Ireland's Revolt in '98, WITH Sketches of Prominent Statesmen AND The Social Condition of the People, BY F'. TUITE. Boston: ANGEL GUARDIAN PRESS, i^zn'^ Copyrighted, 1897 F. TUITE. INTRODUCTION. The historian of every nation finds a con- siderable part of his work in recounting and explaining revolutions. Great Britain has fur- nished its share of them. The most thrilling military records of England are found in the numerous insurrectionary movements of its people. If Ireland presents the same inter- esting features from time to time it need not strike anyone, as strange. But the latest re- bellion of any serious import in that country, breaking out in 1798, has a special interest both for the compatriots and descendants of those who took part in it and for the general public, who sympathize with any people in arms to recover their liberty. It was a break for freedom made by a peo- ple long provoked by oppressive foreign legis- lation, and robbed of their possessions in the name of law. It was rash, no doubt, on account of insuf- ficient preparation and the limited* ,res,Qi;rces at the command of the rebels. Like all "unsuc- cessful rebellions, it brought heavier chains and additional measures of repression on the country. But it was a new proof of the folly of a ruling power hoping to wholly stamp out the spirit of resistance against wrong.- Through those one hundred years now past since the event the same spirit of revolt against tyranny has continued, silent, indeed, and partly suppressed; and it is still there as fresh as ever ready to burst forth anew whenever a favorable opportunity is offered. So pow- erless is physical force against conscience, or unjust legislation against the noble aspirations of a people determined to be free! Every sincere friend of the people de- plores the existence of this revolutionary ten- dency and would counsel moderate methods of seeking redress of grievances. Yet this spirit of revolt will cease only when statesmen will condescend to legislate in the interest of the dependent classes as well as of the aristoc- racy, and thus remove the cause of discontent. In our youth we heard our grandfathers tell those stories of bloodshed — of an armed peas- antry battling against regular English troops —of brave charges — of victories won; and then, of final surrender and defeat. The writer recalls many earnest conversa- tions held on winter evenings during boyhood, as the family groups assembled about the cheerful fire. We, garrulous youths, drew from our aged parents those tales of troubled times. We listened with willing ears, and often with throbbing hearts, as the narrative led us through battlefields, or well-planned sieges, told by those who were themselves eye witnesses of the scenes, or actually took part in them. vll Our young minds could not conceive the need of those hangings of rebels ; not to speak of other more barbarous inflictions, that fol- lowed their defeat. We would often ask, "Would not a penalty less severe be enough for any government in order to keep down re- bellion?'^ What appeared then so unnecessary and so cruel has not changed since to our minds in its barbarous features. After a period of forty years passed since we heard the story we still pronounce it monstrous to sacrifice human life so needlessly. But, as history shows, in every country and age, a tyrannous power needs to perpetuate itself by measures even more opposed to rea- son and moderation and more revolting to humanity than the act of rebellion itself. While there is much to discourage the stu- dent of the past, we try to persuade ourselves, and we earnestly hope, that the occasion will never again arise for a repetition of such dis- astrous conflicts, and that future governments, following a more humane policy in legisla- tion, will remove all causes of dissension in the community and whatever tends to excite the wild passions of the multitude. CONTENTS. Introduction .... Contents ..... Chapter I — Agitation Preceding the Re hellion .... Chapter II — Causes of Discontent Chapter III — Efforts to Secure Foreign Aid Chapter IV — Conflict Begun Chapter V — Battles at New Ross, Ark low, and Vinegar Hill . Chapter VI — Some Battles in Ulster Chapter VII — Aid from France Arrives Chapter VIII— Battle of Ballinamuck Chapter IX — Other Expeditions from France .... Chapter X — Fate of the Leaders . Chapter XI — Prominent Statesmen of the Time ..... Chapter XII — The Union of Ireland with Great Britain Chapter XIII — Causes of Dissension among Irish Patriots Concluding Hints 5 9 II 21 26 33 44 50 52 62 65 67 S6 lOI 121 151 ix IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98. CHAPTER I. AGITATION PRECEDING THE REBELLION. Among the venerable storytellers to whom the youth of our native village looked for in- formation about those past troubled times — the gloomiest in Ireland's records — the writer recalls one whose gray hairs and well-known intelligence made him listened to with respect by old and young. He was past seventy years, and his memory went back with great clearness to all the minute details of the re- bellion. No wonder he remembered it. • At the out- break he was in his twentieth year; was him- self arrested and locked up a prisoner in the market-house of a neighboring town, among a crowd of other rebels, for a whole day, ex- pecting to be hanged, as scores of his com- panions met their fate before his eyes. Often he pointed out to us the place where the scaf- fold was erected. Many a brave life was here sacrificed in the cause of freedom! Fortun- ately he had a friend among the yeomanry, in whose hands the fate of all the prisoners lay, and by special pleading he was liberated at the last moment. *'I never felt death so near," he would say, *'as I did on that day." His place of residence throughout the whole of his long life was close to the leading high- way in the centre of the village. On fine days 11 12 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 he could be seen regularly seated on a wooden bench placed near the door porch, where he could see all who passed on their way to the fair or market.. Few, indeed, came along whose names he did not know; and all were sure of a hearty word of greeting, as well as some new banter, which put them in the best of humor as they proceeded on their journey. The children who passed daily from school were always attracted by the fresh joke he had prepared for them; and the whole crowd, shouting with merriment^ scampered off, eager to repeat at home the friendly remark of the kind old grandfather. There were three of us schoolmates who, on entering a higher class, were becoming inter- ested in the history of our country, and we talked together about getting a good and full account of the famous rebellion from the lips of the old gentleman, who remembered it all so well. Felix, being fourteen years old and the senior in our little group, was to be our spokesman, and on a certain afternoon, as we passed our old friend, a request was made that he would give us the desired information. "With pleasure, my good lads," said he. "Sit here on this bench, all of you, and I will begin at once. But you must know that it will take more than one afternoon to go over the whole story. However, there need be no hurry; you may call every day as you pass from school and I will tell you all in parts. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 13 It may take a whole week before I get to the end." Tom, who was a younger brother of Fehx, and full as anxious tO' hear new stories, ap- peared delighted with the cheerful reply given to their request. "I hope," said he, ''it will not fatigue you to repeat so many things. I think we will have many questions to ask." "Don't fear for that," answered the kind old man. "I like to see young people seeking in- formation about the past history of their coun- try and I am never tired going over those scenes now long passed, and recalling those persons who were famous in my younger days." "To begin, I must remind you that the actual rebellion did not last long. The first conflict took place on the 23d day of May, and all was over about the middle of November. It was a contest of not more than six months' duration. Preparations had been going on secretly for some time. There was a good deal of agitation, among those who had the courage to speak, for the previous seven years. Tlie active organization of the revolt was hardly begun two years before. Indeed, ever since the American colonies cast off the yoke of England, twenty-two years just passed, and established themselves as the United States — a free and independent republic, the people of Ireland began to take courage. Before that happy event Ireland had been for a good while completely disheart- 14 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 ened. The revolution in France, also in the year 1789, roused a new spirit of hope throughout Ireland, as well as every other nation struggling for independence. The public press became bolder in its censures of the corrupt methods of government then prevalent. Several clever writers among the patriots had printed, both in newspapers and pamphlets, severe attacks on the many abuses of those in power. The guilty ones were held up to ridicule in this way in humorous verses and rhymes circulated among the peasantry. Just as you now see those ballad singers in the streets of our towns, so it was then a very general custom to have those patriotic and humorous verses printed and sung at public gatherings. The peasantry of the whole coun- try, who did not have newspapers as we have now, were thus made aware of the state of public affairs. Public meetings were held, too, as long as the law did not interfere. Stirring speeches were made by educated men, who denounced the many wrongs of the nation, and discussed the various reforms necessary. Those meet- ings were soon proclaimed unlawful. To take part in them, or to be the author of any printed criticism of the civil administration was pun- ished by heavy fines and imprisonment. These measures drove the people to secret methods of discussing their public grievances. Secret societies were started under various titles. Of these the principal one was that of the "United Irishmen." IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 15 The young* listeners were all attention as the old man went on. Felix here, with a ser- ious expression on his face, observed: *T suppose there were lots of policemen then, as now, to spy about and report on people." "Not only such as we have now," was the re- ply, "but there were soldiers stationed in al- most every town, who made arrests by order of the nearest magistrate; and there were other spies paid by the government for nothing else but to go about in disguise everywhere and report what they heard and saw." ''Was the rebellion planned by the Cath- olics?" asked Tom. "Not at all," replied the grandfather. *Tt was planned and directed by Protestants from the very beginning, and as long as it lasted. The Catholics were forced into it as the agita- tion went on, and the great majority of the armed peasantry were Catholics. For a long- time they knew they had a just cause for re- bellion, and were .willing to join in such a movement when they could see a fair prospect of success. They, indeed, had the greatest of reasons for rebelling, as I will explain by and by; but many of them doubted the wisdom of the plans on which it was organized, whilp others were slow to join because the prepara- tions appeared insufficient. It may appear strange that they had such earnest friends among their Protestant fellow- countrymen; for the penal laws which so cruelly oppressed them were made by a Pro- 1(3 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 testant government. But it is a fact that the most ardent patriots and rebels were non- CathoHcs. Many of them were Presbyterians and dissenters of other sects, who had no friendship for the Church of England Pro- testants. They shared in some of the disabil- ities that were aimed at Catholics, and thus were led to have sympathy with them in re- sisting laws that interfered with the religious opinions of both. Besides, in that generation there were great numbers of Protestants of all classes who, although descended from Eng- lish and Scotch settlers commenced to look upon Ireland as their country, and to take an ardent interest in its welfare. However wrong- fully their fathers got, hold of their Irish es- tates, they saw no reason for continuing harsh to their Catholic neighbors who had been robbed of their possessions by unjust laws, and were reduced to a state of misery deplor- able enough. They had feelings for those Catholics among whom' they were brought up, of whose sufferings they were witnesses, and whose upright and generous character they learned to admire, 'fiiey had seen their fill of gross persecution for conscience sake from childhood, and were willing to do a ser- vice to a people whom their fathers hated and treated as enemies. However they might dif- fer in their religious views, they decided that all could and ought to unite in the removal of political abuses, and in securing for Ireland the ordinar}^ rights of civilized men. IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 17' It was a repetition of that spirit which grew up in their kinsmen across the Atlantic twenty-two years before, which led them to unite, without thought of religious differences, and drive forever from American soil the hate- ful tyranny of a bigoted English aristocracy. Among the most prominent actors in the in- surrection was Theobald Wolf Tone. He was well known to have a dislike for Catholics. The same was said of Grattan, the greatest orator of his time and the tireless advocate of Ireland's rights. Another very upright and disinterested Protestant in the movement was Thomas Addis Emmett." ''Was he the Emmett who was hanged for treason?-' asked Tom. "No," replied the aged historian; "the one to whom you refer was Robert, a brother to Thomas Addis. He was hanged for planning another insurrection a few years afterwards." "As the society called 'United Irishmen' was the organization that gave birth to the insur- rection at this time, we do well tO' recall in a few words its early movements. It was founded in Belfast in the year 1791 by a party of twenty young patriotic citizens. The lead- ing and most active member was Wolf Tone, now in his twenty-eighth year. He was a na- tive of Kildare, a prominent lawyer, and popu- lar agitator. Through him a branch was soon formed in Dublin ; and from these two centres it spread to all parts of the country. The first object thought of was a reform of parliament." 18 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 "What was wrong with parHament that they wanted reformed?" said FeHx. ''You are right in asking that question, my boy," answered the grandfather. "To know that will help us to understand the cause of so much discontent and murmurs among the people for many years before as well as since." An honest parliament would be formed of members elected by the people of the country, and would pay attention to the interests of the peo- ple who elected them. But the Irish parlia- ment was never an honest one. The members were seldom of the people's choice. The great majority of them got their places by sham elections, by bribery, or by influence of friends who forced voters by threats of various kinds. Instead of being the choice of the people, they were the favorites of the rich foreign landlords. "I suppose," said Tom,' "the voters were led to the polls as we saw the crowd of tenants last week following their landlord between two lines of soldiers to take care of them as they trotted along like a flock of sheep." "Just so," was the reply. "That was one way of doing it, quite common then. Such ridiculous sights got to be so common that the shame of it was not felt by the so-called 'gentry' who owned the land and the people who cultivated it, as if they were of nO' account except to produce a revenue for their masters. But worse still: the Catholics, who were the great majority of the population, were not • . IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 i^". allowed to vote at all; even when holding land ; as tenants, while to aspire to be. a member of parliament was expressly forbidden to them in ■: . . one of the penal laws. The oath taken by the new society called 'United Irishmen' was 'to forward a' brother- , ' hood of affection, an identity of interests, a ;■ communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of all denominations.' .. • • '• Their efforts were to be directed to prociir- - ing honest and free elections for all future • •■• members of parliament; and put an end to the old practice of having strangers forced upon them -against their will, every denomination \ being' fairly represented in both houses of leg- ■' islature. ' ." ^•- In Dublin the regular meeting place chosen. '• by the society was a spacious buildihg. Galled;., ;^^ Tailors' Hall, in Back Lane. From the "rium- ■^:;- ber of popular gatherings held here it was .. commonly called the 'Back Lane Parliament.' '' At this famous hall many fervid speeches were made by such noted members as Simon Butler, a barrister; by Napper Tandy, a mer- chant of the city, and by Oliver Bond. Among the Catholics who regularly attended were John Keogh and McCormick. As mig'litt be expected, there were spies sent by the Castle to watch all the proceedings. The meetings were declared illegal, and sev- eral arrests followed, on the charge of havmj^ used seditious language and censured the rul- ing powers. 20 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 The society was forced now to conduct its deliberations in secret. The abuses in parHa- ment were beyond all hope of correction. That body had become a rotten thing, unwor- thy of the name, and deserved to be blotted out of existence. Complete separation from English rule was resolved upon as the only possible remedy, and a republic for Ireland was planned after that lately established in France. The arming of the whole population secretly was devised, as well as a method of calling them to action when the time should seem ripe, and take possession of all the strong- holds in the hands of the royal troops. The aid of France and any other friendly power was to be secured, and agents were dis- patched to settle such alliances as early as it could be accomplished. The reyolutionary movements of this armed population in every part of the country were directed by a committee of five members with supreme authority, called the 'Executive Di- rectory.' This was located in Dublin. Each of the provinces had its directory, under con- trol of that at headquarters. Each county had its committee to attend tO' the enrolment of the local organizations. A careful system of transmitting orders from the supreme lodge through all the different degrees down tO' the common ranks was contrived, to keep the plans secret from all not in sympathy with the rebels. CHAPTER II. CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. On the following day, as our young school- mates walked together on their way home, they discussed several matters that were not quite clear tO' them in the course of Irish af- fairs, and they decided to ask an explanation at their next meeting with their aged his- torian. One thing they wished to learn was the meaning of the penal laws. Glad to see their growing interest in such important points in their country's history, he assented, and, clearing his throat, he be- gan, as follows: "Your question is quite na- tural. I will give you a full list of those inhu- man laws in a future conversation. It would delay my story too much to explain all of them now. But a few of the worst which caused such terrible wrong and discontent among the people may be noticed before I go farther. The penal laws were contrived to force Catholics to adopt the Protestant Church of England, or, in case they refused and yet remained in the country, to deprive them of the right to vote or to hold any office under government — to deprive them of education, and gradually take out of their hands all prop- erty, whilst they were to be repeatedly fined and imprisoned for neglecting to attend the Protestant form of worship. 22 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 "How these laws worked in reducing- the CathoHc people to a state of poverty and de- pendence we have plenty of evidence before our eyes. During those long" years of oppres- sion there were a few here and there to give up their religion in order to keep their prop- erty in their hands and to get the education that was offered to them on such base terms. But perverts of this kind were very few, in- deed, compared with the great body of the na- tion who, holding to their faith, were driven to beggary and a condition no better than slavery in their native land. ''These laws were repealed some years ago through the agitation of the great O'Connell. I attended some meetings where he spoke on that subject. I was a young man then; and I tell you he could rouse the people to the high- est pitch of enthusiasm by his eloquence. At meetings held all over the country he called thie attention of the whole world to the mean- ness of these laws, and when reasoning did no good he shamed the government into grant- ing the repeal. "You are lucky, my boys, to have your good schools so near you. If you lived in those tirnes you would have no chance to learn to read or write unless you became little Protestants; which I am sure you never would do. Things are improving slowly. But we have not well recovered from the effects of those laws yet." "Another thing that Tom wanted to ask IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 23. about," said Felix, "is the meaning of what they call tithes." "Well,'^ said the old man, ''that was another wretched business that caused no end of trou- ble." "Tithes were a tax forced from the people for the support of Protestant clergymen placed by English government in charge of churches scattered all over the country. Even in localities where no Protestants lived there were parishes formed and churches built at the expense of Catholic taxpayers." "I suppose," said Tom, "like the small church yonder near Landlord Hopkins's big house. They say that the minister has none to preach to except his wife and children, and the sexton, and the landlord, when he is at home." "In many places," said the grandfather, "such was the case." "Now, Tom, just imag- ine one of those visitors calling at your father's house some fine morning to demand the tithes for his support. It was a common practice for many years. Along with the min- ister would come the sheriff and several sol- diers from the nearest barracks — all on horse- back. The amount they must get was fixed beforehand. Your property was valued — that is, your cattle, your crops, and all about your house. Their part was to be the tenth, or as near it as they could get, every year. If you refused to pay it they could drive off a part of your cattle; and if you had no cattle, they 24 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 would take some of the furniture, or clothing — perhaps your mother's best dress — anything that could be auctioned off to get the amount of cash you were supposed to owe for the support of the minister and his family. Another hardship that goaded the people to have recourse to arms was the free quar- tering of the royal troops in the homes of the suspected inhabitants. Soldiers were billeted among the people of all classes, soi that every family had to give free lodging and board to one or more of those disgusting redcoats. I don't think, Tom, you would like to see one of those greedy and lazy orange soldiers set- tling himself in your father's house, taking the best room to sleep in, and demanding the best food in the place. Your mother's fattest chickens would soon be eaten up, and when the fowl were all gone the big appetites of these brutish fellows would have to be ap- peased by some other meat, even if the best cow on the farm was to be killed for that pur- pose." *'I would shoot him," said the young lad, as his face grew red and a fierce expression brightened his eyes. "It would not be easy to do it," continued the old man. "The people all felt like you; but it would be useless to attack such well- armed lodgers. It was, indeed, impossible to have patience at times; and many a fearful en- counter arose between the master of the house and the brutish, saucy lodger. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 25 As' it was the most barbarous of all the late acts of government, so it was the surest way that conld be tried to excite the people to frenzy, and force them to take up arms, even though death stared them in the face." CHAPTER III. EFFORTS TO SECURE FOREIGN AID. "Now we must return to where we left off,'' commenced the grandfather, when his young Hsteners took their places on the bench beside him for the third time. "The patriots, you will recollect, decided to apply to some foreign nation to assist them. Of course France was the first to come to their minds, as its people had been always friendly to Ireland and had kept up the old warlike feeling against Eng- land. Wolf Tone offered himself for the important mission. He was obliged to fly at this time from the danger of arrest which threatened him, and he succeeded in eluding the officers sent on his track." On a vessel bound for th-e United States he got off safely, determined to reach France on another ship starting from some American port, and, perhaps, gain some sympathy and assistance in negotiating the business he had in hands. In this he was not disappointed. His en- thusiasm in the cause of liberty for his country must have grown still greater on this visit to a new people already enjoying the blessings of independence. There were many Irishmen there who had fought well in the American war to drive England from that countrv for IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 .27 ever; and they were glad to hear from him any prospects of gaining the same freedom for Ire- land. When starting from New York he was sup- lied with letters of introduction to prominent politicians in France who could help him in carrying out his projects. One of these was the American ambassador at Paris, Mr. Mon- roe, who afterwards became president of the United States. Arrived in Paris in February, 1796, he was received with favor, and everything promised well for the cause. Among the distinguished officers then at the head of the French army were Napoleon, Hoche and Grouchy. They took an active part in forwarding Tone's object. After some delay a fleet was got ready con- sisting of 17 sail of the line, 13 frigates and 13 smaller ships carrying 15,000 picked troops. It started from Brest, December i6th, '96. Tone accompanied the expedition, holding the rank of Colonel on the staff of General Hoche. The fleet reached the coast of Ireland after three days' sail without encountering any Eng- lish ships in the passage. After entering Ban- try Bay on the coast of Kerry a landing of the troops was decided upon. The day happened to be the Feast of Christmas. A violent storm, however, arising in the night before the time set for debarkation the ships were forced to stand out far from shore; and after waiting some days for favorable weather it was decided to put off the invasion and return to France. 28 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 While Tone was thus occupied with the French another agent from Ireland was sent to Holland, now a new Republic under the name of Batavia. The agent's name was Lewines. He was successful also as well as Tone in se- curing a fleet to act in union with that of France. Fine promises, at least, were made; and a fleet fitted out ready to embark. But one delay after another followed — chiefly on account of unfavorable weather, and at last the troops were ordered ashore with no hope of resuming the project. Wolf Tone in the face of these disappoint- ments was not to be discouraged. Again he busied himself among the French allies, and soon a third expedition was got ready which he accompanied in the rank of adjutant-gen- eral in the Fall of '98; but of this I will say more later on." Felix could hardly keep Tom quiet in his eagerness to ask some new question that came to his mind during the latter part of the story, "We must not interrupt the conversation," he often whispered to his young companion. It was agreed, however, between them that the next day they would inquire what was going on in Ireland while Tone was absent in France. "Very well," said the old man, when the matter was brought up at their next meeting. *T am ready now to tell you all about that." "Tlie patriots at home were not idle during IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 .29 all this time. The men of greatest ability and prominence at the head of the movement in Dublin where the Directory kept its office were Thomas Russell, Thomas Addis Emmet, Arthur O'Connor, and Dr. McNevin. The work of enrolling the peasantry throughout Ireland as members of the United Irishmen went on steadily. Towards the close of the year '97 there were 500,000 reported ready to take up arms when called upon. Of these about 300,000 had secured firelocks or pikes; 100,000 belonged to Ulster; about 60,000 were counted from Leinster, and the remainder from Connaught and Munster. The office of Commander-in-chief was given to Lord Edward Fitzgerald, a young and active patriot who had been formerly a Major in the British army. For all these recruits there was not a supply of arms and other necessary stores; but for such supplies they depended on France; and they delayed the time of rising until the arrival of the fleet expected through the exertions of Wolfe Tone. Althoug'h these plans were laid with the greatest secrecy you will not wonder to hear that the castle officials at Dublin were in- formed of everything by their spies, who car- ried the news to them from day to day. Several arrests were made. The most active leaders were cast into prison. I am sorry to have to , say that there were some traitors among the rebels who reported to the authori- 30 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 ties at the Castle all that was going on. For this, of course, they were well rewarded; for bribes were held out every day to any such mran wretches who would betray their coun- trymen. It may appear strange to you when I say that the English government desired to see the Irish start a rebellion. Although there was a good deal of show made of opposition to an insurrection, yet all this time and for some years before the officials of the castle tried various ways of provoking the people to open warfare. Here Felix spoke up. "Do you mean," said he, "that the English wished the Irish to re- bel — forced them to rebel, and then arrested them and hanged them for rebelling?" "Exactly," was the reply. ^ "I would be a rebel, too!" shouted Tom ex- citedly, "if I lived in those times!" "That is what a great, honest English soj- dier, Sir John Moore, said when he saw how the Irish were treated," replied the grand- father. His words were: "If I were an Irish- man I would be a rebel. " "The reason why the English government v/ere pleased to see an Irish insurrection break out was in order to have a pretext for doing away with the Irish parliament, and uniting Ireland with England to be ruled only by the English parliament in London. All this was planned by the ministers of George HI. even as early as '93. The Irish IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 31 parliament had become a tool in the hands of those ministers who were sent over year after year to create new members of the House of Lords such as would be ready to vote any measure the King's deputies wanted, and to fill the House of Commons with a crowd of members not by honest elections, but by brib- ery and other disreputable methods. In such a parliament it was easy to rush through those various oppressive laws which followed. The Catholics were deprived of all voice at elections. It was declared unlawful for any- one to have arms in his possession. A new power was given to common magistrates everywhere, and even to military officers, to arrest and convict anyone they might suspect as favoring the rebelion. The English troops stationed in the various districts could do as they pleased. These sol- diers cared nothing for the feelings of the families where they took forcible lodging. They were Orangemen for the most part; and, of course, it was their inclination to be as in- sulting as possible to the Catholics whilst it was their business to provoke resistance. You easily see that where common soldiers were allowed such liberties the life of a rebel, or one suspected as a rebel, was not thought of much value. Wherever the officers happened to be un- usually cruel and brutish many innocent per- sons were executed without the formality of 32 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 a trial, and various kinds of cruelties were in- flicted on the defenseless peasantry — some- times to terrify them into submission and sometimes to extort information about those suspected of disloyalty. Some of these cruel- ties make one shudder to think of them. It is only among savage nations we could imagine such horrors possible. The testimony of a new commander of the royal forces sent over in November, '97, leaves no doubt on the subject. He was a gallant Scotch soldier with half a century of brave ser- vice in his record, and after a week's residence in Dublin he was forced to condemn in the most energetic terms the barbarous policy of government as administered at that time. Writing in confidence to his son, he says: "The abuses of all kinds I found here can scarcely be believed or enumerated." CHAPTER IV. CONFLICT BEGUN. No wonder that the rising was hastened un- der such a state of things. Although favorable reports continued to come from Tone and his companions in France yet it was thought bet- ter delay the actual uprising until the expected troops and supplies should land. The government forces were now increased at the different garrisons throughout the prov- inces. Of yeomanry — chiefly Orangemen and militia with English and Scotch corps there were about 35,000. Of regular troops with new additions the number was 80,000. Against this army of 115,000 men the rebels could count on 300,000 ready to take the field, but, of course, not so well armed and without the training and discipline of regular troops. The Castle authorities at Dublin became alarmed on learning that the city garrisons were to be among the first marked out for an attack. During the first months of '98 important ar- rests were made among the heads of the in- surrection. Among them were Father James Quigley, Arthur O'Connor and the brothers John and Benjamin Binn. They were inter- cepted on their way to France towards the end of February. On the 12th of March the Leins- 34 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 ter delegates were seized with all their papers at the house of Oliver Bond in Bridge street, Dublin. Thomas Addis Emmet and Dr. Mc- Nevin were taken in their own houses, and William Sampson in the north of England. Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the commander-in- chief of the rebel army, after evading the gov- ernment spies successfully for two months, was at last taken on the 19th of May at his hid- ing place in Thomas street. Left without a head, the insurgents deter- mined to go on and strike the first blow on the 23d, as had been decided some time before. The signal for making the first attack was the departure of the mail coaches from the Dublin post office at night. They were to be simultaneously stopped. The assault to be made on the castle and other forts about the city had to be abandoned; but a well armed force of insurgents com- menced action at Rathfarnham, a village about three miles northwest of the city, where a body of yeomanry under Lord Ely were stationed. The charge was successful for some time and a retreat made only after a force of dragoons under Lord Roden arrived in haste from the cit3^ The garrison at Naas, in Kildare County, was also attacked by a large force. Three times the charge was made with great deter- mination, but the rebels were forced to yield after losing 140 of their men. Similar engagements took place at no less IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '<)8 35 than a dozen places in the one county of Kil- dare. Never did soldiers fight with more reso- lution, as never did a people rise in self-defence having a more just cause for going to war. But something else was needed as well as hero- ism and courage. The want of effective arms alone prevented success. The old-fashioned pikes and firelocks could aid little in resisting the charge of cavalry and an unfailing supply of ammunition. At the town of Prosperous a small garrison of Cork militia was cut ofT by a brave charge under Dr. Esmonde. This brave leader was betrayed a few weeks afterward and executed. At Monasterevan the rebels were repulsed with great loss. They were victors at Rath- anagan, whfere they held the town for several days. The force that captured Prosperous tried to repeat their skill of arms in Clane, but were forced to retire. At old Kilcullen a strong force of the regular army was defeated, having lost 22 men along with Captian Erskine. In one week from the first battle the Kildare fighting was all over. The six encampments of rebels in this county were dispersed, and all their most active officers were in prison or had fled to the south or west. An important movement was planned by several adjoining counties. Their united forces were to meet on the famous hill of Tara on the 27th of May in order to make a bold attack on some neighboring posts of the enemy. 36 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 The men of Cavan, Longford, Louth and Monaghan were late in arriving on the date fixed, and a powerful government force reached the place before them and surrounded the hill. The rebel camp, however, small as it was, made a desperate fight in defending their position, and, although forced to retire, they left 26 Highlanders and six yeomanry dead on the field. At Dunlavin an attack on the barracks failed. During the engagement here it turned out that some of the yeomanry were in sym- pathy with the rebels. By order of a military inquiry into their guilt 19 Wexfordmen and 9 Kildare men were executed. Next followed assaults on the towns of Blessington and Carlow. The former was be- sieged and easily taken; at the latter the enemy proved too strong. We now turn to Wexford where the fiercest fighting took place. In no other part of Ire- land did the royal troops meet such long and stubborn resistance. . Although this county was not reported as having made much prep- aration for the revolt it turned out soon to be the best united when the spark of war was fanned by the news from other conflicts. The people of this section were rather op- posed to the rising as it had been planned; for they adopted the opinion of the Catholic clergy generally that the country was not sufficiently prepared for such a vast undertaking when the strength of the English forces now in- creased at all points was considered. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 37 But after the actual conflict when tidings of partial victories on the side of the insurgents spread as far as the Southern provinces the natives became more hopeful and emboldened to take a part along with their brethren of the central and northern counties. Besides the conduct of the troops of yeo- manry at the dififerent garrisons became more and more brutal. Groundless charges against the peaceful inhabitants were everywhere made. Outrages of the most barbarous kind were inflicted on people on the mere suspicion of disloyalty; and so intense were the feelings of resentment roused in the breasts of all that it became impossible to restrain them any longer. From peaceful citizens they were driven to the desperate resolution of defending by arms what they despaired of saving by peaceful measures. We notice here a rather singular feature in the uprising not found in other places. It is the active part taken by several priests in some important battles. The young listeners showed more and more eagerness to catch every word as the story grew full of new and startling events. 'T thought," broke in Felix, ''that priests could not take part in war." "They are not allowed by the rules of the church to carry arms or fight in battle," replied the grandfather. 'Tn case a priest's life is threatened he can lawfully defend himself like any other man. But beyond that priests are 38 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 not to take part in the shedding of blood. On the battlefield they are allowed to be present for the purpose of giving spiritual aid to the dying, and in this way they bear a very valu- able part in every just war. At this particular time in Wexford there were circumstances which appeared to justify the unusual part which they did take. Among the many atrocities inflicted on the quiet peasantry by the insulting royal troops was the burning" of the Catholic chapels throughout the country. There were 65 of these houses of worship destroyed in Leinster alone during the rebellion, and 22 of them be- longed to Wexford. It is worth notice that only one Protestant church was destroyed in retaliation during the same period. The names of the priests who led the rebels in battle were Father John Murphy of Kilcor- mick. Father Michael Murphy of Gorey, Father Philip Roche, Father Clinch and Father Kearns. One fine morning — it was Whit Sunday, May 27th — as Father John Murphy visited his chapel at Kilcormick he found the building in ashes — the work of a body of yeomanry who had passed that way. His indignation was aroused. From that moment his mind was made up to lead his people in defence of their homes and lives now exposed every momnt to the license of the foreign troops. He addressed the congregation assembled around him, and in view of the IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 89 ruined chapel he offered himself to be their leader even in armed resistance, since there was now no other way of removing the horrors from which they suffered. Was it not better, he said, to meet death in a fair field than suffer the tortures which they could hardly escape in their peaceful homes. In a short time 2,000 of the country people were under his command. A supply of arms was hastily collected and every man prepared to do his part, making up by enthusiasm and valor for the imperfect manner of their equip- ment. This sturdy band took a position on the hill called Oulart, about 11 miles north of the town of Wexford, where they hoped to be joined soon by a much larger force. They were attacked on the same afternoon by the royalist troops, composed of North Cork militia under Colonel Foote, with some yeomen and Wex- ford cavalry. Aided by their position the rebels made a brave defence. They proved themselves skilled in the use of arms. The attacking troops began to fall fast from the moment they came within sight, and leaving their dead and wounded scattered around the base of the hill the cavalry turned back, galloping in disorder to the county town. The success of this beginning was reported quickly all over the county, and the people be- came thoroughly aroused. On the same day Father Michael Murphy, who was parish priest of Gorey, found his 40 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 chapel wrecked, and like his brother John at Kilcormick, full of indignation, he proceeded at once to join the rebels, who were assembled at Kilthomas Hill, near Carnew. Means were taken to notify every section of the county to unite in arms. Bonfires were kindled on the tops of the highest hills as signals to the in- habitants, while horsemen were dispatched to give orders everywhere as the leaders had de- cided. The insurgents found themselves strong enough to seize the neighboring towns held by the royal troops. On the 28th they took possession of Ferns, Camolin and Enniscorthy after a short en- counter. In taking the latter town the fight lasted four hours, when the yeomanry lost 80 men, a captain, and two lieutenants. The rest fied to Wexford, where was stationed a strong garrison, composed of 300 North Cork militia, 200 Donegal, and 700 of the home militia. Here the town was surrendered to the rebels without opposition. On the 30th of the month (Wednesday) a large force of the enemy from the fortress at Duncannon advanced to retake the town; but they were attacked unexpectedly from the rebel camp that had prepared for the assault a few miles outside the town. The enemy lost three officers and about 100 men. Besides the number killed there were several prisoners as well as three howitzers and 11 gunners seized by the rebels. Those three considerable vie- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 41 tories inside of one week inspired the victors with greater ambition. They naturally believed the northern and midland counties equally active ,or, at least able to keep in check the royalist forces in their province; and a deter- mination was formed to march on even as far as Dublin itself. With this object the main part of their body was to advance under command of Anthony Perry, Esmond Kyan and the two brother priests, Fathers John and Michael Murphy. Their route for the capital was to take in the towns of Arklow and Wicklow. A second division under Father Kearns and Father Clinch, as well as Messrs. Fitzgerald, Doyle and Redmond, was to attack New Ross, and endeavor to hasten the rising in Munster. A third division led by Father Philip Roche and Bagnal Harvey planned a union with Carlow, Kilkenny and Kildare. The first division proceeded northward on the 1st of June with the object of capturing Gorey. This town contained a strong force of the enemy under General Loftus. The rebels were met by a detachment sent out to meet them. In an encounter following they were defeated and driven back with a loss of lOO killed and wounded. Re-enforcements now arriving from various quarters to aid the enemy, a united attack was planned under Loftus, by which the rebel camp on Corrigrua Hill would be forced to sur- render. This design was foreseen by the rebels, and they made their own arrangements. 42 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 A position was taken along the main road leading- to their former elevated fortifications on the hill. Convinced that the enemy would surely pass that way in full force they con- cealed themselves among the thick growth of shrubbery that grew on either side where the road bends through a narrow valley with deep trenches and uneven mounds of earth, offering a secure retreat. The enemy advancing with solid ranks fell into the trap prepared for them, and unsuspect- ing anything to impede their progress a sud- den volley from the rebel ambush fell among the troops with deadly effect. The first fire was followed up by a general charge from the rebels, who rushed from their biding places and completely overpowered the unsuspecting troops. The desperate charge was continued all along the line. Colonel Walpole fell among the first, and hundreds of the common ranks lay strewn along the highway. Three guns were captured — two six-pounders and one howitzer — and used against the routed royal- ists, who were now in utter confusion and put to flight. A supply of ammunition and other valuable spoils were taken. Meanwhile the bodv of rebels under Fathers Kearns and Clinch left their camping ground on Vinegar Hill and prepared for the siege of Newtownbarry. The royalist garrison here was under command of Colonel L'Estrange, IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 43 and amounted to about 800 regulars with a troop of dragoons and supplied with two bat- talion guns. On the 2d of June tlie assault was com- menced. The rebels took possession after a short but lively conflict. Their success, how- ever, they neglected to follow up. Precious time was lost while they dispersed for plunder or refreshment; and the enemy rallying for a fresh encounter, re-entered the town in triumph. In this action the rebels lost 400 of their men. CHAPTER V. BATTLES AT NEW ROSS, ARKLOW, AND VINEGAR HILL. Decisive engagements now followed in rapid succession. That at New Ross is the next to deserve notice. The leaders of the insurgents in this action were Father Roche and Bagenal Harvey. The. force at their command was con- siderable. Some reported it as 20,000 men. This is probably an exaggeration. However, the town was well fortified and presented difficulties rather serious even to this large invading army. On the 5th of June the conflict began. For 10 hours the besieged resisted the determined charge of the rebels, who at last entered, the town as victors. The garrison lost one colonel, three captains, and 200 among the ranks. The loss on the other side was three times that number. The victory here, however, was spoiled in the same way as at Newtownbarry three days before. Needing rest and refreshment after the prolonged encounter of the forenoon the rebels gave an opportunity to the enemy to rally their forces and return conquerors into the town from which they had been lately ex- pelled. ' IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 45 The insurgents retired in security to their camp on Corbet Hill. The rebel division that we left victorious at Gorey decided to march on Arklow. With this object tliey set out on the 9th of June. As the town was situated on the coast it had re- ceived new supplies recently from the English fleet that had been cruising in the channel for some time. From Dublin also came additional forces to its defence under General Needham. The at- tack was expected and a strong barricade was constructed on all the main approaches. Yet there was nothing in all this to lessen the ardor of the rebels to continue their successful course. The enqmy, however, had so many advan- tages on their side that bravery and numbers could not make up for discipline. After an engagement that lasted six hours the rebels lost 1,500 of their men and were forced to retreat, taking with them a large number of wounded. The royalists acknowl- ledged the loss of 100 killed, including Captain Knox, and about as many wounded. In this battle Father Michael Murphy fell after bravely leading his men to the charge for the third time. Tlie scattered rebels were now obliged to unite their forces on Vinegar Hill to be able to resist the combined armies that arrived from different quarters with the intention of striking a decisive blow at the rebellion in that county. 46 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 The prospects had become less hopeful now for them. Munster had still remained inactive, while the North and West did not engage the attention of the new re-enforcements from England. Vinegar Hill, therefore, was to be the battle- field for all Wexford, and a united effort was to be made against such an overwhelming force. Lord Lake had charge of the royalists as commander-in-chief. His attack on the rebel encampment was fixed for the 20th of June. All his available forces were ordered to take up commanding positions under six generals, as follows: General Dundas arriving from Wick- low, was to join Loftus at Carnew; Henry Johnson, with Sir James Dufif at Old Ross; Sir Charles Asgill was to occupy Gore's bridge and Borris. Sir John Moore was to join his forces lately landed with Johnson and Duff. Part of these arrangements were prevented by unexpected encounters with rebel detach- ments, but on the appointed day the royal troops drawn about the hill were altog'ether about 13,000. The rebel camp contained 20,- 000. The different columns of the enemy ad- vanced up the slopes of the hill on three sides and opened a steady fire on the rebels. They met with a desperate resistance, which was kept up for an hour and a half. At length the contest proved unequal. The deadly effect of the enemy's guns on different points pro- duced a panic. The rebels broke into a disor- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 47 derly flight by the unguarded side of the hill. Pursued by the royalist cavalry over the level country they were cut down without resistance and lost during the encounter not less than 400 of their number. The loss on the other side was about 200 killed and wounded. The only leader among the rebels to fall here was Father Clinch. Dur- ing the retreat he encountered Lord Roden, whom he wounded, but was himself shot down by a trooper who came to the rescue of his general. After this defeat the insurgents dispersed in several distinct bands ; some by way of Gorey towards the Wicklow mountains ; others retir- ing nearer the coast, or wherever they could await in security for new tidings from their confederates of Munster, whom they long ex- pected to come forward to their aid. The town of Wexford surrendered to Lord Lake on the 22d, and Father Roche, with Harvey, his fellow leader, having lost all hope, laid down their arms. Although their surren- der was accepted with the condition of clem- ency they were executed soon after along with many others who yielded to the victors on what they understood to be honorable terms. Of the engagements immediately following in this province there were two quite notable and of serious embarrassment to the roval troops. One took place in Wicklow and the other at Castlecomer, in the County of Kilkenny. 48 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 The insurgents in the County Wicklow were not as strong in numbers as their neghbors of Wexford, but they were able to hold in check the advances of the king's army much longer on account of the character of the country. Deep glens and a variety of mountain re- treats which abound everywhere furnished them with valuable posts of defence. They were not wanting in vigorous prep- aration when the news spread from other scenes of battle. Their most noted leaders were the Byrne brothers of Ballymanus, with their able com- rades, Holt and Hackett. On the 25th of June a brief engagement took place at Hacketstown that turned out against them, but on the 30th they obtained a decided victory at Ballyellis, where they were attacked by a stong detachment under General Need- ham. A trap was laid for the enemy similar to that near the town of Wexford some days before and was equally successful. Needham's army was decoyed into a ravine, where a skilful am- buscade was set for them by the rebels, who fell upon them with a deadly fire. Two ofBcers were killed along with 60 of the rank. The rest fled in disorder to the shelter of their camp. Other skirmshes of a similar kind took place on the 2d of July, but on the 4th the insurgents were surrounded by various detachments of the enemy and forced to surrender. Father Kearns, with Anthony Perry, who IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 40 had taken part in the battle at Vinegar Hill, marched into Kildare to join some confederate bands still remaining armed in that section After a futile attempt to reach Athlone they were forced to seek for safety by dispersing in small bodies, and the brave leaders, Father Kearns and Mr. Perry were taken prisoners and executed. Another band of Wexford men led by Father John Murphy and Walter Devereux, after the Vinegar Hill defeat, proceeded to the adjoining County of Kilkenny. They besieged Castlecomer and easily took possession of the town. After this they advanced toward Athy in Kildare. Several divisions of the govern-' ment troops from the neighboring garrisons here 3topped their progress, and they returned to Old Leighlin. Father Murphy was cap- tured and conveyed a pisoner to General Duff's headquarters at Tullow. He was tried by a military commission and convicted as a very dangerous rebel was executed. His body was burned and his head spiked on the market house of Tullow. D CHAPTER VL SOME BATTLES IN ULSTER. Friends of the revolution had looked to Ulster for great things from the beginning. It was tliere that the patriotic spirit first burst out, and plans were laid five years before the actual outbreak. In no other province were the people so well organized. The counties of Antrim and Down were especially active. A determined effort was in preparation until the chief leaders, Thomas Russell and Samuel Neilson were imprisoned. A delay of some weeks was caused by several unexpected movements on the part of the government, which now seemed to be aware of everything planned in the rebel camps. It was decided to capture the town of Antrim first as a most favorable centre of operations, this point being of easy access to the different organizations in Donegal and Down. In the absence of the original leaders a prominent Belfast cotton manufacturer named McCracken volunteered to assume command. On the 7th of June the assault was made. Vic- tory was on the side of the rebels, and they were on the point of entering the town when a detachment of the royal forces arrived to aid their besieged brethren, and compelled the as- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 • 51 sailants to retreat. In this battle about 300 of the rebels fell. Of the besieged there were five of^cers and forty-seven of the rank amono- the killed. Some weeks later Mr. McCracken and his staff were arrested and after a trial at Belfast were executed. On the same day while the battle was fought at Antrim another engagement took place at baintfield in the County Down, where the rebel force was led by Dr. Jackson. The army on the other side was under Colonel Stapleton and had to retreat with loss. On the 13th Ballinahinch was the scene of a conflict be- tween the insurgents under Henry Munro and the regular government troops led by General Nugent. The battle raged with desperation on the part of the rebels, who held out with great energy; but they were finally defeated. Munro, their leader, was captured two days after the battle and was executed at his own home in Lisburn. The actual warfare in the province contin- ued only one week. In Munster there was hardly any attempt at insurrection during all this time. Only one skirmish occurred near the town of Bandon between some imperfectly armed peasantry and the Westmeath yeo- manry. Neither side claimed any material advantage. ; CHAPTER VII. AID FROM FRANCE ARRIVES. As the aged narrator went on describing these stormy events he was Hstened to atten- tively by the young inquirers. At length they thought a question might be asked here without interrupting the course of the story. "Grandfather," said Felix, "did not the French arrive yet to help at the right time?" "Not yet," was the reply. "They were an- xiously looked for since the beginning of May. Three months had now passed without any tidings from those expected allies. They were three months of almost incessant warfare, dur- ing which the native insurgents were left to their own resources. If assistance had come at the appointed time they would certainly have driven the whole English army out of Ireland." Here Tom, the youngest of the listeners, thought he' might venture to express his opinion. "I am afraid," said he, with an anxious ex- pression on his face, "their guns were not of the best make." "Indeed they were far from being in good condition," was the reply. "They were of the IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 53 old pattern in use at that time, and, of course, wc must expect that streaks of rust were very common on the best of them. Besides, the greater part of those peasant soldiers so has- ily taken from their ploughs and domestic oc- cupations, had no guns at all, but did their fighting with these rude weapons of the coun- try called pikes." "Pray tell us, grandfather," rejoined Tom, what sort of weapon was the pike?" "It was somewhat similar to a spear in shape and size," replied the aged historian. A stout wooden pole finished at the end with an iron blade of keen edge and wicked looking point — that was the sort of battle ax which did such damage to the ranks of the English regulars in the hands of our Irish recruits. Of artillery equipment, such as cannon and other heavy engines of war, the supply was very small. A limited number of such guns had been secretly brought over from the continent, and a few more were captured from the King's regiments at various successful raids by the rebels. This short supply was of little use against an enemy so numerous and completely armed. To resume the course of events after the Ulster campaign at Ballinahinch our attention is called to Connaught. This province was well organized from an early date. Several thousand refugees who had fled here from the North during the Orange oppression of '95, '96 and '97 taught the Western people the necessity and the art of armed resistance. 54 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 On the 22d of August the much desired news of a French fleet appearing off the coast of SHgo spread dehght among the native patriots. Three frigates anchored in Kilala Bay with i,ooo men and a supply of arms for a Uke number, as well as other valuable stores, under command of the French General, Hum- bert. The arrival of the friendly fleet was inspir- ing even at this late stage of the conflict. It was far from being the powerful force prom- ised two years before by the men at the head of affairs then in France. The neglect to carry out those promisq^ on the part of the French is explained by the un- settled condition of political affairs in the French nation at that time. The new republic had been established only a few years, and complete unity was not yet assured between the leaders having control of government. In such a state of affairs it became possible for General Humbert to fit out this small expedi- tion on his own authority in the absence of Napoleon with his superior forces in the dis- tant Egyptian enterprise. The French people as a whole were in sym- pathy with the Irish, and were ready to aid that people in securing independence just as they had so lately helped the Americans to throw off the yoke of England. But there were jealousies and varied ambi- tions among the military commanders and others placed in authority, so that the ardent IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 5i5 wish of the people, including the great body of the army, was prevented from being fulfilled. Napoleon sadly regretted afterwards his great mistake in abandoning the Irish at the very moment when everything was favorable for the success of their efforts in the cause of freedom. In his place of exile at St. Helena he ad- mitted the mistake he had made in not allowing General Hoche to resume the invasion which w^as commenced at Bantry Bay in the winter of '96. In conversation with Barry O'Meara on this subject he said: "Hoche was one of the first generals France ever produced. He was brave, intelligent, aboundnig in talent, decisive and penetrating. Had he landed in Ireland he w^ould have succeeded. He w^as accustomed to civil war, had pacified La Vendee, and was well adapted for Ireland. If instead of the ex- pedition to Egypt I had undertaken that to Ireland what could England do now? On such chances depend the destinies of Empires!" The landing of the French troops and stores at Killala was hastily accomplished. The native leaders of the rebel army in that prov- ince were prompt in laying before Humbert their plans of action. The most distinguished among them were Messrs. O'Donnell, Moore, Bellew, Barrett, O'Dow^d and O'Donnell of Mayo, Blake of Galway, and Plunket of Ros- common. Three days were spent in distribut- ing arms among the new recruits summoned hastily from every part of the adjoining coun- 56 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 ties. Part of the time was given to their in- struction and drill in the use of arms. The in- habitants of this small seaport town joined heartily in all the bustle and enthusiastic preparation. Never before in their history did they feel so distinguished or sO' sure of future glory from the part they were now taking in, the cause of their country. On the fourth day from the landing (Sunday, August 26th) the united forces presented an imposing and formidable column as their solid ranks filed out of the town with banners wav- ing and followed by the loud applause of the inhabitants. Ballina was the first stronghold to be seized. The town surrendered without resistance, and on the same night the victorious columns marched for Castlebar, the county town. The arrival of the foreign fleet was now known at all the government posts in the country. Lord Lake and General Hutchinson had al- ready advanced as far as Castlebar, where they had about 3,000 men under their command. Humbert decided to take the enemy by sur- prise. He had been accustomed to the long marches and difficult country of La Vendee, and a mountain road over the pass of Barna- gee offered him a safe route as he descended unexpectedly on the camp of Lake's large army. On the march the hardy French veterans tramped side by side with the columns of IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 57 native recruits. The former had l^een some years inured to the toils of mihtary hfe in their own revokitionary wars at home, and were equally skilful with the athletic Irish peasants, whether in vaulting over fences that came in their path, or in climbing the steep hillsides, in crossing ravines, or jumping mountain streams. Their sudden appearance on August 27th in solid, marching colunms within view of the enemy's camp caused alarm among Lake's in- cautious outposts. Humbert drew up his regiments for imme- diate action. A prompt and vigorous assault commenced. The enemy repelled the attack with desperate and deadly firing, but after a short conflict were forced into a disorderly re- treat They fled in scattered bands — yeomanry and regulars — without stopping until they reached Tuam. Some continued their hasty retreat as far as Athlone, more than 60 miles from the scene of action. Among the notable incidents of the rebellion this hasty flight has been known as "the races" in the popular language of the country. Among the ofHcers who distinguished them- selves in the battle were Mathew Wolf Tone and Bartholomew Teeling. Thev accom- panied the fleet with Humbert when he set out from La Rochelle. They had been some time in France working with other Irish pat- riots in the interest of the insurrection. 58 IRELAND'S REVOLT LN '08 There was no advantage to be gained by the rebels in continuing the pursuit of the fleeing enemy beyond the hmits of the county. The spoils left in the hands of the victors were of great value. Fourteen British guns and five stand of colors were taken. Of the losses in the ranks on both sides the royalists acknowledged theirs to be as manw as 350 men with 18 ofThcers — the French commander estimated the killed on his side to be 600 men. Although a new body of reinforcements to relieve the royalists appeared on the borders of the County Galway it was decided to avoid a fresh attack until time was taken for delibera- tion on the campaign to follow. A provisional government was established at Castlebear, with Mr. Moore, of Moore Hall, as president. Proclamations were addressed to the inhabitants at large; commissions were issued to raise men, and methods adopted to pi*ovide for the expenses to be incurred in prosecuting the war. It was evident that extensive preparations would be needed to make the rebel forces equal to the coming struggle. Battalions from various British headquar- ters were advancing toward the camp at Cas- tlebear. Sir John Moore and General Hunter were marching from Wexford towards the Shannon. General Taylor with 2,500 men was on his way to Sligo. Colonel Maxwell was ordered from Enniskillen to assume com- mand at Sligo, while the A^iceroy leaving IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 59 Dublin in person advanced rapidly through the midland counties to Kilbeggan. Lake and Hutchinson were to muster their scattered regiments and be ready for the assault from headquarters at Tuam. Humbert found himself now with his whole army, both native and foreign — altogether about 3,000 men — completely hemmed in on every side. His retreat by the sea was also cut off, for the frigates from which he landed had returned to France. Tidings were brought to him from Ulster and some of the midland counties that several large corps of insurgents were anxious to join him from their various hiding places, and had already started with the hope of effecting a union. Besides, it was understood that another French squadron had set sail and was soon to land on the northern coast. It appeared use- less to hazard a battle with the royalist army now massed together in such overwhelming numbers. Within a short distance opposed to him at least 30,000 well armed troops in several divi- sions, with as many more in reserve and ready to be called into action at a day's notice. He decided to advance with all his forces to- wards Ulster, where the desired relief might come to join him. His route was by the less frequented roads to Coolaney, a distance of 35 miles, which he effected in one day. A corps of the government militia intercepted him here, and turning aside he passed rapidly 60 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 through Dromahaire, Manorhamilton and Ballintra, making for Granard, where he learned a formidable body of insurgents had made preparations to meet him. Ever since his landing at Killala several scat- tered bands of native rebels contrived to mus- ter in considerable force in the counties of Westmeath, Longford, and other counties ad- joining. They made heroic efforts to form a junction with the French general and kept him informed of their designs by skilful horse- men who knew all the secluded bypaths and easily evaded the numerous government spies on the way. When a favorable time arrived this midland force assembled from various quarters and commenced a hasty march to what they hoped to be an important victory for their country. They were formidable in numbers, but their military equipment consisted of a short supply of rifles and the usual home-made pikes. They were doomed to failure, and never meet their French allies. Everything went well on their way through Westmeath, but after passing into the County Longford on the high road ap- proaching the town of Granard a strong body of yeomanry came up and brought them to a halt. A short skirmish took place and ended with a complete victory of the yeomanry. Of the rebels a large number fell by the roadside killed and wounded. When the contest seemed hopeless the greater part fled in different direc- tions, many were taken prisoners and led into IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Cl the town, where, after a short detention in the market house, they were dragged to the gibbet and the ghastly work of execution went on. The rebels taken in actual warfare were the first victims, but many others of non-com- batant peasantry in the neighborhood were ar- rested on suspicion and met the same fate without the formality of a trial. The horrors here enacted after the baftle were never for- gotten by the helpless inhabitants. To the present day the most vivid traditions survive of the wholesale butcheries which were wit- nessed in the public streets. CHAPTER VIII. BATTLE OF BALLINAMUCK. When Humbert reached the eastern borders of Leitrim where it joins the County Longford he decided to pitch his camp at the small vil- lage of Ballinamuck. The reinforcements which he sought had not come up, and further progress was hazardous. On the morning of September 8th, finding himself completely surrounded by the govern- ment armies that had got on his track, he pre- pared to make a last desperate stand. His whole force was only one-tenth of that which he had to face. The conflict was continued for half an hour with deadly effect on both sides. It soon proved useless to prolong the battle. About 200 of the French having thrown down their arms, the remainder surrendered as prisoners of war. The rebels received no quar- ter at the hands of the victors. From a field of battle Ballinamuck was turned into a huge slaughter house. While the scaffold was the usual method of execution the bayonet was frequently employed as well as other still more revolting atrocities. Of the leaders Blake, of Galway, was among those executed on the field. A body of Longford and Kilkenny militia, who had joined the rebels, were quickly IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 C3 dispatched. Mr. Moore ended his brief term as president of the Provisional Government by a sentence of banishment. He died on the ship that carried him to exile. The gallant sons of France in company with Humbert were permitted to travel unarmed to their own country. Forlorn and humiliated on their homeward journey they felt keenly their position and that of their vanquished Irish confederates. They were glad, however, to gtt off in safety to the shores of a free country, and found some consolation in the prospect of future glory in the military enterprises in which their nation was then engaged. Ireland's western province now completely overrun by the English battalions, was given up generally to pillage and massacre. All the towns that showed any signs of disloyalty met the vengeance of the conquerers without pity. When Killala was retaken by them the carnage was not confined to rebels in arms. At least 200 of the peaceful inhabitants were put to the sword along with insurgents who offered re- sistance. We are accustomed to hear of the bloody and heartless measures perpetrated in France by revolutionists in the wars of La Vendee and Brittany. But the atrocities committed by the royalist army in Ireland during the course of the rebellion surpassed everything before heard of in the armed conflicts of civilized na- tions. The candid historian must admit that ex- 64 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 cesses were committed on both sides. While the conflict raged the fierce passion of revenge led the rebels to acts of cruelty which in our sober judgment we cannot defend and must sincerely regret. Under the circumstances, however, it could hardly be otherwise. A few- cases of the kind are recorded in the great Wexford struggle. But it must be borne in mind that the government troops were the first aggressors, that they continued their atrocities for years while the people were noncombat- ants, and their acts of brutah'ty were not the re- sult of momentary passion, but cool delibera- tion. CHAPTER IX. OTHER EXPEDITIONS FROM FRANCE. Two additional squadrons bearing French allies to aid the insurgents followed soon after the disaster at Ballinamuck. On the 17th of September a single brig com- manded by General Reay and Napper Tandy reached Rathlin Island, on the coast of An- trim. Having learned the fate of Humbert these adventurers saw the futility of landing their forces, and without delay returned to the French port, from which they started to await a more favorable chance of success. On the 20th a new fleet on the same mes- sage of friendly aid to Ireland set out from Brest. It was commanded by Bompart, and consist- ed of one ship of 74 guns, eight frigates, and two smaller vessels. Three thousand men em- barked on board under General Hardi. The indefatigable Theobald Wolfe Tone was among the new invaders holding the rank of adjutant general. On the 1 2th of October, after being delayed by storms in the North Atlantic Ocean, the fleet appeared off the coast of Donegal, direct- ing its course towards Lough Swilly. The E 66 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 enemy, however, was close by. An English fleet with an equal number of ships had been cruising on the track of the French, and now came up ready for conflict. On both sides a heavy fire was continued for six hours. The French fought at a disadvantage in commenc- ing without securing their full forces in line. They lost their flagship with two frigates and surrendered. Two more were captured the following day, and the remainder escaped back to France. CHAPTER X. FATE OF THE LEADERS. At the end of the interview in which the fore- going events were recounted by our aged his- torian the young Hsteners discussed the subject together on their way home with grave and thoughtful expression in their countenances, and in the very tones of their voice. They suspected that the end of the story was near, and they agreed that an appropriate question to ask next time would be, "What was the fate of the principal leaders of the insurrection." At their next meeting the old man willingly consented to satisfy their wish and review the names of the most prominent among the patriots with an account of their manner of death or their career after the unsuccessful struggle for freedom. He therefore resumed his story as follows: ''Among the earliest to fall in battle or by the hand of executioners were the gallant Wex- fordmen. We will place at the head of the list of popular heroes Edmund Kyan. A few days after the battle of Vinegar Hill he was arrested while secretly paying a visit to his family and instantly put to death. His body was weighted with heavy stones and thrown into Wexford harbor. By favor of the incoming tide a few days after it was deposited on the shore close 68 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 to the dwelling of his father-in-law, and with friendly care received a Christian burial. Father Michael Murphy fell in the battle of Arklow on the 9th of June. Father Clinch met his death at Vinegar Hill, June 20th. Father Philip Roche, with Bagenal Harvey, and Kelly of Kilane, after surrendering when defeated at Vinegar Hill, were decapitated con- trary to the terms agreed to by their victors. Their heads were publicly exposed on iron spikes above the entrance of Wexford Court House for several weeks. Father Kearns and Anthony Perry were ex- ecuted by martial law at Edenderry after tak- ing part in the engagement at Kildare in July. Father John Murphy fell in battle in the County Carlow towards the end of the same month. Walter Devereux, the colleague of Father Murphy, was arrested in Cork when about to sail for America. He was tried and executed. Henry John McCracken of Belfast was exe- cuted after the battle of Antrim on the 7th of June. Henry Munro, another sturdy northern leader, was publicly put to death in his own town of Lisburn after the battle of Ballina- hinch, June 15th. Among those who escaped to France, where they afterwards became eminent in various professions were Arthur O'Connor, Corbet, Allen and Ware. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 69 Lord Edward Fitzgerald, who held the post of commander-in-chief of the insurgent army, deserves a more extended notice. He was a son of the first Duke of Leinster and was born near Dublin, October 15th, 1763. He spent a part of his youth in France, where he pursued a course of studies. After return- ing to England, and having attained sufftcient age, he entered the British army. In the course of the American revolutionary war his regiment was dispatched to take part in that memorable conflict. As aide-de-camp to Lord Rawden he distinguished himself in several engagements. In the latter part of the battle of Eutaw Springs he was severely wounded. When the English forces were defeated and compelled to return home he found an oppor- tunity to enter political life, and became a member of the Irish House of Commons. Sub- sequently he travelled for some time on the continent, and on his return rejoined his regi- ment, which was then stationed in Canada. In 1790 he returned to Ireland. Here he was elected a second time a member of the Irish parliament. In 1792 he visited Paris, where he became associated with the leading revolutionists. While in that city he attended a banquet given by Englishmen, where he pub- licly renounced his hereditary title, and pro- posed a toast to the success of the republican arms. Soon after he was dismissed from the British army. He returned to Ireland, where he joined the United Irishmen, of which he was made president in 1796. 70 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 Gifted by nature with the quahties which mark the distinguished soldier and popular hero, he readily gained the affection and confi- dence of the patriots. His valor had been tried in the American campaigns, while his sym- pathy with the people's aspirations was always candidly expressed. The example of the American heroes valiantly fighting for their independence must have attracted his attention and won his admiration. During the few years spent in France he adopted the republican ideas prevalent in that country. At the famous Paris banquet where he renounced his family titles he manifested a natural nobility of soul in his entire disinterestedness, professing no ambition but that of serving the public. He superintended the efforts of the Irish agents to secure assitance from the French na- tion. His connection with the insurectionary movements was well known to the British authorities at an early date, but there was no haste made by local of^cials to issue the war- rant for his arrest until everything was fixed for the outbreak. He succeeded in eluding the ofBcers for two months after the other leaders were taken. At length, on the 19th of May, he was cap- tured after a desperate struggle, in which he received serious w^'ounds. He died in prison on the 4th of June following*. "You said," broke in Tom, "that he took a part in the American war." "Is it possible that there were Irish soldiers fighting for England against the Americans?" IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 11 "Oi their own free will and inclination I an- swer No!" replied the old man. **But, strange as it may appear, a body of 4,000 Irish troops formed part of the British force sent to put down the American colonists." "It happened as in many other foolish wars undertaken by England. The hapless Irishmen who had been entrapped into the ranks of the regular army were led to many a battle of which they did not approve. The sentiments of the Irish people regarding this particular war were clearly made known to the world in the Irish Parliament when the King's demand for troops was under discus- sion. On November 25th, 1774, this question was brought up. The few members in that body who honestly represented their country, were decidedly opposed to the project and expressed their views in the strongest language. Ponsonby on this occasion declared: *'If we give our consent we shall take part against America contrary to justice, to prudence, and to humanity." Fitzgibbons, during the same debate, said: *'The war is unjust, and Ireland has no reason to be a party therein." Sir Edward Newenham could not agree to send more troops to butcher men who were fighting for their liberty." George Ogle used the words: "If men must be sent to America, send there foreign mer- cenaries, not the brave sons of Ireland." 72 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Hussey Bird condemned the American war as "a violation of the law of nations, the law of the land, the law of humanity, the law of nature ; he would not vote a single sword with- out an address recommending conciliatory measures; the ministry, if victorious, would only establish a right to the harvest when they had burned the grain." Yet the troops were voted by 121 against y^, although the resolution to replace them by foreign Protestants was negatived by 68 against 106. That Parliament was no longer a genuine Irish one. It was mainly a creature of the English ministers. While the question was being agitated the merchants of Dublin publicly applauded the Earl of Effingham for "refusing to draw his sword against the lives and liberties of his fel- low subjects in America." In the same month, while the good wishes of the Irish people were thus manifested the first American Congress sent to Ireland a pledge of their unalterable sympathy and their joy that their own trials had extorted some mitiga- tion of its wrongs.' It was impossible to misunderstand the warm interest taken by the Irish people in the important question agitated among the prom- ising nations across the Atlantic. A good pro- portion of the colonists were of Irish blood, while all were aware of the repeated efforts made in the old land to correct the same kind of abuses which they were now resisting. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 IS Franklin, who had been the soul of the movement for colonial independence, sub- mitted to Congress July ist, 1775, an outline for confederating the colonies in one nation. In his scheme every colony of Great Britain in North America, and even Ireland, which was still classed with the colonies, was invited to accede to the union. The next among our patriots deserving special notice here is Theobald Wolfe Tone. He was born in Dublin June 20th, 1763. His education was completed at Trinity College, in his native city. After graduating from that eminent seat of learning he was called to the bar in London in the year 1787. He soon became prominent as an advocate of liberal political measures. With a view to promoting reforms urgently needed in his native country he endeavored to unite the Catholics of Ireland with the Dissenters of England as a means of success in removing- their grievances. His ideas were presented to the public in a letter entitled, "An argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland." It was published in 1 791. In this year also he took part in found- ing the society of "United Irishmen" in Bel- fast. In 1792 he was reported to the govern- ment as holding treasonable negotiations with the French. Fearing arrest he fled to the United States in 1795, and sailed from that country for France in January, '96. By his exertions a 74 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 French fleet was equipped to aid in the Irish insurrection. This he accompanied, holding the rank of adjutant-general to Hoche, who was its commander. The invasion undertaken in December of the same year ended in failure on account of severe storms encountered at the entrance to Bantry Bay. Returning to France, he continued in military service for the two years following. In September, '98, a second squadron was organized through him for the assistance of his countrymen. Holding his former position in this armament he was inter- cepted on the coast of Donegal by an English fleet. In the encounter that followed he was defeated. Here he was taken prisoner and brought to Dublin, where, after a trial by courtmartial, he was sentenced to be hanged on November 12. While in prison he was overwhelmed by excessive despondency and caused his own death the day preceding that set for his execution. His life, written by himself, including his political writings, was published subsequently by his son, William Theobald. The latter be- came a distinguished soldier in the French army. After the fall of Napoleon he went to the United States and continued the military profession under the flag of his adopted coun- try. One of the most distinguished of the leaders w^as Thomas Addis Emmet. He was born in Cork April 24th, 1764. Having graduated at Trinity College, Dublin, he pursued a course IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '9S 75 ■ of medicine at the University of Edinburgh. Having visited the celebrated schools of the continent and selected the legal profession, a two years course was added at the Temple in London. He was admitted to the bar in 1791. His earnest devotion to all liberal projects in behalf of his native country brought him into universal popularity. In '96 he became asso- ciated with the organizers of the rebellion. Along with Arthur O'Connor, Dr. McNeyin, a Dublin physician ,and Lord Edward Fitz- gerald, he acted as executive director of the "United Irishmen." On the information conveyed to govern- ment by a traitor named Thomas Reynolds, he was arrested on the 12th of March, '98, at his own house in Dublin. In July following, while in prison with other leaders on the same charge, it was agreed, at the suggestion of Samuel Neilson, to reveal the general secrets of their system, without inculpating individ- uals, on condition of gaining their liberty. Permisson to exile themselves to any country not at war with England was hereby granted. The patriotic prisoners when giving the de- sired evidence before the committee of parlia- ment, took occasion to justify the revolt of the country by their earnest denunciation of the glaring abuses sanctioned by the ministers. Instead of immediate liberation their term of imprisonment was prolonged for three more years. This latter period was spent by Emmet at Fort George in the Highlands of Scotland. 76 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Under the kind hearted Colonel Stuart, who was then governor of the prison, our noble convict was allowed some unusual privileges. The gallant Scotch general relaxed the severity of ordinary prison life and treated him with the consideration due to his rank and accomp- lishments. In 1802, after the treaty of Amiens, he was liberated on condition that he should settle in a foreign country and never attempt to return to his own. In company with his wife, who was granted the same permission on the same terms, he withdrew to France. In the city of Brussels, where he had occa- sion to pass on his journey, he met his brother, Robert, who was also an exile, and engaged in the patriotic projects for which he afterwards became famous. In 1804 Thomas Addis proceeded to the United States, of which he became a devoted citizen. He entered here on the profession of law, and soon attained eminence duly ac- knowledged by all classes. His ability and integrity were attested by his appointment to the office of Attorney General of the State of New York in 1812. His death occurred on November 14th, 1827, at his home in New York City. In the cemetery of St. Paul's on Broadway, lie his ashes: and the handsome monument con- spicuous to the multitudes passing daily on that thoroughfare tells of the universal esteem he enjoyed among his fellow citizens. His IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 77 descendants are numerous and inherit his abili- ties, while holding the highest rank in ihe social life of the great city where talent and worth never fail to be recognized. While the virtues of the parent are continued in the children, that of patriotism is not want- ing. Worthy sons of the honored exile are ready to promote by voice, and pen, and treasure the prosperity of the old land. The best interests of a country for which so much blood was shed will not want for friends while the kindred of martyred patriots find a favorable moment for tendering their services. The name of Robert Emmet, brother of the foregoing, should not be passed over while re- viewing the prominent leaders of this period in Ireland. Although the agitation of which he was promoter, took place four years later than that of '98, yet he took an active part in both risings. He was born in Dublin in the year 1780. Trinity College was the scene of his devotion to study, of his remarkable talents, and literary honors won among a group of fellow students all notably brilliant. His ardent patriotism was manifested with- out reserve, and as an advocate of republican principles he came under censure of the col- lege authorities. In the course of the political troubles of '98 he was dismissed from the in- stitution with nineteen others suspected of similar liberal views. 78 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 When other leaders of the insurrection were arrested he was obUged to fly from the coun- try, as he was equally implicated in their treas- onable projects. He escaped to France, where he remained until the armed revolt was quieted at home. But he was not there to be idle. Several other refugees joined him with untiring persistency in appeals to Napoleon for a sufficient invad- ing force to aid their countrymen. This proud general, who was then First Consul of France and in absolute control of the military, entered seriously into negotiation with the exiles and kept them in hope. He intimated that a new war was soon to be declared against England. This would be their opportunity. They were encouraged to form a legion composed of all the exiles then in the country under command of Tone's trusty aide-de-camp, McSheehey, while Thomas Addis Emmet and Arthur O'Connor were to remain at Paris as pleni- potentiaries of their nation. He even went so far as to suggest the colors and the motto un- der which they were to fight when once landed on their native soil. The flag, on a tricolor ground, was to have a green centre bearing the letters: R. I. — Republique Irlandaise. Their legend was to be "L'independence de I'Irlande" — "Liberte de Conscience." It was his suggestion also to form an Irish committee at Paris, and to prepare statements of Irish grievances for the ^'Moniteur," and the scmi-ofiicial papers. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 79 Assured of Napoleon's good will for the Irish cause, and cheered by his repeated prom- ises of aid, Robert Emmet secretly returned to Dublin in October, 1802, determined to re- establish in some degree the old organization of the United Irishmen. In May, 1803, hardly a year after the procla- mation of the peace of Amiens, (the new war was declared between England and France. Emmet now went about his work with ener- gy and enthusiasm. Many kindred spirits shared in his views and seconded his efforts. Trusty emissaries were despatched to the dif- ferent counties to wake up new ambition among the disheartened peasantry. His chief confidants were Thomas Russell and Mathew Dowdall, formerly prisoners at Fort George, but now permitted to return. James Hope of Templepatrick, was a ready co-worker, and Michael Dwyer, the former leader of Wicklow rebels, still surviving, uncaptured since '98, gave valuable assistance. Mr. Long, a Dub- lin merchant, furnished the sum of £1,400 to be used in purchasing war supplies. To this amount of treasure. Robert himself added ii,500 of his own private income. Depots of powder and arms were established in various parts of the city of Dublin and in the prov- inces northi and west. Favorable reports were received from many parts of the country. At least nineteen coun- ties were prepared to rise as soon as the signal was given from Dublin. Robert's immediate 80 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 scheme was to seize the Castle and arsenals and take possession of the city. On the 23d of July he had mustered together a considerable body of insurgents hastily drilled and supplied with arms. Under his leadership they marched through several streets with much display and evident warlike intentions. Chief Justice Kilwarden, whom they met driving in his carriage, was at- tacked and cruelly murdered. This was the only bloodshed permitted on that day. Tlie regular troops from the various garrisons were promptly on the scene and dispersed the armed multitude. Robert succeeded in escaping to the County Wicklow, where he remained concealed for some time, taking measures to notify other in- tending insurgents of his own failure and ad- vising a postponement of their revolt for a more favorable season. Of his associates in this enterprise fallen into the hands of the government officers Thomas Russell was executed at Downpatrick, while Kearney, Roche, Redmond and Howley were hanged in Dublin. Many were imprisoned for different periods, and a few escaped to France. Although facilities for leaving the country in safety were offered by friends, Robert could not be persuaded to depart without paying a visit to his lover. Miss Curran. Aware of the great risk in the journey he called back to the city for the desired farewell interview, was . tracked and arrested. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 81 After a public trial he was convicted of high treason and hanged on the 20th of September, 1803. Of Robert Emmet's popularity among his countrymen and the admiration in which he was regarded for natural nobility of character we need only quote as proof the words of Thomas Moore, one of his college companions. This friend said of him that of all his ac- quaintances no other possessed "in the greatest degree moral worth combined with intellectual power." The famous speech which he delivered at his trial is admitted to be a model of pathetic elo- quence never surpassed in any language. At the many trials of political prisoners charged with treason for taking part in the in- surrection there was one man who bore a con- spicuous part and should be mentioned here. He was John Philpot Curran, the matchless orator and fearless advocate of patriots. For his extraordinary gifts of oratory he de- serves a place among the most eminent public men worthy of record in his country's history. For his disinterested services in the defence of men for whom no clemency could be ex- pected before the courts such as then existed in Ireland, his name is venerated by his coun- trymen as one of their greatest heroes. He himself was not a rebel. He deplored the rashness of the young patriots and would have dissuaded them from an enterprise that he knew to be premature and hopeless. But F 82 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 he knew their motives. He knew the humiliat- ing and degraded condition of the. people with the intolerable abuses under which they groaned and were driven to madness or de- spair. If he could not approve of their meth- ods employed to right their wrongs, he was still aware that they had wrongs and abundant cause for attempting strong measures to save their country from a corrupt system of govern- ment. In pleading their cause before a court that had all outward forms of an enlightened trib- unal he hoped for no mitigation of the sentence expected from a jury whose mind was already made up. Never was an advocate more intensely an- xious to save his clients. His soul seemed to reflect in itself the sorrows of his prostrate people, and even with certainty of failure he may have sought consolation in giving vent to his anguish while vehemently denouncing a nation's wrongs before the impartial world for an audience. The town of Newmarket, in the County Cork, was his birthplace. From the date of his birth, July 24th, 1750, till the day of his death, October 14,1817, there intervened an epoch of more melancholy as- pect than any other of equal length in the poli- tical history of Ireland. The whole machinery of government pre- sented a horrid spectre of bribery and deceit. The ministry, the bench, the magistracy, rep- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 83 resented the most shameless rapacity and big- otry. The feeUngs of humanity were blunted, conscience was blind, pity was deaf, but ven- geance was all alive and all awake. Law was a dead letter, trial by jury was "a delusion, a mockery, and a snare." Anyone who reads the records of those times will learn how universal was then in Ireland the reign of terror. The Marquis of Cornwallis, Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland, at the close of the insurrec- tion, says that the executions of ordinary courts or courts martial, were nothing com- pared with the butcheries and burnings com- mitted by armed and licensed murderers, who were as much detested by the humane among the rulers as they were monstrous and merci- less to the people. In such a condition of things Curran had to stand almost alone. He had to speak for the speechless, when words for the accused were almost accounted crimes, and he had to take the side of the doomed when the rancour of party spirit often con- founded the advocate with the client. Curran, in 1794, while defending Dr. Dren- nan, who was prosecuted for a seditious libel, says in the course of his speech: *T have been parading through the capital, and I feel that the night of unenlightened wretchedness is fast approaching, when a man shall be judged be- fore he is tried, when (the advocate shall be lib- elled for discharging his duty to his client — that night of human nature, when a man shall 84 IRELAND S REVOLT IN '98 be hunted down, not because he is a criminal, but because he is obnoxious." In most of the state trials the law and the evidence were fearfully against Curran; and if they were not, packed and prejudiced juries were sure to be. This last circumstance seems to have caused him the severest labor and the sorest distress. The struggles of his genius when dealing with such juries suggest to us the struggle of a noble gladiator with beasts in the Roman circus. The gladiator knows that the beasts will kill him, but none the less he maintains his manhood to the last. Curran, in the trials of 1798 encountered all sorts of dangers. He was hooted by the armed yeomanry, persecuted with anonymous letters, hated most heartily by officials and their slaves, by men made savage and cruel by their pas- sions and their fears. In the course of his profesional career he fought four duels. His first was with the Hon. Mr. St. Leger, brother to Lord Doneraile ; the second with John Fitzgibbon, the Attorney- General for Ireland; the third, with Major Hobart, the Irish Secretary of State; the fourth, with a lawyer named Egan. The age he lived in was that of the pistol. Being also an age of political corruption he could not es- cape heated conflicts in the exercise of his pro- fession. Being entirely fearless he persisted in the face of the most bitter hostility. The power of his eloquence lay in his fervid appeals to the eternal laws of truth, of justice IRELAND'S REVOLT h\ '98 85 and of right implanted in human nature as long as that nature is not entirely depraved. His imagination, vivid and versatile, and his passion kindled by earnest conviction, aided his arguments to strike with telling force. He used with adroitness the shafts of sar- casm and irony, and turned his antagonist into ridicule as the occasion demanded. He was fierce in his threats and denunciations and scornful reproaches against base motives, and again he could appeal to the tender emotions with a pathos that seldom failed to evoke tears even in an audience hostile to him. When failing health made the duties of pub- lic office irksome he resigned the dignity of chancery judge, which he held from 1806, and sought repose in his quiet home at Brompton, near London. Here he died, having reached the age of sixty-seven years. No man ever carried to the grave a public reputation more free from blemish. His remains, after occupy- ing aj grave in London for 20 years, were transferred to Glasnevin Cemetery, near Dub- lin, where they now finally repose. His countrymen in thus providing him with a tomb in their midst, gratify their deep affec- tion for the man and fulfil the words he had uttered long before: "The last duties will be paid by that country on which they are de- volved; nor will it be for charity that a little earth will be given to my bones. Tenderly will those duties be paid, as the debt of well- earned affection, and of gratitude not ashamed of her tears." CHAPTER XL PROMINENT STATESMEN OF THE TIME. A brief sketch of the men whO' held the highest government positions in Ireland dur- ing the period under consideration will have some interest. Before noticing the ministers of the King in their disgraceful administration of Irish affairs we will first take a glance at the King himself. George III., who reigned from 1760 to 1 810, a period of fifty years, presents a fair sample cf the arrogant ruler and politician of his time. There is nothing found of a successful feature in his whole reign except its great length. Political failures and humiliations were num- erous, and tO' his obstinacy and extravagant royal pretentions the cause is attributed. For a portion of his unlucky reign he had to be restrained as a lunatic and he ended his life in the same condition. His best friends would admit that his head was never well bal- anced. No wonder if his highest officials were guilty of blunders. There seemed to be in his day an epidemic of mismanagement as well as corruption among those in high places. In recording the character of the King we trace the follies of the officials who carried out his hated policy both at home and in the British colonies. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 87 If the Irish people were asked to explain their grievances during the reign of George III. they might only repeat the complaint of the American colonists made to the world on July 4th, 1776. The language used by Jeffer- son in the immortal document, "The Declara- tion of Independence," ratified by the Con- gress of the United States, could be applied as if a congress of Irishmen were speaking. Let us select a few of the many charges therein made against that detested monarch. In his first draft of that declaration Jefferson had written the following as charges against the King. "He has waged war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and hberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating them and carrying them into slavery in another hemis- phere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. "This piratical warfare, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain.'^ . . . He con- tinues more of the charges thus : "The history of the present King of Great Britain is a his- tory of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object, the establishment of absolute tyranny over those States He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them." 88 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 He has ref^i^ed to pass other laws for the accommodatujii of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in legislature — a right in- estimable CO them, and formidable to tyrants only ''He has endeavored to prevent the popula- tion of these States; for that purpose abstain- ing the laws of naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their mi- gration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands." "He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their subsistence. *'He has kept among us in time of peace standing armies without the consent of our legislature. ''He has affected to render the military in- dependent of, and superior to, the civil power. . . . . . . giving his assent to their (the Lords and Commons) acts of pretended legis- lature; for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting them by mock trial from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; for imposing taxes on us without our consent, etc. "He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death, desolation, and tyranny, already be- gun, Avith circumstances of cruelty and perfi- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 80 dy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civil- ized nation He has excited do- mestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions." "In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress, in most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries. A prince whose character is tlius marked l)y every act which may defmc a tyrant, is unht to be ruler of a free people." Many of the national disasters which hum- bled the pride of Britain in George's reign might have been averted if his arbitrary med- dling in affairs of state could have been pre- vented. The repeated demand of the Irish Catholics for their civil rights were neglected chiefly through his decided opposition. Indeed every attempt at reforming old abuses or introduc- ing liberal measures in administration were thwarted at the hands of this self-willed and arbitrary tyrant. His first symptoms of insanity betrayed themselves in 1758. In the spring of 1775 the patience of the Americans was exhausted, and they declared war with England. The defeat and surrender of Burgoyne's army followed in ''yy. To add to the dishonor 90 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 of England in this war the King's persistent poHcy of recruiting as many as possible of the American Indians to light against the colonists was carried out. Mercenary troops from the German states of Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick were imported at great expense for the same purpose. A new war with France began in the follow- ing year. The final expulsion after capitulation of the English army under Cornwallis brought a fresh humiliation to Great Britain in 1782. Then came the Irish revolt in '98, while in the same year England was engaged in an- other sanguinary war with the French army under Napoleon in the famous Egyptian cam- paign. In 1809 a Jubilee celebration was observed in England in honor of the King's reign of 50 years. But in truth the British nation had not much cause for rejoicing, for almost the whole continent of Europe was just then under the rule of France. The King's malady returned in 1810. New disputes arose with the United States which threatened to add new disasters to the gloom and popular discontent prevail- ing at home. When George ceased to be King at his re- lapse into insanity and was removed by death nine years later many others among his sub- jects were glad as well as the people of Ireland. The English statesmen deputed by George III. as Lord Lieutenants of Ireland were sel- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 91 dom of a character to conciliate the disaffected inhabitants. When any of them happened to show too much honesty in administration to suit the rapacious horde of minor officials and place- hunters he soon fell under their mialignant censures, was reported to the royal advisers, as incompetent for the exigencies of his post of duty, and was consequently recalled. An example of this rare quality of honest purpose in a Viceroy to Ireland we find in Lord Fitzwilliam. His short administration of three m,onths had won him the affections of the city of Dub- lin, so that at his departure a popular demon- stration was made of their feelings of respect and gratitude. Thus the people proved that it was the ar- rogance and the rapacity of their rulers, and not the men themselves which embittered their minds and fostered disloyalty, whilst the slightest prospect of redress for their wrongs or gracious treatment secured their confidence. As successor to Fitzwilliam Lord Camden was sent over in INIarch, '95. He continued in the Viceregal ofifice until June 21st, '98, and on account of the part he played in relation to the Irish rebellion his name may be allowed a place here. Born in Devonshire in 17 14, he was known by his family name as Charles Pratt. His edu- cation was obtained at Eton and Cambridge. As a profession he selected law and com- 02 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 menced its practice in 1738. His abilities rec- ommended him for advancement in public life. His first appointment of distinction was as Attorney General, to which honor was added the title of Knight in 1757. On the accession of George HI| in 1760 he was made Chief Jus- tice of the Court of Common Pleas. In 1765 he was raised to the peerage under the name of Baron Camden. The following year ('66) he was still further promoted by obtaining the post of Lord Chan- cellor. On May 13th, 1786, he was created Earl Camden. During the parliamentary de- bates on colonial matters he distinguished him- self by advocating the rights of the Americans. From the date of his arrival as Viceroy in '95 the Irish parliament relapsed into its old degenerate habits. In the House of Commons Grattan remained with a few of his liberal col- leagues making a last effort at reforms. The emancipation of the Catholics, repeat- edly brought by him before the house, was rejected by a majority of ten to one. Instead of conciliatory measures there were several acts of coercion passed. Among them was the Insurrection Act, giving power to the magis- trates of any county to proclaim martial law; the Riot Act, giving authority to disperse any number of persons by force of arms without notice; Suspension of the habeas corpus, &c. The few patriotic members, now seeing their efforts useless and that parliament had become a mere tool in the hands of the op- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 ' 93 pressors of their country, decided to withdraw, formally and openly from further attendance on the House of Commons. Along with Grat- tan in this resolution were George Ponsonby, Curran, Hardy, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Lord Henry Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor and others. Grattan's solemn admonition on this occa- sion ended with these affecting words: "We have offered you our measure — you will reject it; we deprecate yours — you will persevere; having no hopes left to persuade or to dis- suade, and having discharged our duty, we shall trouble you no more, and after this day shall not attend the House of Commons." In a letter to Castlereagh in '93 Lord Cam- den betrayed the English policy of goading the Irish people into insurrection in order to deprive them of their liberties. He faithfully carried out the instructions that he received from the King, at his appointment, ''to support the old English interest as well as the Pro- testant religion." He was responsible also for the "quartering of the soldiers among the peasantry and all the horrors following from such practices. A brave and fair minded Scotch general. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who was in command of the military forces, resigned his post in dis- gust at the atrocious conduct of the magistracy and military officers in dealing with the de- fenseless people. Camden accepted his resig- nation and allowed the abuses to continue with Lord Lake holding temporary command. 94 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Lord Cornwallis was appointed Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland to succeed Camden June 2 1 St, '98. He was sent with the two-fold authority of civil and military service. His reputation as a British general was long estab- lished both in his own country and abroad. He was born December 31st, 1738. At the famous English seats of learning, Eton and Cambridge, he received his education. He entered the army at an early age, and had ample opportunity to exercise his military abilities in the various campaigns which occu- pied England at that period. In the seven years' war he did great service under Lord Granby, and was honored with the peerage in 1762. As a statesman he showed some liberal ten- dencies in opposing the measures which led to the American war. Although disapproving the British policy of provoking the colonies to resistance he had to engage in the armed conflict when war was declared. With his regiment he accompanied the fleet that was despatched to reinforce the forces under Howe and Clinton in their cam- paigns against the American insurgents. He held the post of major-general while planning assaults on the enemy in New Jersey, and com- manded the detachment that took possession of Philadelphia September 24th, 1777. Tlie siege of Charleston in 1780 was conducted by him. After its capture he continued in com- mand of about 4,000 troops to control the dis- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 95 affected of South Carolina. He gained a vic- tory over Gates at Camden August i6th, 1780 and a second over Greene at Guilford March' 15th, 1781. After this he met various reverses, and at \orktown bemg unable to escape by sea, he shut himself up behind strong intrenchments to repel the enemy. Here he was surorunded by the Americans, combined with the French fleet recently arrived as allies. After some show of resistance he was forced to surrender with his whole force October 19th, 1781 This event put an end to the war. It led to the change in the English ministry and the recognition of American independence Having returned with his regiment to Eng- land he was despatched to new scenes of war- fare in India, and in 1786 was appointed gov- ernor general and commander-in-chief of the English army in Bengal. Recalled to England, his services were rec- ognized by other marks of royal favor, and in 98 he was selected for the position of Viceroy in Ireland. The insurrection was at its height on his arrival. His instructions were similar to those given to Camden— to bring about the abolition of the Irish parliament while thor- oughly subduing the insurgents. He assumed the task with zeal, using all the authority and resources at his command to completely dis- arm the people. With the powerful reinforce- rnents of military then distributed in every sec- tion of the conntry, an experienced general as 96 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 he was could not claim great merit for bring- ing the rebellion to a close. It is but just to acknowledge that his ad- ministration was marked by efforts on his part to repress the excesses of the Orange party and lessen the brutal conduct of the military officials that had long distracted the iniiab- itants under his predecessors. He continued as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland attending diligently to state affairs, and winn- ing the favor of the royal master for two years after the rebellion was suppressed. He had the distinction of presiding at the successful scheme of union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1800. His resignation of the office was handed to the King in 1801. The next service to his country performed by him was the ratification of the peace of Amiens, for which he was deputed to France as plenipoten- tiary in 1802. Lastly his military abilities marked him out for a second appointment as general in India. Arriving in Calcutta to resume that important part of duty in 1805, death put an end to his career. Another notorious figure during the period of Irish revolt was Lord Castlereagh. In the beginning of '98 he became Chief Secretary of Ireland, and to him is due the most dis- reputable part of government intrigues both to provoke the country into rebellion and after- wards to abolish the Irish parliament. It is not IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 97- in approval of any acts of his public life, as far as they related to Ireland, that a sketch of his career finds a place here. We merely put him on record as a curiosity of human degradation and depravity detested by his countrymen, whether co-temporaries with him or who have lived since to recall his memory. His family name was Robert Stewart, and his civil titles borne during his political career was Marquis and Viscount of Londonderry. He was born at the family seat of Mount Stewart, County Down, Ireland, June i8th, 1769. In his youth he attended the grammar school at Armagh and completed his education at Cambridge University. Early in life he had ambition for political honors, and in 1789 he succeeded in being elected to the Irish parliament as a member for the County Down. In the sharp contest at that election his family was said to have spent the large sum of £25,000; such was the method of securing votes among the aristocracy of that period. In 1794 he was returned to the British House of Commons, and again in ^96 secured a seat as member for Oxford. Relinquishing his lionors in the English parliament, he secured re-election for the County Down in Ireland, and was appointed Keeper of the Privy Seal. Appointed Chief Secretary to Lord Corn- wallis in '98, he was chief adviser in the repres- 98 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 sive policy of* the Castle, and actively encour- aged the abuses among the military magis- trates. After the Union was accomplished he re- tired to England, entering the first Imperial Parliament both for 1801 and 1802. Various positions of honor were conferred upon him from this time forward, such as Privy Council- lor of Great Britain, and President of the Board of Control, Secretary of War for the Colonies, &c. In 1809, after encountering much political opposition and taking part in heated debates on public affairs he fell under bitter censure on account of a foolish expedition to Walch- eren that ended in disgraceful failure. From 1812 to 1820 he held a seat in parlia- ment for his native County Down. His sup- port of George IV. in his efforts to get rid of Queen Caroline, and his repeated opposition to popular measures increased the general feel- ings of contempt with which he was regarded by all except the narrow circle around the throne. He fell into a state of melancholy at his country seat in Kent, England, and cut his throat with a penknife, thus finding a miser- able death August 12th, 1822. Charles James Fox was an English states- man and orator who had a notable influence in public affairs during the period in which he lived. He was born in London January 24th, 1749. On his mother's side he was a descend- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Oa ant of Charles II. and Henry IV. of France. From Eton, where his studies commenced, he went to Oxford in 1764, and there made a bril- Hant record for superior natural gifts. From the University he went to the continent to gratify his literary tastes, where he found ample opportunities. Returning to England, he entered a parliamentary career in which his influence was exercised for the introduction of liberal principles. He foretold the defeat of the British arms in America after making a vigorous plea in behalf of the colonists. In 1782 he was made Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and undertook to secure peace wnth the hostile powers and the recognition of the Independence of the United States. Parlia- mentary reform was earnestly advocated by him in conjunction with Pitt, who was minis- ter at that time. Concessions to Ireland he also insisted on with his usual eloquence. In 1788 he joined Burke and Windham in opening the impeach- ment of Warren Hastings for his Indian bar- barities. In 1797 he retired from the active debates of Parliament on account of the overwhelming majority opposed to every motion for reform. In 1798 he was put off the list of Privy Coun- cillors for having repeated the Duke of Nor- folk toast: "To the majesty of the people." By his efforts in the House of Commons he secured a vote for the abolition of the slave trade, and negotiated the peace wath France. 100 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 With generous purpose he labored with Wil- berforce and Burke to further every project in the cause of humanity. To his influence are due the various meas- ures of reform in the constitution, which have finally been adopted. Ireland's grievances as well as those of the American colonists, were painted in their true colors in his fervid appeals to his countrymen. Mackintosh says of him: "He certainly pos- sessed above all moderns that union of reason, simplicity, and vehemence which formed the prince of orators. He was the most Demos- thenian speaker since Demosthenes." To review the career of such a man is a work most gratifying to the historian, who too often has the repulsive task of tracing charac- ters of an ignoble type. In Fox's day corruption among politicians and men in places of public trust was the gen- eral rule, and it required a courage more than ordinary to stand forth as the champion of popular rights or any liberal measures. Fox had a soul far above all petty considerations of self-interest. His character may be summed up as follows: He was thoroughly disinter- ested, and sought only the honor of his coun- try and the greatest good of humanity. He died at Chiswick September 13th, 1806. CHAPTER XII. THE UNION OF IRELAND Wl'lir GREAT BRITAIN. To rob Ireland of her parliament was the purpose of George III. and his ministers in provoking the Irish people into armed rebel- lion. That object was accomplished in the second year after the revolt was suppressed. Of course it was said that the Irish gave up their parliament willingly by a regular vote of their representatives in the House of Com- mons at their own capital. To say so would be far from the truth. The measure was re- sisted by all true Irishmen with the greatest determination. What was made to appear a voluntary surrender was nothing but a base sham. When a robber seizes your goods his act is no -less a robbery because by administering noxious drugs he induces you, in your help- less condition, to say you bestow them. The infamous methods employed by the King's ministers to influence a few so-called Irish legislators assembled in Dublin are no less detestable than the operations of the bur- glar to secure his neighbor's treasure. What is called ''packing a jury" is admitted by everyone to be a most disgraceful way of accomplishing a purpose. It means that the 102 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 most effective way of obtaining justice is per- verted into an instrument of inflicting wrong. The jurymen are selected on account of their one-sided sympathy either well known from former habit or purchased at a price. No one will take their decision as worthy of respect, notwithstanding that their case is conducted under the forms of law. For similar reasons the acts of the Irish Parliament, at the period under consideration, do not deserve to be called independent legisla- tion, and are grossly disreputable. Lord Cornwallis, after crushing the rebellion by. his military activity, began at once to exer- cise his abilities and powers as legislator. Faithful to his master, the King, as a suc- cessful general he wanted to show his devotion to the royalist interests in his acts as Lord Lieutenant. He set his mind to the task of making Ire- land a mere province of the British empire by abolishing its independent parliament. The great plea used by him and other advocates of the measure was, ''the consolidation of the British Empire." On the 22d of June, 1799, he presented his plans before the assembled parliament. He congratulated both houses on the suppression of the late rebellion, on the defeat of Bom- part's squadron, and the recent French vic- tories of Nelson, and proceeded to unfold his project for the union of their body with that of England. IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 103 On the paragraph in his address referring to the Union, a debate commenced in the Com- mons which lasted till one o'clock the follow- ing day — more than twenty consecutive hours. Against the Union spoke Ponsonby, Par- sons, Fitzgerald, Barrington, Plunkett, Lee, O'Donnell and Bushe. In its favor the advocates were Lord Castle- reagh, Corry, Fox, Osborne, Duignan and some others. The contest was carried on in the English Parliament as well as in Dublin. The two great parties engaged in the discussion were known as "Unionists" and "Anti-Unio'nists." That there was a "Unionist" party in Ire- land may cause surprise to those who are unac- quainted with the state of the country at that period. All wonder will vanish when it is recollected that the whole island was overrun with a greedy multitude of ofificials of various kinds in ^the pay of the government; a host of Church of England clergymen; a rapacious body of the legal profession, as well as the landlord class with their numerous agents — nearly all of English importation. As these were all in quest of the fat things only that they derived from the nation their minds were little concerned about the coun- try's political independence or its commercial prosperity. As long as their various revenues were assured they lent their aid in promot- ing English interests, completely deaf to the 104 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 appeals of the natives for a remedy of their grievances. The landlord class alone wielded a power that was felt in every corner of the island. They were for the most part absen- tees, i.e., they lived out of the country, gener- ally in their sumptuous castles of England or Scotland, or seeking amusement while squan- dering their wealth in the European capitals. To them Ireland was a place not worth thinking of except as far as its estates yielded them a revenue. Their faithful agents who had the collecting of their revenues, lived in luxury hardly less than that of their masters, and were a formidable colony for English interests at Ireland's capital. The tenantry on the estates owned by the absentee landlord were completely at the mercy of the agent. At his bidding the tenant cast his vote. If he dare assert his right of choice his fate was well known. It meant the loss of his home — eviction from the land to which he is attached by all the ties of affection — a home sacred by the memories of a vener- able ancestry. The merits of the candidate for parliament were not to be considered in the case. The candidate might be a county squire of well known depraved habits, as often was the case, and without capacity for any public office. If he was the choice of the landlord the matter was decided by instructions issued by the agent on eletion day. Another powerful instrument of the English IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 105 government in Ireland was the Established Church. This embraced the body of bishops and inferior clergy with the richly endowed colleges. As the bishops were selected by the King, and held the rank of Lords in the Irish Parlia- ment, they always turned the scale in the Up- per House in favor of every act dictated from the throne. They, along with the numerous ministers in charge of so-called parishes throughout the country, represented extensive land ownership, while Trinity College enjoyed enormous revenues from wide estates confis- cated from the old Catholic proprietors. Catholics were allowed to dwell on the land once owned by their ancestors on condition of paying rents to those new masters in order that the State Church might flourish. But their presence as tenants was not desired and was only tolerated as a source of profit. When- ever enough of Scotch settlers or other adven- turers were found to take the land on the same terms the native residents were forced to fly into exile. That a clergy so liberally provided for by the government should be loyal is not difficult to understand. The salaries of the Church of England bishops — the creatures of the King, were so large that the office of bishop was one of the most desirable in the Kingdom. The salary of the ordinary Protestant parson was enough to secure him the enjoyment of luxuries more than ordinary, while elegant 106 IRELAND^S REVOLT IN '98 residences with choice acres of glebe-lands were also provided for them by the same boun- tiful state treasury. The ranks of the clergy, it need not be added, were well filled. Many an English nobleman having more sons than he could provide for at home, found it very convenient to place one or two of his genteel bOys in one of those Irish church livings. Indeed, the life of these sleek parsons could not be called Apostolic. For, the bishop lived in a sumptuous style in some lovely palace, with title of an imaginary dio- cese in some corner of Catholic Munster or Connaught, without any Protestant flock, while the inferior country parsons found life equal to a perpetual vacatior\. Other officials enjoying comfortable gov- ernment positions were tax collectors, spies, contractors and traders for supplying the numerous military garrisons. English mer- chants alsO' swarmed in the chief seaports. If we add to this foreign element the in- fluence of judges, lawyers, and various petty officers of the court, there will appear material enough to form a party whose tastes and feel- ings incline to the so-called ''consolidation of the British empire." The people of Dublin, who always embodied the sentiments of the whole country, showed how anxious they were about the fate of their native parliament. Bad as it proved itself to be for years past and almost beyond hope of reform, it was, nevertheless, to their minds a IRELAND'S REVOLT IN 'OS 107 symbol, if nothing more, of their independence as a nation. Its abolition foreboded evils still more disastrous. During the debate on January 22d, men- tioned above the galleries *and lobbies of the House were croAvded all night by the most prominent people of the city, including many ladies, with attention strained to the utmost to await the result of the vote. That part of the Viceroy's address referring to the Union, was rejected by only one vote. There was public rejoicing at this announce- ment. The leading anti-Unionists were es- corted in triumph to their homes, while the Unionists were protected by strong military escorts from the popular indignation. At night the city was illuminated, and the event was celebrated as a great victory. Among the various arguments against the Union eloquently presented by the patriotic members was the convincing one of the in- competency of parliament to put an end to its own existence. On this point Plunkett, in the course of his speech, exclaimed: "Yourselves you may ex- tinguish, but parliament you cannot extin- gut full license to employ a variety of tortures as they rnight see fit in dealing with their victims. Most of them fled to the continent, while many hun- dreds were put to death. Out of one thousand Dominican monks residing in their convents in Ireland at the time of Henry's apostacy there were only four left at Elizabeth's death. The Franciscans fared in the same manner. In the midst of this desolation and in the face of the greatest perils there were always some zealous priests to remain in the country under various disguises secretly visiting their faithful flocks in order to administer whatever consolations their religion could give under the circumstances. That the penal law against them might have its effect, a high price was offered by public IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 147 authority as a reward for the discovery of any such ecclesiastic in the country. Here was the field for the informer known in the lan- guage of the period as the "priest hunter." They were a vile class of men, and their num- ber grew to be formidable, while exceedingly zealous for the Queen's dignity. A reign of terror prevailed in every corner of the island. Neither the obscure peasant's cottage nor the natural caves in the unfrequented moun- tainous regions was a safe retreat from these prowling demons in human shape. The scaf- fold was erected at every military post. The blood of the innocent was poured out day after day. Native Irish of the highest rank as well as the quiet peasantr}^ were dragged to death for the so-called "treason" of openly professing their faith. To pass through an ordeal of this kind that was prolonged, with very brief intervals of moderation, through fifteen successive reigns, was enough to demoralize any people. Joined, to the horrors of persecution for conscience' sake in the form of physical inflictions, deci- mation of families by execution, banishment, confiscation of property, the inhabitants were in a constant turmoil of controversy, bitter re- proaches and irritating recriminations, as be- tween the favored alien settler and the crushed and conquered natives. If discontent is justly deemed the source of revolutions, here was a perpetual nursery of sullen plots and agitation with a vengeance. 148 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 Generations growing up amidst such in- fluences will necessarily acquire an irritable temperament, mutual suspicions will become habitual, while a certain harshness will mingle with the most amiable disposition.. A thorough knowledge of the relations be- tween the classes in Ireland will give the reas- ons of the tendency to disunion whenever popular attempts were made to remedy the nation's wrongs. Whatever degree of impatience we are forced to witness in the character of the people can be traced to the same source — a long-con- tinued brutal oppression borne with sullen de- fiance and undying resolve for revenge. That brutal force has vanquished the weaker side, and enjoyed its victory for a long season will be the judgment of a superficial world. Unscrupulous arrogance and perfidy triumphs over justice and humanity. But the Irish people in the midst of their de- feat and humiliation represent another kind of victory in the cause of fidelity and the emanci- pation of the human mind. The power and the victory they represent is that of the soul — a power — a force that can prove itself invinc- ible against the most formidable armies in its aspirations for truth and independence. Reflecting philanthropists of our times can look back and discover in their unflinching adhesion to truth and their resolve to abolish all wanton claims of the civil ruler, under what- ever form of dictatorship, a priceless victory IRELAND'S REVOLT LN '98 149 for liberty to be secured in future times and in every nation. During the very period under considera- tion here another people on the great Ameri- can continent were engaged in a similar con- flict, refusing to obey the unwarranted man- dates of pampered royalty on the British throne. The spirit that animated both was the same. Human liberty was approaching its full de- velopment, and human rights were about to reach a clearer definition. Who will refuse to these two nations struggling with despotism the gratitude due to their heroic persistency? ^ Through them the old narrow view of poli- tical rights made way for those broad ideas of popular independence and noble free institu- tions in which we all share in these modern times, and which are yet destined to reach a more perfect development. The censure of disloyalty could not be charged to the Irish people in their protracted struggle with the abuses of royalty. The Irish rather erred in their too great fidelity to mon- archs who were far from being worthy of their confidence. They poved their conscientious loyalty to Charles I. and James II. even at the risk of the greatest disaster to their country. If they had abandoned the cause of those worthless princes their own interests would have been assured. With that scrupulous fidelity nurtured by the religion which they professed they cheer- 150 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 fully adhered to the cause of the rightful heir to the throne, as the laws of nations were then understood, and in matters relating to civil obedience; following the plain teaching of St. Paul to be obedient to the civil ruler for con- science sake, and the similar mandate of the Divine Master to give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar. But they, among all other nations, most emphatically insisted that the civil ruler can compel obedience only within certain lim- its — that there is a domain in which the secular authority must not presume to venture — the exercise of the powers of the mind, the con- victions of the intellect in the relations be- tween the individual and his Creator. In a word, the Irish people have always been conspicuous and gained the admiration of the world for their valor in the material conflict of arms, while their unflinching fidelity to the principles of justice and intellectual freedom claims the respect of all who can appreciate civil and religious liberty. CONCLUDING HINTS. A question very natural will present itself to readers of history such as the foregoing. It is. Can we conceive a way of totally eradicating the spirit of rebellion from among the people of Ireland or any other people having similar grievances? We answer without hesitation, it is not only possible, but it is easy to accomplish such a happy result. It will come when statesmen are able to grasp the extent of those grievances and hon- estly inquiring into their cause, make haste to apply the remedies. It is useless to hide from ourselves the fact that every discontented people point to certain adverse legfislation, or to certain privileged classes among their fellow citizens as respon- sible for the evils of which they complain. Whether the people are right, whether they have just grounds for judging harshly either of a system of government or of the powerful classes on whom they are wholly dependent deserves at least a serious inquiry. It would seem that self-interest ought to in- duce such favored classes to promote the well- being of the classes depending upon them. Judging from past history and the unac- countable stupidity or indiflFerence of those in 152 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 high places, when the wretchedness of multi- tudes cried out for relief, we still fear that the remedy will not come from the quarter whence the evils arise. As long as human nature remains what it is and what the experience of ages has sadly taught — as long as it continues to be selfish, grasping, avaricious even to blindness to the miseries of fellowmen, we can hardly hope for that well balanced justice dictated even by self interest among the powerful individual citizens in dealing with the dependent classes. Even tlie old adage so intelligible to all, that the goose that lays the golden egg should not be killed, is too often forgotten. When ordinary human compassion for the miseries of others who happen to be in our power is wanting, we would expect that the motive of private interest — of future profit, would lead those in power to pursue a clement and gentle policy. But, however the problem may be explained, the strong arm of the state must often be called upon to restrain the in- dividual citizen in his ill advised or harsh deal- ings with a weaker brother. Legislation must step in to regulate con- tracts and conditions of a private nature which affect the general well-being of the community. When statesmen can bring themselves to ad- mit that the industrial classes, which form the majority in every civilized nation, have a right to a reasonable share of the fruit of their own industry — a right to protection in the enjoy- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 153' iiieiit of their hard earned possessions — a right to the common blessings held out by a bene- licent Providence to the industrious tiUer of the soil — a right to be sustained in all his legiti- mate aspirations for advancement — then will government rest secure from the threats of discontented millions, and from the warnings, the sullen conspiracies of the agitator. The solution of the so-called great problem is simple. Encourage industry by securing to the industrious the fruit of his toil. Let him see that nothing will impede his advancement when he devotes his energies to any laudable j)ursuit. Respect his private convictions, whether religious or political, and hinder not his free profession of them, as long as they have no dang-erous tendencies. This does not imply anything- revolutionary. If there exists a nobility or a class of citizens powerful on account of the great wealth which they enjov, let their rights be also respected equally with those of the common multitude. The public interests of the community will not demand from them the surrender of the dig- nity belonging to their position, or the posses- sions they legitimately acquired. Limit them only in their power of doing wrong. When they employ their superior in- fluence and wealth against the interests of \the great masses of the community; when they abuse their power over the dependent classes so as to discourage industry, crush healthv ambition, stand in the way of private enter- 154 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN ''JS prise, then public legislation must step in and set limits to the mischief which such abuses inflict on the multitude. it is not in Ireland alone that the stupid in- difference of the powerful classes to the mis- cries of the dependent multitudes has brought its own punishment with it. The continent has had its share of horrors produced by like causes. Reasonable concessions made by those in Tiigh places to their inferiors seldom pass un- acknowledged. A generous policy on the part of the capitalist in dealing with the laborer turns out advantageous to both. The return of gratitude for fair treatment is hardly ever wanting among the employed towards the em- ployer. Why crush all hope in the heart of the lab- orer while he pursues a reasonable gain — a legitimate advancement? Public policy — the prosperity of the nation demands that the causes of discontent shall be removed. If it exists the state should apply the remedy even to secure its own safety. Tliese general principles are never out of date. Tliey apply at present as they did in past times, and there is no form of government that can afiford to neglect them. The humane and liberal spirit that has grown so general in all enlightened nations of our times inspires us with hope for the es- tablishment of order and good will between the different classes of society. The great mis- IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 105 takes of governments and of the privileged classes will hardly be repeated. Tlie grave lessons of the past will be neglect- ed at the peril of society now no less than in former times. Until these lessons, taught us at such a fear- ful cost, are well learned and the mistakes of the past corrected let no one be surprised at revolutions. 73 '/5 This book is a preservation photocopy. It is made in comphance with copyright law and produced on acid-free archival 60# book weight paper wiiich meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper) Preservation photocopying and binding by Acme Bookbinding Charlestown, Massachusetts 1998 DATE DUE 1 5 ?*'=' 1 ' ■■''; I 'k l. ^- !AM 1 ' 1 C'"'"? yrMV ' UNIVERSITY PRODUCTS, INC. #859-5503 BOSTON COLLEGE 3 9031 025 18992 9