took and demolished what they pleas'd. And when they left the house, they carryed be way of borrow- ing all the furnitur they thought usfull for themselves, but never return^ any. On the 27th Aprile, I was taken up by ane officer and put into the Tolbooth, which was full of wounded and dead men ; 27 April and all the roome that twentie five of us hade was a litle pleace callM the Justice of Peace loaft, and no person durst come to give any support to these wounded for nine days. 1 See f. 1573. 60 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 untill the Judge Advocat came and caus'd carry away the dead, and ordred a pound of meall a day to each prisoner. 2 May On the 2d of May, fortie five of us were gaurded down to foi. 1586. the harbour and ship'd aboord of a small sloup, and as the sailors look'd on us from the quarter decke, the carpenter calFd me and told me that their hould was alreadie full of prisoners, and that how soon they came to the road we were to be divided betwixt four other ships and only four of us to be keept, and that they made choice of me, and desired that I should pick out other three, and they would do their best for us. I humbly thanked them, and told them I would. How soon we came to the road it happened as they said, and in this sloup I was most civily us'd. The master's name was Thomas Nicle, of Alaway. He was verie good to the prisoners in generall, and as their was no officer on board but a Serjeant's command, I gott the favour of a dozen of prisoners on dake att once till they came all by turns from morning till eaven, for they were in a most miserable condition in the hould. Besides, he gave them a pound of meall a day, when Walker, ship master of foi. 1587. Leith, gave them but half a pound a day, and hade near to three hunder prisoners that were sick. On the 30th May we saiPd down to Cromertie Road where I was liberated by Mr. Bruce, Judge Advocate, and after comeing home I was taken up by Captain Massie (one of the officers that meass'd in my house), on a second sign'd informa- tion given in to Generall Blaikney. One of these signers was Forsyth, merchant in Cromertie, a man that knew nothing of me. Then I was put up into the clerks chamber in the Town house with Messrs. Halden and Irvin, two young gentlemen who dyed of their wounds. The last of June Mr. Nill of Barra, Glenbuickt, younger, Doctor John M'Donald, a brother of Kenloackmuider's and I were put up to a higher roome by the Judge Advocat. And at the end of July orders came to ship off all the remaining prisoners that were then in goale when orders came to stop me from being shipt. After the prisons were clean'd out I was brought over to the Tolbooth, and foi. 1588. some wounded that were carried on blankets. After this came on my greatest hardships and misery, the number of prisoners daylie increass'd, and new hardships always put on us, no access to us, no pen, ink, or paper alow'd. The midle of Sep- 1746] TRIAL OF JACOBITE PRISONERS 61 tember my wife, my two children fell into fevers and great 15 Sept. sickness, of which my wife dyed, when severall strong petitions were given to General Blaickney and strong solicitations made to him and any securitie he could ask for to alow me goe under a guard to see my dying spouse; but his cruell heart would not alow me. Tho' a minister offered to secure his person in my pleace untill my return and likways offered him any securitie the magistrates or town could give ; but nothing would do with him. He told I was most active in the rebel- lion and if I had a hunder wives dying that he would not alow me go to see them without orders from Lord Albemarle. Att this time and still after we are under the greatest hard- foi. 1589. ships, a great number of sentries within and without. Two officers (Lieutennant Jo Ward in Ballero's and Lieut ennant Hugh Fraser in Bleckneys regement) confined and suspended for allowing two poor women come in to the prison. The last two days of October and first of November was my tryall before the ShiriefF when a great number of witnesses were examined ; when I was brought these three deferent days to the town house under a strong guard, and a vast number of witnesses were examined in my absence. Captain Dunlop of Blaikney regiment, a Scotsman, was my principall persecuter as a lawier, and did not alow the Sherrief to ask one querie. He interupted me in every word I spoke, telling me I was too much indulged when I hade libertie to be present at the examination of a witness, and at last he told me he would send for a drumstick to gagg me. This Captain Dunlop has put the prisoners under all the hardships possible he could, fol 1590. In December he ordred his serjeant to put out and take away all our candles, and had it put in orders next day that no fire or candle should be alowed into goale. In this dark condition were we in untill Captain Urquharts turn came to be captain of the guard, who sent his serjeant to ask if we wanted to light our candles. This most be thought verie comfortable to distress^ prisoners who were in the dark in this season of the year I hade almost forgot Colquahoun, Fort Ajitant, who satt the whole time of my precognition, starting a great many new articles not lybelled, but non of the witnesses could say, but they were all pointedly payd their wages, nor was their a shilling to be asked by any workman or labourer or for 62 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1747 materialls of any kind within the town of Inverness so far as I could find out before the Prince and his armie went to the field. 23 April On the 23d of Aprile 1747 I was sett at libertie by the foi. 1591. return of a petition sent to my Lord Justice Clerk upon giveing a thousand merk beall. Severall ladies, gentlewomen and others in this town were verie kind to the prisoners. Some both cloath'd and fed the poorer sort and severall contributions of money were sent the gentlemen ; and their would have been a great many more good deeds of this kind done them hade it not been the terror that Dunlop and those of his disposition put them under. N.B. — The original of the Revd. Mr. Hay's fore- mentioned letter to me, and the original of the fore- mentioned eight pages in 4to in the handwriting of the said Mr. Hay, and the original of the forementioned three pages in folio are to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A. M. pi. 1592. Copy of a Letter to Miss Flora MacDonald at Armadale in the Isle of Sky. I \j$o f Madam, — The agreeable accounts of your safe arrival at Armadale by your letter to Miss Main, afforded me no small pleasure, as I will ever think myself interested in every event of life that happens to Miss Flora MacDonald whether pros- perous or adverse ; a mixture of which we must pass through in this lower state, which is a chequered scene at best. You have already experienced both sides of fortune, and your con- duct in each of them has engaged the attention of the public, and has justly entitled you to the esteem of every well think- ing person. You have had a recent instance of that blending of sweet and bitter which inseparably attends the transactions foi. 1593. of human life. Methinks I feel somewhat of that mixture of joy and grief which would ensue upon your first meeting with your mother, — joy to see one another once more in health and safety, but grief in your mutual condolences for the affecting loss of two hopeful youths : if we dare take upon our selves 1750] LETTER TO FLORA MACDONALD 63 to call any thing a loss that comes from the unerring appoint- n July ment of Heaven. May God support you both under the trying affliction and grant all concerned in it the happy and proper effects of it. Your friend and fellow-adventurer, Donald Roy MacDonald, was lately with me aud asked very kindly about you. He returned to Glasgow and is in a good way of getting into business again. There are many worthy persons in your corner of the world for whom I entertain a great veneration. Pray be so good as foU 1594- to remember me kindly to them when they happen to come in your way. I beg leave to name some of them. Present then my most respectful and best wishes to Armadale and your mother, Rasay and his family and Malcolm MacLeod, Kings- borrow and his family, MacKinnon and his lady, Balshar and Milton, etc., etc., etc., etc., etc. I heartily wish you all things good and happy, and sincerely am, Madam, your most affec- tionate friend and very humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, July \Mh, 1750. Copy of part of a Letter received August 10th 10 Aug. 1750 (inclosing a Latin poem) from Captain / 0 i. 1595. Donald Roy MacDonald, to me, Robert Forbes, directed thus : To Mr. Donald Hate- breex, etc., but had no date, he being then in Glasgow. 1 Reverend Sir, — You have inclos'd the product of some idle hours concerning the year — 46. I am, Revd. Sir, your most humble servant, (Sic subscribitur) Donald Macdonald. In Homicidiam inclementissimum C a D m sub nomine Neronis. I satia mentem timidam, faucesque voraces, Sanguine civili flagitiose Nero. 1 See f. 1564. 64 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 Quis nisi vel timid us vel qui coelestia spernit Numina devictos caedere victor avet. Tu bene de patria meritos suspende, securi Percute, semineces dilaniaque viros. Orphanos, viduas, spolia, nec parce senecta Scevitiam vestram sexus uterque ferat. Justa propositis et quae potes omnia, ferro Fatifero et flam ma perde flagrante loca. Quaque feres gressus, laniantia telaque ; parias Egregio nulli magne tyranne viro. At tibi judicium non evitabile, vestris Viribus invitis, haud procul esse scias. fol. 1596. Ultio te divina brevi captabit, iniquis Debita turn factis praemia nactus eris. Sit tuus invisum, rivalem cernere casus, Gestantem, pulso te, diadema patrum. Splendeat in solio, superatis hostibus, aequa Mente suum populum, justiciaque regens. Sit tibi dispar amet cives, patriamque ; propinquis Regibus incutiat marte feroce metum. N.B. — The originals of the above are to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, M.A. 29 Aug. At Leith, Wednesday, August 29th, 1750, the Reverend Mr. George Innes at Forres was with me, Robert Forbes, and delivered into my hands the original letter of William Jack, an exact copy of which is as follows. 1 17 March Gentlemen, — This comes to acquant you that I was eight 1747 mounths and eight days on sea, of which time I was eight weeks upon half pound and 12 ounces oat meall and a botle of watter in the twenty four hours, which we was oblig'd to make meall and fol. 1597. water in the botam of ane old botle. Ther was one hunder and twenty five put on board at Inverness one the James and Mary of Fyfe. In the letter end of Jun we was put board of a 1 See ff. 1503, 1509, 1520. 1746] ORIGINAL LETTER BY WILLIAM JACK 65 tranceport four hunder and fifty tuns called the Liberty and June. Property, which we containued the rest of the eight mounths upon twelve ounces of oat shilling as it came from the milln. There was thirty two prisoners more put a board of the said Liberty and Property, which makes on hundered and fifty seven, and when wee came a shore we was but forty nine in life ; which would been no great surprise if there hade not been on, conform to our ousages. They would taken us from the hold in a rope and hysed us to the yeards arme and let us fall in the sea in order for ducking of us, 1 and tying us to the mast and whiping us if we but made watter in the hold. This was done to us when wee was not able to stand. I will leave it to the readers to judge what condition they might been in themselves with the above treatment. We hade neather bede nor bed cloaths nor cloaths to keep us warm in the daytime. The foi. i< shipes ballast was black earth and small stons, which wee was obliged digge hols to ly in too for to keep us warm till the first day of November that every man gote about three yards of gross harn filled with straw, but no bed cloaths. I will not trouble you ane more till I see you. There is none in life that went from Elgin with me but William Innes in Fochabers. James Brander Smith in Conloch dyed seven mounths agoe. Alexander Frigg dyed in Cromarty Road. Jo Kintrea that lived in Longebride dyed also. During all this time I was but in a bade state of health. But blissed be God I 'm in a pritty good steat of health at preasant in spyte of my enimes, those I mean who pretended some time ago to be my frinds supose they proved otherways. But its possable Fie make them a sutiball recompence sooner then they expect. But I know some of them will 2 strive to fol 15' 1 See f. 1786. 2 Here begins vol. viii. of The Lyon in Mourning. It is entitled : ' The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs, but more particularly the dangers and distresses of ... . Vol. 8th, 1750. Exultat, ah I princeps quo non prcestantior alter Dignior aut sceptro, gens male sana tuo. The following original letter is attached to the front board of vol. viii. : [Toni]ll Macdonalds respectfull compliments [to] Mr. and Mrs. Forbes, and VOL. III. E 66 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1747 17 March, serine themselves with some shadow or other. But all there reatrick will not take place, for once they gote me apprehended and put one board they thought they hade the ball at there foot, expecting they should never see me more. Be so good as to acquant the clerke that I leaft playing at cairds that he will see his frind werie soon, and that his cautioner in his suspenchan will take his head out of the pock with great deficualty; and that Mr. James Falconer is in good health and remaines on board of a shipe called the James and Mary, lying off Tilbury Fort. Be so good as to acquaint my father I received his letter in the first of February last, and will write him wery soon. Our newes gives ws account that the French since there war hase taken on thousand two hundred and up- wards of our shipping. Pray be so good as give my complements to all my reall foi. 1600. frinds, not forgetting any of you and your famielys. I ame, gentelmen, your most humble servant, (Sic subscribitur) Wm. Jack. Tilbury Fort, 17th March 1747. P.S. — I keepe full as good heart as ever, and hase done during all my confinement, ye, ewen when I was in a very bade sutituation. If it hade not ben so, I should not been in life, for the fish of the sea should got my bones to gnaw, for they could not got nothing else. From such another sight, good Lord, deliver me ! for its impossable to descrive the condition is extreamly [grievjed at the disagreeable news [he] had last post from the Highlands, which he cannot omitt communicating to Mr. Forbes, as he is fully convinced he will have an equall share of concern for the unexpected death of the good and truly worthy man Glenalladale. He died on a remarkable day, the 30th January, and was interred Wednesday last. To sum up his character, with which Mr. Forbes was not unacquainted, he was THE honest man, and few such, if any, remain behind him in that country. His eldest son, who is yet under age, is at his education at the College of Ratisbon. His facher ordered him home some months ago, and I'm told he has devolved the whole charges of him and his affairs on me, which must oblige me, by all appearance, go there in the Spring. I know you '11 esteem the son for the deserts of the father, and when he comes to Scotland he shall be made known to you. When Mr. Forbes calls in town would gladly see him. Monday, 9 o'clock. [Added by R. F., ' Febry. 9th, 1761.'] Addressed — To the Rev. Mr. Forbes, at his house, South Leith. 1747] MISS FLORA MACDONALD 67 we was all unto, for you should thought we hade no interalls 17 March within us, and all our jointes of our bodie as perceptele as if we were cute out in wood or stone. William, be so good as give my service to your brother, wife, and daughter. God be with you all. Tell also my father I gote the bill from Mr. King. N.B. — The original of the preceding letter is to be found among my papers, directed thus : To Mesurs. James Sutherland, Alexander Skeen, Alexander Alves, f oL l601 - James Peterkin, and William Griger in Elgin, N. Britain. Robert Forbes, A.M. From the Latin of Dr. King. 1 Here, too, the beauteous Flora's taught t' assume, Than ere the goddess knew a brighter bloom. The faithful canvass softens with her smile, Who in the royal youth preserved the Isle. She led thro" treach'rous firths and ev'ry storm The hero lurking in the handmaid's form. O born to better fate ! O Heaven design'd To succour nations and preserve mankind. So to her son, as thro the wilds he stray 'd, The Cyprian goddess shone a sudden aid. A veil of thick'ned air around she pours And safely lands in Carthage lofty towrs. What thanks, O wondrous maid, to thee we owe ! As long as verse shall soar or canvass glow So long thy name, thy praises shall remain, The pencil's labour and the poet's strain. October 1st, 1750. — Copies of the two following had I, Robert f oL 1602 Forbes, transmitted to me from Mr. J — s E — n, in Edin- burgh. Ipsemet ecce Heros ! summa ad penetralia surgens, C us efFulget, spiratque coloribus arte Eximia, et celebrem pictura fatetur Apellem. 1 See f. 162 1. 68 THE LYON IN MOURNING t Oct. Qualis heros ! Quantus blando decor enitet ore ! Et vigor exurgens, et vividus ignis ocellis Fulgurat, egregioque sedet constantia vultu. O virtus invicta malis ! O inclyte pr[ince]ps ! Consilioque gravi, saevoque in marte potentem, Te caneret Musa, et Phoebi te carmine dignum ; Conscia sed metuit, cceptis ingentibus impar. From the Latin of Dr. King upon the Princess picture by J. E. But, lo ! the Heroe meets our wishing eyes. See C s himself in living colours rise ! Such master art seems nature to command, The glowing canvass owns ApelWs hand. What god-like man ! what sweetness mixM with grace ! What vigour flushes in the princely face ! What spirit sparkles in the radiant eyes ! What bold sedateness foes and fiends defies ! O virtue unsubdu'd ! O glorious prince ! Thy fame nor pen nor pencil needs evince. Yet thee, in council sage, in battle strong, Thee, highly worthy our Apollo's song, Thee, undated with the first success, Thee, undetected in the last distress, Thee, fain the Muse would sing, but wise refrains, Unus'd, unequal to exalted strains. Copy of a Letter from a Gentleman in London to ?/ 1603 his Friend at Bath. 1 17 Sept. Sir, — Before I set out for Scotland you may remember you importuned me to make inquiry about several remarkable trans- 1 This letter, which, as will afterwards be seen, is from Bishop Forbes himself, was written with the object of endeavouring to incite the Government to make inquiry into the cruelties in the Highlands. It is printed in Jacobite Memoirs y p. 325 et seq. 1746] LETTER BY BISHOP FORBES 69 actions within a certain memorable period of time, particularly the case of John (Alexander) Fraser, 1 the printed account of which is looked upon by many in England as wild and romantic. In compliance with your repeated desires, I made it my busi- ness to find out the truth, and (woe 's me !) I discovered much more than ever I imagined to have been done. The printed account of John (Alexander) Fraser's case is not only literally true, but likewise there are several remarkable circumstances in his history not yet known in England. I shall endeavour to give you a specimen of my discoveries, such as is consistent with the bounds of a letter, for to give the whole would serve to make up a volume. John (Alexander) Fraser, commonly called Maclver, an officer 16 April, in the regiment commanded by the Honourable the Master of Lovat, was about the beginning of the battle upon Drummossie Muir shot through the knee, and was carried off in the heat of the action to a park wall pointing towards the house of Culloden. Some short time after the battle, he and about / 0 i. 1604. eighteen other wounded officers of the Highland army (who had made their escape towards a small plantation of wood in the neighbourhood of the place where Fraser was lying) were carried to the area of Culloden House, where they remained two days in the utmost torture, wallowing in their own blood, and without any the smallest assistance from physician or surgeon ; but they met with very kind and compassionate treat- ment from one of President Forbes's doers, Mr. Thomas Stewart, who performed acts of beneficence to the wounded in and about the House of Culloden, at the hazard of his own life. Upon the third day, Fraser and his companions were tied with ropes and thrown into carts, and then carried to a park wall at some small distance from Culloden House. There they were dragged out of the carts like dogs by the soldiers, and ranged in order close along the park wall. Then the commanding officer of the party cried to the unhappy gentlemen to prepare for death, and those who had any use of their limbs, fell down upon their knees and began to pray to God for mercy to their poor souls. But alas ! (Horresco referens !) they were scarce allowed any 1 See f. 1239. 70 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 18 April, time for that purpose, for in a minute the soldiers received the foi. 1605. word of command to levell their pieces and to give fire! which was instantly done ; and as they were posted at the distance only of two or three yards from the breasts of the prisoners, they could not well fail to perform the service compleatly. How- ever, that this butchery in cold blood should be performed in the most leisurely way, and to make sure work on't, the com- manding officer gave orders to the soldiers to club their muskets and to dash out the brains of such as were not quite dead ; which accordingly was done to the best of their observation. Most of them expired in an instant, and needed not a knock on the head, but though Mr. Fraser had received a shot, yet he was still in life, which one of the soldiers observing, he struck Fraser on the face with the butt of his musquet, broke the upper part of his nose and cheek bone, dashed out one of his eyes, and left him for dead. All this exactness of procedure proved vain and ineffectual as to Mr. Fraser, who appears to have been pointed out by Heaven not to fall a victim at this time to enfuriate rage and cruelty, but to live a monument of such a deliberate massacre as would make the remotest savages toi. 1606. blush at the infamy. The slaughter thus finished, the soldiers went off and left the dead bodies above ground. Lord Boyd happening to ride out that way, and seeing so many dead bodies, turned his eyes towards them with some attention. One of them he spied at a small distance from the rest, and observ- ing him to be in life, called out to him and desired to know what he was. The poor mangled man answered that his name was John (Alexander) Fraser, and that he had been an officer in the Master of Lovat's regiment. Lord Boyd said he was well acquainted with his colonel, and made an offer of money to him. Mr. Fraser thanked him, and told him he had no use for money, but begged him, for God's sake, to cause his servant either put an end to his miserable life, or carry him to a cottage at a small distance, which he named. The first part of the request was not a little shocking to this young Lord, but he ordered his servant to carry Mr. Fraser to the place he had named, where he lay concealed in the bottom of a kiln for about three months, in which time (under God), with the assistance of his compassionate landlord, he became so well recovered of his 1746] THE CASE OF ALEXANDER FRASER 71 several wounds and bruises, as to be able to step about upon 18 April, crutches, and is still a living object and witness of this interest- foi. 1607. ing dismal narrative I now transmit to you. To render his case still worse and worse, upon returning to his own house, poor Mr. Fraser found his wife and children stript of all they had in the world by the soldiery, and making ready to beg their bread from door to door. What heart is there so steeFd in wickedness as not to drop a tear? But, behold ! admire and adore the wonderful hand of Providence, that brings about unexpected reliefs in the greatest extremities of distress. While Mr. Fraser is sorrowfully viewing the desola- tion of his empty house, and weeping over the miseries of his hungry and starving family, he receives a letter advising him that his wife's brother (a surgeon by profession) had died in France, and by his will, in the hands of trustees in London, had bequeathed to his sister, Mrs. Fraser, upwards of four hundred pounds sterling, which sum Mr. Fraser accordingly received payment of some time in the month of May 1748, from the hands of an attorney in Edinburgh. A most providential and seasonable supply indeed ! and which serves to make out a moderate subsistence for him in his present miserable state of f 0 i. 1608. body, deprived of the use of his limbs, one of his eyes, and being lame too in one of his arms. Upon Thursday, the day after the battle, a party was ordered to the field of battle to put to death all the wounded they should find upon it, which accordingly they performed with the greatest dispatch and the utmost exactness, carrying the wounded from the several parts of the field to two or three spots of rising ground, where they ranged them in due order, and instantly shot them dead. Upon the day following (Friday) parties were ordered to go and search for the wounded in houses in the neighbourhood of the field, to carry them to the field, and there to kill them, which they did, as in the case of John (Alexander) Fraser and his fellow prisoners. To the honour of some particular officers (whom I could name) be it remarked that by their clemency some few of the wounded were saved. John MacLeod of MacLeod, junior, Esquire, has had the 72 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April, honesty and courage to declare oftener than once, that he him- 1609. self saw seventy two killed in cold blood. At a small distance from the field there was a hut for shelter- ing sheep and goats in cold and stormy weather. To this hut some of the wounded men had crawled, but were soon found out by the soldiery, who (immediately upon the discovery) made sure the door, and set fire to several parts of the hut, so that all within it perished in the flames, to the number of between thirty and forty persons, among whom were some beggars, who had been spectators of the battle, in hopes of sharing in the plunder. Many people went and viewed the smothered and scorched bodies among the rubbish of the hut. Sure the poor beggars could not be deemed rebels in any sense whatsoever. In several parts of the Highlands in Scotland the soldiery spared neither man, woman, nor child, particularly those under the command of Major Lockheart, Caroline Scott, etc. The hoary head, the tender mother and the weeping infant, behoved to share in the general wreck, and to fall victims to rage and , T 6io. cruelty by the musquet, the bloody bayonet, the devouring flame, or famishing hunger and cold ! In a word, the troops sported with cruelty. They marched through scenes of woe, and marked their steps with blood. Believe me, Sir, this is far from exaggerating. It is in my power to condescend upon particular instances of these more than Neronian cruelties, which I am ready to do when called upon by proper authority to bring to light, not the hidden things of darkness, but monstrous transactions that were deliberately perpetrated in face of the sun by gentlemen and (shall I say it ?) Christians ! In all I have said, I have omitted one thing, which is that even the yet unborn babe (I tremble to narrate it !) felt the effects of the fury of our military butchers. I am afraid I have been too long upon the gloom, and therefore I shall shift the scene a little, and touch upon some- thing that is farcical, if I dare take upon me to call anything farcical that rubs upon dignities. But if dignities will affront and insult dignities, let them answer for it at whose door the blame lies. . 161 1. When John Fraser, Esquire, the then Lord Mayor (in Scotch 1746] CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT TROOPS 73 — Provost) of Inverness, and the aldermen (attended by Mr. April Hossack, the then late Lord Mayor), went to pay their levee to the Duke of Cumberland, the Generals Hawley and Husk happened to be deliberating and making out orders about slaying the wounded upon the field of battle, etc., Mr. Hossack (a man of humanity, and the Sir Robert Walpole of Inverness, under the direction of President Forbes) could not witness such a prodigy of intended wickedness without saying some- thing, and therefore, making a low bow to the generals, he spoke thus: 'As his Majesty troops have been happily suc- cessful against the rebels, I hope your excellencies will be so good as to mingle mercy with judgment. 1 Upon which this General Hawley bawled out, 4 Damn the puppy ! Does he pretend to dictate here ? Carry him away." Another cried : 4 Kick him out ! Kick him out ! 1 The orders were instantly and literally obeyed, for good Mr. Hossack received kicks upon kicks, and Sir Robert Adair had the honour to give him the last kick upon the top of the stair to such purpose, that Mr. Hossack never touched a single step till he was at the bottom foi. 1612. of the first flat, from which he tumbled headlong down to the foot of all the sjtair, and then was he discreetly taken up and carried to the Provo's guard. A notable reward for zeal, in which Mr. Hossack was warm enough, but with discretion and good nature, as I was informed. But this is not all. Mr. Mayor himself (John Fraser) behoved to have a specimen of their good sense and genteel manners ; for he was taken from dinner at his own table by an officer and some musqueteers with a volley of oaths and imprecations to a stable, and was ordered to clean it instantly upon his peril. Mr. Mayor said he never cleaned his own stable, and why should he clean that of any other person ? After some debate upon the dirty subject, Mr. Fraser was at last indulged the privilege to get some fellows to clean the stable. However, he was obliged to stand a considerable time almost to the ancles in dirt, and see the dirty service performed ! O notable treat- ment of a king's lieutenant ! This singularity of military conduct towards Messrs. Hossack fol 1613. and Fraser is the more amazing as none in Great Britain can be more firmly attached to the present establishment as settled 74 THE LYON IN MOURNING April, in the illustrious House of Hanover than they are. But whether or not, this unaccountable treatment has thrown a dash of lukewarmness into their zeal I shall not take upon me to determine. Had it been my case, I am afraid my zeal would have turned as chill as ice itself. The wanton youngsters in and about Inverness distinguish these two gentlemen by the names of the Kick-provost, and of the Muck or Dirt-provost. Several others who were zealous friends to the Government were thrown into jayl at the same time with Mr. Hossack. Liberty and Property with a witness ! mere empty sounds without a meaning. In the north of Scotland I happened to fall in with a vener- able old gentleman, an honest Whig, who looking me seriously in the face asked if the Duke of Cumberland was not a Jacobite. 4 A Jacobite ! ' said I. 4 How comes that in your head ? ' ' Sure," foi. 1614. re pli e( J the old gentleman, 6 the warmest zealot in the interest of the Prince could not possibly devise more proper methods for sowing the seeds of Jacobitism and disaffection than the Duke of Cumberland did. I wish I could draw a veil over the shocking cruelties and many other illegal doings committed by the army under his command. These I pass over as now too well known for me to insist upon. But what do you think of the unaccountable treatment of Messrs. Hossack and Fraser, and of some other honest whigs who could have hazarded all in support of the present Government ? Above all, what do you think of the return the Lord President of the Court of Session, the sagacious Duncan, met with for all his remarkable services ? Remarkable indeed they were, and yet the utmost scorn and contempt he had in return for them ! When his Lordship was paying his levee to the Duke of Cumberland at Inverness, he thought fit (as it well became his character and station) to make mention of the laws of the country, etc. To which the Duke of Cumberland was pleased to say, " The Laws of the Country, my Lord ! I '11 make a brigade give laws, by foU 1615. G — d!" A plain indication this of a hearty desire to introduce a military government. It was well," continued the old gentle- man, 4 that President Forbes escaped a kicking-bout, as the Duke of Cumberland uses his friends with freedom. For my 1750] A PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY WANTED 75 own part, 1 added he, 6 1 would not wish to be the person that 17 Sept. had received the sage advice of the sagacious Duncan with derision, because it would have been a lasting imputation upon my judgment and discretion. For certain it is that his Lord- ship was a gentleman of very extraordinary and uncommon parts, and had an extensive knowledge of men and books. It was not beneath the dignity of a crowned head to listen to his words. He was one of a very high spirit, and the usage he met with for all his services, joined with the miseries of his country, bore so hard upon him that it is indeed a prevailing opinion among us in Scotland that he died of heart-break. 1 Thus spoke the old honest Scotch Whig, and I must own, I found myself unable to make him any return. I am quite tired with writing, and by the time you come this length I doubt not but you will be tired with reading. For I fbl 1616. know you are not much in concert with long letters. However, I find an inclination to say still some few words more. Do you think, Sir, that the wisdom of the nation could be better employed than in engaging their attention to bring about a Parliamentary inquiry into the uncommon doings that happened to be transacted in Scotland by our gentlemen of the sword in 1746. Sure I am there is much need for such a procedure. Suppose a man to be a rebel, a murderer of father and mother — the most flagitious wretch the sun ever shone upon, yet, I hope, even this very wretch should be put to death only by the laws of the land, and not be knocked in the head instantly without trial, without proof, without doom or law. It is a maxim of wisdom : Better ten guilty escape than one innocent suffer. But, perhaps (through the degeneracy of the times), this is now inverted into a political maxim : Better ten innocent suffer than one guilty escape. If this be our case, then fol. 1617. every free Briton (falsely so called) has reason to lament his condition in sackcloath and ashes. It is an excellent proverb : When our neighbour's house is on fire it is high time to be look- ing to ourselves. Many of our fellow subjects in Scotland have suffered death itself in a most barbarous, illegal manner, and, God knows, how soon we in England may come to feel the same effects of military, lawless power. We have already had a very odd piece of military conduct in Shrewsbury, and how far the 76 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 Sept. frenzy may spread, where is he can tell ? unless a timely stop be put to the prevailing military madness. Woe's me ! that our protectors should so far forget themselves as to become our cut-throats. To make such a parliamentary inquiry, the more disinterested and free of all suspicion of any biass whatsomever on the part of the sufferers, be it humbly proposed that not a single Highlander (those Highlanders only excepted who served under the Duke of Cumberland) should be admitted as a evidence, but let the whole affair be examined into by the affidavits of the Presbyterian parsons in and about Inverness, of the Mayor and Aldermen of Inverness for the year 1746, of 1618. the other inhabitants in Inverness whose firm attachment to the present Establishment can admit of no dispute, of the gentlemen and soldiery that appeared on Drummossie Muir under the command of the Duke of Cumberland, and of the servants of the late Lord President Forbes of Culloden. — I am, Sir, your humble servant, etc. London, September 17th, 1750. N.B. — Leith, Monday morning, 8 o'clock, October 22d 1750. I delivered the original of the preceding letter to Robert Chessor, staymaker in Edinburgh, to be by him carefully transmitted to James Bayne, taylor in the Strand, London. Meantime I ordered the said Chessor to write in his own letter to the said Bayne the following words precisely, of which I gave him an exact copy. ' I now transmit to you much more than you desired, 1 with full liberty from the author to publish it to the world in as prudent and cautious a manner as possible, and in the same form in which you receive it, viz., as a letter from a gentleman in London to his friend at Bath. He bids me assure you that every sentence is strictly and literally true as to the facts mentioned, all which could be proved as 1 Some time in Summer of 1750, the said James Bayne was in Scotland and called for me, Robert Forbes, when we had a conversation about the case of John (Alexander) Fraser, the printed account of which (as he said), met with little credit in England. I told him it was all fact, but that it was by far too short. Then he begged to have a full account of it, and this became the founda- tion of the preceding letter from me. — Robert Forbes, A.M. 1750] THE PRINTING OF THE LETTER 77 clear as the light, and, indeed, much more than he has 22 Oct. said. He expressly forbids you ever to mention his name in the matter to any person whatsomever, and, therefore, you must not let it be known from whom you have the paper. He is desirous that even you yourself should be as little seen in the publication as possible for your own safety whatever may happen, and that any Scoticism in the foi 1619. language may be corrected, but that not a single sentence of what he has said be left out."' Bayne informed Chessor that the paper was published at London some time in the month of February 1750/1. Upon this Chessor writ to Bayne desiring to have some few copies, and at length after writing five or six letters, Chessor received twelve copies (by a private hand) sealed and directed to himself, upon Wednesday, August 21st, 175L Upon Thursday, August 22nd, Chessor waited upon me and delivered to me the said twelve copies, four of which I returned to him, and one I dispatched by him to William Gordon, Bookseller in Edinburgh, in order to have it reprinted there, which accordingly was done, and several hundreds were cast off privately, and as privately Robert Forbes A.M. N.B. — Mr. David Chisholm, Presbyterian minister at Kilmorack in the shire of Inverness, when in Edinburgh at the General Assembly in May 1758, told that said Fraser or Maclver still lives in said parish of Kilmorack, at a place called Wellhouse ; that his name is Alexander and not John ; that the preceeding account of said Fraser was all literally true, as he had seen the printed copy of it ; and that he himself, Mr. Chisholm, is a blood relation to said Alexander Maclver's wife. 1 Robert Forbes, A.M. Lines ft to be placed below the Prince's picture. Composed by f oL l62 °- the Rev. Mr. G. U When Heav'n would form a hero truly great, It often trains him in a sufFring state. 1 See f. 1242. 2 Evidently George Innes. 78 THE LYON IN MOURNING To greatest danger does his life expose, Yet always saves him from his numerous foes. And shews at last to thoughtless, giddy men, That Heaven ne'er works its miracles in vain. An acrostick by the same hand. Make room below ! Here comes a mighty don ! A soul that claims a place near Satan's throne. Crimes of the deepest dye his worth proclaim. Lewd, cowrdly traitor speaks but half his fame. Ev'n bloody monsters held him in disgrace. O Judas ! thou wast painted in his face ! Down with the traitor then with Judas to his place. foi. 162 1. By Dr. King of Oxford upon seeing Miss Flora Mac Donald's Picture. Hie calamo simulata viget pulcherrima Flora, Nata Donaldorum, servatrix Principis. Ilia Per mare, per scopulos, per multa periclaque duxit Mentitum ancillam juvenem, melioribus annis Servatum fato, regnis succurrere avitis. Sic Venus iEneam per devia lustra vagantem Obscuro nebulae, circum dea fudit amictu, Incolumemque altas tulit ad Carthagenis arces. Quae tibi pro tantis non debita ? Semper amata Semper honorata, insignissima Virgo, manebis. Wednesday, November 91st, 1750. — I, Robert Forbes, received a letter from my worthy Donald Roy MacDonald (dated at foi. 1622 Glasgow, November 16th, 1750), which he ended with the following. P.S. Esto memor nobis transmittere, chare Roberte De Carolo quicquid tu novitatis habes. Vale. In forementioned letter he sent me inclosed a Latin poem in his own handwriting, and of his own composing, an exact copy of which is as follows. 1750] DONALD ROY MACDONALD 79 Montanus patriis vestimentis privates, ad libertatem recuperandam 2 i Nov. Scotos hortatur. Haccine libertas toties promissa Britannis, Quae facit ut Vestis nos peregrina tegat ? Vestibus antiquis rutilis spoliamur et armis, Num gens servitium libera tale feret ? Signa sequi nolet miles regalia, qui non Pro victu aut cultu bella cruenta geret. Surge, licet sero, de longo Scotia, somno Clausaque, jamdudum lumina pande, precor. Arma cape intrepide, caesos ulciscere natos ^ oL l6z; Sic tibi libertas est repetenda vetus. Det Deus, in reges veteres tua turpia cernas Crimina, Germanum decutiasque j ugum. N.B. — The originals of the preceeding are to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Leith, Saturday \ December 8th, 1750. — Donald Roy Mac- Donald was with me, Robert Forbes, when he gave me a Latin poem of his own composing, an exact copy of which is as follows. Montanus, arma et braccas deponere coactus, queritur. Ne studeam martis pugnacis munera, ferre Impius oppressor bellica tela vetat. Me, vice braccarum femoralia sumere cogit foi. 1624. Georgius, antiqua ne levitate meem. Hei mihi ! difficile est montanos scandere montes Impedit insolitus nexus utrumque femur. Non mihi per campos vestigia stringere fas est, Lex brevibus gradibus carpere cogit iter. Nulla mihi sexus muliebris blanda videtur Quod dare consuetum gaudia career habet. Leith, Monday, December 10th, 1750. — Donald Roy Mac- Donald was with me, Robert Forbes, when he gave me 80 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1750 10 Dec. a Latin poem of his own composing, an exact copy of which is as follows. Montanus Campbellos, ob fidelitatem erga Georgium, nil mercedis adeptos, irridet. Ingemo, deletae, flammis lanionis et armis Cum patriae miserum mente revolvo statum. Plaudite, Cambelli, lanionia signa secuti, Redditus est vobis quem meruistis, honor. Montani reliqui cultu spoliantur et armis Vestitus 1 vobis armaque ferre datur. fol. 1625. Lex corrupta licet veteres mutavit amictus Mens 2 eadem nobis quae fuit ante, manet. Non procul esse diem spero, quo fulgidus armis Belligeris habitu multicolore tegar. Copy of a Letter from Alexander MacDonald of Kingsborrow to me, Robert Forbes. Rev. Dear Sir, — For fear our acquantance should wear out, I thought fitt to give you this trouble by ane express goeing there, tho 1 I have litle more to say than to acquant you that all your welwishers here are well, except Malcom MaLeod of Brea, who is in such a bad stat of health that I am afrayed he will not gett the better of it. Seeing he was not able to obey your comands, he sent your letter to me in order to be sighted to the new maryed couple, which, you may easily believ, was acceptable to old and young, tho the young folk has the gaity of youthood to cheer them, the old must become spiritless for fol. 1626. many reasons, needless to trouble you with, unless it were in your power to let us partake of the proper medicine, which, if not speedily aplyed, will be of no use to some of us, as I beginn my sixty third tomorow. Old MacKinnon has been very bad, but is now better. I and the great man here are not on speak - 1 Ironice dictum. 2 Vide proverbium, Lupus pilum mutat non mcntem. 1750] MARRIAGE OF FLORA MACDONALD 81 ing terms on acount of the unhallowed letter (which I have 31 Dec. still be me), which, I assure you, gives me no maner of pain. My ribb and I offers you our kind service, as does as my son and daughter. Pray mind us to worthy Lady Bruce, Mr. Rattry and his lady, and Mr. Lader, the surgeon, if you be acquant with him, and all others that will be soe good as enquire for us, and am, with esteem, Reverend Dear Sir, Your most humble servant (Sic subscribitur), Alex. M'Donald. Kingsborow, December Qlst, 1750. I wish you a happy New Year, and many of them, in order to be doing good to the souls and bodys of all true Scotsmen. Copy of a Return to the preceeding Letter. m 1627. My dear Kingsborrow, — Your handwriting of December 31st proved a real cordial to me, especially as I had some anxiety to have agreeable accounts about you and your nearest concerns, though, I must own, the melancholy narrative you give me about honest Malcolm MacLeod served to throw a dash of bitters among my sweets in the perusal of your letter. May God Almighty grant him a happy and speedy recovery, (woe's me !) the faithful are minished from among the children of men. The welfare of the happy pair I heartily rejoice at, and shall be glad to have the like information renewed to me as fre- quently as possible. That match is much to the good liking of all friends and wellwishers, who agree in affirming it to be one of the best judged events of life that could be devised by any sett of honest folks. Pray make an offer of my best wishes, in the kindest manner, to my worthy Mrs. Flora MacDonald, /*/. 1628. and tell her, from me, that I looked for some few lines under her own hand to let me know her marriage day, which I and some others are quite ignorant about. I am glad to find that your birth proved to be a new years gift, which has turned out to be so in more senses than one. And though you be advancing well in age, yet may God grant vol. in. F 82 THE LYON IN MOURNING [175 1 18 Jan. y OU to see many happy and agreeable returns of your birthday, and that you may live to see your children's children at their own firesides in health and prosperity, and then your gray hairs will go with joy to the grave. I most earnestly wish it were in my power to apply the proper medicine. In that event you should have a fair chance for renewing your age. Sometime ago I writ to Dr. Burton accounts of your son's marriage, upon which he writ me the following words. ' I heartily wish my worthy Flora as happy as it is possible to fol. 1629. be on this side the grave, and that she may live to see her children's children so too ; and also peace upon Israel, which God grant that we may soon see and we be saved. Amen.' Honest old Nestor ! I am glad to hear of his recovery. May he live to enjoy all he wishes and all he wants, and to have a son and heir to chear his heart in his old days. I truly deem you at no loss in not conversing with a certain notorious, grand etc., for there is neither comfort nor credit in conversing with those whose hearts are steel'd in wickedness and treachery. For God's sake, take care of a certain extra- ordinary letter, and let it not depart out of your family, for (besides other considerations) it may prove of no small use to you and yours in a certain event. Pray will you favour me with an exact and faithful copy of said letter, which I solemnly promise to preserve as a dead secret till a proper and season- foi. 1630. able opportunity shall offer of bringing to light the mysteries of iniquity and the hidden works of darkness. All friends here join with me in wishing all things good and happy to you and Mrs. MacDonald, the young pair, and Mr. aud Mrs MacAllastar, and in praying that all of you may enjoy a happy and prosperous year with large amends. What is become of Donald MacLeod's family, and what are they doing ? I have a respect for them all upon account of that honest old cock, now in eternity, the faithful Palinurus. With great sincerity and esteem, I ever am, My Dear Sir, Your most faithful friend and humble servant, Donald Hatebreeks. Floradale, January ISth, 1751. P.S. — Pray, how does the worthy Armadale ? Make my 175 1] THE LAIRD OF MACLEOD'S LETTER 83 good wishes acceptable to him and his nearest friend, Mac- i8jan. Kinnon and his lady, the family of Rasay, etc. etc. etc. May they all be as happy as I wish them. Adieu. N.B. — The original letter from Kingsborrow is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Wednesday morning (twixt 8 and 9 o'clock), March 6th, 1751, foi. 1631. I waited upon Mr. MacDonald of Kingsborrow, senior, at his quarters in the Canongate, when (among other things) he told me that the Laird of MacLeod had complained to one Lieu- tenant MacDonald (a relation of Kingsborrows) that he (Mac- Leod) had been ill used by Kingsborrow in that Kingborrow would not deliver up to him the original letter, nor give him a copy of it ; for that he MacLeod had forgot what he had written in that letter. Lieutenant MacDonald said he was persuaded that the Laird behoved to be mistaken as to Kings- borrow's giving a copy of said letter to the Laird himself, and accordingly engaged to procure a copy, to which the Laird agreed. Soon after Lieutenant MacDonald brought a copy of the letter from Kingsborrow's own hands to the Laird of Mac- Leod, who perused it with great attention and expressed him- self in these or the like words, c I have never seen a genuine copy of the letter till now, and I believe this to be a genuine copy indeed ; but O ! this is the devil of a letter ! this is the M 1632. devil of a letter ! At the same time Kingsborrow declared that the copy which was handed about was not genuine, but that it con- tained the substance of the original, though the original was still worse. He refused to give me a copy of the letter, because (as he said) he was unwilling to give any offence to several worthy persons who were connected with the Laird of MacLeod ; and withal he positively declared that he had never given a copy of the letter to any person whatsomever, but that some person or other from perusing the original letter with attention and leisure had endeavoured to draw out a copy from strength of memory, which came far short of the original letter. Kingsborrow gave me a most wretched character of the Laird of MacLeod in more instances than one. 84 THE LYON IN MOURNING 6 March He informed me that his (i.e. KingsboroughV) son and Flora MacDonald were married at Armadale in Sky, upon Tuesday, November 6th, 1750. 1 Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1633. Monday ', April %%?id, 1751. — Alexander MacDonald (Dalely's brother) 2 made me, Robert Forbes, a visit, when he put into my hands the four folio pages all in his own hand- writing, an exact copy of which is as follows. 3 April Upon the 3d of April 1746, Lieutennant Thomas Brown, an 1746 Irish gentleman with a command of 80 men, did sail with a tender from the Baltimore man of war by Captain Fergusons order, which layed then at the harbour of Lochnadaal at Sky, at whose end Lord Loudon had a camp then, came to the haven of Canna, and after sending for James M'Donald, bailie of the Island, and uncle to Glenaladal, told him he was sent by Captains Ferguson and Dove for some fresh beef and mutton, vizt., 20 fat cows and so many wedders. The gentleman asking his orders was answered he woud show him noe commission of that kind, but if he would not present his demands without further controul he would take them brevi manu. He had 60 armed men at his heels ; the flower of the Islanders was with foi. 1634. the Prince ; soe that the bailie judged it safer both for himself and inhabitants to grant his request, and consequently sent off to the meadows for the above number of cattle, and took them up in proportion to the number of the tenements the Isle con- sisted of. But being wind-bound for 4 days in Canna harbour, behold ! they complained to the said bailie the beef of the cattle slaughtered stunk, and that the country should give them the same number over again. The bailie reckoned this both unjust 1 Her husband was Allan MacDonald, then a Captain in the 84th regiment. They lived at Flodigary till 1766 when Kingsburgh died, then removed to Kings- burgh, but in 1775 emigrated to North Carolina. The War of Independence, however, breaking out, involved them in much trouble, and at its close they returned to Skye, where Flora died on 5th March 1790. See ff. 265, 701, 793, 851. 2 Ste f. 576. I ; 4 6] RAIDS ON THE ISLE OF CANNA 85 and cruel, and that it was enough for the poor inhabitants to A P ril gratify him of what they received already. Upon which the officer was petted and said with a rage he knew where and by whom he woud be served. He meant Laaig's cattle, whom he heard was in the Prince's army. So he hurls away his 60 armed men, gathers all the cattle of the Isle into a particular creek, shot 60 of the best dead, threw the old beef overboard and woud not allow the poor distressed owners to finger a gobbet of it, no, not a single tripe of the first or former. 40 of the last cattle belonged to Laaig, 20 to the tennants. Captain Duff and f° l > 1635. Captain Ferguson aboard the Commodore came again a little, or about the 15 of April, harrass'd all the Isle, and at a certain night when they became fully acquaint through all the country, they (I mean all the young luxurious men among them) com- bined to make ane attack upon all the girls and young women in all the Isle marryed or otherwise. But a certain marine who had some grains of Christian principles about him advertised the whole, and was obliged to climb and hide themselves in grottos and in the hollow of hideous precipices that were somewhat unaccessable, which rescued them from the unhumanity of those libidinous hounds. A certain company of them came to execute their sensuality into a certain family, Evan More Maclsaac, his house, from which fled two girls, the landlord's daughters. Their mother who was fifty years old, worn with sickness and within a month of her time, stayed at home as dreading noe danger of that sort. But they missing their aim and geting f oL l6 3 6 - none of the females within a houseroof but that poor creature, they setts a strong guard with drawn swords upon the door of her house, fettered her husband in order to quench their concupis- cence on his spouse. Providence favourd the creature so far that she wonn out through the guard, and the darkness of the night concurrd to make her rescue. For they got out in pur- suit of her in a great hurry, and 12 of them was at her heels, when she meeting and sinking down into the very depth of a quaggmire, they leaps over her believing she was still before them. The poor woman contented herself to continue there all the night, till she understood they were all back to their ships. But then she was so much afflicted with the rigour of the cold, and she being bigg with child, turned ill, aborted and 86 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April died next night. The rest continued their sculking in a starv- ing condition till the men of war saiPd off. After the battle of Culloden was hard fought, Captain Dove and Captain Fergu- sone went to Canna successively and committed several branches foi. 1637. of cruelty upon the poor people, wanting them to inform them of the Prince or any of his officers. After General Campbell turned back from the search of his Royal Highness from the Western Coast, he calls at Canna, and hurls away the honest bailie prisoner into his ship without allowing him to speak for himself, or as much time as to shift himself or take leave of his wife. At this stretch he was brought the length of Horse- shoe in the shire of Argil e, from Horseshoe was brought back to Canna. Then he believed he would be liberate, but instead thereof they caus'd 40 of his cows to be slaughtered, would not permit him as much liberty as goe ashore to take leave of his wife or children, or to bring his cloaths with him, but brought him prisoner to London where he continued upwards of 12 month, notwithstanding of Loudon's protection in his pocket. 20 June Sometime about the 20th of June 1746, Captain Duff went, foi. 1638. ^ orders of his superiour officer, to the Island of Eigg in the shire of Inverness, of Clanrannald's property, for executing the disarming act ; called the inhabitants into one place, and were strictly charged to carry with them all their arms upon their peril. They conveend, delivered up some arms, but got onely recepts for them. The poor people afterwards looked on them- selves out of the reach of any danger. But then some weeks thereafter, Captains Ferguson and Duff went to Eigg to look after one Captain John MacDonald, commonly called Doctor, brother to the late Kinlochmoydoirt, whom they heard to be under covert in the Isle. After examining some of the inhabit- ants to that purpose, they stifly denyed the Captain to be there with their knowledge. With this they sends about 100 men, divided into small corps, in search of him. One Mr. Daniel MacQueen, minister of the Gospell at the Isle of Rum, happend to be then at Eigg, being a parte of his parish, and foi. i6 39 . was D0 th agent and interpreter 'twixt the inhabitants and the enemie. He, Mr. MacQueen, well knew the very place where MacDonald was hiding himself, and understood by reason of the 1746] PROCEEDINGS IN THE ISLAND OF EIGG 87 narrow scrutiny they were resolved to make after him, they June would fish him out. Therefore he goes himself in person where he was, and, after explaining him the danger he was under, prevailed with him to surrender and yield himself prisoner to Captain Fergusone. Accordingly he did. He was first well us'd. But behold the unluckiness of the poor Eigg people ; for one of the party that was traversing the country back and for- ward, glens and mountains, found out so many stands of arms that they reserved for their own use. Captain Ferguson did not seem to be much disobliged at this ; but reflected that, notwithstanding what they formerly delivered him, they still reserved their full compliment. However, he bespeaks Captain foi. 1640. MacDonald, the doctor, and earnestly desires him, for the poor people's own safety and good of the country, he shoud call them all and perswad them to come in, the whole inhabitants with their whole arms of all kinds, and that he woud give them full protections for both their persons and effects that woud save them against any future danger : otherwise, and if they shoud not come in heartily, all of them come to the years of dis- cretion and to the age of bearing arms, he woud immediately (after elapsing of such an hour of the day) cause his men burn all their houses, destroy all their cattle and carry the whole men away. Mr. MacQueen advises Captain MacDonald to send for the men with the remainder of their arms in the terms spoken by Ferguson. He sends some dozen of lads for them. They were seen comeing in a body. Immediatly Ferguson ordered Captain MacDonald to be seizd upon and made prisoner fit- l6 4 I - of, brought into a house to be confined thereto for ane hour. The men laid down their arms, such of them as had any. The few old people that came among them were picked out and dismist home. Then Captain MacDonald was brought out of the house, was stript of all his cloaths to the skin, even of his shoes and stockins, brought aboard the Furnace, barisdalFd in a dark dungeon. And to the poor people's additional mis- fortune, there was a devilish paper found about him, containing a list of all the Eigg folk that were in the Princes service. Then that catalogue was read by their patronimicks in the name of giving the promised protection, which ilk one answered cheerfully, and was drawn out into another rank, so that there 88 THE LYON IN MOURNING foi. 1642 were noe fewer than 38 snatched aboard the man of war, were June brought to London, from thence transported to Jamaica, where the few that lives of them continue slaves as yet. Many of them dyed and starved ere they arrove at the Thames. The most of them were marryed men, leaving throng families behind them. They slaughtered all their cattle, pillaged all their houses ore they left the isle, and ravished a girl or two. This relation I had from the bailie of Canna and the bailie of Eigg. N.B. — The original of the above, in the handwriting of the forementioned Alexander MacDonald, is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1643. Three Epitaphs upon, etc. Here lies FredVick the Silly. I M rather it had been Willie. The whole generation Woud been no loss to the nation. But since God 's ta'en the best, May the D 1 take the rest. March 20th, 1751. Had I ten thousand pens and ink, Had I ten thousand brains to think, All I can think, all I can say, Is that Prince Frederick died this day. The Oxford Aloa 1 liv'd and died ; Then let another plant be tried. To mourn too long nothing avails ; Give us another Prince of Wales. Forgive our sins, Lord ! Bless the Nation ! And send a speedy restauration. A remarkable tree. — F. 175 1] EPITAPHS ON PRINCE FREDERICK 89 Here lies within this sacred place (Have mercy, Lord ! upon him !) A weasel in a leaden case, Exempt from human plagues, unless You lay his brother on him. And yet, methinks, 'tis odd that he Should be so long deserted. Death ! canst thou longer cruel be, Since all good people do agree 1r Tis pity they were parted ? I, Robert Forbes, had a letter from Donald Roy MacDonald, foi 1644. dated at Fort William, May 15th, 1751, in which he sent me inclosed a Latin poem, an exact copy of which is as follows : In Fredericum Germanum Principem Epitaphium. Vermibus Angligenis Germani corpus edendum, Hie procul a patria gleba Britanna tegit, Georgii erat natus, frater lanionis iniqui, Est tamen in dubio quis fuit ejus avus. Desidia totam vitam tenebrisque peregit Iste, boni pariter nescius atque mali. Cum per lustra novem gereret nil Principe dignum, Insipido melior non nebulone fuit. Sunt qui non dubitant atro periisse veneno, Id quaque Germano fratre fuisse datum. Ut tulit hunc ; patrem, patris cunctosque nepotes, Trans Stygium fluvium Mors properata ferat. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Memorandum for Mr. Alexander foL 1645. MacDonald (Dalelys brother), given by me, Robert Forbes, June 10th, 1751. 1. To try if Clanranald will favour a friend with a copy of that journal which he kept of the hardships and cruelties used 90 THE LYON IN MOURNING [175 1 10 June against himself and the other prisoners while on board the ships, etc. 2. To put Glenalladale and Boradale's sons in mind to draw out an exact and circumstantial account of all the pillagings and plunderings, burnings, and other cruelties committed in and about their bounds, being a thing much wanted. To find out, if possible, the true history of Rhoderick Mackenzie's death, a thing earnestly desired. 3. To make out as exact and compleat a list as possible of the names of the several Episcopal ministers in the Highland parishes upon the continent and in the Isles, at the Revolu- tion, as to the following classes : — 1st. Which of them were put or thrust out of their charges. foi. 1646. %d\y. Which of them kept their kirks, and by what means, whether by interest of friends, without qualifying or turning Presbyterian, or by qualifying and continuing Episcopal, or by qualifying and turning Presbyterian. N.B. — A copy of the preceeding third article, about the Episcopal Clergy at the Revolution, I transmitted to Alexander MacDonald of Kingsborrow, in the Isle of Sky, and another of the same to Malcolm MacLeod of Brea, in Rasay, upon Saturday, August 31st, 1751, by young Rasay's servant. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1647. Monday afternoon, July %%d, 1751. — I, Robert Forbes, was favoured with a visit of Donald Cameron of Glenpean, with whom Donald MacDonald, taylor in Edinburgh, came along. I talked over with him his part of The Escape, and he declared my information had been good and exact. 23 July He said that Glenalladale accidentally saw him coming 1746 through the mist, 1 and made directly up to him (Donald Cameron), and thereby preventing his missing the Prince, 1 See f. 608. 1746] DONALD CAMERON AND THE PRINCE 91 which otherwise would have happened ; that the precipice (at 25 July the top of which the Prince slipped a foot) was so very high that the Prince would unavoidably have been dead before he could have tumbled to the foot of it, had not he (Donald Cameron) catched hold of him, 1 which he did only with one hand, being obliged to grip fast by the heath with the other hand to preserve the Prince and himself from tumbling head- long down together, and to cry to Glenalladale to haste him down to their relief ; which Glenalladale accordingly did, and assisted Donald Cameron in recovering the Prince. Donald foi. 1648. Cameron likewise said that the story about the yuicking of his nose was very exact, as I had got it from Macpherson of Breackachie, 2 and that one day sculking on the side of a hill and happening to spy the military and the Campbells driving away some of his own cattle, he said to the Prince, 4 Does your Royal Highness see yon ? Yonder are they driving away my cattle. 1 4 How many cattle may you have ? ' said the Prince ; 4 500 or 400 ? ' 6 No, not so many," replied Donald, 4 only about two or 300. 1 6 Well, 1 said the Prince, 4 1 am sorry to see this. But keep up a good heart, Donald ; I hope to see you yet taking five for one from the Campbells.' This speech from Prince pleased Donald Cameron very much. Donald said he was only six or seven days with the Prince in his sculking, and that the Prince had been a night or two in his house at Glen- pean in his way to Boradale after the battle of Culloden. Donald Cameron alledged he had the best evidence in Europe to prove the taking away of his cattle, as the Prince was look- foi. 1649. ing on and them driven away by the enemy. After talking over the part he had acted in the Escape, I 22 July asked if any friends in and about Edinburgh had taken any 1/51 notice of him. To which Donald Cameron very modestly answered, 4 No. Nobody has taken any notice of me. I did nothing worth anybody's taking notice of me. I have used freedom with none but with yourself.'' Upon this I said 'twas pity he should not be taken notice of by friends, and importuned him to dine with me on the next Monday, July 29th, when he would have his business at a 1 See f. 1449. 2 See f. 1474. 92 THE LYON IN MOURNING 22 July period for that session, and that I would employ my thoughts about him till he should make me the second visit. But I could not prevail upon him to give me a promise, even though his companion, Donald MacDonald, seconded me in my im- portunity, the honest worthy still insisting that he had done nothing worthy of notice, and that he longed much to be at home again with the wife and the bairns, and therefore he foi. 1650. would immediately set out for home when he had got his witnesses examined in his process before the Court of Session. Upon Friday, July 26th, I was in Edinburgh, and once more took an opportunity of begging Donald Cameron, in a very earnest manner, to be with me on the Monday following, assuring him that I had devised a scheme for him which would make him better known, and would fetch him as much at least as might bear his charges home. But still he modestly refused. I then had recourse to Donald MacDonald, expressly desiring him to keep sight of Donald Cameron, and to be sure to con- duct him down to Leith the Monday following, to dine with me, which accordingly was done. 29 July Upon Monday, July 29th, 1751, I gave Donald Cameron several letters, which I desired him to deliver out of his own hand to the persons for whom they were severally addressed. Copy of a Letter to Mr. W illiam Gordon, Book- seller, at his shop in the Parliament Close, Edinburgh. Sir, — I am sorry I miss'd seeing you on Friday last at your own shop, when I intended to converse with you upon the subject of this letter, which will be delivered to you by that remarkable man, Donald Cameron of Glenpean, the personal conductor of the Prince through the chain of camps, and con- sequently (with great truth it may be said) through his greatest dangers. I should be sorry if this worthy should be allowed to go out of Edinburgh without some small acknowledgment of his merit, which is not the less by his being a most modest, disinterested person ; for when I made an offer of some small present to him, I behoved to press it upon him before he would 175 1] DONALD CAMERON OF GLENPEAN 93 accept of it. Besides he is engaged in a just and well-founded 29 July plea before the Lords against some of the Campbells, which I am afraid may turn out to his loss, as it serves to empty his light purse without any great view of reimbursement. This hint, I am persuaded, is sufficient to prevail upon you to try your interest with friends in Edinburgh in behalf of this truly heroic man ; and did I not imagine that hereby I afford you a pleasure, I assure you I should not have given you the trouble of this. He brings along with him a voucher, 1 who knows foi. 1652. him personally, and whose assertion in this matter you may rely upon. After making a proper use of this, pray commit it to the flames, and thereby oblige, Sir, your humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, July Z9th, 1751. N.B. — After sealing, having got notice that the said Mr. Gordon had lately set out upon a jaunt into England, I writ below the seal the following : N.B. — Let this be made open by the Revd. Mr. William Harper, if Mr. William Gordon shall happen to be from home. Accordingly the letter was made open by the said Mr. Harper, who shewed much civility and kindness to Donald Cameron, and introduced him to several persons, who were generous and liberal to him, as Mr. Harper himself was. At the same time I gave Donald Cameron letters for Mr. William MacDougal, wine merchant in Edinburgh, and for Mrs. Christian Cochran, at her house in Edinburgh, both foi. 1653. written much in the same strain with the preceding one to Mr. William Gordon. Mrs. MacDougal, and Mrs. Cochran were likewise generous and kind to Donald Cameron, and made several persons know about him. I likewise gave Donald Cameron a letter for Mr. John Rattray, surgeon, at his house, foot of Foulis's Close, Edin- burgh, an exact copy of which is as follows : Sir, — Forgive the freedom of this address in favours of the 1 The foresaid Donald MacDonald, taylor. 94 THE LYON IN MOURNING 29 July bearer, Donald Cameron of Glenpean, the personal conductor of the Prince through the chain of camps, and consequently through his greatest dangers. He is engaged in a just and well-founded plea before the Lords against some of the Camp- bells, and has pitched upon Mr. Lockheart to plead his cause. But so bashful he is that he cannot think of informing Mr. Lockheart about the above particular of his history. How- ever, says he, 4 1 could with freedom inform Carnwath about it foi. 1654. could I see him by any recommendation.' For this end, Sir, it is that I give you the trouble of this, as Mr. Cameron tells me that Carnwath's son (with the oldest Lochiel) lodged in his house four nights after the battle of Culloden ; and this he assigns as the reason why he could use such freedom with Carnwath. A few lines from you will serve to introduce him to Carnwath, and, if you judge it proper, you may transmit this in one inclosed from yourself to that gentleman. For well did I know all Mr. Cameron's history as to the escape long before I ever had the pleasur of seeing him, and my infor- mation proceeded from the best hand, MacDonald of Glenalla- dale, who procured Donald Cameron to do the important deed, * which, 1 to use his own words, ' was a little difficult to do. 1 He brings along with him a voucher who knows him per- sonally, and whose word you may rely upon, for I have experi- enced his fidelity before this time. To you and yours I heartily wish well. foi. 1655. After making a proper use of this order it to the flames, and oblige, Sir, your affectionate humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, July 29th, 1751. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers, for Carnwath returned it to me in a cover from himself. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of Mr. Rattray's Letter to George Lock- hart of Carnwath, Esq., at Dry den. Dear Sir, — I send you the inclosed by Mr. Cameron, who brought it to me himself this morning. I make no doubt but 175 1] ASSISTANCE FOR DONALD CAMERON 95 you will comply with his request, as you have always shown 30 July your self very ready to assist people oppressed and in distress. I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant (Sic subscribitur), John Rattray. Edinburgh, Tuesday, 11 d clock forenoon. N.B. — The originall of the above was likewise returned to me from Carnwath, and I gave it to Mrs. Rattray, who committed it to the flames in sight of l6 5 6 - Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Letter from Carnwath to me, Robert Forbes. Revered Sir, — I have seen your friend here, and shall do him every service in my power. But to be honest with you, my brother needs not spur when honesty calls on him to assist in a just cause. Yet Mr. Cameron shall not suffer from my not telling my brother all his titles to our assistance. — I am, Reverend Sir, Your most humble servant (Sic subscribitur), G. Lockhart. August 2, 1751. If any collection is making throw in the enclosed guinea for me. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Letter to Mr. Donald Cameron of Glenpean. Dear Sir, — I am sorry I had not the favour of seeing you //. ^57. once more before your going from Edinburgh, especially as I have in my hands a guinea and a half for your use, which you may command when you please. I had the guinea from Carnwath and the half-guinea from my Lady Bruce. If you desire any person to call for the cash, pray fail not to send me a letter under your own hand with that person. I am glad it is in my power to assure you with great truth 96 THE LYON IN MOURNING 26 Aug. that Carnwath has spoke earnestly to his brother upon your account, and that nothing will be omitted to make out your process to your own hearts content, which I pray God to bring about. Make my respectful compliments acceptable to the worthy Glenalladale and his family. To you and all your concerns I heartily wish all things good and happy, and most sincerely am, my dear Donald, your firm friend and humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, August 26th, 1751. foi. 1658. Copy of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, from the said Donald Cameron and his co-plaintiff in the process. Glendessary, 1st October 1751. Reverend Sir, — We have been favoured with yours some time ago, and we are infinitly oblidged to you for the care you have taken of our affairs, and returns you our most dutiful thanks ; and we beg of you and acquaint Mr. Lockhart that we are singularly oblidged to him, and wherein we can serve him that we are always ready. Or wherein we may be deficient we hope sometime or other (will thank and reward not only him but all friends). Some people who cannot at present make the due returns that their inclination is well known to you. The post going off you '11 hear further from us very soon. And we are, Reverend Sir, Your much oblidged humbell servants, (Sic subscribitur), Donald Cameron. Alex. M'Phie. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1659. N.B. — Friday, September 27th, 1751. — I, Robert Forbes, was dining with my Lady Bruce in her own house in the Citadel, the Revd.Mr. William Law, Dr. John Clerk of Edinburgh, and my wife being in company. My Lady Bruce happening to turn the conversation upon the Duke 175 1] NARRATIVE BY PATRICK GRANT 97 of Cumberland and President Forbes, Dr. John Clerk said 27 Sept. that the Duke had a very odd unlucky expression when in Inverness, which made him very low in the opinion of many, and it was this that when the Duke spoke of the President he used to say 4 that old woman that talked to me about humanity.'' Robert Forbes, A.M. Leith, Friday, October 18th, 1751. — At my own house by ten foi. 1660. o'clock forenoon, taken down from the mouth of Patrick Grant (commonly called Black Peter of Craskie), one of the famous Glenmoriston men, Donald MacDonald, taylor in Edinburgh, being interpreter, as the said Patrick Grant could speak nothing but Erse. Patrick Grant agreed exactly in the names of the Glen- moriston men as given me by Major MacDonald of Glenalla- dale, 1 and moreover told me that the first seven of them had, after the battle of Culloden, entred into an association (by oath) of offence and defence against the Duke of Cumberland and his army (he and the Laird of Grant having betrayed so many of their countrymen upon giving up their arms) 2 never to yield, but to die on the spot, never to give up their arms, and that for all the days of their lives. That Alexander MacDonald (MackDonell) and Alexander Chisholm are now dead, and that Macmillan did come accidentally upon them as narrated foi. 1661. by Glenalladale and did enter with them into the same association. 3 Patrick Grant said they used to call the Prince for certain Dougald MacCullonoy, the better to conceal him. This rectifies a mistake of memory in Glenalladale. 4 Then I began to read such parts of Glenalladale's Journal as I knew Patrick Grant to be interested in, he having been an eyewitness of what was narrated therein, in which parts Patrick Grant agreed, but telling moreover that when the Prince, Glenalladale, and those with him came towards their cave 1 See f. 1452. 2 See f. 312. 3 See f.1679. 4 See f. 1452. VOL. III. G 98 THE LYON IN MOURNING J ul y. there were only three of them together, viz., John MacDonald, alias Campbell, Alexander MacDonald (MackDonell) and Alexander Chisholm, the other four being out a foraging, or providing provisions for the whole company. 1 These three, well knowing the Prince, were sorry to see him in that condition, and immediately complied with taking an oath of fidelity and secrecy at the Prince's own desire, which oath was administred fol. 1662. by Glenalladale in the following or like dreadful terms, ' That their backs should be to God and their faces to the Devil ; that all the curses the Scriptures did pronounce might come upon them and all their posterity if they did not stand firm to the Prince in the greatest dangers, and if they should discover to any person, man, woman, or child, that the Prince was in their keeping, till once his person should be out of danger, etc." Which * oath they most sacredly observed, never once mentioning that the Prince had been among their hands till about a twelve- month after he had set sail for France. The Prince and Glenalladale, etc., got a refreshment of whiskie and mutton, butter and cheese, but no bread from the above three. Next day the other four (who likewise knew the Prince at first sight) came with their purchase, being a dead deer which they had shot, and an ox in life which they slaughtered in the fol. 1663. Prince's presence. But they had got no bread yet. Upon this meeting the four took the same oath with the three, and when Macmillan joined them afterwards (about two weeks) he likewise took the same oath of fidelity and secrecy. It is remarkable that the Prince and Glenalladale, much pleased with the resolute behaviour and firmness of the Glen- moriston men made an offer (which was indeed first suggested by the Prince himself) to take a like oath of fidelity to them, viz., 6 that if danger should come upon them they would stand by one another to the last drop of their blood. 1 But the Glen- moriston men refused to take any oath at all of the Prince and Glenalladale. Upon this the Prince said that they were the first privy council that had been sworn to him since the battle of Cullo- 1 See ff. 623, 1451, 1690, 1777- 1746] AMONG THE GLENMORISTON MEN 99 den, and that he should never forget them or theirs if ever he J ul y came to his own. Upon which some of the Glenmoriston men hinted to the Prince that a Churchman (a Popish priest) who used to come among them in their own country frequently had fol. 1664. told them that King Charles the Second after his restauration was not very mindful of his friends. The Prince said he was very heartily sorry for that, but that he hoped he himself would not follow the same measures, and that they might depend upon his word as the word of a Prince. 1 Patrick Grant affirmed he was very sure that the Prince came to them about eight days before Lammass, for that he minds nothing better than that they took a hearty drink at the beginning of that quarter of the year, and that the Prince had been with them some days before that. This rectifies (among others) Glenalladale's mistakes as to dates [See his Journal throughout from beginning to end] and shews that I, Robert Forbes, am pretty right in the draught of dates I gave to John Finlayson for his map, which map see. F. 625 Coirmheadhain — Patrick Grant called this place by the name of Coirskreaoch, no less romantic indeed, said he, than fol 1665. the former cave. F. 626. Left two and not one (Alexander MacDonald [Mack Donell] and Alexander Chisholm) to watch Campbell's motions. F. 627. Climbed a hill (says Patrick Grant) called Peinachy- rine, which hill will be about 40 miles (i.e. Highland miles) from Polliew, that part in Seaforth's country which the Prince was desirous to be at. This hill Peinachyrine, is the farthest place in the North that the Prince was at towards Polliew. 2 F. 629. When returned to Glenmoriston Braes the Prince was pretty positive to proceed forward sooner than the Glenmoriston men thought it safe for him, and they would by no means allow him to go till they should think it safe for him so to do. In a word the kind contention ran so high that they threatened to turn their backs upon him and to leave him if he did not listen to their counsel, as they knew the country best and what danger might happen to him in it ; and immediately insisted upon his taking some 1 See f. 917. 2 See f. 1617. 100 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 July little refreshment and rest, and staving there as long as they foi. 1666. judged it safe for him. But the Prince refused to eat or to drink because they would not do as he desired. Upon this they plainly told him that if he did not eat and drink heartily he could not well hold out with the fatigues he was obliged to undergo in his present situation ; that if he should happen to turn faintish by abstaining from meat and drink too long and then danger should come nigh them, he would not be in a con- dition, either to get away from it, or to act his part in any shape so well as he would wish to do. And therefore they urged him more than ever (as being absolutely necessary for him) to take some refreshment and rest, which accordingly he did. The Prince said, 6 1 find kings and princes must be ruled by their privy council, but I believe there is not in all the world a more absolute privy council than what I have at pre- sent, etc. They added they had rather tie him than comply with him, so well did they know his danger. The Prince was at last obliged to yield the point, as he found them positive to the last degree, and as they assured him, if he complied with foi. 1667. their requests in behalf of his safety, the enemy should not get within two miles of them without being discovered. This was the only time, said Patrick Grant, that we ever differed with the Prince in any one thing, and we were verv sorry for it. When at this time in the Braes of Glenmoriston, Patrick Grant and Alexander Chisholm one day were set out a foraging and happened accidentally to meet with the Laird of Glen- moriston, who asked them many questions, viz., ' Where they now lived, as they were now seldom seen ? What were they doing and how they made purchase for sustenance, etc. ? What is become of the Prince (said he) as I have heard that he has passed the Braes of Knoydart,' etc. ' 1 wish, 1 added he, 6 if he came this way that I might know of it, for he should be taken good care of. 1 But as to all this they kept Glenmoriston much in the dark and w r ould not at all acknowledge that they knew anything about the Prince or his motions, etc., ' that as the enemy were pillaging and plundering the country it were pity not to share in the spoil, upon part of which they made a shift foi. 1668. to live rather than that the enemy should have all,' etc. 1746] THE PRINCE AND HIS PRIVY COUNCIL 101 Upon their return to the Prince and his small retinue, they July informed him exactly what had pass'd between them and the Laird of Glenmoriston, assuring the Prince withal that they had not revealed the smallest thing to Glenmoriston about him or his motions, but that if the Prince pleased they would fetch Glenmoriston to him, he being a faithful and trusty friend. The Prince said he was so well pleased with his present guard, that he wanted none other, and that he had experienced poor folks to be as faithful and firm as any men, rich or high, could be. F. 633. Patrick Grant was the one who shot the hart, Alexander MacDonald (MackDonell) now dead, being then with him. All their provisions now consisted of this hart and half a peck of meal. They sometimes had salt. F. 637. The Glenmoriston men (Patrick Grant 1 excepted, who stayed with the Prince till he set out for Badanoch to find out Lochiel and Cluny MacPherson), were dismist three days before Glenalladale was sent off to the West coast to look out for ships. N.B. — Having gone through all the parts of Glenalla- dale's Journal in which Patrick Grant had any knowledge foi. 1669. or concern, I then began to read such parts of Mr. John Cameron's Journal as consisted with the knowledge of the said Patrick Grant, upon which he made the following observations and remarks. Patrick Grant affirmed that they were not within seven miles of Glenstrathferrar, in which he cannot well fail to be right, as he himself was then with the Prince, and Mr. John Cameron was not, who therefore tells this part only from hearsay or con- jecture. The man's name was, indeed, John MacPherson, alias MacColvain, a tenant of LochieFs (said Patrick Grant) as given by MacPherson of Breakachie. 1 F. 174. True of the Prince's long beard and dress, etc. F. 175. Trueof the bread from Fort Augustus or Killywheeman. 'The Prince had a good appetite, 1 said Patrick Grant, ' and we all sate in a circle when eating and drinking, every one having his morsel on his own knee, and the Prince would never 1 See f. 1546. 102 THE LYON IN MOURNING July allow us to keep off our bonnets when in his company.' The fol. 1670. p r j nce use j sometimes to roast his own meat, and sometimes to give directions about the homely cookery, taking a bit now and then from off the speet while roasting. F. 176. In the wood of Torvauilt it was that the Prince 1 had the interview with the two French officers (said Patrick Grant) whose names he has forgot. F. 177. The alarm was true, but by whom given Patrick Grant remembers not. F. 179. The Prince when about crossing the water of Lochy in going down the country to Lochiel and Cluny MacPherson, ordered MacDonald (MackDonell) of Lochgary to give some money to Patrick Grant for himself and the other Glenmoriston men. For Patrick Grant had been kept purposely (after his com- panions had been dismist) till the Prince should have some money to gratifie his Glenmoriston guard. Lochgary accordingly gave Patrick Grant twenty four guineas, being three guineas fol. 1671. j. Q gg^h Q f them, and then Patrick Grant took his leave of the Prince and his company at the side of the water of Lochy and instantly made off to the Braes of Glenmoriston to share in the fortune of his own associates. N.B. 2 — When at Fassanacoill, 3 the farmer there, John Chissolm, used to furnish Patrick Grant, and the other pro- visors with meat and drink for themselves and their company ; John Chissolm, in the meantime, knowing nothing at all about the Prince. When the Prince heard that John Chissolm had furnished him with provisions, he desired that John might be brought to him ; and accordingly Patrick Grant and Hugh Macmillan were dispatched to John Chissolm with that intent. They desired John to come along with them to see a friend whom he would like very well to see without telling who the friend was. John answered, 8 1 believe there is some person of consequence amongst you, and as I have one bottle of wine (the property of a priest with whom I am in very great friendship), I will venture to take it along with me.' Patrick Grant said, 4 What ! John, Have you had a bottle of wine all this time and 1 See f. 634. - This should be insert in fol. 1665. * See f. 628. 1746] THE GLENMORISTON MEN 103 not given it to us before this time ? ' Away they went to the July Prince, whom John Chissolm knew at first sight, having been l6?2 ' in his army. Upon delivering the bottle of wine to the Prince, Patrick Grant desired the favour of his Royal Highness to drink to him [Patrick Grant] for, added he, 6 1 do not remember that your Royal Highness has drunken to me since you came among our hands/ Accordingly the Prince put the bottle of wine to his mouth and drank a health to Patrick Grant and all friends. John Chissolm having received good payment for any provisions he had furnished, and finding they had been purchased for the use of his Prince, immediately offered to return the whole price, and pressed the thing much. But the Prince would not hear of that at all, and ordered him to keep the money. John Chissolm took the same oath of secrecy with that before mentioned as taken by the Glenmoriston men ; who were so lucky that the Prince was in absolute safety, during the time he was in their hands, and (under God) they would have promised for his safety to this very day, had he thought fit. 1673. fit to have continued amongst them. And (said Patrick Grant) we were the more fit for such a service as all the eight of us had been bred to military discipline, having served some part of our lives in the Highland Independent Companies. Patrick Grant particularly was in Lord Lovat's Independent Company about four years. As to Gregor MacGregor, his history is somewhat singular. He had inlisted in Lord Loudon's regiment in Inverness, and had deserted to the Prince's army before coming to Corierag, as that regiment had been a raising some time before in the Highlands, and it is notour that Cluny MacPherson, Lochgary and others, had commissions in that intended regiment. Some time after the troubles in Scotland, Gregor MacGregor had the misfortune to be made prisoner in the Tolbooth of Inverness, and was to have been tried as a deserter, but (very luckily for him) he broke prison and got off, and is still alive and in good health, as ready for a good play as ever. 6 All the eight of us Glenmoriston men, 1 said Patrick Grant, 'had been in the Princes army.'' Patrick Grant said he doubted not that they M 1674. used the expression Haos Ian or Hose Ian, but he was sur- prized that the Prince could mind such little things. He said 104 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 July that John MacDonald (MackDonell) is a bold, resolute, sensible, pretty fellow. 1 Patrick Grant said that the Prince, when with them, used to declare that he had great confidence in the King of France as a true and fast friend, 2 and that the king, his father, and his own brother, Henry, would risque all to save him [the Prince J. He used to say much in praise of Prince Henry as one prefer- able to himself in all respects, and as one of great spirits and activity. There was one thing which Patrick Grant was very unwilling to tell, and he needed much solicitation before he would speak it out, and it was this, that as the Prince did always sleep in his cloaths and plaid, in his wig and bonnet in caves, and often in the open air upon the tops and sides of mountains, in woods foi. 1675. and among the heath and ferns, so he would not have changed a shirt (having only four in number) but (perhaps), once in a fortnight, whereby it happened that he was troubled with lice. Upon this I told Patrick Grant, I had heard the like before from Malcolm MacLeod, 3 and that it was not at all to be wondered at, considering the coarse way of living in every respect to which the Prince was then reduced. Patrick Grant added that the Prince upon rising in the morning used to retire for some time by himself to say his prayers, and, said Patrick, 6 1 believe the Prince is a very good Christian indeed.'' He likewise said that the Prince, while with them, was some- times troubled with a looseness, and that he bore up under all his misfortunes with great resolution and chearfulness, never murmuring or complaining at the hardships and severity of his condition. 4 Glenalladale,' said Patrick Grant, ' was interpreter between the Prince and us, and it was agreed upon that we fol. 1676. should say nothing but what the Prince should be made to understand, and that the Prince should say nothing but what we should likewise be made to understand. By this means the Prince discovered that we were much addicted to common swearing in our conversation, for which he caused Glenalladale reprove us in his [the Prince's] name ; and at last the Prince, 1 See ff. 1477, 1872. 3 See f. 236. 2 See ff. 214, 626. i; 4 6] HABITS OF THE PRINCE 105 by his repeated reproofs, prevailed on us so far that we gave July that custom of swearing quite up."' Patrick Grant assured me that the Prince, while with them, could not speak many words in Erse, and that he knew but very little about that language. Patrick Grant remarked that the Prince walked so nimbly in the daytime that few persons could hold out with him. 1 But then he was as bad at it in the night time, for, not being used with such rough and plashy footing as is commonly to be found in the hills, braes, and glens of the Highlands in Scotland, he was every now and then (through the darkness of the nights) slumping into this and the other clayhole or puddle, insomuch fol. 1677. that very often he would have been plashed up to the navel, having no breeches, but a philabeg, and when he had arrived at any place to take a little rest, he would have taken a nook of his plaid and therewith have rubbed his belly and thighs to clean them the best way he could. In narrating this Patrick Grant smiled and said, 4 1 believe this story is not so fit to be noted down, though it be literally true. 1 This account agrees exactly with what is narrated by Malcolm MacLeod. 2 Patrick Grant cannot read. He said he had come to Edin- burgh in his way to go beyond seas to seek out his master, the Prince. ' For, 1 said he, ' if he be on the face of the earth, I '11 find him out, as I hear they are good Christians on the other side of the seas. And, meet when we will, the Prince and I shall never part again.' In a word, it cost him some pains to persuade him not to think of going abroad, as he could speak nothing but Erse, and that it was impossible for him to find out the Prince, as he had thought fit to conceal himself even f 0 i. 1678. from many who were among his best and greatest friends. At last he was persuaded to think of returning once more to the Breas of Glenmoriston, and to desist from an enterprize he was exceedingly fond of. Patrick Grant promised to brush up his memory, and to call to mind any other passages, etc., he might have forgot ; and if he remembred any more, I should be sure to have them, when I thought fit to appoint another meeting with him. Robert Forbes, A.M. See f. 300. 2 See ff. 238, 243. 106 THE LYON IN MOURNING isoct. A T .B. — I gave Patrick Grant a certificate desiring him to try if he could make anything for himself among friends in and about Edinburgh, to whom Donald Mac- Donald (his interpreter) would direct him, and even attend him. Here follows an exact copy of said certificate : Leith, October 18th, 1751. That the bearer hereof, Patrick Grant, is one of the Glen- moriston men, so noted for the amazing preservation of One in fol. 1679. the greatest extremity of danger and distress, at the manifest hazard of life and all, the immense sum notwithstanding, is attested by Robert Forbes, Clergyman. N.B. — The bearer can speak Erse only. A second meeting with said Patrick Grant and his interpreter, the 'said Donald MacDonald, at Leith, in my own house, on Friday, Novem- ber 1st, by eleven o'clock, 1751. April Vol. 2, pages [ff.] 312, 313. Sixty or seventy Glenmoriston 1746 men, betrayed by the Duke of Cumberland and the Laird of Grant, said Donald and Malcolm MacLeods. Vol. 6, page [f.] 1329. Here likewise the said betrayed Glenmoriston men are men- tioned. Vol. 7, page [fol.] 1490. The betrayed Glenmoriston men said to be 150. But Patrick Grant, who must know best, said that there were betrayed sixty-nine Glenmoriston men and twelve men out of Urquhart, in all 81 ; that those who did not die on shipboard or in prison were banished to Barbadoes ; that two of them had returned (Alexander Grant about three fol. 1680. years ago, and Donald Grant in August was a year) to their own country, Glenmoriston. Both of them being married, their wives and children were overjoyed at the unexpected sight of them. They left only sixteen of their companions alive in Barbadoes, as they themselves had told. Vol. 6, pages [ff.] 1330, 1331. Lord Lovats country, Aird and Glenmazerin. Is there such a place as Glenmazerin ? Patrick Grant knows no such place, but says that Glen Strath ferrar, 1746] THE CRUELTIES AFTER CULLODEN 10? Glencormigle, etc., belonging to Lord Lovat, were pillaged and April plundered severely. Ibid. Lockhart shot two old men and one young man (viz., Hugh Fraser and his son, James Fraser, and John MacDonald (Vol. 7, page 1579), when harrowing, etc. ; stript Grant of Daldriggan quite naked, tied him hand and foot, etc., and made him thus witness the hanging up of the three said dead bodies by the feet on a gallows. Daldriggan's life saved by one Captain Grant, of Lord Loudon's regiment, etc. All true, said Patrick Grant. Ibid. In Braes of Glenmoriston a party ravished a gentle- woman (viz., Isabell MacDonald (MackDonell), in Glenmori- foi. 1681. ston, while her husband, Alexander MacDonald (MacDonell), sculking did see it, and tenants wives. 1 True, said Patrick Grant. That said Isabel MacDonald (MacDonell) was ravished as here described in the Brae of Coiraghoth, about two miles from the cave, and about six weeks before Lammas ; and that one Flora MacDonald (MackDonell), wife of John MacDonald (MackDonell), was ravished by the same party at the same time and at the same place. Ibid. Lockhart shot a man wading a water, and having the Whig teacher's protection in his hand to show him, viz., Hugh Fraser, with a protection from Mr. Chissolm, preacher at Kiln wrack (Vol. 7, page 1580). True, said Patrick Grant, that one was thus shot (though having Mr. Thomas Chissolm's protection), named Fraser ; but Patrick does not remember his Christian name. Ibid. Thereabouts ravished a woman big with child, and left her on the ground almost dead. 4 1 have heard such a thing,"* said Patrick Grant, 6 by report, but cannot be certain about it.' Ibid. About the 8th day of July 1746, 4 1 distinctly re- M 1682. member, 1 said Patrick Grant, 4 that Campbell, chamberlain to Seaforth, did so behave (as here mentioned) to Fraser of Kil- bokie, and his poor lady, brought to bed about eight or ten days before that, to the best of my remembrance. I may well remember this, 1 said Patrick, 4 as my own house and effects, being then a farmer, were plundered and pillaged by the same 1 See ft". 1580, 1707. 108 THE LYON IN MOURNING April party the day before." The parties that thus came a ravaging to the Braes of Glenmoriston, after the battle of Culloden, stript the women and children of all the cloaths that could be useful to them [the sogers], and left them only the rags. As to Glenmoriston's own house, Patrick Grant said that Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald, and the Laird of MacLeod, coming from the Isle of Sky, lodged a night in Glen- moristons house, and next day burnt it to the ground, destroy- fol. 1683. ing at the same time all the ploughs, harrows, and other such like utensils they could find. The Militia of the Isle of Sky (at the same time) dividing themselves in three parties, went a rummaging up and down the Glen, destroying all the ploughs, harrows, etc., pots, pans, and all houshold furniture, not except- ing the stone quarns, with which they grind their corn, breaking them to pieces, and driving along with them such cattle as (in their then hurry) they found in the Glen. * Our country," said Patrick Grant, 8 blame the Laird of MacLeod more than any other for this piece of military execution, that Lord Loudon was against it, but that MacLeod should have insisted upon it as a meritorious piece of service, fit to recommend them to the good graces of the Duke of Cumberland.'* As President Forbes was a man of great humanity, and having fled with Lord Loudon, etc., to the Isle of Sky, I, Robert Forbes, asked at Patrick Grant if the President was along with them when they thus burnt Glenmoriston's house and pillaged his Glen ? To which Patrick Grant said he could foi. 1684. not be positive that the President was then with them, as he knew nothing about his being present at these doings. Patrick Grant affirmed that three men were shot in Glen- kengie by a party of Cumberland's army, tho"* they had a Presbyterian ministers protection in their custody. They were three Camerons, two of them being brothers. 6 1 know, 1 said Patrick Grant, 'the very spot upon which these three were killed, viz., Tommadow in Glenkengie. This happened in the beginning of their bloody doings through the country towards the end of May 1746. 11 In Summer 1746, said Patrick Grant, as the Glenmoriston 1 See f. 168. 1746] SUFFERINGS IN GLENMORISTON 109 people were forced to keep the hills, so when any of them died June they would have been kept unburied three or four days, because of the parties then scouring up and down the country, and when they could, they would have carried the dead bodies privately in the night time to the kirkyards to bury them. Hereby the Glenmoriston people, having suffered much both by hunger and cold, so in the ensuing winter, 1746, a great foi. 1685. mortality happened among them. Patrick said that some time after the battle of Culloden (about the beginning of June) some bickerings happened between some parties of red-coats and Lochgary, who had along with him about a dozen of stout, resolute fellows, taking care of his cattle, that in Glenkiaig, Lochgary, and his said attendants killed three red coats in defending his own cattle, and that about eight days thereafter they killed, much about the same place, eight red-coats more, and chased the party to the distance of some miles. Lochgary, finding such difficulty in preserving his own cattle, sold them afterwards to Cluns Cameron, 1 who (tho" he had never joined neither the one side nor the other) had these and all his cattle taken from him at last. Some short time after Lochgary and his partizans had killed the red coats, a stronger party came to seek out Loch- gary, but not finding him nor any of his accomplices, they were foi. 1686. resolved not to return without blood, whether innocent or guilty, no matter to them ; and therefore they basely murdered in Glenkiaig one Alexander MacDonald (MacDonell), a Glen- gary man, about eighty years of age. In Glencanna, upon Lammass day (said Patrick Grant), the Prince spoke much to the praise of one of the daughters of the King of France, and drank her health, and made all the com- pany do so likewise. Patrick does not remember her name, but that the Prince told them that her hair was as black as a raven, that she was a mighty fine agreeable lady, being sweet natured and humble; that he (the Prince) could not fail to love her, as he was very sure she entertained a great regard for him, as did likewise the Dauphin, whom the Prince com- mended much. Upon this John MacDonald (MackDonell) said, 1 See f. 166, 7. 110 THE LYON IN MOURNING July 6 As that lady is so good-natured, agreeable and humble, foL 1687. would to God we had her here, for we would take the best care of her in our power, and if possible be kinder to her than to your Royal Highness.' This made them all laugh very heartily, and the Prince answered, * God forbid. For were she here and seized, to ransom her person would make peace over all Europe upon any terms the Elector of Hanover would propose.'' They spoke upon this lady about a whole hour without inter- mission. 1 c. 1 July 6 About twenty days before the Prince came to us Glen- moriston men,' said Patrick Grant, 6 seven redcoats going from Fort Augustus to Glenealg with some provisions (wine, loaf- bread, etc.), upon two dragoon horses, had gone out of their way about six miles, whether designedly by their guide (Archi- bald MacPherson of Sleat in Sky, afterwards a corporal in Loudon's regiment, and now living in Inverness) or to take a shorter way to Glenealg (which last seems most probable), I will not say. But so it happened, that as the seven sogers, with their two dragoon horses, came among some rough rocks, four foi. 1688. of our number (viz., Alexander and John MacDonalds (Mack- Donells), Alexander and Donald Chissolms) made up to them, and firing upon them, killed two of them. The other five threw away their arms and made off with themselves, desiring the guide to do the best he could for himself.'' They buried the two soldiers. In the end of the fray Patrick Grant came up to his companions. They lived like princes (for some time) upon the good bread and wine.'' And 'O!' said Patrick Grant, 4 we made a bonny bonfire of the two sogers redcoats. The wine being contained in square hampers of leather with pad- locks, we fell to breaking up the hampers with stones, whereby (wo be to the stones) we brake some of the bottles ; and when we got them opened, we were very angry we found no money in the hampers. 1 They held a council of war upon the two horses what they should do with them, whether they should foi. 1689. kill them or not. But after some debate, they allowed the poor beasts to shift for themselves, taking them three miles from the place where they had slain the two sogers, which was 1 See ff. 293, 1690. 1746] ATTACKS UPON THE REDCOATS 111 near the Cave of Coiraghoth. They put some of the bread c - * July under ground, which when dug up again was all spoiled. The wine did last but about five days. When the Prince came to them, they were angry with themselves for living so lordly upon the wine, as they might still have had some of it for the Prince's use, who was much pleased to hear this narrative from them, as it convinced him that such men would by no means trust to the mercy of their enemy, but would stand out to the last, and die rather than yield or deliver up their arms ; and consequently they were the fitter for his purpose in his present circumstances. This action happening upon Chissolm of Strathglass his ground, just upon the march of Glenmoriston, f 0 i. 1690. he was much threatened upon that account, and therefore Strathglass undertook to take the suspected Glenmoriston men prisoners. Accordingly John MacDonald (MackDonell) alias Campbell was at last made prisoner in his bed sometime in November 1746, and carried to the prison of Inverness, but there being no proof against him that he had any hand in that affair, he was therefore dismist, especially as the Act of Indem- nity too was past before he was liberate. Patrick Grant said, ' Had the daughter of France been with us we would have made the best bed we could of heather and ferns for the Prince and her, and would kept sentry upon them that nobody should have disturbed them."' 1 Patrick Grant remarked that when the Prince came to the July three of them at the Cave of Coiraghoth he declared himself very well pleased with them alone and that they needed not foL 1691. wait for the other four, but that they might go immediately with him whithersoever it should be thought most proper. The three desired Glenalladale to tell the Prince that they could not comply with that desire as they were under a mutual oath of engagement to one another which they would by no means break ; and that if the Prince wanted them to be useful to him, which they would gladly be with all their heart he behoved to trust himself to the other four as well as to them. This is a strong instance of the steady resolution and good sense of these three, for they were resolved inviolably to adhere 1 See f. 1687. 112 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 July to their oath of association, and in the meantime to do their duty to the Prince to much better purpose with the assistance of the four than they could possible do without them, as thereby they could more strictly keep a sentry post where they foi. 1692. lay most open to danger or alarm, and could more easily detach one or two of their number now and then to procure provisions. [This should be insert in page [fol.] 1661 of this volume.] Robert Forbes A.M. Copy of a Paragraph to Mr. James Winrame at Edinburgh from Captain MacNab. 1 7 Oct. The bearer is one of the seven 2 lads that preserved our 1751 Master under God Almighty for the space of five or six weeks in the most dangerous times he met with, and it gives me unexpressable pain to think that poor lads of soe great honour should now suffer by poverty till they happen to see him again. Therefore I presume to offer you the trouble, knowing it will be rather a pleasure to you, to imploy proper agents for fol. 1693. him, to see what collections can be made for him to preserve him for a short time from starving ; for he never was brought up to any work. He Mall tell you the whole history himself if you have an interpreter; which you may rely upon his veracity. His name is Patrick Grant from Glenmoristone ; and if any doubts him to be an imposter they may be fully satisfied of the truth of what I write from the Laird of Glen- moriston or any gentleman in that country. For I should be sorry to impose upon honest men, and I remain unalterable, dear Sir, Your most sincere and afFectionat humble servant (Sic subscribitur), Alex. MacNab. Inishewen, 1th October 1751. 1 See f. 1870. 2 Eight it should be. 1 1746] BURNING OF GLENMORISTON'S HOUSE 113 Leith, Monday, December 16th, at 12 o'clock, 1751, the foresaid Patrick Grant brought along with him to my house one Martin MacDonald, whom I was glad to see, as I knew him to have been principal servant to Sir Alex- ander MacDonald in 1746, and therefore capable (perhaps) to clear up some things to me. I asked the said Martin MacDonald whether or not he Ap™ 1 attended Sir Alexander MacDonald from the Isle of Sky to Inverness after the battle of Culloden ? To which he answered, Yes. Then, said I, Did you see the Laird of Glenmoriston's fol. 1694. dwelling house set on fire and burnt down to the ground ? Were Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod present at burning of the said house ? And who was to be blamed for said burning ? To all which the said Martin MacDonald answered, 'I was (with a sore heart) an eyewitness to setting fire to the Laird of Glenmoriston's house, and its being burnt down to the ground ; that Sir Alexander Mac- Donald and the Laird of MacLeod were present at said burn- ing, and that Lord Loudon had orders from the Duke of Cumberland for so doing, and also for scouring the Glen of Glenmoriston, which was accordingly done exactly enough, tho' I believe,' added he, 'much against Lord Loudon's own in- clination both as to the house and the glen : and that among Sir Alexander MacDonald's following there happened to be two MacDonalds who were nephews to old Lady Glenmoriston, whom they pitied much in her then distress, and honestly told fol. 1695. her it was not in their power to do her any other service than to take her furniture out of the house and to put it into a hut which they accordingly did, and then they were obliged to witness the burning of their aunt's house to ashes.' Then I desired to know if President Forbes was along with Lord Loudon, etc., at burning the house of Glenmoriston. To this Martin MacDonald answered, 6 President Forbes was not present at burning the house of Glenmoriston ; for,' said he, 4 the President instantly, upon having accounts of the battle of Culloden, left the Isle of Sky and went directly for Inverness.' I likewise asked if the young Laird of MacLeod was present VOL. III. h 114 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 A P ril at burning Glenmoriston's house ? To this Martin MacDonald answered, 6 The young Laird of MacLeod was not present at burning of said house, as he happened to be in Ross-shire at the time of the battle of Culloden ; and I believe," added he, foi. 1696. 6 that he was at Inverness the day after the battle.'' 1 Robert Forbes, A.M. A third meeting with the said Patrick Grant and his in- terpreter, Donald MacDonald, at Leith, in my own house, on Friday, January 3d, 1752, 'twixt ten and eleven o'clock, forenoon. 17 July 'About July 17th, 1746, some days before we joined the Prince,"' said Patrick Grant, 6 we, coming from the Cave of Coiraghoth met with a herd-boy upon the hill of Lundy, who informed us that that day about 12 o'clock a body of redcoats and militia (about 100 men as the boy conjectured) had taken away all Patrick Grant's uncle's cattle (viz. Allan MacDonald (MackDonell), brother german to the late Arnaby), and no sooner had the boy done with informing us than the said body of men appeared in our view, driving the cattle to the hill of Lundy by a narrow pass on the high road leading from Fort Augustus to Glenealg and about 8 miles from Fort Augustus. Upon which we the 7 Glenmoriston men made up directly with all speed to the party till we came within musket shot of them, and then roared out to them with a volley of oaths that foL 1697. made all the rocks about us resound not to advance one step farther but to leave the cattle to us and to march off. The officers (three in number) immediately drew up their men (being 60 redcoats and 7 militia men, with one Donald Fraser for their guide) to engage us the said seven Glenmoriston men, and dispatched to us the said Donald Fraser to know what we wanted, and to desire us to surrender ourselves and we should have protection. Upon this I, Patrick Grant, cocked my piece and swore by Him that made me that I should give them all protections that would serve them to the 1 See ff. 1608, 1683. 1746] AN ENGAGEMENT IN GLENMORISTON 115 day of Judgment. Donald Fraser answered, I come to you as a 17 July friend and not as a foe. To this all of us joined in making an absolute answer, that we would have no other terms but that the whole party should immediately retire and leave the cattle to us ; that we would die upon the spot rather than surrender, and that we had a great party of men (though, by the bye, there was really no such thing) in our rear coming up to our assistance. Donald Fraser went back to the principal officer who was upon horseback and told him all that had passed between himself and us Glenmoriston men; upon which a march was instantly beat and the party advanced on in their way towards Glenealg, driving the cattle along with them. This so irritated us that we ran before them and fired two muskets, viz., Patrick Grant and Alexander MacDonald (MackDonell), we having so ordered matters as to keep a street fire upon foi. 1698. them two at a time. This obliged the party to make a halt and the officer dismounted, causing a man then wounded to be put upon his horse, and then the officer drew up the men a second time. One of the soldiers (before orders given) fired upon us, for which the principal officer caned him heartily. Then the party marched on with the cattle, and we made off to another narrow pass through which the party behoved to march, and there took up our ground for a second attack, and when the party came up we fired three shot upon them, which so terrified the party that some of them fell down upon the ground, and others threw away their arms and ran off with speed, leaving the cattle to us according to our orders, the officers being unable to command their men and to make them stand to a defence. Upon this the principal officer dispatched a second message to us by one MacDonald, one of Mr. Alex- ander MacDonald's following and an officer of militia, to capitulate with us, which MacDonald asked, what we were about? and if we were mad making such an attempt, being so few in number, to resist the King's forces ? To this we answered, Were your king himself there, he should meet with the quarters he deserved. Then MacDonald spoke most dis- f° l - l6 99- creetly and kindly to us, assuring us he was our fast friend, and that we would do well to keep to our resolution to die rather than surrender, because though protection was promised, 116 THE LYON IN MOURNING 17 J ul y that we would meet with no such thing, but would be sure to be tied neck and heel ; that if we should fire a third time he begged we would mark better, for if that we shot the prin- cipal officer we would have all the cattle and the baggage too. We thanked MacDonald kindly for his remarkable friendship and begged if a third firing should ensue he (MacDonald) would endeavour to keep himself and the militia men aside from among the redcoats. MacDonald returned to the prin- cipal officer and assured him of our fixed resolution not to yield but to have the cattle. The cattle having run away and dispersed with the firing the principal officer ordered his militia men to gather the cattle together and to give them up to us, we and our enemies (the few that remained with the foi. 1700. officer) being then under a cessation of arms ; and accordingly we received all the cattle (60 in number) at the hands of the militia within half a pistol shot of us in the rear of the party. Then we demanded some provisions to be left to us, keeping two of the militia men as hostages, till we should have our said demand. The officer said he had none to spare. Well (said we) if you will not share your provisions with us, we are as ready to fire for provisions as we were ready to fire for the cattle, and as you have two horseloads, you may leave us one of them. The officer then thought fit to send us some bread and cheese and whiskie. Upon this we bade them farewel and desired them when they should come that way again, they might fetch more provisions with them/ Nov. Sometime in November last, the foresaid Donald Fraser, foi 1701 na PP enm g to be in Edinburgh, fell into company with the said Patrick Grant, Dr. John MacDonald (brother to Kenlockmoy- dart), and the said Donald MacDonald, interpreter, when they conversed over the whole of this surprizing story, and Donald Fraser acknowledged the truth of it, adding withal a most comical incident, which was that as the said Patrick Grant had taken from Donald Fraser, when dispatched by the officer to the seven Glenmoriston men, a quarter of a pound of tobacco, so Patrick should now pay him for it or give him the like again. What ! said Patrick Grant, as you was an enemy then, your tobacco was lawful spoil to me, and I will never pay you for that. This occasioned a hearty laugh to all the company. THE PUNISHMENT OF A SPY 117 Donald Fraser told likewise at said interview in Edinburgh Nov. that the principal officer of the party used to declare that the said Glenmoriston men were surely not men, but devils, and that 10,000 of such bold men would do more service abroad f° l - I 7Q2. than all the British forces had done. Donald Fraser was, and still is, a miller in North Uist, which belongs to the family of Sir Alexander MacDonald. Patrick Grant likewise told that two or three days before the foresaid bickering, they, the seven Glenmoriston men, happen- ing to meet with one Robert Grant, a Strathspey man who had formerly served in the Highland regiment (commonly called the Black Watch), and who now had become a most villainous spy and informer against all that had been in the Prince's army as far as he could find them out. They therefore shot him dead, and then cutting off his head, placed it upon a tree (in a little wood) upon the high road between two farmer towns in Glenmoriston, viz., Innerwick and Downcathick, about three tol 1703. miles from Fort Augustus ; and there the head remained about a year as a terror to others (as we designed it, said Patrick Grant) not to do such villainous things as the said Robert Grant had done against his own countrymen, and even his own flesh and blood. And now the head still lies at the foot of the said tree, to be seen by any traveller that shall happen to pass that way. Robert Forbes, A.M. N.B. — Poor Patrick Grant was pressed and forced to go to North America, sometime in Summer, 1759. He returned to Glenmoriston in 1761 or 62, upon Chelsea pension. 1 The Birth-day Ode, 1751. fol. 1704. 1. Phoebus, strike thy golden lyre ! EvVy loyal breast inspire ! Music, raise thy charming voice ! EvYy honest heart rejoice ! British bards, your tribute pay ! Hallow this auspicious day. 1 See f. 1873. 118 THE LYON IN MOURNING 2. Hail, lovely youth, Pattern of honour, wisdom, truth ! Britons, search the globe around. Where 's such virtue to be found ? Where in the old records of fame Is there a more illustrious name ? 3. The deeds by fabled heroes done, That in poetic annals shine, Which deified Alcmena's son, Are now surpassed, great Prince, by thine ! 4. Those talents which thy mind adorn Compel thy enemies to own That, wert thou not for empire born, Thou sure deserv'st the noblest throne. 5. foi. 1705. Majestic Pallas ! Warlike maid ! Come to thy fav rite Heroe's aid. Once more assume sage Mentor's form, Display thy power and art, And ev'ry faithful heart, Great goddess, into action warm ! Grand Chorus — In the cause of our Prince let all Britons unite ; To his merit allow what he claims as his right. Let the genius of England resume his command, And corruption for ever be banish'd the land ! Let Britannia no more bow to Br[unswic]k her knee ! Let her sons of all orders for ever be free ! While the Muses themselves the grand chorus shall sing. And pronounce our isle blest when Great Charles is our king. 175 1] EPITAPH ON EDWARD BURKE 119 To perpetuate the Memory of Edward Burk, f° L ^ who died in Edinburgh, on Saturday morning, November 23d, 1751. Born in an humble Cottage, And of mean parents, In the Island of North Uist ; Ignorant of the first principles Of human learning ; 1 Doomed to converse with the meanest Of mankind, 2 And exposed to the various temptations Of poverty. Happy in these disadvantages Since thereby His genuine worth Was the more conspicuous. Fidelity And disinterested friendship Eclips'd his other virtues. Let the venal tribe behold and admire, And blush, If yet a blush remains ! Learn by his example, O ye great ! He preferred a good conscience To thirty thousand pounds. Narrative of a Conversation with Young Glen- f° L GARY. Leith, Thursday, April 9th, 1752.— Alexander MacDonald 9 April (MackDonell), younger, of Glengary, did me the honour to dine with me, when I read in his hearing Patrick Grants Journal, in this volume, pages [ft] 1660-1703. When I came to the top of page 1681, he made an observation, which was, That when lately in the Highlands the Laird of Glenmoriston had 1 He could neither read nor write. 2 He was a chairman in Edinburgh. [See fif. 326-345.] 120 THE LYON IN MOURNING 9 April told him in presence of the two husbands that Isobel Mae- Donald (MackDonell) and Flora MacDonald (MackDonell), after being ravished, formed a resolution not to allow their husbands to lie with them till nine months should be expired, lest they should have been with child, which resolution the husbands agreed to. But they happened (luckily) not to fall with child by the ravishing, nor to contract any bad disease. Young Glengary likewise told me that some time in the month of May 1745, he set sail from New port, Glasgow, foi. 1708. carrying along with him a pacquet subscrib'd 1 by several of the Highland chiefs, and desiring the Prince not to make an attempt at that time without foreign assistance ; that he was actually landed in France, and was in Paris before the Prince's setting sail ; and that though he had taken care to have his being in France, and the business upon which he had come, communicated to Sir Thomas Sheridan, in order to find out the Prince (who then had thought proper to be incog.), and to be introduced to him, yet Sir Thomas would not own where or how the Prince was to be found, and denied that he knew any- thing at all about him. In a word, Glengary, junior, laboured in vain to get at the Prince, and could not discover anything about him till after he had set sail for Scotland, and had dis- patched a letter to the King of France, intimating his having set sail, which was the first notice of his motions. foi. 1709. In the course of this conversation, I told young Glengary that I had oftener than once heard the Viscountess Dowager of Strathallan tell that Lochiel, junior, had refused to raise a man, or to make any appearance till the Prince should give him security for the full value of his estate in the event of the attempt proving abortive. To this young Glengary answered that it was fact, and that the Prince himself (after returning to France) had frankly told him as much, assigning this as the weighty reason why he (the Prince) had shewn so much zeal in providing young Lochiel (preferably to all others) in a regi- ment. 6 For, 1 said the Prince, ' I must do the best I can in my present circumstances to keep my word to Lochiel."' 1 See a Letter to the Right Honble. The Earl of Traquair, particularly my copy (at page [f.] 14 19) bound up with Ruddiman's Dissertation upon Logan, etc., and his Animadversions on Mr. Love's pamphlet.— Robert Forbes, A.M. 1752] NARRATIVE BY YOUNG GLENGARRY 121 Young Glengary told me moreover that Lochiel, j unior (the 9 A P ril above bargain with the Prince notwithstanding), insisted upon another condition before he would join in the attempt, which was that Glengary, senior, should give it under his hand to foi, 1710. raise his clan and join the Prince. Accordingly Glengary, senior, when applied to upon the subject, did actually give it under his hand that his clan should rise under his own second son as Colonel, and MacDonald (MackDonell) of Lochgary as Lieutenant-colonel. Then, indeed, young Lochiel was gratified in all his demands, and did instantly raise his clan. Glengary, j unior, likewise assured me that Cluny Macpher- son, junior, made the same agreement with the Prince before he would join in the attempt with his following, as young Lochiel had done, viz., to have security from the Prince for the full value of his estate lest the expedition should prove unsuccessful ; which the Prince accordingly consented unto and gave security to said Cluny MacPherson, j unior, for the full value of his estate. Young Glengary declared that he had this from young Cluny Macpherson's own mouth as a weighty fol. 1711. reason why he (Cluny) would not part with the money which the Prince had committed to his care and keeping. Tuesday morning, April 14^th, 9 o 'clock, 1752. — I, Robert Forbes, waited upon young Glengary at his own lodg- ings in Edinburgh, when I read in his hearing all that is written in the preceeding narrative, and he agreed to every single sentence thereof. At the same time I delivered to him a copy of an Abstract, etc., which he was very well pleased to have, and he promised to furnish me with some curious papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. 122 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1745 foi. 1712. Copy of a Letter from London, received on Thurs- day, October 3d, 1745, and addressed thus : To the Revd. Mr. Robert Keith, Minister at Edinburgh and delivered by the said Bishop Keith to Secretary Murray. Ruxby, who wears his own black hair, aged twenty seven, of a middle stature, and who dined with the Marquis of Tweeddale, the 20th, from whom he got a pass, is in Scotland, with the design of assassinating the Prince. If this do not come too late, for God's sake, stop the blow. N.B. — Friday morning, September %9th, 1752. — I, Robert Forbes, waited upon Bishop Keith at Bonnyhaugh, and in his presence transcribed a copy of the above extraordinary letter, he informing me that he received it by the common post, that (immediately upon receipt thereof) he went to the Abbey of Holyroodhouse and delivered it into the hands of Secretary Murray, who, after perusal thereof, told Bishop Keith that he (Secretary Murray) had that very same foi. 1713. morning, at 3 o'clock, been raised out of bed to talk with one (a Scotsman) who had rode post from London ; that the said Scotsman (having no letter but a verbal message) had plainly told him (Secretary Murray) a narrative exactly conformable to the contents of said letter, and that the poor man was very much distressed with posting so ex- peditiously as he had done. Bishop Keith likewise told me, Robert Forbes, that he left the original letter with Secretary Murray, but had taken a copy of it for his own use ; of which copy the preceeding is an exact transcript ; and that he did not know anything about the hand- writing of the original letter. Bishop Keith added that the foresaid Ruxby had never cast up so as to be seized by any of the Highland army. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1746] NARRATIVE BY MALCOLM MACLEOD 123 Friday ', October %0th, 1752. — I, Robert Forbes, received a foi. 1714 paper of eleven pages, 4to, sealed, addressed, and trans- mitted to me from Malcolm MacLeod of Brea in Rasay, 1 an exact copy of which is as follows. The 4 of July I parted with the P s at Strath, came to 4 July Rasay the fift. 2 I spoke to the old Laird and his tow sons, the young Laird and the Doctor, I mean the Laird of Rasay. My brother was with them, Normand. So I told them that my freind went to the meanland alongs with the Laird of Mac- Kinnon, Rasay, the Doctor, and my brother went to Rona with five lads more. Rasay desired me, if I would heard anything, to send him word that moment. So I went to Trotterneis the 7. The 8 I was going to Kingsborrow, how mett me within a mile of her house, but the Mrs. of Kings- borrow, and her daughter, and some womens servantts with y oL I7IS> them. So the Mrs. of Kingsborrow and I sat near the rod. We began to speak a litle of my servent and master. 3 What did we see going by in great haste but six of the M'Leods under Sandy M'Leod of Balmainach command, who did com- mand a partty of the M'Leods of Harries near Mogstote. Then as the soldiers was going by, Mrs. M'Donald asked what news they had. They did answer, Very cold. They had no news. Only that General Campbel and Captain Farguson landed at Moystote with fifteen hundered soldier with them. Says I, Its time for me to turn. So I took live of Mrs. M'Donald and her daughter. I cam to my brother in law house at Snizort. It was let. Next morning early we saw some of there shipes foi. 1716. landing some of there men. So I went of in great heast, my wife being on the island of Rasay, the old Laird, his son, the Doctor, and my brother, without any word, I could not help going to Rasay, tho"* it wou'd cost my life. So I went on straght to Rasay, and got a boat whenever I cam to the ferrie side. I was not far from the shore when some soldiers cam to the shore side. They began to cry after uss. The people of the boat said they would turn. I told them I woud make use 1 See ff. 228, 266. 2 See ff. 247, 262, 767. 3 See ff. 235-245, 249. 124 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 8 July of my arms first. Then the soldier began to fire after us. I desir the men to go on. Whenever I landed at Rasay I sent tow or three lines to the Laird, telling hime how it was, and to take good care of himself. 1 I had not a home. I cam where foi. 1717. my wife was with some cows. It was night then. I got word that they saw ships at the other end of Rasay. I took litle 9 July rest. At break of day I went to the top of the Island with my servantt and told nobody where I was going. When I came to the top what did I see but fourty redcoats very near me. I heard a shot nearer then that to me, then a soldier apeired to me and began to pursue me, and cryed to me to halt. I ran as fast as I could. There was another partty before me with there officers. When they saw me runing so fast, and having on a clen shirt and good closs, they thought it was the P s. After coming very near them I turned another way. They did fire at me. They took the man that foi. 1718. was my servantt and I left them. The man was by name Donald Nilcolson. 2 They tiyed him to a ston and worked at him there, asking of him if it was the P s that was his Master and left them, or how was the man that left them. But Donald gave them no answer at all. They left him there for dead. He was a long time before he did recover it. Then I got another servantt, John Roy Montgumury. All that day there was not anywhere that I wou\l turn my face but a partty of rid coats would meet me. At last my servantt told me that he knew a rock that no body woud find use. 3 So I went with him to that rock and stayed there tow days and tow nights without meat or drink, seeing the foi. 1719. soldiers passing and repassing every day. The third day we cam out of the rock, and my wife met me and told me she did not know if they left Rasay or not. Then I sent my servantt to a freind of my own, on Murdo M'Leod, tacksman of Brea. Murdo sends me word all the soldiers wer away and left Rasay, that I might go to his house, and so I did, and got meat and drink, which I had need of. However, I told him that I woud not slep within a house that night. So I went to a top of a hill near the house. This was the 12 of July. See ff. 305, 873. 2 See ff. 249, 875. 3 See f. 250. 1746] MALCOLM MACLEOD IN HIDING 125 About tow in the morning there came on a pure of rain that I l 3 J ul y was not able to stay there. So we got up and went to an old barn near the houses. My servantt, John, said that he was fol. 1720. feard some poeple cam to the country because his dog he left with his mother three days before that he met him. Go, say I, and look about the town. So he did and saw nothing. We did slep without any cloess but body does. I desired him to tell the servent maid who was his sister if she wou'd see any- thing that he was in that barn. About six in the morning I heard the lass claping her hands, crying, 'John, John, the soldiers are about the house. 1 I started up and went out. I saw them in Highland cloese. I heard the Commander saying, 6 Donald, throu off your plaid — there he is. This was Captain M'Leod of Tallisker, and I took them for Campbells, for I never thought that my own freinds and relations wou'd use me in fol- 1721. that way. I ran of very fast. They ran fast after me. When they saw they woud make nothing of me they did fire at me. Whether it was Tallisker that desired them to do that or not I cannot tell. However, I left them. I saw fourty more of them the way I was runing. I past by them myself and servantt. Another boy met me. I cou'd not turn him from me. I got to the old habitation, the rock, was there three days and three nights without meat, but litle thing that a wife brought me once. She was the only person that know of my being there. The third day I could not keep the boy with me any longer. I was for keeping him, but my servantt and himself prevealed f° l - ^722. that I allowed him to go for meat, and that he woud come back that night with meat and news. So Tallisker and his hunder men were sicking me for tow days. The third day he caused all the country poeple to go after me. When that did not do, he and his men took up all the cows and horses 1 and sheep and goats that was left befor that on the Island of Rasay and brought them to on pleace, and swered he wou'd ferry them all out of the Island if I was not got. That was a poor sight. What women and children was after them starveing for want of meat when they catle was taking from them. So then he got word that this boy was with me. The boy was brought to fol. 1723 him. He offered silver and gold if he wou'd tell where I was. 1 See f. 876. 126 THE LYON IN MOURNING i5J ul y Then he told him he wou'd hang him if he wou'd not tell where I was. At last he told them he wou'd let them see where I was that night. Tallisker sent his lieutenant, Donald M'Leod, with fifty of his men with the boy where I was. The boy brought them to the rock and told them where I was. The rock was very ugly place. There was but on way to come to the part where I was in, and when my enemy came that way I had not any other way to go. I used alwas to send my servantt befor day for watter that wou'd sarve use all day. At daybreak, John, says I, you best go for watter befor its day. foi. 1724. So my servantt went his way. He did not went far when I saw him coming back. John, says I, what turned you so soon ? John said, Sir, we are prisoners, for I did see so many men coming down the rock and rid croses in there bonets. Befor he ended his teal, they did apear at hand, six of them, and all there guns cokt, desired me to hold my hands, that there^s were ready. I told them I had non. If I had that I had better hands to make use of gunns. I told them that I wou'd give them all the money I had if they wou'd go back and tell the rest they could not find me, and befor any more wou'd come I wouM go out of the rock. They said they wou'd not. I said no more, went with them. I myself nor my servantt had not gun nor sowrd nor pistol nor a weapon of any kind. Donald foi. 1725. M'Leod, the lieutenant, said he was very sory for my misfortune. I told him there was not any neame in Scotland wou'd take me prisoner but thairsalvies. He brought me to Tallisker. My wife was sent for to take live of her. I left all my shirts at Inverness but the one I had on me that day. I got another from my brother. That shirt I left with my servantt, and some of Tallisker's men took it away. My wife told this to Tallisker. He asked her how was saying that. She told him it was her own woman servantt. Bring her here. So she was brought. He caused to bor a hole and put the woman finger in foi. 1726. it, and stricking a wadge asid her finger that anybody wou'd see her in that condition woud pitty her case. For my own part it did wext me more then taking myself prisoner. I spoke to Normand M'Leod of Watterstien, who was a captain with Tallisker, and desired him to go where Tallisker was, that I ask as a favour to let the woman go. Sir, said Normand 1746] MALCOLM MACLEOD A PRISONER 127 M'Leod, I did as much as I could already. Go yourself ; I '11 16 J ul y go with you. So I went, but he wou'd not hear me, but desired to strick the wadge harder. Normand MacLeod of Watterstain offered his purse to me. I thanked him and told him I had plenty of my own. Weel, say he, I wish to God it was for money you was to be got this day while I had of the world, and you would not go this day. So Tallisker went with foi. 1727. me to Porttree, and delivered me to Captain M'Nail, who commanded a company half red coats and half Campbells. That night I was put with the rest of the prisoners they had to the gard hous, amongst whom was Donald M'Leod of Garttigill (Gualtergill). 1 They took all the rum befor I went in, for they puts us all one sid of the fire, for I was under the ridcoats feet. I send out for Captain M'Nail. I beg'd of him as a favour to let me the other sid of the fire. He told me that Tallisker desired him to keep a duble sentry and a duble gard on me. If I would leave them they woud not take me again. That is very kind, say I. f° l - 1 7^- I stayed at Porttree that day and the nixt day. The third day we was send abourd of a tender : the fourt day we were sent abourd of Captain Farguson, being the 19 of July 1746, 2 T 9Juiy where General Campbell was for twenty days after we were sent abourd. We wer illus'd for went of meat, and beds we had non but the cable. Captain Farguson brought us to London. We wer sent abourd of a transport befor Tilberri Fort. I was brought from them the first of November, and brought up to London, and put to Mr. Dick's house, where I was keept till the fourt of July 1747. As I live this is all trouth, and much mor. Written by me (Sic subscribitur), Mat.com MacLeod of Brea in Rasay. Make your own use of this. If you do puplish this I hope f° l - *7*9- you '11 put it in better dress. Reverend Dear Sir, — I could not make out your memor- 5 Aug. andum 3 as yet to my contentment, as I was tender and every 1752 cross coming in my way. My only brother dyed about a month 1 See f. 266. See ff. 257, 311. 3 See f. 265. 128 THE LYON IN MOURNING 5 Aug. ago, who was as pritty a man is was of his neam or any other neame. If you went that as yet acquant me per bearer, or any news that will give me comfort, and how all my weel- wishers are. Excuse went of paper, I cannot get a but where I'm. Wishing you and lady all happyness, I'm your most affectionatly humble servantt (Sic subscribitur), Mal. MacLeod. Scouzar, August 5th, 1752. This is to let the world know how I was taken prisoner, and the people that took me. foi. 1730. N.B. — The original of the preceeding narrative, all in the handwriting of the said Malcolm MacLeod, in 11 pages 4to, is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1731- Copy of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, received on Monday, August 31, 1752, by post. Dear Sir, — I fancie upon the first sight of this you 11 say that Anderson's acquaintance begins now to be troublsom ; but that is what I cannot help, for I most be pelting my friends with letters, tho there be little in them of either good sence or stile. But pray what coud be weell expected from a skull as thick as a deall board. If there is anything good coud per- spire throw such thickness, my inclination leads me to give it to Mr. Forbes, upon which account receive it kindly, as it is diverting to me to be scribbling somthing to divert melancholie upon the sad news of the Young Pretender's appearing pub- lickly now at one of our Protestant Courts of the Empire, and going publickly to one of the Lutheran Churches every Sunday. No doubt you 11 in your merry mood laugh at this piec of my news. But Alas, Sir, so true it is that the whole members of foi. 1732. the Privie Counsell are summoned from their country houses to a generall counsell this night upon it. I wish I had him and his adherents at Tyburn. Then we shoud be quite of our fears, which (I am afraid) we have more reason for now than in former times, whilst that family's bigotry in a prin- cipal! quite contrary to ours continued. But this young man 1752] RUMOURS ABOUT THE PRINCE 129 has thrown that bigotry away, and is now at Berline publickly 26 Aug. a protcstant declared. What deplorable effects may this pro- duce — an intestin war, loss of blood, confusion, stop of trade, the support of our nation, father fighting against the son, the son against the father, women tearing other by the hair ; in a word, nothing to be seen but desolation. And we cannot now say that he 's the Popish Jesuiticall pretender, but a protestant one. O that word protestant may cause many of the unthink- ing foolish mob turn disloyall to our best of soveraigns, in whose golden age trade flourishes and wholsome laws are made. But I hope still that the better kind most know the loss of wanting //. i 733 . such a king, and will not be for a change. But the Divell ! O the Mob ! Mob and protestant does much in this unthink- ing country. Its said he 's marryed too there, but this I do not assert as a fact. I leave this Saturday first. My compli- ments to you and Mrs. Forbes, and propagate my dismall news to all your worthy brothers, and belive me allways to be your most humble servant (Sic subscribitur), John Anderson. 1 London, A gust %6th, 1752. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. It is remarkable that not a word more did we hear of the preceeding particulars but once or twice a surmise in the newspapers about the protestantism, till Saturday, January 13th, 1753, when David Brodie, ship- master of Leith, did land in Leith from Dunkirk, and brought letters along with him importing that the Gover- nour of French Flanders had notified to the Governour of Dunkirk the marriage of Prince Edward or Charles with fol. 1734. the Princess Royal of Prussia. But this was speedily and industriously contradicted and suppress'd in private con- versations, insomuch that some who had received letters from Dunkirk denied their having received any such at all. Some few believed both the marriage and the pro- testantism, and for so doing were laughed at by others. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1 Alias John Farquharson of Aldlerg. See f. 1782. VOL. III. I 130 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 Copy of part of a Letter from theRevd. Mr. William Abernethie, by post, to me, Robert Forbes. 12 June Poor Dr. Cameron ! 1 — I believe I should say Happy Dr. Cameron ! — for never did man make a more glorious exit. He met the last great enemy with as much intrepidity and as much decency as even the great Balmerino. When he was loosed from the sledge on which he was drawn to the gibbet, he sprung up with great alacrity, mounted the steps into the foi. 1735. cart from which he was to be hung off, and viewed the spec- tators with as much serenity and as much firmness of mind as if at the head of his company he had been about to give the word of command. Then beckoning to the Sheriff to approach, he told him that he came there to pay his last duty to his king and his country, which he did the more chearfully as he had all along acted in the affair which the Government called the Rebellion according to his conscience ; that he died a stedfast tho' unworthy member of the Church of England, heartily repented of his sins, and hoped for forgiveness thro' Christ's merits, but did not reckon that for which he died among the number of his sins, and therefore never did, never would repent of it. In fine, he forgave his enemies and offered up his depart- ing soul to God in the words of our blessed Lord, 6 Father, into thy hands," etc. But I need not trouble you with more on this subject, for Mr. Fal — r, who attended him from the Sunday before his execution and at the gibbet, will no doubt foL 1736. S oon give you a fuller and more exact account than I can, who only write by hearsay. I may, however, add that he has done the Government more hurt by his death than 40 such lives could have done, and certainly his Majesty was not well advised to take away a life against the inclinations, the wishes, and (if ever the folks of this country did pray), against the 1 Dr. Archibald Cameron was the brother of Cameron of Lochiel, and refer- ences are made to his lady at ff. 374 and 547, as also to a pamphlet purporting to be a history of his life. A notice of him will be found in the History of the Camerons, by Alexander Mackenzie, pp. 276-280, where are printed the fol- lowing fragments of the Doctor's intended speech (pp. 132-137), from a copy made by Oliphant of Gask, and which is printed in the Appendix to the Jacobite Lairds of Gask, pp. 473-478. 1753] DEATH OF DR. ARCHIBALD CAMERON 131 prayers too of all ranks and degrees of people, high and low, 12 June rich and poor, Whigs and Jacobites ; for never were they more united than in their wishes for his safety, nor could there a more acceptable thing been done them than to have spared his life. — I am ever, Dear Robin, yours, (Sic subscribitur), W. A. London, June l%th, 1753. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, AM. Copy of part of a Letter from said Mr. William foi. 1737. Abernethie to the Revd. Mr. William Erskyne, at Muthill, which letter came open to me, Robert Forbes, by post, under my cover. London, July 14th, 1*~53. You would see by the papers an account of Dr. Cameron's 14 July death and behaviour, and probably, too, his speech to the Sheriff at the gibbet, and therefore I need not trouble you with a repetition of it. There is, however, one clause in the speech, which he left with his wife, and which will be printed when she is gone, that will probably entertain you as a piece of news, though it can give you no joy as a well-wisher to the illustrious house. It is to this purpose, ' I do declare on the word of a dying man that the last time I saw my dear Prince, he told me, and bid me assure his friends, that he is a member of the Church of England.' This, I believe, are the ipsissima verba et hisce oculis vidi. This is an authority above all objec- tion, and (what every friend to his Majesty, King George, must foh 1738. regret), this will be believed how soon it is known that Dr. Cameron has said it, for all the world here have a great opinion of his honour, integrity, etc., as everybody indeed must, and do admire the wonderful constancy and firmness of his mind in the blackest and most aweful moments of his life. The rest of his speech contains nothing particular. It relates only what services he did the friends of the Government in the '45 by preserving them from being burnt or plundered, complains of the cruel treatment he received in return, and declares how 132 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 14 July conscientiously he all along acted while engaged in his master's service, whom he extolls to the skies. foi. 1739 Copy of what Dr. Archibald Cameron intended to have delivered to the Sheriff of Middlesex at the place of execution, but which he left in the hands of his wife for that end. 6 June On the first slip of paper dated — Tower ; 6th June 1753. Being denied the use of pen, ink, and paper [except in the presence of one or more officers, who always took away the paper from me whenever I began to write my complaints] and not even allowed the use of a knife with which I might cut a poor blunted pencil that had escaped the diligence of my searchers. I have, notwithstanding, as I could find oppor- tunity, attempted to set down on some slips of paper in as legible characters as I was able, what I would have my country satisfied of with regard to myself and the cause in which I am now going to lay down my life. As to my religion, I thank God I die a member [tho** unworthy] of that church in whose communion I have always lived, the Episcopal Church of Scotland, as by law established before the most unnaturall Rebellion begun in 1688, which for foi. 1740. the sins of these nations hath continued to this day ; and I firmly trust to find at the most awful and impartial tribunal of the Almighty King of Kings, through the merits of my blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, that mercy [tho 1 undeserved] to my immortal part, which is here denied to my earthly by an usurper and his faction, tho' it be well known I have been the instrument of preventing the ruin and destruction of many of my poor deluded countrymen who were in their service, as I shall make appear before I have done, if opportunities of writing fail me not. [On the second slip of paper.] In order to convince the world of the uprightness of my intentions while in the Prince of Wales's army, as well as to shew the cruelty, injustice, and ingratitude of my murderers, I !753] LAST SPEECH OF DR. CAMERON 133 think it proper, in the first place, to take notice, how much 6 June better usage I might have expected of my country if humanity and good nature were now looked upon with the same eyes as in the times of our brave and generous ancestors. But I 'm sorry to observe that our present men in power are so far sunk below the noble spirit of the ancient Britons as hardly at this day to be distinguished from the very basest of mankind. foU 1741. Nor could the present possessor of the throne of our injured sovereign, if he looked on himself as father and natural prince of this country, suffer the life of one to be taken away who had saved the lives and effects of more than 300 persons in Scot- land who were firmly attached to him and his party. But it seems it is now made a crime to save the lives of Scotchmen. As neither the time nor the poor materials I have for writing will allow me to descend to a particular enumeration of all the services I have done to the friends of the usurper, I shall, therefore, only mention a few of the most known, and such as can be well attested. In July 1745, soon after the setting up of the royal standard, and before our small army had reached Corryarick, it was moved by some of the chiefs to apply to the Prince for a strong detachment of clans to distress Campbell of Invera's house and tenants in the neighbourhood, which my brother, Lochiel, and I so successfully opposed, by representing to our generous leader [who was always an enemy to oppression], that such proceedings could be no way useful to his undertak- foi. 1742. ing, that the motion was entirely laid aside, to the no small mortification of the proposers. My brother and I likewise prevented such another design against Braidalbin, to the great satisfaction of our dear Prince. And on our return from England to Glasgow, Archibald Cameron. 1 [On a third slip of paper.] My brother and I did service to the town of Glasgow, of which the principal gentry in the neighbourhood were then, 1 Mr. Cameron, as was his custom when interrupted, subscribed his name, as he told his wife, to make what he had written the more authentic, in case he should not have an opportunity of writing any more. 134 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 6 J une and are to this day, very sensible, if they durst own the truth. But that might be construed as disaffection to a Government founded on and supported by lies and falshood. On our march to Stirling I myself [tho 1 I "m like to meet with a Hanoverian reward for it] hindered the whole town of Kirkintulloch from being destroyed, and its inhabitants put to the sword by my brother's men, who were justly incensed against it for the inhuman murder of two of Lady LochieFs fol. 1743. servants but two months before. Here was a sufficient pretence for vengeance had I been inclined to cruelty. But, I thank God, nothing was ever further from my nature, tho" I may have been otherwise represented. Mr. Campbell of Shawfield likewise owes me some small favours done to himself and family, which at least deserved some return in my behalf. And Lady Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, 1 now in London, can, if she pleases, vouch for the truth of some of the above facts. Archibald Cameron. [On a fourth slip of paper.] June 6, 1753. I thank kind Providence I had the happiness to be early fol. 1744. educated in the principles of Christian loyalty, which as I grew in years inspired me with an utter abhorrence of rebellion and usurpation, tho'' ever so successful. And when I arrived at man's estate I had the testimony both of religion and reason to confirm me in the truth of my first principles. Thus my attachment to the Royal Family is more the result of exami- nation and conviction than of prepossession and prejudice. And as I am now, so was I then, ready to seal my loyalty with 1 Sir Duncan Campbell waited upon the Duke of Argyll and earnestly solicited his grace to interceed with the Court for the preservation of Dr. Cameron's life. The Duke of Argyll spoke these or the like words, 'Sir Duncan, were I to crawl on all fours to these men, they would not grant me that favour.' Another gentleman went to one of the Secretaries of State and inter- ceded for Dr. Cameron's life. The Secretary gave for answer, ' Why come you to me ? Why don't you go to your countryman, the Duke of Argyll ? If he will ask the favour, it will not be refused. He is our first man in Scotland, and it is not our interest to deny him a favour when he thinks proper to ask it.' Let the world judge between the Duke of Argyll's words and the Secretary's. It is indeed generally thought that the truth of the last seems to be the most probable of the two. — F. 1750] SERVICES OF DR. CAMERON 135 my blood. As soon, therefore, as the royal youth had set up 6 June the king his fathers standard, I immediately, as in duty bound, repaired to it, and as I had the honour from that time to be almost constantly about his person till November 1748 [excepting the short time after the affair of Culloden that his Royal Highness was in the Western Isles], I became more and more captivated with his amiable and princely virtues, which are indeed in every instance so eminently great as I want words to describe. I can farther affirm [and my present situation, and that of my dear Prince too, can leave no room to suspect me of flattery] that as I have been his companion in the lowest degree of adversity that ever prince was reduced to, so I have beheld him too, as it were, on the highest pinacle of glory, amidst foi. 1745. the continual applauses, and I had almost said adorations, of the most brilliant court in Europe ; yet he was always the same, ever affable and courteous, giving constant proofs of his great humanity and of his love for his friends and his country. What great good to these nations might not be expected from such a Prince, were he in possession of the throne of his ancestors ! And as to his courage ! None that have ever heard of his glorious attempt in 1745, can, I should think, call it in question. I cannot pass by in silence that most unjust and horrid calumny (viz. of giving no quarter to our enemy) raised by the rebels under the command of the inhuman son of the Elector of Hanover, which served as an excuse for the unparallelled butchery committed by his orders in cold blood after the unhappy affair of Culloden ; which, if true, must have come to my knowledge, who had the honour to serve my ever dear master in quality of one of his aides de camp. And I hereby declare I never heard of such orders. This above is truth. Archibald Cameron. I likewise declare on the word of a dying man that the last foi. 1746. time I had the honour to see his Royal Highness, Charles, Prince of Wales, he told me from his own mouth, and bid me assure his friends from him that he was a member of the Church of England} Archibald Cameron. 1 See ff. I73I-I733- 136 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 [On a fifth slip of paper.] 6 June To cover the cruelty of murdering me at this distance of time from passing the unjust attainder, I am accused of being deeply concerned in a new plot against the government [which, if I was, neither the fear of the worst death their malice could invent, nor the blustering and noisy threatnings of the fol. 1747. tumultuous Council, 1 nor much less their flattering promises, could have extorted any discovery of it from me], but not so much as one evidence was ever produced to make good the charge. But it is my business to submit, since God in his all- wise providence thinks fit to suffer it to be so. And I the more chearfully resign my life, as it is taken away for doing my duty to God, my king, and my country ; nor is there any- thing in this world I could so much wish to have it prolonged for as to have another opportunity of employing the remainder of it in the same glorious cause. Archibald Cameron. I thank God I was not in the least daunted at hearing the bloody sentence which my unrighteous judge 2 pronounced with a seeming insensibility, till he came to these words, but not till fol. 1748 you are dead ; before which he made a pause, and uttering them with a particular emphasis, stared me full in the face, to see, I suppose, if I was as much frightened at them as he per- 1 Dr. Cameron while on his examination was asked, ' What had determined him to go to Rome (for that they had heard he had been there) as it was a long journey, and travelling was expensive ? ' The Dr. honestly and plainly an- swered, ' I went to see my old master, and to receive his commands for my young master.' 'Did you see your young master lately?' Answer, 'Yes,' 'Where did you see him?' Answer, 'At Paris.' [Here a considerable pause was made, and orders were given to note down exactly the words of the Dr. , they imagining now some mighty discovery to be made by him]. Then it was asked, ' When did you see your young master (as you call him) last at Paris?' Answer, ' In 1748.' They were much inraged at this answer, as they conjectured the Dr. would have condescended upon some later time, viz. in 1751 or I75 2 - The Duke of Newcastle, in particular, was so provoked that he stormed furiously and bawled out, ' This is the height of insolence ! most insufferable insolence ! insolence not to be borne with ! ' etc. etc. etc. In a word, such was the blustering that Dr. Cameron (as he acknowledged to a particular friend) was almost ready to smile, even in presence of the Council. — F. 2 Justice Lee, or Lord Chief Justice Lee. — F. 1753] LAST SPEECH OF DR. CAMERON 137 haps would have been had he been in my place. As to the June guilt he said I had to answer for, as having been instrumental in the loss of so many lives, let him and his constituents see to that. At their hands, not at mine, will all the blood that has been shed on that account be required. God of his infinite mercy grant they may prevent the pun- ishment which hangs over their heads by a sincere and timely repentance, and speedily return to their duty. I pray God to hasten the restoration of the Royal Family [without which this miserably divided nation can never enjoy peace and happiness], and that it may please him to preserve and defend the King, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York 1 from the power and malice of their enemies ; to prosper and reward all my friends and benefactors, and to forgive all my enemies, murderers, and false accusers, from the Elector of f° l - J749- Hanover and his bloody son, down to Samuel Cameron, 2 the basest of their spies, as I freely do from the bottom of my heart. (Sic subscribitur), Archibald Cameron. I am now ready to be offered. I have fought a good fight. All glory be to God. The above is a faithful transcript of my late dear husband's dying sentiments. (Sic subscribitur), Jean Cameron. Copy of a Letter from Dr. Archibald Cameron m i 75 o. under sentence of death, to his son in France. Tower of London, June 6th, 1753. My dear Child, — It is with the highest satisfaction that I have for some time past observed in you a sense of honour and 1 Dr. Cameron frequently owned that he was under particular and personal obligations to the Duke of York. — F. 2 Brother to Cameron of Gleneavis, and a lieutenant in Lord Lewis Drum- mond's regiment in France. Upon Mrs. Cameron's going over to France, after her husband's death, the said Samuel Cameron was tried by a court-martial and thrown into a dungeon. — F. 138 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 6 June loyalty much beyond what could have been expected from a boy of your years, and tho" death will soon deprive me of the power of being of farther service to my king, prince, and country, yet what greatly adds to my satisfaction is the prin- ciple you shew in your letter to your mother on the news of my being in custody, and the confidence you have of my in- violable fidelity to the royal cause. I give you the joy to assure you that your confidence is well grounded ; for I have been unalterable even in the smallest matters, and my approaching death and the most severe usage will rather serve to confirm than shake my fixed resolution of remaining so for ever. I am far less concerned about myself than about my friends foi. 1751- and ruined country. They, not I, claim pity, tho" I fall a victim to truth, honour, and uprightness, by the rage of Hano- verian counsels, the declared enemies to every virtue. I thank God I am hearty and in much better health than I have been for some years past, more especially since I saw that letter which gives me such hopes of your future conduct from the desire you express in it, that I should rather sacrifice my life than save it on dishonourable terms. [Macht mur in d'hair 1 (as Rothie used to say) i.e. the Son is like the father i\ I thank my God I was always easier ashamed than frightened. I have no money to leave you as a legacy, but take what is of infinite more value, viz.: Above all things first serve God, next your king, prince, and country ; then be always in your duty to your mother, brothers, and sister ; act honourably and honestly by your neighbour; meddle in no party quarrels; but foL 1752. when you are personally wrong'd, demand justice with coolness, regularity and resolution, without personal reflections. Beware of ever speaking to the disadvantage of the absent, even tho 1 they should deserve it. I recommend to you in a particular manner the care of your health. Observe great moderation in eating; at any rate abstain from heavy and late suppers ; and, above all, avoid 1 Macht ??iur in d^hair is an Erse saying. These and the other words inclosed thus [ ] were in the original letter ; but Mrs. Cameron, from a delicacy of senti- ment, earnestly begged and insisted they might be kept out of the printed copy, and her request was complied with. — F. 1753] DR- CAMERON'S ADVICE TO HIS SON 139 drinking and whoring. Be a good ceconomist of your little 6 June money and cloaths. Let the company you frequent be rather of your betters than your inferiors. My time and writing implements allow me only to recom- mend my most hearty thanks to my noble and worthy colonel. 1 Don't neglect your duty to him. My love and dying benediction to my children, affection to my brother's children, best wishes to all my friends, and hearty compliments to all my good acquaintance and . . . Here this great, good man was obliged to leave off, pro- bably for want of a knife to cut his bit of a pencil, and he never had another opportunity to add what he had to fol. 1753. say farther to his son, except what he told a friend by word of mouth, the morning of his execution, in delivering him the last present he sent his son, which was a pair of steel shoe-buckles, with the charge (which, that it might not be forgotten, he repeated several times), viz.: 6 These I send by you to my wife as my last present to my son, and bid her tell him from me that I send him these and not my silver ones, and that if I had gold ones I would not send him the gold, but these steel ones which I wore when sculking. For as steel is hard and of small value, it is therefore an emblem of constancy and disinterestedness. So I would have him constant and disinterested in the service and defence of his king, prince, and country, and neither be bribed nor frightened from his duty.' A genuine and authentic Account of the behaviour foi. 1754. of Dr. Archibald Cameron at the place of execution, on Thursday, June 7th, 1753, by an eye and ear witness. 2 When this gentleman came to the place of execution, he 7 June looked on the officers and spectators with an undaunted and 1 Lord Ogilvy. — F. 2 The Revd. Mr. James Falconar, a Scots, nonjurant, Episcopal clergyman, residing in London, and who attended the Dr. the last four days of his life. Mr. Falconar writes this to me, Robert Forbes (London, August io, 1753), inter alia: 140 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 7 June composed countenance ; and as soon as he was unloosed from the sledge, he started up, and, with an heroic deportment, stept up into the cart by the help of one of his executioners, whence looking round with unconcern on all the awful apparatus of foi. 1755. death, he smiled ; and seeing the clergyman that attended him coming up the steps, he came forward to meet him and en- deavoured with his fettered hands to help him up, saying, 6 So, are you come ? This is a glorious day to me ! 'Tis my new birth day. There are more witnesses at this birth than were at my first."' The clergyman asked him how he did. He said, 4 Thank God, I am very well ; but a little fatigued with my journey. But, blessed be God, I am now come to the end of it/ On hearing one of the gentlemen who presided at the execu- tion ask the clergyman whether he would be long about his office, Dr. Cameron immediately took the word and said, He required but very little time, for it was but disagreeable being there, and he was as impatient to be gone as they were. The clergyman then asked the gentleman who had spoke whether he was the sheriff, 1 and on his being answered in the affirmative, he told him Dr. Cameron's business there would be chiefly with foi. 1756. him, that he had something to communicate to him if he would take the trouble to come near, which he very readily complied with, and endeavoured to bring his horse close to the cart. But, finding the horse a little unruly, and that he could not hear what the Dr. said by reason of the noise of the multitude, he beckoned with his hand for silence, but to no purpose. Whereupon he very obligingly alighted and came up to the steps, and with great civility and attention listened to the Doctor, who spoke to this purpose : 4 Sir, you see a fellow- subject just going to pay his last debt to his king and country. 2 1 May you, nor I, nor none we wish well or who wish us well, ever have such another scene to act as I had on that melancholy yet glorious occasion. I was obliged (indeed, by his own desire) to go to the very gallows with my ever dear friend, and I had almost rather been hanged with him than be witness to his death. But he kept up my spirits, or otherwise I should never have been able to go through with my office,' etc. — F. 1 Mr. Missen, deputy-sheriff of Middlesex. — F. 2 These words, 1 to his king and country, were omitted by the newsmongers, 1753] CAMERON'S ADDRESS TO THE SHERIFF 141 I the more chearfully resign my life, as it is taken from me for 7 June doing my duty according to my conscience. I freely forgive all my enemies, and those who are instrumental in taking away my life. I thank God I die in charity with all mankind. foi. 1757. 6 As to my religion, I die a stedfast (tho 1 unworthy) member of that Church in which I have always lived, the Church of England, in whose communion I hope, thro"* the merits of my blessed Saviour) for forgiveness of my sins, for which I am heartily sorry. 'The custom of delivering something in writing on such occasions as this, I should willingly have complied with, had not my uncommon hard usage, even after sentence, put it out of my power, being denied the use of pen, ink, and paper, ex- cept in the presence of some of my keepers. But what I intend my country should be informed of with regard to my dying sentiments, I have by the means of a blunt pencil endeavoured to set down on some slips of paper as I could come by them, in as legible characters as I was able ; and these I have left in the hands of my wife, charging her, on her duty to her dying husband, to transmit with all convenient speed a faithful f° l - 1 75 8 - transcript of them to you, and I am confident she will honour- ably discharge the trust.' 1 He then told the Sheriff he would presume no longer upon his patience, but the Sheriff with looks that bespoke a good deal of concern and with much good nature, begged he would take as much time as he pleased, for they would wait till he was ready. The Doctor thanked him, then turning to the clergyman he said, 6 1 have now done with this world and am ready to leave it.' He joined heartily in the commendatory prayer, etc., then repeated some ejaculations out of the psalms. After which he embraced the clergyman and took leave of him. P.S. — As the clergyman was going down from the cart he for which reason the foresaid Mr. Falconer caused print off the account of the behaviour by itself in two 8vo leaves (which see) and insert the above words. See Scots Magazine for 1753, May, p. 251, June, pages 279-305. — F. 1 Which Mrs. Cameron most faithfully performed, sending along with it a letter from herself. — F. 142 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1753 7 June had like to have missed the steps, which the Doctor observing, foi. 1759. called out to him with a chearful tone of voice, saying, 4 Take care how you go. I think you don't know the way as well as I do/ N.B. — Leith, Saturday, August 9.5th, 1753. — I, Robert Forbes, received from the hands of the Rev. Mr. George Cheyne, a copy of Dr. Cameron's last and dying words, as also a copy of his letter to his son, both in manuscript ; and likewise a printed copy of the Dr.'s behaviour at the place of execution ; all which three papers were trans- mitted to me from the foresaid Rev. Mr. James Falconar, through the said Mr. Cheyne's hands, and were soon after printed at Edinburgh in one sheet 8vo, which see. The marginal notes at the foot of pages [ff.] 1743, 1746, 1747, 1748, and 1757, 1 took down in writing from Mr. Cheyne's own mouth as he had them from the mouth of said Mr. James Falconar. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi. 1760. Copy of a Letter (translated) from the Duke de Bouillon in France in 1745. i 745 Mon Maitre 1 , — [After a compliment or two follows thus] — On the receipt of the charming letter with which you honoured me, I flew to the king, and on my knees with tears in my eyes conjured him to sustain the design which he knew to be so lawful. I pointed to him the perils to which you was exposed. I said every thing you might expect from the sentiments that attach my life to your Royal Highness. Judge you the joy which the answer he made infused into me, when he assured me that he had taken to heart as much as it was possible for me the project you had formed, and that I might assure your Royal Highness that everything you might possibly have occasion for was ready. I insisted with the ministers to send the troops immediately. But they answered that it was absolutely necessary to have the news of your 1 i.e. ' My master,' a compellation given in the French language by inferiours to persons of royal extraction. — F. 1745] LETTERS FROM FRANCE AND SPAIN 143 arrival before anything should be sent, and that then your m I7 6i. Royal Highness had but to ask what should be convenient and useful for your design and it should be ready. I dare flatter myself that you will not leave me long in this mortal inquietude through the ignorance of your being safely arrived, and that your Royal Highness will again permit me to assure you that all my estate and all my blood is at your disposal. And in whatever service you shall employ me, in me you shall find both fidelity and vivacity to serve you with all my power and most profound respect, with which I shall have the honour to be while I live, Mon Maitre, your most humble and most obedient servante, (Sic subscribitur), Louis de Bouillon. N.B. — Friday, February 15th, 1754. — The preeceding and the following letter transcribed from copies in the custody of the right reverend Bishop Keith. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Letter (translated) from the Spanish foL resident in France in 1745. Mon Maitre, — When I received the order of my Court on the subject of the interest of your Royal Highness, I did not lose a moment to go and act with this Court. His most Christian Majesty did not hesitate to promise a prompt succour of men, money, and arms, and he ordered that all should be ready. I immediately dispatched a courier to the king, my master, to inform him of this resolution, and I can assure your Royal Highness that his Catholic Majesty has entirely con- formed himself to the disposition of the most Christian king, his nephew, and that he will furnish a succour altogether equal to that of this Court. But this is not all, for the most Christian king added that how soon he should learn that the dispositions of your people were fortified by your presence, and that they had taken their resolutions, he would augment these succours by making some more troops to pass to whatever place should be thought 144 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1745 convenient for sustaining them. And I have reason to believe fol. 1763. the brigade of Ireland is appointed for this. The king, my master, will furnish the same number of troops with his most Christian majesty. I have the honour to inform your Royal Highness of this disposition with a satisfaction of heart so very lively that nothing can add to it but the wishes I have to the happy success of so just an enterprize. I pray your Royal Highness to receive this assurance, and also that of the most profound respect with which I have the honour to be, Mon Maitre, your Royal Highness's most humble and most obedient servant, (Sic subscribitur), Le Prince de Campo Florido. P.S. — We wait here with the utmost impatience the news of your Royal Highness's debarquement. Copy of the Examination of John Gray of Rogart, a Highland drover, in 1746. Mr. Gray being called to the bar of the House of Commons. Mr. Speaker. What is your employment ? Gray. I have a little estate of my own. Sp. Do you know anything about the Earl of Kelly ? Gr. I do not particularly know that man, but I saw at Perth a person called the Earl of Kelly. Sp. What did you see him do there ? Gr. I saw him drunk in the streets, and in the coffee-house forcing people to play with him at backgammon, but could get none. Sp. Do you know William, Viscount Strathallan ? Gr. I do not know whether William or James be his name, nor never saw such a man till I was brought before him at Perth, and afterwards committed to prison by his orders, as I heard ; but I did not see him give the order. Sp. Had he Highland cloaths on, and a white cockade ? Gr. I am sure he had not Highland cloaths on ; and as to a white cockade, I am not positive whether or not. fol. 1764, 1746 1746] EXAMINATION OF JOHN GRAY 145 Sp. Why did they commit you to prison ? Gr. They told me no reason nor law for it. Sp. Withdraw, sir. Gray withdraws. Speaker asks if any here knew this man. To which foi. 1765. Sir John Gordon of Invergordon answered, If General St. Clare were here, he knew him very well, for he was agent for him at two elections in 1740. For his own part he was not well acquainted with him. Gray was called in a second time. Sp. Did you not believe Perth to be in the hands of the rebels, or in their possession then ? Gr. The inhabitants and burgesses were in their own houses for anything I know. But there were a great many men in Highland cloathes going and coming to and from the place while I was a prisoner. Sp. What time was you prisoner there ? Gr. About Christmas last. Sp. Do you know Lord Elcho ? Gr. Very well. Sp. Where did you see him ? Gr. At Dunrobin, in the Earl of Sutherland's house, some years ago. Sp. But I ask you, Did you see him among the rebels ? Gr. I never saw him since he was at Dunrobin. Sp. Do you know William Drummond, eldest son to the Viscount of Strathallan ? Gr. I do not. Sp. Did you see Simon Fraser, Master of Lovat, there ? Gr. I know very little about him. Sp. Little as it is, let me hear it. Gr. As to the person called the Master of Lovat, I never saw him before I came to Perth. But a friend of mine told f o! - *766. me he would interceed with the Master to get me enlarged. And when I was set at liberty I addressed a young lad in the streets and thanked him. But I do not affirm that person to be the Master of Lovat. Sp. What said that person to you ? Gr. He said, I was welcome. vol. in. k 146 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Sp. Had he arms on ? Git. I cannot condescend on any arms but a cutlace by his side. Sp. Was the Master of Lovat at the head of the Frasers ? Git. He is not their head till his father die, for my Lord Lovat is their head or chief. It is true he is my Lord's eldest son. Sp. Were not the Frasers at Perth when you were there ? Gr. Indeed, I believe, there might be Frasers there. Sp. But you seem to have a doubt that the Master of Lovat was the person you thanked for your liberty. And how could you address such a person when you are not certain it was he ? Gr. Would not your honour thank a person had done you a good office, although you was not acquainted with him ? Sp. Do you know the Duke of Perth ? Gr. I do not. But I saw a person called the Duke of Perth at Stirling, but would not know him if I saw him again. foi. 1767. Sp. Do you know James Graham of Duntroon, now Viscount of Dundee ? Gr. I know nothing about him. Sp. Did you see Lord Nairn ? Or. I saw a chaise pass by Down, and I heard Lord Nairn was in the same. Sp. Did you see Lord Ogilvy ? Gr. I saw a person called Lord Ogilvy at Stirling ; but if he was here now otherwise dressed than what he was there, I would not know him. Sp. Did you see Lord Lewis Gordon ? Gr. When I was on my way south, towards Aberdeen, six miles on this side of Huntly, there came a party of armed men, and carried me back with them towards Huntly on the Sabbath day, which was very stormy. Sp. To whom did these men belong ? Gr. They told me I would be obliged to wait till the Lord Lieutenant came from Aberdeen. So I was kept there twelve days, but met with civil treatment, and was honoured every night with a couple of centinels on my lodging. Sp. Who was the Lord Lieutenant ? Gr. After I was kept twelve days or thereby at Huntly, I 1746] EXAMINATION OF JOHN GRAY 147 was carried one night to the Castle of Huntly by six armed men, and brought into a room where there was a person called Lord Lewis Gordon (whether he was actually that person I cannot say), but he and those about him took an obligation of me, a copy whereof they gave me attested. This copy I gave in to the Lord Justice Clerk when I was carried before f oL *7 68 - him at Edinburgh. Sp. What was the import of that obligation ? Gr. So far as I mind, the import of it was that I should not carry arms against them for six months. Sp. Against whom ? Gr. They worded it as they pleased. I think it was against the king or prince. Sp. Did you understand their meaning to be, by that king and prince, the pretender and his son ? Gr. I make no doubt of that. Sp. Did they advise you to join in their service ? Gr. They thought their labour would be in vain, so gave me no trouble that way. Sp. What do you know of Lord John Drummond ? Gr. I saw a man at Perth called Lord John Drummond, and also at Aberdeen. Whether he was Lord or Laird I cannot be positive. Sp. What cloaths had he on ? Gr. He had a short blue coat trimmed with silver, and a blue bonnet on. Sp. Did you never see him give any orders to the rebels ? Gr. I never did. Sp. Did not he sign a declaration of war against his Majesty ? Gr. So he might unknown to me. Sp. Recollect yourself as to this declaration. Gr. I saw a declaration in print at Aberdeen, and John Drummond printed at it. But whether he signed it or not I can't tell. Sp. Did you see Sir William Gordon of Park ? Gr. I am not acquainted with that man. Sp. But did you not see him ? foi. 1769. Gr. I saw at Stirling a person called Sir William Gordon. Sp. Did you see that person do any acts of hostility ? 148 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Gr. No. Sp. Was Stirling then in possession of the rebels ? Gr. It was after the battle of Falkirk. Sp. Was General Blackney then in the castle ? Gr. So they told me. I was never in the castle. Sp. Do you know John Murray of Broughton ? Gr. No. Sp. Did you see John Gordon of Glenbucket ? Gr. Yes. Sp. Where? Gr. In a house in Stirling. Sp. What was he doing ? Gr. He was coughing. He is a very old man. Sp. Do you know Cameron of Lochiel ? Gr. I know none of the Camerons. Sp. Did you see Donald MacDonald of Clanronald, junior ? Gr. I might see him, but I would not know him by any other man. Sp. Did you see none of the MacDonalds ? Gr. None that I mind now but Lochgary. Sp. Where did you see him ? Gr. Going into a house near where I lodged. foi. 1770. Sp. What commission had he ? Gr. I heard that he was once in Loudon's regiment, a lieu- tenant. Sp. But don't you know of any other commission he had ? Gr. He never shewed me his commission. Sp. Did you not hear ? Gr. I heard he was aid de camp to the Pretender. Sp. Did you see Evan Macpherson of Cluny ? Gr. I never did. Sp. What do you know of Lachlan MacLachlan of Castle Lachlan ? Gr. Nothing. Sp. What do you know of George Lockheart, younger, of Carnwath? Gr. Very little. Sp. Little as it is, let us hear it. Gr. I was in the prison of Stirling, after the battle of Fal- 1746] EXAMINATION OF JOHN GRAY 149 kirk, with Major Lockheart of Cholmondley's regiment, who was then prisoner at the same time. I saw a young man speak- ing with the Major, and after this man parted with him, I asked him who that was. He told me, It was young Carnwath. I never saw him before nor since, nor would I know him if he was standing here now. Sp. What do you know of Laurence Oliphant of Gask ? Gr. I am not acquainted, nor ever spoke with him. I heard he was deputy governor of Perth. //. i 77 i. Sp. From whom had he his commission, as you heard ? Gr. From the Lord Strathallan. I never saw his commission. Sp. Had he Highland cloaths ? Gr. The person shown me out of the prison window as Gask, had on a laced hat and long cloaths. Sp. Did you see Mr. Graham of Airth ? Gr. I never saw him. Sp. Did you know John Stewart, commonly called Roy ? Gr. I have been acquainted with him when he was quarter- master in some of the Dragoons. Sp. Did you see him among the rebels ? Gr. I saw him at Stirling. Sp. What cloaths had he on ? Gr. He goes always very gay. Sometimes he had Highland cloaths, and other times long cloaths on. Sp. What did you see him do ? Gr. I saw him in the streets. Sp. Do you know Monaltery ? Gr. No. Sp. Do you know Alexander Macllvray of Drumnaglass ? Gr. I can't say that I know him, for I never saw him but once at the Laird of Macintosh his house of Moyhall in 1741. Sp. Did you see him in the rebellion ? Gr. I saw a man called Drumnaglass one night in Perth. M l 77*. I am not positive if it was him or not ; nor do I think I would know him if I saw him again. Sp. Were the Macintoshes at Perth at that time ? Gr. There was such a mixture of people that I could not distinguish which was which. Sp. But was Drumnaglass at the head of them ? 150 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Gr. I 'm not positive. Sp. What cloaths had he on ? Gr. Highland cloaths. Sp. What arms had he on ? Gr. I cannot condescend on any arms. Sp. Do you know Lachlan Macintosh, merchant in Inver- ness ? Gr. Yes, I am very well acquainted with him. Sp. Did you you see him at Perth ? Gr. Yes. Sp. What had he on ? Gr. Highland cloaths. Sp. Had he any arms on ? Gr. I know not. Sp. Did he speak to you ? Gr. Yes. Sp. What did he say to you ? fol 1773- Gr. He kissed and saluted me, and seem'd hurried. He said he would at greater leisure speak and drink with me. Sp. Are you acquainted with Malcolm Ross of Pitcalny ? Gr. I have seen him. Sp. Where did you see him last ? Gr. At the prison of Perth. I wrote a letter to him to come and see me. Sp. Why did you send for him ? Gr. To see if I could be got out of prison. Sp. What interest did you think he might have ? Gr. As he was my countryman, I thought he might assist me. Sp. Did you not know or hear of a commission he had ? Gr. Yes. Sp. From whom ? Gr. From his Majesty. I think it was an ensign in Lord Loudon's regiment. Sp. But you could not imagine he could have any interest that way at such a juncture ? Gr. There was a great many officers in and about Perth when I saw him there, and I was applying to every one I could see, being so anxious about my enlargement. Sp. What cloaths had he on ? 1746] EXAMINATION OF JOHN GRAY 151 Gr. He had a blue frock, a black wig, and no arms. foi. 1774- Sp. But did you not see him among the rebels ? Gr. I saw Sir Hary Monroe, Captain MacNab, Lieutenant Andrew Sutherland, and several officers in his Majesty's service, walk the streets among the Highlandmen as well as Malcolm Ross. Sp. This man knows nothing. A Member. Do not the Sutherland men wear Highland cloaths ? And are they not loyal to the present Government ? Gr. All the Sutherland men are most loyal to a man, for I ought to know ; and I believe they gave proofs of that lately, and they all wear Highland cloaths. Another member asks a question. Gr. 1 11 answer Mr. Speaker. Sp. Did you not hear those people talk treasonable expres- sions while amongst them ? Gr. I heard them drink the king, prince, and duke's health. Sp. It is strange you know so little of the rebels when you was so long amongst them. Gr. Altho"' I had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by them, I was not a spy to penetrate into their actions, or dive into their secrets. Moreover, I never thought I was to be foi. 1775. examined before this honourable House till three days ago that Solicitor Sharp caused serve me with a writ. And it is not to be imagined that a person like me, who was about forty days prisoner, would know much about these people's transactions. Gray withdraws. Solicitor Sharp says — We might as well let you stay out still. Gr. If you were to torture me, you '11 get no more of me, and I told you so when you caused charge me before this house. N.B. — Saturday, February 16th, 1754, the preceding copy taken from a copy in the custody of the right reverend Bishop Keith. Robert Forbes, A.M. N.B. — It is worth the remarking, that the foresaid John Gray, upon coming from the House of Commons, after said examination, to his own lodging, found upon his table a letter sealed and directed to himself, which letter 152 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1756 when opened was blank, but contained a bill of fifty pounds sterling for his own particular use. Robert Fobres, A.M. N.B.—May 1th, 1756.— Died at his house of Kilmane in the Isle of Sky, John MacKinnon of that Ilk, i.e. the old Laird of MacKinnon, in the 75th year of his age, leaving issue two sons and a daughter, Charles, Lachlan, and Margaret, all born after the 71st year of his age. He used to say he hoped God would not take him off the earth but on the field of battle when fighting for his king and country. He frequently retired to the cave in which the Prince and he himself and his lady dined just before the Prince's leaving Sky in his sculking, and there he would have entertained himself with laying down a plan for the restoration, and with the execution thereof in theory, and then came home extremely well pleased. Robert Forbes, A.M. Oct. 777- N.B.— At Edinburgh, Thursday, October 28th, 1756, 1 dined with the right reverend Mr. William Falconar in his own house, in company with Mr. Duncan Campbell of the family of Calder, and Patrick Grant, 1 one of the 8 noted Glenmoriston men in 1746, when the said Mr. Campbell took occasion to examine the said Patrick Grant very strictly and minutely about a matter that had hitherto prevailed, and met with credit univer- sally, viz., that John MackDonald who was hanged at Inver- lochie upon Friday, May 31st, 1754, for cow stealing, had been one of the said noted Glenmoriston men. Patrick Grant assured us that this story was far from being true, for that John MackDonell (one of the above eight) was his door-neigh- bour, and still in life and good health, and that he was really and truly a Campbell, having changed his name to that of MackDonell upon his coming to live in the bounds and under the protection of the family of Glengary, it being the usual custom for those of a different name to take the name of the chiftain under whom they live in the Highlands of Scotland. Patrick Grant said as to the above story 4 the matter of fact 1 See ff. 1660, 1703. 1756] A BOGUS GLENMORISTON MAN 153 was this, that the hanged John MackDonell, upon his being 28 Oct. taken up, affirmed himself to be one of the 8 noted Glenmoris- ton men in 1746, the sameness of the name favouring his design, he vainly imagining that this story if once credited might be of use to him in the event of his being brought to a trial, — that the story was indeed so universally credited, never meeting with the smallest contradiction, that the people in and about Inver- ness, both gentry and commonalty, commiserated his case very much, and shewed him singular acts of kindness and sympathy f° l - I 77 8 » [insomuch that some of them exerted themselves for the preser- vation of his life, as may be seen among mv papers], 6 and that the other John MackDonell, really and truly one of the fore- said eight, did not think himself at freedom to appear then or afterwards for the discovery of the cheat, because that would have tended to have set himself up as a mark to be aimed at some time or other ; and therefore it behoved him to lie snug, to allow the imposition to pass from hand to hand and to con- sult personal safety by a profound and seasonable silence.'' Bishop Falconar and Mr. Duncan Campbell were extremely pleased with the whole of the conversation, but particularly delighted with the clearing up of the truth as to the foresaid current story. Mr. Duncan was not a little fond to discover that a Campbell had a share in the truly heroic conduct of de- spising ^30,000 Sterling at the manifest hazard of life itself. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Paper from an Eyewitness concerning /*/. 1779. the cruelties after the battle of Culloden, in form of a letter to me, Robert Forbes. 1 Sir, — The repeated solicitations of a man of your worth and April merit for whom I have the greatest value has at last prevailed 1746 upon me to sit down and write in my form and language, a sketch of the cruelties were upon the rebell prisoners, fell in our hand at and after the batle of Culloden. I had two great objections against this task (or you would 1 Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, p. 337 et seq. 154 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April have it sooner), the first knowing my own incapacity for it, and the second, that these more than Neronian cruelties ought not to be put to light, but burry'd in oblivion. But as I know you to be a curious man, and only wants to have this sketch for your own perusale in your cabinet, I have complied with your desires. Mr. John Frazer's letter gives a pretty good account of what was done in the field of batle, 1 and the two Englishmen's letter 2 fol. 1780. give yet a greater light into it, but not one half of what hap- pen'd. But I design to confine myself only to their usage after these poor unhappy people were put up in goalls, kirks, and ships. You '11 find by the sequell (and I am sorry to say it) the tragedy of Richard the Third or Spitamenus's wife, who brought her husband's head to Alexander, is nothing in com- parison to this, as the first was done out of avourice, and the last thorow love. Its known that Spitamenus was as great a rebell to Alexander and as dangerous an enemy, as any of these poor people coud be to this present government. But when his wife appear'd at Alexander's tent with her husband's head, he was so choked at the sight that he ordered [her] to leave the army. c Mais enfin l'enormite du crime l'emporta sur la con- sideration du service si bien qu'il luy fit commandement de sortir de l'armee.' But our generall officers saw it in another light, for the more cruelties were comitted, the better thought of and rewarded. I have known officers raise themselves from nothing by their cruelties. Richard the Third and Spita- menus's wife were induced to comitt their horible crimes by their two different passions, which are the strongest of any with some, and it was over in a hurry ; but ours was a continuall scene of cruelties, from the sixteenth of Aprile fourty six to fol. 1781. Aprill forty seven, wantonly without any honorous cause, but for cruelty's sake. A Spaniard or Neapolitan falling into the hands of the Algeriens is not so ill used ; for if they deny their Jesus, theyr set at liberty. But altho these poor people woud 1 See ff. 1239, 1326. 2 Meaning that letter in this volume, f. 1603, and, not knowing the real author of it, but supposing two English gentlemen to have writ it, who had actu- ally come into Scotland in order to make all the inquiry they could about the cruelties, and they met with many shocking stories. — Robert Forbes, A.M. 1746] AT INVERNESS AFTER CULLODEN 155 deny their Charly or Jamie, they meet the same usage, because April they loved them once. The gallys is nothing to it, for there they have meat with their labour and confinement. Yea, even the Inquisition itself in the worst sense is not comparable to our scene. To begin. When we had filld all the goalls, kirks, and ships at Inverness with these rebell prisoners, wounded and naked as they were, we ordered that non shoud have any access to them either with meat or drink for two days. By means no doubt we thought at least the wounded woud starve either for want of food or cloaths, the weather being then very cold. The two days being passed there was a corum of officers pitched upon to goe and visit them in order to take down their names and numbers, which was dimished prety weell (without having the least regard to order the remaining part either meat or drink to suport nature). Amongst the number I was myself, but, oh Heavens ! what a scene open to my eyes and nose all at once ; the wounded feltring in their gore and blood ; some dead bodies covered quite over with pish and dirt, the living fol. 1782. standing to the middle in it, their groans woud have pirsd a heart of stone, but our corrupt hearts was not in the least touched, but on the contrary we began to upbraid them the moment we entred their prisons. Doctor Lauder's case of in- struments was taken from him for fear he shoud end any of the wounded, and on, John Farqrson of Aldlerg, 1 who was, I believe, a kind of a Highland blooder, his lancet was taken out of his pocket for fear he should begin to blood them, after his Highland way, to save some few of the woundfed] to have fallen in fevers. That night it was determined in the privy counsell that each prisoner should have half a pound oat meall per day (but Haly thought it too much) and accordingly they sent some of their commissarys to distribute the meall. I coud not help laughing in the time of the distribution when the poor things had nothing left them to hold their meall but the fore- skirt of their shirts, rather exposing their nakedness to the world than want their meall. They made very odd figures every on with his half pound meal tied up in his shirt lap, and 1 See ff. 1733. 156 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April all below naked. Some were handcuffed, especially Major foi. 1783. Stewart and Major M'Lachlan. Their handcuffs were so tight that their hands swelld and at last broke the skin so that the irons coud not be seen. I can compare their case to no- thing better than a horse sore sadle-spoild which runs a great deall of thick matter and blood. In this excessiff agony were they keep ten days notwithstanding all the application they made only to get wider handcuffs, or their being changed and put upon their other hands. Amongst the rest I seed a Frenchman in the agonies of death lying in nastiness up to his stomack, and I myself put a great stone under his head that he might not be choaked with which he ly in. We allways took care not to bury their dead untill such time as we had at least a dozen of them. Only imagine to yourself what for an agree- able smell was there — their own excraments with the stink of the dead body is that seldome were taken away befor they began naturaly to melt by the heat of the weather. Captain Walker, aboard who's ship a good many prisoners were put, obeyed his master's orders so punctually that he, even he woud not give the poor prisoners the water he boild his beeff in, but rather threw it over, and said it was to good foi. 1784. for rebells. A great many of those that were not wounded, by the ill usage and hunger sicknd, nor coud they have the benefite of a surgeon, it being absolutely defended, 1 by which many died that might still have been in life. Amongest the woundfed] I pityed non more than on Cameron of Callort, who was a gentle- man. He had his arm broke ; a great many freends in the place, even in our army ; notwithstanding all, he coud not have a surgeon to dress him for ten days time ; that att last Mr. Menzie att Inverness made stolen marches to see his freend. The Sunday senight after the batle there was orders given that all the prisoners shoud be reviewed publickly in the streets of Inverness, and accordingly there was two lines of our men from on end of the Bridge Street to the other, and twixt these two lines the prisoners were to pass munster. Such a scene was 1 i.e. denied. This letter writer was bred for some time in the business of a writer. Everybody knows what the terms ' plaintiff' and 'defendant ' mean ; the latter readily denying all that is complained. Besides he knows Erse much better than English.— Robert Forbes, A.M. 1746] CRUEL USAGE OF THE PRISONERS 157 never seen — some entirely naked, others in their shirts, and April their meall tied as before. The wounded men even behoved to come out ; neither crys nor intreaties woud save them ; and those who were not able either to stand or wake were carryd by their fellow prisoners, amongest the loud huzhuza of officers foi. 1785. and soldiers, non more delighted than Mr. Bruce. Any reasonable thinking man woud have thought their cruelty woud have ceased again the twenty-ninth of May, which 29 May day these poor people were set aboard the tenders to be carried to London. But it rather increased, for there was no more regard for them there than what they had showen at Inverness. They put so many aboard each ship that their own breath and heat made them swarm with vermine. You 'd have laughed to have seen them lying 'twixt decks, like fish in a pond, and every one had a twig in his hand to defend himself from the atacks of his nighbour's lice. There was a little space 'twixt every two, and on the centure of this space was a mark distinguishing thir marchis. There you woud have seen the lice marching and contre marching in order for an asault ; but the moment the lice of the one came to the forsaid mark, he took his twig and beat them back, because they said their nighbour's lice bite sorer then there own. But att last, by hunger, bad usage, and lying upon the ballasts and twixt decks exposed to all weathers, they were ceased with a kind of a plague which caryed them foi. 1786. off be dozens, and a good many of those who woud have out- lived their sickness was wantonly murdered by the sailors by diping of them in the sea in the crissis of their fevers. This was the sailor's diversion from Buchanness point till we came to the Nore. They 'd take a rope and tye about the poor sicks west, 1 then they woud hawll them up by their teckle and plunge them in the sea, as they said to drown the vermine ; but they took specell care to drown both together. Then they'd hawll them up upon deck and ty a stone about on the leggs and over board with them. I have seen six or seven examples of this in a day. After we brought them up the river Thames, we got orders to seperat their officers from what they called soldiers, and bring the officers to Southwark new goall, and leave the iSeeff. 1345, 1597. 158 THE LYON IN MOURNING July comons att Tillburry Fort, without meat, drink, money, or cloaths, and actually they woud have starved had it not been for the charity of the English, the Government not giving them on sols to live upon except those few that turned evidences. Its no great wonder if they all had turnd evidences toi. 1787- to get out of this miserable situation, the prospect of which behoved to appear worse than death ; for, in my opinion, nothing coud come up to it save the notion we conceve of hell. And I do not know if hell itself be so bad, only that it may be of a longer duration. But to return to our gentlemen officers ; they were brought up in rank and file, exposed to the furry of a tumoultous mob, who nether spared them with their outrageous words, spitles, dirt, and even stones and bricks, and in that manner carryd through all the streets in Southwark, and at last delivered over to the hands of a goaller who neither had the least fear of God nor humanity, a creture entirly after our own heart, who loaded them the moment they entered his gates with heavy irons and bad usage. Those amongest that had mony to pur- chase the liberty of on leg, was relived a litle, but such as had not must groan under their weight. Nor woud their freend be allowed sent the least nessessaries of life. The Government was deafF to their crys and petition, so that this bloody rascall of a goaler might use them at discreation, which he very im- piously and cruely did ; nor woud their friends get to see them without paying for their liberty, not even to make up some fol. 1788. sort of defences for their lives, which was wantonly taken away. After every execution the mangled bodies were brought back to the goall, and remained there some days to show the remain- ing prisoners how they were to be used in their turn. I am very shure nothing coud be more chocking to nature than to see their comrades, their friends brought back in such a condi- tion, all cut to pieces, the very comrades they parted with about an hour and a half before in perfect good health and top spirits. They had even the cruelty to keep up the reprives of those that were to be saved till some hours before their execution. Of all that fell in our hands none were pardoned but two. All the rest were either transported or put to death, either with or without law. By this we see that the Govern- 1743] PROTEST BY PRINCE CHARLES 159 ment of England has fallen upon more cruell ways to punish their disobedient fellow-creatures than the Creator to punish even the disobedient angells and sons of men, with this differ- ence — the one to eternall, and the other only for a time. But when the time of times shall come, woe be to them. I belive again you come this lenth, you'll be as tired reading fol. 1789. as I am writting. So hopes you '11 freely and frankly excuse all faults and faillings. I am, Your etc. (Sic suhscribitur), Brutus Scotorum. Leith, November 24, 1752. N.B. — The original of the preceeding paper or letter (though disguised under the name of an officer, etc.) is the handwriting of John Farquharson of Aldlerg, commonly called * John Anderson my jo,' and mentioned in this same paper near the top of page [f.] 1782. He made his escape from London out of a messenger's hands after being under sentence of death. The said original is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a Protest, etc. / 0 i. I79 Charles, P. R. Charles, Prince of Wales, Regent of Great Britain, etc., to 16 July all the kings, princes, republicks, etc. 1748 Nobody is ignorant of the hereditary right of our royal house to the throne of Great Britain. It is needless to enter into a detail of it here. All Europe is instructed with the troubles which have so often harrassed these kingdoms, and with the wrongs which we have experienced. It knows that no length of time can alter the constitution of that country, nor form a prescription contrary to its fundamental laws. It could not without astonishment see us remain silent when the powers at war are holding an assembly for peace, which might, without regard to the justice of our cause (in which every sovereign power is interested), statute and stipulate articles prejudicial to our interests and to those of the subjects of our most honoured lord and father. 160 THE LYON IN MOURNING 16 July For these causes, and authorized by the examples of our most 0 ' 1791 honoured grandfather and of our most honoured father and lord, we both in the name of our most honoured father and lord, who has given us his full powers in confiding to us the regency of his kingdoms, and in our own and private name, as natural heir of that crown, Protest in the manner the most solemn, and in the best form that may be, against all that which may be said, done, or stipulated in the Assembly which is presently held at Aix-la-Chapelle, or in any other assembly which may be held in consequence of it in any place whatsoever to the prejudice and diminution of the lawful rights of our most honoured father and lord, of our own, of the princes or princesses that are or will be born of our roval house. We protest in the like manner against all conventions that may be stipulated in the said assemblies, so far as they shall be contrary to engagements already entered into by us. We declare by these presents that we regard, and will always regard, as null, void, and of no effect, everything that may be statuted or stipulated which may tend to the acknowledgment of anv other person whatsoever as sovereign of the kingdoms foi. 1792. of Great Britain, besides the person of the most high and most excellent prince, James the Third, our most honoured lord and father, and, in default of him, the person of the nearest heir agreeably to the fundamental laws of Great Britain. We declare to all the subjects of our most honoured lord and father, and more particularly to those who have given us re- cently strong proofs of their attachment to the interests of our Royal family, and to the primitive constitution of their coun- try, that nothing shall ever alter the lively and sincere love which our birth inspires us with for them; and that the just gratitude which we have for their fidelity, zeal, and courage, shall never be effaced from our heart. That, so far from listen- ing to any proposition that tends to destroy and weaken the indissoluble ties which unite us, we look and always will look upon our selves as under the most intimate and indispensible obligation to be constantly attentive to all that which may contribute to their happiness, and that we shall be always ready to spill the very last drop of our blood to deliver them from a foreign yoke. 1757] LINES ON THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND 161 We protest and declare that no defects which may be in this 16 present protestation shall hurt or prejudice our royal house, fol and we reserve to ourselves all our rights and actions which shall remain safe and entire. Given at Paris this 16th day of Julv, 1748. C. P.R. N.B. — The above is only a translation of the original, which was in French, and which was presented to the members of the Congress then held at Aix la Chapelle. Robert Forbes, A.M. On the Duke of Cumberland's happy return to England f 0 i in 1757. 1 Ye British bards ; why thus asleep ? Awake as in the days of yore ! See William wafted o'er the deep And landed safe on Britain's shore ! Wake then ! and your united voices raise To sing the hero's triumph and his praise ! 2 0 ! could I touch that tuneful lyre Whose most melodious birthday odes So oft have rank'd great William's sire With heroes and with demigods ! Then would I sing in like harmonious lays, The glorious William's triumph and his praise. 3. I 'd sing how valiantly he fought At the fam'd field of Dettingen, Where by his puissant arm, 'tis thought, Some thousands of the French were slain. Where, all at once, he learn'd the art of war, At the expence of one poor harmless scar. vol. in. L THE LYON IN MOURNING [1757 4. Next wou'd I sing his martial skill And conduct shewn at Fontennoy, Which so much Gallick blood did spill, And Saxe and Lewis so annoy. Nor woiTd forget the column raised there By the poetic pen of great Voltaire. 5. But oh ! what muse cou'd next rehearse His warlike deeds beyond the Forth ? What poet could set forth in verse His generous actions in the North ? His clemency — which made more hearts to yield Than all he conquer'd on Cullodden field. 6. How good and great it was to see The wounded freed of all their pain ! The many prisoners set free ! The decent burials of the slain ! The army with their leader so combhVd To bless and save both man and womankind ! 7. 'Tis not indeed for ev'ry quill To celebrate these deeds so bright. Ev'n Homer, were he living still, Wou'd puzzled be to paint them right. To tell how deep recorded they will stand In Fame's great book and Caledonia's land. 8. Nor wou'd it be an easy matter His other victories to trace. At Vail, how much he got the better, Tho" > forc'd, in end, to leave the place. For there four thousand British only fell, Whilst fifteen thousand French were sent to Hell ! i;58] LINES ON THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND 163 9. But still a noble scene remains, M 1796. For tho" at Hastenbeck defeated ; It wou'd require the loftiest strains To tell how he to Stade retreated. How there he bubbled the French politicians And shew'd himself the flower of state physicians. 10. Tho" Prussia murmurs and repines At his most glorious convention, Yet Richlieu evYy time he dines Will drink his health with pure intention. And evYy pen that truly tells the story, Will say, This treaty crowned his former glory ! 11. Ye British senators ! make haste And vote him some more thousands yearly. Ye Londoners ! prepare a feast And treat him whom ye love so dearly. Ye Britons all ! exert your utmost spirit, And give him the reward his glorious actions merit ! 1 November 10th, 1757. Copy of a Paragraph from a Letter from the foi. 1797. Revd. Mr. Ludovick Grant at Fortrose, to me, Robert Forbes. In the fatal year '46 I was forc'd to abscond, else had been 1746 sent prisoner by sea to London. UnrooFd the meeting-house and burnt the timber in the churcheyard, for if they burnt it otherwise it woud endanger the town. Fortrose, October 25, 1758. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1 As a tail-piece to this poem Mr. Forbes has drawn the picture of a gibbet. [Ed.] 164 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1759 18 Jan, Edinburgh, January 18^/t, 1759. The Revd. Mr. Alexander Mitchel informed me that there was before, and in 1746, an excellent library at Presshome in the Enzie, a part of Banfshire ; that the said library belonged to the Roman Catholicks in the North of Scotland, Mr. John Gordon, a priest, being librarian, and dwelling in the said house of Presshome, one room of which was compleatly fitted up all around with books, there being likewise books in some other rooms, and a good many more books in chests, for which proper places had not been yet foi 1798. fitted up ; that there were among them good editions of the fathers of the Church, as also Protestant authors not a few ; and that after the battle of Culloden a command of soldiers with an officer at their head came to Presshome, took down all the books of said library and put them in carts, dragging them to the burgh of Cullen of Boyn, at the cross of which they burnt them all to ashes in face of the sun and in presence of a crowded mob. So careful and exact were they in bringing them along that when any of the books dropt out of the carts the country people in the procession durst not touch them, but the soldiers gleaned them up and replaced them in the carts. O sordid, illiberal souls ! Who would ever imagine that such low, dirty animals knew so much as a single letter of the alphabet ? An instance of barbarous, savage conduct more truly Hotten- tot-like than anything else ! Mr. Mitchel told me that he had been frequently in the said library, and that the books were all in good condition. Some short time after burning said books the officer who commanded the party was shot dead (unde- signedly) on the spot where he had stood to preside over the burning of them, which happened thus. One Campbell, an officer (perhaps of militia), having been put under arrest for some malverse or other, happened to see a loaded musket in foi. 1799. the room in which he was coop'd up, and levelFd the piece from a window at that officer who had been the principal instrument of his arrest, and who was then standing close by the command- ing officer of the book-burning party, just where the infamous scene had been acted, the latter of whom Campbell shot dead, and missed the one he had aimed at. A most remarkable miss, and as remarkable the hit. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1759] BURNING OF MEETING-HOUSES 165 Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Revd. Mr. John Stewart at Tain, to me, R. F. My meeting-house was burnt to ashes in the moneth of May May 1746, and my dwelling house was plunder'd of all that was not 1746 put out of the way before the plundering party came. Tain, February 2&th 9 1759. N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy of a return to the above paragraph. I thank you for informing me about burning your meeting March house, etc. But pray by whom or what party were the deeds 1759 done against you ? Let me know likewise of all the other foi. 1800. burnings and pillages within your knowledge. Can you give me any certain accounts of the death of Rorie Mackenzie? 1 This is a particular I have long made inquiry about, but as yet to no purpose. Robert Forbes. Leith, March 1th, 1759. Copy of part of a Letter from said Mr. John Stewart to me, Robert Forbes. My best meeting house was burnt by a party of the Earl of 26 March Sutherland's militia, and by virtue of his lordship's order, and it was said that he had his from the commander in chief. My other house lay more retired, and was safe. Mr. Grant's house in Fortrose was burnt. The other was only shut up : and Mr. Urquhart's two meeting houses were both shut up. There was no other burning in this shire that now occurrs to me. I can give you no authentick account of Roderick M'Kenzie's death. I know well that it was early, and generally believed over all this country and in the Highlands, in the neighbour- hood of the place where it was said to be acted. And it was 1 See f. 146. 166 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1759 26 March certainly in the pamphlets of those times, tho I cannot sav that I conversed with any that were eyewitnesses of it. But few or none in this country call it in question. His mother foi. 1801. and his sisters, I believe, still live at Edinburgh, and its pro- bable they have made ane exact and sure scrutiny into it, of whom it might be proper to enquire. Tain, March 26th, 1759. A 7 . B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Copy, etc. Edinburgh, 5th June 1745. 5 June George 1 Blaw of Castlehill incarcerate upon the following 1/45 warrand by Robert Craigie, Esq., his Majestys Advocate, and one of the Justices of the Peace of the County of Midlothian. Whereas there is just reason to suspect that George 1 Blaw of Castlehill, lately arrived from France, and now in custody of a messenger in the Canongate, is guilty of high treason, these are therefore authorising and requiring yow to committ the said George 1 Blaw prisoner to the Tollbooth of Edinburgh for suspition of high treason, there to be detain'd till he is delivered by due course of law. Given at Edinburgh the fifth day of June 1745 years. (Signed) Rob. Craigie. To Messengers att Arms, Constables, and other officers of the law, and to the keeper of the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. Eodem die. 18 June \Sth June 1745. — George 1 Blaw, designed as above, was liberate by the following order : foi. 1802. John, Marquis of Tweedale, Earl of Gifford, Viscount of Walden, and Lord Hay of Yester, one of the Lords of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Councill, and principall Secre- tary of State. These are in his Majesty's name and authority to authorize and require you to deliver the body of George 1 A misnomer. It should be John. — F 1759] JOHN BLAW OF CASTLEHILL 167 Blaw, prisoner in your custody on suspision of high treason, n June to the bearer William Haite, one of his Majesty"^ messengers 1745 in ordinary, in order to his being brought before me to be examined and further dealt with according to law. And for so doing this shall be your warrand. Given at Whitehall the 11th day of June 1745, in the nineteenth year of his Majesty's reign. (Signed) Tweedale. To the keeper of the Tolbooth at Edinburgh or his deputs. Edinburgh the 18th June 1745. I acknowledge to have received, in pursuance of the above authority, the body of George 1 Blaw from the keeper of the Edinburgh Tolbooth. Per me, Wm. Haite. N.B. — The following from the original : Edinburgh, 15th June 1759. These do certify, that what is above written is a just copie 15 June of the warrand for committing George Blaw of Castlehill to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and an order for his and warrand for his being delivered to William Haite, one of his Majesties messengers, for his being carried to London. Extracted furth of the Records of the Tolbooth of Edinburgh by me, clerk thereto, (Sic subscribitur) Robert Sanders, Clk. Leith, November 2Xth, 1759— Several papers were delivered fol. 1803. to me from the Revd. Mr. Robert Lyon, in Lady Cotton's 27 Nov. family in London, which papers he had got from Thomas Bowdler, Esquire, at Ashley, near Bath (brother-german to the after mentioned Mrs. Gordon of Hallhead), to be transmitted to me. Here follow true and faithful copies of said papers. 2 N.B. — The three following paragraphs are taken from the holograph of said Mr. Bowdler, as written to the said Mr. Lyon, without date, subscription, or address. I herewith send you a copy of a letter from my sister, Gordon, to my sister, Jane Bowdler ; also a copy of what I took down 1 Still a misnomer. It should be John. — F. 2 Printed in the Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 211-230. 168 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1759 Nov. from her own mouth relating to her affair, and an inventory of what she lost, so far as she could recollect the particulars. I believe I told you the paper was sign'd by her ; but if I said so it was a mistake, for I now recollect that when I read over what I had wrote down from her mouth, I found the language so incorrect, that I resolved to alter it at my leisure, and then to give it to her to sign when put into a more perfect form. This, however, I delayed too long, for it pleased God to take her before I had done anything towards it. So you can only now have what I may call a rough draft. Mrs. Jackson, a lady who had been long acquainted with Mrs. Gordon, and who knew the china, having seen it at Mr. Gordon's house in London, going one day along the streets, saw some of the china in the window of a china shop, and had the curiosity to go into the shop to ask the man of whom he bought it, and he said he had it from a woman of the town, who told him it was given her by the Duke of Cumberland. 1804. Copy of the forementioned Letter to Sister Jane Bowdler. That you, my dear Mrs. Bowdler, Miss Hariott, and my brother, have been all very much astonished at not having for so long a time heard from me (especially as I have had several kind letters from you all), I verily believe ; but what is worse, the reading of this will give you and all my friends great con- cern, and surprize you very much, when I shall tell you that the day before the Duke of Cumberland came here, which was the 23d of Feberuary, Colonel Watson, one of General Hawley's aid-de-camps, my neighbour, Mrs. Thomson, and Provost Robinson, came to me and said that the College which was designed for the Duke was not found convenient, and that my house and Mr. Thomson's was what they must have. It was no difficulty for Mr. Thomson to find a place to go to, because all his and his wife's relations live here. But that was not my case. However, these gentlemen told me that when I had found a place to put myself in, all the difficulty was over, for that as to everything that was in the house greater care would be taken of it then of any other : for I might and ought to depend 1746] DUKE OF CUMBERLAND IN ABERDEEN 169 on it, that as I lent my house for their conveniency, they would 23 Feb. not let me be a sufferer in any respect ; that as to my chinea and linnen, I must lock it up, and put my kitchen furniture in the celler, that it might not be in their way, and lock them, only foi. 1805. leaving them a place for their coals, and two maids in the house to do anything for them, and make myself quite easie, for they would not stay above 2 or 3 days here. I did not know where to go or what to do, for everbody's house was filled. Whilst I was in this anxiety Sir Arthur came in and said I might send the child to his house in the country, which was a great releife to me. I then sent to ask my evening friend if he could lodge me and my maid, which he very obligingly did, by putting part of his family to shift for themselves. When I had provided myself with a lodging, the next was to set all things by as I was desired, and realy thought that I had done everything in so right a manner, that there was no room to doubt but that what had been said to me would prove true. But as you will find by what follows it did not. For the very morning after they came, before I was out of my bed, General Hawley sent two messengers to command me to send him every key I had. And so I did, still thinking that when he had satis- fied his curiosity he would send them to me again. But about six o'clock in the afternoon he sent one of his aid-de-camps to foi. 1806. me (whose name is Wolf), who, after telling me rudely enough that he had a great deal of trouble to find me out, said that he was come to let me know that I was deprived of every thing I had but the cloths on my back. Do not wonder that I thought this an uncommon hard sentence, for I am very sure that I never either said or did anything that could offend any of them, or any of the inhabitants of the place. The gentleman told me that indeed the generall had been very strict in his inquirys about me, but could not find anything to lay to my charge. The next day there was a petition read to the Duke, setting forth the cruelty of this sentence, and desiring that at least I might have my cloths belonging to myself and child with my provisions, with what I could make plainly appear belonged intirely to me or other people. It was said he seemed quite amazed at it, and said he would take care that I should not be robed. And indeed the same gentleman came to me again, 170 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 24 Feb. and said the Duke had ordered that my things should not be taken from me. So I thought I might depend on this message. But Generall Hawley, who lived in my house, took care to foi. 1807. prevent that, for he packed up every bit of chinea I had, which I am sure would not be bought for two hundred pound, all my beding and table linnen, every book, my repeating clock which stood by the bed in which he lay every night, my worked screen, every ragg of Mr. Gordon's cloths, the very hat, breeches, night gown, shoes, and what shirts there was of the childs, 12 tea spoons, strainer and tonges, the japan'd board on which the chocolate and coffee cups stood, and put them on board a ship in the night time, directed to himself at Holyrood House at Edenburgh. The flutes, musick, and my cane, he made presents off. I had 5 lb. and half of tea, 7 loaves of fine sugar, half a hundred of lump, 7 lb. of chocolate, a great stock of salt beef, pickled pork, hams, peas, butter, coals, peats, ale, verme jelly, rice, and spice, some cheese, brandy, rum, sago, hartshorn, salop, sweetmeats, Narbonne hony, two dozen wash- balls, with many things which 'tis impossible to mention, all which he kept for himself, nor would he give me any share of them, even my empty bottles he took. The morning he went 8 April away, which was on Tuesday the 8th, he took the blankets and pillows of the beds, even the larding pins, iron screws, the foi. 1808. fish kettle and marble mortar, and yet sent me word by his own serjeant but the day before that Mr. Bruce, who is their Judge Advocate, had made it appear to him that my case was very hard, therefore he would replace everything that was in my house. In short he has left nothing behind him but the beds without coverings. The chairs and tables, my writing tables, the corner cupboard and Mr. Gordon's desk he has broke as much as can be, and tho he had the keys, he has taken off the locks, and taken the part of it that was at the bottom for holding his acompt books to pack part of the chinea in. In short a house so plundered, I believe, was never heard off. It is not six hundred pounds that would make up my lose ; nor have I at this time a single table cloth, napkin, nor towel, tea cup, glass, or any one conveniency. You may think what effect the low condition he has reduced me to has had on my health and spirits better than I can express it, 1746] SPOLIATION OF MRS. GORDON'S HOUSE 171 especially as you know my affairs were not in a flourishing 8 April condition before, and that my furniture was what I chiefly depended on to enable me to do justice to those that had demands on me. There was ten dishes, 40 plates, and 3 dozen of plates that were sent in to me by two merchants to see if I would buy them. He knew they did not belong to me, yet he took them, and I have ten pound to pay for them. The foL 1809. cheif of my own clothes I brought away with me, meerly by the accident of the trunk, in which they were, not standing in the room without looking like a litter, or else they would have been gon too ; for what was left I have lost. I have sent to my landlord to desire him to take his house off my hands, for it is left in such a way that it is impossible for me to go into it again. Nor am I any longer in a condition to keep it. I am puting away Bob's master, and Appy ; then my family will consist of myself, Bob, and two maids, which I should be very much puzzled how to dispose off, but that my friend I am now with pittys me so much that he is fitting up a room for my accommodation, and will let me stay with him till you and my brother give me your advice what I should do. For I am in great distress and do not know which way to turn myself, and the only two that would serve me are gone to England, viz., Sir Arthur and Mr. Duff, who with his wife, I believe, you will see (and if you do, pray tell him how much I own myself obliged to him, for indeed he tryed very much to have been of use to me) for they talked of being at Bath, tho 1 they have sent all their furniture to London. Nor is here anybody left that can fol. 1810. get away, which is what they think I ought to do. But, alas, my affairs are so intangled that I cannot tell how to behave. And I know nobody into whose hands to put them, for those that used to assist me are gone, and other people have behaved to me as lately did. As to myself, whilst things are in this uncertain situation, believe I may be of some use to stay here a little. But the childs being here frights me terribly, for in some events I have too much reason to think he would not be safe ; and can I get any opportunity of sending him to England, should be very glad to do it. If they will let him stay at Stretton, my brother would be so kind to make him mind his writting and book, so 172 THE LYON IN MOURNING ii April would hope he could not be very troublesome in the family. I know you and Miss Harriot cannot take him, nor is the place where you are proper for him (besides do not know how soon I may be obliged to come a begging to you myself) I am not able to pay for his board, or I would not have mention^ his being there. The contents of this epistle I desire you will let my brother know, and give him my thanks for telling me he had got a son, of which I wish his wife and him much joy, and, if I can, will write to him soon. But I thought it proper to write this to you. The only worldly comforts I have had under my foi. 1811. m i s fortunes has been that my friends did not know the ill usage I have met with. For as they were at so great a distance to help me I thought it a happiness that they were not feeling with me ; and till the Duke and General was gone, and I found that they realy had taken every thing that was possible to carry away, I hoped it would not have been quite so bad as I find it is. But now I cannot help letting you know it, tho"* I am sure it will give you great uneasiness. Mr. Gordon does not know what I have suffered, nor do I know where he is. But be that where it will, I hope he has had more peace of mind than I have lately known. After receiving this, if you should read in the newspapers that a handsome recompense was left by the generall, etc., to make up any loss that might have happened by the carelessness of his servants to the goods of the person in whose house he stay'd six weeks, perhaps you may wonder at it. But I have lately read such things in the papers that I should not be at all surprized at it, tho 1 he did not give either of the maids a farthing. The Duke gave them 4 guineas. All the Episcopal meetings are pulled down. The alters, pulpits, and seats were imploy'd to heat the ovens. I am sorry to have wrote you so long a letter without having been able to say anything that would be agreeable, but I hope that foi. 1812. w iH no t always be my case, etc. I expect Bob from the country this night. Then follows some love and kindness to me which is nothing to the purpose. Afterwards she says : Letters come very safe at present, but as I have changed my habitation, so pray direct to me at Dr. Rose's, phisician, at 1746] MRS. GORDON'S STORY 173 Aberdeen. When you have opportunity pray let my friends n April in London know what has happened to me, particularly Mrs. Martin. Aberdeen, 11 A prill. Copy, taken from the handwriting of the fore- mentioned Thomas Bowdler, Esquire, of what he wrote, from the mouth of his sister, the foresaid Mrs. Gordon. In the month of February 1745-6, George Middleton of February Seton, Esq., came to me at my house in Aberdeen, and asked me what spare rooms I had in the house, for the English army was come, and some of them must be quartered in it. I told him I had but one room to spare, and that I would lie in that myself, and give up my own chamber if he pleased. He then said he would bring Colonel George Watson to be in my house ; that the Colonel was an old friend of his father's and his, and would protect me from any insult. At night Mr. Duff came to me and brought Colonel Watson with him who supp'd with me, and lay in the house that night. Next foi. 1813. morning the Colonel went out early, and returned in the fore- noon with Provost Robinson and my next door neighbour, Mr. Thompson. They then told me the Colonel had been to see the apartment that was designed for the Duke of Cumberland in the College, but did not think it would do, and had there- fore fix'd on my house for him. Upon my telling him it would be very inconvenient to me to go out of the house, because as the army would fill the town I could not tell where to get a lodging, he said that if I could anyway find a lodging he would take care that nobody should be quarter'd in the house I went to. I told him that I was not able to find linen and other necessaries for so many people as were to come with the Duke of Cumberland. He said that they would bring everything with them ; that I should lock up everything I had ; that my kitchen furniture must be put by, for they would bring their own, that I might put it into some of the cellars, not any of which need to be left open except one for them to put coals 174 THE LYON IN MOURNING February into ; that I might lock up my linen, etc., in a closet ; and that I must leave two maids to do the work of the house. He added that they would not come till the next night ; that they foi. 1814. would not stay above two days or three at the most, and that I might make myself very easy, for everything would be more safe than if I was to stay in the house myself, and if any damage was done to anything it should be made good to me. After this Provost Robinson and many other of my friends did during that day congratulate me on this affair, as they thought the Duke of Cumberland's being in my house would be a pro- tection to me. The next morning, which was Thursday, the Duke of Cumberland came to my house attended by General Hawley and several others. The General lay in my bed, and very early on Friday morning sent a messenger to the house where I was demanding all my keys. My answer was that my maid was gone to market and that as soon as she returned she should carry them to him. But before she did return I received a second message that he would have them that minute or he would break open all the locks. I then sent him the keys by his messenger. That evening, one, Major Wolfe, came to me, and after asking me if I was Mrs. Gordon, and desiring a gentleman who was with me to go out of the room, he said that he was come to tell me that by the Duke of Cumberland and General Hawley's order I was deprived of everything I had except the cloaths upon my back. After foi. 1815. delivering this message he said that General Hawley having enquired into my character of several persons, who had all spoken very well of me, and had told him I had had no hand in the rebellion, and that I was a stranger there without any relations in that country, he, the General, would make interest with the Duke of Cumberland, that I might have any particular thing that I had a mind to and could say was my own. I then desired to have my tea, but the Major told me it was very good, and that tea was scarce in the army, so he did not believe I could have it. The same answer was made me when I asked for my chocolate. I mentioned several other things, parti- cularly my china. That, he told me, was, a great deal of it very pretty, and that they were very fond of china themselves, but as they had no ladies travelled with them I might perhaps 1746] SPOLIATION BY GENERAL HAWLEY 175 have some of it. I then desired to have my pictures. He February said he supposed I would not wish to have them all. I replied that I did not pretend to name any except my son's. He asked me if I had a son, where he was ? I said I had sent him into the country to make room for them. To what place ? said he. I answered, To Sir Arthur Forbes's. He asked, How old my son was. I said about fourteen. Fourteen, said he, foi. 1816. then he is not a child and you will be made to produce him. And thus we parted. This Major Wolfe was aid de camp to General Hawley. The next day a petition was drawn up and was read to the Duke of Cumberland at his levee by Captain Forbes, who was also aid de camp to General Hawley, and I was told the Duke said he would take care I should not be robb'd. That day Major Wolfe came to me again and told me that the Duke of Cumberland had sent him to let me know that my petition had been read to him and that he would take care that every thing should be restored to me. Notwithstanding this, when I sent to the house to ask for anything, as in particular I did for a pair of breeches for my son, for a little tea for myself, for a bottle of ale, for some flour to make bread, because there was none to be bought in the town, all was refused me. Afterwards, hearing that many of my things were pack'd up, I wrote a letter to General Hawley and inclosed it in one to Sir Everard Fawkner, to which Sir Everard sent me this answer, that he could not deliver my letter to General Hawley, but that he had read it to the Duke, who said he would take care I should have everything again. The Duke of Cumberland, General Hawley, etc., stay'd in foi. 1817. my house about six weeks, and the day before General Hawley April went away, a person came to me who told me he was the General's own serjeant, and was come by his order to say to me that, as my case was very hard, he would take care that every- thing that belonged to me should be put into the hands of Mr. Bruce, the Judge Advocate, and that I should find everything as I had left it. But notwithstanding all these repeated messages, the best of my things were pack'd up, and actually shipp'd off a fortnight before they left my house ; and the very morning that General Hawley went away, he had the blankets 176 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April on which he lay, and several other things, pack'd up, and took them with him. That day I received a letter in the following words : ' Madam, — I shall begin my letter by returning you thanks for the conveniency your house has been to me of, and in par- ticular for the use of your young gentleman's room. But I must make you an apology at the same time for what necessity obliges me to do. It has not been in my power to find such accomodations for a field bed as my present circumstances require. I am thereby forced to occasion you perhaps some foi. 1818. little inconveniency by taking with me part of the bedding of your son, viz., the quilt, two blankets, and the pillow, all which I have had valued by Ramsay, who has fiVd the price at £1, 14. Wherefore I herein inclose two Portugal eighteen shillings pieces, chusing rather to exceed than fall short of what may be your due. I wish some opportunity may offer wherein I may be of use to you, as I am with truth, Madam, Your most humble and most obedient servant, 4 Edward Mason." Who this Mr. Mason is, or what post he had, I don't know. I should have mentioned above that Major Wolfe did one day bring me my sons picture, but without the frame, and he then told me that General Hawley did with his own hands take it out of the frame, which was a gilt one and very hand- some. This frame the General left behind him, and I after- wards found it in the house. I have hereto annexed a list of many of the things that were taken from me. Alexander Scott, the carpenter, who pack'd up my things for General Hawley. told me that he desired the General not to spoil the mahogany bureau by making use of it to pack china in, and offered to make him a box for that purpose, but the General refused it. The beds and tables, etc. that were left behind them I found very much broke and damaged ; and, upon the whole, six foi. 18 19. hundred pounds would not repair my loss. The above mentioned Alexander Scott, the carpenter, told me that the best tea equippage was pack'd up in part of the mahogany bureau, and was directed to the Duke of Cumberland 1746] LOSSES OF MRS. GORDON OF ABERDEEN 177 at St. James's, and that the set of coloured table china was April directed in the same manner. The rest of the things were directed to General Hawley, by whose directions the other two boxes were directed to the Duke of Cumberland. I should have added above that when they refused to give me some flour to make some bread, my maid insisted on my having it or some bread, and said she would stay in the room till the Duke of Cumberland sat down to dinner, and would then speak to him for some bread for me, as there was none to be bought. They at last threw her a piece of the bottom of a loaf, and when she asked if that was all they would give me, they answered it was as much as I could eat, for they believed I had not then a very good stomach. Copy of a List of what General Hawley took from me when I lent him my house at Aber- deen. One set coloured table china, viz., 10 dishes, a soop dish, and 4 dozen and 10 plates. One set of blue and white, viz., 10 dishes and 40 plates, and foi. i S dozen plates. Note, these were not my own, but were sent to my house to see if I would buy them, and I was forced after- wards to pay for them. 10 blue and white dishes, a large soop dish. 3 dozen and 7 plates of the same sort. 2 dozen of another sort. 2 dozen of another sort. 10 of another sort. 22 soop plates of 2 sorts. 10 coloured plates. 12 fine coloured water saucers. 6 blue and white ditto. 5 couloured bowls of different sizes, a scolloped china bowl. A blue and white bowl holding 17 bottles. 3 couloured scollop shells. 10 ditto tea cups, saucers, and slop basin. A blue and white bowl. vol. in. M 178 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 April 6 half-pint basons, 4 pint basons. 4 blue and white large tea cups and 6 saucers. A small couloured dish. 12 common blue and white cups, saucers, and slop basin. 12 couloured tea cups, saucers, milk pot, tea jar, sugar dish with a cover and plate, a slop basin and plate, 2 tea pots, one with a silver spout and scolloped plate for it. foi. 1821. 12 tea spoons, straineer, and sugar tongs, silver. 9 couloured chocolate cups and saucers. 6 coffee cups. A coffee pot, slop bason, and sugar dish with a cover, and a true Japaned board on which they stood. 2 blue and white candlesticks. 4 ditto chocolate cups. 8 ditto coffee cups. Sago, sallop, coals, and peats. A couloured shaving bason. A small blue and white mug. A ditto tea canister. A red ditto and teapot ; with many little bits that I cannot remember, for he did not leave a single tea cup or plate. 2 dozen wine glasses, with several decanters. For my own linnen, he took 11 table cloaths of the largest size that are made, 10 of them damask, and one bird's eye diaper ; ten small ones and 2 kitchin ones ; 3 dozen large damask napkins ; 1 dozen smaller ; 3 dozen bird's eye diaper, and 1 dozen diaper ; a vast many towels ; 6 pair of fine pillow biers ; several pairs of sheets, some very good ones. Many dusting cloaths, for he left none ; an embroidered fire screen ; a repeating clock, with the stand for it, which stood by the bed in which he lay ; all the books, 3 flutes, and music books ; two canes with china heads ; 2 maps ; a large marble mortar and pestle ; a very big copper fish kettle, with a fish drainer in it ; foi. 1822. several larding pins, and a dozen of iron scures ; 3 pillows and 2 pair blankets — these were on the bed in which he lay; 12 shirts ; 24 stocks ; 2 pair of quite new black silk stockings ; 20 white India dimety waistcoats ; a great many thred stockings and handkerchiefs ; a new black velvet waistcoat, and 3 pair of new velvet breeches. Many pairs of gloves, shoes, and 3 wigs, 1746] ARTICLES TAKEN FROM MRS. GORDON 179 belonging to Mr. Gordon ; and 3 pairs of breeches, a new hat April (worth £9.\ and pair of shoes, with several shirts and night- gown of Bob's. He took of my provisions 5 lb. and half of very good green tea, 7 loafs of fine, J 100 lb. of lump sugar, 7 lb. of Venello chocolate, 2 large casks of butter, almost a 100 weight of peas, a vast deal of pickled porks and hams, salt beef, 17 or 18 dozen of ale, rice, all sort of spices, pickles, a good deal of Narbon honey, sweet meats, 3 lb. of Vermy jelly, shavings of Hartshorn, 2 dozen of wash-balls, a pint of Laven- dar water, two quart bottles of Hungary water, 6 of brandy, and 6 of rum, which was all I had, and a vast quantity of Chesser cheese ; a gross and a half of new bottles to bottle his wine in, and those that were used was sold ; a large painted cloth, and two strong chests to pack up what he had taken, and part of a mahogany bureau to put the tea china in. The writing table, bureau, and corner cupboard, tho 1 he had every key on asking them, were broke in an uncommon way, and the locks quite spoiled. A codrill box and japan'd saucer for the fish ; a new marble iron snuff box in pinchbeck ; a mourning sword ; a J lb. of small wax candle; a copper coffee pot ; 6 new foi 1823. bottle stands ; a brass candle-stic ; 3 flasks of Florence oil ; a small portmantua ; a spit ; 8 covers for chairs stuff ; the bridle belonging to my own saddle, with many other things. Note, I have not a catalogue of all the books. A master of a ship, Keith, I think, was his name, belonging to Aberdeen, told Thomas Bowdler that he saw at the Custom House at London several boxes in which were many of these things, and as he knew them to belong to me, having often been in my house at Aberdeen, he had the curiosity to look on the outside of the boxes to see to whom they were directed, and they were directed to General Hawley at his house in London. He told Thomas Bowdler some were directed to the Duke of Cumberland at St. James's House and some to General Hawley. Mr. Dunlop, the watchmaker in Spring Garden, has own'd that he has since mended this repeating clock for General Hawley. The clock was bought by Mr. Gordon, of Dunlop, which was the reason of his knowing it again. N.B.—Leith, January 9, 1760. This day I dispatched 180 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1744 all the forementioned Papers to Mr. Robert Lyon for Mr. Bowdler by a private hand sailing for London. Robert Forbes, A.M. foi 1824. Copy of a Narrative of the negotiation of John Blaw of Castlehill, in France, taken from the original in the handwriting of said John Blaw. 1744 1745. John Blaw of Castlehill was sent by the Duke of Perth to France to Charles, Prince of Wales, to let him know the situation of his affairs in Scotland, and those who would espouse his interest in that country, amongst whom the Laird of MacLeod was of the number. I choose to mention him be- cause of his behaviour afterwards so nottarly known to the world. I left Scotland the week of Christmas, and about 24 1745 days after I arrived in Paris, about Candlesmas (New Style) 1745, where I mett with the Prince and delivered my creden- tials. He kept me there about six weeks, during which time the then minister of France, having got intelligence that there was a Scots gentleman that had come to the Prince, he caus'd Sir Hector MacLean write me to come to Versailles, that he, the minister, wanted to see me. Upon receipt of Sir Hector's letter I went and acquainted the Prince of the matter, who desired me to go and acquaint him what past when I returned. Accordingly I went at the hour that was appointed me by the minister, which was seven a clock at night. This was about the February midle of February, 1745. I had along with me my Lord Semple, who introduced me to the minister, and there wee had the honour fol. 1825. of at least one hours audience, relating to all the affairs of Europe as they then stood, as well as of our own. In the course of our conversation, my Lord Semple demanded in his master s name 10,000 workmen for England, and the minister ask'd me how many we wanted for Scotland. I made answer very readily if the above number was sent for England, Scotland would do their own affairs themselves, but if they had two or three 1000 to spare, we should take them ; but if not, we could do without them. He, the minister, then told my Lord and me, that had we made our demand two moneths sooner, we 1745] J OHN BLAW IN FRANCE 181 could have got them, but that at present there was not one February regiment in France but what had their operations assigned them for the inshewing campaign. Upon which I made answer that if they answered the present demand that they would have England immediately upon their side, which would enable France to do with the Empress Queen what they pleas'd. The minister was for some time silent without ever giving a return. Then I told the minister that I was shortly to set out again for Scotland, and I wanted to know what I should say to the King my master's friends when I returned, how far his most Christian Majesty would do in that affair. Upon which the minister left us a little and went into the nixt room where his most Christian foi. 1826. Majesty was, and when he return'd, directing his discourse to me, — That I might assure my master's friends in Scotland that his most Christian Majesty should give the men now demanded against the moneth of October nixt, if the campaign was any way successfull to France. And how successfull they were the annals of Europe will testify. The truth of the above narration I can go to death with. Some time about the beginning of March I left Paris for March my return, and dificulty enough I had to get back again to Holland, having both armies to go through, as I had come through them in my going in to Paris in time of war, is a task I would not undertake again. But by the providence of God, I in a manner miraculously escaped falling in bad hands, and got safe back to Scotland, and delivered my answer to the Duke of Perth about the first of May (new style), but was unfortunately taken prisoner the 5th of June along with Sir Hector, and wee were both carried up to London, where wee were detained for nigh two years and a half in different prisons. Some moneths of that time I was thrown amongst the thives and //. 1827. pickpockets in Newgate in double irons, the marks of which I carry about with me to this day ; and not one farthing I had from the Government for my subsistance, tho I was a state prisoner all the time, and was at last dismiss'd without ever bringing me to any tryal or to tell me for what they so usM me. O the blest liberty and property of England! N.B. — The original of the above is to be found among my papers. Robert Forbes, A.M. Leith, January 7th, 1760. 182 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1760 fol 1828. Wednesday afternoon, January 16th, in the house of James 16 Jan. MacDonald, on the Coalhill in Leith, I met with Ranald MackDonell of Aberarder and his brother german, Alexander MackDonell of Tullucherom, on the Loch Laggan side of Badenoch, cadets of the family of Keppoch. The said Alex- ander told me that he had the honour to give a brown short coat, a shirt, and a pair of shoes to the Prince in his sculking, just on his entring Badenoch to go to meet with Cluny and Lochiel. After the battle of Culloden, Alexander MackDonell, having made his peace with Lord Loudon, and procured a pro- tection, was now and then sent out to search for the Prince, and by his reports became an instrument in his preservation. The Prince told Alexander MackDonell that he had learned now to know the 4th part of a peck of meal, upon which he had once lived for about eight days. The Prince while in Badenoch had plenty of everything. 1 Robert Forbes, A.M. f 0 i, l829 . On the death of Sir Alexander MacDonald of Slate, who died suddenly at Bernera in Glenelg, 28 Nov. November 28th, 1746, on his way to Edin- 1746 * burgh. 2 If HeaVn is pleas'd when sinners cease to sin ; If Hell is pleas'd, when sinners enter in ; If Earth is pleas'd, freed of a truckling knave ; Then all are pleas'd — MacDonald's in his grave. 30 Jan. January 30th, 1761, died in the 49th year of his age, Alex- 1761 ander MacDonald of Glenalladale, in Moydart, a man well known for being proof of the gilded dust when no despic- able quantity thereof, and his own personal safety, with that of his helpless family, the weeping mother and the hungry babes, stript of every thing, tempted his acceptance. Firm to his word and steady to every trust, his soul was impregnable as a rock amidst all the storms and tempests this fluctuating state of things could dash against him. Let all the world say what they can, Glen liv'd and died the honest man? 1 See ff. 1473. 1545- 2 See f. 253. a See ff. 576, I447- 1760] JOHN MACKINNON IN EDINBURGH 183 Copy of a Letter to me, Robert Forbes, from foi. 1830. Rona, alias Young Rasay. Rasay, November 17th, 1760. Rev. Sir, — This will be deliver d you by one John Mac- 17 Nov. kinnon, whom upon a little conversation you '1 know. He has been confin'd to his bed for three years past, having lost the power of his legs, by which means he is reduced to poverty and meer want, with the burden of a wife and four children. He was so low that we, his friends here, made a contribution for him to bring him to Edinburgh, as we make no doubt he will be taken care off once he arrives there. His scheme is to get into Infirmary if he can any ways recover his health, as in no other shape can he bestow upon his own cure. Once you know the man, I scarce need recommend to you to do him what service may be usfull to him ; and by examining with yourself a little at home you'l be convinced who he is, and so will say no more. We all here salute Mrs. Forbes and you, and am with sincerity, Reverend Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, (Sic subscribitur) John M'Leod. 1 Saturday, April 25th, at 11 o'clock, 1761, I was with John foi. 1831. Mackinnon in the Infirmary of Edinburgh (see vol. 6, p. [fob] 1226), when he acknowledged that John Walkinshaw of London was careless and in too great a hurry when taking down his account of things in writing, and therefore he gave me the following additions : 2 On turning the point (vol. 6, page [fob] 1219) they came so 5 July near to the enemy as that their oars struck upon the boat tied 1746 to the rock. When they spied the five men with red crosses, John Mac- Kinnon had the Prince sitting low down on the bottom of the boat betwixt his knees with his head leaning back on John's belly, and John's plaid spread over him, so that the Prince could not be seen at all. John said he was obliged to be very positive and 1 See ff. 241-245, 1216. 3 The Narrative in Jacobite Memoirs, p. 488 et seq.> is partly taken from these Notes. 184 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 July peremptory as to keeping the Prince in his then snug situation when he offered to get up and to jump ashore, insomuch that he affirmed with an oath he would by no means allow of any such thing, as he well knew the danger of such an experiment. Meantime the Prince and John kept up a close conversation together, the Prince asking now and then how they kept their distance from the red crosses. John assured him they kept their distance very well, and that the red crosses did not gain a single foot on them. 1832. John gave orders to the rowers to have their muskets close by them, but by no means to fire till he himself should fire first, which was to be the word of command, ' And then, my lads, 1 said he, 6 be sure to take an aim, mark well, and there is no fear. We will be able to manage these rogues if we come to engage them. 1 Upon this the Prince earnestly intreated John not to take any life without any absolute necessity. John said he would observe his direction and that he would not make an attempt unless better could not be ; but that if they were forced to come to blows it was necessary that none should get off to tell tidings. John observed to the Prince that as the landing place they were sailing to was all wood down to the water, they would be very safe if once there, because the red crosses would be afraid of being fired at from behind the trees or out of the thickets, and, therefore, would be sure to sheer off for their own safety. Which, accordingly, happened without their coming near to the boat in which the Prince had been. John MacKinnon narrated to me, with no small concern, what pass^ between him and old Clanranald. When John was going to Scotus's house, he spied Clanranald at a short distance from it, who, upon seeing John coming towards him, made all the haste he could to get within doors. But John 1833. mended his pace and got hold of the tail of Clanranald's coat just as he was entring the door of Scotus's house. Clanranald turning about said, 6 O ! Mr. MacKinnon, is this you ? I did not know you. How do you do ? It is not easy to know people that come to visit us now. 1 6 Indeed, 1 said John, 6 it is hard now-a-days to distinguish friends from foes. But I come as a friend, Clan, and have something to impart to you, if you will please to 1746] CLANRANALD DECLINES TO ASSIST 185 take a turn with me. 1 They went to the back of Scotus's 5 July garden, and then John told Clanranald that he came to him not only with a message but with orders to him. In some surprize and confusion Clanranald desired to know them. ' Well then, Clan," said John, 6 1 am come from the Prince, who is not very far off from hence, and desires to know from you into whose hands he is now to be put, for that he will think himself safe with any person or persons you will recommend. He desires me likewise to tell you that he wants not to see you, or that you should run any personal risk on his account, as you did not join him in person, but that you'll only name any one with whom you think he will be safe." ' Why," said foi. 1834. Clanranald, * Old MacKinnon was with me yesterday and did not mention a word about the Prince, or that he knew any- • thing at all of him.' ' In that he did right and like a wise man, 1 said John, 'as he had no orders, and yet he knew as much about him as I do, as he and I came over with the Prince from Sky. But now I come to [you] with orders, and have faithfully delivered them to you and wait to have your return. 1 'Well then, 1 said Clanranald, 'what muckle devil has brought him to this county again ? For a second destruction to it no doubt, as the troops upon hearing of his motions, will be sure to follow him fast and raze us all to the ground, leaving us nothing that they can either carry off or destroy.' ' It is truly astonishing, 1 said John, ' to hear a gentleman like you, Clan, talk at such a rate, when you know the Prince to be in the utmost danger, and, therefore, that he stands as much in need of faithful care and assistance as ever. To whom can he go for a sanctuary in distress but to friends ? And must he not move about from place to place, as shall be judged most fit, for to keep him out of the hands of his enemies who are continually hunting after him ? I tell you over again that he expressly desires you may not run any risk whatsoever in your f oL l8 3S- own person, not even by looking him in the face, but that you may name to me any person in whose hands you would judge him to be safe. It is very hard if you will not do that much for him in his greatest danger. 1 ' I tell you, Mr. MacKinnon,' said Clanranald, ' I know of no person into whose hands I can put him. But if my advice or opinion can be of any use, it 186 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 5 J ul y is that you should directly return with him from whence you came and land him speedily in the Island of Rona. 1 8 Indeed, 1 said John, 'I would as soon give him instantly up to the troops as do any such thing as you advise. For you know, Clan, as well as I do, that Rona being a little grass island not a single goat or sheep could escape a search on it, much less a man. If this be the best advice or opinion you have to give, Clan, you had better keep it to yourself, for the following of it would be to throw the Prince directly into the hands of his foi. 1836. enemies. I plainly see you are resolved not to do the smallest service to the Prince in his greatest distress, and that you want only to be rid of him, therefore you shall have no more trouble about him. But remember, Sir, that I will honestly inform him of every word that has passed between you and me on this subject, be the consequence what it will. 1 Accordingly, John MacKinnon made a faithful report to the Prince, who received it without any emotion, and most easily said, 4 Well, Mr. MacKinnon, there is no help for it. We must do the best we can for ourselves. 1 In coming to the ford near Morar 's house a comical ad- venture happened. Mr. MacKinnon desired the guide to be so kind as to take the poor sick young fellow (meaning the Prince) upon his back across the ford, as it was then pretty deep. ' The deel be on the back he comes, 1 says the guide, 6 or any fellow of a servant like him. But I Tl take you on my back, Sir, if you please, and carry you safely through the ford. 1 4 No, no, by no means, 1 said Mr. MacKinnon, 4 if the lad must fol. 1837. wade, I "11 wade along with him and help him, lest any harm should happen to him. 1 Then John MacKinnon took hold of the Prince's arm and they went through the ford together. This adventure pleased Mr. MacKinnon very much, as it served to conceal the Prince more and more, for the guide had not the smallest suspicion that the sick lad was the Prince. When they came to Morar's house none could be more hearty and ready to serve the Prince, and to take all possible care of him than Morar was. But when he returned next day from seeking out young Clanranald, he became all at once very cool and backward. For when he told young Clanranald was not to be found, the Prince said, 4 Well, Morar, there is no 1746] WITH MACDONALD OF MORAR 187 help for that, you must do the best you can yourself? To 6 July which Morar answered, he was sorry to tell him he could do nothing at all for his Royal Highness, and as little did he know of any one to whose care he could commit his person. ■ This is very hard," said the Prince. 4 You was very kind yester- night, Morar, and said you could find out a hiding place proof against all the search of the enemies forces, and now you say you can do nothing at all for me. You can travel to no place fol. 1838. but what I will travel to. No eatables or drinkables can you take, but what I can take a share along with you, and be well content with them, and even pay handsomely for them. When Fortune smiled upon me and I had pay to give, I then found some people ready enough to serve me, but now that fortune frowns on me and I have no pay to give, they forsake me in my necessity."* This provoked John MacKinnon highly, insomuch that he told Morar very roundly, 4 1 am persuaded, Morar, though you deny it, you have met with your betters and gotten bad counsel, otherwise you would not have changed your mind so much as you have done in so short a time. For yesterday you was as hearty as one could have wished to do everything for the preservation of the Prince, whose situation is just the same as when you left us ; and as there is no change at all in his circumstances, why this sudden change in your resolutions? Morar still persisted in the denial of having seen young Clanranald, and of having received any bad counsel in the matter. But old MacKinnon and John were as positive on the contrary that he had certainly met with young Clanranald, 1 and that Morar's present conduct had been the result of the conference. This dilemma vex'd the Prince greatly, insomuch that he cried out, 4 O God Almighty ! Look down upon my circum- stances and pity me ; for I am in a most melancholy situation, fol. 1839. Some of those who joined me at first and appeared to be fast friends, now turn their backs upon me in my greatest need, and some of those again who refused to join me and stood at a distance are among my best friends. For it is remarkable 1 See ff. 601-606. 188 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 7 Tuly that those of Sir Alexander MacDonakTs following have been most faithful to me in my distress, and contributed greatly to my preservation. 1 Then he added, ' I hope, Mr. MacKinnon, you will not desert me too and leave me in the lurch, but that you "11 do all for my preservation you can. 1 Old MacKinnon, imagining these words to be spoken to him, declared with his eyes gushing out the tears, 6 1 never will leave your Royal Highness in the day of danger, but will, under God, do all I can for you, and go with you wherever you order me. 1 6 O no, 1 said the Prince, 4 that is too much for one of your advanced years, Sir. I heartily thank you for your readi- ness to take care of me as I am well satisfied of your zeal for me and my cause. But one of your age cannot well hold out with the fatigues and dangers I must undergo. It was to your friend John here, a stout young man, I was addressing myself. 1 ' Well, then, 1 said John, 6 with the help of God I will go through the wide world with your Royal Highness, if you desire me. 1 fol. 1840. Then the Prince proposed to go to Boradale. 6 1 am pretty sure, 1 said he, 4 honest old iEneas MacDonald will be ready enough to do all he can for me. 1 Then he asked at Morar if he would do that much for him as to give him a guide, seeing John MacKinnon, being a stranger in that part of the country, did not know the way thither. Morar said he had a boy, a son of his own, who knew the road very well and whom he would send with him as guide. The Prince very readily answered, 6 If that son of yours did never see me, well and good ; he will do very well. But if he has ever seen me, let him not come near us ; we will do the best we can for ourselves. 1 Morar assured the Prince his son had never seen him, and therefore it was agreed to take him. The Prince said he longed much to hear what they were doing in the camp at Fort Augustus, and asked if Morar could procure any one to go and bring intelligence from that quarter. Morar said there was a packman or pedlar in that corner who used to go sometimes to Fort Augustus to sell his wares in the camp, and he doubted not but he might be prevailed upon to fol. 1841. go. The Prince pulFd out a guinea and desired Morar 1 to give 1 Here ends Vol. VIII., except that there is inserted a copy of the print 1746] THE PRINCE LEAVES MORAR 189 it to the pedlar to dispatch him for intelligence in Morar's own 7 July name, and to tell him to return as speedily as possible. Morar said a guinea was too much, that the one half might do very well. To which the Prince scornfully replied, * Well, then, Sir, if you think so, give him the one half and keep the other to yourself." After this, the Prince and John MacKinnon slipt out of the cave and went to Boradale, the foresaid boy con- ducting them. When John MacKinnon was under examination, General July Campbell failed not to represent to him in very strong terms what a notable opportunity he had let slip of enriching himself and his posterity by not doing his duty as law directed, for that he could not fail to know what a high premium was to be given, and what good security there was for it to any one who should deliver up that young gentleman ; whereby likewise great trouble and fatigue would be saved to the troops who were still in close search of him. To all which John gave for answer as follows : 6 It never was in my power, Sir, to deliver him up, for your excellency very well knows I am a man of no power, and therefore could not command the assistance of any men in such an enterprize. As little durst I attempt it by myself, though foU 1842. my inclination had led me to it, for he is able to tie two of me, intitled, Alexis ; or, the Young Adventurer : a Novel. Qui capit, ilk facit. London, printed for T. Cooper, mdccxlvi., 32 pp. i2mo. At the foot of the title-page Mr. Forbes has written the following : — ' N.B. — This is not at all according to the MS. that was sent to London. To omit other instances, this makes Celestius recover (pag. 29), whereas the MS. made him die, and his head to be cut off and carried away in triumph.' On p. 26, line II from foot, ' love '-abandoned is altered with the pen to * low,' etc. And in the ' Key,' p. 31, Veracius-' MacLean ' is scored out, and ' MacDonald ' written in. Here, therefore, begins Volume Ninth of Bishop Forbes's manuscript. It is entitled The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs, but more particularly the dangers and distresses of ... . Vol. 9th, 1 76 1. Aspicis hanc animam gemino succtcmbere fato ? Nec tua sunt velis astra secunda meis ? Aspice nec rabido luctantem desere ponto, Naufraga nec medio Una relinquefreto. Tende manum potius miserce, Patinure, natanti, Et mente digitos, subde, vocate, tuos. 190 THE LYON IN MOURNING July neck and heel, at any time. 1 6 Tie two of you, Mr. Mackinnon ! Why, he must be a dreadful young fellow. He must be re- markably strong indeed,' said the General. ' Truly, 1 said John, ' I can assure your excellency that he is as strong and nimble a young man as any one in all the Highlands of Scotland, and the fatigues he undergoes plainly prove him to be so. 1 £ By all the accounts I have had of him, 1 said the General, 4 1 believe him to be a pretty young fellow indeed. But, pray, Mr. Mac- Kinnon, was he not troubled with a bloody flux when among your hands, as I have heard the like from others ? And in that case he would have been easily subdued.' 'No, 1 said John, 4 he was in health when with me, and stout and bold as a lion. 1 N.B. — When John MacKinnon was narrating this part to me, he frankly owned that the Prince, when in his hands, was troubled with a bloody flux, though he held out wonderfully well. But then it luckily came into his mind that had he owned it, this might have encouraged them to have gone in- foi. 1843. stantly in search of him as imagining him not in a condition to make his escape by moving quickly from place to place. He observed that his affirming him to be stout and strong, etc., had the desired effect. Moreover, John added, 6 But to be plain with your excellency, what a base, unworthy action would it have been in me who had been in his service, had received his pay, and broke his bread, to have given him up when in his greatest extremity he came to me and threw himself into my arms and desired me to do with him what I pleased. I would not have done it for the whole world. And had I done it, I dare say your excellency would have looked upon me as a monster of a wretch. 1 General Campbell, turning to Campbell of Skipness and MacLeod of Taliskar, who were then in the cabin, said : 6 Gentlemen, let us lay to heart what Captain MacKinnon has just now said, and let us determine from honour and conscience, and then surely we must applaud his conduct. For should any of us chance to be in the service of one, to follow his fortunes foi. 1844. and to receive his pay, and let us only suppose that such an one should be reduced to the necessity of shifting for himself by the fate of war, and that he should come to us and throw himself 1746] EXAMINATION OF JOHN MACKINNON 191 into our arms, desiring us to do anything with him we pleased, July would not our behaviour in such a case be the same with Cap- tain MacKinnon's ? To be sure it should be such.' Campbell of Skipness and MacLeod of Taliskar readily assented to what the General had said. 4 Pray, Captain Ferguson, 1 said the General, 4 fill up a glass for me to drink to Captain MacKinnon, and fill up another for him, - ' which was accordingly done. Here John MacKinnon observed to me that his pride had never been more acceptably gratified than by Captain Ferguson's being obliged to stand and to serve him with a glass sitting. For the General would by no means allow John to stand, and ordered Captain Fer- guson to be sure to give Captain MacKinnon a good bed. As in the course of the conversation General Campbell had oftener than once term'd John 6 Captain," he modestly refused it and said he merited no such title. The General said he had been informed John had bore such a commission under his late f° l - l8 45- master, and therefore he gave him the name. John still refusing it, MacLeod of Taliskar affirmed he bore such a com- mission, as he himself (Taliskar) well knew that both John and MacKinnon of Coriechattachan had been the old Laird of MacKinnon's two captains by their proximity of blood. After this, the ships soon moved about to Lochnannuagh, and anchored there for some time. John MacKinnon, having the priviledge to walk on deck, often looked wishfully and with a very sore heart towards Boradale with his eyes fixed upon the very spot where the Prince then lay concealed, and where he remained for some days after anchoring of the ships till Glen- alladale was found out to be his guardian in chief under God. So that the Prince would have been an easy prey had his enemies known his haunt, as he was only about a gunshot from the ships. Here John MacKinnon desired me to take particular notice that part of the shore towards Boradale is a rocky precipice, so steep that some parts of it are almost perpendicular ; that in a cleft, or between two rocks of said precipice, there was a bothie f° l - l8 46. or hut, so artfully contrived with the grassy side of the turf outward, that it exactly represented a natural green brae. In this hut the Prince then was, so near to the enemy that one 192 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 July from on board of any of the ships might have killed a single bird on the hut with a musket. N.B. — Thursday, May 21st, between 11 and 12 o'clock, 1761, I was with John MacKinnon in the Infirmary of Edinburgh, when I read in his hearing all the above, from page [fol.] 1831 inclusive, and he declared it was all very right. Robert Forbes, A.M. 1847. A PROPOS. 6 Jan. Since George has abus'd our good Common Prayer, By placing his name in large characters there, 1 11 absent from the service so foully perverted, And wait untill James for George is inserted. For how can I tune out Amen to that part, While the words of my mouth give the lie to my heart ? To join in one part and take snuff at the rest, Is but shameful dissembling with God at the best. January 16, 1762. 1848. N.B. — Archibald MackDonell of Barisdale came out of March the Castle of Edinburgh by a remission, on Monday, March 29th, 1762, after a confinement of about eight years, and instantly appeared before the Court of Justi- ciar v, where he took the oaths of allegiance and abjuration. He was apprehended on July 18th, 1753, and was com- mitted to the Castle of Edinburgh August 26th of that same year. Sentence of death was pronounced against him by the Lords of Justiciary on March 22nd, 1754. Copy of Paragraph from Thomas Bowdler, Esq., near Bath. Ashley, May 13, 1762. May Honest J[ohn] M[acKinnon] deserves an article in the Scots Magazine, in which might be told as much as you think proper of what he refused and of what he suffered. But it should also be told as an addition to his character, that being advised to come to Bath, and there finding his disorder would require 1762] DEATH OF JOHN MACKINNON 193 great expence, he chose to go into the hospital rather than to 13 May be supported by the contributions of a few friends ; that in that hospital he had the best advice, and was treated with the greatest care, till his death, which happened the day of, etc. Think of this, and if you approve of the hint, you will improve it as you see best. Copy of a Letter to Mr. Roderick MacKinnon, f 0 i. i8 49 . at Broadford in the Isle of Sky. Sir, — With submission to the wise appointments of Almighty 22 May God, I am sorry it should fall to my share to inform you and all concerned of the death of the worthy John MacKinnon, who left this world of sin and misery on Tuesday morning, the eleventh instant. This intelligence I had only by last post, in a letter from a worthy gentleman 1 about five miles from Bath, who visited him with frequency in his distress, and took parti- cular care that he wanted for nothing. That gentleman tells me that the care which was taken of him, and the attendance that was given him, cannot be described, which, as he very justly says, ought to be a great satisfaction to his friends, that he died full of hope, faith, and resignation to the will of God, which, as the gentleman piously observes, should be matter of great comfort to all honest John's concerns; that one Dr. Haviland, and some other good gentlemen at Bath, had re- solved to give him a proper and decent funeral in the very spot of ground where the said Mr. Haviland designs to be buried, and that they intend to put a stone upon his grave, 2 fol 1850. with a short inscription relative to his good character. Thus you see what respect and honour have been put upon your uncle both in life and in death, upon account of his superior merit and heroic conduct in a certain period of his life, and all by some worthy gentlemen who had never seen him before, but who well know how to value virtue under a cloud, and merit in distress. I beg you '11 make my compliments of condolence acceptable 1 Thomas Bowdler, Esq., at Ashley. — F. 2 This the Rev. Mr. George Cheyne told me. — F. VOL. III. 194 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1762 May to the widow and her children, two of whom, the youngest boys, Mr. MacKinnon, I am told, express'd much anxiety about, particularly that they should be put out to trades. It is therefore my opinion that they should be bound apprentices in any employment they chuse at Inverness ; for to bring them up to Leith or Edinburgh would be to ruine them altogether, such wickedness and perverseness do prevail in those places. And when they are at Inverness, they must be under the care and direction of the Revd. Mr. John Stewart, for their instruc- tion in religious matters. But more of this afterwards, when I come to be certified what money the father has left for that 1851. purpose, which I cannot know till Mr. George Cheyne be returned to Bath, for which place he set out only some time this week, and it must be about tbe 29th instant before he get home ; after which he will lose no time to inform me fully, and then you shall know all about that matter. Wherefore you need not write any answer to this letter till you hear from me again by a second letter. Meantime be it your province to have your thoughts employed upon what I have said about the two boys, that you may be the readier to make a proper return when desired. I beg you "11 make a tender of my good wishes to all with you who are pleased to indulge me with a place in their remem- brance, particularly Malcolm MacLeod, whose sister the widow is, if I be not mistaken. I much respected the worthy John MacKinnon when alive, and now I do revere his memory when dead ; and therefore to you and all concerned in this event I am sincerely, Sir, a most sympathising friend and very humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, May 22d, 1762. 1852. Copy of a Representation in favours of the said John MacKinnon before his leaving Edinburgh. Leith, June 13, 1761. 3 June Whereas John MacKinnon, from the Isle of Sky, afflicted T/ 1 with a lameness from the tops of the thighs down, has been in the Infirmary for several months past, and that now it is a 1 76 1] CONTRIBUTION FOR JOHN MACKINNON 195 declared opinion, nothing can be of any avail to him on this side 13 June the Bath. And whereas the said John MacKinnon is in very necessitous circumstances, with the additional burden of a wife and four children in Sky, it is therefore humbly hoped that those who look upon this will have a compassionate feeling for this gentleman in distress and indigence, and thereby be induced to contribute somewhat in order to defray his charges in going to Bath, especially as he is worthy for whom this is asked. And may God reward the givers. Copy of a more explicit Representation in favour of Do., before leaving Edinburgh. July Mh, 1761. M 1853. To all whom it may concern. These are declaring that John 4 July MacKinnon is now discharged out of the Infirmary, where he has now been for upwards of six months, and is preparing to go to Bath, the only method of cure, under God, for his lame- ness in thighs, legs, and feet; and that, as this same poor distressed gentleman had the integrity of heart and greatness of soul to despise thirty thousand pounds sterling, so it is hoped some will be moved with a compassionate feeling for such dis- tinguished merit in affliction and indigence, to give somewhat for defraying his charges in going to Bath. And may God reward them. Besides, Mr. MacKinnon has a wife and four children in the Isle of Sky. Robert Forbes. N.B. — The contribution amounted to eighteen pounds and eight shillings sterling. All glory be to God. Amen. Copy of a Letter to Mr. Roderick M'Kinnon, / 0 l i8 54 . at Broadford, in the Isle of Sky. Sir, — I hope my letter of May 22nd reached you in course 21 June of post. And now this comes to inform you that I have in my 1762 hands twenty pounds two shillings and sevenpence Sterling, to be expended on Mr. MacKinnon's two youngest boys, as expressed in that letter, and I would fain think it may do for binding them both apprentices to some honest calling or other. 196 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1762 21 June But lest I should misjudge the case, I send this open under cover to the Revd. Mr. John Stewart, that he may peruse it and subjoin his opinion — whether it will do for both or only for one — as I am to deposite the money into his hands for the faithful application of it, as intended by the worthy father. Meantime, I think proper to inform you that I intend, God willing, to set out upon a jaunt to Inverness on Monday, July 12th, and will be there readily on the Wednesday evening or fol. 1855. Thursday morning at farthest of that same week, when I would be glad to see you there with one or both of the boys, as Mr. Stewart and you shall agree in opinion. At any rate, if you do not meet me at Inverness, which I would be sorry for, you must have a letter waiting me there against the time above prefixed, to let me know your whole mind in this matter. But allow me to repeat it. I had far rather see you face to face, and in that case you need not write to me at all. However, if you chuse the latter, direct to me thus : To Mr. Robert Forbes, by the care of the Revd. Mr. John Stewart, Inverness. Let all this remain dead betwixt you and the widow, to whom and her family I heartily wish all things good and happy ; and am, Sir, your humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, Jane 21, 1762. fol. 1856. May 11th, 1762. At Bath died John Mackinnon, from the Isle of Sky, Aged 48. A person of distinguished merit. Ignorant of avarice And the venal bribe, He bravely preferr'd innocent poverty To great riches, Basely to be purchased At the expence of character, Tho* nothing in view By the undaunted refusal But the severest hardships, fol. 1857. A series of which he underwent With Christian fortitude, Influencing all his steady conduct. 1762] EPITAPH ON JOHN MACKINNON 197 Afflicted with an obstinate lameness, By the best advice He struggled to Bath, Where some generous souls, Enamoured with virtue under a cloud And merit in distress, Generously insisted to support him In every article of expence. But his goodness of heart, Inflexibly the same, As generously refused, And chose To go into the Hospital, Rather than be burdensome to friends, Where he remain'd till his death. The tender care And assiduous attention So feelingly given him Are past all description. Virtue, Attractive of veneration, Has honourably deposited his remains In the burying place of a gentleman, 1 By order And at the sight Of the generous proprietor, With a monumental inscription Descriptive of his character, For the instruction of posterity. Regarded in life ; Revered when dead. N.B. — The above was published in the Scots and the Edinburgh Magazines for May 1762. May foU 1858. 1 Mr. Haviland, apothecary in Bath. — F. 198 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1762 foi. i860. Here follows the Inscription intended to have been put upon his Grave. H. s. E. Joannes MacKinnon a Skia, in Scotia. Denat. Maij 11, 1762. Vir, Nunquam sine laude nominandus. Filius et subditus fidelissimus, Nihilo auri emendus, Nullo periculo deterritus ; Amicus sincerus, firmus, Maritus et parens amantissimus ; Ut verbo omnia Christianus, vere orthodoxus, pius. Marmor hoc Mirantes posuere amici. N.B. — Friends at Bath were afraid, and therefore would by no means use the above as desired, though no harm would have ensued in the case. >/. 1861. At Leith, Monday, June 22d, 'twixt one and two o'clock, 22 June 1761, when Sir William Dunbar of Durn, the Revd. Mr. Alex- ander Mitchell of Edinburgh, the Revd. Mr. John Skinner of Langside, and his son, Mr. John Skinner, were dining with me and Mrs. Forbes, the said Revd. Mr. John Skinner gave the following narrative, to which, he said, five hundred and more could give their attestation, and upon which he would make no observation. That it had been a common constant practice in the said parish of Langside in Aberdeenshire to have bonfires, and even to ring the parish bell, on April 2d (old style), the birthday of Earl Marischal, and that on Thursday the 12th of February, 1761, being a general fast throughout Scotland, when the bellman was ringing the first bell, the news came to Lang- side containing the accounts of the Earl MarischaPs having taken the oaths at London, and at that very instant the said bell rent from top downwards, and then across near the mouth, and that likewise soon after the bell had begun to ring. 1762] THE CHURCH BELL AT LANGSIDE 199 A gentleman walking in his own garden, about a quarter of a mile from the Church of Langside, asked at a man passing f° l - x862 - what the matter was with the bell in stopping so suddenly ; the answer being that she was rent. 6 Well,' said the gentleman, 4 do you know what the bell says by that ? even, The deil a cheep mair sail I speak for you, Earl Marischal." Robert Forbes, A.M. N.B. — I sent a copy of the above to Thomas Bowdler, Esq., under cover to the Revd. Mr. Robert Lyon, who, being dead before receipt, it came into the hands of the right reverend Bishop Robert Gordoun, in London, who transmitted it to Mr. Bowdler, and wrote me the following paragraph in way of N.B. : London, August 1, 1761. — N.B. — It has been sounded to me that the rent bell utter'd a dying groan in that peer's ear in London, no doubt to his no small mortification. Paragraph from Mr. Bowdler to me, Robert Forbes. Ashley, August Sth, 1761. — That story of the parish bell 8 Aug. was too good to be lost. I can assure you it has been sent to E[arl] Mfarischall], and I hope it has, crack'd as it is, made his l86s ' ears to tingle. Am told said E[arl] Mfarischall] is much despised and neglected. N.B. — I had sent a copy of the 8 lines (page [f.] 1847) to Mr. Bowdler, who wrote me the following return, June 12, 1762. Your lines on the good Common Prayer are very imperfect. 12 June After the first six lines there is an omission of no less than 1762 twelve lines, and then come the two concluding lines as in your copy, 4 Take snuff at the rest.' 1 That you may understand these words, be it known to you that when Mr. Nelson agreed to go to the public churches, it was on condition he should be allowed to shew his dissent as to some prayers which he did not like, and accordingly he did rise from his knees and feel in his pocket foi. 1864. for his snuff-box, and to this these words allude ; and thus ex- 200 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1762 12 June plained, they pretty well point out the date of them, for this transaction was not long before Mr. Nelson's death. 1 foi. 1865. Since G[eorge] has abused our good Common Prayer, And fiVt his vile name in large characters there ; I '11 absent from the service so foully inverted, And stay untill J[ames] for G[eorge] is inserted. For how can I say an Amen to that part Where the words of my mouth give the lie to my heart ? To pray an u[surpe]r may long rule the throne, And in quiet enjoy what is none of his own ; To pray after him that his son may succeed, And, after that wretch, a whole train of his breed ; To pray for the rebels that now rule the State, That all their sham plots may succeed as of late ; foi. 1866. To downright deny both my God and my king ; To pronounce these vain words when I mean not the thing. Nor, sure, is the sin of those wise ones abated Who stand up and break off when the words are repeated. For Christ's coat was seamless, which seems to require All forms in his Church should be whole and entire. To join in one part, and take snuff at the rest, Is basely dissembling with God at the best. pi. 1867. Copy of a Letter addressed thus : To the Right Honble. Lady Lucy Stuart Traquair, at her Lodgings, Edinburgh. 2 Dec Madam, — I shou'd be at a loss what apology to make for offering your ladyship the trouble of a letter if your charitable disposition towards the distressed did not encourage me to entreat you to recommend to Bishop Forbes, or any other well inclin'd person, to make a small collection for poor John Mac- donell, alias CTsian, the principall of the five honest thieves (forgive, Madam, the Irichism), who protected the Prince in his greatest distress. Let me assure your Ladyship that he is a reall object of charity, and never was consider'd for his services 1 He died January 16th, 17 14, aged 59. — F. 1762] SUPPORT CRAVED FOR O'SIAN 201 except by Glenalladell, who always supported while he liv'd, 2 Dec and now, since GlenalladelFs death, the poor man is reduced foi. 1868. with old age, infirmity, and a numerous, helpless family to the greatest misery. I am, Madam, your Ladyship's most obedient humble servant (Sic subscribitur), John Macnabb. Inshewen, %d December, 1762. Copy of a Letter addressed thus : To the right reverend Mr. Robert Forbes, at Leith. Sir, — It pains me to see those that are open hearted in our 5 Jan. country get the whole burden to serve such as are in distress of their felow creatures, and tho you have not the least share of their repeated troubles, the present is to be an addition to your former. The person who was formerly mentioned to yow is called John McDonald (alias Osean), lives in the Brea of Glen- moriston, near the farm of Craskie, sixty years of age, very poor and tender, having a wife and several weak bairns near starving ; as you already knows, refused i?30,000 sterling rather than betray his trust. What pity it is a poor fellow that have foi. 1869. done so much honour to his country should now starve for want of livelyhood in the heart of Scotland, when two or three pound yearly would make him now happier than i?30,000 formerly. I thank God I hope there are still remaining of good people as many as will contribute to make poor Osean happy. Whatever you get for his relief, Mr. John Moir, merchant, will remit it to me before the moneth of Aprile next, which time I expect to see him and cheer his drooping spirits. I am sorry I did not meet yow according to appointment yesterday morning, being hindered with the badness of my cold, that I was too long before geting out of my room, tho I shall expect the happiness to see you before leaving the town. I beg you offer my sincere good wishes to Mrs. Forbes. Believe me always unalterable, Sir, Your most affectionate friend and servantt, (Sic subscribitur), Alex it. McNabb. Edinburgh, 5th January 1763. 202 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1763 foi. 1870. Copy of a Letter to the right reverend Bishop Gordoun of London. April Right Reverend Dear Sir, — For some time I have wish'd for an opportunity to put the two inclosed letters into your hands, as it is not yet fit to transmit any such by post. And yet it is with reluctance I now do it, as I well know your great feelings for those in distress, especially worthies, and your laudable zeal to fetch them all the aid you can. If, then, my dear Sir, you can procure easily any small assistance for poor O'sean, it shall be most thankfully acknowledged and honour- able accounted for. Easily I say, as I am afraid such applica- tions are too frequently repeated to you ; and therefore I beg you may not put your self to much trouble in the present affair. I could wish to have the two letters returned by the same hand, as they are my vouchers in applying to others ; for I always knew the worthy O'Sean 1 to be in no opulent circumstances, but never imagined him to be so low and distressed till now that I have it so well vouched. Alexander Macnab was a captain under the Prince. John is a brother of his, and both are gentlemen of character and reputation. John should have said eight and not jive honest, etc., for such truly was the number. fol. 1871. Is it not remarkable that the number 8 should have been amongst the most principall preservers of the son of J . . . the 8 in the most trying and dangerous distresses of life ? To put this beyond all doubt, take their names — and you are the only one to whom I have as yet given them 2 — John MackDonell, Alexander MackDonell, Alexander, Donald, and Hugh Chis- holms, being three brothers, Gregor MacGregor, Patrick Grant (of this one I have an excellent original painting as he happened to come in my way), and Hugh Macmillan. Be it remarked here that all these 8, after having had the superlative honour to despise ,£30,000 sterling, etc., quitted their former way of doing and never did a dirty action. Alexander MackDonell and Alexander Chisholm died about 12 years ago. The reason of giving the name of O'Sean to John MackDonell is as follows. When the Prince came at length to Lochiel and Cluny, he 1 See f. 1692. 2 See ff. 1452, 1660. 1763] ASSISTANCE CRAVED FOR O'SIAN 203 asked if they knew a pretty fellow called O'Sean. They smiled April and told him that there was no person of that name. He answered certainly there must be one of that name, for that when he was among the faithful Glenmoriston men, they used frequently to speak to one of their own number, and always to call him by that name. O, 1 said they, 6 his name has been John, and they have been referring cases or debates to him ; for that fol. 1872. the expression means, 6 Hark you, John,' or, 6 Hear you, John.' Just so it happened to be, and John ever since goes by that name. The words should be, Hose, Ian, 1 or rather, according to the true spelling of Galic, 6 Aos Earn. 1 I have told several Highland gentleman that John's children should all take this as a patronymic or sirname, and convey it down to their pos- terity from generation to generation. These gentlemen owned it should be so, and that the appellation was most honourably founded. I resolve to insist particularly upon this with John by proper mediation ; for all the 8 could speak not a word but Galic. Perhaps these anecdotes may not be unentertaining to Mr. Bowdler, and therefore, if you think fit, you may com- municate them to him. I ever am, right reverend Dear Sir, Your most affectionate brother and obedient humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, April, 1763. Copy of a Paragraph from Rev. Mr. John m 1873 Stewart. Inverness, March 24, 1763. I had two visits this winter and spring from your old friend, 24 March Patrick Grant, whose picture, I 'm told, hangs in Tartan Hall. This favour, no doubt, I owe you, as it is certainly on your account he pays me that compliment. He certainly has a most grateful sense of your obligations to him, and openly declares you are the man in the world he loves best and that he owes most to. But do you know a secret about him ? He made a notable figure in North America 2 for one campaign only 1 See ff. 1477, 1674. 2 See f. 1703. 204 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1763 24 March against the French, owing to a particular friend who would not dispense with his attendance, and he has returned safe and sound, and has Chelsea pension. He was a night in the neigh- bourhood of Leith, but had not countenance enough to visit a certain friend, being afraid of being banter d for something. The last time he was here he gave me a pair of good Isle of foi, 1874. Sky garters in order to be sent to you as a present, and Mr. Ross is so kind as undertake to carry them, so that you 11 receive them, I hope, safe herewith. Copy of a return to the above. 9 April It is most providential that you and Patrick Grant are be- come acquainted, for I was meditating to put a piece of service upon you in which he can be most useful, and it is this : There is one John MackDonell, alias Os'ean or Oslan, i.e. 'Hark you, John ! 1 or, ' Hear you, J ohn ! ' who was chief of the 8 heroic Glenmoriston men who did much honour to their country by their most generous, disinterested conduct. Now this same John, I am well informed by the best authority, is old, has a family, and is extremely poor. What pity is it, then, not to say reflection, that he has never been considered for his most seasonable, superlative services ! A plan, therefore, is now laid to raise a contribution for him, which, if it takes place, you are to be made almoner of. Do you then enquire at Patrick Grant foi. 1875. about this same John, where he lives, and all about him, without allowing Patrick to know anything of your design, that so you may have him in your eye and at a call if aliquid boni chances to come in the way. He lives, if I am rightly informed, some- where in the Brae of Glenmoriston, near the farm of Craskie. But Patrick can well inform you. Find out John^s age, and how many children he has, and inform me. Let me know the right syllabication of OS'ean or OS'ian according to the Galic, for I reckon this ordinary spelling to be corrupted. The founda- tion of this appellation to John is most honourable, insomuch that John ought to order it to be adopted by his posterity from generation to generation, as a patronymic or sirname. Pray mind to enjoin this. 1763] A MESSAGE FROM THE PRINCE 205 I have Patrick's picture indeed, and a most striking likeness 9 April it is, with a proper inscription upon it. I would not give it for any money. I did him some small services which he seems to overvalue. He was extremely fond of his own portrait. I knew well of his being pressed to North America, sometime in 1759, and that he returned to his own home by this place upon foi. 1876. Chelsea pension. But all these old sinners, when they are inured to the paths of tergiversation, fly from me as they would do from a thing that would hurt them. But Patrick, I know, was forced, and therefore he might have pulPd up as much courage as to see me. You say he made a notable figure in North America. Pray, then, be so good as to write down his feats from his own mouth, and let me have the history of them. Mind this by all means, and be particular. He has my thanks for the garters, tho" I have not yet got them. I dare say they are pretty, and I will wear them for his sake. I will get them from Mr. Ross when I have the good luck to see him. Re- member me kindly to the stout, resolute, sogerly Patrick, and tell him I am still the old man whatever change may chance to be in him by smelling powder in the wilds of North America. fol. 1877. I would wish to know the particular time of his return to the Braes of Urquhart and Glenmoriston. Here is work cut out for the leisurely Appinus of well known de-li-be-ra-ti-on. Leith, April 9, 1763. A True and Exact Copy, etc. August mh, 1762. Assure my friends in Britain that I am in perfect good health, that I hope it will come like a thunderbolt, and that I shall not neglect to recompense every worthy subject as soon as it shall be in my power. They may be assured I shall live and die in the religion of the Church of England, which I have em- braced, and that no kind thing can be said but what I wish to all my dear friends, for whose good I wish more to be amongst them than for any advantage it would be to myself, as 1 have no great ambition except for their welfare. 206 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1763 N.B. — The above, transcribed from a true copy taken 1 upon honour from the original holograph of that faithful friend who wrote every word of it at the desire and from the mouth of C. P. R. When written, he desired the said friend to read it audibly to him, and then said, It is very well. After which he desired to have it in his own hands, to peruse it with his own eyes, and then he said, It is perfectly right. Let it be sent as it is. Copy of a Paragraph from Bishop Robert Gordoun of London. London, May 28, 1763. I thank you, Dear Sir, for your entertaining anecdote relating to Os'ean, which I have communicated to our worthy friend Mr. Bowdler, and he, good man, will order five guineas for Os'ean this year, and I (God willing), if it shall please the divine mercy to spare me, will undertake for the like sum next year at the term of Midsummer. Mr. Bowdler will return Mr. MacnaVs letters by Mr. Cheyne. Copy of a Paragraph from the Revd. Mr. John 1 Stewart. Inverness ; June 4, 1763. 4 June Patrick Grant has not been here since the receipt of yours, nor will for two or three weeks to come. He only comes two or three times a year, according as his pension is paid termly. When he comes shall have a long chat with him on what you desire to be informed of. Osian is pretty well spelFd, and quite intelligible to all that understand Galic, but, perhaps, it would be more orthographical to spell it thus, Os"Ian. But the other does very well. 1 Deposited herein. — F. See a facsimile of the original in the handwriting of Lawrence Oliphant of Gask, the faithful friend here referred to, in The Jacobite Lairds of Gask, p. 322. Gask, and Bishops Forbes and Gordon were now plotting together for the revival of the efforts for restoring the Stuarts. 2 See f. 1874. 12 Aug. fol. 1879. 28 May 1763] JOHN MACKINNON AND HIS SONS 207 Copy of a Letter to Mr. Roderick MacKinnon, //. isso. at Broadford, in Sky, by the hands of Mr. Mac- Donald of Kingsbarrow. Sir, — Yesternight our good friend, Mr. George Cheyne, came 22 June to my house from Bath, and brought along with him from some worthy friends in England twenty pounds sterling for the behoof of Donald MacKinnon, fourth lawful son of your uncle, John MacKinnon, who died at Bath, in order to bind him apprentice to some honest employment. I have therefore to have the money settled in some good hand in Inverness upon interest, and for that end to employ the Revd. Mr. John Stewart to have a bill drawn in the same terms with that which you saw for the money belonging to Charles. Receive from Kingsborrow, the opportunity of whose return to Sky I glady embrace, your uncle's silver stock buckle for his son Charles, according to the contents of a short note wrapt up with it. With joy I write this to be communicated by you to the widow and children of honest John. Mr. Cheyne has deposited into my hands a list of the contributors, thirteen in number, for poor Donald, whom may God Almighty bless with f° l - i88t - all health and happiness, and make him worthy of the attention of such generous and valuable friends. Be it your care to let me know from time to time, as opportunities come in your way, how these boys, Charles and Donald, are doing, as Mr. Cheyne and I are particularly interested in them. All glory be to God for all his mercies. Mr. Cheyne joins with me in all kind good wishes to you, the widow, and her fatherless children. I beg that Mrs. Mac- Kinnon may remember me in the kindest manner to her brother, honest Malcolm MacLeod. — I am, Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant, Robert Forbes. Leith, June 22d, 1763. N.B. — There is a decent grave-stone laid over your uncle, with the following inscription : Here lies John MacKinnon, of the Isle of Sky, an honest man, who died at Bath, May 11, 1762. 208 THE LYON IN MOURNING /,/. >^ Copy of a Paragraph to the right reverend Bishop GoRDOUH of London, by the Honble. Lady Gask. a8 June iV./f. — I must now trll you thai this same lady is to con- sult von upon a poinl extremely interesting to herself and family, and about the marriage of a cousin, for whom her ladyship lias a very particular regard. I give these hints, thai the articles may not be forgol throw a crowd and hurry of business on hand. God grant success. Amen, June 88, 1768. Copy to the said Lady GaSE to meet her at London. 30 June Madam, — Bishop Gordoun should by all means be consulted as to the fitness of the Kevd. Mr. White's being aboul your cousin in the station VOU suggested to me; for he knows him full as well as I do. Besides, thai worthy person OUghl to be consulted in everything relative to that cousin whom your Lady- ship rightly and so justly values. May this meet you in London in all health and safety. God bless, preserve, and direct you. Adieu, dear Lady, Adieu. June 80, l8 8 3 . Copy from the said Lady Gask. London, Wednesday ) July (>. 1768. 6 July DEAR Sir, — My companion and I arrived safe and in good health, thank God ! Sunday the 8d, about two o'clock. The continual Iuptv I have been in with my affairs, making and receiving visits, has prevented my writing to you sooner. Besides, I was Willing to see the good honest Bishop, who did me the favour to come here to my lodgings this morning. We had a Lonff Conversation. He told me he had seen one that saw my cousin in May, and that she was in very good health, and even better than for some time past. He approves much of her 1763] PROPOSALS FOR THE PRINCE'S MARRIAGE 809 marriage, and in his opinion one of a good family in her own 6 July country might suit her very well as matters stand. The Dutchess of Dowglass has done her the honour of a visit. He seem'd very well pleased with your little paper. 1 The Bishop says he does not think Mr. Whytt a fit man for a chaplain. He would prefer Mr. Maitland, notwithstanding what I told him. (Sic subscribitur), Am. Whytt. Copy of a Paragraph from Mr. William >/. i88 4 . M'Kenzy, Schoolmaster at Tain. I happened to be two weeks ago in Strathglass, at the young 7 j u i y Chisholm's house, and on the 25th ult., as I was walking alone by the river's side I met an aged man, who saluted me, as is ordinary in the Highlands, and asked if I had snuff, which I answered by giving him my box, which introduced a parley. I enquired whence and who he was. He answered, From Glen- morison, and that his name is John Macoilvee Eandue, or, if I pleased, John MackDonell. I enquired if he knew Patrick Grant. He said, Very well ; and that he shared in the cause of Patrick's reputation ; that he frequently attended summa fide his Royal Master, ministering sometimes to his relief, and that the Prince called him often by the name of Os Ean. I told him if he could find good credentials for what he advanced, his fidelity at the critical juncture might yet avail him. He de- clared that Patrick Grant and others of repute could vouch what he asserted ; that he is now reduced to great want. He had one of his sons, a pretty boy, with him, seeking service for him, having kept him a little time at a charity school. After giving him a mite to buy his supper, we bad good night. He fol. 1885. told me he was prisoner at Inverness, but got off on the indem- nity. Being two days thereafter in company with the Romish clergyman of that country, I enquired if he knew such a poor fellow. He said he did, and that he was the person already specified whom the Prince often called Os Ean. Tom, July 7, 1763. 1 See f. 1877. VOL. III. 0 210 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1763 Copy of a Paragraph to the Physician in Ordinary. June a s {- 0 the marriage, good Mrs. Whytt 1 spoke very seriously to me about it the morning (June 28) she went from Edina, and asked my opinion. I honestly and plainly told her ' that in my humble opinion it was not in the power of man, as matters were circumstanced at present, to devise a better or wiser match than an English one, all things fairly considered and weighed in the ballance of sober reason."' This startled her greatly. I then added, ' that to be sure for soundness and healthiness of constitution, etc. etc. etc., I would prefer a Scots match, but then, who would be so mad as to entertain such a thought, as such an event would evidently make matters worse and worse still ? 1 In a word, I reasoned this particular point fully, and the good lady came to see the force of my reasoning and the seasonableness of the plan, could it be brought to bear. She then urged the common objection. But I soon discussed that point, by showing her that this was truly a vulgar error, r886 as it was only matter of precedent, and that there was no law in the case. However, I desired that my suggestion upon the interesting point might go for nought, but that the opinion of good Bishop Gordoun should be taken about it, and for that end I gave a written memorandum, that it might not be forgot, and you see he heartily approves, as indeed all sincere friends must see the expediency of such a measure if they will impartially take a view of the whole, and not confine their views to this or the other particular. The conversation ended with saying, 4 O Madam ! if this same confabulation between you and me should happily end in a real match, how joyous should we be ! 1 6 Ay, that is true indeed, 1 said she. God grant success. 2 1 Laurence Oliphant, sixth Laird of Gask, and his lady, are the persons designated in these letters Mr. and Mrs. Whytt. 2 See ff. 1882, 1883. 1763] THE BISHOP AND THE BROGUES 211 Copy of a Paragraph from Mr. James George, August 8th, 1763. I received your favours of the 28th July, inclosing one to 28 July Mrs. Whytt, which I forwarded. I received by yesterdays mail a letter from that lady which mentions that she arrived safe among her friends, who were all well. Your cousin thanks you for the marmalade, etc. She, poor girl, like the rest of her sex, and it is too very natural, would be glad to see her friends after so long an absence, and waits, she says, for a convenient opportunity, which she hopes will cast up, to pay you a visit. N.B. — A pot of marmalade was actually bought in f° l - l88 7- Edina, 1 and safely delivered to the said cousin. Copy of a Paragraph from L. Gask. Char, August 9, 1763. 9 Aug. I have not made my visit yet, but will, God willing, in a few days. I cannot tell if I shall write to you the success, or delay it till meeting, as I am not fond of putting these things in writing, so that if you do not hear from me, imagine that is the case, which you will inform the Doctor of, and tell him his cousin is in good health and spirits. I heard of his laughing very heartily a few days ago. Copy of a Letter to Fjdelius. Dear Sir, — Your cousin was in perfect good health, God be 2 7 0ct - thanked, on September 14 and 25. Having been well informed about a certain friend, 2 particularly that he had sacredly preserv'd the favourite brogs and made friends drink out of them. He laughed most heartily and said, 6 01 he is an This was bought and sent by Mrs. Forbes. Bishop Forbes himself. 212 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1763 27 Oct. honest man indeed, and I hope soon to give him proofs how much I love and esteem him — Adieu. October 27, 1763. foi. 1888. L[ady] G[ask] and her friend 1 arrived safe, God be thanked, in Edinburgh, on Wednesday, October 26th, at 5 o'clock after- noon, and I was with them at 7 o'clock, 1763, in Ramsay's house over against the Cowgate Port. Copy of a Paragraph. OldhaU, March 19, 1764. I9 i/64 Ch ^ a ^ e ^ er °f March 4th, the amiable lady is in very good health, but her father is in a very weak way and ordered by the physicians to keep his bed. Copy of a Paragraph. OldhaU, May 24, 1764. 24 May By a letter I had within these few days, of a late date, I am told your favourite young lady is in perfect good health ; but her poor mother is so weak that she keeps her bed. M. S. fol. 1889. Fratrum, illustriss. Jac. et Joan, Ducum de Perth Antiquiss. nobiliss. familiae de Drummond apud Scotos, Principum. Jacobus, ad studia humaniora proclivior, Literis excultus, Artium bonarum et liberalium fautor eximius ; In commune consulens, Semper in otio civis dignissimus. Mira morum suavitate et animi fortudine ornatus, Intaminata fide splendebat humani generis amicus. In pace clarus, in bello clarior. Appulso enim Carolo P. in Scotiam, Gladio, in causa Gentis Stuartorum re, arrepto, Caeterorum cura posthabita, Laurence Oliphant of Gask, senior. 1764] THE TITULAR DUKES OF PERTH 213 Gloriae et virtuti unice prospiciens, Alacri vultu labores belli spectabat ; Pericula omina minima ducebat : In proelio strenuus, in victoria clemens, heros egregius. Copiis Caroli tandem dissipatis, Patria, amicis, re domi amplissima, Cunctis praeter mentem recti consciam, fortiter desertis, fol. 1890. In Galliam tendens, solum natale fugit. Verum assiduis laboribus et patriae malis gravibus oppressus, In mari magno, Die natali revertente, ob. 13 Maij, 1746, iEt. 33, Et reliquiae, ventis adversis terra sacrata interclusae, In undis sepultae. Joannes, ingenio felici martiali imbutus, A prima adolescentia, militia? artibus operam dedit ; Fortis, intrepidus, propositi tenax, Mausuetudine generosa et facilitate morum, militis asperitate lenita. Legioni Scoticae regali, ab ipsomet conscriptae, A rege Christianiss. Lud. 15 propositus. Flagrante bello civili in Britannia, Auxilia Gallorum duxit ; Et post conflictum infaustum Cullodinensem In eadem navi cum fratre profugus, In Flandria, sub Imperatore Com. de Saxe, multum meruit : Subjectis semper praesidium, Belli calamitatum (agnoscite Britanni !) insigne levamen. fol. 1891. Ad summas Martis dignitates gradatim assurgens, Gloriae nobilis metae appetens, In medio cursu, improvisa lethi vi raptus 28 Septemb. a.d. 1747, Mt. 33, In Angl. Monarch. Sacello Antwerpiae jacet. Fama perennis, lauru porrecta, vetat mori Principes immaculatis proavum honoribus dignos. Hoc Elogium D. D. D. T. D. LL.D. 1 N.B. — The above is engraven, all in capitals, on the tomb at Antwerp, with the coat armorial of the family on the top of the Inscription. i.e. Thomas Drummond, Legum Licentiatus Doctor, 214 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1765 foi. 1892. To the Pinter of the London Chronicle. Sir, — By inserting the under written in your paper you will oblige a former correspondent and No Flatterer. Hie, Morte victus, jacet, Qui Victor olim in Agro Cullodense. Qualis erat, Scotia Moerens indicat. To the Printer of the London Chronicle. Little Chelsea, November 19, 1765. IQ Nov. Sir, — As you obliged me in printing the Latin epitaph I 3 sent you the other day I persuade myself you will not refuse room to the translation by the same hand, and hope it will prove equally acceptable to your readers. I am, sir, your humble servant, though No Flatterer. Here lyes a victim to all-conquVing death ; The man who conquered on Culloden's heath. What else he was, or what his victims were, The groans of weeping Scotland best declare. foi. 1893. Upon the Death of King James 8, January 1, V 7 66 i after 9 at night, 1766. Farewel, O pious Prince ! the palm is won. The everlasting crown of bliss thy own. Why should I weep thy fate ? Alas ! thy life Was one continued scene of injury and grief. This guilty land was markM by angry Heav n. Thou, blameless infant, from her aether driv'n Long mourn'd her woes. Now freed from wo, you rise, But poor Britannia in dishonour lies ! 1766] DEATH OF THE OLD CHEVALIER 215 O Power Almighty ! stop th 1 avenging hand, i Jan. In pity view the desolated land. Restore her royal exile. On his head Thy choicest gifts, thy richest bounties shed. As thou hast made him good and great, bestow The means that goodness and that worth to show. Grant him o'er these repenting lands to sway; foi. 1894. Grant all his people may with joy obey ; And with exulting voices all in one What they refused the father, give the son. Again, O Heav'n ! thy humbled Albion bless Restore her Charles, and all her wrongs redress. Copies of Paragraphs. January 20, 1766. — What do you hear of the young lady 1 foi. 1895. that has made her escape out of her nunnery ? — L. G. 2 ° 7 66° Bishop Gordon. — February 13, 1766. — The Lady, your 13 Feb. favourite, after whom you enquire, is very well ; nor have I the least suspicion of her not supporting her character with her usual firmness and dignity, notwithstanding what may at any time be reported by an slanderous, lying, and malicious race of men. J. G. — February 18, 1766. — The first of January (about a 18 Feb. quarter after nine o'clock at night) put a period to all the troubles and disappointments of good old Mr. James Mis- fortunate. L[ady G[ask\ — March 22, 1766. — I was favoured with yours 22 March of February 23, which I would thanked you for ere now, but waited to hear from my correspondent that I might have something to say. Last night I had a letter from my friend, who says for one piece of news that the son of the late Chevalier de St. George is gone to Rome and with him three Scots 1 As will be evident to the reader, the young lady who under different names figures in these paragraph and letters following is none other than the hero of the Rebellion. 216 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1766 22 March gentlemen, all of his own religion, that is Protestants. He has fol. 1896. often been heard to say, it was the religion he would live and die in. 17 May Bishop Gordon. — May 17, 1766. — The lady, our friend, for whose health and welfare I well know you are not less solicitous than myself (Blessed be God !) was lately very well, and behaves to admiration. I am proud in being honoured with more than one message from her since her late movements. 19 Aug. Bishop Gordon. — August 19, 1766. — I have the pleasure to tell you that your worthy and amiable friend was not many hours in town before he did me the honour to call upon me, etc. Mr. Oliphant. — I had a long tete a tete discourse at our first interview, when you may be sure your flame was not forgot, who I could assure him was well, and still constant in strongly adhering to her professions, whatever unhappy jealousies might be entertained by some from certain untoward circumstances in her present situation. 1 But time and patience (I doubt not) will clear all up to your satisfaction and entire content. 24 Sept. Wednesday, September 24, by 7 o'clock morning 1766, most agreeably was I surprised with a very short visit of Mr. Ofliphant], fol. 1897. less than an hour, who told me, inter alia, that some great and principal persons were beginning to turn their views to my favourite lady, as the only one to extricate them out of their difficulties, and set to rights their disjointed affairs. 27 Nov. Bishop Gordon. — November 27, 1766. — Pray know our common friend was lately very well : and as to your flame, Sir, for your comfort I tell you, she assures us she is fixed and firm in her professions, whatever may be insinuated by her enemies to the contrary, who are ever watchful to give the most unfavour- able turn to all her motions and little inoffensive gaieties, as she thinks them. 23 Feb. j> 0 Bishop Gordon. — February 23, 1767. — I long much, very 1 For some years now the reported intemperate habits of the Prince and his alleged preference for Popery had been causing his friends great concern. 1767] THE RELIGION OF PRINCE CHARLES 217 much, to hear full accounts of my favorite lady, as there is one 23 Feb. in Edina who was lately with her and her sister, and who gives out that my favorite lady is for certain a papagee ; that she goes frequently to mass, and that she has two priests in her family. How much this galls me to the heart, and how manfully I con- tradict it, I leave you to guess. One thing I constantly affirm, That if friends can do no good with their talking, they should do no ill with their idle tales. This same idle prattler is a papagee, f° l - l8 9 8 - and you shall know name and sirname, and all about her, a lady indeed, without loss of time, as a private bearer offers soon, who must be recommended to your care and sacred offices. I am desirous to have it in my power to reprimand such hurtful whispers. To Bishop Gordon. — February 26, 1767. — I hope you have 26 Feb. received mine of the 23 instant by post. The one hinted at 1767 therein is Mrs. Anne Cameron, daughter of Colonel Cameron, who died at R[ome] in the family of , and whose relict and two daughters had a pension assigned them. Upon the death of the mother it was continued to the daughters, one of whom dying, it was continued to the surviving one, who upon a late event went to my favorite lady, who and her sister received her most kindly, conversed with her in an easy and friendly way, and renewed the grant of the pension to her. Whether or not her prattles should be made known to my favorite lady by friend W[agstaf]fe, I know not ; but you know j- ot l8g8 well ; ergo tumet esto judex. I think it is very unwise in her, papagee as she is, to talk in such a way, all things considered. I will be glad to have something to say upon the point, and you shall never be seen or heard of in the matter. But I will contradict boldly if you clear up the affair to me, which I am persuaded you will do to satisfaction. From Bishop Gordon. — March 31, 1767. — I would not, by 31 March any means, dear Sir, have you disquieted by any clash from 1767 abroad or at home about your poor cousin Peggie, who, poor thing, is greatly to be pitied, having many things laid to her charge from which, on account of her unhappy and (as she says) unchosen situation, she has it not in her power to excul- 218 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1767 31 March pate herself. Disagreeable things are put upon her continually, and bear them, alas ! she tells us, she must, for the present at least. You will pardon me ; but to compare small things with fol. 1900. great, poor Peggie's circumstances put me very much in mind of Charles the Second's situation in Scotland. He was watched, he was baited, he was driven. Have compassion then on poor cousin Peggie, and believe not every report, tho appearances, she confesses, may be sometimes against her, and these, magnified in every respect to her disadvantage. She wishes and intreats yourself and family to believe her steady and unalterable. What signifies what Miss this or Miss t'other may say thro' vanity or jealousy, or really through ignorance of causes ? Mr. [Wagjstaffe and his friend were pure well not long ago. 20 May From John Farquharson of Aldlerg. — Dunkerque, May 20, 1767. — The Chevalier de St. George, or, as his followers here call him, King, is very well, but in a very private way att Rome, fol. 1901. and has created John Hay of Lesterick, 1 knight. This I had from one who corresponds with them. The gentleman is positive that he is the peculiar care of Heaven, as passing through so many dangers, and that he is designed for some great end, takes all his misfortunes (if you believe those about him) like the true Christian hero. His answer to the Pope when he sent him word that he would not allow him to take on any titles there was somewhat good. He told the Nuncio that the loss of Culoden gave him more reall concern than the loss he could suffer by any orders from his holiness, and that whatever titles he woud take, neither Pope nor Conclave could nor had any right to take from him. This I had from a gentleman was present. 8 June From Bishop Gordon. — June 8, 1767. — In a letter in- tended to be sent by a private hand, though therein dis- appointed, I had spoke of your poor cousin Peggie's being well, which has since and very lately too been confirmed, Poor girl ! You seem to understand her case perfectly well. 1 Restalrig is meant. 1763] THE PRINCE AND THE POPE 219 She greatly laments her present situation, and says she hopes 8 June her friends will not abandon her for some unhappy appearance, which, as things stand with her, are altogether unavoidable, foi. 1902. and wishes they would point out to her any other place of tolerable safety where she might see and converse with them. Lair[d] G\ask\ — July 9, 1767. — My son and I would, with 9 July the greatest pleasure, give our advice or do anything in our power for the young woman you mention. Her situation is no doubt very hard, but for her business London is the properest place ; but who can venture to advise it for a young woman like her. Her own good sense, of which she has a great share, will make her see the place she is in not at all proper for her. But by taking proper steps and bestirring herself a little, something that 's good will cast up. For surely the offspring of the righteous shall never be forsaken. Bishop Gordon. — September 24, 1767. — "Tis not long agoe 24 Sept. since I heard from cousin Peggie. She was very well, and was told of Mr. White's death, and at the same time the com- pliments of the worthy family were presented. Bishop Gordon. — November 10, 1767. — I heard of your foi. 1903. cousin Peggie's family last week. They were all well. Our 10 Nov best respects to good Lady G[ask] and family. I daily pray for them and for success to their good wishes. Bishop Gordon. — February 13, 1768. — I should be glad to 13 Feb. hear of good Lady G[ask]'s welfare, I mean the Dowager. For 1768 Mr. George told me sometime last month he heard her ladyship was very ill. Pray on the first occasion let us be respectfully remembred to that worthy family. Cousin Peggie and her family were all well when I heard last. What do her relations in your part of the country say of her ? Do they wonder at and regret her absence ? To Bishop Gordon.— February 9, 1768. — Lady G[ask], God 9 Feb. be thanked ! is well again and in good health, by a letter yesterday under her own hand, wherein many, many good 220 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1768 9 Feb. wishes to you and yours, and most zealous inquiries about the friendly fair lady, whose long absence her relations here do greatly marvel at and most feelingly regret. Ten thousand thanks for your notice. Will cousin Peggie never make you another visit ? ^SFeb 4 " G\ask\— February 25, 1768.— We are very glad to know the fair lady is in health. I think it need not be doubted but all her friends would be glad to have her nearer them, and, above all, out of that country that is so detestable to all that wish her well. It is hard if nobody lets her know so much. When you write the good Bfishop], return the most affectionate and respectfull compliments to him from all here. Long may he be preserv'd for a blessing to all who have the honour of his acquaintance. 5 March Bishop Gordon. — March 5, 1768. — Your cousin Peggie, I have heard, lately continues very well, and desires to be kindly remembered to all enquiring friends. 12 March From John Farquharson of Aldlerg. — Dunkerque, March 12, 1768. — I heard lately from your old friend and mine, Charles Jamyson. He was very well then, and in the same way. His old friends, at least his pretended friends, use him very cruelly. As St. Paul says, God reward them conform to their merit. That's all the harm I wish them. However, he is in good health and keeps up the heart. 5 May Bishop Gordon. — May 5, 1768. — I thank you, Sir, for the extract of good Lady Gask's letter. Her ladyship does me but foi. 1905. too much honour in the obliging notice she is pleased to take of your humble servant. I beg my best respects and all proper acknowledgments may be returned to that excellent lady and her house, for whom I bear the highest esteem. Indeed, I think I may truly say they are almost daily in my thoughts, in prayers and good wishes. And let that worthy lady know that her cousin, Miss Peggie, was well not long ago, and is not less 1768] CORRESPONDENCE 221 impatient to be at home than her ladyship is to see her there. 5 May But times and seasons which are not in our own power must be patiently waited for. Your capital, it seems, stands in direct contrast to us, for you are so hardy as to burn Wilkes and liberty. In short, the Government is sadly perplexed about this man. Fear and distrust operate strongly. Pray what think you of the majority of your new set of Commoners ? From John Farquharson of Aldlerg. — Dunker que, June 30, 3°J une 1768. — Our common friend (thank God !) is very well. I have heard of him lately. He has still great hopes of recovering his health, and I hope (tho" the Doctors do not) his flow of spirits will get the better of his stubborn illness. Stubborn indeed ! God send him the proper cure. Bishop Gordon. — July 12, 1768. — You rejoiced us greatly foi. 1906. in the welcome account your letter brought us of the worthy 12 J ul y Mr. Brown's 1 lady being safely delivered of a son. May the dear babe live and grow up to be a comfort to all his family, and a right worthy and honourable representative of it. And pray, my dear sir, let our most sincere and hearty gratula- tions be made to the good old lady (that excellent woman) and the most respectable parents on the happy occasion. Their cousin Peggie, I dare say, will be glad to hear it. God bless them all. Mr. Brown alias 0[liphani]. — September 15, 1768. — Mr. and 15 Sept. Mrs. Robertson, Woodsheal, came from Givet where Strowan 2 lives, August 8th, and had heard very lately before that all in the South were well. Lachlan M'Intosh stay'd only six months, and lives now at Boulogne.'' 1 Mr. Brown was the name by which Laurence Oliphant of Gask, younger, was known, as Mr. Whyte was the secret appellation of his father. They were respectively the father and grandfather of the gifted Baroness Nairn, who was the previous baby in the family, born 16th July, 1766. The grandfather, however, had died in 1767. See f. 1902. 2 Robertson of Strowan. 222 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1768 25 Aug. From John Farquharson of Aldlcrg. — Dunkirk, August 25, 1768. — All jour friends and wellwishers on this side are well. My particular friend is still in the same way, and that by the caprice of an old deazed father whose value intrinsically is not worth a groat, and some old damn'd scoundrells about this old fool. Strange language from a papagee upon the pope. 4 Oct. Bishop Gordon. — October 4, 1768. — I was glad to hear of the ° 1 ' I9 ° 7 ' welfare of our good friends at Gask. May they long be so. Cousin Peggie was lately very well, which I dare say they will be glad to hear of. Pray on the first occasion let my best respects be presented to that worthy family. 7 Feb. To Bishop Gordon. — February 7, 1769. — I am most heartily 1/69 vex'd they, either Mr. Wfagstaff] or Mr. and Mrs. 0[liphant], do not mention Cousin, as a most malicious story prevails here to the no small hurt and prejudice of . 'That the usual attendants are all dismist to a man and their places filled up with strangers, even It[aliansJ, and that this happened upon a drunken fit.' This woful intelligence comes in a letter from one Nisbet, late of the Navy, now at R[ome] to his brother at Edinburgh. How industriously it is trumpeted about and how greedily swallowed down, I need not tell you. I do all in my power to quash this mischievous report. Help me in this distress, I beseech you, dear Sir, if you can. Copy of the abovementioned paragraph taken from the original holograph addressed thus : 6 To Mr. John Nisbet, Writter, Cowgate, Edinburgh, L'Ecosse. Rome, 31 fol. 1908. December 1768. 31 Dec Pray tell my cousin Adam that I have never been in com- 1768 pany with Mr. Lumsden, and at present I don't know where to find him, as he and the other gentlemen that lived with the Pretender within these few days past had a fallen out with him, and have left his house. Some say that he had drank a 1769] THE PRINCE AND HIS ATTENDANTS 223 little too much and wanted to go to an Oratorio. These 31 Dec. gentlemen, his ministers and followers, advised him very strenuously to stay at home. He thought they used too much freedom with him. They were either dismissed or re- signed. I hear the Cardinal his brother wanted them to go back again. They said it would be to no purpose. Their places are supplied by some Italians. I have seen him several times since in his coach accompanied by one Italian gentleman. 1 N.B. — The author of the letter does not subscribe his name to it. From L[ady] G[ask\— February 13, 1769. — They (Mr. and 13 Feb. Mrs. 0[liphant]), saw at Rome Miss Murray, Polmese, Miss Peggie and her sister, who were very obliging, and they dined with them and they are both in good health. Not a word fol. 1909. more about them. From John Farquharson of Aldlerg. — Dunkirk, February 25, 25 Feb. 1769. — I have no kind of news to send ; only my old friend is still in good health and much in the same way. The head of the Church of Rome is gone where he deserves. This may change a little the situation of a certain young gentleman to the better. The Turk has turn'd Catholick and the Empress of Russia Protestant. This is all my little news. Once more, strange language from a papagee upon the pope. N.B. — Having sent a copy of Nisbefs paragraph as in the preceeding page to Bishop Gordon, I had the follow- ing return. London, March 23, 1769. — In answer to yours which came 23 March to hand last night, and as far as I am able to give you satis- faction in the particular you so anxiously enquire about ; you are to know then, Sir, I have seen, with that you communicate, three different accounts of the matter, all agreeing in the secession, but each differing in the reasons assign'd for it. But upon the whole, for my own part, I conclude there have been too great freedoms taken, and which in certain circum- 224 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 foi. 1910. stances, is but too often the case and very hard to bear. I sav 23 March . no more for the present. Time must unfold the rest. O ! how difficult it is to know the truth of things at a distance. Especially in great families, too, even almost in our own neighbourhood. 13 April L\ady\ G\ask\ — April 13, 1769.— Yours of March 9 came 1769 safe to hand. I own the copy you give of the letter distresses me much as I think there is an air of truth in it. I had a letter from my friends (March 7), lately, who, thank God! seem to be pretty well in their healths and think of leaving Naples about this time. They propose coming by Venice to make the journey the longer, as travelling is the chief medicine prescribed for the asthma. God grant it may have the desired effect. They write thus : 6 Miss Murray of Polmaise whom you mention is turn'd Roman Catholick. Her cousin, Miss Peggie, is perfectly well and a lovely lass, but finds I imagine a proper settlement for her difficult. 1 Now you see there is no light about these stories that go upon that poor girl. I cannot say I expected it. fol. i 9 i 1. From John Farquharson of Aldlerg. — Dunkerque, April 9, 1769. — From Rome, March 16. — We can assure the publick 16 March that the Chevalier de St. George has put away all his Scots attendants. The reason of this sudden change is yet a secret, tho 1 it occasions great speculations with some grumbling. From Vienna. — 'Tis now no secret that the Emperor has gone to Rome, some say to take possession of some temporals formerly given by his predecessors to the Pope ; others, to be crown'd king of the Romans ; and some say, out of meer curiosity to see the election of a new Pope. 20 April Bishop Gordon. — April 20, 1769. — We are told the Govern- ment appears to be a good deal alarmed at the discontent and disturbances occasioned by Mr. Wilkes's party. For petitions, and I dont know what, are said to be in agitation, which all your loyal Scotch addresses, 'tis thought, will hardly be able to 1769] THE PRINCE AND HIS ATTENDANTS 225 prevent. God only knows what is to become of us, for clouds 20 April seem to be gathering from all quarters. 6 To your tents, O Israel ! ' 'tis reported was an expression uttered in Dom. Com. on Saturday night, or Sunday morning last, for they sat till 2 o'clock. L[ady] G[ask]. — May 15, 1769. — As I know it is agreeable 15 May to learn of a letter's coming safe to hand this informs you that I had yours of April 29, with the paragraph from Dunkerque. I doubt it is true about the servants. I wrote to my correspon- dent to know if it was so. I got a letter from him last night fol. 1912. and all he says for or against it is, — Meg is very well, but you must really excuse her being in masque sometimes. I had a letter from Mrs. 01ip[hant] at the same time, dated March 31. She says they saw the King of Naples wash the feet of 12 old men on Holy Thursday. There was a fine supper prepared for them. The king handed the first service to servants who set it on the table, and the karles sat down with great ease. After that the King and Queen visited seven churches on foot, and a grand procession it was, which they saw from a Princess's window where all the British were. Bishop Gordon. — May 16, 1769. — I was favoured with 16 May yours of the 29th ult., but alas ! as to giving you any farther light into the particular about which you so anxiously enquired in your former letter, indeed I confess myself altogether un- able. Time and patience must unravel. The matter is too delicate to ask questions about it at the fountain head. Clouds have been gathering a long time, and great struggles have been already made. And tho' the Parliament be prorogued yet 'tis my opinion the fire is far from being extinguished ; to such a height of audacity and insolence is the discontented party fol. 1913. grown. P.S. — As to the particular with which I begun my letter all I shall farther say upon that head is, that as my corre- spondent takes no notice of it in his letters I ought to con- clude it either false, or at least, not to be so much as spoke of amongst friends. vol. in. p THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 Saturday, July 8, 1769. — I was with the two fellow-travel- lers 1 about 7 o'clock at night, and supped with them in Edinburgh. I went to them on the Sunday night imme- diately, and took a bed in their lodgings, and saw them safe off at J after 6 morning, Monday. At these interviews I received entire satisfaction as to the above particular so often mentioned, and several other very interesting articles did they communicate to me. Bishop Gordon. — BurnhaU, July 8th, 1769. — I am so far in my way to Dumfries, where (God willing) I purpose being the latter end of this month, and honest David Lyon and his wife are to meet me there, where I intend staying some small time with my poor sister. Before this comes to your hand, you will probably have seen the worthy Mr. Olpphant] and his agreeable lady, whom, to my great mortification, I did not see as they passed by here. The manner how this happened 'tis very probable Mr. Olfiphant] may have told you. Had I been aware of his not setting off from Durham till 8 o'clock, I should have made a hard shift foi. 1914. hut 1 WO uld have seen him. But he had named a much earlier hour (6 o'clock) in a note he left over night [Bishop Gordon being then in bed] at Burnhall gate, so near were we to each other. Pray, my best respects to him and his good lady, and tell them how sorry I am I did not see them. I beg, dear Sir, you would likewise give Mr. 0[liphant] my best thanks for his care of Mr. [WagJstafFes letter, and also for his own which accompanied it from Durham. I trust Mr. 0[liphant] will be able to give you satisfaction in some doubts and difficulties, and consequently relieve you from the distress under which you have sometime laboured. He is a man of understanding and well qualified to discuss the subject thoroughly. Instantly I made a return to the above, and most earnestly desired Bishop Gordon to bring Mrs. Gordon along with him, and to take up their abode with us for some time ; but if this did not suit his convenience, that he would meet me at the house of Mr. Angus MackDonell, in 8 July 8 July 1 Mr. and Mrs. Oliphant of Gask. 1769] MR. AND MRS. OLIPHANT 227 Moffat, on a day to be appointed by him, tho 1 I had far 8 July rather chuse his coming to my house as above, where he might be as private as he pleased, even incog, if he thought fit. To which I had the following answer. Burnhall, July 20, 1769. — In answer to your last of the 12th 20 July instant, which was exceedingly welcome, you have this to inform you that, after mature deliberation and variety of matters weighed and considered, I am at last determined (God willing) to meet you on the 8th of August at Moffat, in the house you mention, where I trust we shall agreeably chatt over many foi. 1915. things to our mutuall satisfaction which could not so conveni- ently be committed to paper. My wife thinks herself much obliged to yourself and good Mrs. Forbes for your truly kind and friendly invitation to your habitation at Leith. But she desires me to tell you she hopes she shall be excused, being so poor a traveller that she dares not attempt any farther progress than Burnhall, where she says she must be content to set up her steed till she turns her face again towards London. It gave me great pleasure to hear that your worthy friend and his ex- cellent lady had both arrived safe and at Edinburgh. Indeed, it was very mortifying to me that I did not see them in passing, especially, too, after the pains they had so kindly taken to afford me that singular satisfaction. But, thanks be to God ! you have seen them safe and well. I shall think with much satisfaction on our interview now in prospect, which will make ample recompence for my late affect- ing disappointment ; so unexpectedly does our loss often turn to gain, as I trust will be verified in the present instance now before us. A Journal. A. D. O. M. P. F. S. S. 1 Set out accordingly, taking Mrs. Forbes along with me, on a 7 Aug. jaunt to Moffat, Monday, August 7, 1769, 35 minutes after 8 morning. In travelling to the south side of the Pentland Hills, you come to a peep, on the left hand, of Pennycuick 1 i.e. Ad Deum optimum maximum, Patrem, Pi Hum, Spiritum Sanctum, 228 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 7 Aug. House, the charming seat of Sir James Clerk of Pennycuick, richly beautified with large plantations of wood, and several vistas of stone pillars on the banks of the water of Esk. fol. 1916. Soon after this you pass by the foot of the avenue of Windle- straelee on the right hand, the country house of Mr. William Tytler, Clerk to the Signet, of a south exposure at the foot of the Pentland Hills, and surrounded with a bush of wood. 1 We came to Linton, 13 long Scots miles from Leith, 44 minutes after 12 o'clock, where we dined on very good things at the house of one Dalziel, vintner. We left Linton 35 minutes after 2 o'clock. After travelling over Broughton Muir, we came in view of Broughton House, once of Murray, now of Dickson, on the left, and Kilbuckie 2 on the right, two agreeable situations. John Murray purchased Broughton not many years ago for £6000 sterling, and Mr. Dickson, commonly called Havannah, paid Murray for it ^16,000 ; and I am credibly informed, were he to sell it, he would now have i?22,000 sterling for it. Mr. Dickson has built at Broughton Lon or village, on the highway, some hand- some houses for tenants in so regular a way that one would take them to be a factory of one kind or other. You then come to a single tower, four miles from the Crook, on the right hand, an old ruin called Kittlehall, near to which, a little farther on the journey and on the same hand, at the foot of an hill, is another old ruin called the Wrae Castle, once the property of the name of Tweedie. There appears to have been a good deal of building about the castle. Some distance beyond this you come to see, still on the right and on a rising ground, the house of Mossfennan, the mansion of Mr. Welch, of a south exposure and adorned with wood ; near to which is a slate and lime quarry on the brow of a hill to the right, belonging to Polmood, though on this side of Mossfennan and very nigh to it. After this you come in full view of Polmood which, tho"* on 1 The Bishop apparently means here Woodhouselee, which he would pass at a distance of some miles before obtaining at least any near prospect of the Penicuik estate. The Bishop's calculation of miles is (as he notes) Scots miles, which equal i| of our present miles. 2 Dickson. — F. 1769] A JOURNEY TO MOFFAT 229 the north side and at the foot of an hill, is a most charming 7 Aug. little seat on the banks of and so near to the Tweed, that in ^ oL Igi? ' much rain the river flows up to the entry of the house, upon which, I am persuaded, in the shortest days of Winter, the sun hardly ever shines. It is now the property of Mr. Alexander Hunter, merchant of Edinburgh, and has been in the name of Hunter, as is reported, since the days of Malcolm Canmore, who flourished about 1100. William, who flourished about 1170, gave a charter to the then Hunter in the following words r 1 6 1, William, King, the third zeir of my ring, gevis to thee, Normand Huntere, to me thow art baith leif and dere, the hop and the hoptoun, and all the bounds up and down, under the erd to hell, above the erd to hevyn, fra me and fra myne, to thee and to thyne, als fre as the kingrick is mine. To verify that this is suith, I bite the quhit walx with my tuith, before Meg, Maid, Marjory, and my eldest son, for ane bow and ane braid arrow, quhen I come to hunt upon Zarrow."" In sight of Polmood we came to the Crook, 25 minutes after 6, 12 long miles from Linton, George Black, landlord, at whom I asked if he could give us some trouts for supper. He said he had been just thinking to go an angling for a little. I told him I would go along with him and share in the sport. In a short time he took 7 or 8 trouts, upon which and a duckling we made a very good supper, the hospitable landlord taking a share with us. Tuesday, August 8th. — Set off from the Crook, 5 minutes 8 Aug. after 7 o'clock, morning. A mile farther on you come to fol. 1918. another inn, called the Bield, up the hill from which, on the right hand, is the house of Oliver, the mansion of Mr. Tweedie, who is supposed to be the chief of the name, the family of which bore a great sway of old in that part of the country. Mr. Tweedie is the proprietor of the Bield, a little beyond which you come in view of the kirk of Tweedsmuir, on a little green hill down in a valley on the left hand, the Tweed gliding by the kirk. Here I told Mrs. Forbes that for 9 long miles she would not see a grain of corn growing, that is, from the 1 Meaning words of which the following is a translation, as charters were then written in Latin. 230 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 7 Aug. Bield to the side of Errickstane Brae towards Moffat. But we saw plenty of natural hay on the banks of the Tweed, winding its course between two ridges of green hills, great flocks of sheep ranging and browsing upon them at pleasure. Then we came to Tweedie-Brae-foot, on this side of which a little purling stream runs down called the Smidhopburn, and soon falls into the Tweed. Here we saw plenty of natural hay mowing down and in ricks. After passing over the Brae you come to Tweedshaw, i.e., where Tweed first shows itself. Here we spied to my surprize a very little park of beer, 1 not bigger than a kailyard. This prompted me to halt a little and call for a dram. The landlord not being at home, I asked the landlady if this was not the first grain that had ever appeared in that country. She answered the same spot had been in beer the last year for the first time, which had succeeded so well that it was in beer this year with more seed than formerly. On this side of Tweedshaw and a little above it, Tweed rises from its source in a bogue or marsh. Here it is so small that one may walk over it without wetting a foot. This bogue is foi. 1919. a t the foot of a hill called Errickstane, out of which other two rivers take their rise, viz., Clyde and Annan, and all the three rivers run different ways, Tweed shaping its course east- ward, Clyde westward, and Annan southward. In journeying over Errickstane Brae, near the top of it, you come to a large green circular hollow of old called the Marquis of Annandale's Beef Stand, but now MacLaurin's Leap, because one MacLaurin, a drover, in 1746, made his escape from a party of soldiers taking him to Carlisle to be tried for his life, by rolling down this hollow, there happening very luckily to be a thick mist at the time, which favoured his design greatly. None of the souldiers durst attempt following him, so steep is the descent, but they ran round the mouth of the hollow, discharging their muskets at random. Lieutenant Howison, one of the officers commanding the party, cried after him, 6 By G , I arrest you in the King's name, 1 when, behold ! MacLaurin could not stop his own motion had he been ever so willing, which is not to be supposed. He slept that night 1 i.e. barley. 1769] MEETING WITH BISHOP GORDON 231 in George Black's house at the Crook, tho' a command of 8 Aug. sogers happened to be there. The other side of Errick-stane Brae towards Moffat was once a very steep road, insomuch that travellers walked, and machines went empty down and up it ; but now of late it is made such a very fine pathed way in the spiral form that coaches and chaises can move easily upon it full of company. When on the top of Errickstane Brae a fine valley of a corn country towards Moffat opens to you, which exhibits a chearing prospect of a beautiful variety. We arrived at Moffat J before 11 o'clock, and Bishop Gordon with Mr. and Mrs. Lyon came to us about 5 o'clock f° l - I 9 2 °- when we were beginning to tea. Soon after tea Bishop Gordon and I retired to his bed- chamber, solus cum solo, to talk over some matters before entering upon which he begged leave to inform me that he had great doubts of ever having received the benefit of confirmation. For though his mother used to say he had been confirmed, yet he could never recollect hands having been laid upon him, and that he had received the sealing benediction. He well remembred that, when between 11 and 12 years of age, he had been in the quire at Durham with a crowd of boys, when Lord Crew was bishop, and that he then saw several young folks confirmed, but he did not remember that he himself had kneeled down and received that benefit. He, therefore, begged that to remove all doubts and scruples from his mind I might make up this defect. Agreed — and to-morrow's morning was accordingly appointed before breakfast for that purpose in his own bed-chamber, none to be present but Mrs. Forbes only. I then told him that lest I should forget anything I had written a memorandum of several articles as to what I had to inform him about, in such a manner and so short as to be understood by none but myself, and then pulling out my scribble I went on as follows, he listening with the greatest attention. Article 1. That John Hay, Andrew Lumisden, and Captain Urquhart had been dismist for a real act of disobedience. It was true indeed that the K[ing] had been in use for some time past to call frequently for to'ther glass of wine at dinner and 232 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 8 Aug. supper, not from any liking to liquor, but like one absent in mind when he met with things that vex'd him, as ,too often was the case. That one day at dinner he had done so till he was somewhat intoxicated, and in that condition proposed going to an oratorio in the afternoon, but they absolutely foi. 1921. refused to attend him. Yea, he went into his coach and they would by no means go into it ; upon which he returned to his apartments and dismist them. In a day or two he sent for them to return to their duty, but they happening to consult with the Cardinal York, he advised them absolutely not to return ; which counsel they followed, and he took care to have four Italians put into their places as persons more fit for his purposes and designs ; the principal one of whom, our common friend 1 declared, was very fit to be about a great personage, having been bred up at the Court of Modena. The Cardinal would have been well enough pleased had John Stewart, a constant and faithful attendant, been likewise dismist, but that could not take place, as both master and servant, an Athol man, were not willing to part. Therefore, there are still two Britons with him, Mr. Wagstaffe, an Englishman, and John Stewart, a Scotsman. [Here Bishop Gordon asked if ever he conversed with Mr. Wagstaffe. To which I could make no answer as this particular had not been mentioned ; but I promised to enquire.] That he now enjoys more ease and quiet than formerly, and has never been seen concerned in the least with liquor since that event, which had been happily attended with one good effect, to make him think very seriously upon what had happened ; and that no man could be of a more firm and determined resolution when once formed than he was known to be. Too great freedoms had been used which were not easily to be put up with. Such were condescended upon when he was in Scotland. Not a blot, nor so much as a pimple was in his face, though maliciously given out by some as if it were all over blotted ; but he is jolly and plump, tho" not to excess, being still agile and fit for undergoing toil. Bishop Gordon regretted the dismission of Andrew Lumisden, as being fol. 1922. a man 0 f p ar ts, in which I heartily join'd him. Laurence Oliphant of Gask. 1769] THE PRINCE'S RELIGION AND MARRIAGE 233 Article 2. It having been asked by our common friend what 8 Au g- he should say to friends as to particular ways of thinking in religious matters ; it was answered that he left that to his own discretion, as he knew well his resolutions in that shape. Meantime he could not fail observing that he was in a most miserable situation in this respect, 6 Being looked upon where I am, 1 said he, ' to be a firm Protestant, and at home in Britain, to be a rank Papist ; ' and that his change of opinions was not of a late date. 4 Having been deem'd a sprightly quick young fellow when between 11 and 12 years of age, I was now and then putting questions to my pedagogue upon religious sub- jects, whose answers not being satisfactory, he put treatises of controversy into my hands in which the arguments and the answers to objections appeared to me so weak and trifling that in place of persuading they rivetted me in my resolution of a change. 1 Article 3. There were two grand points he always had in view, his R on 1 and an earnest desire to be married. As to the first, he was ever attentive to any circumstance that might be conducive to that good end. As to the second, he hoped to have that soon accomplished. Our common friend having been indulged the honour of speaking freely what he might think best for promoting the interest of all concerned, could not help suggesting that his Mfajesty] in his present cir- cumstances could have none but a Popish princess, which might prove an injury rather than an advantage in the eyes of friends. To this it was answered, 'You know, Sir, that I made my addresses to a Protestant princess, 2 and that this negotiation, when upon the point of being concluded, was frustrated by the misconduct of those who had the management of it. But if I should match with a Popish princess, and be so happy as to have children, she should have nothing to do with their educa- tion. I would positively take that upon myself, and have them educated in my own principles. 1 [Here Bishop Gordon observed that he believed Harry Goring had the management of the 1 Religion is here meant. 2 In 1749 the Prince had in view a marriage with the daughter of the Land grave of Hesse Darmstadt. 234 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 foi. 1923. foresaid negotiation, and that the Princess was a German one 8 Aug. » ' and a very pretty person.] Article 4. It having been suggested that his residence at Rome was far from being fit or convenient upon several accounts, he said he resolved to stay there till he should be introduced to the then-to-be-elected Pope, with particular views. Upon this it was remarked that such an introduction might prove prejudiciall to his interest amongst friends, and therefore perhaps better to be let alone. To this he answered that if the Pope should acknowledge him in his proper rights and titles, he would not only have a pension from him, but likewise this would afford him a proper foundation in applying for pensions from Spain and other foreign courts, and thereby he would be put on a respectable footing for entering into the conjugal state. But at any rate he was resolved to leave Rome after settling business. [Bishop Gordon could not help remark- ing here, 'Twas pity he had ever gone to Rome ; that had he gone to Switzerland, that Canton having agreed to receive him, the French Court were to have given him carte blanche, and friends in E[nglandJ would have given him liberally. And not only so, but he himself had as much in the Chambers of Paris as would support him, tho" not like a Prince, yet like a gentle- man.] Article 5. Our common friend, desirous to bring him upon the dismission of the three gentlemen, tried one piece of address, which was that if any persons were coming to Rome who had a mind to see him, he begged leave to know how or by whom they might be introduced. To which it was answered that, as his hours of retirement and of his being to be seen were well known, there was no difficulty of access to him ; and that he kept no secretary, but dispatched all his business and wrote all his letters with his own hand. In a word, it was not in our friend's power to have the remotest hint upon the dismission of the three gentlemen. Article 6. That the Cardinal York was extremely polite, fol. 1924. frank, and free, more like a companion than a superiour, inso- much that one would have taken him to have been brother to either of the two fellow-travellers who had visited and dined frequently with the K[ing]. [Bishop Gordon asked, ' How 1769] CONFERENCE ABOUT THE PRINCE 235 often ? This I could not answer, but promised to be informed 8 Aug. and to let him know. He was likewise very desirous to know if our common friend had visited Alexander Murray in London, as he had left it in charge with James George that this should by all means be particularly attended to, seeing Bishop Gordon looked upon Alexander Murray as a firm and staunch friend, much to be noticed and regarded, worthy of the highest trust, etc. I knew nothing at all about this, but promised to make inquiry and to report.] Article 7. That Mrs. Forbes had given the two fellow travel- lers a piece of seed-cake, which they took entire to the K[ing], making a present of it to him, and withal telling him from whom they had it. 6 Ay ! 1 said he, ' a piece of cake from Scot- land, and from Edinburgh too ! 1 Then rising from his seat and opening a drawer, ' Here," said he, 6 you see me deposite it, and no teeth shall go upon it but my own. 1 Article 8. The common friend had the honour to take leave of the Cardinal York, tho' cadged up like a bird in the Con- clave, which was extremely well taken, the Cardinal declaring he would have been sorry if this had not been done. Article 9. As our common friend had told me that John Hay had suggested to him that he imagined Mr. Wagstaffe to be a bishop, I asked if it was so or not ? To which Bishop Gordon answered that Mr. Wagstaffe was not a bishop. Article 10. I shewed Bishop Gordon a memorandum written by common friend in presence of the K[ing], containing these words only, Travels in the Highlands, Coohry Book of English Paistry, puddings, etc., and told him that I had brought along with me four copies of the Narrative of the Escape, etc., which was what is meant by Travels in the Highlands ; viz., one for the K[ing], the second for Mr. Wagstaffe, the third for Mrs. Smith of Burnhall, and the fourth for Mrs. Gordoun, all hand- somely gilded. But that for Cookery it behoved Mrs. Gordoun to make choice of the best author upon that in London, which M 1925- was agreed to. Article 11. I told Bishop Gordon I had brought along with me some principal papers, 8 in number, and marked in order as they should be read, relative to the late election of a bishop for Aberdeen, all which he and Mr. David Lyon perused with 236 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 8 Aug. attention, and both of them concurred in heartily disapproving of what had been done in that affair. Bishop Gordon would repeatedly say, 6 The conduct of your brethren, Mr. F., is shameful indeed ! Very shameful, truly ! If an election is allowed, why, then, let it go on easily and freely, and don't make a fool of it in any shape whatsoever. ' I told them I had resolved to take up with retirement, which they frankly owned they could not disapprove of. Article 12. I asked Bishop Gordon if present jarrings and confusions, etc., could not be improved to the advantage and interest of Cousin ? Yes, they might. That he himself had fallen upon ways and means to have something put into the hands of a certain person without the same person's knowing from whence, and that he thought he could see from that person's ways of acting he was pointing to the interest of Cousin. At supper I proposed that for a jaunt of pleasure we should go next day to view the Gray Mare's Tail, perhaps the finest fall of water in all Scotland, and about seven long Scots miles from Moffat, which was agreed to. 9 Aug. Wednesday, August 9th, 'twixt 9 and 10 morning, in Bishop Gordon's own bedchamber, the defect was made up as agreed upon, none present but Mrs. Forbes. Soli Deo, Patri, Filio, Spirituique Sancto sit laus et gloria in secula seculorum. Amen et Amen. When about to take breakfast, Bishop Gordon took me aside to a window and told me he was so much pleased with my method of articles that he desired I would take an opportunity of going over them once more with him, which I promised to do. Dinner was ordered to be ready by 1 o'clock, that we might foi. 1926. set out by 2 upon the jaunt of pleasure. Set out accordingly at 2 o'clock, three chaises in company, Bishop Gordon and I in one, Mrs. Forbes and Miss Jackie MackDonell in another, and Mr. David Lyon and his servant, Sandie, in the third ; Mrs. Lyon not being so well as to go ; and Mr. Angus MackDonell, our hospitable landlord, on a good mare, to be our conductor. When about to be gone, I called for a bottle of wine and some bread, my fellow-jaunters wondering what I meant. I 1769] A DRIVE UP MOFFAT WATER 237 told them these implements were to be taken along with us, as 9 Aug. perhaps it might be seasonable and convenient to take a glass of wine when looking cold water in the face, and a bit of bread would not be amiss at the same time. 4 Right, my friend," said Bishop Gordon, 4 'tis well thought on. We may probably have use for such materials before we return.'' After driving about two miles, we enter into one of the finest and richest vallies I have ever seen, called the Glen of Moffat Water, standing thick with corn and hay, interspersed with meadow grounds, and bounded on each hand with a ridge of green mountains, decorated with bushes of wood, and with large flocks of sheep feeding and frisking up and down under the eyes of the careful shepherds tending them by day and by night with their sagacious dogs. In this fertile valley there were likewise herds of horses and black cattle, fat and sleek as otters, which upon the sight and rattling of the chaises took fright, stared, snorted, and galloped up and down with ears erect and tails standing out. There was one colt, of a brownish colour beautiful and well shap'd, which Bishop Gordon admired greatly. The eye was regard on viewing the lofty hills, not only with the verdant woods and a rich variety of glossy green both upon fol. 1927. trees and grass, but likewise with several openings between hills on each hand as inviting the traveller to enter. But behold, when we came directly over against any of those openings, a huge mountain appeared with a stern, austere aspect just like an aged sire with grim looks and knit brows forbidding the promised access. Bishop Gordon was so highly delighted that he was sorry Mrs. Gordoun did not share in the jaunt 4 as,' said he, 4 she is a curious observer and excells in description. I will make her regret her absence from this rural entertainment. Were a philosopher here, what a fund for contemplation, or a poet, how would the numbers flow ! 1 4 Yes," said I, 4 were a Pope or a Voltaire here, how would the subject swell !' And, indeed, a more beautifully variegated landscape cannot well be seen with a rushing natural cascade to crown the whole. When in the midst of a wood about halfway to the fall, one of the ends of the flitchet of our chaise happened to break, 238 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 Aug. which occasioned a halt. Instantly all got out and Mrs. Forbes held a council of war against me for a safe retreat in time with the shrill vociferation of a female general. 4 I can, 1 said she, 4 with pleasure be fell'd myself rather than that Bishop Gordon should be felPd. For how can we account to Mrs. Gordoun if he be felFd sae far frae hame ? 1 4 Ay ! ay ! very pretty indeed, 1 said Mr. Lyon, 4 there is not a word of your husband tho 1 in equal danger with Mr. Gordon or any of us. 1 4 Oh ! 1 said she, 4 he has no fear. He can take care of himself. But for Mr. Gordon, who is a stranger, we ought, all of us, to have a par- ticular concern about him. 1 This occasioned a loud laugh to the re-echoing of the woods. Mr. Gordon would frequently say, 4 O that good woman ! O that good woman ! who is pleased to have such a great concern about my safety. 1 1928. The kind contention was so much in earnest that Mr. Mack- Donell, tho 1 one of absolute courage, joined Mrs. Forbes heartily for an immediate return. 4 What ! Mr. MackDonell, 1 said I, 4 did you not tell me that many wheel machines have been driven the same way ? And may not chaises go now where chaises have gone before ? 1 4 All true, 1 said he, 4 but then such heavy rains have fallen of late that the fords will be very deep, and they are rough and bad enough of themselves. 1 4 O then, 1 said I, 4 the fall will be in its greater glory, and if all of you should return I will go on. 1 Mr. Gordon luckily joined me which ended the debate. But then Mrs. Forbes strenuously insisted against Mr. Gordon's going into the broken chaise, tho 1 the breach was inconsiderable, as with the help of a rope it was made as strong as ever, and so Mr. Gordon and I went into it again. Mr. MackDonell, for the greater safety, soon after this called for a guide who directed us well through the rough fords. At length the rush of mighty waters reached the ear before we could see it with the eye. When we came in view of it I could well see that by crossing that large burn flowing from it into Moffat Water, and called the Tail burn, we could have still a fuller view of the fall, and therefore I stept over the burn and scamper'd up a green hill the best way I could ; about the midst of which I came to a level bit of green about the extent of an ordinary table, where I took up my station directly over 1769] AT THE GREY MARKS TAIL 239 against the face of the fall about the middle of it. I then 9 Aug. hallooed to those below what a fine view I had of the fall, begging them to follow me. Jackie MackDonell skip'd up to me like any roe. Mr. Gordon mounted the conductor's mare and crossed the burn. I cried to Mr. MackDonell to hand Mr. Gordon up after me as far as he would chuse to come, which he did only halfway. Mr. Lyon likewise mounted the mare and crossed the burn. He came up to me with such leisurely steps as his corpulence would allow, and squatted down in- stantly. ' What do you mean, Sir ? , said I. ' Get up and view this grand sight.' ' Oh ! sir,' said he, 4 1 have lost all my breath, Oh ! Oh ! Oh ! ' After resting a little he rose up and took a view of it with his spects on his nose. When descending I took hold of Jackie MackDonell and foi. 1929 guided her in the spiral way, and Mr. Lyon's servant took him by the arm. But no, that would not do. Looking behind me I saw Mr. David hitching down like any hare on his breech. 1 Ay ! Mr. David,' said I, 4 what is the matter with you ? ' 4 O, Sir,' said he, 6 1 man take my to it.' This I failed not to repeat when down at the burn, taking our seasonable glass of wine which made the hills resound with a loud peal of laughter. During all the time we were upon the face of the green hill, Mrs. Forbes down below turned her back towards us, and with fright, was seized with a pain in one of her shoulders, taking a peep now and then to see if any of us were tumbling down and wondering how she would fall upon a scheme to get back to Moffat with three chaises and six dead men, with many a thump upon the pain'd shoulder. The drivers diverted themselves with tumbling stones down the hill, which Mrs. Forbes, full of fear, imagined to be some of our hats. I asked Mr. MackDonell what might be the height of the fall. He said he was persuaded it was more than 100 fathoms from top to bottom. It is white as snow, and falls with such violence that the drops of water rebound to an extraordinary height. For ordinary it consists of three falls, rushing from one shelf of the rock to another, and at last disappearing into a hollow gulph which no eye could ever yet reach, around the mouth of which some trees wave their tops and serve to add to the beauty. When we viewed this wondrous work of God in 240 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1746 Au s- nature it consisted only of one fall, as plenty of rain had lately fallen and thereby had increased its grandeur, so that we beheld it, tho' not in its greatest perfection, yet in a medium betwixt its lowest and its highest degree of glory. It issues out of Loch Skeen, of a pretty large extent, in the midst of which there is an island where a pair of eagles nestle every year. This 1930. loch is clear on one side where speckled trouts are to be had, and muddy on the other where black trouts take up their abode. When got into the chaises Mr. Gordon said ; ' We cross'd Moffat Water so often that we will now, in our return, count the number,' which turned out to be no less than 16, without counting several other crossings of rivulets that discharge them- selves from the hills into Moffat Water. But we brought the crossing of the Tail burn into the reckoning. At supper we recounted the beauties and adventures of the chequered scene with great good humour and pleasantry. Mr. Gordon smiling in Mr. Lyon's face said, 4 Well, Mr. Lyon, I hope you will indulge me the pleasure of making merry with my wife at your method of moving down a hill.'' 4 With all my heart,' answered he. ' Then, Mr. Lyon, I assure you, your bum shall not be forgot. Ha ! ha ! he ! ' Aug. Thursday morning, August 10th, I went over the articles once more with Bishop Gordon solus cum solo. And when he was putting things in order for his departure, Mrs. Forbes delivered to him some raisins 1 and seed cake to refresh himself with in the chaise. When he called for a bill I told him all was paid, as I looked upon myself no less than much honoured by the interview in more respects than one. We had vespers and matins every day. Bishop Gordon left Moffat in Mr. MackDonell's chaise at 8 o'clock, morning, which he journeyed in, as I was afterwards informed, till he came within 20 miles of Newcastle. Mr. and Mrs. Lyon dined with us at Moffat, which we left 10 minutes after 2 o'clock and parted at the top of Errickstane Brae, they going to the left and we to the right. 1 Intended for George Smith of Burnhall, Esq., had he come along with Bishop Gordon. — F. 1769] HOMEWARDS BY TWEEDSIDE 241 We came to Tweedie-Brae-foot 45 minutes after 5, where I 10 Aug. discoursed the landlord, who told me that the true name of the place in papers is Tweedhopfoot. I asked him how it came foi. 1931. to pass that the Smidhopburn was not reckoned the source of Tweed as it is larger than what is so reckoned. He answered that the Smidhopburn takes its rise a good way above his house and is there still less than the source of the Tweed. Here a child 'twixt 2 and 3 years of age took such a conceit of Mrs. Forbes, that she would by no means part with her, but stuck close to her and went into the chaise. She was offer'd raisins and money. But no : she would accept of nothing ; positively she would go along with us. An aunt of the child's pulFd her out by force ; but she scream'd and sprawled herself out with such violence that she was like to throw herself into fits ; and therefore we took her again into the chaise to give her a short jaunt, when looking wistfully into Mrs Forbes's face she said, 6 1 will go wherever you go. 1 ' Ay ! but, 1 says Mrs. Forbes, ' what will your mammy say, if you go with me ? 1 ' Indeed she '11 say, my bonny Ellie Welch is awa ! 1 Which words the child pronounced with a mournful tone of voice. A servant walked by the side of the chaise, and after driving a little Mrs. Forbes told the child that when we returned we would give her a ribband and a bonny mutch. Upon this she was persuaded, though with some reluctance, to return with the servant, but not till she gave us the parting kiss. A little before we came to the Bield by looking up into a very narrow glen on the left hand, I saw some little ridges of rie. We came to the Crook 25 minutes after 7 o'clock where Lord Kaimes and his lady were before us, but we got a good room and a better supper. Friday, August 11. — Left the Crook 40 minutes after n Aug. 7 o'clock, when our hospitable landlady would needs have us take a cheese in a present. To vary the scene we resolved to return by Peebles, the road to which passes off on the right hand over against the House of Mosfennan already noticed, where you soon cross the foi. 1932. Tweed by a fine ford. Then you come in view of Drummellier Castle in a hollow, vol. in. Q 242 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 n Aug. on the left hand an old mine of much building over against the Wrae Castle, but they are on different sides of the Tweed. There is a large fir-park up on the right hand from the kirk- town of Drummellier, where I made a short halt, and got one Cleghorn, a weaver, to conduct me to Tennis Castle, an old ruin on the top of a steep green hill to the right hand, once the seat of the Frasers of Salton, about the time of King James the Fifth, as was narrated to me. In going up to Tennis Castle you walk on a green road of a good breadth which appears to have been made on purpose for the easier access by the side of a purling stream issuing from the high ground, where you come to a large stone, naturally in form of an elbow-chair, called the Chesweld Chair, in which one can sit or lie along as he pleases. If you loll downwards, as it has a little slop, your lips can touch the murmuring stream and drink of the finest water. Some of the ruines lie in huge lumps. I measured one of them which was about 6 feet thick. The walls of one watch-tower of a round form are pretty entire. The whole seems to have been built of small stones, all strongly cemented, so that it would be far easier to work any quarry than to separate them. All along on the banks of the Tweed, which we crossed thrice, and seldom out of sight of it from its very source. We came to New Posso, the princely seat of Sir James Naesmith, grand and beautiful truly, tho^ on the north side of a hill, in view of the Tweed from the front windows, and abounding with the verdant fir through which there are foi. 1933. many different vistas. It has a large avenue down to the Tweed terminating in iron ballistradoes decorated with two statues of gladiators. Here the Tweed is a large river. Methinks there is one superfluous beauty, which is an artificial cascade in the avenue forming a circular piece of water, though Tweed be winding its course in full view. Sir James has a fine green-house of a pretty large extent, where at this time, as I was informed, an American aloe was in flower, the stem of which being about 27 or 30 feet high. After leaving New Posso we came in view of Stobo kirk and Stobo hills which make a fine appearance ; travelling now along in an avenue of planting, many of which apple-trees 1769] AT AND ABOUT PEEBLES 243 on each hand, which avenue is a mile or two in length, if not « Aug. more. After which, still in view of Tweed, we came to Need- path, to the right hand, an old castle of great strength, the seat of the Earl of March, on a green bank slopping down to Tweed, with much barren wood of different kinds on both sides of the river. Near to this, on the other side of the Tweed, is Burnet of Barns, an ancient snug little seat, which besides its own plantations has in view all the beauties of Needpath woods ; and Needpath enjoys the same enchanting view of Barns and its towers and lofty trees. At Peebles by 12 o'clock, which Eddlestone Water divides into two, the old town and the new town, discharging itself into Tweed below Peebles, on the south side of which a fine bridge of several arches over the Tweed from the top of which you have a most beautiful prospect. Here I called for John fol. 1934. Robertson, the sheriff-clerk, upon account of the Rev. Mr. George Innes at Aberdeen, who is married upon a sister of the said Robertson. He dined with us at the house of Ritchie, vintner, and made me a present of four franks addressed to Mr. George Innes. Set out from Peebles \ after 3 o'clock. Near to Peebles on the left hand stands Chapel Hill, church-lands no doubt, as there was of old in Peebles a monastery of the Red Friars called the Ministry or Cross Church, founded by Alexander the 3d, 1257 [see Keith's Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, p. 243]. The steeple, tho' unroof d, of the monastery is still standing, and in the churchyard of it they still bury their dead. 1 Then as you travell along you view Cringaltie, Blackbarony, the Whim, built by the Earl of Isla in the midst of a moss, and now the property of Mr. Montgomery, advocate ; Penny - cuick and Mortonhall, on the left hand and Auchindinny on the right, all of them beautiful seats, adorned with plantations of wood in great plenty. Near to Auchindinny is a fine new bridge over the Esk, so that some of the above seats are decorated with wood and water. Stopt at the Howgate 'twixt 5 and 6, to refresh the horses 1 The words 'not the case' are written here in a different hand, and are struck through in pencil. 244 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 11 Aug. and at home (all glory be to God) I before nine o'clock at night. Total charge of this jaunt, including chaise-hire and every article of expense, £8, 4s. 6d. sterling. 15 Aug. Tuesday, August 15. — The common friend favoured us with a visit, much to my comfort, 'twixt 1 and 2, when we were at fol. 1935. dinner, and took a share with us. We soon retired by our- selves and talked over several interesting particulars. In consequence of this seasonable visit I wrote to Bishop 19 Aug. Gordon on Saturday, August 19, informing that our common friend had visited Cousin with frequency and freedom at least 5 or 6' times, and that the two fellow travellers had dined with him twice; that Cousin would gladly confer with Mr. Wagstaffe, but durst not attempt it, so closely was he eyed and all his motions watched; and that he himself had not visited Alexander Murray, as it might have been ill taken for him to go from the house of the brother banker's to visit any such person ; but that had Bishop Gordon been at home, he then could have visited Alexander Murray by his direction and under his eye. I likewise informed Bishop Gordon at the same time that since seeing him I had changed my mind, and did not now regret the dismission of Andrew Lumsden as I had been in- formed of his being much upon the deistical way of thinking. But whether the brother-in-law had poisoned him, or he the brother-in-law, I would not say. As a strong jealousy upon a certain point had haunted my mind, I wrote another letter to Bishop Gordon, an exact copy of which is as follows : 22 Aug. For God's sake, my very dear friend, beware of Alexander] Mfurray]. I had very great doubts of, and, therefore, have this day made strict inquiry into that character. Our friend in his modest way gave hints that it was none of the best, which, with my own suspicion, prompted me to sift the matter to the bottom upon your account, not to mention other fol. 1935. weighty considerations. I have it from the best authority, and from one with whom I could trust my life that (to use the identical words) 6 he is an ingrain'd villain ; that gold is his god ; a small portion of which will throw the ballance with him to either side, and that he is in keeping by the 1769] ALEXANDER MURRAY 245 C s of W s 1 whom he has influenced to enter into a 22 Aug. most flagitious action against her own flesh and blood. In a word, the two infamously concurred to deprive one of her children of bare bread, even to the length of tampering with and informing the Government." All this with much more I had from one who knows Alexander] M[urray] intimately from his youth up untill now, both in private and publick life, and is truly a friend, not an enemy to Alexander] Mfurray]. In my humble opinion it is prudent not to break with him, but not to tell him anything of importance. However, your own better judgment will do better than I can suggest, and may God direct all to the best. Meantime I will correspond with none but yourself and our common friend upon these matters. I hope you have mine of the 19th instant. With wonted good will and good wishes to you and all yours, Adieu, dear Sir, Adieu. August 22, 1769. N.B. — In the foresaid conversation with the common friend, J 5 Au g- he told me the Protestant princess was afterwards married upon the Prince of Baden Durlach ; that Cousin, when going abroad to air, had two coaches, the one for himself and a gentleman or two with four horses, and the other for attendants with two foi. 1937- horses ; but when the second coach did not go out, then he had six horses in his own ; and that he had four principal gentle- men for valet de chambres, eight or ten footmen, besides those of the kitchen, and such as belonged to the stables, etc. etc. He likewise informed me that Alexander M[urray] had no good character at Paris and was believed by Cousin to have had a principal hand in stealing away his daughter from him, which he highly resented ; and that Alexander] Mfurray] had wrote several letters to Cousin, who never had made him the smallest return. I informed him that Mr. Wagstaffe was not a bishop, 1 The Countess of Wemyss is here meant, who at this time had some differ- ences with her son, David, Lord Elcho. The Hon. Alexander Murray was the fourth son of Alexander, Lord Elibank. In 1750 he had been confined in New- gate prison for contempt of the British Parliament, but afterwards went abroad. 246 THE LYON IN MOURNING [1769 15 Aug. and suggested to him what Bishop Gordon had said with respect to what Cousin had in the Chambers of Paris. But common friend differed in opinion from Bishop Gordon, that it could not be above i?1000 sterling yearly, as considerable pen- sions had been bequeathed by the father to his servants, which were punctually paid, and therefore lessened the income greatly. He likewise observed that Cousin was a great oeconomist, and paid all accounts once a month at farthest, and that he got up in the morning about 4 o'clock, took breakfast about 7, dined at 12 on the plainest dishes, drank tea at 4, supped twixt 7 and 8, and was in his bed-chamber by 9 or before it. So that no man can be more regular in his hours than he continues to be. foi. 1938. I have forgot to remark that in my conversation with Bishop Gordon, he told me he had seen Voltaire when in London ; that one needed only to look him in the face to see him to be wrong-headed — such a stare and rolling he has in his eye, and that he is a peevish, fretful body, of meagre looks. 15 Aug. Bishop Gordon. — Burnhall, August 15, 1769. — In compli- ance with your kind request, and at the same time to return my best thanks to your self and good Mrs. Forbes for all the trouble and expence you have been at in affording me so satis- factory and pleasing an interview as you were so kind as to favour me with at Moffat, you have this to inform you, Dear Sir, that (All thanks be to God !) I arrived safe and sound at Burn- hall yesterday before dinner, along with my dear nephew whom I found at Newcastle on Friday evening, waiting for me at Mr. Burden's, where you were kindly enquired after, and by Mr. Mansfield too. But to return to Burnhall (Blessed be God !) I found all well there, my wife and sister expecting us, who with our young friend all join in kind compliments and best respects to yourself and the truly kind and friendly Mrs. Forbes, of whose obliging concern about me I trust I shall never be unmindful. And here I must not omit, as desired by my nephew, to return his best thanks and acknowledgments to the kind and bountiful Mrs. Forbes for the good things she sent him by me, of which we all partook, and the Highland lassie 1 1 A name I gave to Mrs. Deighton when in Scotland with Mrs. Smith, because good at walking and climbing a hill like any Highlander. — F. 1769] LETTERS ABOUT THE PRINCE, ETC. 247 too, who presents her best respects. It made her mouth water to f° l - 1939- hear the relation of the memorable Tail-burn expedition, which 15 Aug- you may believe, Sir, entertained the rest of the company. Sister Smith and my wife return their best thanks for your obliging present. JV.J5.— Mine of the 19th of August [f. 1935] was in return to the above kind letter. Bishop Gordon. — Burnhall, September 14, 1769. — I thank you 14 Sept. for your last, and particularly for your friendly caution with regard to Sandy, to whose character and all the particulars hinted at in your letter I am not in the least a stranger, having been many a day acquainted with his manoeuvres. Yet after all, without trust, we must make the best use we can of such people in their way. To Bishop Gordon. — September \&th, 1769. — Yours of the 18 Sept. 14th instant is now lying before me. I am heart and hand with you in making the best use we can of some certain folks, without trust in their own way. However, I cannot fail in remarking to you that I could easily discover in our common friend an aversion at seeing Sandy but in your presence. A report is current, and prevails here, that Peggie is actually married and very honourably too. Though I most heartily wish for this event, yet I will not believe it till I have it from your hands. I need not tell you how agreeable such a piece of intelligence will prove to our common friend and his valuable connections. Bishop Gordon. — Barnhall, September %4