0% 
 
 BOSTON COLLEOi 
 
 FACULTY LiBRAPY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MA§8, 
 
IRELAND 
 
 From the Earliest Times 
 to the Present Day 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT DUNLOP, M.A. 
 
 Lecturer in Irish History in the University of Manchester 
 
 Atithor of ' Ireland tinder the Co?n7non%vealth ' 
 
 'Life of Daniel O^Connell\ Ifc, 
 
 BOSTON COLLiQi 
 
 CHESTNUT HiLl-i MAm 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 HUMPHREY MILFORD 
 
 PRINTED IN ENGLAND 1 922 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CEICSTKUT HILL» MABa 
 
Oxford University Press 
 
 London Edinburgh Glasgozv Copenhagen 
 
 New Tork Toronto Melbourne Cape Town 
 
 Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai 
 
 Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University 
 
 44455 
 
PREFACE 
 
 In his essay on ' How History should be written ' Lucian, 
 after remarking that brevity, provided it be not due to insuffi- 
 cient information, is essential, proceeds, ' but there is a brevity 
 of matter as well as of expression. Some events require less 
 extended treatment than others, while some may well be omitted 
 altogether '. It is in the spirit of Lucian's advice that I have 
 written this little history. The book is primarily intended that 
 they who run may read. But whether I have been successful 
 in distinguishing between what is essential and what is not 
 essential is of course open to question. Facts may be manipu- 
 lated as easily as figures, and some writers are great adepts at 
 extracting only those facts which tell for their theory. Fortu- 
 nately I have no theory to serve. Historically, Ireland is as 
 remote to me as ancient Egypt. My only concern is to get 
 at the truth. Every history must bear a personal tinge, and 
 all that can reasonably be demanded from an historian is that 
 he should make himself as fully acquainted as possible with the 
 facts and that he should be scrupulously honest in his use of 
 them. I have endeavoured to satisfy both these canons ; but 
 if in anything I have written I have unconsciously erred I trust 
 I may be forgiven. Particularly I hope that no one will consider 
 me to be wanting in sympathy for those who have fought to 
 secure national independence. My use of such words as * rebel ' 
 and * rebellion ' is not intended to convey either praise or blame, 
 
 A 2 
 
4 Preface 
 
 but merely to express opposition to constituted authority. A book 
 from which notes are excluded naturally makes large demands on 
 the confidence of the reader. For this reason I have deemed it 
 my duty to make no assertions which are not, in my opinion, 
 adequately documented, even as regards, for example, the signi- 
 ficance of Dun Aengus, the Gail-Gaelic character of southern 
 Ireland or the original cause of the quarrel between the Earl of 
 Ulster and Walter de Burgh. Perhaps I ought to add that the 
 title of * Mr.' is reserved for people who are still alive. 
 
 Manchester, 
 
 31 December 192 1. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. CELTIC IRELAND TO 1 169 . . . . 7 
 
 2. THE ANGLO-IRISH COLONY, 1169-1541 . . 27 
 
 3. CONQUEST AND PLANTATION, 1541-1641 . 65 
 
 4. REBELLION AND SETTLEMENT, 1641-91 . 99 
 
 5. PROTESTANT ASCENDANCY, 1691-1800 . . 129 
 
 6. STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 1801-1921 ........ 162 
 
PART I 
 
 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 Geographical. Ireland lies on the edge of what is called the 
 European platform. She is separated on the east from Great 
 Britain by a narrow and comparatively shallow sea, seldom exceed- 
 ing fifty fathoms in depth ; but on the west, within thirty miles 
 off Achill Head, the bottom of the sea rapidly sinks from loo 
 fathoms to oceanic depths. Regarded from above, Ireland 
 resembles a shallow saucer, with a bit chipped out on the east 
 side and another corresponding bit on the west side. Her most 
 distinctive features are the ring of mountains that fringe her 
 coast and her large central plain. Geologically, Ireland falls into 
 two almost equal halves. The dividing line is a low range of 
 gravel hills, stretching from near Dublin to Galway, called in 
 ancient times the Eiscir Riada. North of that dividing line the 
 country displays the same geological conformation as Scotland ; 
 south of that line she presents a close affinity with Wales. What 
 coal-measures she possesses are bituminous north of the Eiscir 
 Riada and anthracitic south of it. North of the Eiscir Riada 
 the mountains follow the trend of the Grampians, from south- 
 west to north-east ; south of the Eiscir Riada they trend like those 
 of Wales, east and west. Apart from her mountains, which belong 
 mainly to the palaeozoic system, the most characteristic feature 
 of the country is the great central plain of carboniferous limestone, 
 to the existence of which Ireland owes her extraordinary capacities 
 as a grazing country and also the large extent of her bogs. Out 
 of a total area of twenty-one million acres, five millions are 
 reckoned as waste. Lough Neagh, the largest inland sea in the 
 British Isles, alone accounts for nearly 100,000 acres, while the 
 Bog of Allen is estimated to cover about 150,000 acres. Of 
 
8 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 rivers Ireland has a liberal supply. They are mostly broad, 
 sluggish streams, originating in the bogs of the great central plain. 
 From Fair Head in County Antrim to Crow Head in County 
 Kerry Ireland measures 300 miles ; from Bloody Foreland in 
 County Donegal to Carnsore Point in County Wexford she 
 measures about 225 miles ; her average breadth is about 100 miles. 
 In size Ireland is about two-thirds that of England, exclusive of 
 Wales. At present her mineral wealth is, when compared with 
 that of Great Britain, insignificant ; but at one time Ireland was 
 probably the richest gold-producing country in Europe. 
 
 Discovery of Ireland. Our earliest information regarding 
 Ireland is derived from a second-rate Roman poet of the name 
 of Rufus Festus Avienus, who Hved in the fourth century, in the 
 time of the Emperor Theodosius. But Avienus's Ora Maritima 
 is mainly a translation, with some additions, of a Greek work, 
 which in turn was based on a periplus or book of voyages of 
 Carthaginian or Phoenician origin. From Avienus we learn that 
 Ireland was called Hiera, which is merely Eriii (from which 
 Erin is derived) with the addition of a mistaken aspirate, leading 
 people to suppose that even in those days Ireland was called the 
 ' sacred island ' or vrjaos Upd instead of merely vrjo-os Upa or 
 the island lera. Besides this Avienus, or his original, tells us that 
 the people of Tartessus or Spain used to carry on a vigorous trade 
 with lera. In fact everything points to the conclusion that 
 Ireland was discovered by the Phoenicians. The Phoenicians, 
 however, were not, as is generally supposed, a Semitic people. 
 They formed part of a group of peoples, whose centre of civiliza- 
 tion was the island of Crete. They were the greatest mariners 
 of the ancient world. Long before Rome was founded they had 
 passed, from their settlements in the eastern basin of the Mediter- 
 ranean, at Tyre and Sidon, beyond the straits of Gibraltar into the 
 Atlantic. Spain with its rich deposits of silver belonged to them, 
 so too did the tin mines on the coast of Cornwall, which they called 
 the Cassiterides. From Cornwall they passed in time to Ireland, 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 9 
 
 attracted thither by its rich gold-fields, its purple-bearing shells, 
 and the pearl oysters that lined its coasts and fresh-water lakes. 
 Wherever the Phoenicians went they established their factories, 
 generally on some island near the mainland or on some strongly 
 fortihed headland. Some of these factories or settlements, like that 
 of Dun Aengus on the Isle of Aran in Galway Bay, are still in 
 existence to testify to the skill and enterprise of these ancient 
 merchant sailors. 
 
 Earliest Inhabitants. When the Phoenicians first became 
 acquainted with Ireland the country was populated by a small, 
 dark-haired, and rather long-headed race, of the same type as 
 that of Spain and western France. Generally speaking, the Ernai, 
 as we may call this people, lived by fishing and hunting. They 
 were a peaceful race. Their implements were still only of stone and 
 bone, but they were not without some knowledge of agriculture. 
 They were expert sailors, and could handle their skin and wicker- 
 made coracles with great skill. Probably they had come to Ireland 
 from the Continent in pursuit of the herring, and it is likely 
 that they were the original inhabitants of the country. To-day 
 they form the basic element of its population. After Ireland had 
 long been in the sole possession of the Ernai another set of invaders 
 appeared on the scene. These are the people known in Scotland 
 as the Picts, in England as the Britons, and in Ireland as the 
 Cruithne. They were a tall, well-built race, with reddish hair, 
 blue-grey eyes, and rather round heads. Probably they originally 
 came from the Baltic and very likely they were of Teutonic origin. 
 They had a habit of tattooing their bodies. They were fond of 
 music, especially of the bagpipes ; they loved story-telling and 
 were greatly addicted to horse-racing and the chase. Unlike the 
 Ernai, who seem to have lived in small detached groups, the 
 Cruithne possessed a monarchical form of government, resting 
 on a matriarchal basis. 
 
 The Coming of the Gael. After the Ernai and Cruithne had long 
 shared Ireland between them a third set of invaders appeared on 
 
10 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 the scene. These were the Gael. The Gael are a branch of the 
 great Celtic race which at one time dominated nearly the whole of 
 Europe. The Celtic Empire was one of the largest the world 
 has known, but it was one of the most unstable and short-lived. 
 The Celts were a warlike conquering race. They were few in 
 numbers compared with the peoples they subdued. Their 
 superiority rested not merely on their personal prowess but on 
 the quality of their weapons and especially on their iron sword. 
 But the chief thing to note about the Celts is that, though 
 they loved fighting, they were not exterminators. Their principle 
 of government was based on a system of tribute. ' Tribute- 
 taker ', indeed, is said to be the meaning of the word Celt. 
 Wherever the Celts came we seem to hear them say to the people 
 they had conquered, ' Don't be afraid ; we are not going to kill 
 you ; we are not even going to rob you of your lands : all that 
 we require from you is the payment of tribute — preferably in 
 gold ; if not, in kind.' When or how the Celts came to Ireland 
 we cannot precisely say. Tradition asserts that they came 
 directly from Spain and, in this, tradition is probably correct. 
 But there is no reason for believing that any Celt ever set foot in 
 Ireland before the beginning of the third century B.C. 
 
 The Gad in Ireland. Once in Ireland the Celts, or as we shall 
 call them, the Gael, gradually made themselves masters of that 
 part of the country that lies between St. George's Channel and 
 the Shannon, which is now represented by the counties of Meath 
 and Westmeath. Their progress was from the first very slow, and 
 it was not till the end of the fourth century that they succeeded 
 in extending their power over the greater part of the island north 
 of the Eiscir Riada. At first the Hill of Tara served as a con- 
 venient centre for the Gaelic state ; but as the confines of the 
 kingdom expanded and the original dynasty became split up 
 into three main lines, two other capitals arose — the one at Aileach 
 in Ulster, the other at Cruachan in Connaught. Tara, however, 
 always preserved its pre-eminence, and long after it had lost 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g ii 
 
 its political importance it retained its symbolical significance 
 as the head and centre of the Gaelic state. The Feis of Tara was 
 a national festival and to be King of Tara was equivalent, even 
 down to the twelfth century, to being ardri or high-king of 
 Ireland. But until the usurpation of that title by Brian Boroimhe 
 no one but a pure Gael had ever held that office. And here it 
 ought to be remarked that the Gaelic kingdom never extended 
 southward much beyond the Eiscir Riada. In course of time the 
 Gaelic language and Gaelic influence spread over the whole 
 island, but neither the O'Briens of Thomond, nor the Mac- 
 Carthies of Munster, nor the MacMurroughs of Leinster were ever 
 accounted of Gaelic origin .in the same sense and degree as were 
 the descendants of Nial of the Nine Hostages. At best they were 
 only half Gael, or as the phrase went Gail-Gael. 
 
 Gaelic Constitution. No people have ever displayed greater 
 arrogance in the assertion of their racial superiority than have the 
 Celts. In his own opinion the Gael was a gentleman par excellence. 
 Work of a menial sort was a thing he would never soil his hands 
 with. But he knew that if he was to enjoy life he must get others 
 to work for him. The whole Gaelic polity rested on this view 
 of things. In Ireland as on the Continent the Celts made no 
 attempt to extirpate the native population. Except for that 
 portion of it which he directly required for his own use, the Gael 
 was content that the land should remain in the possession of its 
 old proprietors. These became his clients or clansmen, whom he 
 was entitled to spend at his will but whom he was also morally 
 obliged to defend. The head of the state was the ardri or high- 
 king. In theory no one but a pure Gael could attain to that 
 dignity ; but with that limitation every chief, even of the smallest 
 tribal division, was eligible for the post. The one condition was 
 that he had the power to hold his own against his rivals. The 
 power of the ardri rested not merely on his personal valour, but 
 also on his wealth. Wealth consisted chiefly in cattle. If a chief- 
 tain had plenty of cattle he could hire them out and so purchase 
 
12 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 the obedience of those who took them. Wealth and power thus 
 became convertible terms. In course of time the dignity of ardri 
 was limited by agreement to two families and held by them in 
 alternate succession. The practice made for unity, but after 
 Brian Boroimhe's usurpation, the office of ardri again became 
 the reward of contending chieftains or provincial sovereigns. 
 
 Christianization of Ireland. The period of settlement was 
 followed by one of expansion and consolidation. It was a period 
 of almost constant fighting, especially between the north and the 
 south, and Ireland was still in the process of making as a Gaelic 
 state when she was brought within the range of a fresh set of 
 influences. Religion is one of those things that lie at the very 
 bottom of human nature, and the race has still to be discovered 
 that does not possess some dread of the supernatural which con- 
 stitutes the fundamental element in all religion. What form of 
 religion the earliest inhabitants of Ireland, the Ernai, professed 
 we cannot certainly say, but there can be little doubt that, after 
 they fell under the influence of the Phoenicians, their religion 
 became that which is definitely associated with the erection of 
 megalithic structures such as dolmens, pillar-stones, and stone 
 circles. Two ideas underly this religion — the idea of immortality 
 and the idea of the sun as the generating principle of all things. 
 The system culminated in the worship of Baal. In Ireland the 
 worship of Baal assumed under Celtic influences the form of 
 religion known as Druidism. Ireland was still a heathen country 
 and Druidism was still in full force when St. Patrick landed on 
 the shores of Strangford Lough in 432. It was not the first 
 time that Patrick had been in Ireland. More than thirty years 
 before he had been brought thither as a captive by some marauding 
 Irishmen and sold as a slave to an Antrim farmer of the name of 
 Milchu. After he had herded Milchu's cattle for more than six 
 years Patrick managed to escape and returned to his home and 
 friends. Where that home was situated is stiU a matter of dispute ; 
 but whether it was in Britain or in France it is certain that it 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 13 
 
 was in the latter country that Patrick received his education, and 
 that it was a Gallican bishop that consecrated him to the Irish 
 mission. The misdirected piety of Patrick's more immediate 
 biographers has so distorted the facts of his missionary enterprise 
 in Ireland that it is hard to say where truth ends and fiction 
 begins. The outstanding .and undisputed fact is that, after long 
 years of labour, he succeeded in converting many of the Irish 
 from Druidism to Christianity, and in estabhshing a number of 
 Christian communities, of which his church at Armagh was the 
 centre, in the north of Ireland. 
 
 Beginnings of Irish Monasticism. Patrick's intention had been 
 to reproduce in Ireland the system of diocesan government that 
 prevailed in the Gallican church ; but that system, resting for its 
 working on the existence of towns, proved ill adapted to Ireland, 
 and shortly after Patrick's death it seemed as if all sign of his 
 missionary enterprise had disappeared. But Patrick had sown 
 better than he wist. In particular his employment of Latin as 
 the language of the Church was of great educative value and 
 became the starting-point of a new school of learning. The 
 movement was greatly advanced by the arrival of crowds of 
 European scholars, monks and others fleeing from the merciless 
 attacks of the Huns. Thanks to the activity of these new arrivals, 
 and the intense love of learning inherent in the Gael, Ireland 
 in the fifth and sixth centuries became dotted with a number of 
 large schools. The instruction given in such centres of learning 
 as Bangor and Clonmacnoise was no doubt chiefly of a theological 
 sort, but it stimulated the cultivation of Latin and led to the study 
 of the classical writers of Rome. Among those who profited by 
 the new learning was St. Columba. Columba was a pure Gael 
 and a scion of one of the noblest families in Ireland. Being 
 compelled to submit to a sentence of banishment, in expiation of 
 a crime originating in his own passionate disposition, Columba 
 retired with twelve disciples to the island of Hy or lona in Scot- 
 land. From lona he went to preach the gospel to the Picts of 
 
14 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 Caledonia, But here we are chiefly interested in him as the 
 founder of Irish monasticism. Essentially the Columban system 
 was merely the adaptation to the Church of the principles of 
 tribal government. Its distinctive feature was the absolute 
 independence of each individual church or monastic establish- 
 ment. What the chief was in tribal affairs that the self-constituted 
 abbot was in the affairs of his muintir or monastery. His authority 
 rested solely on his personal sanctity and the esteem of his fol- 
 lowers. Except for the undefined homage rendered by him to 
 St. Patrick as the head of the Irish Church, he owned no superior 
 and would brook no interference, lay or clerical, in the manage- 
 ment of his estabHshment. 
 
 Irish Missions on the Continent. Columba's missionary enter- 
 prise among the Picts aroused great interest in Ireland, and among 
 those who were seized with a desire to imitate his example 
 was St. Columban of Bangor. What special reason drew Columban 
 to make France the sphere of his labours we do not know. All 
 that we know is that, having made up his mind to go thither, he 
 estabHshed a monastic settlement at a Uttle place called Anegray 
 in the Vosges. France, or rather, as we should call it, the Frankish 
 empire, was at the time divided into the three kingdoms of Neustria, 
 Austrasia, and Burgundy. Anegray lay on the confines of Austrasia 
 and Burgundy. The sovereign of Burgundy was a man called 
 Gontran ; but two years after Columban's arrival Gontran died 
 and his kingdom was united with Austrasia under the nominal 
 government of Childebert, but actually under that of his mother, 
 Queen Brunehaut, whose rivalry with Fredegonde, the wife of 
 King Chilperic of Neustria, furnishes one of the most tragic 
 chapters in Merovingian history. No objection had been taken 
 by either Brunehaut or Gontran to Columban estabHshing 
 himself at Anegray. The Franks were not heathens in the sense 
 that the Irish and Picts were when Patrick and Columba preached 
 the Gospel to them. Nominally they were, like their sovereigns, 
 Christians. But the Christianity they professed was a savourless 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 15 
 
 thing, and the Gallican Church itself was in dire need of reforma- 
 tion. Columban's estabhshment at Anegray and afterwards at 
 Luxeuil was the beginning of a better state of affairs. But the 
 Gallican bishops were annoyed at Columban's popularity. His 
 piety and the austerity of his ' Rule ' were a standing reproach 
 to their own laziness and lax morality. At last, by arousing 
 Brunehaut's jealousy, they succeeded in procuring an order for 
 his banishment. But the ship on which he and his companions 
 sailed from Nantes was driven back by contrary winds, and 
 Columban and his monks, stepping once more ashore, made their 
 way from Nantes to Paris. With the good will of the King of 
 Neustria they continued their journey to the Rhine, and thence, 
 following the course of the river, to Lake Constance. Thence, 
 after a time, Columban, leaving one of his best-loved companions, 
 St. Gall, the founder of the famous monastery of that name in 
 Switzerland, behind him, proceeded to Milan. There he succeeded 
 in interesting the King of the Lombards, Agilulf, in his mission, 
 and with Agilulf's permission he established a new monastery 
 at Bobio in the Apennines. In course of time Bobio became one 
 of the most famous Irish foundations on the Continent, and at 
 Bobio Columban passed quietly to his rest on 23 November 615. 
 Columban was perhaps the most learned man in Europe of his 
 time. His ' Rule ', which long prevailed in the chief monasteries 
 of the Continent, was remarkable for its severity and the extreme 
 minuteness of its punishments ; but Columban himself was a very 
 gentle and lovable character. Columban's mission marks the 
 beginning of a new phase in the history of Irish Christianity. 
 Following in his footsteps, either singly or in little companies 
 of twelve, monk after monk quitted Ireland * for his soul's sake ' 
 or ' the love of God ', till Europe was filled with the name and fame 
 of Ireland. But in giving of her best Ireland gained in the know- 
 ledge she obtained of European civilization, which even in its 
 decay was superior to anything she herself could boast. To the 
 knowledge she thus acquired was due that remarkable outburst 
 
i6 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 of literary and artistic activity that marks the history of Ireland 
 from the ninth to the twelfth century. 
 
 Union witk Rome. Columban was still alive when St. Augustine 
 arrived in England. Augustine's chief object was the conversion 
 of the English. At first sight it may seem strange that, at a time 
 when Irish monks were traversing the length and breadth of 
 Europe, this particular work should have been left to Rome. 
 But if we recall the horrible massacres and plunderings that had 
 marked the conquest of England by the Anglo-Saxons, we shall 
 readily understand the apathy with which the Celts, both of Wales 
 and Ireland, regarded the spiritual welfare of their oppressors. 
 But Augustine had another object in view beside the conversion 
 of the English. It was well known that the Celtic Church differed 
 in many respects, both as regards doctrine and ritual, from Rome. 
 In particular its method of reckoning Easter, without regard to 
 whether it coincided or not with the chief festival of the Jews, 
 was a standing grievance with Romanists. Gregory the Great 
 himself had had some controversy with Columban on the subject, 
 but the latter had bluntly asserted his competence to decide the 
 question as well as Gregory. Unfortunately, after inducing the 
 Welsh bishops to meet him at a place on the Severn, known as 
 ' Augustine's Oak ', Augustine, by his rather tactless behaviour, 
 only aggravated the controversy between the two Churches. 
 Augustine's successor, Laurentius, did his best to repair his 
 blunder, but failing to overcome the scruples of the Welsh bishops, 
 he and his colleagues, the bishops of London and Rochester, 
 addressed a joint letter on the subject of union with Rome to the 
 heads of the Irish Church. The letter met with no immediate 
 response, but it formed the subject of much conversation in 
 Ireland, and finally at a meeting of the clergy of the south of 
 Ireland, one of them, Cumine or Cummian by name, declared 
 himself in favour of the proposal. Cummian's attitude rather 
 surprised his brethren and some of them were strongly opposed 
 to him, but in the end it was decided that as regards Easter, 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 17 
 
 which was the main point in dispute, each one should act as he 
 thought right in the matter. The decision was entirely in keeping 
 with the tribal constitution of the Irish Church. By some the 
 proposal was regarded with favour ; by others, and nowhere more 
 obstinately than at lona, it was greatly resented. So far as the 
 Celtic Church of Northumbria was concerned the Synod of 
 Whitby in 664 put an end to the discussion ; but it was not till 
 716 that the last trace of opposition to the Roman method of 
 reckoning Easter disappeared in Ireland. Many years were still 
 to elapse before the Irish Church entirely surrendered her indepen- 
 dence, and, indeed, it may be said that, even after her formal 
 incorporation with Rome at the Synod of Cashel in 1172, she 
 maintained a more or less excentric position right down to the 
 sixteenth century. 
 
 ^he Making of Ireland, What interest the history of Ireland 
 possesses for the general reader from the fifth to the ninth century 
 is chiefly connected with the progress made by the Irish Church 
 at home and her influence as a civilizing agent on the Continent. 
 The effect of the close connexion between Ireland and the Con- 
 tinent, established by the Irish missions, was to add to Ireland's 
 importance as a centre of art and learning. But this is a subject 
 with which we are not at present concerned. In political matters 
 the progress made by Ireland during the same period was not so 
 great. Still it was considerable. Roughly speaking, we are able 
 to distinguish three main periods or stages in what we may call 
 the making of Gaelic Ireland — the first extending from the arrival 
 of the Gael down to the reign of King Laeghaire (Leary) when 
 Patrick came to Ireland ; the second from Laeghaire's reign down 
 to the Danish invasions at the beginning of the ninth century ; 
 and the third from the usurpation of Brian Boroimhe down to 
 the Anglo-Norman invasion in 1169. The first period, as we have 
 already remarked, is one of settlement and expansion, resulting 
 in the occupation by the Gael of nearly the whole of the country 
 lying to the north of the Eiscir Riada, known as Leith Cuinn or 
 
 2403 B 
 
i8 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 Conn's-half, and the Gaelicizing of the southern half or Leith 
 Mogha. The second period and that with which we are here 
 chiefly concerned is marked (i) by the establishment of three 
 great divisions of the Gaelic power, centring respectively round 
 Tara, Cruachan, and Aileach, which we may call the kingdoms 
 of Meath, Connaught, and Ulster ; (2) by the subdivision of these 
 kingdoms into a number of clans and a struggle for predominance 
 amongst those clans ; (3) by the exclusion of the Connaught 
 branch from the ^r^rf-ship and a fierce competition between 
 Ulster and Meath or, as they were called, the northern Ui Neill 
 and the southern Ui Neill, for the exclusive possession of the ardri- 
 ship, ending in a compromise, by which each branch was to hold 
 the office alternately. The period is one of constant fighting 
 both between the rival families of the Gael and between Leith 
 Cuinn and Leith Mogha. Towards the close of the period it 
 seemed as if the whole island was going to be brought under the 
 sway of one sovereign in the person of Donnchadha (Donough), 
 the thirtieth ardri in descent from Nial of the Nine Hostages, 
 the father of King Laeghaire, and the progenitor of the Ui Neill. 
 But before this much to be desired result could be achieved Ireland 
 fell a prey to the Danes. 
 
 l^he Danish Invasions, It was in the reign of Donnchadha's 
 successor that the Danes first appeared off the coast of Ireland. 
 It is usual to distinguish between two sets of these so-called 
 Danish invaders, viz. those who came from Norway and are called 
 by Irish writers Fionn Gail (Fingal) or Fair-haired Strangers, and 
 those who came from Denmark proper called the Dubh Gail, 
 or Dark-haired Strangers. In history both are known as the 
 vikings, a word which means simply men of the fjords or bays. 
 Their ships were long canoe-shaped vessels of from about 50 to 100 
 feet in length and 15 to 20 feet in breadth, capable of holding from 
 forty to sixty men. They were built chiefly for speed, with high 
 bow and stern, and were fitted out as rowing-boats, but being 
 also provided with mast and sail they could easily be turned into 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 19 
 
 sailing vessels. Next to swiftness their chief advantage was that, 
 being comparatively light, they could readily be transported 
 from one sheet of water to another, and being of shallow draught 
 could be forced up any river of reasonable size. The vikings were 
 a large-limbed, well-built, warlike, and extremely hardy race of 
 men. Their one object was plunder, and being inspired with 
 a fierce hatred and contempt of Christianity they naturally directed 
 their earliest attacks against the rich monasteries that lined the 
 coasts of Scotland and Ireland. Among the first to feel the 
 weight of their sacrilegious hand was St. Columba's famous 
 establishment on lona. In the* beginning the attacks of the 
 vikings were chiefly confined to the islands off the mainland, 
 but as their greed grew with the treasure it fed on, they gradually 
 extended their raids into the interior of the country. As time 
 went on their raids became more frequent, and in 837 a Norseman 
 of the name of Torgils or Turgesius conceived the idea of making 
 himself master of Ireland. The Irish offered what resistance they 
 could, and in 845 the ardri, Melaghlin I, had the good fortune to 
 capture Torgils, whom he promptly drowned in Lough Owel. 
 After Torgil's death many of the Norsemen returned to their 
 own country, and the Irish were beginning to congratulate them- 
 selves on having outlived the danger when a fresh body of invaders 
 hove in sight. This time the invaders were really Danes. Their 
 numbers were considerable, and, having wrested Dublin from their 
 predecessors, they made that port the centre of their operations 
 not merely in Ireland but also against England and Scotland. 
 
 Struggle for the Possession of Ireland. In course of time the 
 Danes entered into friendly relations with their neighbours, 
 especially the O'Carrolls of Ossory. The result was that after the 
 death of their own king, Ivor, called * King of the Northmen of 
 all Ireland and Britain ', in 873, the Danes of Dublin chose 
 Carrol, lord of Ossory, to rule over them. Carrol's accession was 
 followed by what is called a period of forty years' peace. Of peace 
 in the ordinary sense there was, it is true, little sign, but during 
 
 B 2 
 
20 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 Carrol's reign Ireland was apparently exempt from further 
 attacks on the part of the Danes. Carrol, however, had no sooner 
 died than a fresh body of invaders appeared on the scene. Collec- 
 tively these newcomers are known as the Ui Ivor or descendants 
 of Ivor, probably of that Ivor who died in 873. Finding Dubhn 
 in possession of the Irish, the Ui Ivor effected a landing at Water- 
 ford, which now became one of their chief settlements. From 
 Waterford they spread themselves over the whole of Munster, 
 so that, according to the annalists, there was not a house nor 
 a hearth left standing between the Shannon towards the sea. 
 Having brought Munster under their control the Ui Ivor now 
 directed their efforts to recovering Dublin. This they accom- 
 plished in 917 ; but their endeavour to extend their power 
 northward was frustrated by the heroic resistance of the ardri, 
 Nial Blackknee, and his still more famous son Murtough ' of the 
 Leather Cloaks '. Matters had reached this point when a fresh 
 body of Danes succeeded in establishing themselves at Limerick 
 on the Shannon. The possession of Dubhn, Waterford, and 
 Limerick placed the whole of southern Ireland at the mercy of 
 the Danes. The misery they inflicted on the wretched inhabitants 
 was indescribable. As the old chronicler writes, they had their 
 duns and their forts and their landing-places everywhere so that 
 they made spoil-land and sword-land of the country. They 
 ravaged her chieftainries and her churches and destroyed her 
 reUquaries and tore her books. For a time Murtough ' of the 
 Leather Cloaks ' stemmed their attacks in the north, but after 
 his death in 943 the country north and south of the Eiscir Riada 
 fell largely under their control. 
 
 Brian Boroimhe^s Usurpation. With the capitulation of Mahon 
 O' Kennedy, chief of the Ui Cennidigh of Thomond, it seemed 
 as if further resistance to the Danes was out of the question. 
 But Mahon's brother Brian refused to despair. His followers 
 had dwindled to a mere handful, but with these he kept up a 
 steady guerilla warfare till at last Mahon was forced by his 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 21 
 
 obstinacy to resume the offensive. In 968 Mahon had the good 
 fortune to defeat the Danes at Sulcoit in County Tipperary, 
 and shortly afterwards he captured Limerick. But his success 
 was regarded with jealousy by his alHes, and at the instigation of 
 Ivor and his sons he was treacherously murdered in 976. Mahon's 
 place was instantly filled by Brian and, having punished his 
 brother's murderers, Brian at once set about extending his power 
 over the whole of Leith Mogha. Succeeding in this in 984, he 
 then overran and subdued the province of Connaught. His 
 possession of the whole of Leith Mogha and one province in 
 Leith Cuinn was regarded as entitling him to the ardri-shiip, 
 but either because he was unwilling or not prepared as yet to 
 contest the supremacy with Melaghlin II he came to terms 
 with him in 998, on the understanding that they should share 
 the sovereignty of Ireland between them. Perhaps it was that 
 he had already fallen under the influence of that * fairest of all 
 women ', Gormflaith (Gormley), wife of Melaghlin. Anyhow, 
 he shortly afterwards conferred the kingdom of Leinster on Gorm- 
 flaith's brother Mulmurray and gave his daughter in marriage to 
 her son Sitric, King of Dublin. Such a suitor was hard to resist, 
 and in the end Gormflaith transferred her favours from Melaghlin 
 to Brian. Brian's marriage with Gormflaith was followed by 
 a summons to Melaghlin to surrender the ardri-shiip. This 
 Melaghlin, owing to his inability to secure the support of the 
 northern Ui Neill, was compelled to do. Whereupon Brian, 
 with the object of legalizing his usurpation, caused his name 
 and claim to be entered in the Book of Armagh. Unfortunately, 
 by this time either he had begun to grow tired of Gormflaith 
 or she of him. Anyhow, about loio they separated, and Gorm- 
 flaith went to live with her brother Mulmurray. Henceforth 
 her one desire was to ruin Brian. To this end she worked hard to 
 sow dissension between him and her brother, and to draw the 
 latter into an alliance with Sitric, King of the Danes of Dublin. 
 Meanwhile, owing perhaps to their mutual grudge against her. 
 
22 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 Brian and Melaglilin had entered into an alliance for the purpose 
 of destroying the Danish power at Dublin. Their joint attempt 
 to capture Dublin in 1013 failed, but it was resolved to renew 
 the attempt in the following year. 
 
 Battle of Clontarf. Recognizing their common danger, Sitric 
 and Mulmurray employed the interval in enlisting all the mer- 
 cenary support they could. A secret promise of Gormflaith's 
 hand to Sigurd Lodverson, Earl of Orkney, and also to Brodir, 
 Earl of York, drew both into the alliance, while the mere prospect 
 of unlimited booty attracted a crowed of other hungry vikings 
 to their standard. Shortly before Easter 1014 Brian and MelaghHn, 
 at the head of their respective armies, converged on Dublin, the 
 former taking up his position between the Liffey and the little 
 river Tolka that falls into Dublin Bay at Clontarf ; the latter 
 slightly to the north of the Tolka. Both sides were fairly matched, 
 but the benefit of position lay with the Danes and the men of 
 Leinster. The battle began at sunrise on Good Friday, 23 April, 
 and continued the whole day. Towards sunset the Danes began 
 to give way and fell back on their ships. * Methinks ', said 
 Brian's daughter to her husband, Sitric, * the foreigners have 
 entered on their heritage.' * What meanest thou by that ? ' 
 asked Sitric. ' That the foreigners are going into the sea ', replied 
 his wife ; ' I wonder is it heat that is on them that they tarry not 
 to be-milked.' Her sneer angered Sitric and he struck her a heavy 
 blow. But in truth the defeat of the Danes was complete. Such 
 of them as escaped from the field of battle were drowned in the 
 sea before they could reach their ships. The Irish lost almost 
 as heavily as the Danes. Brian himself being too old to take an 
 active part in the battle had passed the day in prayer. When he 
 heard that his son's standard had fallen he gave up the day as 
 lost, and consigning his soul to God and St. Patrick and his body 
 to Armagh he prepared to die. As he was talking to his attendant 
 a party of Danes passed his tent. They were Brodir and two of 
 his followers. Looking into the tent one of them called out 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 23 
 
 * a priest '. * No, no ! ' said the other, * It is the great King 
 Brian.' Whereupon Brodir turned back and with his battle-axe 
 clove Brian's head in twain. 
 
 Consequences of the Battle of Clontarf. The battle of Clontarf 
 is regarded by Irishmen as a great national victory, and so in a sense 
 it was. It did not, as is generally supposed, free Ireland from the 
 Danes. Sitric himself still retained possession of Dublin, and 
 Waterford, Wexford, Cork, and Limerick still remained in the 
 hands of the Danes. But the victory of Clontarf prevented 
 Ireland becoming, like England, a Danish colony. On the other 
 hand it must not be forgotten that at Clontarf there were Irish- 
 men fighting on the side of the Danes, and that none of the 
 northern Ui Neill took part in the battle. In truth the battle 
 of Clontarf was due rather to personal than national causes. 
 But the fact that such a splendid victory, as Clontarf undoubtedly 
 was, had been won under the leadership of one whom every 
 Gael i;egarded as a usurper was followed by important results. 
 In the first place, by demolishing the fiction that no one who was 
 not directly descended from Nial of the Nine Hostages could 
 aspire to the ^r^n-ship, it substituted personal merit for the 
 mere claim of birth. Henceforth any one who aspired to become 
 ardri could only achieve his object by crushing his rivals or, as the 
 Irish expressed it, * with opposition ' . This no doubt was unfavour- 
 able to the cause of unity, so far as Gaelic hegemony was concerned; 
 but, by widening the basis of the state, it substituted a territorial 
 for a mere tribal principle and thus prepared the way for national 
 unity. That this national unity was never actually or only very 
 imperfectly achieved was due mainly to the obstacles offered by 
 the country itself — its large forests, extensive bogs, primitive roads, 
 and absence of towns. For, no matter how powerful the King 
 of Ulster, or Meath, or Connaught, or Munster, or Leinster 
 might be, his seat of government, whether at Aileach, or Tara, 
 or Cruachan, or Killaloe, or Cashel, or Ferns, was far too remote 
 from the other parts of the country to enable him to exercise 
 
24 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 more than a very imperfect control over them. The practice 
 of exacting hostages as a pledge of loyalty no doubt minimized 
 this defect, but it must be admitted that the fear of sacrificing 
 his hostages seldom acted as a permanent check on an ambitious 
 sovereign. All the same there can be no question that during the 
 hundred and fifty years that elapsed between Clontarf and 
 Strongbow's invasion Ireland made considerable progress in the 
 direction of national unity, and but for that invasion might 
 possibly have succeeded in attaining it. 
 
 The Re-making of Ireland. At first, however, as was to be 
 expected, the death of Brian Boroimhe in his hour of triumph 
 was followed by a period of disorder. Melaghlin of course seized 
 the opportunity to reassert his position as ardri, but no one paid 
 any attention to him, and after his death in 1022 Ireland, in the 
 quaint language of the annals, was governed * after the manner 
 of a free state ' : in other words every one acted as he thought 
 fit in his own eyes. With the accession, however, of Brian's 
 grandson, Turlough O'Brien, in 1064, things began to assume 
 a more orderly appearance. Turlough was a strong ruler, and 
 his claim to the ^r^/rf-ship seems to have been pretty generally 
 acknowledged by his contemporaries. His death, however, in 1086 
 was followed by a fierce struggle between his son and successor 
 Murtough O'Brien and Donnell O'Loughlin, head of the northern 
 branch of the Ui Neill. After much fighting O'Loughlin succeeded 
 in 1090 in forcing not only O'Brien but also O'Conor of Connaught 
 and O'Melaghlin of Meath to recognize his supremacy ; but 
 in 1097 O'Brien managed to reassert his independence, and having 
 in turn brought O'Conor and O'Melaghlin under his control 
 he again ventured to contest the supremacy with O'Loughlin. 
 The struggle only came to an end with O'Brien's death in 11 19. 
 Two years later O'Brien was followed to the grave by O'Loughlin. 
 Their deaths enabled Turlough O'Conor to assert his claim to the 
 ardri-^hi^ ; but O'Conor had a strong rival in his father-in-law 
 O'Melaghlin of Meath. Having, however, ousted O'Melaghlin 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 25 
 
 from his kingdom, O'Conor next directed his attack against the 
 MacCarthies of south Munster. But Cormac MacCarthy proved 
 a tough opponent, and before O'Conor could establish his mastery 
 over Leith Mogha, Turlough O'Brien's grandson joined in the 
 fray. By the united efforts of O'Brien and MacCarthy O'Conor 
 was soon driven into a defensive position and forced to come to 
 terms with O'Melaghlin. This was in 1141. Next year Conor 
 O'Brien died. His death enabled O'Conor to renew his attack 
 on the MacCarthies. This time he had O'Melaglilin's support, 
 but there was no real friendship between them and their rivalry 
 afforded Donnell O'Loughhn's grandson, Murtough, a chance 
 to assert his pretensions to the ardri-shiip. Eventually O'Loughlin 
 succeeded in establishing his authority over the greater part 
 of the island, including the Danish kingdom of Dublin ; but it 
 was only after Turlough O'Conor's death in 11 56 that he became 
 undisputed ardri. Turlough's successor was Rory O'Conor. Next 
 to O'Loughlin Rory was the most powerful man in Ireland, and 
 after O'Loughhn's death in 1165 he found Httle difficulty in 
 obtaining a general acknowledgement of his claim as ardri. 
 O'Conor had only been on the throne four years when Ireland 
 was again exposed to the attacks of a fresh set of invaders. But 
 before entering on this epoch it will be well to explain how 
 Ireland was being forced out of her isolated position into the 
 wider sphere of European politics. 
 
 Ireland, Rome, and England, The battle of Clontarf, though 
 it removed the danger of Ireland becoming a Danish kingdom, 
 did not secure the expulsion of the Danes. Dublin, Waterford, 
 Limerick still remained in their possession. Their attitude towards 
 the Irish was still one of hostihty ; but after Clontarf the character 
 of the Danes underwent a remarkable change. From pirates, 
 bent wholly on the acquisition of plunder, the Danes gradually 
 assumed the manners of peaceful traders. Thanks to their 
 energy in this direction the old commercial relations between 
 Ireland and the Continent, which their invasion had interrupted, 
 
26 Celtic Ireland to ii6g 
 
 were re-established, and soon a vigorous trade between Dublin 
 and Bristol sprang into existence. More than this, in laying aside 
 their piratical habits the Danes became Christians ; but such 
 was their pride of race that they would on no account own any 
 connexion with the Irish Church. Nothing would satisfy them 
 but to enter into communion with the Church in England. 
 Their repugnance to the Irish Church favoured the policy of 
 Lanfranc and the Romanizing party in England of obtaining 
 a closer control over the Church of Ireland. Unfortunately, the 
 tribal character of the Irish Church and the absence of any 
 regular system of diocesan government presented a formidable 
 obstacle to the realization of Lanfranc's plan. The same difficulty 
 was experienced by his successor Anselm, and it was actually to 
 an Irishman of the name of Malachy O'Morgair, commonly called 
 St. Malachy, that a closer assimilation of the ecclesiastical system 
 of Ireland with that of England was due. Malachy's friendship 
 with St. Bernard of Clairvaux, led, as is well known, to the introduc- 
 tion of the Cistercian Order into Ireland and the foundation in 
 1 157 of Mellifont Abbey, the proud precursor, within a few years, 
 of half a score such monasteries. The effect of the establishment 
 of the Cistercian Order in bringing Ireland into closer touch 
 with the Continent, and through the Continent with England, 
 is unquestionable. But of almost greater importance in this 
 respect was Malachy's endeavour to secure a formal recognition 
 from the Papacy of the archiepiscopal claims of Armagh and 
 Cashel, as representing the two main divisions of Leith Cuinn 
 and Leith Mogha, by a grant of the f allium to each. Malachy 
 did not live to see the fulfilment of his desire, and it is doubtful 
 if the plan sanctioned by Pope Eugenius, and actually carried into 
 effect at the Synod of Kells in 1151, of including Dublin and 
 Tuam in an equal distribution of the pallia with Armagh and 
 Cashel, would have received his approval. The plan no doubt 
 answered the political situation fairly well, but it left the question 
 of the primacy as between the Irish and Danish Church unsettled 
 
Celtic Ireland to ii6g 27 
 
 and, by confirming the former in its independence, it left room 
 for those irregularities in ritual which were a constant source of 
 annoyance to orthodox churchmen. Three years after the Synod 
 of Kells, Nicholas Breakspear succeeded to the chair of St. Peter 
 as Adrian IV. In conveying Henry's congratulations to him in 
 1 1 56, his old friend, John of Salisbury, drew Adrian's attention 
 to the deplorable condition of the Church of Ireland, and sug- 
 gested as a means of weaning the Irish from their ^ beastly customs ' 
 that Ireland should be brought under the civiHzing control of 
 England. The result was that on leaving Rome John of Salisbury 
 carried with him a letter from Adrian to Henry conferring on him 
 the dominium of Ireland. The gift was not one that Henry greatly 
 valued. For some time he played with the idea of handing over 
 Ireland to his brother William ; but being dissuaded by his 
 mother, the Empress Matilda, from taking this step, he had 
 apparently forgotten all about the matter when it was suddenly 
 recalled to him two years later by the rather dramatic appearance 
 before him of Dermot MacMurrough, ex-King of Leinster. 
 
 PART II 
 
 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 
 
 Henry II and MacMurrough. Dermot MacMurrough, King 
 of Leinster, was the grandson of Dermot * the son of the nursling 
 of the cow '. In the period following the death of Melaghlin II 
 in 1022, when Ireland was ' ruled after the manner of a free 
 state ', Dermot ' of the cow ' had succeeded in attaining the rather 
 equivocal position of * ardri with opposition '. It was Dermot's 
 great wish to imitate his ancestor, but with two such powerful 
 rivals in the field as Turlough O'Conor and Murtough O'LoughHn 
 his chance of success was very small. Feeling it to be so Dermot 
 had attached himself to O'Loughlin, and had been rewarded for 
 
28 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 his loyalty by a grant of a considerable part of the then derelict 
 kingdom of Meath. The grant brought him into conflict with 
 O'Rourke of Brefny, Turlough O'Conor's henchman, and partly 
 to spite O'Rourke, partly because he had fallen in love with 
 her, Dermot eloped with O'Rourke's wife, Dervorgil. Elopements 
 were in fashion at the time, and had Dermot consented to pay 
 O'Rourke the usual damages to which the law entitled him for 
 such injury nothing more would probably have been heard of his 
 escapade. Trusting, however, to his alliance with O'Loughlin, 
 Dermot refused to pay the fine required from him. Unfortunately 
 for him, O'LoughHn died shortly afterwards and was succeeded as 
 ardri by Rory O'Conor. O'Rourke now called on O' Conor to execute 
 the law against MacMurrough. Possibly if MacMurrough had been 
 a popular sovereign he might have defied O'Conor's attempt to 
 coerce him, but his brutality and wanton cruelty had so alienated 
 the sympathies of his clansmen that, meeting with no support from 
 them, he burnt his capital of Ferns and escaped to England in 1 166. 
 At the suggestion apparently of Henry's old friend and man of 
 business, Robert Fitzharding of Bristol, MacMurrough determined 
 to appeal to Henry to assist him in recovering his kingdom. At 
 the time Henry was in France, and it was with some difficulty 
 that Dermot obtained an audience from him. Henry, as we have 
 remarked, was not particularly interested in Ireland ; but Mac- 
 Murrough was importunate, and in the end Henry gave him 
 letters granting such of his subjects as desired to do so permis- 
 sion to assist MacMurrough in recovering his kingdom. Returning 
 to England Dermot was fortunate enough to interest Richard 
 Fitzgilbert, Earl of Clare, commonly called Strongbow, in his 
 case. At Dermot's earnest entreaty, coupled with an offer of his 
 daughter Eva's hand, Strongbow promised his assistance. But 
 as Strongbow was at the time occupied in preparing to escort the 
 Princess Matilda to Germany Dermot applied to the Bishop of 
 St. David's. By the bishop's intervention his brother, Maurice 
 Fitzgerald, the ancestor of the Houses of Kildare and Desmond, 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-iS4i 29 
 
 and his near kinsman Robert Fitzstephen, were induced to promise 
 their immediate assistance. Both Maurice and Fitzstephen were 
 of mixed Welsh and Norman blood, being the sons by different 
 fathers of Nesta, the daughter of Rhys ap Twdyr, whose love 
 affairs occupy a considerable place in the chroniqne scandaleuse of 
 the times. The fact that most of the early invaders were of 
 Cambro-Norman descent is of considerable importance for the 
 future course of events. 
 
 l^he Invasion of Ireland. Having thus set things in train Mac- 
 Murrough slipped back to Ireland in the summer of 1168. It 
 was his intention, pending the arrival of his friends, to lie low and, 
 with the object of putting his enemies off their guard, he at last 
 paid O'Rourke his compensation. But as the year drew to a close 
 without any sign of Fitzstephen and his friends coming, Dermot 
 grew impatient and sent over his secretary to remind them of 
 their promise. At last, at the beginning of May 1 169, Fitzstephen 
 and a handful of knights, with their attendant men-at-arms and 
 archers — in all about 1,000 men — landed at Bannow Bay in County 
 Wexford. Being speedily joined by MacMurrough and his levies, 
 the invaders marched directly on Wexford, which was easily 
 captured. After a rather futile and exhausting expedition into 
 Ossory, Fitzstephen and MacMurrough were engaged in recruiting 
 their men near Ferns when O'Conor suddenly swooped down on 
 them. Fortunately they had taken the precaution to entrench 
 themselves securely, and O'Conor, finding it impossible to 
 dislodge them, consented to treat, and on MacMurrough promising 
 not to cross the bounds of his own kingdom and get rid of Fitz- 
 stephen as soon as possible, he withdrew into his own country. 
 No sooner, however, had O'Conor withdrawn than Fitzstephen 
 and MacMurrough advanced against Dublin. Taken by surprise 
 Dublin speedily surrendered, and in the hope of making a bid 
 for the ardri-ship MacMurrough wrote pressing letters to Strong- 
 bow to come to his assistance. This time his invitation met with 
 a ready response, and as an earnest of his speedy arrival Strongbow 
 
30 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1541 
 
 sent over his kinsman, Raymond le Gros, with a small body of 
 knights and about seventy archers. On landing at a little promon- 
 tory called Baginbun, near Bannow Bay, Raymond was almost 
 immediately attacked by the men of Waterford and the neigh- 
 bouring Irish. The attack was, however, repelled, and Raymond 
 managed to maintain his position till the arrival a few weeks later 
 of Strongbow himself with 200 knights and 1,000 men-at-arms. 
 Landing at Passage on 23 August 1170, Strongbow two days later 
 stormed Waterford, and amid the smouldering ashes of the town 
 he married MacMurrough's daughter Eva. A day or two later 
 he and MacMurrough set out for Dublin, in consequence of 
 a report that the citizens of that place, animated by the presence 
 of O' Conor, had once more thrown off their allegiance to Mac- 
 Murrough. Cutting directly across the Wicklow mountains 
 Strongbow succeeded in recovering Dublin almost without a 
 blow. MacMurrough's chance had apparently come at last, and, 
 disregarding O'Conor's warning that he would put his hostages 
 to death if he passed the limits of his kingdom, he invaded 
 O'Rourke's country. The damage he inflicted was considerable, 
 but O'Conor was as good as his word and MacMurrough, returning 
 to Ferns, was engaged in forming fresh plans of vengeance when 
 he suddenly died. 
 
 Henry II and Strongbow. MacMurrough's death, unexpected 
 though it was, found Strongbow fully prepared to assert his right 
 as his successor. Legally, as resting entirely on his marriage with 
 MacMurrough's daughter, his claim from an Irish standpoint 
 was utterly invalid. Failing heirs male of his own, MacMurrough's 
 legitimate successor was his brother's son, Murtough. But 
 Murtough, though he possessed the suffrages of his clan and could 
 count on O'Conor's support, was no match for Strongbow. 
 Unfortunately for Strongbow, his extraordinary success had 
 aroused Henry's jealous apprehensions, and a sudden embargo 
 placed on all ships leaving England threatened to deprive him 
 of those reinforcements which O'Conor's reappearance before 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 31 
 
 Dublin rendered at this moment most essential. The situation 
 called for speedy action, and leaving Fitzstephen to keep an eye 
 on Wexford, Strongbow returned post-haste to Dublin. The town 
 was ill-prepared to stand a siege, and as the pinch of hunger began 
 to be felt and no succour arrived from England, Strongbow deter- 
 mined to cut his way out or perish in the attempt. The manoeuvre 
 was crowned with complete success, and once more O'Conor was 
 compelled to beat a hasty retreat. The situation, however, 
 continued critical, and acting on Mountmorres's advice Strongbow 
 crossed over to England. Meeting Henry as he was just about 
 to embark for Ireland Strongbow endeavoured, by a timely sur- 
 render of his possessions, to avert the king's wrath. His submissive 
 attitude mollified Henry, but Henry was too occupied with his 
 own affairs to pay him much attention at the time. The murder 
 of Becket had proved a terrible misfortune to him, and Henry's 
 one desire w^as to put the sea between him and the emissaries of 
 the Pope as quickly as possible. Once in Ireland he hoped to find 
 some means of appeasing Alexander's wrath. 
 
 Henry in Ireland. Taking Strongbow with him Henry landed 
 near Waterford on 17 October 1171 at the head of an army 
 sufficiently imposing to break dow^n any opposition that he 
 might encounter. But Irishmen were apparently only too anxious 
 to submit to him, and, before leaving Waterford, Henry issued 
 orders for the speedy holding of a synod of the Irish Church at 
 Cashel, partly no doubt with the object of fulfilling the terms 
 of Adrian's grant, partly in the hope of providing himself with 
 the means of placating Alexander's wrath. From Waterford 
 Henry proceeded to Dublin. His journey northwards resembled 
 a triumphal progress and, being received by the citizens of 
 DubHn with open arms, he endeavoured by every means in his 
 power, and especially by the commercial privileges he conferred 
 on them, to conciliate their affections. Christmas was celebrated 
 in high style, and the lavish arrangements he made for their 
 entertainment astonished and dehghted his new subjects. Neither 
 
32 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1341 
 
 O'Conor nor any of the Ui Neill graced the proceedings with 
 their presence. But their absence, though it disappointed Henry, 
 did not alarm him. At the time he was more concerned in cur- 
 taiHng Strongbow's powers for mischief. The situation called 
 for careful handHng. For the nonce it seemed a sufficient pre- 
 caution to retain Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford in his own 
 hands, and by conferring the derelict kingdom of Meath on 
 De Lacy to raise up a formidable rival to Strongbow. This done, 
 and the Decrees of the Council of Cashel having been duly 
 transmitted to him, Henry, after entrusting the government 
 of the country to De Lacy, sailed for England about the middle 
 of April 1 172. 
 
 Henry IPs Irish Policy. Henry's anticipation that in view of 
 the Decrees of the Council of Cashel, establishing conformity 
 in doctrine and discipline between the Church of Ireland and that 
 of England, Alexander would make no difficulty in condoning his 
 offence proved correct. But the question what he should do with 
 Ireland, now that his possession of it had been confirmed by the 
 Pope, greatly perplexed him. He had made no conquest of the 
 island. Neither O'Conor nor the Ui Neill had submitted to him. 
 The attitude of the former and his pretensions as ardri he recog- 
 nized seriously affected his own position. Looking at the matter 
 from his own standpoint and with his limited knowledge of what 
 constituted an Irish ardri, Henvy^s policy was at first directed to 
 obtaining from O'Conor a recognition of his own feudal superiority 
 implied in the title of Dominus Hiberniae. Eventually, after 
 a good deal of coaxing, O'Conor was persuaded in 1175 to consent 
 to the terms embodied in what is called the Treaty of Windsor. 
 By the terms of this treaty O'Conor's claim to the kingdom of 
 Connaught and to the services of his vassals or urrighs was to 
 undergo no diminution so long as he and they continued faithful 
 in their allegiance to the King of England, and, as an acknowledge- 
 ment of their duty, paid an annual tribute of one merchantable hide 
 in every ten * as well from Connaught as the rest of the island, 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 33 
 
 except those parts under the immediate dominion of the King 
 and his barons '. Unfortunately for the success of his plan, 
 Henry soon discovered that O'Conor's position was that not 
 of a feudal sovereign but merely of a provincial chieftain, whose 
 claim to supremacy rested entirely on his ability to enforce its 
 recognition. The discovery compelled Henry to make a fresh 
 start. This time he determined to transfer the dominium of 
 Ireland to his youngest son, John. His intention was made known 
 at a council at Oxford in 1177 ; but at the time John was only 
 a boy of ten and too young for such a responsible post. 
 
 Progress of the Invaders. Meanwhile, owing to the absence 
 of any effectual control on the part of the Crown, the invaders 
 were carrying matters with a high hand. Their methods of land- 
 grabbing were none of the gentlest. In 1173 there was a rising 
 of the O'Briens and MacCarthies in Munster, followed by an 
 attempt on the part of the citizens of Waterford to throw off 
 their allegiance. Both risings were suppressed, but their suppres- 
 sion furnished opportunity for further inroads on the Irish. 
 Strongbow died in 1176. His sole heiress was his daughter 
 Isabella, aged live. Fearing complications, Henry appointed 
 Fitzaudelin Justiciar, and at the same time sent over John de 
 Courcy, Robert Fitzstephen, and Miles de Cogan to assist him 
 in preserving order and taking possession of all Strongbow's 
 castles. The business was soon settled, and De Courcy, growing 
 tired of his enforced inactivity, determined to cut out a prin- 
 cipality for himself. In December he suddenly invaded Uladh, 
 or what we may call little Ulster, and having defeated the chieftain 
 of that district, MacDunlevy, near Downpatrick, he speedily 
 made himself master of that part of Ulster now repre'sented by 
 County Down. De Courcy's success encouraged his companion- 
 in-arms, De Cogan, to make a similar attempt in Connaught ; 
 but O'Conor proved too strong for him, and being compelled to 
 beat a hasty retreat he and Fitzstephen directed their attention 
 to Munster. There they were more successful, and in a short 
 
 2403 c 
 
34 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 time made themselves masters of a large sweep of lands near Cork. 
 In this way nearly the whole of Ireland lying to the east of a line 
 drawn from Fair Head to Cape Clear had passed into the possession 
 of the invaders when John landed at Waterford on 24 April 11 St;. 
 
 JohrCs First Visit to Ireland. It was much against his will that 
 John obeyed his father's command to make himself acquainted 
 with the country of which he had now been made the virtual 
 sovereign. For himself he would much sooner have taken part 
 in one of those crusades to Palestine so much in vogue at the time. 
 So, too, would his youthful companions. Their discontent found 
 outlet in unmannerly behaviour towards those Irish chieftains 
 who came, as in duty bound, to pay their respects to their new 
 sovereign. But it was not the Irish alone who had to complain 
 of the insulting conduct of John and his companions. Nothing 
 that De Lacy and those best acquainted with the country sug- 
 gested found favour in John's eyes. Large scopes of land in 
 Munster and Connaught ^yere given away by him to Theobald 
 Butler, Philip de Braose, and William de Burgh without any 
 regard to the impolicy of those grants in themselves or to the 
 enormous expense entailed by the military expeditions necessary 
 to make them good. Even the most indulgent of fathers could 
 not overlook such misconduct, and, after running riot for eight 
 months, John was recalled in disgrace. But Henry's anger was 
 short-lived. He was still determined to make John King of Ireland, 
 and was busy with his preparations for the latter's coronation 
 when death overtook him. 
 
 l^he Crown and the Baronage. Richard's accession did not affect 
 John's position as Dominus Hiberniae^ but his long- continued 
 absence from England disinclined the latter from taking any active 
 interest in Irish affairs. The result was that for more than 
 twenty years (1187-1210) Ireland was allowed to go her own way, 
 with consequences that were satisfactory neither to the Crown 
 nor to the Irish. During the greater part of this period the 
 justiciarship rested at first in the hands of De Courcy, afterwards 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 35 
 
 in those of Meiler Fitzhenry. There is no question that De Courcy 
 merely used his office to promote his own interests and that the 
 forces of the Crown were more often employed in extorting land 
 from the Irish than in preserving order. Fitzhenry was not open 
 to the same charge, and on the whole he showed himself strongly 
 opposed to such proceedings. But his position was a difficult 
 one, and his refusal to co-operate in plundering the Irish v/as 
 constantly bringing him into conflict with De Courcy or De 
 Burgh or the brothers Walter and Hugh de Lacy. In the end 
 De Courcy was forcibly deprived of his principality. As a 
 reward for his assistance in expelling him, John conferred 
 the lordship of Down, together with the title of Earl of 
 Ulster, on Hugh de Lacy. The reward turned De Lacy's head. 
 From defying the Justiciar he and his brother Walter, who 
 had inherited the lordship of Meath, gradually assumed an 
 attitude of rebellion. Worse than this, they joined hands with 
 John's personal enemy De Braose. The suspected compHcity 
 of William Marshal, who by his marriage with Strongbow's 
 daughter Isabella had succeeded to the kingdom of Leinster, 
 brought matters to a climax. Recognizing the seriousness of 
 the situation and exasperated beyond measure at De Braose's 
 scandalous imputation of his complicity in Arthur's murder, 
 John determined to go to Ireland himself. 
 
 John's Second Visit to Ireland. Landing at Waterford on 
 20 June 1 2 10 at the head of a large army and instructing the fleet 
 to attend his march along the coast, John posted northward 
 in pursuit of the De Lacies and Braose. At DubHn an attempt 
 was made to induce him to draw a distinction between Walter 
 and Hugh de Lacy in favour of the former, but refusing to do so, 
 John, after a brief rest, continued his march northwards. At 
 Carlingford, hearing that the De Lacies and their allies were 
 preparing to make a stand at Dundrum, he divided his forces, 
 and, while one detachment was ordered to proceed round the 
 coast by land, he with the other embarked on the. fleet, with the 
 
 c 2 
 
36 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1^41 
 
 object of exposing them to a concentric attack. It was a well- 
 conceived plan, but before he could effect a landing at Ardglass 
 the rebels had got wind of his intention and withdrawn to Carrick- 
 fergus. Thither John hurried after them, but before he could 
 invest the place the De Lacies and Braose had escaped to Scotland, 
 whence they shortly afterwards made their way to France. His 
 quarry had escaped him ; but the rebellion was at an end, and 
 returning to Dublin John set to work to systematically reduce 
 the country to order. This time there was to be no mistake 
 as to his determination not merely to restore the authority of the 
 Crown but to effect a thorough reformation of administration. 
 To this end all that part of the country which had actually or 
 nominally passed into the hands of the invaders was to be reduced 
 to shire-ground ; law courts were to be established at Dublin ; 
 itinerant justices appointed ; and the tenures by which the land 
 was held subjected to a thorough revision. As for the Irish, those 
 of them who submitted were to be taken under the protection 
 of the Crown, and the privileges of the English laws extended to 
 the five principal septs of the O'Conors, O'Neills, O'Briens, 
 O'Melaghlins, and MacMurroughs. English historians are reluc- 
 tant to admit that John had any good qualities, and their views 
 have affected the estimate formed of his character by Irish 
 historians. But there is no ground to question John's political 
 abilities. Certainly during the nine weeks he spent in Ireland he 
 displayed an extraordinary grasp of the difficult nature of the 
 situation as it affected the relations of the Crown, the colonists, 
 and the Irish to each other. By the administrative measures he 
 adopted he not merely laid the foundation of the future prosperity 
 of the colony, but by his conciliatory attitude so won upon the 
 affections of his subjects that when his own authority was menaced 
 in England the Irish barons to a man ranged themselves on his 
 side. The mischief was that he did not and could not provide 
 for a personal supervision by the Crown of the working of his plan. 
 Left to themselves during the long minority of Henry III, the 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-iS4i 37 
 
 Irish barons resumed their old schemes of aggrandisement at the 
 expense both of the Crown and the Irish. 
 
 Conquest of Connaught. The period immediately following the 
 accession of Henry III (1216) was one of comparative tranquillity. 
 Recognizing how much they owed to John's personal intervention, 
 the Irish barons were at first anxious to secure the permanent 
 residence in their midst of a member of the royal family. Their 
 request that either the Queen-Dowager or the King's brother 
 should reside in Dublin was uAfortunately ignored ; but during 
 the governorship of William Marshal Ireland enjoyed com- 
 paratively peaceful days and was admitted to the benefits of 
 Magna Carta. But William Marshal died in 1219, and his death 
 was almost directly followed by an armed attempt on the part of 
 Hugh de Lacy to recover his possessions in Ulster. The attempt 
 was frustrated ; but eventually on his submission De Lacy was 
 restored for his lifetime to his lands and dignities. Hardly, 
 however, had the De Lacy business been settled than distur- 
 bances broke out in Connaught. The acquisition of that province 
 had long been an object of desire to the De Burghs. William de 
 Burgh, who had come over to Ireland with John in 1185, had 
 received a permission (grant it can hardly be called) to make 
 himself master of as much of it as he could. The attempt had 
 naturally entailed a good deal of fighting, but in the end a settle- 
 ment had been arrived at whereby on the death of Cathal ' of the 
 red hand ', Rory O'Conor's brother and successor, Connaught, 
 with the exception of certain lands reserved for the Crown about 
 Athlone, was to be divided into two very unequal parts, of which 
 the larger was to pass to Richard de Burgh, William's son, and the 
 smaller to Cathal's successor. Cathal died in 1224. His death 
 was followed by a struggle for the chieftainship between his sons 
 Hugh and FeUm and the sons of Rory O'Conor. Eventually, 
 with De Burgh's assistance, Hugh succeeded in making good his 
 claim. The time was now deemed to have arrived for putting the 
 deed of partition into execution. But Hugh proved recalcitrant 
 
38 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1541 
 
 and a fresh war ensued. Finally Hugh was killed, and after some 
 more fighting the chieftainship was secured by Hugh's brother 
 Felim. The question of the partition was again raised, but Felim 
 proving as stubborn on that point as Hugh had been he was 
 arrested and imprisoned in Meelick Castle. Believing himself 
 to be master of the situation De Burgh was preparing to put 
 his grant into execution when the sudden downfall of his kinsman, 
 Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent, Henry's all-powerful minister, 
 led to a complete reversal of the situation. Not only was Felim 
 restored to liberty, but his restoration was accompanied by 
 express orders to the Justiciar to root out * that fruitless sycamore, 
 De Burgh, which the Earl of Kent in the insolency of his power 
 had planted in those parts '. But Felim's triumph was short- 
 lived. Kent's downfall had been the work of Henry's Poitevin 
 favourites and in particular of Peter des Roches, Bishop of 
 Winchester. Almost as obnoxious to Peter as the Earl of Kent 
 was the son of the great William Marshal, Richard, who by the 
 death of his brother William had recently succeeded to the vast 
 estate acquired by Strongbow in Leinster. Richard Marshal 
 was a stone of stumbling to Peter des Roches, and, in order to 
 remove him from his path, Peter set on foot a conspiracy, in 
 which Henry was suspected to have had a share, which ended in 
 Richard's murder in Ireland. The murder aroused widespread 
 indignation, and in order to divert suspicion from himself Henry 
 not only dismissed his Poitevin favourites but restored the Earl 
 of Kent to his former honours with the added dignity of Justiciar 
 of Ireland. Kent's restoration in 1234 led naturally to a revival 
 of De Burgh's pretensions in Connaught and to a renewal of the 
 war between him and Felim O'Conor. In 1236 Fehm was forced 
 to capitulate, and therewith to surrender the greater part of what 
 is now the counties of Galway, Mayo, Leitrim, and Sligo. The 
 acquisition of all this territory by De Burgh was followed by a large 
 influx of English settlers into those parts and the erection of 
 numerous castles. 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1341 39 
 
 Futile Efforts of the Irish to Resist the Invaders. The tussle 
 between De Burgh and O'Conor had been a sharp one, and but 
 for the assistance rendered him by the Justiciar, Maurice Fitz- 
 gerald, and Hugh de Lacy, it might not have terminated so success- 
 fully for De Burgh as it did. As a reward for his help De Burgh 
 conferred a grant on De Lacy of what practically amounted to 
 the whole of County Leitrim and half of County Sligo. In turn 
 De Lacy made a grant to Fitzgerald of the baronies of Carbury 
 and Leyney in County Sligo. At this point the temptation 
 to invade Ulster proved irresistible, and, by pursuing the same 
 methods that had secured Connaught for De Burgh, De Lacy 
 and Fitzgerald succeeded in getting a footing in what is now 
 the counties of Donegal and Fermanagh. Seeing how matters 
 were going and how powerless they were to resist the invaders, 
 the Irish of Ulster, we are told, * came to the conclusion that, as 
 the English in Ireland had at the time the ascendancy over the 
 Irish it would be advisable to give them hostages and to make 
 peace with them for the sake of the country '. This pusillanimous 
 decision was satisfactory to neither Brian O'Neill nor Felim 
 O'Conor's nephew, Turlough, nor Teige O'Brien of Thomond, 
 surnamed Caoluisce. The first to raise the standard of revolt 
 was Turlough O'Conor ; but after causing much damage to the 
 EngUsh settlers in Connaught Turlough's rebellion was sup- 
 pressed by Jordan d'Exeter and Turlough himself driven into exile. 
 His place was taken by Felim's son Hugh, but instead of rushing 
 blindly into rebellion Hugh entered into an alliance with Teige 
 Caoluisce and Brian O'Neill. The object of the alliance was 
 the expulsion of the English from Connaught and Ulster. In 
 order to secure united action it was agreed * to confer the 
 sovereignty over the Irish ' on O'Neill. But before the allies 
 could move Teige Caoluisce died, and an attempt on the part of 
 O'Neill and O'Conor to expel the English settlers in Down in 
 1260 ended in their defeat and the death of O'Neill at the battle 
 of Druimdearg near Downpatrick. Meanwhile the EngHsh, 
 
40 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 
 
 notably the Fitzgeralds, had been pushing their way into the heart 
 of Munster. There, too, their aggressions stimulated counter 
 action ; but the MacCarthies, whose territory was chiefly aimed 
 at, were divided amongst themselves, and, despite the heroic 
 resistance of certain members of the clan, the Fitzgeralds, backed 
 by the forces of the Crown, gradually succeeded in getting 
 possession of the most fertile parts of Munster. Thus by the close 
 of the thirteenth century the greater part of Ireland had actually 
 or nominally passed into the hands of the invaders. 
 
 Impolitic treatment of the Irish. Enough has been said as to 
 the methods by which the Irish were deprived of their lands. 
 Generally speaking, there was at first no attempt on the part of 
 the invaders to extirpate the native population. Most of the 
 chiefs who did not fall in battle had to submit to a great curtail- 
 ment of their territory and influence. Of their clansmen many 
 passed into the service of the newcomers either as tenants-at-will 
 or betagii. Unfortunately, as time went on and the resistance of 
 the Irish assumed a more determined character and revolt 
 followed revolt, the attitude of the Enghsh towards them became 
 increasingly hostile. From regarding them merely with disdain 
 the English began to treat the Irish as little better than wild 
 animals, till at last the latter, seeing themselves liable to be 
 killed for the slightest offence while their oppressors came off 
 scot-free, began to clamour for more equal treatment. From 
 a letter from Edward I to the Justiciar about 1277 we learn that 
 a number of them, calling themselves * the Irish community ', had 
 offered to pay 8,000 marks in order to be admitted to the privileges 
 of the English laws. Edward himself was willing enough to grant 
 their request, but the colonists would apparently hear nothing 
 of it. The consequences of their short-sighted policy can never 
 be sufficiently deplored. For, as one of their most candid critics, 
 Sir John Davies, asks, how was it possible, as long as the Irish 
 were out of the protection of the law, so as every Englishman 
 might oppress, spoil, and kill them without control, that they 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 41 
 
 should be other than outlaws and enemies to the Crown of 
 England ? 
 
 Growing Prosperity of the Colo?iy. Of the rapid development 
 of the colony during the thirteenth century, partly in consequence 
 of the administrative reforms effected by John, partly owing 
 to increased immigration, there can be no question. Historians, 
 with their eyes fixed on the fighting that was almost constantly 
 going on in Connaught and Munster, are apt to ignore the 
 progress that was being made in what was called * the land of 
 peace '. Dublin, Cork, Waterford were growing rapidly in size 
 and population. Everywhere in Leinster and Meath new towns 
 and hamlets were springing up under the sheltering care of the 
 castles erected for their protection. The laws were carefully 
 administered. Property was secure. As population increased 
 and the country became more settled, roads sprang into existence, 
 bridges w^ere built and passes cut through the dense woods that 
 impeded communication and rendered traveUing dangerous. 
 With improved methods of cultivation the returns from the soil 
 grew heavier and the landlord's rent-rolls longer year by year. 
 Living was cheap : food abundant. Here and there manufactories 
 were springing up, but the wealth of the country consisted in 
 its raw products — corn, wool, hides, salted beef and pork, fish, 
 tallow, timber, furs, &c. With increase of wealth came a demand 
 for all sorts of foreign luxuries — silks, wines, spices, &c. Italian 
 merchants and Italian bankers were not slow to take advantage 
 of the situation to establish business connexions in the country. 
 Towards the close of Edward I's reign, which may be taken to 
 represent the highest point of prosperity, the receipts from the 
 great new custom amounted in two years to nearly ^3,000 or 
 in present-day values to over £50,000. For all this prosperity 
 the country had in the first place to thank the industry of the 
 new settlers. The mischief of it was that, before the foundations 
 had been well laid, the stability of the structure was imperilled by 
 Edward I's senseless attempts to subjugate Scotland. 
 
42 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 
 
 Irish Parliament Established. In view of the threatening 
 attitude of the Scots, following on the conclusion of a league 
 between them and France, Edward I in 1295 entrusted the govern- 
 ment of Ireland to one of his most capable officials, John de 
 Wogan. De Wogan's instructions were to raise 10,000 foot and 
 as many horse soldiers for service next year in Scotland. The 
 men were raised and joined the King's standard at Roxburgh in 
 May 1296. But they arrived too late to take part in the battle 
 of Dunbar, and the difficulty attending their levy and equipment 
 constrained De Wogan on his return to Ireland to call a meeting 
 in 1297 of the Great Council of the realm to effect a general 
 reform in administration. To this end, in addition to the chief 
 magnates, both lay and clerical, to which such assemblies had 
 hitherto been restricted, De Wogan caused writs to be issued to 
 the sheriffs of the counties of Dublin, Louth, Kildare, Waterford, 
 Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, Kerry, Connaught, and Roscommon 
 and the seneschals of the liberties of Meath, Wexford, Carlow, 
 Kilkenny, and Ulster to cause two of the most honest and discreet 
 knights of the several counties and liberties to be elected, to act 
 in behalf of the whole community of each county and liberty. 
 The assembly so summoned passed a number of useful laws for 
 the removal of certain anomalies arising out of the rather hap- 
 hazard fashion in which the country had been shired. But in 
 consequence of fresh demands on the part of the Crown for 
 further financial and military assistance, De Wogan summoned 
 another assembly of the realm in April 1300 to which, in addition 
 to the prelates and magnates of the land, * the communities of the 
 counties' and likewise ' the communities of the cities and boroughs ' 
 were required to send representatives. But it was not till 13 10 that 
 the system of representative government was fully established and 
 Ireland obtained a parliament of her own. Nothing in the original 
 constitution of the Irish Parliament formally excluded Irishmen 
 from sitting in it ; but, as all the wealth and influence of the 
 country rested in the hands of the English settlers, it was inevitable 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, 116^-1541 43 
 
 that they alone would be consulted on matters of taxation. The 
 acquisition of a parliament came at a time when the English colony 
 was at its zenith. What might have happened had nothing 
 occurred to interfere with its progress and the complete subjec- 
 tion of the Irishj as at that time seemed not merely possible but 
 probable, we cannot say. Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the 
 Scots' invasion and other untoward events, the colony began to 
 decline, with the result that its Parliament became more and more 
 a close corporation from which the Irish were, as the enemies of the 
 colonists, rigorously excluded. This exclusion lasted practically till 
 the reign of James I when, after the power of the Irish had been 
 broken, all classes of the population were taken under the King's 
 protection and accredited with equal rights. But there can be 
 little doubt that the refusal of the colonists to admit the Irish 
 to the benefit of the English laws and their exclusion, whether 
 intentional or accidental, from representation in Parliament, 
 were fatal not merely to a better understanding between both 
 races but to the prosperity of the colony itself in a greater degree 
 than even the Scots' invasion. 
 
 ^he Scots^ Invasion. Be this as it may, historians are agreed in 
 ascribing the decline of the colony primarily to the disastrous 
 effects of Edward Bruce's invasion in 13 15. There is no reason to 
 question the correctness of the view that Bruce's invasion was 
 an act of retaliation for Edward I's repeated invasions of Scotland. 
 The idea that it was the result of a special application on the part 
 of the Irish to Bruce to assist them in throwing off the English 
 yoke rests on a misunderstanding of what is called the Remon- 
 strance of the Irish to Pope John XXII. That Remonstrance 
 belongs to the year 1318, and was intended as a justification of the 
 Irish in abjuring their allegiance to their feudal lord. Edward 
 Bruce, the brother of Robert, landed near Larne on 26 May 
 1 315 at the head of about 6,000 men. Pushing his way south- 
 wards, and breaking down what resistance he encountered, Bruce 
 had reached Ardee, at the end of June, when the news that the 
 
44 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 Justiciar, Sir Edmund Butler, and the Earl of Ulster, having 
 joined forces, were rapidly advancing against him, compelled him 
 to retreat. With the evident intention of luring the English 
 army into the densely wooded district about Armagh, Bruce, 
 at the instance of O'Neill, took the road to the west of Lough 
 Neagh. But, grasping his intention, the Earl of Ulster followed 
 rapidly by the road to the east of the Lough, with the object of 
 cutting off Bruce's retreat at the Bridge of Toome. Finding on 
 his arrival there that the bridge had been broken down and that 
 Ulster was waiting for him on the other side of the Bann, 
 Bruce continued his march northward in the hope of finding 
 a ford lower down the river and thus reaching his base at Carrick- 
 fergus. But his plan was foiled by Ulster, who, by keeping pace 
 with him on the Antrim side of the Bann, succeeded, as he believed, 
 in cooping him up between the Bann and Lough Foyle. Thinking 
 that his escape was impossible Ulster sat down to wait the progress 
 of events near Ballymoney. Contrary, however, to his expecta- 
 tions, Bruce managed to cross the Bann near Coleraine and, sud- 
 denly falling on the Earl at Conagher, practically annihilated his 
 army. After this victory Bruce's course was clear, and having 
 received reinforcements from Scotland he once more directed 
 his march southwards. Near Kells he was confronted by a con- 
 siderable army under the command of Roger Mortimer ; but 
 Mortimer's hastily collected levies were no match for Bruce's 
 veterans, and after an easy victory Bruce continued his march. 
 By the end of January 1316 he had reached Athy in County 
 Kildare, and was busily engaged in plundering the country 
 thereabouts when he encountered a fresh army under the conduct 
 of the Justiciar, Sir Edmund Butler. But once more the fortune 
 of war decided in his favour, and meeting with no further opposi- 
 tion he shortly afterwards returned to Dundalk, where he caused 
 himself to be crowned King of Ireland on i May 13 16. 
 
 Mischievous Effects of Bruce^s Invasion, Meanwhile the Irish, 
 encouraged by Bruce's success, were eagerly trying to recover 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 45 
 
 the lands of which they had been robbed. Connaught in parti- 
 cular was in full revolt under Felim O'Conor ; but there the 
 English had the good fortune to find a capable leader in Richard 
 de Bermingham. On 10 August the Irish army was defeated with 
 great slaughter and O'Conor himself killed at the battle of 
 Athenry. Shortly before Christmas Bruce was joined by his 
 brother Robert with fresh reinforcements, and early in the follow- 
 ing year the Scottish army, numbering close on 20,000 men, 
 advanced southward on a fresh marauding expedition. Dublin 
 was saved by the foresight and skill of its mayor, Robert Noting- 
 ham, but the havoc committed by the Scots on their march 
 southwards to Limerick and on their return through the mid- 
 lands was frightful. Scarcely a house or a farmstead was left 
 standing. The damage done was in many cases irreparable. So 
 recklessly indeed was the country plundered that the Scots them- 
 selves, on returning to their head-quarters in County Down, 
 were reduced to such extremities that, for want of bread, they 
 were compelled to consume their dead. In May 13 17 Robert 
 Bruce returned to Scotland ; but the difficulty of provisioning 
 his army obliged Edward to remain inactive for the remainder 
 of that year and the greater part of 13 18. Fortunately the harvest 
 of 1318 proved a good one and, what was equally important, 
 an early one. Fortunately, too, the English by this time had 
 secured a competent leader in John de Bermingham, the brother 
 of the victor of Athenry, so that when Bruce, on resuming opera- 
 tions in the autumn, advanced as far as Faughart near Dundalk, 
 he found himself confronted by an enemy larger in numbers 
 and as well prepared as he was himself. Prudence counselled him 
 to avoid giving battle, but constant success had rendered Bruce 
 reckless, and at Faughart on 14 October 13 18 his army was cut 
 to pieces and he himself killed. Commenting on his death the 
 Irish annalists remark that ' no deed had been performed in 
 Ireland for a long time before from which greater benefit accrued 
 to the country than this .' 
 
46 The AnglO'Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 Murder of the Earl of Louth, Unfortunately the Scots' invasion 
 was only the beginning of a series of misfortunes which were to 
 lead step by step to the downfall of the colony. It was only to 
 be expected that in the fierce competition for land which marked 
 the progress of the invasion frequent quarrels should have arisen 
 among the invaders themselves. The acquisition of the earldom 
 of Ulster by the De Burghs in addition to their extensive posses- 
 sions in Connaught was a sore point with the Fitzgeralds, and the 
 cause of a fierce controversy which required all De Wogan's 
 diplomatic skill to settle. The divisions and subdivisions of 
 the great lordship of Leinster among the descendants of William 
 Marshal were productive of endless disputes. But there were 
 other quarrels unconnected with the land which were equally 
 mischievous in their results. Of these two — the one resulting in 
 the murder of John de Bermingham, created Earl of Louth for his 
 victory at Faughart, the other leading to the murder of the Earl 
 of Ulster — call for special notice. The chain of events that led 
 to the murder of the Earl of Louth and other members of his 
 family began probably with the acquisition of the liberty of 
 Trim by Roger Mortimer, through his marriage with Joan de 
 Geynville ; but it was the favour shown by Edward II to the 
 earl after the battle of Faughart that was chiefly responsible 
 for what followed. Louth was devotedly attached to Edward II 
 and when, in consequence of Edward's deposition, Mortimer 
 seized the regency, Louth exerted himself to prevent his authority 
 or that of his Justiciar being recognized in Ireland till after 
 Edward's death. The insult was one that Mortimer never forgave, 
 and it was apparently at his suggestion that Louth and several 
 other members of his family were inveigled to Braganstown 
 Castle and there foully murdered in June 1329. Certain it is 
 that, though Mortimer was at the time at the height of his power, 
 no attempt was made to punish the perpetrators of the deed, but 
 on the contrary a free pardon was granted them. The immediate 
 consequence of Louth's murder was that the Irish in the Marches, 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 47 
 
 being no longer kept under control by his strong hand, took to 
 pillaging the English districts. Their example was followed by 
 the O'Tooles of Wicklow and the MacMurroughs and other septs 
 in Wexford. The Justiciar, John Darcy, finding himself unable to 
 suppress them, invited the Earl of Desmond to help him. This 
 Desmond readily consented to do, and with the assistance of 
 O'Brien Ara order of some sort was restored in the central districts. 
 But Desmond's employment of Irish assistance grated on the 
 feelings of the colonists, and his levying of coyne and livery, or 
 in other words his quartering soldiers on the EngHsh inhabitants, 
 was roundly condemned as an abominable precedent. 
 
 Murder oj the Earl of Ulster, But disastrous as were the con- 
 sequences of Louth's murder, they were small as compared with 
 those resulting from the murder a year or two later of the Earl 
 of Ulster. By his marriage with the King's cousin Matilda, 
 daughter of Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster, WilHam de 
 Burgh, though barely fourteen when he succeeded to the vast 
 estates of his grandfather in Connaught and Ulster and only 
 twenty-one when he was murdered, was far the most powerful 
 nobleman in Ireland. Hitherto harmony had prevailed to an 
 extraordinary degree among the members of the De Burgh 
 family, and might have continued to do so had not the too 
 familiar relations between the young countess and her kinsman 
 by marriage, Sir Walter de Burgh, aroused the jealousy of the earl 
 to such an extent that, having got hold of Walter, he caused him 
 to be starved to death in the castle of Northburgh, now Green- 
 castle, in Inishowen. The brutal deed was bitterly resented by 
 Sir Walter's brother. Sir Edmund, and his sister, Gille, the wife 
 of Richard de Mandeville, and by Gille's contrivance the earl 
 was waylaid and murdered near Carrickfergus in June 1333. Five 
 years later Sir Edmund happened to fall in with the earl's uncle, 
 likewise called Edmund, who had been a main instrument in 
 Sir Walter's death, and without more ado drowned him in Lough 
 Mask. Except for the earl's infant daughter, Sir Edmund was now 
 
48 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 the head of the De Burghs ; but recognizing that he had by his 
 conduct put himself outside the King's mercy he obeyed his 
 natural instincts, and having publicly renounced his allegiance 
 he changed his name from De Burgh to Burke and openly assumed 
 the position of an Irish chief. Sir Edmund's example was followed 
 by all his kith and kin and by nearly all the Enghsh settlers in 
 Connaught, so that, as the Irish Parliament complained to 
 Edward in 1341, more than one-third of the country formerly 
 in the possession of the Crown, together with the castles of 
 Roscommon, Randon, Athlone, and Bunratty, had in that short 
 space of time passed into the hands of the Irish. 
 
 Efforts to Arrest the Decline of the Colony. Probably the loss 
 of territory would have affected Edward less had it not entailed 
 a diminution of revenue at a time when he was hard pressed to 
 find the sinews for his war in France. The failure of the Irish 
 Parliament to respond adequately to his repeated demands 
 greatly annoyed him, and compelled him much against his will 
 to consent to certain administrative reforms required by the 
 colonists. But the compulsion he was under irritated him, 
 and when the Treaty of Bretigny in 1 360 afforded him leisure to 
 devote himself to Ireland, he determined to read the colonists 
 a sharp lesson. In Edward's opinion the decay of the colony 
 was primarily due to the degeneracy of the colonists themselves 
 and to the habit, growing daily stronger with them, of adopting 
 the manners, dress, and language of the Irish. From his point of 
 view there was nothing exceptional in De Burgh's conduct. 
 What was wanted was a strong infusion of good English blood 
 and a hard and fast line being drawn between the colonists and 
 the natives. Then no doubt the colony would recover its pristine 
 vigour. The person he chose to carry out his plan of reform was 
 his third son, Lionel Duke of Clarence. Lionel was a young man, 
 barely twenty-two years of age, profoundly impressed with his 
 own importance. As the husband of the daughter and heiress 
 of the late Earl of Ulster he was personally interested in re-estab- 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 49 
 
 lishing the authority of the Crown. But his efforts in this direction 
 were not very successful. After vainly endeavouring to enforce 
 the submission of the Irish in the immediate vicinity of Dublin 
 and to recover possession of his wife's estate in Ulster, he held 
 a Parliament at Kilkenny in 1366. The Parliament of Kilkenny 
 has left its mark deeply engraved on the history of Ireland. Its 
 enactments under thirty-six heads, known collectively as the 
 Statute of Kilkenny, were directed (i) to prevent those habits 
 of intercourse between the colonists and natives which, in 
 Edward's opinion, were undermining the national character of 
 the colony and weakening the authority of the Crown ; and (2) to 
 reform those abuses which were sapping the strength of the colony 
 itself, such as the levying of private war, the exaction of coyne 
 and livery, and in general the inefficient administration of justice. 
 The significance Qf the Statute of Kilkenny, especially as regards 
 the prevention of intercourse between the colonists and natives, 
 has been the subject of much controversy ; but it is clear that, 
 whether it was purely defensive in its purpose or indicated an 
 arrogant contempt of the Irish, its efficacy depended entirely 
 on the power of Government to enforce it. 
 
 Continued Decline of the Colony, But of strong government in 
 Ireland there was during the remainder of Edward's reign little 
 sign. The office of Justiciar was no longer one of sufficient 
 emolument to attract capable Englishmen. Sir Richard Pem- 
 bridge, to whom it was offered at one time, declined it on the 
 ground that it was tantamount to being exiled. Under Sir 
 William de Windsor, the complaisant husband of Edward's mis- 
 tress, Alice Perrers, who held it, as a reward for his infamy, 
 almost continuously from 1369 to 1376, with the title of Lord 
 Lieutenant, the office was practically a sinecure. The appoint- 
 ment of Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, who had large interests 
 of his own in the country, as Lord Lieutenant in 1379 promised 
 a revival of energetic government. But March died suddenly in 
 December 1381, and his almost immediate successor, PhiHp de 
 
 2403 D 
 
50 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 116^-1541 
 
 Courtenay (1383-5), not possessing March's influence and private 
 means, was forced to revert to the pernicious custom of quartering 
 his army on the inhabitants. The objection of the colonists to 
 coyne and Hvery was deep rooted, and a ParHament that met 
 at DubHn in 1385 passed a resolution to the effect that nothing 
 could save the country from absolute ruin but the presence of 
 the King or that of the greatest and most trustworthy lord of 
 England. The appeal met with a ready response from Richard II, 
 and shortly afterwards he conferred the government of Ireland 
 on his favourite, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, with almost 
 royal powers and the title of Duke of Dublin. But De Vere never 
 went to Ireland, and, the distress of the colonists increasing owing 
 to the repeated inroads of the Irish and particularly of Art Mac- 
 Murrough, claiming to be King of Leinster, into their territory, 
 Richard determined to go to Ireland himself. 
 
 Richard II in Ireland. Richard landed at Waterford in October 
 1394. at the head of a large army and immediately proceeded to 
 Dublin. His arrival in the capital was hailed with satisfaction 
 by the colonists, and even the Irish were so far impressed by his 
 authority that several of their more important chiefs appeared at 
 court and tendered their submission. Even the redoubtable Art 
 MacMurrough, though at first inclined to be defiant, thought it 
 prudent to follow their example. MacMurrough's submission 
 was followed by that of O'Neill, and it actually seemed as if 
 Richard, as he wrote boastingly to the English Council, was on 
 the point of re-establishing the authority of the Crown when he 
 was suddenly recalled to England. The good effects of his visit 
 were unequivocal. Unfortunately, they were almost immediately 
 undone by a foolish attempt on the part of the Earl of March, 
 whom he had appointed his viceroy, to arrest MacMurrough. 
 In trying to retrieve his failure, March was shortly afterwards 
 killed in a border foray and Richard, partly in order to avenge 
 his death, partly, as he hoped, to complete the reduction of 
 Ireland, landed once more at Waterford with an army numbering. 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 51 
 
 it is said", 20,000 men in May 1399. Richard's first object was to 
 punish MacMurrough. But that chieftain, scenting his purpose, 
 immediately took to his woods. The attempt to catch him failed, 
 and after an exhausting chase, which nearly cost him his army, 
 Richard eventually reached Dublin in safety. His defeat had, 
 however, only whetted his desire for revenge, and he was busily 
 engaged in preparing for a fresh attack on MacMurrough ' as soon 
 as the leaves were off the trees ' when the news that his rival, 
 Henry of Lancaster, had landed at Ravenspur obHged him to 
 return to England to defend his crown. Richard H was the last 
 English sovereign to visit Ireland till James H sought refuge 
 there nearly three centuries later. The fact has often been noted ; 
 but attention needs to be drawn to the bad effects which the 
 neglect of the Crown in this particular has had on the relations 
 between the two countries. 
 
 Discontent of the Colonists, With the departure of Richard 
 the colonists were once more left to their own devices. Richard's 
 efforts to improve their condition had greatly won on their 
 affections, and their feelings towards the new dynasty were 
 consequently not over friendly. Neither Henry IV nor Henry V 
 displayed much interest in Ireland. The government of the 
 country was naturally entrusted to some member of their party. 
 The Earl of Ormond, as a large Irish proprietor himself, was 
 personally concerned in checking disorder, but neither the 
 Scropes, nor Stanleys, nor Talbots were greatly interested in 
 promoting the welfare of the country. As a rule their inability 
 to maintain an adequate force for the repression of the Irish 
 without resorting to the pernicious custom of quartering their 
 soldiers on the country was continually bringing them into 
 conflict with the Irish Parliament. Talbot in particular was 
 a principal offender in this respect, and his resentment at the 
 attitude taken up by the Earl of Ormond in the matter led to 
 a fierce quarrel between them. To allay it the government was 
 in 1423 transferred to the Earl of March. March's appointment 
 
 D2 
 
52 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 was no doubt a contrivance of his enemies to remove him from 
 the immediate vicinity of Henry VI ; but it was hailed with 
 satisfaction by the colonists, and the submission of O'Neill and 
 other Irish chieftains seemed to promise a return to a better state 
 of affairs. Unfortunately, March died suddenly of the plague, 
 and with the reappointment of Talbot things reverted to their 
 former condition. Of the period immediately following Talbot's 
 reappointment (1427-49) it is sufficient to say that no matter 
 to whom the government was entrusted we are confronted with 
 the same tale of predatory raids of the Irish into the English 
 districts, of futile punitive expeditions, of ' black-rents ' more 
 willingly paid by the English farmers in the Marches to the Irish 
 than the coyne and livery exacted from them for their defence by 
 Government, of years of famine and recurrent visitations of the 
 plague, leading to increased poverty, emigration, absenteeism, 
 and the accelerated decline of the colony. 
 
 Colonists assert their Independence. The appointment of 
 Richard Duke of York in December 1447 as Lord Lieutenant for 
 a period of ten years, was, like that of March, a political manoeuvre 
 on the part of the Lancastrians, headed by the Duke of Suffolk, 
 to remove their chief opponent from court. York's appointment 
 gratified the colonists, but there was at first no sign of any inten- 
 tion on his part to use his popularity to promote his designs on 
 the Crown. For one thing his resources were very limited, and 
 before he had time to remedy matters in this respect he was 
 recalled to England by events arising out of the murder of the 
 Duke of Suffolk and Jack Cade's insurrection. On leaving Ireland 
 York committed the government of the country to the Earl of 
 Ormond. Ormond's tenure of office was marked by an unusual 
 display of energy, but in 1452 Ormond died. His death was 
 followed by fresh inroads of the Irish into the English districts. 
 To put an end if possible to these sudden attacks permission was 
 granted by Parliament in 1454 to certain gentlemen in the 
 counties of Meath, Louth, Kildare, and Dublin to employ forced 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 53 
 
 labour to dig a dike or trench round the English district. The 
 trench thus ordered to be dug marks the bounds of what is hence- 
 forward known as the English Pale. Further measures to provide 
 against the attacks of the Irish, by fortifying the bridges over 
 the Liffey and guarding the main approaches to the city, were 
 taken during the deputyship of the Earl of Kildare. Kildare 
 was still in office when the colony was thrown into a violent state 
 of excitement by the sudden arrival in 1459 of the Duke of York 
 in an attitude of open rebellion to the Crown. York's arrival 
 was hailed with applause by the colonists. They had long been 
 growing weary of their continued neglect by the sovereigns 
 of the House of Lancaster and were themselves ripe for revolt. 
 At a parliament held next year by York, resolutions were passed 
 confirming the duke in his office of Lord Lieutenant ; asserting 
 the independence of the Irish Parliament ; recalling all grants 
 of lands made since Henry VI's accession ; devoting all rents 
 arising from the estates of habitual absentees to the defence of the 
 country ; establishing a mint at Dublin and another at Trim 
 to coin money for Ireland distinct from that of England ; render- 
 ing it compulsory on every individual possessing a yearly income 
 of ^20 to provide a mounted archer properly equipped for war 
 after the English fashion and assigning a small tax on fish and 
 other imports for the benefit of owners of vessels who assisted in 
 guarding the narrow seas from French and other pirates. At the 
 beginning of September York returned to England with the 
 intention of making good his claim to the Crown. The battle 
 of Wakefield put an end to his hopes and to his life at the same 
 time ; but his defeat was shortly afterwards avenged at Towton, 
 and on 28 June 1461 York's eldest son Edward was crowned 
 King of England. 
 
 Increasing Danger of Separation. The accession of Edward IV 
 promised at first to lessen the growing estrangement between 
 England and Ireland. For the nonce, at any rate, Edward was 
 content to leave the government of Ireland in the hands of the 
 
54 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 
 
 Geraldines. The Earl of Desmond, who succeeded to the deputy- 
 ship in 1463, had earned his gratitude by the vigorous fashion in 
 which he had suppressed the Lancastrian party, headed by the 
 Earl of Ormond, in Ireland, and apparently there was no better 
 friend to the connexion than Desmond. Certainly no more 
 drastic laws had ever been passed in any parliament in Ireland 
 to maintain the English character of the colony than those enacted 
 in that held by him in 1465. Possibly, however, Desmond was 
 not so loyal as he affected to be. Anyhow, as time went on he 
 became suspected of a design to make himself independent, 
 and in 1467 he was superseded by John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester. 
 Worcester certainly believed in Desmond's disloyalty, and having, 
 as he thought, obtained evidence of his intention, with Kildare's 
 assistance, to make himself king of Ireland, he arrested and 
 executed him without even the formality of a trial. Worcester's 
 hasty action did not improve the relations between the Crown 
 and the colonists, and in order to pacify the latter Edward 
 shortly afterwards transferred the government to the Earl of Kil- 
 dare. It was a foolish step on his part, for of Kildare's intention 
 to make himself virtual king of Ireland there can be little doubt. 
 Of recent years it had become the custom of the leading gentry 
 of the Pale to meet together in an armed association for their own 
 defence against the attacks of the Irish. The custom was legalized 
 by Parliament in 1465, and shortly afterwards a ' fraternity of 
 arms ', called the Fraternity of St. George, consisting of thirteen 
 of the leading gentlemen of the Pale, was established at Dublin. 
 Though probably as good a plan as, in the circumstances, could 
 be devised to preserve order in the Pale, the Fraternity of 
 St. George, being composed entirely of Kildare's friends and 
 followers, aroused Edward's suspicions, and in 1475 he removed 
 Kildare from office. Two years later Kildare died ; but it was 
 not easy to find a suitable successor to him. William Sherwood, 
 Bishop of Meath, on whom the King's choice first fell, was 
 indignantly rejected by the colonists, and an attempt to force 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 55 
 
 Lord Grey of Ruthin on them led to a revolt which was suppressed 
 with difficulty. The fact is, the colonists were tired of being 
 ruled by Englishmen and insisted on being governed by one of 
 themselves. Finally, in 1478, Edward gave way, and with the 
 appointment of Gerald eighth Earl of Kildare as deputy to his 
 younger son, Richard Duke of York, the struggle between him 
 and the colonists came to an end. Henceforth, so far as Edward 
 was concerned, Ireland was to be allowed to go her own way. 
 
 Kildare^s Ambition. Contemporary writers described Gerald 
 eighth Earl of Kildare as a mighty man of valour, of small wit 
 and no learning, ' being rudely brought up according to the usage 
 of the country ', but of a naturally shrewd disposition and a 
 jovial temperament. From the outset it was Kildare's intention, 
 following the example of his father, to make himself master of 
 Ireland. His object he clearly saw could only be attained by 
 establishing friendly relations between the Irish on the one 
 hand and the gentry of the Pale on the other. His own role 
 would be that of mediator between them, as patron of the 
 Irish and protector of the English. So far as obtaining control 
 over the Irish went his father had pointed the way by marrying 
 his daughter, Gerald's sister, to Henry O'Neill. Naturally such 
 a system of intermarriages to be really effectual implied a large 
 family. Fortunately Kildare's family was commensurate with the 
 demands made on it by his policy. Of his five daughters by his 
 first wife Joan married her cousin Con Mor O'Neill, the father 
 of Con Bacagh first Earl of Tyrone ; Margaret married Piers 
 Butler, Earl of Ormond ; Eustacia married Ulick Burke of Clanri- 
 card ; Elizabeth married Christopher Lord Slane ; Eleanor married 
 (i) Donnell MacCarthy Reagh and (2) Manus O'Donnell Lord 
 of Tirconnell. Of his seven sons by his second wife Henry 
 became the foster-son of Hugh Roe O'Donnell ; James married a 
 daughter of the White Knight ; Oliver the daughter of O'Conor 
 Faly ; Richard a daughter of Darcy of Platin ; Walter a daughter 
 of Lord Dunsany. In this way there was hardly a family of any 
 
56 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 
 
 importance in Ireland that was not brought within the range of 
 Kildare's personal influence. That this influence was exerted 
 to enhance his own power goes without saying. But in 1478 
 this was only, as the Germans say, Zukunftsmusik, or a matter 
 for the future. At the time of his appointment as deputy to the 
 Duke of York ICildare was barely twenty-five. 
 
 Henry VII and Kildare. So long as the House of York held 
 its own in England Kildare's position was secure ; but with the 
 accession of Henry VH in 1485 the situation became once more 
 critical. Fortunately for Kildare, however, Henry's own position 
 was too precarious to allow of any energetic interference on his 
 part in Ireland. The opportunity was seized by Kildare to join 
 a conspiracy to re-establish the Yorkist dynasty set on foot by 
 Edward IV's younger sister Margaret, Dowager-Duchess of Bur- 
 gundy. Towards the close of i486 a youth of obscure birth, 
 named Lambert Simnel, personating the son of Edward IV's 
 younger brother, George Duke of Clarence, arrived in Ireland 
 from the Continent. Here he was shortly afterwards joined by 
 the Earl of Lincoln, son of Edward IV's elder sister Elizabeth, 
 Lord Lovel, who had already essayed a rising in behalf of the 
 House of York, and a number of German mercenaries under the 
 command of an experienced leader named Martin Schwarz. In 
 May 1487 Simnel was with Kildare's assent and connivance 
 crowned King of England as Edward VI in Christchurch, Dublin. 
 A week or two later he and his supporters, including the Earl of 
 Kildare's brother, Sir Thomas Fitzgerald, crossed over to England, 
 but meeting with no support there they were utterly routed by 
 Henry at Stoke on 16 June. Of the leaders Lincoln, Fitzgerald, 
 Schwarz, and probably Lord Lovel were killed on the field of 
 battle. Simnel himself was taken alive and afterwards, in derision 
 of his claim, made a scullion in Henry's kitchen. Though under 
 no delusion as to Kildare's complicity in the plot, Henry at first 
 exhibited no ill-will against him. But a year later, finding himself 
 able to take stronger measures, he sent over Sir Richard Edge- 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-iS4i 57 
 
 combe with instructions to insist on Kildare's absolute submission. 
 But without an adequate army to back up his commission 
 Edgecombe was powerless to enforce compliance with Henry's 
 demand. The earl and his friends were willing, they declared, 
 to give a general assurance of their loyalty, but rather than bind 
 themselves to unconditional obedience, they threatened to throw 
 in their lot wdth the Irish. Edgecombe was wise enough not to 
 press matters, and professing himself satisfied with their promise 
 he extended the King's forgiveness to them. Next year Kildare 
 and the principal magnates of the Pale were persuaded to visit 
 London. They were hospitably entertained by Henry, but at 
 a banquet given in their honour he took the opportunity to 
 administer a sharp rebuke to them by making their quondam king, 
 Simnel, wait on them at table. The situation, however, continued 
 uncertain, and hearing early in 1492 that another impostor of the 
 name of Perkin Warbeck had been warmly entertained by the 
 Earl of Desmond, Henry took the occasion to remove Kildare from 
 office and sent over Sir Edward Poynings as deputy. 
 
 Poynings' Legislation. Poynings landed at Howth on 1 3 Octo- 
 ber 1494 at the head of a small army, together with several English 
 judges and other officials. Henry's intention to re-establish 
 Ireland in a position of dependence on England was not lost on 
 Kildare, and a plot was speedily formed to kidnap the deputy 
 during a campaign in Ulster. The plot was frustrated owing 
 to the vigilance of the Earl of Ormond, and Kildare having been 
 arrested and sent to England Poynings called a Parliament at 
 Drogheda in December. During the last hundred years or so 
 Ireland, or rather the English colony in Ireland, had, as we have 
 seen, been gradually drifting into an attitude of antagonism to 
 England. The cause of that antagonism was mainly the neglect 
 of the Crown, especially since the death of Richard II, to provide 
 for the defence of the colony. So intense was the annoyance of 
 the colonists that they had in 1460 gone so far as to assert their 
 legislative independence. In taking this step they were probably 
 
58 The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 
 
 less desirous of cutting the connexion with England than anxious 
 to demonstrate their loyalty to the House of York. But it was 
 inevitable that as the colony fell more under the personal control 
 of the Earl of Kildare the Irish Parliament should have sunk 
 more and more to the level of a mere machine for registering 
 Kildare's decrees. This was bad in itself, as the Butlers knew 
 to their cost ; but the matter assumed a far more serious com- 
 plexion when the Irish Parliament carried its subserviency so far 
 as to recognize an impostor like Simnel as sovereign. It was the 
 main object of Poynings' legislation to prevent such conduct 
 on its part in the future. To this end, therefore, it was enacted 
 that no parliament should henceforth be summoned in Ireland 
 without the King's knowledge and previous consent, and that 
 no measures should be submitted to it until they had first been 
 approved by the King and Council in England. In thus putting 
 a bridle on the Irish Parliament there was apparently no intention 
 on Henry's part to diminish its legitimate sphere of action. Rather, 
 on the contrary, to protect its independence against such scheming 
 viceroys as the Earl of Kildare. The danger was that the Crown, 
 on finding itself able to regulate legislation in this easy way, might 
 be tempted to misuse its powers. This, as we know, was what 
 actually happened. But at the time there can be little doubt 
 that Poynings' Law, as these enactments were called, was received 
 with satisfaction by the colonists. 
 
 Ireland under Kildare. Having thus, as he believed, clipped 
 Kildare's claws for mischief, Henry, shortly after Poynings' 
 return in January 1496, reappointed Kildare to his old post. 
 His reappointment was a bitter disappointment to his enemies. 
 All Ireland, they protested, could not rule the earl. Probably 
 Henry was of their opinion ; but ruling Ireland was an expensive 
 business, and Henry had no money for costly experiments. If all 
 Ireland could not rule the earl, then the earl should rule all Ire- 
 land. Generosity was not a marked feature in Henry's character ; 
 but he had taken Kildare's measure fairly well. To make loyalty 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 59 
 
 easier to him he gave him his first cousin EHzabeth St. John to 
 supply the place of the wife he had just lost. At the same time 
 he detained his eldest son Gerald in London. Henry had no 
 reason to regret his decision. For the rest of his life Kildare gave 
 him no cause for uneasiness. Indeed, so satisfied was Henry with 
 his behaviour that when Kildare visited England in 1503 he 
 allowed him, as a mark of his confidence, to take back his son with 
 him. Left to himself Kildare ruled Ireland with a firm and fairly 
 impartial hand. Thanks to the family connexions he had estab- 
 Hshed, his authority was not only acknowledged but appealed to 
 by both English and Irish. Naturally his own interests came 
 first with him, but on the whole he manifested a laudable desire 
 not to fish in troubled waters and to use his influence in com- 
 posing rather than in fomenting dissensions. It is not always 
 easy to distinguish between public and private interests. In his 
 intervention between the O'Neills of Clannaboy and those of 
 Tyrone Kildare was no doubt influenced by his alliance with the 
 latter, and there is every reason to believe that his expedition 
 against Ulick Burke of Clanricard, which resulted in the latter's 
 defeat at the battle of Cnoc Tuagh or Hill of Axes, was dictated 
 less by reasons of state than a desire to punish Ulick for his ill- 
 treatment of his wife, Kildare's daughter. Still, his management 
 of affairs was approved by Henry. In 1505 he was rewarded 
 with the Garter and, as a special sign of confidence, he was per- 
 mitted three years later to hold a Parliament at Dublin, when 
 a subsidy of thirteen shillings and fourpence on every 120 acres 
 of arable land in the four counties of the Pale was voted for eight 
 years. With Henry VIII Kildare's relations were as friendly as 
 they had been with Henry VII. The necessity he was under of 
 suppressing fresh disturbances among the O'Neills of Clannaboy 
 and of conducting an expedition into Munster alone prevented 
 him visiting England. But so well had he managed matters that 
 his death in 15 13 caused no alteration in the friendly attitude of 
 Henry towards his family. His son Gerald, the ninth earl, slipped 
 
6o The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-iS4i 
 
 easily into his shoes, and being confirmed by Henry in his office 
 of deputy he crossed over to England in June 15 15 to report 
 personally on the situation. His report was graciously received, 
 and as a sign of the King's confidence he was authorized to hold 
 a parliament for the purpose mainly of renewing the subsidy 
 granted in 1508. 
 
 Kildare and Wolsey. There is no question that under the rule 
 of th-e Kildares — father and son — Ireland had enjoyed fairly 
 peaceful days. The antagonism between Irish and EngHsh in 
 Ireland still, it is true, continued, and the latter were by no means 
 satisfied with their cramped position in the Pale ; but, thanks 
 to the mediating influence of the Earls of Kildare, the attitude 
 of the two races towards each other was no longer so fiercely 
 hostile as it had been. A few more years of such government 
 might have witnessed a further improvement in that respect 
 and have led to a gradual assimilation between them. Unfor- 
 tunately the success of the system rested on the predominance 
 of Kildare, and Kildare's predominance was satisfactory neither to 
 Wolsey nor the Butlers. Hitherto Kildare had been on fairly 
 good terms with his brother-in-law Sir Piers Butler ; but on the 
 accession of the latter to the earldom of Ormond in 15 15 a cool- 
 ness had sprung up between them, and in 15 18 Ormond preferred 
 a formal charge of maladministration against him, in consequence 
 of which Kildare was summoned to England. The investigation 
 of the charge was committed to Wolsey ; but for some reason or 
 other Wolsey postponed the inquiry, and in the meantime Kildare 
 was detained in honourable confinement. Apparently Wolsey 
 regarded Kildare's autocratic position in Ireland as derogatory 
 to the supremacy of the Crown. But behind this more or less 
 sentimental objection lay a feehng that, should the temptation 
 arise, Kildare was in the position to damage England very 
 materially. Everything depended on his loyalty, and of his loyalty 
 Wolsey was suspicious. In the end it was decided to keep Kildare 
 in England and to send over the Earl of Surrey with full powers 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i54i 6i 
 
 to examine affairs on the spot and to effect a thorough reformation 
 of the country. 
 
 Surrey in Ireland. Surrey arrived in Dublin on 23 May 1520. 
 His visit lasted little over a year, and during that time he inter- 
 viewed nearly every man of importance in the country. The 
 result of his inquiry was to convince him that Ireland could * never 
 be brought to good order and due subjection but only by con- 
 quest '. It would be an expensive business ; but if Henry was 
 prepared to go through with the work, there were two ways by 
 which it might be accomplished. First, he might undertake the 
 conquest of the country bit by bit, in which case he would require 
 an army of at least 2,500 men for a number of years. Secondly, 
 he might attempt a general * conquest in divers places at one 
 time ', in which case he would need to maintain an army of 6,000 
 men for an indefinite period. Ireland, he reminded Henry, was 
 five times larger than Wales, and it had taken Edward I ten years 
 to conquer that country. But, and this was the gist of his advice, 
 whatever course was pursued, the conquest would be merely 
 transitory in its effects unless it was followed by a plantation 
 of the country with loyal Englishmen. Conquest followed by 
 colonization was Surrey's suggested solution of the Irish problem, 
 and it is interesting to observe that, though his suggestion was not 
 acted on by Henry, it was the plan that was ultimately adopted. 
 
 Restoration of Kildare. Surrey left Ireland in the summer of 
 1 521. His successor was the Earl of Ormond ; but Ormond's 
 influence was insufficient to enable him to carry on the government, 
 and after vainly endeavouring to effect a reconciliation between 
 him and Kildare, Henry reappointed the latter deputy in August 
 1524. But little by little, in consequence of Henry's foreign 
 policy, Ireland was being drawn within the vortex of European 
 politics. From 1525 onwards rumours of French intrigues, 
 extending, it was believed, to a formal alliance between Francis I 
 and the Earl of Desmond, with the object of detaching Ireland 
 from England, grew more persistent. Reports of Kildare's 
 
62 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1541 
 
 complicity in the conspiracy were sedulously transmitted to the 
 King by Ormond, with the result that in 1527 Kildare was again 
 summoned to England and eventually confined to the Tower. 
 But, as usual, Kildare's absence from Ireland was followed by 
 a recrudescence of disorder, and in 1529 Henry, acting on Wolsey's 
 advice, transferred the government to Sir William Skeffington. 
 But whether it was that Kildare had succeeded in interesting 
 Anne Boleyn in his case or in convincing the Earl of Surrey, now 
 Duke of Norfolk, of his innocence, he was, shortly after Skeffing- 
 ton's departure, allowed to return to Ireland. The natural result 
 of this absurd arrangement was that he and Skeffington were soon 
 at loggerheads with each other, and once more Kildare was recalled 
 to London. But this time he had no longer Wolsey to fear, and 
 with Anne on his side he managed not merely to exculpate 
 himself from the charges preferred against him but also to obtain 
 Skeffington's removal and his own reappointment as deputy in 
 
 1532. 
 
 Downfall of the House of Kildare. Rendered reckless by his 
 success, it was not long before Kildare was again called to account 
 for his behaviour. Taking advantage of the permission accorded 
 him to appoint a temporary substitute, Kildare transferred the 
 government to his son Thomas and sailed for England in 1534. 
 This time he had not Anne to fall back on, and his explanations 
 being voted unsatisfactory by the Council he was again confined to 
 the Tower. His health was bad at the time, and a rumour, prema- 
 ture as it proved, of his death reaching Ireland, his son Thomas, 
 disregarding the advice of his friends, publicly renounced his alle- 
 giance and went, as the Irish say, *on his keeping'. The terror 
 inspired by his proceedings was indescribable, but owing to the 
 hostile attitude of the citizens of Dublin he was unable to obtain 
 possession of the Castle and was thus deprived of one of his main 
 chances of success. A few months later Skeffington, accompanied 
 by Sir William Brereton, with a strong train of artillery arrived 
 in Ireland. Some time elapsed before Skeffington could take the 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, ii6g-i^4i 63 
 
 field, and it was not till 14 March 1535 that he was able to sit 
 down before Kildare's principal castle of Maynooth. The place 
 was defended by Thomas's foster-brother, Christopher Paris ; 
 but after a sharp bombardment it was compelled to surrender. 
 Paris and twenty-five of the garrison were at once executed * for 
 the dread and example of others '. The severity of the punish- 
 ment was unexpected, and the * pardon of Maynooth ' became 
 henceforth a proverbial expression for the gallows. Meanwhile 
 Earl Thomas, as he now was by the death of his father, having 
 collected about 7,000 men had ventured to risk a battle with 
 Brereton near Naas. Being defeated he fled to Thomond with 
 the intention of escaping to Spain. But being dissuaded from 
 taking this course by O'Brien he managed with his assistance 
 and that of his brother-in-law, O'Conor Faly, to keep up a resis- 
 tance for several months longer. In the end, however, seeing 
 defeat inevitable, he took advantage of the arrival of his relative 
 Lord Leonard Gray as marshal of the army to tender his submis- 
 sion. In his desire to end the war as quickly as possible, Gray 
 consented to mediate for him, and a week or two later he had the 
 satisfaction of carrying him over to England. The condition 
 implied in his surrender was by no means pleasing to Henry, 
 but feehng himself unable to altogether disregard it, he contented 
 himself at the time with ordering Kildare's strict imprisonment 
 in the Tower. During Gray's absence in England SkeflBngton 
 had been busily occupied in crushing out the last vestiges of the 
 rebellion, and he was still engaged in doing so when death over- 
 took him on the last day of December 1535. The day following 
 his death Gray was appointed deputy-governor pending Henry's 
 approval, and this being shortly afterwards received, Gray, in 
 accordance with his instructions, caused Earl Thomas's five 
 uncles James, Oliver, Richard, John, and Walter Fitzgerald to be 
 arrested and sent to England. 
 
 The Reformation Parliament. Gray's next step was to call 
 a parUament. The Parhament, which met at DubHn on I May 
 
64 The Anglo-Irish Colony, 116^-1541 
 
 1536 and, after several adjournments, concluded its sittings 
 on 20 December 1537, was called for the express purpose of bring- 
 ing Ireland into line with England as regards the Reformation. 
 Not that there was any demand in Ireland for a change in religion. 
 The motives to such a demand were entirely wanting. Heresy- 
 had never found any footing in the country. The Statute Book, 
 it is true, was liberally provided with legislative enactments, 
 copied from that of England, to cope with it should the occasion 
 to do so arise, but hitherto there had, with one or two rare 
 exceptions, been no call to put them in practice. Nowhere, 
 and least of all amongst the Irish of English descent, was there any 
 desire to break with Rome. Politically Rome had always been on 
 their side. Outside the Pale the prevailing note was one of 
 indifference. In Ireland the Reformation merely amounted 
 to the substitution of the royal supremacy for that of the pope in 
 ecclesiastical matters and the transference from the papal to the 
 royal treasury of certain sources of revenue. No serious objection 
 was apparently taken to these measures in the House of Commons, 
 but in the Upper House, where the spiritual lords possessed 
 a compact majority, the Supremacy Bill encountered fierce 
 opposition, which it required all the authority of Government, 
 backed by the strenuous advocacy of the newly appointed Arch- 
 bishop of Dublin, George Browne, to overcome. Following the 
 formal adoption of the Reformation came the dissolution of the 
 religious houses and the confiscation of monastic property. 
 Here again the van of progress, if destruction unaccompanied by 
 any effort at reconstruction deserves to be called progress, was 
 led by George Browne. No doubt Browne himself was a sincere 
 reformer, but in Ireland his reforming zeal was entirely misplaced. 
 No one, as we have said, had any quarrel with Rome. The 
 veneration of saints and images might possibly be, as Browne 
 insisted it was, a ridiculous habit, but the destruction of the 
 famous statue of Our Lady of Trim and the equally venerated 
 Staff of St. Patrick only served to irritate people without in any 
 
The Anglo-Irish Colony, 1169-1541 65 
 
 way advancing the cause of religion. The dissolution of the 
 monasteries, though profitable to a number of individuals, was, 
 considering the part played by them in the social life of the 
 country as centres of education and places of accommodation 
 for travellers, little short of a national misfortune. Altogether the 
 Reformation in Ireland was effected in such a way as to confer 
 a very questionable benefit at the expense of much discomfort 
 to the country. Unsupplemented by any attempt to provide 
 a zealous and resident ministry, it was the fruitful source of much 
 evil. 
 
 PART III 
 
 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 Henry VIII and Ireland. Meanwhile Henry had taken a 
 momentous step in another direction. On 3 May 1537 Earl 
 Thomas and his five uncles were executed at Tyburn. The terror 
 inspired in Ireland by the destruction of nearly every male 
 member of the Kildare family was indescribable, and Henry was 
 strongly urged by the Irish Council to take advantage of it to 
 effect a radical reform of the country. The difficulty was to 
 decide what course to pursue. Neither Henry nor his advisers 
 knew much about Ireland. In order to assist him in arriving at 
 a right decision Henry appointed a commission, presided over 
 by Sir Anthony St. Leger, to consider * the order and establish- 
 ment to be taken and made touching the whole state of our 
 land of Ireland . . . both for the reduction of the said land to 
 a due civility and obedience and the advancement of the public 
 weal of the same '. Some time necessarily elapsed before the 
 Commission could report, and it was not till the summer of 1541 
 that Henry was in a position to take the first step in his new 
 policy by entrusting the management of affairs to St. Leger. 
 As head of the Commission of inquiry St. Leger had acquirecj 
 2403 E 
 
66 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 a more intimate knowledge of Ireland than most Englishmen 
 possessed. Like Surrey, he was entirely of opinion that a permanent 
 settlement of the country could only be effected by planting it 
 with English colonists. But Henry, like his father, had no money 
 to spare for costly experiments, and St. Leger was fain to content 
 himself with endeavouring to win a general recognition of the 
 royal supremacy in temporal as well as in spiritual matters. This 
 he hoped to do by gradually substituting the English system of 
 land tenure for that generally prevailing among the Irish. To 
 effect his purpose he saw that he might either deal directly with the 
 individual members of the clan or with their respective chiefs. The 
 result in the first case would be the establishment of a number of 
 freeholders under the Crown as tenants-in-chief ; in the second, 
 the recognition of the chief as feudal owner of the land occupied 
 by his clan, with a consequent lowering of the status of the clans- 
 men to the rank of simple tenants. Of the superior advantages 
 of the former plan there could be no question ; but it was equally 
 apparent that it could only be pUt into operation where the 
 power of the Crown was sufficient to overcome the reluctance of 
 the chief to surrender his immemorial privileges. The result was 
 that while St. Leger was prepared to treat such powerful chief- 
 tains as O'Neill, or O'Donnell, or O'Brien as feudal owners he was 
 resolved to insist on the complete renunciation of all claims 
 to independence on the part of heads of smaller clans, especially 
 in the immediate vicinity of Dublin. 
 
 Policy of ''peaceable ways and, amiable persuasions \ Consider- 
 able progress had been made by St. Leger in the direction of 
 a settlement on these lines when Parliament met at Dublin on 
 16 June 1 541. The Parliament had been called mainly for the 
 purpose of sanctioning an alteration in the royal title. Henceforth 
 the King of England was to be King also of Ireland, and not, 
 as he had hitherto merely been. Lord of Ireland. The alteration 
 of title had been rendered necessary by Henry's repudiation of 
 the papal supremacy. For clearly, after having broken with 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1^41-1641 67 
 
 Rome, it would never have done to admit that his claim to hold 
 Ireland rested solely on Adrian's donation. Henceforth Ireland 
 was to belong to England by right of the sword and the power 
 of the stronger to impose its will on the weaker. Needless to say 
 that the Bill sanctioning the alteration of title was passed with 
 absolute unanimity. But of greater interest than the Bill itself 
 was the character of the assembly to which it was submitted. 
 Unlike former Parliaments, that of 1541 was not restricted to the 
 representatives of the English colony. In pursuance of his policy 
 of feudalizing Ireland, St. Leger, in addition to the usual writs, 
 had caused invitations to be addressed to the principal Irish 
 chieftains to grace ParHament with their presence. Among those 
 who accepted the invitation and were present at the opening 
 of ParHament were, we are told, * the great O'Reilly, the deputies 
 of the great O'Brien and many other Irish chieftains '. Further, 
 it is to be noted that the proceedings were conducted both in 
 Irish and in English. Unfortunately, amongst those who were 
 conspicuous by their absence were the heads of the two principal 
 clans in the north of Ireland — O'Neill and O'Donnell. No 
 sooner accordingly had Parliament been prorogued than St. Leger 
 set out to visit them himself. By the intervention of O'Reilly 
 he had an interview with Manus O'Donnell on the borders of 
 Tirconnell, and was so charmed by that chieftain's demeanour 
 that, on O'Donnell's agreeing to renounce the Pope's supremacy, 
 to hold his lands (or those of his clan) directly under the Crown 
 and to attend parliament, when summoned to do so, either in 
 person or by proxy, St. Leger promised to take him under the 
 King's special favour and protection. O'Neill was more difficult 
 to come at, and it was only after his country had been harried 
 three times that he consented to subscribe to the terms agreed to 
 by O'Donnell. Next year, however, he was persuaded to visit 
 London, and, being created Earl of Tyrone by Henry VIII, he 
 was allowed to nominate his putative son Mathew, created at 
 the same time Baron of Dungannon, his successor. ^O'Neill's 
 
 £ 2 
 
68 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 submission, and above all his visit to England (a thing unheard of 
 in the annals of his dan), made a great impression on the Irish, 
 and in St. Leger's opinion warranted the belief that, if nothing 
 unforeseen happened, Ireland in a short time would be almost 
 as peaceable and well ordered as England. 
 
 Failure of Henrys Policy, Unfortunately it is always the 
 unforeseen that happens in Ireland. The evil effects of long years 
 of neglect and misgovernment were not to be so easily eradicated 
 as St. Leger hoped. The family of Kildare had still a strong 
 following in the country. In particular Earl Thomas's aunt, 
 Eleanor, a woman of extraordinary energy and courage, was 
 determined to leave no stone unturned in her efforts to avenge 
 the injury done her House. Her efforts to upset the government 
 by force had been frustrated by the defeat of O'Neill by Gray 
 at the battle of Ballahoe in September 1539, and since St. Leger's 
 arrival most of her allies had deserted her. One only, Brian 
 O'Conor of Offaly, Earl Thomas's brother-in-law, continued 
 faithful to her. Thanks to O'Conor's zeal in her cause the infant 
 heir to the earldom. Earl Thomas's son Gerald, had been rescued 
 from Henry's clutches and transferred for safety to France. 
 Since then O'Conor had submitted to St. Leger, but he was still 
 at heart a rebel, and when St. Leger was superseded by Sir Edward 
 Bellingham at the beginning of Edward VI's reign he and his ally 
 O'More once more raised the standard of revolt. Their rebellion 
 was ruthlessly suppressed, and early in 1549 O'Conor and O'More 
 were sent to London and imprisoned in the Tower. O'Conor's 
 rebellion and the manner of its suppression boded ill for the 
 success of Henry's plan for a pacific settlement of Ireland. Other 
 causes co-operated in the same direction. Of these the most 
 important were the discontent created by the attempt to convert 
 tribal into feudal tenures ; the widespread indignation provoked 
 by the iconoclastic zeal of Browne and his coadjutor in the 
 work of reformation, John Bale, Bishop of Ossory ; the irritation 
 caused by the imposition of cess for the maintenance of the 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 69 
 
 army ; the debasement of the currency and the persistent attempts 
 of the MacDonnells of the Out Isles of Scotland to effect a settle- 
 ment in Antrim. Except in the matter of religion Mary's reign 
 saw at first little alteration in the general state of affairs. In the 
 vain hope of reverting to her father's pohcy of ' politic drifts and 
 amiable persuasions ' Mary, immediately on her accession, trans- 
 ferred the government once more to St. Leger. Shortly after- 
 wards she gave orders for the restoration of Gerald Fitzgerald 
 to the earldom of Kildare and for the release, with permission to 
 return to Ireland, of Brian O'Conor. But none of these measures 
 produced the result she expected. Want of adequate supplies 
 and the necessity he was under of quartering his army on the 
 country frustrated St. Leger's efforts to put the government on 
 an orderly footing. The restoration of Kildare and Brian O'Conor, 
 though it gratified the Irish, had little effect on the situation, 
 especially as shortly after his return to Ireland O'Conor was 
 rearrested on a charge of fomenting fresh disturbances. To make 
 matters worse, St. Leger, who was labouring under a charge of 
 falsifying his accounts, was anxious to be recalled. 
 
 Fresh Plans for the Settlement of Ireland. Recognizing that her 
 well-intentioned attempt to govern Ireland in the spirit of 
 Henry's policy of ' politic drifts and amiable persuasions ' had 
 failed, Mary resolved to try the effect of a more rigorous treatment 
 of the Irish. The person to whom she turned for assistance in 
 carrying her new poHcy into effect was Thomas Radcliffe, Lord 
 Fitzwalter, or, as he was shortly to be by the death of his father. 
 Earl of Sussex. In dismissing Fitzwalter, or, as we may call him 
 by anticipation, Sussex, to his post Mary, after pointing out the 
 desirableness of calling a parliament as soon as possible to regulate 
 the succession and provide a subsidy, strongly impressed on him 
 the necessity (i) of taking immediate steps to expel the Antrim 
 Scots and (2) of effecting a permanent settlement of the districts 
 occupied by the O'Mores and O'Conors. Sussex arrived in Dublin 
 on 24 May 1556. Five weeks later he set out at the head of the 
 
70 Conquest and Plantation^ 1541-1641 
 
 forces of the Pale for Ulster with the intention of forcibly ejecting 
 the Scots from their settlements in Antrim. Unfortunately, 
 before he could come up with them, the Scots had got wind of 
 his approach and retired beyond the Bann into the forest of 
 Glenconkein. But Sussex was not to be baulked of his prey, and 
 following them up he managed, by taking them unawares, to 
 kill a considerable number of them. His efforts, however, to 
 catch their leaders, James Mor and Collo MacDonnell, failed, and 
 before he could intercept them at Glenarm they had escaped to 
 Scotland. Returning to Dubhn by way of Newry, where he had 
 an interview with Shane O'Neill, now rapidly rising into favour 
 with his clan in opposition to both his father, the Earl of Tyrone, 
 and his brother, the Baron of Dungannon, Sussex shortly after- 
 wards set out on a fresh expedition into Offaly, with the object 
 of effecting a settlement of that country and the neighbouring 
 district of Leix. 
 
 First Attempt at Plantation. An interview at the Dingan, now 
 Philipstown, with old Brian O'Conor's son and successor, Donough, 
 seemed at first to promise a speedy and satisfactory conclusion of 
 that business, and steps had already been taken by Sussex to 
 effect a division of Leix and Offaly between the natives and 
 a number of EngHsh colonists when the O'Mores and O'Conors 
 again rose in arms. Their rebellion, as their efforts to prevent 
 the progress of the invaders were called, was suppressed without 
 much difficulty, and, ParHament meeting shortly afterwards, an 
 Act was passed shiring Leix and Offaly as Queens County and 
 Kings County respectively and conferring power on Sussex to 
 plant them with EngHsh colonists. But before any steps could be 
 taken to put the Act into execution the O'Conors and O'Mores 
 were once more in full rebellion. Finding himself obHged to 
 take the field in person against them Sussex had no sooner restored 
 some degree of order in the midlands than he was suddenly 
 compelled to march northwards by the news of a dangerous 
 combination between Shane O'Neill and the Antrim Scots. 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 71 
 
 The expedition into Ulster proved a failure. Shane was too 
 wary to risk a battle, and after devastating his country Sussex 
 returned to Dublin and shortly afterwards crossed over to England. 
 The first attempt at strong government had not proved very 
 successful, but Mary refused to be discouraged. Fresh plans 
 were formed, and in the hope of forcing the Scots to quit their 
 settlements in Antrim it was resolved to attack them in their 
 own country of Cantyre. With this object in view Sussex, im- 
 mediately on his return to Dublin in April 1558, began to collect 
 a fleet for the invasion of the Out Isles. But the middle of 
 September had arrived before the expedition sailed, and though 
 Sussex did manage to lay waste Big and Little Cumbray nothing 
 of importance was effected, and it was with considerable difficulty 
 and not a little loss both of ships and men that he succeeded in 
 regaining the coast of Ireland. 
 
 ElizabetFs Attitude towards Ireland. Shortly afterwards Sussex 
 repaired to England, but before any steps had been taken to 
 retrieve his failure Mary died and was succeeded by Elizabeth. 
 The situation, as Elizabeth candidly explained to Sussex, was not 
 bright. For one thing the Crown was too poor to indulge in any 
 schemes of conquest. At the utmost she could only afford to 
 maintain an army of 1,500 soldiers, which was barely sufficient 
 to garrison the principal fortresses and provide a body-guard for 
 the deputy. No doubt the Scots ought to be expelled and O'Neill 
 reduced to obedience. But before resorting to force it w^ould be 
 well to try what could be effected by diplomacy. The main factor 
 in the situation was, of course, Shane O'Neill. Shane had practi- 
 cally succeeded in upsetting the settlement arrived at between 
 Henry and his father, the Earl of Tyrone. The question was 
 whether, in view of the doubtful legitimacy of the Baron of 
 Dungannon, it might not be advisable to recognize Shane as his 
 father's successor de jure as he already was de facto. No doubt it 
 was a humiliating step for Government to take, but in the circum- 
 stances it w^as the only prudent course to pursue. Unfortunately 
 
72 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 for Elizabeth's decision, it was shortly to appear that Shane's 
 ambition was not limited to the chieftainship of his clan, but, 
 on the other hand, that he was determined to make himself 
 absolute master of Ulster. During Sussex's absence in England 
 Shane had endeavoured to take advantage of a quarrel between 
 Manus O'Donnell and his son Calvagh to extend his power over 
 Tirconnell. The attempt had been frustrated by his defeat by 
 Calvagh at Carriglea near Strabane, and Shane, taught prudence 
 by his failure, at once offered, on Sussex's return to his post in 
 the summer of 1559, ^^^ merely to behave as a dutiful subject 
 but even to assist in the expulsion of the Scots, provided his claim 
 to the chieftainship was allowed. This, as we have seen, EHzabeth 
 was prepared to do ; but when Shane further insisted on con- 
 trolling the action of his urrighs or vassal chiefs Elizabeth refused 
 her consent. When, in addition to his other misdeeds, Shane 
 caused the ' removal ' of the Baron of Dungannon, she authorized 
 his forcible suppression and the installation of the Baron's son, 
 Brian, as chieftain in his place. To do this proved, however, 
 beyond Sussex's power, and Shane, having in the meanwhile got 
 hold of his enemy Calvagh O'Donnell, declined further negotia- 
 tions with Sussex and insisted on treating directly with Elizabeth. 
 Shane O^Neill at Court. To Sussex's chagrin Elizabeth con- 
 sented to this course, and early in 1562 Shane, accompanied by the 
 Earls of Ormond and Kildare, crossed over to England. But if 
 Elizabeth expected to achieve an easy victory over this wild man 
 of the woods, as, dressed in his native mantle and attended by his 
 galloglasses, Shane might well have appeared to her, she was 
 speedily undeceived. For not only did Shane succeed in holding 
 his own with the lawyers of the Crown and in conclusively proving 
 his right, both by EngUsh and Irish law, to be regarded as his 
 father's legitimate successor, but he displayed so much diplomatic 
 skill that Elizabeth, fearing the results of his intrigues with the 
 Spanish ambassador, thought it prudent to provisionally admit 
 his claim and hasten his return to Ireland. Once back in his 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 73 
 
 native country Shane lost no time in demonstrating his deter- 
 mination to exercise his full rights over his urrighs. Warned by 
 Sussex that this would not be allowed, he obstinately stuck to 
 his course, and after vainly endeavouring to subdue him by force 
 the deputy was obHged to conclude peace with him on what were 
 practically his own terms. Having in this way estabUshed his 
 authority over what he regarded as his own territory and forced 
 Calvagh O'Donnell to acknowledge his overlordship, Shane next 
 decided to try a fall with the MacDonnells. On 2 May 1565 
 Shane defeated the Scots in a bloody battle near Ballycastle and 
 captured their leaders James M6r MacDonnell and his brother 
 Sorley Boy. Shane's victory placed the whole of Ulster at his feet, 
 and EHzabeth, fearing for the consequences, at last ordered Sir 
 Henry Sidney, who had succeeded Sussex as viceroy, to reduce 
 him by force. In order to facilitate operations a small garrison 
 was estabhshed at the head of Lough Foyle, where now the city 
 of Derry stands, under the command of Colonel Randolph. 
 With Randolph's help and the co-operation of Calvagh O'Donnell, 
 Sidney succeeded in overrunning Tyrone, but, as usual, his efforts 
 to capture Shane proved unavailing, and no sooner had he with- 
 drawn into Connaught than Shane, taking advantage of Ran- 
 dolph's death, turned on the O'Donnells. This time, however, 
 the fortune of war was against him, and seeing nothing for it 
 but to make terms with the MacDonnells, Shane, taking his 
 prisoner, Sorley Boy, with him, repaired to Cushendun. But the 
 MacDonnells had neither forgotten nor forgiven his treatment of 
 their chief, James M6r, who had died on his hands, and one word 
 of recrimination leading to another Shane fell hacked to pieces 
 by their skenes. His body, wrapped in an old cloak, was thrown 
 into a hole close by. A few days later the governor of Carrick- 
 fergus, Captain William Piers, caused it to be dug up, and the 
 head, severed from the body, to be sent to Sidney at Dublin. 
 
 Beginnings of the Counter-Reformation. Shane out of the way, 
 EHzabeth determined to plant Ulster with Englishmen. But 
 
74 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 before this could be done certain formalities had to be observed, 
 which necessitated the calling of a parliament. It was with great 
 reluctance that Elizabeth consented to take this step. Owing 
 to a variety of causes, but chiefly to the Jesuits, who had recently 
 made Ireland a centre of activity against England, the situation, 
 even during the lifetime of Shane O'Neill, had been growing 
 extremely critical, especially in Munster. A quarrel between the 
 Earls of Ormond and Desmond, leading to a regular battle between 
 their retainers at the ford of Affane in February 1565, had obliged 
 Elizabeth to summon both noblemen to London. Ormond had 
 been released, but Desmond and his brother Sir John were still kept 
 in honourable captivity. Their enforced absence enabled the 
 earl's cousin, James Fitzmaurice, to establish himself as virtual 
 ruler of Munster. In itself this would have mattered little ; but 
 Fitzmaurice had fallen a victim to the blandishments of the 
 Jesuits, and either because he believed, as he was told, that 
 Elizabeth was a usurper whom it was perfectly justifiable to 
 dethrone, or because, as the Countess of Desmond asserted, 
 he hoped with their assistance to oust Desmond from his position, 
 he had constituted himself protector of the CathoHc cause in 
 Munster. He was still hovering on the verge of rebellion when the 
 Parliament, which was to entitle the Crown to the lands lately in 
 the possession of Shane O'Neill, met at Dublin in January 1569. 
 Ten years had elapsed since Elizabeth had ascended the throne. 
 In those ten years she had done much to alienate the sympathies 
 of the Anglo-Irish gentry of the Pale. Possibly none of them 
 were greatly concerned in Shane O'Neill's fate or would have 
 raised any objection to the confiscation of his lands had not the 
 recent ' rummaging ', as it was called, of the land by private 
 adventurers in quest of lost or dormant titles, rendered them 
 averse to further plantations. 
 
 Fitzmaurice^ s Rebellion. Among those whose property had 
 been called in question in this way was the brother of the Earl 
 of Ormond, Sir Edmund Butler. When Parliament met, Butler 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 75 
 
 put himself at the head of the party opposed to Government, 
 and being sharply reprimanded for his behaviour by Sidney he 
 joined Fitzmaurice. Encouraged by his adhesion Fitzmaurice 
 raised the standard of rebellion. When it was too late to prevent 
 the mischief Sidney set to work to * recover ' Sir Edmund, and 
 eventually with the aid of the Earl of Ormond the delinquent 
 was persuaded to return to his allegiance. Being by his desertion 
 left to his own resources, Fitzmaurice was soon reduced to a 
 helpless condition, but for nearly three years he evaded every 
 effort to capture him, till at last Sir John Perrot, fearing lest he 
 might escape abroad, offered him a free pardon. In the hope 
 of preventing such occurrences in the future Elizabeth liberated 
 the Earl of Desmond ; but shortly after the earl's return to 
 Munster Fitzmaurice left the country. His object in going 
 abroad was to offer the Crown of Ireland to any Catholic sovereign 
 who would take the country under his protection. The offer was 
 declined both by Catherine de' Medici and Philip II of Spain ; 
 but it was accepted for his nephew, Giacomo Buoncompagni, 
 by Gregory XIII. With the assistance of a notorious English 
 adventurer named Stukeley, a plan was arranged for the invasion 
 of Ireland, and in February 1578 a small expedition sailed for 
 Ireland from Civita Vecchia. It was entirely inadequate for the 
 object in view, and on reaching Lisbon Stukeley allowed himself 
 to be persuaded to join his forces to those of King Sebastian of 
 Portugal in an attack on Morocco. The African enterprise proved 
 a disastrous failure ; but with the permission of Philip II and the 
 assistance of that notable Jesuit Nicholas Sanders, Fitzmaurice 
 succeeded in fitting out another expedition with which he sailed 
 from Ferrol in June 1579. Landing at Smerwick in County Kerry, 
 and leaving his men to entrench themselves there, Fitzmaurice 
 went on a pilgrimage to Holy Cross Abbey in Tipperary. Unfor- 
 tunately, on his way thither he was killed in a petty skirmish with 
 some of the Burkes of Castle Connell. 
 
 Massacre of Fort del Ore, Fitzmaurice's death threatened the 
 
76 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 collapse of the rebellion ; but at the pressing entreaty of Sanders 
 the Earl of Desmond was persuaded to step into the breach. 
 It was a foolish proceeding on his part. Before four weeks had 
 elapsed he was being hunted by Ormond and Sir William Pelham 
 from one hiding-place to another. The rebellion seemed on the 
 point of expiring when it was suddenly revived by the unexpected 
 rising of Viscount Baltinglas. Baltinglas was a member of an old 
 Anglo-Irish family of the Pale and closely related to the Fitz- 
 geralds. He himself was married to a sister of the Earl of Ormond, 
 but like Fitzmaurice he had fallen under the influence of the 
 Jesuits and was an enthusiastic admirer of Nicholas Sanders. 
 Warned by his sister of her husband's intention, Ormond addressed 
 a strong letter of expostulation to him, but Baltinglas refused to 
 be advised. When Arthur Lord Grey de Wilton landed at Dublin 
 in August 1580 to take over the government Baltinglas and his 
 ally Fiagh MacHugh O' Byrne occupied a strong position on the 
 edge of the Wicklow Mountains, near Ballymore Eustace. In his 
 reckless haste to restore order. Grey determined to attack them 
 at once, and allowing himself to be enticed into the narrow 
 defile of Glenmalure he suffered a crushing defeat. For a moment 
 it seemed as if Ireland was on the verge of a general rebellion. 
 The crisis was rendered more acute by the news that a fresh 
 invading force had established itself at Smerwick. But the danger 
 passed away, and Grey having recruited his army was soon posting 
 southwards in search of the so-called Spaniards. The invaders, 
 Italians for the most part under the command of a Bolognese 
 officer named Sebastiano de San Josefo, not finding any one to 
 direct their proceedings, had entrenched themselves in Fitz- 
 maurice's old quarters at Fort del Ore near Smerwick. With the 
 sea in their possession Fort del Ore might have been easily defended 
 against a far superior force than Grey's, but with Admiral Winter's 
 fleet cutting off their retreat, the narrow strip of land projecting 
 into the sea on which the fort was placed proved a veritable 
 death-trap. Recognizing the hopelessness of the position, Sebas- 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1 541-16 41 77 
 
 tiano, though well supplied with provisions, agreed to surrender 
 at discretion. Twenty-four hours later Grey, after disarming 
 them, caused the whole garrison to the number of 600 men to be 
 butchered in cold blood. It was a terrible business, unrivalled in 
 cruelty even by Inchiquin's massacre at the Rock of Cashel and 
 Cromwell's storming of Drogheda. The rebellion was at an end. 
 A free pardon shortly afterwards secured the submission of 
 O'Byrne, and Baltinglas, seeing further resistance impossible, 
 escaped to the Continent. Exactly a year after the tragedy at 
 Fort del Ore Desmond was killed while lurking in the wood of 
 Glenageenty near Tralee, and his head being sent to London 
 formed for a long time a hideous object on London Bridge. 
 
 l^he Plantation of Munster, Once more there was peace in 
 the land. But what a peace ! Over the length and breadth of the 
 fairest province of Ireland reigned the silence of death. During 
 the last year of the rebellion 30,000 men, women, and children 
 had perished there of famine and pestilence. To English states- 
 men, obsessed with the virtues of plantation, it seemed as if an 
 opportunity had been providentially created for an extensive 
 application of their favourite plan for reducing Ireland to * civility 
 and good government '. According to the scheme finally approved 
 by Elizabeth in June 1586 it was decided to divide the land con- 
 fiscated by the rebellion of Desmond and his associates, amounting 
 in all to something like half a million acres, into what were called 
 seignories of 12,000, 8,000, 6,000, and 4,000 acres. These were 
 to be assigned to Englishmen of good families, capable of finding 
 sufficient capital to plant them with English colonists. No 
 individual was to be allowed to have more than 12,000 acres, 
 exclusive of what was called barren land. Each * gentleman 
 undertaker ' for that amount was to establish six farmers with 
 400 acres apiece, six freeholders with 300 acres, forty-two copy- 
 holders with 100 acres, and finally thirty-six families holding at 
 least 1,500 acres between them for mesne terms on his seignory. 
 And so in proportion for the smaller seignories. The allotments 
 
78 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 were to be held in free socage at an annual rent, commencing 
 from Michaelmas 1590, of £33 6s. Sd. in Cork, Tipperary, and 
 Waterford ; £62 los. in Limerick ; £y^ in Connello ; and 
 j^ioo in Kerry and Desmond for every entire seignory of 12,000 
 acres. Among those admitted to the undertaking were some of 
 the best names in England — Raleigh, Norris, Hatton, Courtenay, 
 Grenville, Bourchier, Herbert, Spenser. In all about thirty-six 
 ' gentlemen undertakers ' were estated ; but of these many 
 showed no eagerness to fulfil the conditions of their grants, 
 some of them indeed never even visited Munster. In 1589 
 a commission, appointed to inquire how the plantation was 
 progressing, reported that while a few of the undertakers were 
 struggling manfully to develop their estates, the majority were 
 merely trying to make as much profit out of them as possible, 
 without regard either to the Irish or the interests of the colony. 
 The result was very disappointing to Elizabeth, and so far shook 
 her faith in the policy of plantation that when a few years later, 
 on the suppression of a rising on the part of the MacMahons of 
 Monaghan, an opportunity for a fresh plantation presented itself, 
 she would have nothing to say to it, but gave instructions for the 
 subdivision of the land among the principal members of the clan. 
 The results of the settlement of County Monaghan were eminently 
 satisfactory, and it is greatly to be regretted that the plan pursued 
 there was not adopted elsewhere. 
 
 Ulster after Shane O^NeilVs Death. Fitzmaurice's rebellion and 
 the events arising out of it had prevented Government taking 
 advantage of Shane O'Neill's death to effect a settlement of his 
 country by planting it, as EHzabeth had intended, with English- 
 men. The opportunity had been seized by Shane's cousin, 
 Turlough Luineach O'Neill, to constitute himself chief of his 
 clan. The honour, he explained to Sidney, had been thrust 
 upon him by his clansmen, but he showed no intention of relin- 
 quishing it. Turlough, though he does not figure so largely 
 in the imagination of his countrymen as either his predecessor 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 79 
 
 Shane or his successor Hugh, was nevertheless a very able man. 
 Impressed with the futility of Shane's attempt to dominate Ulster, 
 Turlough from the first desired to come to a friendly under- 
 standing both with the O'Donnells and the MacDonnells. Such 
 a poHcy was not to the liking of Government, whose plan of 
 maintaining its supremacy rested largely on the principle of 
 divide et impera, or, as Strafford afterwards expressed it, of 
 * poising one party against the other '. With the object, therefore, 
 of raising up a rival to Turlough, the late Baron of Dungannon's 
 second son Hugh, who had been removed for safety to London, 
 was brought over to Ireland and installed as captain of that part 
 of Tyrone which corresponds with County Armagh. At the same 
 time no means were neglected to create an English faction 
 among the O'Donnells. The plan worked fairly well for a time. 
 As a political watch-dog on Turlough's movements Hugh so far 
 ingratiated himself with Government as not merely to be created 
 Earl of Tyrone but to be rewarded with a fresh accession of 
 territory at Turlough's expense. The natural result of this system 
 of favouritism was to stimulate a desire on the part of Hugh to 
 eject Turlough from the chieftainship. With this object in view 
 he entered into an alliance with the anti-English faction among the 
 O'Donnells. His plan was, however, detected and in order to 
 nip it in the bud Sir John Perrot, who was then in charge of the 
 government, caused Hugh Roe O'Donnell to be kidnapped and 
 confined in Dublin Castle. Shortly afterwards Turlough inflicted 
 a crushing defeat on Hugh O'Neill. The result of the battle was 
 regarded with satisfaction by Government. But two or three 
 years later Hugh Roe succeeded in escaping from Dublin Castle, 
 and on reaching his country in safety he overthrew the English 
 faction and entered into a close alliance with Hugh O'Neill. 
 Seeing himself likely to be crushed between them, Turlough, in 
 1593, agreed to come to terms, and on being assured a life-interest 
 in the district about Strabane, relinquished the chieftainship. 
 A Fresh Rebellion Brewing, A main agent in bringing about 
 
8o Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 the alliance between O'Neill and O'Donnell was Edmund 
 Magauran, titular Archbishop of Armagh. Magauran was a 
 well-known figure at Rome owing to his efforts there to secure 
 the co-operation of the Catholic powers in an attempt to Hberate 
 Ireland from the English yoke. In Ireland his efforts were directed 
 to composing those quarrels amongst the Irish which were always 
 presenting an obstacle to united action. Returning from Rome 
 in the summer of 1592, Magauran, after eluding the efforts of 
 Government to capture him, took refuge with Maguire in Fer- 
 managh. His activity during the winter in stiffening resistance 
 to Government in Ulster attracted the attention of the President 
 of Connaught, Sir Richard Bingham, and knowing that he was 
 suspected Magauran persuaded Maguire to try to capture Bing- 
 ham. But the President was not to be caught napping, and in 
 the skirmish that ensued Magauran was killed. Magauran's 
 death sat heavily on Maguire's conscience, and feeling that he was 
 bound in honour to avenge it, his attitude during the summer of 
 1593 became so menacing that the Deputy, Sir William Fitz- 
 wiUiam, sent down a strong force under Sir Henry Bagenal to 
 restore order in his country. Amongst those who were required 
 to assist Bagenal were Tyrone and O'Donnell. Instead of obeying 
 the order O'Donnell openly sided with Maguire. Tyrone, on the 
 other hand, joined Bagenal and took part in Maguire's defeat 
 at Beleek ; but immediately afterwards, pleading a slight wound 
 in his leg, he returned home. Tyrone's conduct was regarded as 
 suspicious, and being called upon to present himself before the 
 Council he refused on the ground that Fitzwilliam and Bagenal 
 were banded together to take his life and deprive him of all 
 honour. Matters were in this uncertain condition when Fitz- 
 william handed over the government to Sir William Russell in 
 August 1594. Russell had hardly received the sword of state 
 than Tyrone suddenly presented himself before the Council, 
 and after alleging his fear of the late Deputy as his reason for not 
 having done so before, he protested his entire loyalty and readiness 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 81 
 
 to behave as a dutiful subject. Taken by surprise and flattered 
 by his apparent confidence in his impartiality, Russell allowed 
 him to return to his own country. But only a few weeks had 
 passed before the Deputy had reason to regret his ill-placed 
 confidence. For having during his visit to Dublin learned that 
 Sir John Norris was shortly expected with large reinforcements 
 from England, Tyrone anticipated his arrival by invading the 
 Pale while O'Donnell at the same time raided Connaught. 
 
 Tyrone at Bay. On 24 June 1595 Tyrone was proclaimed 
 a traitor, and a day or two later Russell and Norris invaded his 
 country. As usual, there was a good deal of fighting of a desultory 
 sort, but Tyrone evaded every effort to bring him to an open 
 engagement, and letters being shortly afterwards intercepted 
 from him and O'Donnell to Philip II and Don Juan del Aguila, 
 Government, in fear of further complications, consented to an 
 armistice. A truce was concluded on 2 October and commissioners 
 were appointed to arrange a peace. Knowing that Philip was 
 bestirring himself in their behalf, Tyrone's policy was to spin out 
 the time till help actually arrived. But six months having passed 
 away and no assistance arriving, Tyrone and O'Donnell agreed to 
 lay down their arms. Peace was concluded on 24 April 1596, 
 but hardly had it been signed than a letter arrived from Philip 
 urging Tyrone and O'Donnell to keep up the contest and assuring 
 them of speedy assistance. In their reply to Philip, Tyrone 
 and O'Donnell protested their determination to do as Philip 
 wished them.. They had, they wrote, just been on the point 
 of accepting the favourable terms offered them by the Queen, 
 but now they were assured of Philip's support they had no inten- 
 tion of doing so. To mystify Government still further Tyrone 
 showed Norris Philip's letter, and on being questioned what 
 answer he and O'Donnell had returned to it he boldly declared 
 that, having been received into the favour of their own gracious 
 sovereign, they had declined his offer of assistance with thanks. 
 To put the cap on the business, when his pardon was handed to 
 
 2403 F 
 
82 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 him Tyrone ordered a feu de joie to be fired. Meanwhile the 
 promised expedition had actually sailed from Lisbon, but on 
 rounding Cape Finisterre it encountered a storm which sent 
 nearly every vessel in it to the bottom. Promise of fresh assistance 
 was soon on the way ; but by that time Government had got an 
 inkling of Tyrone's duplicity and had determined on sharper 
 measures. Early in the following year, 1597, Russell and Norris 
 were superseded by Thomas Lord Burgh. 
 
 The Battle of the Tellozv Ford, With the energy peculiar to 
 new rulers Burgh had no sooner got his army into marching order 
 than he invaded Tyrone's country. So rapid was his progress 
 that the earl, who was lying with a detachment of his army 
 between Newry and Armagh, had a narrow squeak for his life, and 
 only managed to escape into a neighbouring bog with the loss 
 of his horse and his hat. But, except for the erection of a new 
 and stronger fort on the Blackwater, Burgh's efforts to reduce 
 the rebel proved as futile as his predecessors' had done, and no 
 sooner had lack of provisions compelled him to retire than Tyrone 
 and O'Donnell were hard at work trying to capture his fort. To 
 prevent this Burgh again marched northwards, but on the way 
 he was seized with a violent fit of Irish ague of which he died 
 suddenly at Newry. Burgh's death left Tyrone master of the 
 situation. But evidently it was his policy to await the arrival of 
 the Spaniards, and instead of overrunning the Pale, as he might 
 easily have done, he reopened negotiations, and having on ' the 
 knees of his heart ' humbly confessed his sorrow for his late 
 disloyalty he was again received into the' Queen's mercy. Tyrone's 
 pardon passed the Great Seal on 11 April 1598. Two months 
 later he and O'Donnell attacked the fort on the Blackwater in full 
 force. Prudence counselled the abandonment of the place, but 
 its retention was regarded as a matter of prestige, and in August 
 Sir Henry Bagenal was sent down with a strong force to relieve it. 
 As Bagenal, after crossing the River Callan at what was called the 
 Yellow Ford, was approaching the Blackwater through a difficult 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 83 
 
 country he was set on by Tyrone and O'Donnell and his army 
 practically annihilated. The news of Tyrone's victory was 
 received with consternation in Dublin. If he liked to use his oppor- 
 tunity, nothing, it was felt, could prevent a general conflagration. 
 But Tyrone, beyond directing a small force into Munster, showed 
 no intention to profit by the situation, and the Catholic gentry 
 everywhere remained firm in their allegiance. Still, the state 
 of affairs was critical enough to cause the Government in London 
 great anxiety, and EHzabeth, feehng the need for energetic 
 action, sent over her favourite general, the Earl of Essex, at the 
 head of a larger army than had ever before been seen in Ireland. 
 But Essex had no knowledge of Irish warfare, and with the object 
 apparently of securing his rear, by reducing the south and mid- 
 lands to order, before attacking Tyrone, he frittered away his 
 army in a useless campaign in Munster, so that, on returning to 
 Dublin, he found himself unable without further reinforcements 
 to attack Tyrone. Fresh troops were sent him accompanied by 
 a sharp order requiring him to lose no further time * in reducing 
 that rebel Tyrone '. Marching from Dublin at the head of 
 4,000 men Essex had reached the ford of Anagh Clint on the River 
 Lagan when Tyrone demanded a parley. Contrary to his instruc- 
 tions Essex consented to an interview, and in the end agreed to 
 a truce pending the appointment of commissioners to arrange 
 a pacification. As Elizabeth remarked, ' it was a quick end to 
 a slow business '. Her indignation found vent in a bitter letter 
 of reproach, and Essex, fearing that he was in danger of forfeiting 
 her favour, threw down his charge and returned post-haste to 
 London. But Elizabeth, though at first inclined to allow her 
 partiality for him to outweigh her judgment, was too much 
 hurt in her pride to forgive him immediately. Besides, the situa- 
 tion was too serious to permit of trifling. For Tyrone, taking 
 advantage of Essex's absence, had at last thrown off the mask, 
 and advancing through the midlands into Munster was actively 
 engaged in rallying the country to his standard. Considerable 
 
 F 2 
 
84 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 time elapsed before a competent successor to Essex could be 
 found, and it was not till the end of February 1600 that the new 
 Deputy, Lord Mountjoy, accompanied by Sir George Carew as 
 President of Munster, arrived in Ireland. Hearing that Tyrone 
 was still in Munster, Mountjoy determined to intercept him on 
 his return to Ulster. But Tyrone had already taken the alarm 
 and effected his escape before Mountjoy could complete his 
 preparations. Disappointed in this direction, Mountjoy, leaving 
 Carew to restore order in Munster and sending Sir Henry Docwra 
 round to Lough Foyle to hold the O'Donnells in check, at once 
 marched northwards. His intention was, by erecting a chain of 
 forts or blockhouses and thus gradually restricting Tyrone's 
 sphere of action, to force him either to surrender or give battle. 
 But the process was an arduous one, and though Docwra, with the 
 assistance of Hugh Roe's cousin and rival, Nial Garv O'Donnell, 
 the head of the English faction, succeeded in firmly establishing 
 himself at Derry, several months elapsed before Mountjoy reached 
 the line of the Blackwater. Meanwhile promise of assistance with 
 a considerable supply of money and ammunition had reached 
 Tyrone from Philip HL 
 
 The Battle of Kins ale. May 1601 had come and Tyrone was 
 still at large when news arrived that the long-expected Spaniards 
 were nearing the coast. At the time Mountjoy and Carew were 
 visiting Ormond at Kilkenny, and on Carew's advice Mountjoy, 
 leaving instructions for the army to follow as quickly as possible, 
 hastened down to Cork. A few days later the commander of the 
 invading force, Don Juan del Aguila, succeeded in effecting 
 a landing at Kinsale, which he proceeded to fortify. He had come 
 with the object of assisting the Irish to throw off the English 
 yoke. Unfortunately, owing to Carew's energetic measures 
 Munster had returned to its obedience, and finding no one in 
 authority to assist or advise him Don Juan was perforce compelled 
 to remain inactive. Nearly six months elapsed before Tyrone 
 and O'Donnell could get their armies into marching order, and 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 85 
 
 November was drawing to a close before they arrived in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Kinsale. Meanwhile Mountjoy, with the support of 
 the fleet, had been trying to force Don Juan to capitulate. The 
 arrival of Tyrone and O'Donnell reversed Mountjoy's position 
 and exposed the EngHsh army to the danger of being crushed 
 between the Irish and Spaniards. Tyrone, feehng sure that by 
 cutting off Mountjoy's supplies he would eventually starve out 
 the English army, was desirous of proceeding leisurely. But 
 O'Donnell was eager to attack, and Don Juan, tired of his prolonged 
 inactivity, supported him. A plan for a combined attack to take 
 place on Christmas Eve was arranged, but the plan was betrayed 
 to Mountjoy and ended in the complete discomfiture of the 
 aUies. The losses of the Irish had been comparatively trivial and 
 Tyrone was in favour of a fresh attempt ; but O'Donnell, who 
 attributed the failure of the plan to Don Juan, refused his 
 co-operation and almost immediately sailed for Spain, to solicit 
 fresh assistance under a more capable general. Shortly after- 
 wards a letter from PhiHp to Don Juan ordering him to hold out 
 at all costs, in view of fresh help on the way, was intercepted by 
 Mountjoy. Knowing Don Juan's desire to be gone Mountjoy 
 offered him favourable terms, and in ignorance of Philip's orders 
 Don Juan agreed to capitulate on being assured a safe passage to 
 Spain. Left to himself Tyrone returned to his own country, 
 to find that during his absence Docwra had erected a new fort at ^ 
 Omagh. All hope of successful resistance was at an end, but 
 Tyrone refused to surrender unconditionally, and some rumour 
 that James VI was intriguing with him reaching Elizabeth, she 
 authorized Mountjoy to grant him a free pardon with restora- 
 tion under certain restrictions to his estate. On 3 April 1603 
 Tyrone, in ignorance of Ehzabeth's death, submitted to Mountjoy 
 at MeUifont. 
 
 Protestants and Catholics. The war that had convulsed 
 Ireland for the last five years was at an end. With the accession 
 of James I it was hoped that a brighter future was in store for the 
 
86 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 country. The Catholics, in particular, were sanguine that, under 
 the son of Mary Queen of Scots, they would no longer be sub- 
 jected to those religious disabilities which had of late years 
 strained their loyalty almost to breaking point. Their indignation 
 was accordingly intense when they learnt that, so far as Govern- 
 ment was concerned, no change was either intended or would 
 be allowed, and affecting to disbelieve that Mount joy's policy 
 accurately represented James's intentions, they insisted on sending 
 a deputation to England. The deputation was introduced by the 
 Earl of Tyrone, but the manner of its reception hardly answered 
 the expectations of the Catholics, and several of them expressing 
 their opinion more freely than James thought proper to allow 
 were sent to cool their ardour in the Tower. In his reply to their 
 petition for religious equality James, while expressing his intention 
 to force no man's conscience, read the Catholics a long sermon 
 on the advantages and necessity of conformity. Returning to 
 Ireland the deputies announced that it was not the King's inten- 
 tion to force their consciences. Suspecting the accuracy of their 
 report, Chichester, to whom the government had been entrusted, 
 applied to James for an authentic statement of what had passed 
 at the interview. In his answer James declared that the Catholics 
 had misunderstood him, and that while he was willing to respect 
 their private opinions he was absolutely determined that they 
 should conform to the laws by going to church. But the Catholics 
 were not to be so easily controlled. To James's demand that they 
 should go to church they replied that there were no churches 
 for them to go to. The excuse was admitted to be well founded 
 by the Attorney-General, Sir John Davies, and Davies's opinion 
 was fully confirmed by a commission appointed to inquire into 
 the general state of religion. At the same time nothing, the 
 commissioners reported, could be done to remedy matters and 
 establish a godly and zealous clergy until the swarms of titular 
 bishops and seminary priests and Jesuits that infested the country 
 were expelled. In the end a Proclamation was published command- 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 87 
 
 ing all Jesuits and seminary priests to leave the country before 
 10 December 1605. The Proclamation was immediately met on 
 the part of the Catholics by a ' giant-like petition ', signed by 
 more than 200 of the leading gentry of the Pale. In transmitting 
 the petition to James, Chichester hinted that it would be well 
 to pay no attention to it. But James had been recently touched 
 by Gunpowder Treason on his weakest point, and in his reply to 
 the Deputy the King urged the necessity of proceeding with the 
 utmost caution. The advice was little to Chichester's liking, 
 but it was impossible to argue with a sovereign in mortal fear of 
 his personal safety. In the end the Proclamation was allowed to 
 slip into abeyance and affairs reverted to their former unsatis- 
 factory condition. 
 
 The Flight of the Earls and its Consequences. Such was the 
 general situation in autumn 1607 when the country was again 
 thrown into a state of commotion by the news that the Earls of 
 Tyrone and Tyrconnell, accompanied by Maguire, their wives, and 
 families, had suddenly sailed from Lough Swilly to the Continent. 
 The flight of the earls, as the incident is called, took Government 
 entirely by surprise. So far as was known Tyrone, except for 
 a quarrel with O'Cahan, was fairly satisfied with his position and 
 treatment. True, he was annoyed at a late Proclamation of James's 
 extending the protection of the Crown impartially to all his 
 subjects whether of English or Irish descent, as detrimental to 
 his control over his urrighs or vassal chiefs. But this seemed too 
 small a grievance to account for such an extreme step, and, no 
 evidence being forthcoming of any intention on his part to create 
 a fresh rebellion, Chichester was fain to regard his flight as a 
 providential occurrence, to enable James to repair his former 
 mistake of conferring such wide scopes of land on him and Tyrcon- 
 nell without due regard to the claims of their clansmen. His 
 suggestion was that the Crown should assume possession of the 
 countries of the fugitives, * divide the lands amongst the inhabi- 
 tants — to every man of note or good desert as much as he could 
 
88 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 conveniently stock and cultivate by himself, his tenants, and 
 followers ; bestow the rest upon servitors and men of worth in 
 Ireland, and withal bring in colonies of civil people of England 
 and Scotland, with condition to build castles and storehouses 
 upon their lands.' But before any decisive steps had been taken 
 the scheme of settlement underwent a radical revision owing to 
 the rebellion of Sir Cahir O'Dogherty of Inishowen and the 
 suspected complicity in it of Sir Donnell O'Cahan, lord of what is 
 now the County of Londonderry. O'Dogherty's rebellion was 
 due entirely to a personal quarrel between him and the Governor 
 of Derry, Sir George Paulet. Paulet was one of those high- 
 handed officials whose contempt of native rights has been the 
 bane of English rule in other countries besides Ireland. Paulet, 
 it seems, had either struck or threatened to strike O'Dogherty. 
 In retaliation for the insult or injury O'Dogherty captured 
 Derry and killed Paulet along with several of the garrison. This 
 of course was an offence that Chichester could not overlook, 
 and Sir Richard Wingfield was at once sent down to restore order. 
 The upshot of the affair was that O'Dogherty was killed and his 
 lands confiscated. O'Cahan's case was even more deplorable 
 than O'Dogherty's. O'Cahan had taken no part in O'Dogherty's 
 rebellion, but fearing that he might be compromised by it he 
 had, in order to establish his bona fides, surrendered his person to 
 Government. After a short detention in Dublin Castle O'Cahan 
 was removed to England and confined in the Tower, where he 
 afterwards died. To complete the tale of confiscation, advan- 
 tage was taken of the fact that Sir John O'Reilly, lord of what 
 is now the County of Cavan, had died in rebellion in Elizabeth's 
 reign, to add his lands to those already in possession of the 
 Crown. 
 
 Plantation oj Ulster. In suggesting a settlement of the lands 
 lately in the possession of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell 
 Chichester's intention, following the example set by Elizabeth in 
 regard to the MacMahons, was to treat the natives with the 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1^41-1641 89 
 
 greatest liberality. Only after they had been satisfied were the 
 remaining lands to be divided amongst men who had served the 
 State in Ireland and such English and Scottish planters as were 
 adjudged suitable for the enterprise. Unfortunately, the air in 
 England at the time was thick with colonization projects. Among 
 those bitten by the popular craze was Bacon. But Bacon was of 
 opinion that EngHshmen would be doing their country better 
 service by planting Ireland than by transferring their energy 
 and capital to such remote places as Newfoundland. There were 
 plenty of people willing to take his advice, and James was soon 
 overwhelmed with applications to participate in his new planta- 
 tion. The consequence was that, from being the most favoured, 
 the Irish became the least regarded partakers in the scheme. 
 According to the plan ultimately adopted in 1609, all the escheated 
 lands, embracing the whole of Ulster with the exception of the 
 counties of Antrim, Down, and Monaghan, were divided into 
 four parts, viz. two of 1,000 acres, one of 1,500 acres, and one of 
 2,000 acres. The comparative smallness of the allotments was 
 intended to guard against the mistake committed in Munster, 
 where too much land had been assigned to individual undertakers. 
 Three classes of undertakers were admitted to a share in the 
 plantation : (i) English and Scots who were to have only English 
 or inland-Scottish tenants ; (2) servitors, i. e. Irish military and 
 civil officials, who might have English, Scottish, or Irish tenants ; 
 (3) natives, who were to be made freeholders. Undertakers of 
 a large portion or 2,000 acres were to build a castle with a strong 
 courtyard on their property ; undertakers of a middle portion 
 a stone or brick house ; undertakers of a small portion a strong 
 bawn or courtyard round their dwelling. Each Irish freeholder 
 was to pay a Crown rent of ^10 I3J-. 4^. annually for every 1,000 
 acres. In consideration of the expense he was at in removing to 
 Ireland, each English and Scottish undertaker was required to pay 
 only half of that amount, and each servitor ^8. In order to avoid 
 emulation the lands were to be apportioned by lot, and as a 
 
go Conquest and Plantation, 1341-1041 
 
 guarantee of peaceable possession a promise was given that the 
 unruly element should be transported abroad. 
 
 Chichester^ s Criticism of the Plantation. When the scheme of 
 plantation was submitted to Chichester he strongly disapproved 
 of what he called the * arithmetical division ' of the lands. Appor- 
 tionment by lot he thought would prevent persons who wished 
 to plant together undertaking at all, while the regulations regard- 
 ing building took no account of the relative difficulty of obtaining 
 the requisite materials. But it was the niggardly treatment of 
 the Irish and the threat to transport the swordsmen instead of 
 providing for them that chiefly aroused his indignation. But 
 if he was disappointed with the scheme itself he was hardly 
 better pleased with the undertakers. Most of the English he 
 thought were * plain country gentlemen ' who, though they 
 promised much, gave small assurance or hopes of performing 
 what appertained to a work of such moment. The Scots, if they 
 were not so well supplied with money, were better attended and 
 more workmanlike. Chichester's criticisms were not altogether 
 without their effect on Government, and before things had 
 proceeded too far an offer of the whole County of Coleraine, or 
 as it came to be called Londonderry, was made to the City of 
 London. The offer met at first with a cool reception, and it 
 was only after great pressure had been brought to bear on the 
 city fathers and special favours granted them that it was accepted. 
 All the same the plantation prospered and struck its roots deep into 
 the soil of Ulster. That it came in the end to bear the character 
 of a Scottish settlement was due partly to the energy of the 
 Scottish undertakers, partly to the proximity of Ulster to Scot- 
 land, and partly to the fact that Antrim and Down were already 
 thickly planted with Scottish families. Of reHgion there was at 
 first little to be seen. The Scots, if they were not, as they have 
 been described, the scum of the nation, were not remarkable for 
 their moral qualities. But what was lacking to them in that 
 respect was speedily supplied by James's ecclesiastical policy in 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 91 
 
 Scotland. Presbyterian ministers, whose consciences rebelled 
 against the restoration of episcopacy at home, sought a refuge 
 and a new sphere of activity in the north of Ireland. Their 
 ministrations were abundantly blessed and the character they 
 impressed on the plantation it has never lost. Unfortunately, 
 the establishment of a compact body of zealous Presbyterians in 
 a country preponderatingly Catholic has served to vastly com- 
 plicate the Irish problem. But this was for the future to reveal. 
 At the time the most noticeable feature of the plantation was the 
 industry displayed by the undertakers in making the best of their 
 bargains. Their industry threw an air of prosperity over the 
 undertaking, which speedily led to further enterprises of a similar 
 sort. But, though none of these could be regarded as even 
 moderately successful, nothing, it seemed, could shake the faith 
 of English statesmen in the efficacy of the policy of plantation 
 as a means of estabHshing a firmer hold on the country. 
 
 Parliamentary Opposition. The effect of the plantations on the 
 political situation was not lost on the Catholics. Hitherto the 
 Catholic gentry of the Pale had been inclined to regard the fate of 
 the native Irish with equanimity. They had no love for them and 
 the confiscation of their lands had affected them only slightly. 
 But now, when it was rumoured that Government intended to take 
 advantage of the plantations to call a parliament for the purpose 
 of passing severer laws against Catholicism, the danger of the 
 situation became apparent to them, and it was noted, as a sign of 
 the change that had come over them, that whereas * until of late, 
 the old English race, as well in the Pale as in other parts of the 
 kingdom, despised the mere Irish, accounting them a barbarous 
 people ' now * their union is such, as not only the old English 
 dispersed abroad in all parts of the realm, but the inhabitants 
 of the Pale, cities and towns, are as apt to take arms against us 
 as the ancient Irish '. Hitherto the inability of Government to 
 secure a Protestant majority (due in large measure, it must be 
 admitted, to James's Proclamation conferring equal political 
 
92 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 rights on all his subjects) had been a main reason for not calling 
 a parliament at all. It was now hoped that, by making an adroit 
 use of the plantations, this disability might be overcome. After 
 mature consideration it was determined to create forty-three 
 new boroughs. As most of these new boroughs would be under 
 the control of the planters it was reckoned that in a House of 
 Commons consisting of 218 members Government would have 
 a safe majority of about thirty. Naturally, when the intention 
 of Government became known it was vehemently opposed by 
 the Catholics. Meetings were held and petitions signed protesting 
 against the erection of corporations ' consisting of some few 
 beggarly cottages '. But Government was not to be diverted from 
 its purpose and Parliament met as arranged on 18 May 161 3. 
 No sooner had it met, however, than the long pent-up storm 
 broke loose. A motion on the part of Government to elect 
 Sir John Davies Speaker was resisted by the Catholics, and after 
 a violent scene, owing to their attempt to force their own can- 
 didate, Sir John Everard, into the Chair, the Opposition withdrew 
 in a body. Every effort to induce the Recusants, as they were 
 called, to alter their attitude failed, and in the end Chichester 
 was obliged to allow them to submit their case against him to 
 James. The result was the appointment of a Royal Commission 
 to inquire into the management of the elections and the general 
 conduct of Administration. The Commission reported in 
 November, and in the end several of the new boroughs were 
 temporarily disfranchised. Their disfranchisement and a hint 
 that the proposed penal laws had been abandoned conciliated the 
 Catholics, and on reopening Parliament Chichester was gratified 
 by obtaining their consent to a liberal Subsidy Bill. 
 
 Th^ Graces. There is no question that during Chichester's 
 .administration Roman Catholicism had made great progress in 
 Ireland. Under his immediate successors Sir Oliver St. John and 
 Lord Falkland its progress became even more pronounced. For 
 this result James himself was chiefly responsible. For how was it 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 93 
 
 possible for even the most determined viceroy to carry on the 
 conflict against Jesuitism if James, in his desire at one time to 
 champion Protestantism on the Continent, at another to curry 
 favour with Spain in the vain hope of marrying his son to Philip's 
 daughter, could not make up his own mind what course to pursue ? 
 Naturally the Catholics took advantage of the situation to 
 strengthen their position. The result was apparent when, in 
 consequence of his breach with Spain and the menacing attitude 
 of France, Charles, shortly after his accession, was constrained 
 to turn to them for assistance in providing for the defence of the 
 realm. It was Charles's intention, so he wrote to Falkland in 
 September 1626, to raise a standing army in Ireland of 5,000 
 foot and 500 horse. How this was to be done and how Irishmen 
 were to be induced to support the army when it was once raised 
 he left to Falkland's discretion. For himself he was absolutely 
 opposed to calling a parliament ; but, as an inducement to the 
 nobility and gentry to support his plan, he was willing to concede 
 them certain favours or graces. Amongst the favours he was 
 prepared to grant were the recognition of a sixty years' clear 
 possession of property as a bar to any claim on the part of the 
 Crown, the substitution of a simple oath of allegiance for that of 
 Supremacy and the admission of all who took it to offices of State, 
 the remission of the shilHng fines for non-attendance at church 
 and a free pardon to all who had offended in that particular, 
 together with a revision of the conditions of plantation and a 
 stricter control of soldiers on the march. The proposal to relax 
 the penal laws, or, as they called it, the ' setting up of religion 
 for sale ', stuck in the throats of the Protestants, while the 
 Catholics were at first absolutely opposed to any agreement not 
 sanctioned by Parliament. In the end, however, the objections 
 of both were overcome. The Protestants, yielding to Archbishop 
 Ussher's entreaty, consented to trust their cause to the King, 
 while the Catholics, on being assured that a parliament would be 
 immediately called to ratify the agreement, agreed to bind the 
 
94 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 country to contribute ^120,000 extended over three years. 
 Never has the confidence trick been more successfully performed 
 than it was on this occasion. Once assured of the consent of the 
 country to his plan Charles neglected to fulfil his share of the 
 bargain. A pretence was indeed made to call a parliament, 
 but when it was found that it somehow or other involved a breach 
 of Poynings' Law the pretence was abandoned. The Catholics 
 could be well satisfied with the result. The collection of the 
 money might be left to Government, but it was impossible for 
 Government, so long as it was dependent on their bounty, to be 
 particularly exigent in the execution of the penal laws against 
 them. A Proclamation published by Falkland shortly before 
 his . recall in 1629, forbidding the exercise of all ecclesiastical 
 jurisdictions derived from Rome and ordering the dissolution of 
 all Catholic colleges and monasteries, was treated with the 
 contempt it deserved. His successors, the Lords Justices Adam 
 Loftus and the Earl of Cork, immersed in their own plans for 
 accumulating wealth, were content to let matters drift. Ireland, 
 in the opinion of the latter, had never been more peaceful than 
 it was. The country was growing richer, people were contented, 
 and with a few more years of peace the King would be * able to 
 command a levy of English and Irish, reformed in manners and 
 religion, more powerful than any force which the disloyal party 
 could raise '. 
 
 A Policy of ' Thorough '. It was a pity that Charles could not 
 let well alone : a thousand pities that the man he chose to entrust 
 the government of Ireland to was just the man Ireland least 
 needed. Sir Thomas Wentworth, better known by his subsequent 
 title of Earl of Strafford, was a typical Englishman — a man of 
 infinite resource and indomitable courage, self-reliant, strongly 
 impressed with the sense of order, indifferent to anything but 
 the call of duty, scornful of little men and half-measures, con- 
 temptuous of advice and utterly ignorant of Ireland, Irish history, 
 and the character of Irishmen. To him Ireland resembled an 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 95 
 
 untidy room which it was his business to put in order at no 
 matter what discomfort it might cause its occupants. The one 
 thing he most detested was the policy of drift so congenial to 
 Irish officials. His own policy was summed up in the one 
 word — Thorough. Wentworth arrived in Ireland in July 1633. 
 On opening the Parliament he had obtained Charles's reluctant 
 consent to call twelve months later he announced his intention of 
 holding two sessions — the first for the sovereign, the second for the 
 subject. The plan was agreeable to neither Protestants nor 
 Catholics, but being so evenly balanced neither of them cared to 
 forfeit his good opinion by opposing it, and with eager unanimity 
 they both voted the six subsidies he demanded. But if the Catholics 
 thought to be rewarded for their loyalty by the long-desired 
 confirmation of the Graces they were speedily undeceived. The 
 Graces, Wentworth informed them, were to be divided into 
 three classes, viz. those fit to be passed into laws, those 
 which might be continued administratively, and those which 
 were not fit to be granted at all. Amongst these last was the 
 Grace limiting the claim of the Crown to lands with a clear 
 possession of sixty years. When the Catholics realized his meaning 
 their indignation was unbounded, and finding themselves acciden- 
 tally in a majority they refused to proceed to further business. 
 So menacing was their attitude that Wentworth for a moment 
 thought of proroguing Parliament, but the Protestants coming to 
 his assistance enabled him to bring the Session to a satisfactory 
 conclusion. 
 
 Wentworth s Plans. Having got all he wanted from Parliament 
 Wentworth turned with characteristic energy to the work of 
 reforming Ireland. His object, plainly stated, was to make 
 Ireland a source of wealth and strength to Charles in his coming 
 struggle with Parliament. Industrially, politically, and ecclesi- 
 astically she was to become the counterpart of England. Apart 
 from his plans for increasing the revenue and developing the re- 
 sources of the country by clearing the narrow seas of the pirates that 
 
96 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 infested them and of whose insolence he had had some personal 
 experience, promoting the linen industry, improving the breed of 
 cattle, and extending the fisheries, his scheme ran to three points : 
 (i) the Church, (2) the land, and (3) the army. Something he had 
 already done since his arrival with the aid of his chaplain, John 
 Bramhall, shortly to be created Bishop of Derry, to remedy the most 
 crying disorders in the Church and to restore order and decency in 
 public worship. But these were merely matters of external reform, 
 and Wentworth was bent on establishing perfect conformity 
 between the sister churches of Ireland and England. This he 
 eventually accomplished by forcing Convocation to adopt the 
 canons of the Church of England. The adoption of the English 
 canons was strongly opposed by Archbishop Ussher, and, indeed, 
 so far as the Church of Ireland was largely dependent on the 
 support of Presbyterianism in a predominantly Catholic country, 
 their adoption was an unqualified blunder. In his dealings with 
 the land Wentworth was even less successful than he was with 
 the Church. He had two objects in view, (i) a strict revision of the 
 existing plantations, especially the Londoners' plantation in 
 Ulster, and (2) the establishment of a new plantation in Con- 
 naught. To effect his purpose he obtained the appointment of 
 a commission * for the remedy of defective titles '. By the 
 remedy of defective titles Wentworth simply meant the exaction 
 of huge fines, either in money or land, on pretext of a breach of 
 the conditions of plantation or of an insufficient title (such as 
 a mere prescriptive right furnished) to the possession of lands. 
 With the aid of his Commission Wentworth intended (i) to 
 strip the City of London of its plantation lands in Ulster or to 
 make it pay a heavy fine for the renewal of its charter, and (2) to 
 force the landed gentry of Connaught to part with one-fourth 
 of their lands in return for a legal title to the rest. The lands 
 so confiscated were to be put up for sale in order to effect a new 
 English-Protestant plantation. It is unnecessary to pursue the 
 matter further as in neither respect did Wentworth's plan come 
 
Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 97 
 
 to fruition. But the indignation his attempt to put it into execu- 
 tion created was intense, and so far as the Londoners were concerned 
 it proved a principal cause of bringing him to the block. As 
 regards the army, however, Wentworth was entirely successful. 
 From being an ill-drilled, badly officered, wretchedly equipped, 
 and miserably paid force the Irish army became, under his 
 fostering care and keen supervision, not merely an efficient 
 instrument for the execution of his will, but an admirable school 
 for the training of officers for the English army. 
 
 JFentzvortFs Failure. Wentworth was busy with his plans for 
 the amelioration of Ireland w^hen the little cloud, that had been 
 for some time gathering over Edinburgh, began to spread with 
 such rapidity as early in 1638 to cast its shadow over Ireland. 
 From Scotland the contagion of the Covenant passed to Ulster. 
 To counteract its working, Wentworth, with the permission and 
 express approval of Charles, constructed an oath, called the Black 
 Oath, obliging all who took it not merely to obey the King 
 in all things but to renounce all covenants not authorized by him. 
 The attempt to enforce the oath (from which the Catholics were 
 characteristically freed) in Ulster brought that province to the 
 verge of rebellion. In order to prevent an outbreak and, if 
 necessary, to assist Charles in his operations against Scotland, 
 Wentworth moved a considerable part of the army down to 
 Carrickfergus. But Charles's attempt to force episcopacy on the 
 Scots at the sword's point had ended in failure, and being obliged 
 to consent to the Treaty of Berwick in July 1639 ^^ ^^^^ advantage 
 of Wentworth's accidental presence in London to invite his advice 
 as to the course he ought to pursue. Blinded by his hatred of the 
 Scots, Wentworth urged Charles to call a parliament. English- 
 men, he was sure, would find money to expel the Scots. To 
 * hearten the experiment ' he himself would hold a parHament 
 at Dublin. Having received Charles's reluctant consent to his 
 plan Wentworth, now Earl of Strafford, immediately issued writs 
 for a new Parliament. Parliament was already in session when he 
 
 2403 G 
 
98 Conquest and Plantation, 1541-1641 
 
 returned to Dublin on 18 March 1640. To his demand for 
 financial support the Commons not merely voted the four sub- 
 sidies or ^180,000 he asked for, but passed an address of thanks 
 to Charles for giving them such a * just, wise, vigilant and pro- 
 fitable governor' as Strafford had proved himself to be. Rumour 
 said that the address was dictated by Strafford himself ; anyhow, 
 he caused it to be widely distributed in England, whither, after 
 appointing his friend, Sir Christopher Wandesford, to act as Deputy 
 for him, he immediately returned. But as week after week passed 
 away and the prospect of Strafford returning to his post grew 
 slighter, the Commons recovered their courage, and with hasty 
 and unanimous zeal set to work to tear down the building he had 
 been at such pains to erect. Their denunciations strengthened 
 Pym's hands and were largely instrumental in securing Strafford's 
 condemnation. The fate that had overtaken his friend so preyed 
 on Wandesford's mind that he died about the end of 1640. 
 Pending the appointment of a successor the Government was 
 placed in the hands of the Lords Justices, Sir William Parsons and 
 Sir John Borlase. Borlase was a nonentity : the real Governor 
 was Parsons. Meanwhile, having recovered their ascendancy 
 in Parliament, the Catholics were clamouring loudly for a con- 
 fimation of the Graces. In the hope of obtaining their support 
 Charles had expressed his entire willingness to concede their 
 request. But to this concession Parsons was as strongly opposed 
 as Strafford had been, and with the knowledge that a bill for the 
 confirmation of the Graces was on its way from England he took 
 the fatal step of proroguing Parliament in August 1641. Before 
 it could meet again Ireland was in the throes of a fresh rebellion. 
 
99 
 
 PART IV 
 
 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 The Rebellion and its Proximate Causes. It is difficult to offer 
 a satisfactory explanation of the causes of the Rebellion that broke 
 out on 23 October 1641 mainly because there was apparently no 
 sufficient reason for a rebellion at all. Except for their desire to 
 obtain a confirmation of the Graces the Catholics had no particular 
 ground of complaint. True, things might tend to their disadvan- 
 tage if the Puritans got the upper hand in England, but the 
 possibility of this was too remote to cause them much uneasiness. 
 The only real danger was that, by persisting in his opposition 
 to the Graces, Parsons might force an explosion ; but here again 
 the Catholics could rely on Charles's support. Altogether, 
 and taking as wide a view of the subject as possible, we may con- 
 clude : (i) the Rebellion was a bolt from the blue ; (2) it was 
 due to a variety of causes, none of which was of any particular 
 importance in itself ; and (3) that it was at first so insignificant 
 that it might by prompt action have been easily suppressed. 
 These are the deductions which a careful scrutiny of the facts 
 seem to warrant. The facts themselves are as follows. For 
 a long time past, ever, in fact, since the death of Wandesford, the 
 political atmosphere in Dublin was thick with rumours of impend- 
 ing changes, owing to the menacing attitude of the Scots, the 
 quarrel between the King and Parliament, and the angry feelings 
 aroused by the trial and execution of the Earl of Strafford. No 
 one, indeed, knew exactly where he stood or how things would 
 turn out. The one thing everybody desired was the confirmation 
 of the Graces, and this Parsons was apparently at all costs deter- 
 mined to prevent. The situation presented the possibility of 
 a political revolution. To Rory O'More, a young gentleman of 
 good family, the nominal head of the sept of the O'Mores and 
 
 G 2 
 
100 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 closely connected with several of the best families of the Pale, 
 it presented the possibility of retrieving his financial losses. Rory 
 O'More, if any one, was the author of the Rebellion ; but the 
 situation was not of his making. Seeing how things were going 
 and knowing that, though they greatly desired the forcible 
 ejection of Parsons, the gentry of the Pale were not likely to move 
 on their own account, O'More determined to force their hands. 
 Among the fashionable * bloods ' in Dublin no one was more 
 esteemed for his extravagance than Corny Lord Maguire, the 
 nominal head of the Maguires of County Fermanagh and a great 
 man in his own country. Like O'More, Maguire had a long 
 memory, and, like him, he was hard pressed for money. The 
 prospect of using the situation to ' recover their own ', as opened 
 to him by O'More, naturally appealed to him, and taking to their 
 counsels the heads of the principal clans in Ulster Sir Phelim 
 and Turlough O'Neill, PhiHp O'Reilly, and Hugh Og MacMahon, 
 a plot to capture Dublin, upset the Government, and destroy 
 the plantations was soon in progress. 
 
 ^he Rebellion breaks out. Saturday 23 October, being market- 
 day in Dublin, when the town was generally full of strangers, 
 was the date ultimately fixed for the rising. To Maguire and 
 MacMahon was assigned the task of capturing the Castle ; O'Neill 
 and O'Reilly were to control the rising in the north ; O'More 
 apparently was to devote his attention to the midlands. Every- 
 thing was in order and only a few hours were wanting till the 
 attempt on the Castle was to be made when the plot was acciden- 
 tally revealed to Government. The discovery of the plot was 
 instantly followed by the arrest of Maguire and MacMahon. 
 Meanwhile the insurrection had broken out in Ulster ; but, 
 except for the capture of Charlemont, Dungannon, and one or 
 two other places, it too at first threatened to prove a failure. 
 But rumour greatly magnified the success of the rebels, and in its 
 ignorance of the actual state of affairs Government, instead of 
 taking active steps for their suppression, concentrated its atten- 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi loi 
 
 tion on the defence of Dublin. It is easy to attribute pusillanimity 
 to Parsons, but the fact is the Rebellion took him as it did every- 
 body else by surprise. Parsons's chief difficulty was his uncer- 
 tainty as to how far the gentry of the Pale were involved in the 
 plot. Their protestations of loyalty failed to entirely remove his 
 doubts, and not knowing how far to trust them he adopted 
 a series of half-measures which only made matters worse. Mean- 
 while the Rebellion in Ulster was spreading. Generally speaking, 
 the Rebellion there was at first little more than a rising of a mob 
 of unarmed peasants chiefly bent on plunder, but from simple 
 plundering it gradually developed into something much worse. 
 Whether it was, as was officially stated, attended by a general 
 massacre of the Protestant settlers is a point which can never be 
 thoroughly cleared up. That the number of those killed in cold 
 blood during the first year of the Rebellion was purposely exag- 
 gerated by Government is too evident to be disputed ; on the 
 other hand, it is equally clear that very many defenceless men, 
 women, and children were put to death under circumstances of 
 revolting brutality and that very many more died of the cruel 
 treatment they received. There is no reason to be surprised at 
 this. For, quite apart from the fact that peasant risings have 
 everywhere and at all times borne a sanguinary character, it must 
 be remembered that the peasantry in Ulster had many of them 
 bitter wrongs to avenge. It is absurd to allow our judgment 
 of their conduct to be biased by modern notions of moral 
 responsibility. The perpetrators of such murders as actually 
 occurred were no more responsible for their actions than wild 
 animals. The responsibility rests in the first place with those 
 who incited them to rebellion ; ultimately with those who 
 rendered rebellion possible. 
 
 Spread of the Rebellion. From the first the real head of the 
 RebelHon in Ulster was Sir Phelim O'Neill. Without CNeilFs 
 energy and enterprise the whole affair would have proved a mere 
 flash in the pan. The day following his capture of Charlemont 
 
102 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 and Dungannon Sir Phelim published a proclamation, announcing 
 that he and his associates had taken up arms * only for the defence 
 and liberty of ourselves and the Irish natives of this kingdom ' 
 and in no way to the harm either of the King or any of his EngUsh 
 or Scottish subjects. A few days later he declared that he was 
 acting under a commission from Charles himself, authorizing the 
 Irish to rise in defence of their liberties. The commission was 
 a gross forgery, but it effected its purpose, and shortly afterwards 
 Sir Phelim was chosen commander-in-chief of the forces in 
 Ulster. Meanwhile a crowd of half-armed peasants under the 
 leadership of O'More and O'Reilly were concentrating on Drog- 
 heda. Their chance of taking the place, which had been entrusted 
 to the care of Sir Henry Tichborne, was small. But in order to 
 strengthen the defence a relief force was sent thither by Govern- 
 ment towards the end of November, under the command of 
 Sir Patrick Wemyss. As the soldiers were nearing Drogheda they 
 were suddenly attacked by the Irish and completely routed. The 
 battle of Julianstown Bridge, as the affair was called, exerted an 
 altogether disproportionate effect on the situation. As we have 
 remarked, the attitude of Government towards the gentry of the 
 Pale had from the first been one of ill-concealed suspicion. In 
 the circumstances it was hardly possible that it could be otherwise. 
 But the result was deplorable. For, finding themselves distrusted 
 and being unable to maintain a neutral attitude, the gentry of 
 the Pale were almost irresistibly drawn to the side of the rebels. 
 The battle of Julianstown Bridge decided them. A week after 
 the battle Lord Gormanston and several others of their leaders 
 had an interview with O'More and O'Reilly at the Hill of Crofty, 
 a few miles to the south of Drogheda, and being assured of their 
 loyalty to Charles the gentry of the Pale decided to throw in 
 their lot with the northern rebels. In announcing the fact to 
 his friends in England Parsons endeavoured to make light of what 
 he called the ' defection of the seven lords of the Pale ', insisting 
 that so far from being a misfortune it was really of advantage to 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 103 
 
 His Majesty, by placing at his free disposal * those three great 
 counties of Leinster, Ulster, and the Pale ', and the general 
 settlement of peace and religion by the introducing of English. 
 Parsons's statement throws a lurid light on his own conduct and 
 the events leading up to what is known as the Cromwellian Settle- 
 ment of Ireland. From Leinster the Rebellion spread by degrees 
 to Munster and Connaught. In neither of these provinces was 
 the insurrection accompanied by any such outburst of popular 
 frenzy as marked the rising in Ulster. Murders there were, but 
 except at Silvermines and Shrule Bridge they were not of a 
 particularly revolting character. The chief offence was * scab- 
 baging ' or plundering, and for this the local authorities were not 
 altogether blameless. 
 
 Measures to Suppress the Rebellion. Intelligence of the Rebellion 
 reached the English Parliament on i November. In the first 
 flush of its wrath the House of Commons voted men and money 
 for its instant suppression. But as the difficulty of raising the 
 necessary money was forcibly brought home to it by the refusal 
 of the City of London to advance a loan, cooler counsels began to 
 prevail. An offer on the part of Charles to assist personally was 
 rejected ; so, too, was a suggestion of co-operation on the part 
 of the Scots. But as fresh appeals for immediate assistance 
 reached them from the Irish Government, the Commons resolved 
 to adopt a proposal submitted to them by * divers worthy and well- 
 affected citizens ' for raising money on the security of lands in 
 Ireland forfeited by the Rebellion. It was suggested that, if two 
 and a half million acres of profitable land were assigned as security 
 there would be no difficulty in raising ^^i, 000,000. A Bill embody- 
 ing the suggestion was immediately submitted to Parliament, 
 and having been agreed to by both Houses it received the King's 
 assent on 24 February 1642. Unfortunately the project did not 
 prove so popular as was anticipated. Englishmen have always 
 manifested a reluctance to invest money in Irish securities. In 
 the end and notwithstanding such encouragement as was given 
 
104 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 by subsequent ordinances, substituting Irish measure for English, 
 whereby 21 feet instead of 16 J were reckoned to the perch, and 
 doubhng the allowance of land for prompt payment, only ^^360,000 
 were raised. Worse than this, finding themselves shortly after- 
 wards involved in war with Charles the Commons diverted ^^ 100,000 
 of the money so raised to what they miscalled * the service of 
 Ireland '. Meanwhile the Rebellion in Ireland showed signs 
 of stagnating. After their first successes the rebels made little 
 progress. Their desperate efforts to capture Drogheda, on which 
 their attention was chiefly concentrated, had one and all been 
 frustrated by Tichborne's vigilance. Encouraged by Tichborne's 
 success the Lords Justices granted a commission to the Earl of 
 Ormond to attempt its relief, but with express orders not to pass 
 the limits of the Boyne. Ormond successfully accomplished his 
 task, and returning to Dublin he was shortly commissioned to 
 relieve the outlying garrisons in the Pale. He had already accom- 
 plished his object and was on his way back from Athy when he 
 heard that Lord Mountgarret, at the head of 6,000 troops, was 
 preparing to intercept him at the Barrow. Sending forward 
 Sir Thomas Lucas with the cavalry to hold the rebels in check, 
 Ormond attacked them at Kilrush and completely defeated them. 
 The Irish organize their Resistance. The battle of Kilrush, 
 following so closely on the discomfiture of the northern rebels 
 before Drogheda, greatly depressed the Catholic gentry of the 
 Pale and, beginning to regret their hasty action, they made 
 tentative overtures for a reconcihation with Government. But 
 the Lords Justices, fancying their star to be in the ascendant and 
 encouraged by the prospect of fresh confiscations, turned a deaf 
 ear to their entreaties. Finding the door of mercy thus resolutely 
 closed against them, a number of the leading gentry, acting on 
 a suggestion of the Bishop of Ossory, David Rothe, met together 
 at Kilkenny in May 1642 to organize their resistance. Pending 
 the election of a General Assembly, a Supreme Council, consisting 
 of two representatives from each province, with Lord Mount- 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 105 
 
 garret as chairman, was appointed to act as a provisional govern- 
 ment. The appointment of the Supreme Council and the arrival 
 in July of Colonel Owen Roe O'Neill with a body of veterans 
 and a considerable supply of arms and ammunition in Lough 
 Swilly, followed a week or two later by Colonel Thomas Preston 
 at Wexford with 500 men and a train of artillery, put a more 
 cheerful aspect on the affairs of the Confederates. The General 
 Assembly met at Kilkenny on 24 October. In all but the name 
 it was a parliament more truly representative of national feeling, 
 though of necessity excluding the Protestants, than perhaps any 
 that had ever sat in Ireland. After announcing its allegiance to 
 the laws of the realm, in so far as these were not contrary to the 
 Catholic religion, the Assembly elected a new Supreme Council 
 of twenty-four members, being six from each province, to form 
 a permanent government for the management of all civil and 
 military affairs. For the administration of local justice, each 
 county was provided with a county council and each province 
 with a provincial council with power to revise the decisions of the 
 county councils and to decide all suits like judges of assize. For 
 military purposes each province was to possess its own army, 
 under its own general — O'Neill for Ulster, Preston for Leinster, 
 Garret Barry for Munster, and John Burke for Connaught. 
 The seal of the Confederation was to be a Latin cross with a harp 
 on one side and a crown on the other, a dove above and a flaming 
 heart below, the whole surrounded by the inscription Pro Deo, 
 pro rege et patria Hibernia unaiiimis. Authority was given for 
 the erection of a mint and the coining of ;£4,ooo in silver and 
 copper. Agents were appointed to represent the Confederates 
 at the principal Catholic courts of Europe, and before separating 
 the Assembly voted addresses to the King and Queen protesting 
 their loyalty and requesting permission to submit their grievances 
 personally to the King. 
 
 \r^ Charles concludes a Cessation of Arms with the Confederates, 
 To Charles it was at the moment a matter of great importance 
 
io6 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 to come to terms with the Confederates. The day before the 
 Assembly met the Civil War had broken out and the battle of 
 Edgehill had been fought. The battle had ended better for 
 Charles than he was perhaps entitled to expect ; but numerically 
 he was inferior to his opponents, and where every man counted 
 it was distressing to reflect that, but for the Rebellion, he might 
 have reckoned on an additional 6,000 soldiers. It was therefore 
 greatly to his interest to set free his army in Ireland to fight 
 his battles in England, by coming to terms with the Confederates. 
 If by conceding the Graces he could have effected a settlement 
 the matter would have been easily arranged. But since the 
 battle of Kilrush the position of the Confederates had greatly 
 improved, and now that the outbreak of the Civil War had crippled 
 England's arm their demands had risen proportionately. On 
 inquiry it was found that they now insisted not merely on the 
 Graces but on the entire removal of their religious disabilities 
 and the repeal of Poynings' Law. To neither of these two demands, 
 as he informed Ormond, could Charles consent, but, if a cessation 
 could be arranged, a revision of the plantations and a lenient 
 interpretation of the penal laws might be promised. When 
 Charles's instructions were opened at the Council table they were 
 vehemently opposed by Parsons, and Ormond, meeting with no 
 encouragement to discuss matters from the Confederates, once 
 more took the field. He was fortunate enough to inflict a severe 
 defeat on Preston near New Ross on 18 March 1643, and the 
 Confederates, showing greater willingness to come to terms, 
 offered, in the event of a * free ParHament ' being conceded, to 
 assist Charles with 10,000 men. The condition was one that 
 Charles could not agree to, but the offer of assistance was too 
 tempting to be rejected, and Ormond was authorized to make 
 every effort to effect a cessation. In order to faciHtate matters 
 Parsons was replaced by Sir Henry Tichborne. But the Con- 
 federates, perceiving Charles's eagerness, were not blind to their 
 advantage, and insisting on their demand for a ' free Parlia- 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 107 
 
 ment ', Ormond, in the hope of lowering their pride, again 
 appealed to the sword. But Preston had been taught prudence 
 by his former defeat, and Ormond, finding it impossible to draw 
 him, reopened negotiations at Sigginstown near Naas in August. 
 Eventually, despite a strong opposition led by the papal agent, 
 Scarampi, a cessation of arms was concluded on 15 September 
 to last for a year, in order to enable the Confederates to submit 
 their case personally to Charles and if possible to arrange a 
 permanent settlement. 
 
 Endeavours to turn the Cessation into a Peace. The Cessation 
 afforded Charles the long-wished-for opportunity to withdraw 
 his army from Ireland, and with the assistance of Ormond, whom 
 he now appointed Lord Lieutenant, several regiments were 
 transported to England in October and November. But the 
 result was far from answering his expectations. For not only 
 did the soldiers on reaching England display no zeal to fight for 
 him but many of them seized the opportunity to desert to the 
 Parliament. Worse than this, though the bulk of them were 
 Protestants and many of them English, the fact that they came 
 from Ireland gave rise to the belief that they were Irish rebels 
 and cut-throat Papists. ' The imputation greatly damaged 
 Charles's cause in England. At the same time the withdrawal of 
 so many seasoned soldiers was, as Colonel Michael Jones afterwards 
 pointed out to Ormond, a grave blunder and the prime cause of 
 his subsequent misfortunes. Charles had not recovered from his 
 disappointment when the agents of the Confederates arrived at 
 Oxford in March 1644 to arrange terms of peace. Their demands 
 were higher than ever, and practically amounted to a concession 
 of legislative independence. The question was being argued, 
 with little prospect of a settlement, when the arrival of a Protestant 
 deputation objecting to any concessions to the Catholics enabled 
 Charles to remit the matter back to Ormond. Unfortunately, by 
 refusing Lord Inchiquin's well-grounded request for the Presi- 
 dentship of Munster he at the same time greatly complicated 
 
io8 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 matters for Ormond. For, finding his services ignored, Inchi- 
 quin some time afterwards went over to the Parliament and took 
 with him nearly all the English settlers in Munster. Charles's de- 
 cision to leave the consideration of the Confederate's demands 
 to Ormond placed that nobleman in a difficult position, and recog- 
 nizing his inability to effect a satisfactory settlement he offered 
 to resign his post. But Charles knew Ormond's merits too well to 
 accept his resignation. With his reputation for straight dealing 
 Ormond was at the moment absolutely indispensable to him : at 
 the same time he was not the man to whom he could confide his 
 secret wishes. 
 
 Negotiatio7is for a Peace. In his dilemma Charles turned to 
 Edward Somerset, titular Earl of Glamorgan. Glamorgan was 
 a fervid Catholic : he was also a devoted friend of Charles and 
 had already been of great financial assistance to him. By playing 
 on his vanity Charles now persuaded Glamorgan to undertake 
 a secret mission to Ireland. The object of the mission was to 
 effect a treaty with the Confederates, not exactly behind Ormond's 
 back, but by pledging Glamorgan's word of honour in the King's 
 behalf, to concessions in the matter of religion, to which Ormond, 
 had he been consulted, might possibly have objected. An 
 untoward accident prevented Glamorgan reaching Ireland till 
 August 1645. By that time, under Scarampi's influence, the 
 Confederates had added to their demands one for the retention 
 of all the churches that had come into their possession since 
 October 1641. By persuading them to embody this and other 
 demands in a secret treaty and coolly pledging Charles's consent 
 to them, Glamorgan induced the Confederates to assent to 
 Ormond's terms and, what was of more immediate importance, 
 to agree to send over the 10,000 men so earnestly desired by 
 Charles as soon as possible. Nothing, however, had been done 
 in this latter particular, when an accident revealed the existence 
 of the secret treaty to Parliament. Its existence was not, however, 
 publicly known when a special ambassador arrived from Rome in 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 109 
 
 the person of Giovanni Battista Rinuccini. Naturally Rinuccini 
 had to be informed of the secret treaty. From the first he 
 manifested a great dislike to matters of such importance being 
 settled in a hole and corner fashion, and his dislike was strengthened 
 when Glamorgan's treaty became known. Rinuccini was all for 
 open dealing. He had no confidence in Charles's sincerity. 
 His object was to re-establish Catholicism in Ireland and to make 
 that country a stepping-stone to the recovery of England. For 
 Charles he had no more regard than he had for any other pawn 
 in the game. Meanwhile the treaty having become known in 
 England, it was immediately disowned by Charles and prompt 
 orders sent for Glamorgan's imprisonment. But the disavowal 
 and imprisonment were merely a blind. A week or two later 
 Glamorgan was again at liberty and busily engaged in spinning 
 a fresh treaty. But this time he had to deal directly with Rinuc- 
 cini, and not all his protestations and promises to consent to 
 any conditions, if only he could obtain the desired military assis- 
 tance, were able to remove the Nuncio's scruples as to Charles's 
 sincerity. Time, however, was slipping away, and Charles's 
 position was becoming daily more desperate. To Marston Moor 
 had succeeded Naseby. By the beginning of 1646 nearly every 
 seaport on the west coast of England was in the hands of the 
 Parliament. Moved by the danger of the situation the Con- 
 federates suddenly determined to accept the terms offered them 
 by Ormond, and despite Rinuccini's opposition a Peace was 
 concluded on 28 March. By the terms of the Peace a parliament 
 was to be called before the end of November, with permission to 
 substitute an oath of allegiance for that of Supremacy, to repeal 
 the penal laws, confirm the Graces, and rescind all acts done to 
 the detriment of the Catholics since 7 August 1641. Further 
 concessions were to be left to Charles's sense of gratitude. The 
 only drawback to the Peace was that it came too late to be of 
 any use to either the Confederates or Charles. 
 
 RinuccinVs Triumph, Meanwhile Parliament had accepted an 
 
no Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 offer from the Scots to assist in suppressing the rebellion in 
 Ulster. The commander of the Scottish forces was Robert 
 Monro, an experienced soldier, who had served with distinction 
 on the Continent in the army of Gustavus Adolphus. Hitherto 
 Monro had been sufficiently occupied in holding Owen Roe 
 O'Neill in check ; but now in consequence of the fierce dissensions 
 to which the Peace had given rise amongst the Confederates, he 
 conceived the idea of trying to surprise Kilkenny itself. With 
 the object of throwing O'Neill off the scent a small force under 
 Sir Robert Stewart was directed into Connaught while Monro 
 himself, at the head of about 4,500 men, advanced rapidly south- 
 wards from Belfast in the direction of Clones in County Monaghan. 
 Hearing shortly after he had left Armagh that O'Neill was lying 
 with the bulk of his army at Benburb on the other side of the 
 Blackwater, not far from where Bagenal had suffered his memor- 
 able defeat in Elizabeth's reign, Monro, in the hope of surprising 
 him, turned northwards at Caledon, and crossing the Water of 
 Oona suddenly fell on the flank of the Irish army. The battle 
 was fiercely contested, but the Irish pikes were longer than the 
 Scottish and at nightfall on 4 June the Scots were completely 
 routed. A few days later Ireland was all agog with the news 
 of O'Neill's great victory. Nothing more opportune could have 
 happened to Rinuccini. With O'Neill's assistance the Nuncio 
 succeeded in ousting his opponents from the Supreme Council, 
 and having forbidden the proclamation of the Peace he shortly 
 afterwards advanced on Dublin at the head of the Confederate army. 
 Nothing, it was thought, could prevent him capturing that city, and 
 believing himself unable to defend it Ormond offered to surrender 
 it to the Parliament. His offer was accepted, and on 28 July 1647 
 Ormond handed over Dublin to Colonel Michael Jones. By so 
 doing he undoubtedly preserved Ireland to England, but at the 
 same time he earned the undying hatred of his countrymen. 
 
 Confederates lose Ground. With Jones in command affairs soon 
 assumed a different complexion. Jones's task was rendered all the 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 11 1 
 
 easier by reason of the dissensions which, always latent between 
 the north and the south, had recently, in consequence of Preston's 
 jealousy of O'Neill, assumed a very violent character. Finding 
 himself regarded with suspicion, O'Neill withdrew with his army 
 into Connaught. His withdrawal afforded Preston a free hand, 
 and hearing that Jones was occupied in re-establishing com- 
 munications with Drogheda and other outlying garrisons he 
 determined to make a dash for Dublin in the hope of surprising 
 that place in Jones's absence. But Jones was not to be caught 
 napping, and having effected a junction with Sir Henry Tich- 
 borne and the garrison of Drogheda he intercepted Preston at 
 Dangan Hill, some four miles to the south-east of Trim, and com- 
 pletely routed his army on 8 August. Meanwhile Inchiquin, 
 having, as we have seen, transferred his allegiance to the Parlia- 
 ment, had been laying Munster waste with fire and sword. His 
 massacre of a crowd of unarmed peasants who had fled for safety 
 to the Rock of Cashel exceeded in horror almost anything recorded 
 in the blood-stained annals of Ireland, and rendered the name 
 of Murrough ' of the Burnings ' a by- word of reproach to posterity. 
 Fearing that he might effect a junction with Jones the Supreme 
 Council sent Lord Taaffe with 6,000 foot and 1,200 horse to hold 
 him in check, but at Knockninass near Mallow Inchiquin cut 
 Taaffe's army to pieces on 1 3 November. Taaif e's defeat following 
 so closely on Preston's completed the discomfiture of the Con- 
 federates. North, south, east, and west they had lost ground. 
 The danger that had long threatened ruin to Charles's cause 
 was now beginning to cast its shadow over them, and in terror 
 of what might happen if the King's cause collapsed entirely the 
 Confederates determined, despite Rinuccini's remonstrances, to 
 come to terms with him as quickly as possible. 
 
 Royalist Reaction, The situation was favourable to their 
 design. The surrender of Charles by the Scots, followed by the 
 meeting of the army leaders at Saffron Walden, instead of leading, 
 as was expected, to active intervention in Ireland, had ended 
 
112 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 in a quarrel between the Army and Parliament, of which Charles 
 had taken immediate advantage to come to terms with the Scots' 
 Commissioners. During the winter of 1647-8 signs of a royalist 
 reaction in England became more pronounced, and in April 1648 
 it was known that the Scots were preparing to invade England. 
 So hopeful did the situation appear that not only did Inchiquin 
 revert to his allegiance, but the Confederates, in their new-found 
 zeal for Charles, sent a pressing invitation to Ormond to return 
 to his post. When Ormond landed at Cork on 29 September the 
 ground was fully prepared for a complete reconciliation, and on 
 17 January 1649 a treaty was signed between him and the Con- 
 federates whereby, in return for an immediate grant of 15,000 foot 
 and 500 horse, the latter were secured in the free exercise of their 
 religion and the independence of their Parliament. The treaty 
 was fiercely opposed by Rinuccini ; but finding no one willing to 
 listen to him he shortly afterwards left Ireland. Thirteen days 
 after the treaty was signed Charles's head fell. The revulsion 
 of feeling that followed the King's execution served to strengthen 
 Ormond's position. In June he advanced against Dublin at the 
 head of 6,000 foot and 2,000 horse, while Inchiquin with 2,000 foot 
 and 1,500 horse attacked Drogheda. Before the end of the month 
 Drogheda surrendered, whereupon Ormond pushed his lines 
 closer up to Dublin in the direction of Baggotrath. Unfortunately, 
 unknown to him, Jones had meanwhile received considerable 
 reinforcements from England, and, being misled by a rumour 
 that Cromwell was preparing to land in Munster, Ormond detached 
 Inchiquin at this critical moment with a considerable part of the 
 army to oppose him there. Taking advantage of his mistake 
 Jones suddenly attacked him, and before Ormond could recover 
 from his surprise completely scattered his army. The battle 
 of Rathmines, on 2 August, as this affair which cost Jones not more 
 than twenty soldiers is called, decided the issue of the war. 
 When Cromwell landed at Dublin ten days later, with 8,000 foot 
 and 4,000 horse, he encountered no opposition. 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 113 
 
 Cromwell in Ireland. From Dublin Cromwell at once directed 
 his march on Drogheda, which Ormond, after his defeat at 
 Rathmines, had hastily garrisoned with the flower of his army 
 under the command of Sir Arthur Aston. The fate of the town 
 is well known. After meeting with a refusal to surrender on the 
 part of the governor, Cromwell carried the place by storm on 
 10 September and put the whole garrison, amounting to about 
 2,300 men, together with a number of civihans and every priest 
 on whom he could lay his hands — in all about 2,800 persons — to 
 the sword. It was a terrible business, justifiable perhaps by the 
 strict rules of war, but utterly useless, after the first terror it 
 inspired had passed away, to effect its purpose of breaking down 
 the resistance of the Irish. From Drogheda Cromwell, after 
 detaching a strong force under Venables into Ulster, marched 
 southwards on Wexford. Accident or treachery put that place in 
 his possession, and its capture was followed by a repetition of the 
 punishment meted out to Drogheda. A week later New Ross 
 surrendered without a blow, and from New Ross Cromwell pro- 
 ceeded against Waterford. But Waterford was strongly garrisoned, 
 and after wasting considerable time in trying to capture it Crom- 
 well passed on to Youghal. His campaign had cost him dear. 
 Half his army, including himself, was down with dysentery and, 
 had it not been for the timely revolt of Inchiquin's army, it 
 might have fared badly with him. As it was, the capitulation of 
 the principal towns in Munster not only provided him with 
 welcome winter quarters but enabled him to recruit his army 
 for the coming campaign. Meanwhile Ormond was having a bad 
 time of it. His defeat at Rathmines had completely cut the ground 
 from underneath his feet and enabled the clerical faction formerly 
 led by Rinuccini to recover its authority among the Con- 
 federates. In December there was a great meeting of the party 
 at Clonmacnoise, followed by the publication of a manifesto 
 calling on the Irish to lay aside their jealousies and join in one 
 determined effort to oppose * the common enemy commanded 
 
 2403 H 
 
114 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 by Cromwell '. But the only man who could have adequately 
 answered the call, Owen Roe O'Neill, had just passed to his rest. 
 Shortly before his death O'Neill had sent his nephew Hugh to 
 Ormond's assistance, but the help he brought arrived too 
 late and Hugh had been placed in charge of Clonmel. Thither, 
 after capturing Kilkenny in March 1650, Cromwell marched. 
 But never, not even in England, did Cromwell encounter such 
 fierce resistance as he did at Clonmel. In the end, after sacrificing 
 2,000 men, he got possession of the place, but only to find that 
 while he was negotiating O'Neill and his men had escaped. The 
 capture of Clonmel was Cromwell's last exploit in Ireland. 
 A fortnight after its surrender he handed over the command of the 
 army to his son-in-law Ireton and sailed for England. 
 
 Complete Reduction of Ireland. During the summer the work 
 of reducing Ireland was carried vigorously forward, and by the 
 close of the year only Limerick, Galway, and Athlone, together 
 with a number of isolated forts, remained in the hands of the 
 Irish. Meanwhile Ormond had been labouring earnestly to repair 
 the mischief his defeat at Rathmines had caused, but he no longer 
 possessed the confidence of the Confederates, and finding, after 
 Charles IPs repudiation of the Peace of 1648-9, no object in 
 remaining where he was not wanted, he transferred his authority 
 to the Earl of Clanricarde and sailed from Galway for France in 
 December. Charles's repudiation of the Peace, followed by 
 Ormond's withdrawal, was treated by the Confederates as an 
 indication of the Crown's indifference to their fate, and, regarding 
 themselves at liberty to take what measures they liked for their 
 own safety, they entered into negotiations with Duke Charles of 
 Lorraine for placing the kingdom under his protection. The 
 negotiations, owing to Clanricarde's opposition, came to nothing, 
 and the incident would not be worth mentioning except for the 
 disastrous eifect it exercised on the claims of the Catholics at the 
 Restoration. On the other hand, things were not proceeding very 
 satisfactorily with Ireton. Owing to the vigorous resistance of the 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, i64i~gi 115 
 
 Irish and especially to the obstinate defence of Limerick hy Hugh 
 O'Neill, Cromwell's opponent at Clonmel, the reduction of the 
 country proved a bigger task than either Ireton or the Commis- 
 sioners of Parliament, recently appointed for the management 
 of civil affairs, had anticipated. In June 1651 Athlone was 
 captured by Sir Charles Coote, and in October O'Neill, finding 
 it impossible on account of an outbreak of the plague to hold 
 out any longer, surrendered Limerick to Ireton. Galway still, 
 however, continued to bid defiance to Coote, and there were 
 still more than 30,000 Irishmen in arms. Moved by these con- 
 siderations and the intolerable cost of maintaining the army of 
 occupation, the Commissioners of Parliament early in 1652 held 
 out an offer of more favourable treatment as an inducement to 
 the Irish to submit. The offer, coupled with the surrender of 
 Galway in April, broke the back of the Irish resistance. In May 
 terms, known as the Articles of Kilkenny, were concluded for 
 a general capitulation, conceding to all who surrendered, except 
 such as had been guilty of murder in the first year of the Rebellion, 
 the liberty to transport themselves abroad. It was a small con- 
 cession, but it was calculated that during the summer no fewer 
 than 34,000 Irish soldiers took advantage of the opportunity thus 
 given them to quit the country. 
 
 Settleme7it of Ireland. The war that had raged with inter- 
 mittent fury for eleven years was at an end, and Ireland was 
 conquered as she had never been conquered before. The hour 
 when retribution was to be demanded for all the innocent blood 
 that had been shed since the outbreak of the Rebellion had arrived. 
 Such at any rate was the view taken of the situation by English- 
 men. The plan of retribution had long ago been formulated 
 in the Act for the confiscation and sale of Ireland passed by the 
 Long Parliament shortly after the outbreak of the Rebellion. 
 Since that Act had been passed ten years had elapsed, and the 
 cost of reducing Ireland, then calculated at ^^i, 000,000, had swollen 
 to more than twice that amount. At the rates laid down in the 
 
 H 2 
 
ii6 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 Adventurers' Act more than five out of the twelve million acres 
 composing the arable land of Ireland were required to meet the 
 debt. To provide this necessary fund an Act, called the Act of 
 Settlement, was passed on 12 August 1652. For the purposes of 
 the Act the whole of Ireland was regarded as confiscated property, 
 and to this end all Irishmen, to whatever race they belonged — 
 English, Scots, or Irish — who could not prove their innocence 
 and constant good affection to the Commonwealth of England, 
 were taken to have been guilty of rebellion and were to be pun- 
 ished either by the loss of life and property or of property alone, 
 wholly or partial according to the degree of their guilt as specified 
 in the qualifications set forth in the Act. Appended to the 
 Act was a long list of those excepted by name from pardon of life 
 and estate. Among them were persons of such different quality 
 as Ormond, Bishop Bramhall, Sir George Monro, and Sir Phelim 
 O'Neill. To decide the case of those charged with crimes touching 
 their lives a High Court of Justice was appointed to be erected, 
 while a Court of Qualifications was established to determine the 
 amount of property to be forfeited. A fund of land having been 
 thus obtained for the liquidation of the debt due to the army 
 and adventurers, the next step taken was to arrange for its distribu- 
 tion. This was accomplished by what was called the Act of 
 Satisfaction. For the purposes of the Act Ireland was divided into 
 two parts — the one comprising the Province of Connaught and 
 County of Clare, the other the three other provinces : the former 
 to meet all claims on the part of such Irish proprietors (hence 
 called Transplanters) as should manage to save any part of their 
 lands in any part of the kingdom, the latter for the satisfaction of 
 the soldiers and adventurers. Having thus in a general way 
 provided for the settlement of the country, the next procedure 
 was to clear the three provinces of their dispossessed proprietors 
 and to measure the lands to be allotted to the individual soldiers 
 and adventurers. The former was a difficult task, and it was only 
 accomplished at the sword's point and after inflicting cruel hard- 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 117 
 
 ships on the Transplanters. The admeasurement of the lands 
 was eventually carried out to everybody's entire satisfaction 
 by Sir William Petty, and by i May 1659 ^^^ ^^^^ adventurer had 
 been settled on the lands allotted to him. One result of the 
 Transplantation was a great increase of vagabondage. Many old 
 retainers had to be turned adrift, and not being able to find 
 a livelihood they prowled about the country pilfering what they 
 could. To put an end to this nuisance Government caused many 
 of them — men, women, and children — to be arrested and trans- 
 ported to the West Indies, where they were, if not exactly sold 
 into slavery, at any rate hired out on hard terms to the planters. 
 We have no means of knowing how many persons were thus trans- 
 ported, but the number must have been considerable if we may 
 trust the statement that the Irish brogue noticeable in parts of the 
 West Indian islands to-day is traceable to these enforced settlers. 
 Moreover, we know that the demand was so great that in order 
 to supply it the planters' agents took to kidnapping Englishmen, 
 whereupon Government interfered and stopped the traffic. 
 
 The Settlement and the Restoration. Before the Protectorate 
 came to an end the Settlement of Ireland as conceived by Crom- 
 well was an accomplished fact. The dream of English statesmen 
 from the time of Surrey and St. Leger seemed at last to have been 
 realized. By her incorporation with England under the Instru- 
 ment of Government Ireland had been deprived of her legislative 
 independence. By the care with which her representation in the 
 Parliament of England had been regulated no one but a loyal 
 Protestant could be returned. Ireland, so long a thorn in the side 
 of England, had herself become another little England beyond 
 the Channel. The Irish problem had ceased to exist. So English- 
 men thought. But hardly had Charles II recovered the throne 
 from which his father had been forcibly ejected than things 
 in Ireland were once more turned topsy-turvy. With excusable 
 impatience the dispossessed proprietors, trusting to Charles's 
 hatred of the Cromwellians, began to flock back to their old homes. 
 
ii8 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 and in some instances to take forcible possession of them. But 
 much as Charles might hate the Cromwellians his hands were 
 bound. It was to repentant Cromwellians, like Monck and 
 Broghill, not to royalists, like Clarendon and Ormond, that he 
 owed his restoration ; and so far as Ireland was concerned Broghill 
 and his friends were determined that nothing should upset the 
 Settlement. They were willing that Charles's personal enemies, 
 the regicides, should pay the penalty of their crime, and that 
 his personal friends should recover their estates. But to a general 
 restoration of the dispossessed proprietors they would not listen, 
 and they knew that the English Parliament, however subservient 
 it might otherwise be to Charles, would back them up in this 
 respect. But the Irish were not to be easily put down. They 
 possessed a strong advocate in Colonel Dick Talbot, better known 
 by his subsequent title of Duke of Tyrconnel, the bosom friend of 
 the King's brother, James, and Talbot was resolved that come 
 what might he would never rest till he had upset the Settlement. 
 In his dilemma Charles clutched at a suggestion thrown out by 
 the Broghillites that a careful investigation would probably reveal 
 a sufficiency of land, without touching the Settlement, to satisfy 
 all just claims. On the basis of this suggestion Charles published 
 a declaration dealing with the whole question in November 1660. 
 The Declaration, with the Instructions attached to it, were sub- 
 mitted to the Irish Parliament in May 1 661. The Declaration, 
 being a mere platonic expression of the King's goodwill, found 
 easy acceptance, but the Instructions gave rise to a fierce con- 
 troversy, and in the end the matter was remitted back to the 
 King. In London, owing to James's support, the Irish held 
 a strong position ; but their case was badly managed, and Charles, 
 being made acquainted with their intrigues with the Duke of 
 Lorraine, promptly closed the discussion. A bill embodying the 
 Declaration and Instructions was drawn up, and being passed by 
 the Irish Parliament received the royal assent in September 1662. 
 The backbone of the Act of Settlement was the establishment 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 119 
 
 by it of a Court of Claims. It was hoped by the BroghiUites that 
 few Irish would establish their claims to innocence. But, to their 
 surprise, before the Court had sat a month twenty-one out of 
 the twenty-seven claims considered by it were admitted. The 
 Cromwellians were alarmed. A plot was soon on foot to seize 
 Dublin Castle and upset the Government. But the plot was 
 discovered, and the punishment meted out to those implicated in 
 it exercised a sobering effect on the malcontents. The result was 
 a bill, called a Bill for the Explanation of the Act of Settlement, 
 whereby the Cromwellians consented to surrender one-third of 
 the property in their possession on 7 May 1659 in order to provide 
 a fund for the reprisal of innocent Irish. The Bill led to a violent 
 ebullition of ill-feeling in the Commons and swords were drawn, 
 but eventually it became law on 23 December 1665. The episode 
 v/as closed. Taking the total arable (including pasture) land of 
 Ireland at about 12,000,000 statute acres, its distribution at this 
 time was as follow's : 
 
 Cromwellians . . . . . 
 
 Old English colonists .... 
 Innocent Irish, including Transplanters 
 Retained by Irishmen of ' good affection' 
 Remaining unappropriated in towns, &c. 
 
 4,560,037 
 
 3,900,000 
 
 2,323,809 
 
 600,000 
 
 824,39 1 
 
 12,208,237 
 
 Jttempt to Upset the Settlement, As it stood, by the Act of 
 Explanation, the Settlement was entirely unsatisfactory to Talbot 
 and his friends. There were still hundreds of dispossessed 
 proprietors whose claims it was quite impossible to satisfy on the 
 basis of the Act. The author of that Act was Ormond, for whom, 
 in consequence, Talbot now conceived a fierce hatred. Like all 
 moderate men, anxious to reconcile the claims of conflicting 
 parties, Ormond was exposed to the attacks of both. He was 
 hated by the dispossessed Catholic proprietors and disliked by the 
 Cromwellians. Hitherto he had managed to hold his own for 
 pretty much the same reasons that Clarendon retained his position 
 in England. Both of them belonged to the old regime. Both of 
 
120 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 them had been the devoted servants of Charles I. To both of 
 them Charles II was bound by every tie of gratitude. But to 
 Charles the restraining influence they exerted on him was daily 
 becoming more irksome. Both were strong Protestants, and both 
 from their own point of view constitutionalists. Charles was by 
 nature neither. His predilection for Roman Catholicism, though 
 concealed from his subjects, was no secret to his intimate friends ; 
 his distaste of control rendered him an ardent admirer of absolu- 
 tism as personified in his friend Louis XIV. To those acquainted 
 with his wishes it was an easy matter to convince him that the 
 first step to their realization was the removal of Clarendon and 
 Ormond. In the case of the latter a willing tool was found in 
 Lord Broghill, now Earl of Orrery, to whom the prospect of 
 succeeding to the viceroyalty was a sufficient inducement to 
 countenance a charge preferred against Ormond of misapplication 
 of the revenue. Ormond removed. Orrery's claims were ignored, 
 and the office of Lord Lieutenant was conferred on Lord Robartes. 
 Robartes was a strict Presbyterian ; but he was an earnest advocate 
 of toleration, and it was hoped that his appointment might lead 
 to the extension of toleration to the Roman Catholics. Unfor- 
 tunately, Robartes proved personally objectionable to the Irish, 
 and after a short trial he was replaced by Lord Berkeley of Stratton. 
 Berkeley was a Protestant, but his wife was a Catholic, and so was 
 his secretary, Sir Ellis Leighton. With Leighton's assistance 
 and the connivance of Berkeley, Talbot, who had now taken upon 
 himself the office of manager of Irish affairs, succeeded in obtaining 
 an official recognition of Roman Catholicism and also in securing 
 the appointment of a commission to inquire into the working 
 of the Act of Settlement. His success, however, in this latter 
 particular alarmed the CromwelHans, and the matter being taken 
 up by the English Parliament Charles was obliged to remove 
 Talbot from all his offices and banish him from court. Shortly 
 afterwards Berkeley was recalled and his place taken by Arthur 
 Capel, Earl of Essex, 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 121 
 
 Attempt to Upset the Settlement Checked. The first attempt to 
 reverse the Act of Settlement had failed, but neither Charles nor 
 Talbot was discouraged. Essex's appointment was an attempt 
 to achieve by roundabout methods what Berkeley's had been 
 intended to effect directly. The Act of Settlement had authorized 
 the establishment of certain new rules for the regulation of 
 corporations. These rules were intended to strengthen the 
 position of the Cromwellians in the boroughs ; but it was hoped 
 that, by conceding a dispensing power to the Crown as regarded 
 the admission of Roman Catholics, the disadvantage under which 
 the latter were placed by the rules for their exclusion might be 
 redressed. Though a strong Protestant, Essex was too devoted 
 to Charles to resist the proposal, and by a liberal interpretation 
 of the dispensing powers of the Crown the way was prepared for 
 the ultimate capture of most of the parliamentary boroughs by 
 the Roman Catholics. Further than this, however, Essex refused 
 to go, and, certain differences arising between him and the farmers 
 of the Revenue, the opportunity was taken in 1677 to recall him 
 and transfer the Government once more to Ormond. Ormond's 
 reappointment, under pressure of events in England, was a great 
 surprise and a source of intense satisfaction to Irish Protestants. 
 Unfortunately, before Ormond had been many weeks in office 
 England was thrown into a state of violent commotion by the 
 discovery of what is called the Popish Plot. Being convinced that, 
 so far as Ireland was concerned, the discovery was a mare's nest, 
 Ormond was at first incHned to regard the plot with contempt. 
 His attitude was disapproved by the managers of the plot, and in 
 self-defence he was compelled to take such measures for the 
 repression of the CathoHcs as if the country was on the verge 
 of rebelhon. Among the victims of the plot was the Roman 
 Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, Oliver Plunket. Plunket was 
 a perfectly harmless individual, and the charge of high treason 
 preferred against him so ludicrous that no bill could be found 
 against him in Ireland ; but being ordered to England he was, 
 
122 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 despite his protestations of innocence, condemned to death and 
 executed. 
 
 The Atte7npt to Upset the Settlement Renewed. The judicial 
 murder of Archbishop Plunket was speedily followed by the 
 collapse of the plot. The revulsion of feeling that ensued left 
 Charles master of the situation. The failure of the Rye House 
 Plot merely confirmed his position, and for the first time in his 
 reign he felt himself able to pursue an independent policy. To 
 Talbot the situation seemed opportune for renewing his endeavours 
 to procure a reversal, or at any rate a revision, of the Act of 
 Settlement. With this object in view he obtained Charles's 
 consent to recall Ormond, to divide the civil from the military 
 power, and to issue a Commission of Grace for the purpose 
 nominally of enabling the Cromwellians to strengthen their titles, 
 but really, by exacting a considerable fine from them, of providing 
 a fund for the compensation of the dispossessed Catholic pro- 
 prietors. Something had already been effected in this direction 
 when Charles died. With James's accession Talbot's opportunity 
 to carry out his long-cherished plan of repealing the Act of 
 Settlement seemed to have come at last. To mask his intentions 
 the viceroyalty was conferred on the Earl of Clarendon, but from 
 the first the real director of Irish affairs was Talbot, now Earl of 
 Tyrconnel. In view of his own prospective assumption of the 
 oflRce of Lord Lieutenant, and with the object of shifting from 
 himself the odium attaching to such proceedings, Tyrconnel now 
 insisted on Clarendon instituting certain administrative changes 
 for the purpose of placing the balance of power in the hands of the 
 Roman Catholics. Monmouth's rebellion had already served him as 
 a pretext for reforming the army by substituting as many Catholics 
 as possible for Protestants. With Clarendon's help he now sought 
 to secure control of the judicial bench, the magistracy, and 
 municipal corporations ; but, Clarendon proving less servile than 
 he had expected, he procured his recall and his own appointment 
 in January 1687. Tyrconnel's appointment as Lord Lieutenant 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 123 
 
 was the signal for a general exodus of all such Protestants as could 
 by any means remove themselves and their goods to England and 
 Scotland. Tyrconnel watched their departure with composure. 
 Their departure, in his opinion, only rendered his task the easier. 
 During the summer the work of remodelling Government in 
 all its branches was pushed rapidly forward, and early in 1688 
 a bill for repealing the Act of Settlement was transmitted to 
 England for the sanction of the Privy Council. But here Tyr- 
 connel overshot his mark. The Bill, though it was accompanied 
 by a bribe of ^^40,000 to the President of the Council, the Earl of 
 Sunderland, was rejected. Englishmen, it appeared, were too 
 well aware of their own interest in Ireland to consent to any such 
 scheme. 
 
 7he Protestants on the Defensive. Meanwhile James had 
 become involved in a serious quarrel with his English subjects. 
 The trial of the seven bishops in June brought matters to a crisis, 
 and feeling that his army was not to be trusted he appealed to 
 Tyrconnel for mihtary assistance. In order to answer his call 
 Tyrconnel denuded Londonderry of its garrison ; but speedily 
 recognizing the risk he was thereby running he ordered the Mar- 
 quis of Antrim to proceed thither with his regiment. Antrim's 
 regiment was notorious for its plundering propensities, and as 
 the citizens of Londonderry watched the approach of the soldiers 
 with heavy hearts the apprentices of the city, seized ' by a strange 
 impulse ', closed the gates in their face. The attitude of Derry 
 \vas immediately imitated by Enniskillen and Sligo, and Tyr- 
 connel, seeing the necessity for prompt action, sent Richard 
 Hamilton with a strong force into Ulster to restore order there 
 early in 1689. At Dromore Hamilton came up with a considerable 
 body of Protestants under the command of Sir Arthur Rawdon 
 and Major Baker, but after a short resistance the Protestants 
 broke and fled, some to Coleraine, others to Enniskillen and 
 Derry. Two days before the * Break of Dromore ', as this incident 
 is called, James landed at Kinsale, accompanied by a number of 
 
124 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 French and English officers. From Cork, where he was met by 
 Tyrconnel, he proceeded to Dublin. It was James's intention, 
 after reducing Ireland to his obedience, to cross over to Scotland, 
 where Viscount Dundee and the Duke of Gordon, having raised 
 the Highlands and taken possession of Edinburgh Castle, were 
 anxiously awaiting his arrival. His intention was not approved 
 by Tyrconnel, who, having got him in Ireland, was anxious to 
 detain him there until Parliament had met and repealed the 
 Act of Settlement. To Louis XIV, with whose assistance he hoped 
 to recover his crown, James was a mere pawn in the great game 
 he was playing against William and the Emperor Leopold. By 
 supporting James, Louis hoped to find William sufficient occupa- 
 tion at home to prevent him interfering on the Continent. Full 
 of his intention to get to Scotland as soon as possible,, James, after 
 issuing writs for a meeting of Parliament in May, proceeded in 
 person at the head of his army against Derry. It was hoped that 
 his presence and the overwhelming force with which he was 
 attended would bring the recalcitrant citizens to their senses. 
 The opinion was shared by Colonel Lundy, to whom the defence 
 of Derry had been entrusted, and James, having reached the 
 outskirts of the city on 18 April, was negotiating for a surrender 
 when a cannon-ball, fired either accidentally or of set purpose, 
 came dangerously near to cutting his career short. Apologies 
 followed, but that same night Lundy, finding himself suspected 
 of treason, fled, and the defence of the city being placed in more 
 determined hands, Londonderry entered on her famous fifteen 
 weeks' siege. 
 
 Act of Settlement Repealed. Disappointed in his hopes of reach- 
 ing Scotland James returned to Dublin to meet the Parliament 
 he had recklessly agreed to call. His position was an awkward one. 
 For, being anxious above all things to regain possession of England, 
 he fully recognized the importance of Louis's advice to do nothing 
 that would alienate the sympathies of his EngHsh well-wishers. 
 To consent to a repeal of the Act of Settlement he clearly saw 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 125 
 
 would destroy his chance of recovering his throne. But he was 
 entirely at Tyrconnel's mercy, and Tyrconnel was determined 
 that, whether he liked it or not, he would have to consent to its 
 repeal. In the end James had to do Tyrconnel's bidding, and like- 
 wise to give his assent to an Act attainting by name more than 
 two thousand of his Protestant Irish subjects. Meanwhile, in 
 England all eyes were directed to Derry. So long as Derry held out 
 Ireland was not entirely lost. But would she be able to hold out 
 till relief reached her .? This was the question agitating all men's 
 minds. But Major-General Kirke, to whom the relief of the city 
 had been committed, displayed little energy. For weeks he lay 
 with his fleet at the mouth of the Foyle, afraid apparently to 
 run the risk of attacking the boom that the besiegers had stretched 
 across the river. In the end, consequent on peremptory orders 
 from General Schomberg, who had been appointed commander- 
 in-chief of the forces for Ireland, the attempt w^as made, and on 
 28 July Derry was relieved. The relief of Derry, followed three 
 days later by the defeat of Viscount Mountcashel, to whom the 
 reduction of Enniskillen had been entrusted, by Colonel Wolseley 
 at Newtown Butler, completely altered the aspect of affairs. 
 A fortnight afterwards (13 August) Schomberg landed at Bangor 
 in County Down at the head of an army, which rumour placed 
 at 20,000 seasoned troops. As a matter of fact Schomberg's army 
 consisted of barely 14,000 men, mostly raw recruits, badly drilled, 
 inefficiently officered, and inadequately provisioned. From 
 Bangor Schomberg, after wasting a full fortnight in reducing 
 Carrickfergus, marched slowly southwards in the direction of 
 Dundalk. Hearing of his approach James advanced to meet him 
 at the head of about 20,000 men. But De Rosen, who commanded 
 the Irish army, not knowing his opponent's actual strength, 
 hesitated to attack, and Schomberg finding it impossible, owing 
 to lack of provisions, to take the offensive, entrenched himself 
 at the foot of the Black Mountains to the north-east of Dundalk. 
 For the rest of the summer both armies lay inactively watching 
 
126 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 each other till the commencement of the wet season drove 
 both of them into winter quarters. 
 
 The Battle of the Boyne. The result of the campaign, though 
 only what might have been expected in the circumstances, was 
 a great disappointment to WilHam, and in his eagerness to put 
 an end to the Irish business as speedily as possible he announced 
 his intention to take command of the army himself. The winter 
 and spring were spent in feverish exertions on both sides to 
 prepare for the decisive struggle. On 14 June 1690 William 
 himself landed at Carrickfergus, and after reviewing his army he 
 at once set out in the direction of Dublin. On 30 June he came 
 up with James's army at the River Boyne. As he was inspecting 
 the position taken up by the latter his presence was detected 
 from the opposite side of the river, and he at once became the 
 object of some sharp artillery practice. Fortunately, though 
 knocked from his horse by a passing cannon-ball, he was not 
 seriously injured, and next morning he was able to lead the 
 attack. The battle, as is well known, ended in the complete 
 discomfiture of James's army. From a military point of view the 
 battle of the Boyne was a small affair. But it saved the situation 
 for England. It did not, as William hoped it would do, put an 
 end to the war, and had not James, by the reports he spread on 
 the Continent of the hopelessness of the situation, misled Louis, 
 it might even have failed to produce the effect it did. As it was, 
 James's flight greatly discouraged Tyrconnel, and though his 
 army managed to escape practically intact to Limerick the position 
 of affairs appeared to him so hopeless that, when William, after 
 vainly endeavouring to induce the Protestants to concede favour- 
 able terms to the Irish, followed him thither, he withdrew to 
 Galway with the intention of joining his august master in France. 
 Fortunately his view of the situation was not shared by Sarsfield, 
 on whom the defence of Limerick now devolved. Hearing that 
 William's heavy artillery was still on the way, Sarsfield crossed 
 the Shannon at Killaloe with a body of cavalry, and winding his way 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 127 
 
 round the back of William's army intercepted his artillery at Bally- 
 neety and blew up the entire train. His action destroyed WilHam's 
 hope of capturing Limerick, and the wet season setting in, WilHam, 
 after several futile attempts to storm the city, quitted Ireland. 
 
 The End of the War. Sarsfield's success had completely altered 
 the aspect of aifairs, and, with the object of obtaining speedy 
 assistance from Louis, Tyrconnel shortly afterwards sailed from 
 Galway. The situation, owing to the capture of Cork and Kinsale 
 in October by the future Duke of Marlborough, was critical in the 
 extreme and, as month after month passed away without any sign 
 of help arriving, even Sarsfield began to despair. At the beginning 
 of May 1 69 1, however. General St. Ruth, accompanied by a 
 number of French officers, arrived at Limerick with large supplies 
 of ammunition and provisions. It was high time that relief 
 came. A few weeks later the commander-in-chief of the English 
 army, General De Ginkel, took the field at the head of about 
 20,000 seasoned troops and a train of artillery such as Ireland had 
 never before seen. On 19 June he sat down before Athlone. 
 The town commanding the main entrance into Connaught was 
 deemed impregnable, and in the belief that De Ginkel's attack 
 was merely a feint, St. Ruth, after strengthening its defences, 
 concentrated his army lower down the Shannon. The summer, 
 however, happened to be a very dry one, and De Ginkel, after 
 vainly endeavouring to force the bridge, was on the point of retiring 
 when he was induced to take advantage of the lowness of the river 
 to try to ford it. The attempt succeeded, and before the Irish 
 on the opposite bank were well aware of his purpose the place was 
 in his hands. Hearing to his surprise and chagrin that Athlone 
 had fallen, St. Ruth withdrew his army in the direction of Galway. 
 Pit the Hill of Aughrim he halted, and recognizing the advantages 
 of the position he determined to give battle there. His forecast 
 proved correct, and, the Irish fighting like grim death, victory 
 seemed within his reach, when a cannon-ball put an end to his 
 life and the hopes of the Irish. Left practically without a leader, 
 
128 Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 
 
 the Irish, after fighting for a time in disorder, broke and fled. No 
 quarter was given them and nightfall alone put an end to the 
 slaughter. From Aughrim De Ginkel pushed on to Galway. 
 His summons to surrender was rejected by the Governor, General 
 D'Usson ; but the favourable terms offered by De Ginkel made 
 an effect on the citizens, and at their entreaty D'Usson consented 
 to capitulate. From Galway De Ginkel marched on Limerick, 
 the last stronghold in the possession of the Irish. The city was 
 defended by Sarsfield, but the situation was no longer what it had 
 been. St. Ruth had been beaten, and there was little likelihood, 
 it was thought, of fresh help being furnished by Louis. Fortune, too, 
 once more played into De Ginkel's hands, and the citizens, seeing 
 themselves, after his capture of Thomond Bridge, surrounded 
 on all sides, insisted on Sarsfield coming to terms. The struggle 
 was at an end, and the Treaty of Limerick having been signed on 
 30 October Sarsfield surrendered the city to De Ginkel. 
 
 The Treaty of Limerick. The Treaty, or rather treaties, of 
 Limerick, for it consisted of two parts — a civil and a military — 
 is an important event in Irish history. By the miHtary treaty it 
 was agreed that all persons of whatever quality or condition 
 soever, including officers and soldiers with their wives and families 
 and portable goods, were to be allowed to remove to France or 
 any country on the Continent they liked and that De Ginkel was 
 to find shipping for them. By the civil treaty it was conceded 
 that the Irish Catholics should enjoy all those religious rights 
 which they possessed in the reign of Charles II, with such further 
 privileges as their Majesties, WilHam and Mary, might, with the 
 consent of Parliament, in the future procure for them, and that 
 they, with all Irish still in arms, who should immediately submit, 
 should be secured in the free and undisputed possession of their 
 estates as they possessed them under the Act of Settlement. Of 
 the military treaty it is only necessary to remark that, despite 
 certain differences of opinion as to its interpretation, nearly 
 ending in a quarrel between Sarsfield and De Ginkel, it was 
 
Rebellion and Settlement, 1641-gi 129 
 
 faithfully observed by both sides, and that before the close of 
 the year 12,000 Irishmen in arms, who took advantage of it, had 
 left the country. The civil treaty stands on a different foot- 
 ing. Primarily it was William's work. In his eagerness to secure 
 the co-operation of the Emperor Leopold in his European policy 
 William had pledged his word to do his best for his Catholic 
 subjects. As the Treaty shows, he kept his word. The Treaty 
 accorded the Irish as favourable terms as they could reasonably 
 expect. But in order to make it valid the Treaty had to be 
 confirmed by the Irish Parhament. As is well known, the Irish 
 Parliament, after postponing its consideration for several years, 
 eventually in 1697 refused to confirm it. Why? The answer 
 to this question furnishes the clue to the history of Ireland during 
 the first half of the eighteenth century. Irish Protestants, it must 
 be remembered, had recently had a hard time of it. During 
 Tyrconnel's regime they had seen their property confiscated and 
 their lives imperilled. They were determined that now they had 
 got the upper hand of their enemies the latter should never 
 again have it in their power to create a fresh rebellion. To effect 
 their object they were even prepared to barter some of their 
 rights to the English Parliament, or, as Grattan expressed it, 
 to kneel to England on the necks of their Catholic countrymen. 
 It was this spirit, partly of fear and partly of a desire for revenge, 
 that gave birth to the Penal Laws and led to the subordination 
 of the Irish Parliament to that of England. 
 
 PART V 
 
 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 Relations between England and Ireland. The Treaty of Limerick 
 marks the beginning of a new period in Irish history — the period 
 known as that of the Protestant Ascendancy. This period lasted 
 fully three-quarters of a century, and it was largely in order to heal 
 
 2403 I 
 
130 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 the breaches subsequently made in Protestant Ascendancy that the 
 Act of Union was effected. It is well to bear this fact in mind. 
 Had England so desired it she could readily, so far as Ireland was 
 concerned, have effected a legislative union in 1691 ; but she did 
 not wish to do so. She was determined, now that the Rebellion 
 had been crushed, to treat Ireland as a subject colony. Never 
 again should Ireland have it in her power to defy her. Without 
 consulting the wishes of Irishmen, if we may so designate the 
 EngHsh colonists in Ireland, the EngHsh ParHament in 1691 passed 
 an Act rendering it obligatory on every member of the Irish 
 Parliament to take an oath declaratory of disbelief in Tran- 
 substantiation. By that Act it closed the Irish ParHament to 
 Irish Catholics, but without depriving them of the elective 
 franchise. That was first done by the Irish Parliament itself in 
 1727. In 1 69 1 the Irish House of Commons consisted of three 
 hundred members. Of these fully one-half were merely the 
 nominees of individual patrons. On its first meeting after the 
 Revolution, in October 1691, the Irish Parliament readily acquiesced 
 in the English Act excluding the Catholics, but when the Lord 
 Lieutenant, Lord Sidney, in pursuance of the plan for reducing 
 Ireland to the position of a Crown colony, insisted on regulating 
 taxation, the Irish Commons rebelled and asserted their own 
 right to originate Money Bills. Being unable to carry his point, 
 Sidney dissolved Parliament. The country, however, was still in 
 a very disturbed condition, and the Protestants, fearing a fresh 
 rising of the Catholics, consented to waive their right to originate 
 Money Bills on condition (i) that their operation was limited to 
 two years, and (2) that they were allowed a free hand to deal 
 with the CathoHcs as they liked. One result of this compact was 
 that the Irish Parliament only met in alternate years for the 
 purpose of providing a revenue. Having seen to this the Lord 
 Lieutenant returned to England, leaving the further management 
 of affairs to the Lords Justices, who were usually the Lord Chan- 
 cellor and either the Primate or the Archbishop of DubHn, The 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 131 
 
 consequence of Parliament only meeting in alternate years was 
 to establish a theory, carefully fostered by the borough proprietors, 
 that only the death of the sovereign could cause a dissolution. 
 
 7he Penal Laws. Having thus as it were purchased the right 
 to deal with the Catholics as it liked, the Irish Parliament pro- 
 ceeded to the construction of that Penal Code which Burke 
 accurately described as a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance 
 for the oppression, impoverishment, and degradation of a people 
 and the debasement in them of human nature itself as ever 
 proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man. It has been 
 attempted to excuse the Penal Laws on the ground that they 
 were not rigorously enforced. This appears to be a mistake. 
 The Penal Laws were enforced as rigidly as any other laws, and 
 they were constantly being added to and strengthened in order 
 to meet the attempts of the Catholics to evade them. So far as 
 a Catholic layman was concerned he was not allowed to educate 
 his children by sending them to a Catholic seminary either at 
 home or abroad. He himself might not be a schoolmaster nor 
 might he hold any office under the Crown. He could not receive 
 a legacy in land, nor could he take a lease for a longer period than 
 thirty-one years. His wife, if she became a Protestant, could sue 
 him for separate maintenance and could become the guardian 
 of his children. If he married a Protestant possessing land or 
 property to the value of ;£500, his wife forfeited her property. 
 If his children became Protestants, they passed out of his control, 
 and his eldest son, if he liked, could deprive him of all but a life 
 interest in his estate. If his children continued Catholics, he was 
 obliged on his death to divide his estate equally amongst them. 
 He could not sit in Parliament, nor could he after 1727 vote at 
 parliamentary elections. He was debarred from being a magistrate 
 or a justice of the peace, and could not become a member of any 
 trade-guild or corporation. He might not practise as a lawyer, 
 nor might he, if he was engaged in trade, employ more than two 
 apprentices. He was absolutely forbidden to carry arms or engage 
 
 I 2 
 
132 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 in the manufacture of weapons, and unless included in the military 
 articles of the Treaty of Limerick, he might not wear the small- 
 sword which was the usual sign of a gentleman of birth. All his 
 life long he was exposed to the malicious practices of the spy 
 and informer, and at his death he could not, if he desired it, be 
 buried in any ancient churchyard or monastery sacred to the 
 memory of his ancestors. For a Catholic clergyman the punish- 
 ment was exile and instant transportation after i May 1698, 
 followed in the event of return by the penalties of high treason. 
 To the credit of the Catholic priests it must be said that the 
 terrors of the Penal Laws served rather to stimulate than diminish 
 their zeal. Though exposed to spy and informer and hunted down 
 like wild beasts, their numbers continued to grow, till at last 
 Government, after threatening them with branding and mutila- 
 tion, seeing the hopelessness of exterminating them, held its 
 hand and tried other methods, chief among which was that of 
 proselytism by means of the Charter Schools. Of these schools, 
 established by Archbishop Boulter in 1733, ' to rescue the souls 
 of poor children from the dangers of Popish superstition and 
 idolatry ', it is sufficient to say that they effected a minimum of 
 good at the expense of intense suffering on the part of their 
 victims. 
 
 Effects of the Penal Laws. Of the evil effects of the Penal Laws 
 the history of Ireland during the first half of the eighteenth 
 century is one continuous commentary. Being forbidden to take 
 leases of land for a longer period than thirty-one years, many 
 Catholics engaged in rearing cattle for the provision trade. They 
 thus accumulated considerable wealth, but not being allowed to 
 purchase lands they invested their money in other countries. In 
 this way Ireland was drained of a considerable part of her metallic 
 currency. This drain, taken in connexion with the enormous 
 rents (j^i, 000,000 annually it was calculated) transmitted to 
 absentee landlords, constituted a serious drawback to the financial 
 stability of the country. At the beginning of the century Ireland 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 133 
 
 was not merely a corn-producing but a corn-exporting country. 
 In consequence, however, of the large profits to be made in the 
 provision trade a tendency soon displayed itself to convert arable 
 land into pasture. The tendency was strengthened by the Com- 
 mercial Treaties of 171 5-16. Gradually Ireland ceased to be 
 a corn-exporting country. The change was felt to be advantageous 
 by the English farmer, and when the Irish Parliament, in view of 
 recurrent famines, interfered with a law compelling Irish land- 
 lords to set aside five acres in every hundred for tillage, the 
 measure was discountenanced by the English Government. 
 Thus the change from arable to pasture went on unchecked, till 
 finally, by the disfranchisement of the Catholics in 1727, an actual 
 premium was placed on the process. For, finding their Catholic 
 tenants no longer poHtically important to them, landlords 
 deliberately cleared their estates of them and substituted cattle. 
 No doubt many Catholics profited largely by the cattle trade, 
 but for the Irish peasantry the conversion of arable land into 
 pasture meant absolute ruin. From this time forward their life 
 became one constant struggle against starvation, with the result 
 that in 1729 it was calculated that there were nearly 35,000 
 professional beggars strolling about the country. Notliing, it 
 appeared, could check the demand for grazing land, and it was 
 mainly to the attempts to enclose the pubHc commons for that 
 purpose that the first agrarian rising or Whiteboy movement, at 
 the beginning of the second half of the century, was due. All 
 these evils, and others we have no space to mention, if not directly 
 attributable to the Penal Laws were unquestionably aggravated 
 by them. 
 
 Subordination of Ireland to EngUmd. To turn now to a con- 
 sideration of the effects of the claim made by England to treat 
 Ireland as a colony. One of the most notable and immediate 
 results of the Cromwellian settlement was the rise of a vigorous 
 trade in live stock. In their desire to turn their newly acquired 
 estates to immediate advantage, the CromwelHan settlers had 
 
134 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 taken to growing cattle for the English market. The result was 
 a wild outcry on the part of the English farmer, followed in 1666 
 by an English Act of Parliament forbidding the importation of 
 Irish live stock into England. Checked in this direction, the settlers 
 took to slaughtering their own cattle, with the result that they 
 established a flourishing provision trade and not merely cut out 
 the English farmer from the Continent, but absorbed to them- 
 selves the provisioning of the English navy. Further, finding 
 themselves burdened with vast quantities of wool, which they 
 were unable to dispose of profitably in England, they established 
 a woollen industry of their own. In consequence of the woollen 
 industry and a number of other trades that followed in its wake, 
 Ireland became a comparatively prosperous country inX^harles IPs 
 reign. The war of the Revolution naturally led to a decline in 
 the industrial prosperity of the country, but after the Treaty of 
 Limerick the woollen industry was so successfully revived that 
 English manufacturers began to clamour for protection. The 
 Irish Parliament showed a willingness to meet them half-way by 
 placing countervailing duties on all manufactured woollen goods 
 exported from Ireland, but this concession not satisfying the 
 English manufacturers and the clamour for protection continuing, 
 the English Parliament interfered in 1699 with an Act practically 
 prohibiting the export of all woollen goods from Ireland. The Act 
 killed the Irish woollen industry for all but the home trade. On 
 the other hand, it did not greatly benefit English manufacturers. 
 For, Irish wool being in great demand on the Continent, vast 
 quantities were smuggled abroad, with the result that, many 
 countries being thus enabled to establish woollen manufactories 
 of their own, the demand for English manufactured goods dis- 
 appeared. This, however, was little consolation to Irish manu- 
 facturers, and, seeing it impossible to carry on, they too withdrew 
 from Ireland, taking their capital with them. The action of the 
 English Parliament was naturally resented by Irishmen, and its 
 right being challenged by William Molyneux in his famous book, 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 135 
 
 Th^ Case of Ireland'' s being bound by Acts of Parliament in England 
 stated^ the English Parhament not merely condemned Molyneux's 
 book, but, in order to put an end to further controversy on the 
 subject, passed an Act in 17 19, known as the Act of 6 George I, 
 asserting its absolute right to make laws binding on Ireland. 
 
 Rising Indignation against England. The result of the destruc- 
 tion of the woollen trade, taken in connexion with the heavy 
 export of bullion in the form of rents and pensions and the 
 investments by Catholics in foreign securities, was the progressive 
 depletion of the metal currency of the country. So rapid was the 
 decline that in 1720 it was found necessary to provide Ireland 
 with a new copper coinage. To meet this necessity a patent to 
 coin a large quantity of half -pence was granted to the King's 
 mistress, the Duchess of Kendal. The Duchess sold her rights 
 to an ironmaster of the name of Wood, who at once proceeded 
 to strike off a number of coins. Some of these coins, apparently 
 of admirable quality, had already found their way into the country 
 when the mxatter was taken up by Jonathan Swift, Dean of St. 
 Patrick's. Though an Irishman, Swift was not enamoured of 
 the Irish, but fortunately for them he was at the time on the 
 outlook for a stick wherewith to beat the Whigs. Such a stick 
 he found in Wood's half-pence. In the character of a Dublin 
 draper. Swift published a series of letters in which, after criticizing 
 the terms of Wood's patent and dilating on the harm the new 
 coins would do, he proceeded, with more regard to reason, to 
 condemn the general pohcy pursued by England since the Revolu- 
 tion to Ireland. His indictment culminated in the assertion that 
 ' all government without the consent of the governed is the very 
 definition of slavery'. A stirring agitation following the publica- 
 tion of The Drapier^s Letters, Government instituted a prosecution 
 of the printer, but the prosecution broke down, and Sir Robert 
 Walpole, seeing that Ireland was becoming inconveniently inde- 
 pendent, determined to appoint a resident Englishman as manager 
 of Irish affairs. The person chosen for the post was Hugh Boulter, 
 
136 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 Bishop of Bristol, now created Archbishop of Armagh. Boulter's 
 task was to keep Ireland dependent on England : his method of 
 doing so was simplicity itself. As we have remarked, the Irish 
 House of Commons consisted of three hundred members, of whom 
 nearly two-thirds were the nominees of a comparatively small 
 number of borough proprietors. It was Boulter's plan, by re- 
 stricting all offices of State to such of those proprietors as were 
 walling to take their orders from him, to purchase the subservience 
 of Parliament. His plan proved the thin end of the wedge of 
 corruption that was eventually to lead to the downfall of the Irish 
 Parliament. 
 
 The Undertakers. So long as Boulter held office (1724-42) the 
 system of government through and by the Undertakers worked 
 admirably. All sound of opposition was hushed in Ireland, and 
 to the outside world she had the appearance of being a peaceable 
 and contented country. But such a system had its limitations. 
 As the Undertakers absorbed to themselves all the remunerative 
 offices of State, they became less willing to take their orders from 
 Government. Symptoms of revolt showed themselves during the 
 time of Boulter's successor. Archbishop Hoadly, and when on 
 Hoadly's death in 1747 Archbishop Stone became manager of 
 Irish affairs, that ambitious prelate, finding himself overshadowed 
 by the Speaker of the House of Commons, Henry Boyle, called 
 from his parliamentary influence the King of Ireland, deter- 
 mined to reassert his authority. His plan was, by throwing his 
 influence on the side of Boyle's rival, John Ponsonby, to effect 
 the former's downfall. Possibly his scheme might have succeeded 
 had not Stone asserted the right of the Crown to dispose as it 
 liked of a certain surplus that had arisen unexpectedly in the 
 Hereditary Revenue. By taking the opposite side of the question 
 and asserting the right of Parliament to apply the surplus to the 
 reduction of the National Debt, Boyle succeeded in getting the 
 support of public opinion. The battle, after lasting several years, 
 ended in the complete triumph of Boyle and the dismissal of 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 137 
 
 Stone. But no sooner had Stone been removed than Boyle and 
 his friends came to terms with Government. On learning of 
 the shameless trafhck in offices and pensions that had led to this 
 agreement, public opinion veered round, and under the effect of 
 a stormy press campaign, a small patriotic party arose in the House 
 of Commons. 
 
 Parliamentary Oppositmi. The object of the Patriots, under 
 the leadership at first of Charles Lucas and afterwards of Henry 
 Flood, was to obtain a shortening of the duration of parliament. 
 It was hoped that thereby parliament would be drawn more 
 under the control of public opinion. The proposal was distasteful 
 to both Government and the Undertakers. But when, on the 
 meeting of the first Parliament of George HPs reign in October 
 1 761, Lucas introduced a Septennial Bill, the Undertakers, with 
 the object of throwing the responsibility of its rejection on 
 Government, agreed to the Bill, Government, while rejecting it 
 as required, determined to punish the Undertakers for their 
 perfidy by crushing them. This it was proposed to do by making 
 it incumbent on the Lord Lieutenant to reside permanently in 
 DubHn. There was some difficulty in finding an English nobleman 
 willing to accept the viceroyalty on this condition, but in the end 
 Lord Townshend consented. Townshend was a good-natured 
 man of convivial habits, and it was hoped that he would prove 
 agreeable to the Irish. To make his task of crushing the Under- 
 takers easier, he was allowed, on opening Parliament in October 
 1767, to hint at certain concessions desired by the Patriots. These 
 concessions were to be the condition of Parliament agreeing to 
 an increase of the army. Among the measures promised by 
 Townshend, in addition to the Bill for shortening parliaments, 
 was one to secure the independence of the Irish judicial bench. 
 Unfortunately, his colleagues in England refused to consent to 
 this measure, with the result that though, on the return of a Bill 
 limiting parliaments to eight years, the Irish ParHament con- 
 sented to an augmentation of the army, Townshend's credit was 
 
138 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 utterly ruined. His loss of popularity rendered him morose, and 
 becoming the butt of the public press, he resorted to a system 
 of bribery and corruption in order to maintain a fictitious reputa- 
 tion of success. When Parliament met in February 1771 he had 
 the satisfaction of being presented with an address thanking the 
 King for maintaining him in office. The address cost the country 
 ^500,000 in places and pensions, and rather than present it Speaker 
 Ponsonby resigned his Chair. In the end, however, public opinion 
 proved too strong for Townshend, and in September 1772 he 
 returned to England, amid the silent contempt of Irishmen. 
 
 Effect of the Revolt of the American Colonies. Like Townshend, 
 his successor, Earl Harcourt, was at first extremely popular, and 
 like him he ultimately became an object of public execration. For 
 this result both were themselves less to blame than the English 
 Government. Left to themselves, both Townshend and Harcourt 
 would probably have proved excellent governors. But, while 
 saddled with the responsibilities of office, neither of them was 
 allowed a free hand. Ireland, when Harcourt entered on the 
 duties of his post, was rapidly drifting to national bankruptcy. 
 Trade, always bad owing to the restrictions placed on it by 
 England, was shortly to become completely stagnant in con- 
 sequence of the outbreak of the war between England and her 
 American colonies. Taxation had reached its limit, and, in order 
 to meet the current expenses of government, Harcourt had hit 
 on the happy expedient of taxing the estates of habitual absentees. 
 The scheme was applauded by the Patriots, and, being approved 
 by the English Government, a Bill to carry it into effect was 
 placed in Flood's hands. Unfortunately, no sooner did the 
 scheme become known in England than it encountered the furious 
 opposition of Irish absentee landowners, with the result that in 
 the end the measure had to be abandoned. Parhament, however, 
 showed Harcourt no ill-will. It was felt that he was not personally 
 to blame, but in presenting the Money Bill at the close of the session, 
 Speaker Pery intimated that, in consequence of the restrictions 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 139 
 
 on its trade, Ireland was at the end of its resources. Two years 
 later (1775) Harcourt was compelled to appeal to Parliament for 
 assistance to suppress the rebellion that had broken out in America. 
 Far from showing any alacrity in responding to his appeal, the 
 Commons allowed it to be clearly seen that their sympatliies 
 were on the side of the rebels. They did indeed reluctantly 
 consent to the withdrawal of 4,000 out of the 12,000 troops 
 assigned for the defence of Ireland, but when it came to a question 
 of their payment they deliberately refused to find the money. 
 Driven to adopt other measures, Harcourt dissolved Parliament, 
 and employed the interval in securing a more docile legislature. 
 Peerages and pensions were scattered broadcast, and, at a time 
 when Dublin itself swarmed with beggars and bankruptcies were 
 of daily occurrence, ^11,250 were added to the liabilities of the 
 country. Harcourt did not profit by his measures to tune Parha- 
 ment, but when it reassembled in October 1777, his successor, 
 the Earl of Buckinghamshire, had the satisfaction of seeing a 
 motion by Grattan, urging the necessity of retrenchment and 
 economy, rejected by an overwhelming majority. 
 
 Commercial Restrictions removed. All the same, Buckingham- 
 shire was not blind to the critical nature of the situation, and at 
 his earnest representation Lord North consented to a proposal to 
 remove some of the most pressing restrictions on Irish trade. But 
 the proposal, encountering fierce opposition on the part of English 
 manufacturers, had to be abandoned. The disappointment of 
 the Irish was intense, and finding no other method of reUef, they 
 adopted a leaf out of the Americans' book and entered into 
 voluntary agreements not to wear or import any articles of British 
 manufacture. The movement proved so successful that British 
 manufacturers, seeing their trade with Ireland brought to a stand- 
 still, gradually assumed a more conciliatory attitude. Meanwhile 
 France had openly allied herself with America. Her fleet com- 
 manded the sea, and in the defenceless condition of the country 
 the danger of invasion was evident to the blindest. The in- 
 
140 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 capacity of Government to provide a small garrison for Belfast 
 obliged the citizens of that town to raise a body of volunteers for 
 their own defence. The example of Belfast proved contagious, 
 and in an incredibly short space of time Ireland saw herself 
 provided with a military force composed entirely of Protestants 
 and absolutely independent of Government. The rise of the 
 Volunteers was hailed by Buckinghamshire with a sigh of relief, 
 but as the movement spread the danger of the situation began 
 to dawn on him. Most of the Volunteers were enthusiastic non- 
 importers ; many of them w^ere known to sympathize with the 
 Americans. What if they began to use their strength in the 
 same way? When Parliament met in October 1779, Grattan, 
 nov/ the acknowledged leader of the Opposition, moved to address 
 the Crown that nothing but a free export trade could save Ireland. 
 Hussey Burgh suggested a free export and import ; Flood a free 
 trade simply, and in this form the motion was carried without 
 a division. The King's answer, promising to take such measures 
 as should appear most conducive to the welfare of all his subjects, 
 not being regarded as satisfactory, Grattan, a few weeks later, 
 moved to limit supplies to six months. The motion was carried, 
 and Ministers in England, drawing the inevitable conclusion, at 
 once introduced Bills into the English ParHament for the removal 
 of the chief restrictions on Irish trade. This time the manu- 
 facturers raised no protest, and the Bills having passed rapidly 
 through both Houses, at once received the King's assent. With 
 the exception of some restrictions attached to the Channel trade 
 and to trade with the East Indies, Ireland was placed on the 
 same footing as England. 
 
 Legislative Independence conceded. England had yielded com- 
 mercial equality ; but she had only yielded after great pressure 
 had been brought to bear on her and to Irishmen it seemed 
 a natural inference that, if she was to be prevented, when the 
 hour of danger had passed, from reverting to her old colonial poHcy, 
 she must be forced to abandon the right claimed by her to legislate 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 141 
 
 for Ireland. Poynings' Law and the Act of 6 Geo. I must be 
 repealed and the legislative independence of the Irish Parliament 
 admitted. Early in 1780 Grattan announced his intention of 
 taking the earliest opportunity to move a Declaration of Irish 
 Rights. His attitude was regarded as indiscreet by his friends. 
 It was urged that he was endangering the recent commercial 
 victory. But Grattan was not to be moved. Rather than give 
 way, he declared, he would call out the Volunteers. Accordingly, 
 shortly after Parliament met, he submitted a motion affirming 
 the legislative independence of Ireland. His speech made a great 
 impression, and Government, not venturing to meet it with 
 a direct negative, moved the adjournment. Grattan professed 
 himself satisfied with the result. ' No British minister will now, 
 I hope,' he said, * be mad enough to attempt, nor servant of 
 Government desperate enough to execute, nor Irish subject 
 mean enough not to resist by every means in his power a British 
 Act of ParHament.' Grattan's view of the situation was speedily 
 tested. Ireland had no Mutiny Act of her own. The need of 
 such an Act had recently arisen, and a Mutiny Bill was transmitted 
 to England for confirmation. The Bill was returned with the 
 omission of the usual clause limiting its operation to one year, 
 and Government influence was strong enough to secure its accep- 
 tance by Parliament. The conduct of Government was, however, 
 fiercely denounced by Grattan, and at a meeting of the delegates 
 of the Ulster Volunteers at Dungannon in February 1782, resolu- 
 tions were passed roundly condemning the perpetual Mutiny 
 Bill, asserting the sole right of the Irish Parliament to make laws 
 binding on Ireland, and approving of a relaxation of the Penal 
 Laws. Encouraged by the attitude of the Volunteers, Grattan 
 a few days later moved an Address to the Crown declaratory of 
 the independence of the Irish Parliament. His motion was 
 rejected by 137 to 68 ; but, knowing that public opinion was on 
 his side, he at once announced his intention of moving a Declara- 
 tion of Irish Rights on 16 April. The situation created by Grattan 
 
142 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 was critical in the extreme, and feeling that the loyalty of the 
 subservient element in the House of Commons had been strained 
 to breaking-point, the Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Carlisle, 
 urged his colleagues in London to yield. Before Carlisle's letter 
 reached its destination the ministry of Lord North had been 
 succeeded by that of the Marquis of Rockingham, with Shelburne 
 and Fox as joint Secretaries of State. The new Lord Lieutenant 
 was the Duke of Portland. Portland reached Dublin only two 
 days before that on which Grattan was to move his Declaration. 
 He was anxious to procure a brief postponement of the subject. 
 But Grattan, knowing that Ministers had resolved to yield, refused 
 his request, and on the day appointed he rose to make his promised 
 statement. Victory he knew was his. * I am now ', he said, 
 amidst the breathless attention of the House, ' to address a free 
 people : ages have passed away, and this is the first moment you 
 could be distinguished by that appellation.' The spirit of Swift 
 and Molyneux had prevailed. The nation that had so long sat in 
 bondage had shaken off her fetters. To the nation in arms, to the 
 Volunteers, they that day owed the independence of Parliament. 
 And now, having given a Parliament to the people, he hoped and 
 doubted not that the Volunteers would retire and leave the people 
 to Parliament. Six weeks later (27 May) the Lord Lieutenant 
 announced that the King had graciously assented to the repeal 
 of the obnoxious Act of 6 George I, and that Ireland was free to 
 legislate for herself. 
 
 Renunciation and Reform, It was a great victory, and Grattan's 
 one wish was that, having achieved her independence, Ireland 
 should sit down quietly and attend to her own affairs. As a sign 
 of her attachment to England he himself moved a grant of ^^i 00,000 
 and 20,000 men for the support of the British navy. But Grattan's 
 attitude was not universally approved. By some it was felt that 
 his impulsive generosity was leading him into a false position. 
 England had repealed the obnoxious Act of 6 George I ; but 
 what was there to prevent her making a fresh Act of the same 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 143 
 
 sort when she felt strong enough to do so ? No nation, Flood 
 reminded his hearers, had ever been known to willingly relinquish 
 the principle of power. Nothing could satisfy Ireland but the 
 absolute renunciation on the part of England of the right to 
 make laws binding on Ireland. Perhaps, as Grattan insisted, 
 Flood was splitting hairs, and that if England liked to play false 
 no Act of Renunciation on her part would restrain her ; but 
 Flood had got the ear of the public, and the agitation for express 
 renunciation continuing, Lord Shelburne, who had succeeded to 
 the office of Prime Minister on Rockingham's death, consented 
 to introduce a Bill into the English Parliament to settle all doubts 
 on that point. By the Act of 23 George III, c. 28, England 
 absolutely renounced all right to make laws binding on Ireland. 
 Except for the ill-feeling the agitation had engendered between 
 Flood and Grattan the matter was at an end. Ireland had 
 achieved her legislative independence. But to a close observer 
 of the situation she was practically no freer than she had been. 
 England, it is true, could not interfere directly with her own Acts 
 of Parliament, but by the influence she could exert through the 
 Irish Government, composed as that Government largely was of 
 English officials, on the Irish Parliament, by corrupting individual 
 borough proprietors, she could still control Irish legislation. 
 Everybody saw the weak point, the only dilfference of opinion 
 with those who wished to reform Parliament being how the reform 
 was to be effected. Grattan, with his exaggerated belief in the 
 patriotic spirit of Irishmen, thought that Parhament might be 
 left to reform itself ; Flood, with a juster appreciation of the 
 weakness of human nature, thought that force or the threat of 
 force would have to be applied in order to make the borough 
 proprietors surrender their privileges. Pressure from the side of 
 the Volunteers was Flood's remedy for the situation. In November 
 1783 a National Convention of the Volunteers met at Dublin. 
 The Convention had been called by the friends of Parliamentary 
 Reform, Parliament was sitting at the time and, the Convention 
 
144 Protestant Ascendancy , i6gi~i8oo 
 
 having determined on a scheme of reform, Flood was authorized 
 to submit it to Parliament. He did so in his double capacity of 
 M.P. and an officer in the Volunteers. Exception was immediately- 
 taken by the opponents of reform to what they insisted was an 
 attempt to coerce Parliament by a display of military force. All 
 eyes were directed towards Grattan. It was felt that, humanly 
 speaking, on him depended the fate of Ireland. To his immediate 
 shame and everlasting sorrow Grattan allowed his pique against 
 Flood to influence his conduct. It is true he voted for and spoke 
 in favour of reform, but he did so in such a fashion as to justify 
 the Lord Lieutenant's verdict that he meant Government no 
 harm. By his conduct the chance to reform Parliament was 
 lost, and lost for ever. By carefully fomenting the differences 
 that had manifested themselves amongst the Reformers, as to the 
 admission of the Catholics to the franchise, Government succeeded 
 not merely in weakening the movement for Parliamentary 
 Reform, but in paving the way for a revival of those religious 
 jealousies in which the Penal Laws had their origin. 
 
 Divergent Views — the Commercial Propositions. The acquisition 
 of Free Trade had not been followed by that degree of com- 
 mercial prosperity which had been generally expected from it. By 
 some the continued depression of trade, especially in Dublin, was 
 attributed to poHtical unrest, by others to the superior advantages 
 enjoyed by English manufacturers in the way of capital and better 
 machinery. Taking the latter view of the situation, Luke Gardiner, 
 one of the members of Parliament for Dublin, suggested, when 
 Parliament met in 1784, that the only remedy for unemployment 
 was the imposition of a light duty on imported goods. The 
 proposal was not favourably received by either the Government 
 or Grattan and his friends. It was urged that the real cause 
 of the distress was agitation and the shortage of food-stuffs. To 
 remedy matters in this latter particular a Bill was introduced by 
 the Attorney-General, John Foster, to encourage agriculture 
 by a system of bounties on corn. The Bill rapidly became law, 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 145 
 
 and is said to have changed Ireland from a corn -importing once 
 more into a corn-exporting country. But this effect was only- 
 apparent after the outbreak of the great war with France, and, 
 distress continuing, the agitation for Protection did so likewise. 
 The situation attracted the attention of Pitt, who had succeeded 
 to the premiership on the collapse of the coalition ministry of 
 Fox and North in December 1783. Pitt disliked the settlement 
 arrived at in 1782 and confirmed by the Act of Renunciation in 
 1783. In the demand for Protection he thought he saw a chance, 
 as he explained to the Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Rutland, 
 * to make England and Ireland one country in effect, though for 
 local concerns under distinct legislatures '. His plan was to remove 
 all remaining restrictions on Irish commerce, provided Ireland 
 contributed some part of her revenue to Imperial purposes. The 
 proposal was from the first objectionable to Grattan as likely, in 
 the form it took, to lead to ministerial extravagance ; but, having 
 been mooted, he expressed his willingness to consent to it. Un- 
 fortunately, after the measure had been accepted by the Irish 
 Parliament and fresh taxes had been voted in accordance with it, 
 the Bill encountered so much opposition in the British Parliament, 
 on the incredible pretence that it tended to make Ireland the 
 ' emporium of British trade ', that it had to be withdrawn for 
 amendment. In its amended form the measure, by insisting on 
 the adoption by Ireland of all the Navigation Laws then in force 
 in England or that might afterwards be made by the British 
 ParHament, proved so distasteful to the Irish that it had to be 
 abandoned. 
 
 The Question of the Regency. Pitt's failure to arrange a com- 
 mercial union did not improve the relations between him and 
 Ireland. His attack on Irish liberty, as it had come to be regarded, 
 was still fresh in public memory when another event occurred 
 which in its issue served to aggravate the situation still more. 
 During the summer of 1788 it became known that the state of the 
 King's health was such as to prevent him taking any part in the 
 
 2403 K 
 
146 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 government of the country. By the beginning of November 
 the necessity of having to appoint a regent had to be faced. 
 The natural regent was the Prince of Wales. But quite apart 
 from the fact that the Prince was the boon companion of his 
 rival Fox, Pitt was desirous, in view of the King's possible recovery, 
 to limit his power to what was absolutely necessary for the 
 transaction of business. This did not suit the wishes of either the 
 Prince or Fox, and in consequence the debates over the Regency 
 Bill assumed such a protracted character that, before it was 
 passed, the necessity for it had disappeared. In Ireland, owing 
 probably to a notion that Fox, having been more or less instru- 
 mental in securing Irish independence, was likely to exert his 
 influence to infuse a more liberal spirit into administration, 
 public opinion, as voiced by Grattan, was in favour of Fox's 
 plan of inviting the Prince to accept the regency with undimin- 
 ished powers. Despite the strong opposition of the Attorney- 
 General, John Fitzgibbon, now the chief pillar of Government, 
 an Address inviting the Prince to accept the regency was voted by 
 the Irish Parliament. But owing to the utterly unconstitutional 
 refusal of the Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Buckingham, to 
 transmit the Address so much time was lost that, before it reached 
 London, the King had recovered his health and the crisis was at 
 an end. The King's recovery dashed the hopes of Grattan and 
 his friends of a more liberal administration. Fitzgibbon, the 
 head of the most retrograde section of the Protestant Ascendancy 
 party, and the sworn foe of Parliamentary Reform and Catholic 
 Emancipation, was now master of the situation. Pensioners and 
 placemen, scenting danger, drifted back to their allegiance, 
 and once more corruption became the order of the day. 
 
 Effects of the French Revolution. Having re-established Govern- 
 ment on its old basis, Buckingham left Ireland. Fourteen days after 
 his departure the Bastille was stormed. The French Revolution 
 had at first no effect on the position of affairs in Ireland ; but, 
 as the year 1790 drew to a close, reports reached Government 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 147 
 
 that the Volunteers of Belfast were showing more than an ordinary 
 interest in French affairs, and that meetings were being held 
 there calling on Irishmen to imitate the glorious spirit of the 
 French. The anniversary of the fall of the Bastille was the signal 
 for a fresh demonstration in 1791, and resolutions were passed 
 advocating the abolition of all religious disqualifications. The 
 tendency of these resolutions to bring about a union between 
 the Protestants and Catholics aroused the fears of Government. 
 * The language and bent of the conduct of these Dissenters ', the 
 Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Westmorland, confided to his col- 
 leagues in London, * is to unite with the Catholics, and their 
 union would be very formidable. That union is not yet made 
 and I believe and hope it never could be.' Westmorland's hopes, 
 however, were doomed to disappointment. In August the move- 
 ment received a considerable impetus from a pamphlet by Wolfe 
 Tone, a young and comparatively unknown man at this time, 
 advocating a close alliance between the Protestants and Catholics 
 as the only effectual method of removing the grievances from 
 which Ireland was suffering. The pamphlet, of which 10,000 
 copies were sold, exercised a widespread influence, and in October 
 the first Society of United Irishmen was founded at Belfast. 
 The Society was described as * a union of Irishmen of every 
 religious persuasion in order to obtain a complete reform of the 
 Legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and 
 reHgious liberty '. The foundation of the United Irish Society 
 and the Hberal spirit of Wolfe Tone's pamphlet induced the 
 Catholics to stir in their own behalf, and early in 1792 a com- 
 mittee was appointed to present a petition to the King, praying 
 for a relaxation of the Penal Laws. The time for making such an 
 appeal appeared propitious. The French Revolution, if it had 
 on the one hand served to strengthen the aspirations for political 
 freedom, had on the other been productive of a reactionary 
 feeling hostile to the concession of measures that might tend to 
 weaken the authority of the State. Now, amongst those factors 
 
 K 2 
 
148 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 in the situation that had shown themselves most hostile to the 
 Revolution was the Roman Catholic Church. To Burke and 
 others who thought with him the time seemed to have arrived 
 when the influence of the Church might be advantageously- 
 enlisted in combating the revolutionary views of Paine and other 
 writers. By a timely concession of the Catholic claims the 
 threatened union between the Dissenters and Catholics might 
 thus be avoided. 
 
 Question of Catholic Emancipation. The proposal to grant 
 a relaxation of the Penal Laws commended itself to Ministers 
 in England, and in December Dundas announced to Westmorland 
 that it was intended to extend to the Catholics such a modified 
 participation in the benefits of the Constitution as would give 
 them a stake in the political prosperity of the country and at 
 the same time be consistent with the general interests of the 
 Empire. The intention of Ministers to concede the franchise 
 to the Catholics greatly exasperated the Irish Government. In 
 Fitzgibbon's opinion whatever immediate advantage might be 
 obtained by admitting the Catholics to the franchise it would 
 be outbalanced by the fact that, as the Catholics were prepon- 
 deratingly in the majority, they would ultimately obtain the 
 control of Parliament. The result could only be the reversal 
 of the Revolution Settlement, the downfall of Protestant Ascen- 
 dancy, and a repetition of 1641. Whatever opinion, Westmor- 
 land wrote, there might be as to the wisdom or desirability of 
 yielding on such points as professions, intermarriages, and educa- 
 tion, there could be none as to admitting the Catholics to the 
 suffrage. Protestant opinion in Ireland, he declared, was dead 
 against such a step. Whether he was right or wrong, Pitt and 
 Dundas were annoyed at his opposition. ' Ministers \ the latter 
 wrote to him in January 1792, ' have some reason to complain 
 of the spirit and temper which have manifested themselves in 
 the deliberations of your friends in Ireland on this business. . . . 
 During the whole course of the summer and autumn they have, 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi~i8oo 149 
 
 in various ways, conveyed to us an apprehension of a union 
 between Catholics and Dissenters, which they considered and 
 justly considered as fatal to the present frame of Irish government. 
 Under these circumstances our opinion was expected. We 
 accordingly gave that opinion, but . . . whether our opinions are 
 right or wrong time only can decide.' 
 
 Catholics readmitted to the Suffrage, Finding it necessary to 
 yield, Government, in the hope of slowing down the agitation, 
 gave its support to a small measure of relief introduced by Sir 
 Hercules Langrishe in January 1792. The measure permitting 
 intermarriage with Protestants on condition that the ceremony 
 was performed by a Protestant clergyman, admitting Catholics 
 to the Bar, allowing them to teach in schools and to take two or 
 more apprentices fell far short of the expectations of the Catholics. 
 During the summer the agitation for complete emancipation 
 assumed a more determined form, and the Catholics, finding 
 themselves warmly supported by the Belfast Protestants, resolved, 
 at a Convention held at Dublin in December, to appoint a depu- 
 tation to submit their Petition personally to the King. To West- 
 morland's annoyance no objection was raised in England to this 
 procedure, and the deputation, on being introduced to the King 
 by Dundas, was favourably received by his Majesty. The result was 
 apparent when Parliament reassembled in January 1793. For the 
 first time in their history the state of the Roman Catholics was 
 commended to the attention of Parhament : for the first time they 
 were addressed not as Papists but as His Majesty's Catholic 
 subjects. It w^as a bitter pill for Westmorland and Fitzgibbon 
 to swallow. All the world knew that it was a victory won in the 
 very teeth of Administration. A few days later Secretary Hobart 
 announced Government's intention to give effect to His Majesty's 
 instructions, by introducing a measure of Catholic relief. On 
 being submitted to Parliament, the Bill was found to confer the 
 elective franchise on the Catholics, to extend to them the right 
 of sitting on grand and petty juries in all cases, of carrying arms. 
 
150 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 on condition that they possessed a certain property qualification, 
 and to provide for the endowment of a Catholic college. It was 
 a large measure of relief, and though it fell short of complete 
 emancipation it was felt to be a great boon by the Catholics. 
 Grattan strongly urged the entire abrogation of the Penal Code. 
 To concede the elective franchise without the right to sit in Parlia- 
 ment was, he argued, a grave political blunder. But Government 
 was not to be moved. It was felt that enough had been yielded, 
 and accordingly, having rapidly passed through Parliament, the 
 Bill received the royal assent in April. The measure had encoun- 
 tered less opposition than had been expected, but neither the Lord 
 Chancellor, Fitzgibbon, nor the Speaker, John Foster, could con- 
 ceal his dislike of it and both openly expressed their strong dis- 
 approval of the way in which the hand of Government had been 
 forced by Ministers in England. Their opinion was shared by 
 many Protestants, and the Bill had hardly become law than symp- 
 toms of a revival of the old spirit of religious intolerance began to 
 manifest themselves in Ulster. 
 
 ^he Fitzzvilliam Episode. Meanwhile war had broken out between 
 Great Britain and France. The outbreak of the war was followed by 
 a split in the Whig party, and in 1794 a number of the chiefs of that 
 party threw in their lot with Pitt. In the redistribution of offices 
 that followed the post of Secretary of State for Home Affairs fell to 
 the Duke of Portland. Portland had been Lord Lieutenant when 
 the Irish Parliament recovered its independence in 1782. He was 
 believed to favour a more liberal policy towards Ireland than that 
 pursued by Westmorland, and his candidate for the post of Lord 
 Lieutenant was Earl Fitzwilliam. When Pitt was consulted in 
 the matter, he expressed his readiness to consent to a change. 
 He himself was anxious to pursue a conciliatory policy towards 
 Ireland ; but regarding himself under great obligations to Fitz- 
 gibbon in the matter of the Regency, he insisted (i) that before 
 Westmorland was recalled he should be adequately provided for 
 as if he were retiring voluntarily ; (2) that Fitzgibbon and his 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 151 
 
 friends should not be displaced ; (3) that there was to be no 
 question of a new system of government. Apparently these con- 
 ditions were communicated to Fitzwilliam and accepted by 
 him ; but whether he realized their significance is another matter. 
 In Ireland at any rate his appointment was hailed as indicating 
 a change of system involving the concession of Catholic Emanci- 
 pation and Parliamentary Reform. Some time elapsed before 
 a suitable office could be found for Westmorland, and it was not 
 till 4 January 1795 that Fitzwilliam arrived in Dublin. On landing 
 he consented to receive an Address of welcome from the Catholics : 
 two days later, in order, as he said, * not to cloud the dawn of his 
 administration ', he dismissed two highly placed officials — John 
 Beresford, known from his parliamentary influence as the * King 
 of Ireland ', and a Mr. Cooke, and at the same time intimated 
 his intention of effecting a change in the attorney- and solicitor- 
 generalship. When Parliament met Grattan announced the in- 
 tention of Government, with which h€ had identified himself, 
 to effect those reforms which, as the leader of Opposition, he had 
 long in vain demanded. On 12 February he obtained leave to 
 bring in a Catholic Emancipation Bill. Two days later Fitz- 
 william received a letter from Pitt, expostulating with him on his 
 dismissal of Beresford and Cooke, together with one from Portland 
 urging him to keep back the Catholic Bill. This was more than 
 FitzwilHam could stand. He replied to Pitt by demanding the 
 ratification of Beresford's dismissal or his own recall. Pitt accepted 
 the alternative, and on 25 February Fitzwilliam announced his 
 intention to retire. A month later he left Ireland amid the general 
 lamentations of the nation. 
 
 Rebellion brewing. With the departure of Fitzwilliam Ireland 
 marched rapidly in the direction of rebellion. Fitzwilliam's 
 successor was Earl Camden, but the real director of Irish affairs 
 from this time forward was Lord Fitzgibbon, shortly to become 
 Earl of Clare. For a time Grattan deluded himself with the 
 notion that though Catholic Emancipation had proved * death 
 
152 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 to one viceroy ' it would be * the peace-offering of another '. 
 But Clare saw matters in another light. In his opinion Catholic 
 Emancipation meant an end of Protestant Ascendancy, and to 
 him Protestant Ascendancy was the keystone of the Constitution. 
 He had been obliged to accept the Relief Bill of 1793, but he 
 never ceased to reproach Pitt for what he called his folly in 
 yielding to the demands of a popish democracy. He was deter- 
 mined that henceforth there should be no more concessions of 
 a similar sort. The situation was favourable to his designs. The 
 agitation of the Catholic Claims had, as we have remarked, been 
 attended with a revival of sectarian intolerance, especially among 
 the Protestants of Ulster. Already, early in 1793, the peace of the 
 province was seriously endangered by groups of individuals, 
 calling themselves Peep o' Day Boys, forcibly disarming their 
 Catholic neighbours. Naturally the CathoHcs retaHated and, 
 under the name of Defenders, entered into associations for 
 attacking the Protestants. The efforts of Government to put 
 an end to these disturbances by means of a Convention Act, 
 directed to the suppression of all unauthorized assemblies, failed, 
 and after Fitzwilliam's departure the situation grew decidedly 
 worse both in Ulster and Connaught. In the latter province 
 order was shortly restored by the forcible deportation of 1,300 
 individuals suspected of Defenderism. But in Ulster the conflicts 
 between Peep o' Day Boys, or, as they had taken to calling them- 
 selves, Orangemen, and Defenders grew in number and violence. 
 Especially was this the case in County Armagh, where the Pro- 
 testants, being in the majority, started a regular campaign of 
 ejection against the Catholics. Short and pithy notices were 
 posted up on the cabins of the latter ordering them * to Hell or 
 Connaught '. In this way more than 700 families were in a few 
 weeks compelled to leave the county. When Parliament met in 
 January 1796 its principal business was to pass an Act for the 
 suppression of disorder in the country. The Insurrection Act, 
 or, as Curran styled it, the * Bloody Code ', encountered con- 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 153 
 
 siderable opposition, but eventually passed without a division. 
 Though of unprecedented severity the measure failed to stem 
 the rising tide of rebellion, and in the autumn Government 
 proceeded to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act and to order the 
 formation of yeomanry corps recruited chiefly from amongst the 
 lower class of Protestants. 
 
 French Invasions. Meanwhile Wolfe Tone, who had left 
 Ireland for America shortly after Camden's arrival, was on his 
 way to France to assist with his advice in arranging a plan for 
 a French invasion of Ireland. On 18 December 1796 an expedi- 
 tion, consisting of seventeen ships of the line and a number of 
 transports with 16,000 troops on board and large stores of arms 
 and ammunition, sailed from Brest under the command of 
 General Hoche. As the expedition was approaching its destina- 
 tion it encountered a terrific storm, which scattered it in all 
 directions. Several vessels with a considerable number of troops 
 and Wolfe Tone himself managed to make Bantry Bay. But 
 Hoche was missing, and though his second in command. General 
 Grouchy, was willing to risk a landing. Admiral Bouvet, seeing 
 a fresh storm brewing, insisted on returning to France. * Deus 
 flavit et dissipati sunt.' This time at any rate there could be no 
 mistake that England owed her safety to a timely storm. The 
 Irish Government, though well av/are of the preparations that 
 were in progress, had taken no steps to resist the invaders, and 
 there can be little doubt that, had the French succeeded in 
 effecting a landing in force, England for a time at any rate would 
 have lost her hold on Ireland, with what consequences it is 
 impossible to calculate. Curiously enough, the peasantry in 
 Munster had manifested no desire to welcome their would-be 
 deliverers, but this fact, instead of molHfying Government, 
 seemed only to furnish it with an excuse for further measures of 
 coercion. Its efforts, however, to restore order proved unavailing, 
 and the United Irishmen, encouraged by constant accessions to 
 their ranks, exerted themselves vigorously to extend the network 
 
154 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 of their conspiracy over the whole island. Thanks to their 
 endeavours and the energetic action of Wolfe Tone, preparations 
 for a fresh invasion, to be supported by a rising in Ireland 
 itself, were soon in progress. The time was most opportune. 
 Never indeed could a more favourable chance of effecting a 
 successful landing have been imagined than was just at this 
 moment afforded by the Mutiny at the Nore. But, owing to 
 the obstinacy of the Dutch admiral in command of the expedi- 
 tion, the opportunity was allowed to slip away, and when at last 
 the fleet of the Batavian Republic left the Texel it was only to 
 be swept out of existence by Admiral Duncan off Camperdown 
 on II October 1797. 
 
 The Conspiracy Crushed. Meanwhile the Irish Government 
 had been trying by every means in its power to reassert its 
 authority, and not altogether without success. An abortive 
 insurrection in County Down had been promptly suppressed, 
 and many of the United Irishmen, despairing of French assistance, 
 laid down their arms and took the oath of allegiance. But with 
 the news of Admiral Duncan's victory every effort at conciliation 
 was abandoned and the country handed over to the mercy of 
 a brutal and licentious soldiery. Never in all his life. Lord 
 Moira declared from his seat in the British House of Lords, had 
 he witnessed scenes of more disgusting tyranny openly practised 
 than at this time in Ireland. He had seen English troops poured 
 into the country every man of which seemed to be inspired with 
 the bitterest hatred against the Irish. He had known men 
 picketed till they fainted. He had known them hanged till they 
 were half dead, and that for no offence whatever and in a country 
 as void of crime as London was. Moira's remonstrances and the 
 appointment of Sir Ralph Abercromby as commander-in-chief 
 of the army promised at first some alleviation of the sufferings 
 of the wretched peasantry. But Abercromby's criticisms of the 
 morale of the army and his scarcely veiled contempt of the conduct 
 of Government were little to Clare's taste, and after being' sub- 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 155 
 
 jected to the most incredible insults Abercromby ha d to retire. Once 
 more the military was given a free hand \^ith the object apparently 
 of goading the people into rebellion. The conduct of Government 
 strengthened the hands of the United Irishmen. Already early 
 in 1797 a military committee had been appointed by them to 
 arrange the details of a rising, and by the beginning of 1798 it 
 was judged that the country was sufficiently organized to warrant 
 the attempt being made. May 23 was fixed as the day for 
 a general rising. Matters were in this position when, owing to 
 the treachery of one of their most trusted members, Government 
 was made acquainted with the plans of the conspirators. So 
 accurate was the information conveyed that on 12 March nearly 
 every member of the Leinster Provincial Committee was arrested. 
 The papers of the Committee revealed the whole extent of the 
 conspiracy, and, after a close examination of the prisoners, a Pro- 
 clamation was published, authorizing the officers of His Majesty's 
 forces to take summary measures on their own authority for the 
 disarming of all disaffected persons. It is easier to imagine than 
 to describe the reign of terror thus inaugurated. But the con- 
 spiracy, though scotched, had not been killed. After the arrests 
 on 1 2 March a new Directory was speedily formed and fresh plans 
 laid for a rising on the appointed date. Again the plot was 
 revealed to Government, and on the very eve of the insurrection 
 every influential member of the conspiracy was arrested. 
 
 ^he Rising-out of ^g8. The conspiracy was crushed and the 
 rebellion frustrated. On the day appointed for the insurrection 
 crowds of half-armed peasants assembled at the points assigned 
 them. Dublin itself was in a rather disturbed state. Here and 
 there, as at Naas and Prosperous, the rebels for a time obtained the 
 upper hand, but their leaders were missing, and after one or two 
 bloody encounters with the armed forces of the Crown most of them 
 threw away their weapons and returned to their usual avocations. 
 That the insurrection did not entirely collapse at this point was 
 due mainly to ignorance of the actual state of affairs and the 
 
156 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 provocative conduct of the military. To this latter cause alone 
 was due the rising in County Wexford. On 26 May a party of 
 soldiers belonging to the New Cork militia entered the village 
 of Boulavogue and set fire to the Catholic chapel there. In his 
 exasperation the parish priest, Father John Murphy, called his 
 parishioners together, routed the soldiers, and killed the officer 
 in command. Fearing the consequences of his action. Murphy 
 then withdrew to the Hill of Oulart, where he was speedily joined 
 by all the disaffected people in the neighbourhood. Next day 
 he defeated and almost exterminated a detachment of the New 
 Cork militia, and shortly afterwards, having captured Camolin 
 and Enniscorthy, he estabHshed his head-quarters on Vinegar 
 Hill. From Vinegar Hill he next marched on Wexford, of which 
 he speedily obtained possession. At Wexford he was joined by 
 a fresh body of rebels under a Protestant gentleman of the name of 
 Bagenal Harvey. Between them it was arranged that, while 
 Harvey tried to get possession of New Ross, Murphy should move 
 northwards in the direction of Arklow and Dublin. The attack 
 on New Ross was repulsed, and in consequence of the brutal 
 massacre of nearly 200 Protestant prisoners at Scullabogue Barn 
 Harvey threw down his command. Murphy was at first more 
 successful. At Tuberneering on 4 June he encountered Colonel 
 Walpole, and having defeated that officer he occupied Gorey. 
 From Gorey he marched on Arklow, but after a desperate 
 attempt to capture that place he was repulsed and forced to 
 retreat to Vinegar Hill. There he was surrounded by the British 
 army under General Lake and after a brave resistance forced to 
 capitulate. The battle of Vinegar Hill on 21 June and the 
 recovery of Wexford the same day practically put an end to the 
 Rebellion. Of the punishment meted out to the rebels it is 
 unnecessary to speak at large. But it should be noted that while 
 the leaders of the United Irishmen, being mostly Protestants, 
 were, in accordance with Clare's policy, allowed, with a few 
 notable exceptions, to transport themselves abroad, the Catholic 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 157 
 
 peasantry and the priests were punished with the utmost rigour 
 of the law. For the rest it may suffice to say that long after peace 
 had been restored women and children fled in terror at the 
 sight of a British uniform. 
 
 Last Efforts of France. The day before the battle of Vinegar 
 Hill Lord Cornwallis arrived at Dublin in the double capacity of 
 viceroy and commander-in-chief of the army. His arrival was 
 hailed with a sigh of relief by Irishmen. But Cornwallis had hardly 
 entered on his task of repairing the damage for which Camden 
 and Clare between them had been responsible, than he was forced 
 to suspend his w^ork by the news that a French invading force had 
 effected a landing in County Mayo. The fact was that no sooner 
 had Tone got wind of what was happening in Wexford than he 
 urged the French Directory to make a fresh effort to liberate 
 Ireland. Unfortunately, Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition had 
 so disarranged the French marine that it was impossible to comply 
 adequately with his request. All that could be done was to issue 
 instructions for the preparation of three small expeditions, timed 
 to reach Ireland as simultaneously as possible. The first of these 
 to sail, consisting of three frigates with over a thousand soldiers, 
 was commanded by General Humbert. On 22 August Humbert 
 reached the harbour of Killala at the mouth of the River Moy, 
 and having landed his troops he at once directed his march south- 
 wards on Castlebar. Hearing of his approach, General Hely- 
 Hutchinson, in command of about 2,000 men, advanced to meet 
 him ; but hardly had he come in contact with the enemy than 
 his soldiers, being seized by one of those unaccountable panics 
 that sometimes take possession of the best-drilled troops, threw 
 down their arms and fled. The * races of Castlebar ', as Irish wit 
 described this incident, was Humbert's only achievement. For, 
 hearing a few days later that Cornwallis, with about 20,000 men, was 
 advancing against him, he immediately marched northward in the 
 direction of Sligo, with the evident intention of entrenching him- 
 self there pending the arrival of fresh assistance from France. 
 
158 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 But at Coloony he found his way barred by Colonel Vereker, 
 and turning eastwards in the direction of Granard he ran directly 
 into Cornwallis's arms at Ballinamuck on the borders of County 
 Longford. Seeing the uselessness of resistance Humbert at once 
 surrendered, and he and his men, being sent to England, were 
 afterwards exchanged and returned to France. So ended the 
 first expedition. Of the second it is only necessary to say that tlie 
 Anacreon, a swift-saiHng corvette, with a considerable supply of 
 arms and ammunition, under the command of Napper Tandy, 
 arrived off the coast of Donegal on 16 September, but meeting 
 with a hostile reception from the natives, owing to Tandy's 
 inability to speak Irish, was obliged to sail away and eventually 
 reached Bergen in safety. The third expedition, consisting of 
 the Hoche, with Wolfe Tone on board, and eight small frigates 
 carrying 3,000 men, sailed from Brest on 30 September, but 
 just as it was entering Lough Swilly it was attacked by a strong 
 British squadron under Sir John Borlase, and after a sharp fight 
 forced to surrender. Among the prisoners taken was Wolfe Tone. 
 Being brought before a court-martial Tone claimed to be treated 
 as a French officer ; but his claim was disallowed, and being 
 condemned to be hanged he cut his throat with a penknife. 
 He was buried in Bodenstown churchyard ; but his gravestone, 
 being chipped away in course of time by his admirers, had to be 
 replaced by a new one protected by an iron railing. 
 
 Preparations for a Union. With Tone's death the way was free 
 for a Union. Nominally the author of the Union was Pitt ; 
 but the person who was actually responsible for it, as it was carried, 
 was the Earl of Clare. Unlike Fox, Pitt could never reconcile 
 himself to the settlement arrived at in 1782-3. That settlement 
 seemed to him to have endangered the connexion between Great 
 Britain and Ireland. But how to repair the mischief ? This 
 was a problem which ever since his accession to power had been 
 constantly in his head, but to which he had never found. a satis- 
 factory solution, or at any rate one capable of realization. By 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 159 
 
 the Act of Renunciation England had bound herself to recognize 
 the absolute legislative independence of the Irish Parliament. 
 That Ireland would ever consent to surrender her independence 
 seemed beyond the bounds of possibiHty. All the same, when 
 France was using Ireland as a weapon to destroy England it was 
 impossible for him to regard the situation with folded hands. 
 Something simply had to be done. The Rebellion provided Pitt 
 with the opportunity he had long been looking for. Surely Irish- 
 men, sick of the scenes of horror they were compelled to witness 
 and tired of the incapacity of their own Parliament to restore 
 order, might, he thought, be induced to exchange their equivocal 
 freedom for a closer dependence on Great Britain. On 4 June 
 1798 he wrote to Lord Auckland, * Lord Grenville and I have 
 had a good deal of discussion lately on the subject of following 
 the termination of the present crisis in Ireland by immediate 
 steps for a union '. From Clare, to whom Auckland confidentially 
 imparted Pitt's design, the proposal met with an immediate and 
 cordial response. * As to the subject of a union with the British 
 Parliament ', Clare wrote to Auckland, * I have long been of 
 opinion that nothing short of it can save this country. I stated 
 this opinion very strongly to Mr. Pitt in the year 1793 imme- 
 diately after that fatal mistake into which he was betrayed by 
 Mr. Burke and Mr. Dundas, in receiving an appeal from the Irish 
 Parliament by a popish democracy,' But though agreed on the 
 main point of the necessity for a Union Clare's motives differed 
 radically from Pitt's. To Pitt the Union was to be a means of 
 strengthening the Empire : to Clare it was to be a means of pre- 
 serving Protestant Ascendancy. The divergence of views became 
 immediately apparent when the question of conceding CathoHc 
 Emancipation as an inducement to the CathoHcs to support the 
 Union project was raised. As is well known, Cornwallis was 
 strongly in favour of conceding Catholic Emancipation. Indeed, 
 without Emancipation the Union in his opinion was no union at 
 all. Pitt himself was not ill disposed to the concession. But 
 
i6o Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 when Clare heard of the proposal he posted to London in a 
 burning rage to see Pitt himself about his ' popish projects '. 
 What effect Clare's talk had on Pitt we do not know. All we 
 know is that the Union was carried without Emancipation, 
 but on the tacit understanding, concealed from Clare, that it was 
 to be immediately followed by Emancipation. When Clare 
 learnt how he had been deceived his indignation was extreme, 
 and there is little doubt that, had he suspected Pitt's ulterior 
 intention, he would have opposed the proposal, in which case 
 the Union would never have been carried. As a matter of fact 
 Clare might have died with an easy mind. His successor. Lord 
 Redesdale, though an Englishman, was as bitter an enemy to the 
 Roman Catholics as he was. More than a quarter of a century 
 was to pass before Catholic Emancipation was conceded. Catholic 
 Emancipation proved, as Clare predicted it would, the death- 
 blow to Protestant Ascendancy. But the spirit of Protestant 
 Ascendancy — the spirit that gave birth to the Penal Laws and 
 was the primary cause of the Act of Union — is still not quite 
 extinct. 
 
 The Act of Union. So much for the secret history of the Union. 
 As for the means by which the Irish Parliament was induced to 
 vote its own destruction, the subject may be dismissed in a few 
 lines. When Parliament met in January 1799 the Speech from 
 the Throne cautiously suggested the desirability of a parlia- 
 mentary union with Great Britain. An Address of approval was 
 met by an amendment expressing the determination of the 
 Commons not to surrender their free, resident Legislature as 
 established in 1782. The amendment was lost by only two votes 
 and, in view of the strong opposition outside the House, it was 
 immediately evident to Government that some form of pressure, 
 other than argument, would have to be used if the measure 
 was to be carried. The spring was spent by Cornwallis in pur- 
 chasing a majority in both Houses. There is no need to mince 
 words. Bribery and corruption were time-honoured or time- 
 
Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo i6i 
 
 dishonoured methods of tuning the Irish Padiament. Cornwallis 
 was disgusted at the * dirty work '. Irishmen took the matter 
 more philosophically. One of them was heard to say that he 
 thanked God he had a country to sell. It is unnecessary to de- 
 scribe the various methods of bribery employed or to hold up 
 to opprobrium the names of those who were guilty of the worst 
 crime a man can commit. When Parliament met for its last 
 session in January 1800 Cornwallis had a safe majority in his 
 pocket. The debate on the Address was in progress when Grattan, 
 dressed in his Volunteer uniform, slowly entered the House, sup- 
 ported by George Ponsonby and Arthur Moore. He had risen 
 from a bed of sickness to defend, with what appeared to be his 
 last breath, the Constitution of which he was justly regarded 
 as the author and guardian. But not all Grattan's eloquence 
 could avert the inevitable. On 5 February Lord Castlereagh 
 submitted a motion commending the Union to the serious atten- 
 tion of Parliament. The motion was accepted in the House 
 of Commons by 160 to 117. It was the deciding vote on the 
 question. On 14 February the House went into Committee on 
 the terms of the Union, and after a debate of twenty hours the 
 first resolution, * that a Legislative Union of the two kingdoms 
 was desirable ', was carried by forty-six votes. A motion to address 
 the Crown to dissolve Parliament was rejected ; but Parsons 
 accurately gauged the consequences of its rejection when he 
 asserted that posterity would never believe that the measure had 
 been sanctioned by public approbation. Having passed the Irish 
 Parliament the resolutions were immediately submitted by Pitt 
 to the British Parliament. There was little real opposition to 
 them, and the resolutions, being drawn up in the form of a Bill, 
 were once more submitted to the Irish ParHament for its accep- 
 tance. The Bill passed its second reading on 26 May, and having 
 been approved by the British Parliament it received the royal 
 assent on i August, By the terms of the Act Ireland was to be 
 represented in the United ParHament by four spiritual and twcnty- 
 2403 L 
 
i62 Protestant Ascendancy, i6gi-i8oo 
 
 eight temporal peers in the House of Lords and one hundred 
 Commoners. The two churches were united, and Ireland was 
 placed on the same footing as Great Britain in respect of trade 
 and navigation and in all treaties with foreign powers. The law 
 courts of Ireland were left standing, and arrangements were made 
 for the ultimate consoHdation of the National Debts of the two 
 countries. The half-promises made to the Roman Catholics to 
 secure their support were not fulfilled, and in order to justify 
 himself Pitt retired for a time from office. As O'Connell expressed 
 it, the honourable gentleman after receiving the goods refused to 
 pay for them. 
 
 PART VI 
 
 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 Ireland after the Union. The quarter of a century that followed 
 the Act of Union is perhaps the dreariest period in the whole of 
 Irish history. Except for the passing spasm caused by Robert 
 Emmet's abortive insurrection in the summer of 1803 Ireland 
 appeared to have suddenly fallen into a state of decrepitude. 
 All life seemed to have passed out of her. From an independent 
 country, conscious of her own dignity and importance, she almost 
 over-night sank to the level of a mere province. Dublin, the 
 centre of social attraction for centuries and lately pulsating with 
 political activity, seemed all at once to have lost its interest for 
 Irishmen, and from being the second city in the Empire to have 
 dwindled to the position of a simple country town. It is necessary 
 to bear these facts in mind. People still think of O'Connell as 
 the arch-demagogue battening on the scanty earnings of the Irish 
 peasant. They forget that it was to O'Connell's persistent 
 advocacy of the Catholic claims during this dreary period that 
 the regeneration of Ireland was due. It was easy after the 
 victory had been won and Irishmen had been awakened from the 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 163 
 
 torpor that had fallen on them to belittle his achievements and 
 sneer at his political doctrines. But without O'Connell Ireland 
 might have gone on slumbering for how long no man can say. 
 It was he who poured new life-blood in her veins and, like another 
 Moses, led her people out of the house of bondage to within 
 sight of the promised land. And if to him, as to Moses, it was 
 forbidden to enter that land himself, let not the future Joshua, 
 before whose trumpet-blast the walls of Dublin Castle shall fall, 
 forget that without O'Connell all his efforts to achieve national 
 independence would have proved as unavailing as those of Wolfe 
 Tone. Say what one will, it was O'Connell that created the 
 Irish nation. All the same, it is unnecessary to tax the reader's 
 patience by narrating at length the steps by which he eventually 
 achieved Emancipation. As a matter of fact Emancipation might 
 have been as readily conceded in 1793 as it was in 1829. In itself 
 the right to sit in Parliament, after the elective franchise had been 
 granted, was a small matter, and when conceded was productive 
 of no great consequences. Not in Emancipation itself, but in the 
 struggle to obtain it does its importance lie. 
 
 First Efforts at Emancipatiori. The struggle for Catholic 
 Emancipation began in 1805 with a gentle reminder by a Catholic 
 deputation to Pitt of the promises made by him at the time 
 of the Union. But Pitt, on resuming office, had pledged himself 
 to the King not to meddle further with the subject. Fox, on being 
 approached on the question, promised his assistance, but owing to 
 his death shortly afterwards the management of the Catholic 
 petition fell to Grattan. Grattan's advocacy of the Catholic 
 claims was sincere and persistent, but, finding Protestant prejudice 
 against papal intervention insuperable, he clutched at a suggestion 
 made to him in 1808 that the Catholics would be willing, as a con- 
 dition of Emancipation, to accept a veto on the part of the Crown 
 to any papal appointments in Ireland. The suggestion of a Veto 
 caused a split among the Catholics, some approving of it, others, 
 with O'Connell at their head, strongly objecting to it. The quarrel 
 
 L 2 
 
164 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 lasted for years, with the result that Emancipation fell for a long 
 time into abeyance. Meanwhile it was becoming clear to O'Con- 
 nell that Emancipation, with or without the Veto, possessed little 
 interest for the Irish peasant. What really interested the latter 
 was the ever-present difficulty of how to pay his rent and tithes 
 and withal to find a liveUhood for his family. So long as the war 
 with France lasted and high prices for agricultural produce 
 prevailed, the Irish cottier had managed to shift along fairly well. 
 But with the conclusion of peace and the sudden drop in prices 
 the struggle to live assumed portentous dimensions for him. 
 To make matters worse, the harvest in 18 17 was almost a com- 
 plete failure. Once more famine, that ever-constant scourge of 
 a country dependent mainly for its subsistence on the uncertain 
 potato, stalked through the land, and close in its wake came 
 typhus that mowed down the starving peasantry by thousands. 
 Unable to cope with the situation, ParHament interfered with an 
 Act (56 Geo. Ill, c. 88) to render eviction easier ! So the years 
 drifted away in helpless misery, marked only by some more than 
 usually violent outburst of crime on the part of a peasantry driven 
 wild by suffering. For a moment the visit of George IV in 1821 
 cast a ray of hope through the gloom. Of the loyalty of Irish- 
 men to the Crown there could be no question. Dublin went 
 dehrious with joy. Subscriptions were opened for the erection 
 of a royal palace, but before a tithe of the money promised had 
 been collected public enthusiasm had evaporated. It was found 
 that the King's visit had altered nothing in the situation, or rather, 
 by its failure to reconcile Protestants and Catholics, had merely 
 accentuated the differences between them. Once more, too, the 
 country had become a prey to famine and agrarian outrage. Was 
 there no way out of the ever-recurring tragedy ? Was there no 
 means of getting at these half-starved peasants and preventing 
 them taking the law in their own hands ? The situation preyed 
 on O'Connell's mind. 
 
 ^he Catholic Association. Speaking at an informal meeting 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 165 
 
 of Catholics early in 1823 O'Connell suggested the formation of 
 a society which, while directing its efforts to the advancement of 
 the Catholic claims, might, by its authority, exert a restraining 
 influence on the Catholic peasantry. His proposal was applauded, 
 and there and then a Catholic Association was founded. But 
 the indifference of its members and lack of funds crippled its 
 action, and it was only after O'Connell had hit on what was 
 derisively called his penny-a-month plan of saving Ireland that 
 the machine began to move. The institution of the * Catholic 
 Rent ' soon put another aspect on the state of affairs. By extending 
 its operations all over the country, publishing reports of its 
 proceedings, establishing reading-rooms, and enlisting the active 
 co-operation of the Catholic clergy the Association gradually 
 became formidable enough to arouse the apprehensions of Govern- 
 ment. Early in 1825 an attempt was made to suppress it by 
 Act of Parliament, but by converting the Association into a 
 nominally charitable society and dissociating it from the Catholic 
 Rent the danger was averted. Better than this, the attack on it 
 had the effect of once more bringing the Catholic question before 
 ParHament. In March Sir Francis Burdett obtained leave to 
 introduce a measure of Catholic relief. The Bill was accom- 
 panied by a proposal, called ^ the Wings ', to raise the electoral 
 franchise from forty shilHngs to ^£10 and to provide for a State 
 endowment of the Catholic clergy. O'Connell's acceptance of 
 * the Wings ' caused great commotion in Ireland, and at one 
 time threatened to imperil his popularity ; but as the Bill itself 
 was lost the incident merely served as a warning to him. The 
 impolicy of his conduct was, however, shortly brought home to 
 him in another way. 
 
 The Revolt of the Forty -shilling Freeholders, In view of an 
 approaching general election in the summer of 1826, and in 
 order to express their disapproval of the conduct of the Marquis 
 of Waterford, a number of Catholic gentlemen in County Water- 
 ford determined to run an opposition candidate to the Marquis's 
 
i66 Stniggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 brother, Lord George Beresford, the sitting member. Th^ir 
 choice fell on a neighbouring Protestant landlord of the name of 
 Villiers Stuart, and at Stuart's request O'Connell consented to 
 act as his political agent. With the backing of the Association 
 and the active support of the priests O'Connell succeeded in 
 inducing nearly all the Beresford tenantry to vote for Villiers 
 Stuart, with the result that he was returned by an overwhelming 
 majority. The anger of the Beresfords at the revolt of their 
 serfs was only exceeded by the astonishment of the serfs themselves 
 at their own temerity. The full significance of Villiers Stuart's 
 election was not immediately recognized, but a resolution was 
 entered on the minute-book of the Association pledging the 
 Association to support no member of a Government that was 
 opposed to Catholic Emancipation. The Association was to be 
 called upon to make good its resolution sooner than was expected. 
 In the reconstruction of Administration that followed the with- 
 drawal of the Canningites from the Ministry presided over by 
 the Duke of WeUington in May 1828, the ofhce of President of 
 the Board of Trade was conferred on Vesey Fitzgerald, M.P. for 
 County Clare. His appointment obliged him to seek re-election. 
 Fitzgerald was an amiable gentleman and personally well disposed 
 to the Catholics, but he was a member of a Ministry opposed to 
 Catholic Emancipation and by its own resolution the Association 
 was pledged to resist him. Considering Fitzgerald's popularity 
 it was rather hopeless for any Protestant to contest his seat. 
 But why a Protestant ? Why not a Catholic ? Why not O'Con- 
 nell himself ? Urged against his will, O'Connell stepped into the 
 breach. The polling at Ennis began on Monday, 30 June. In 
 anticipation of a riot a considerable body of police had been 
 drafted into the town. But not a single policeman was required. 
 Never had there been such an orderly election. On Saturday 
 Fitzgerald retired from the contest beaten by a majority of over 
 a thousand votes. 
 
 Catholic Emancipation. O'Connell was M.P. for County Clare, 
 
Struggle for National Independence, 1801-1921 167 
 
 the first Catholic to be returned for an Irish constituency since 
 the Revolution. The day predicted by Fitzgibbon had arrived, 
 when the balance of power was to be transferred to the Catholics. 
 Or would ParHament still refuse to concede Emancipation ? 
 This was the question that agitated men's minds. For himself 
 O'Connell made no immediate effort to claim his seat. But 
 the country was in a very excited condition. The Orangemen were 
 up in arms, and a foolish attempt on the part of some of O'Con- 
 nell's followers to invade the sacred precincts of Ulster nearly 
 precipitated a conflict. The viceroy, the Earl of Anglesey, made 
 no secret of his opinion that Emancipation had become a political 
 necessity, but his sudden recall seemed to indicate that his 
 opinion was not shared by either WelHngton or Peel. The Orange- 
 men were jubilant, but when ParHament met in February 1829 
 it was evident that Government had resolved to yield. On 
 5 March a CathoHc ReHef Bill was submitted by Peel to the 
 House of Commons. The Bill commanded O'Connell's entire 
 approval. It was, he declared, 'frank, direct, and complete'. 
 Its only drawback was that it was accompanied by a measure 
 raising the electoral franchise from forty shillings to j^io. The 
 disfranchisement of the forty-shilHng freeholders was, as Brougham 
 admitted, a heavy price to pay for their victory, but it was 
 inevitable and, in so far as it merely placed Ireland on the same 
 level as England, it was not a glaring injustice. The Emancipa- 
 tion Bill having passed the Commons on 30 March and been 
 read a third time in the House of Lords on 10 April received the 
 royal assent three days later. 
 
 Tithes and Parliamentary Reform. The long-protracted struggle 
 was at an end. With the acquisition of religious equality it was 
 hoped that Irishmen would rest satisfied and that Englishmen 
 would hear less in future of Ireland. Such was not O'Connell's 
 intention. Emancipation, if it really meant equal justice for Irish- 
 men, was, in his opinion, merely a stepping-stone to the repeal of 
 the Union. The Union had been carried over the heads of the 
 
i68 Struggle for National Independence, 1801-1921 
 
 Catholics : it had been carried against the wishes of the Protes- 
 tants. Now, then, was the time when Protestants and Catholics 
 could unite to procure its repeal. But O'Connell's appeal for 
 united action passed unheeded. The long years of agitation 
 had bred a spirit of bitter hatred to CathoHcism in the breasts of 
 the Protestants and rendered any co-operation on their part 
 impossible. Indeed, far from regarding the Union any longer 
 as a grievance, the Protestants had come to look upon it as their 
 only safeguard against Catholic ascendancy. The Catholics, too, 
 manifested no great interest in the matter. Emancipation had 
 done little to improve their material condition. Repeal was as 
 little Hkely to do so. What most interested the bulk of Irishmen 
 at this time was the question of tithes. The payment of tithes for 
 the support of an alien Church had long been a standing grievance 
 with the Irish peasantry. Repeated efforts had been made by 
 Grattan to obtain a commutation of them, but always without 
 success. The concession of CathoHc Emancipation rendered 
 tithes doubly grievous, and in the winter of 1 830-1 a disposition 
 not to pay them manifested itself in various parts of the country. 
 The movement spread, and the attempt to enforce payment of 
 them was attended in the summer of 183 1 with considerable 
 loss of life, especially at Newtownbarry in County Wexford. 
 The Chief Secretary of the day, Edward Stanley, proposed to 
 meet the situation with a drastic measure of coercion, but his 
 chief. Earl Grey, being anxious to secure O'Connell's support 
 for his Reform Bill, refused his consent. As for O'Connell, all his 
 hope at this time was placed in Parliamentary Reform. Given 
 a Parliament really representative of public opinion he felt sure 
 that something would be done to put the government of Ireland 
 on a more satisfactory basis. O'Connell was not a faddist, but 
 a practical politician. What he wanted was good government 
 for Ireland. If the United Parliament would give him that, 
 then he would be quite content. He had no particular desire for 
 Repeal. To him Repeal was merely a means to an end — a step 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 169 
 
 to good government. But if the United Parliament would not 
 grant good government then Repeal was the only alternative. 
 
 Ireland and the Whigs. With the meeting of the first Reformed 
 Parliament on 5 February 1833 O'Connell's hopes of a new era 
 in the relations between Great Britain and Ireland ran high. 
 But grievously and almost immediately were these hopes disap- 
 pointed. Under the combined effect of the tithe war, scanty 
 harvests, and cholera the state of Ireland had of late gone rapidly 
 from bad to worse. During the preceding twelve months not 
 less than nine thousand agrarian outrages, of which two hundred 
 were homicides, had occurred. In several counties the authority of 
 the law had practically ceased to exist. Jurors would not convict, 
 murders were rife, and intimidation was almost universal. The 
 necessity of exceptional measures to restore law and order was 
 admitted by O'Connell himself. But never had he anticipated 
 such a measure of coercion, unaccompanied by any attempt to 
 remedy the disease, as that which Grey himself, shortly after 
 the opening of Parliament, submitted to the House of Lords. 
 O'Connell's indignation at * the baseness of the Whigs ' was 
 boundless. Night after night he exhausted himself in denouncing 
 their brutality ; but all in vain. Early in April the Coercion 
 Bill became law, and Ireland was once more handed over to the 
 tender mercies of an irresponsible Executive. In his dire distress 
 O'Connell made a desperate effort to raise the standard of Repeal. 
 But Government w^as on the alert, and when Parliament reas- 
 sembled in January 1834 ^^^ Speech from the Throne alluded in 
 strong terms of condemnation to the * continuance of attempts 
 to excite the people to demand a repeal of the legislative union '. 
 Driven to try other methods, O'Connell, later in the session, moved 
 to appoint a committee to inquire into the means by which the 
 abolition of the Irish Parliament had been effected and the effects 
 of that measure on Ireland. He spoke for five hours in support 
 of his motion. But his speech was deadly dull, and being smartly 
 answered by Spring Rice his motion was rejected by 523 to 38. 
 
170 Struggle for National Independence, 1801-1Q21 
 
 All the same, O'Connell's appeal for justice was not entirely in 
 vain. Immediately the Repeal debate was over the Chief Secretary, 
 Edward Littleton, introduced a Bill for the commutation of tithe 
 into a land tax. The proposal was strongly disapproved of by 
 some of his colleagues and ultimately led to the resignation of 
 Earl Grey, the dissolution of Parliament, and the formation of the 
 Melbourne Administration. 
 
 Good Government or Repeal. In the new Parliament that met 
 in February 1835 the balance of power lay with O'Connell and 
 his Repeal contingent. The result was what was known as the 
 * Lichfield House Compact '. By the terms of the * Compact ' 
 O'Connell agreed to support the Whigs so long as they governed 
 Ireland well. The Melbourne Administration lasted five years, 
 and for nearly the whole of that period it commanded the support, 
 if not always the praise, of O'Connell. It solved the tithe diflft- 
 culty, it gave Ireland a Poor Law, and it reformed the municipal 
 corporations. But it was in its administrative capacity that the 
 Melbourne Administration was most successful. This it owed 
 mainly to Thomas Drummond, whose pregnant phrase ' property 
 has its duties as well as its rights ' sufficiently characterizes his 
 attitude towards the main problem of the day. But, if few chief 
 secretaries have ever been so deservedly popular as Drummond 
 was, it must not be forgotten that he owed his success in large 
 measure to O'Connell's co-operation. For O'Connell his alliance 
 with the Whigs was not unattended with some loss of prestige, 
 and more than once he had to defend himself against the charge 
 that he was sacrificing his independence to the exigencies of 
 party politics. Perhaps he felt that there was some truth in the 
 charge. Anyhow, as the Melbourne Ministry began to show signs 
 of increasing weakness he changed his tactics, and in 1839 estab- 
 lished what he called a Precursor Society, which ' may precede 
 justice to Ireland from the United Parliament and the con- 
 sequent dispensing with Repeal agitation . . . but will, shall, and 
 must precede Repeal agitation if justice be refused '. But no 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 171 
 
 one believed that he was in earnest, and even after he abandoned 
 his Precursor Society and started his Repeal Association he failed 
 to meet with much support. The apathy of his countrymen 
 annoyed O'Connell, but he was seriously alarmed when he lost 
 his seat for Dublin at the General Election in 1841, and when 
 of his once famous ' tail ' hardly a dozen obtained re-election. 
 Evidently things were going downhill. His election as Lord Mayor 
 of the reformed corporation of Dublin afforded him a favourable 
 opportunity to reconsider his position, and in January 1843 O'Con- 
 nell announced his intention of moving at an early meeting of the 
 Dublin City Council a resolution affirmatory of the right of 
 Ireland to a resident Parliament. Perhaps it was the stirring 
 appeal, addressed by the newly founded Nation newspaper to 
 the youth of Ireland to be up and doing, that determined him. 
 Anyhow the Nation was behind him when he rose to make his 
 promised statement on 21 February. O'Connell's speech is, by 
 general admission, one of the strongest arguments ever uttered in 
 support of Repeal. It was ably answered by a young barrister of 
 the name of Isaac Butt, the future author of Home Rule, but at 
 that time a strong supporter of the Union. After the debate had 
 lasted three days O'Connell's resolution was carried by 45 to 15. 
 Repeal Agitation. The effect of the Corporation debate was 
 most extraordinary. The agitation, which since the foundation 
 of the Repeal Association in 1840 had hung tire, suddenly broke 
 forth in full activity. The * Repeal Rent ', which had barely 
 amounted to ;£3oo in February, leaped up in May to nearly ^2,000 
 a week. By the end of the year it had reached a grand total of 
 £48,000. Backed by the Young Ireland party, the agitation spread 
 like fire before the wind. Of the founders of that party — Thomas 
 Davis, John Dillon, and Charles Gavan Duffy — it is impossible 
 to speak in any but the highest terms of admiration. At this 
 time they were in full accord with O'Connell. Their object, 
 through the Nation^ was * to create and foster public opinion in 
 Ireland and make it racy of the soil '. The poet's pen and patriot's 
 
172 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 sword were the means by which they hoped to effect Ireland's 
 independence as a republic. Their ideal was Wolfe Tone ; but 
 for the nonce they were prepared to work with O'Connell. In 
 order to fan the agitation into a general conflagration O'Connell, 
 shortly after the Dublin Corporation debate, announced his inten- 
 tion of holding a series of mass meetings throughout the country. 
 The first of these was held at Trim on 19 March, when it was 
 calculated that 30,000 persons were present. The meeting at 
 Trim was followed by another next month at Mullingar, when the 
 attendance rose to 100,000. In May there was another ' monster ', 
 as The Times dubbed these meetings, at Cork. The meeting was 
 the Association's answer to Peel's threat to uphold the Union 
 even at the risk of civil war. The threat was not idly meant. 
 A few weeks later an Arms Bill was submitted to Parliament, 
 empowering Government to suppress seditious assemblies. The 
 Arms Bill became law in August, but before that day arrived 
 O'Connell had held his ever-memorable meeting at the Hill of 
 Tara. In its imposing dimensions and the religious ceremonies 
 accompanying it the meeting at Tara surpassed all its predecessors. 
 Its success induced O'Connell to announce the holding of another 
 * monster ' at Clontarf in October. In view of the Arms Act it 
 was a hazardous step on his part, and public opinion was greatly 
 perturbed as to what would happen if the meeting was proclaimed 
 by Government. The meeting was fixed for Sunday, 8 October. 
 Saturday came without any sign from Government, and immense 
 crowds were converging on Dublin not merely from other parts 
 of Ireland but also from England and Scotland. Suddenly at 
 a late hour on Saturday afternoon the meeting was forbidden by 
 Government. It was the most critical hour in O'Connell's life, 
 and recognizing what would happen if Government attempted 
 to prevent the meeting by force, he at once issued orders counter- 
 manding it. The indignation of Young Ireland at what they 
 termed his cowardice was intense ; but the responsibility was his, 
 not theirs, and there can be no doubt that in countermanding the 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 173 
 
 meeting O'Connell acted not merely humanely but wisely. 
 To have given Dublin Castle merely another chance of putting 
 itself in the wrong, by a general massacre of an unarmed crowd, 
 would have been as much a work of supererogation as an inexpiable 
 crime. 
 
 Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. A week later O'Connell and 
 a number of prominent Repealers were arrested on a charge of 
 attempting ' by means of intimidation and the demonstration of 
 great physical force to procure and effect changes to be made 
 in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm '. The 
 charge was one that could have been preferred with equal 
 justice against the authors of Magna Carta. The trial began 
 on 15 January 1844 before a jury from which every Catholic had 
 been carefully excluded, and ended, as it could only end, with the 
 conviction of the prisoners. On 30 May O'Connell was sentenced 
 to twelve months' imprisonment, to pay a fine of ^^2,000, and to 
 find security for his good behaviour during the next seven years, 
 himself in ^f 5,000 and two others each in ^f 2,500. Three months 
 later the judgment was reversed on an appeal to the House of 
 Lords, with the scathing remark on the part of Lord Denman that, 
 if such practices as had prevailed in the case were to continue, 
 trial by jury would become a mockery and a delusion. All the 
 same, the victory lay with Peel. The Repeal agitation had been 
 killed, and killed by O'Connell himself. After his * retreat ' at 
 Clontarf it was useless for him to further threaten Government 
 with the demonstration of great physical force. All the world knew 
 that he would not fight. The fact of his failure was borne rudely 
 in upon him during his confinement in Richmond Jail by the 
 sneering comments of Young Ireland on his conduct. For a time 
 he dallied with a scheme for a federal parliament thrown out by 
 the organ of Tory opinion, the Evening Mail. But to such a 
 proposal Young Ireland refused absolutely to listen, and finding 
 it impossible to work with him any longer they withdrew from 
 Conciliation Hall in a body. 
 
174 Straggle for National Independence, i8oi-jg2i 
 
 The Great Famine. Meanwhile the shadow of the Great Famine 
 was beginning to steal slowly over the land. Already in October 
 1845 it was known that the potato crop had proved almost 
 a complete failure in many parts of the country. On the other 
 hand, the grain crops were above the average, and it was hoped 
 that with a better potato crop next year the danger of famine 
 might be averted. But in July 1846 rumours were current 
 that the fell disease was showing itself once more. By the middle 
 of August there was no doubt that the potato crop had failed 
 entirely. The situation was all the more serious as, owing to 
 a general shortage of food-stuffs that year in Europe and the 
 high price wheat was fetching abroad, Irish grain was rapidly 
 leaving the country. An embargo on its exportation might 
 have alleviated the situation, but the favourable opportunity 
 was lost. Fortunately, in order to relieve the misery caused by the 
 partial failure of the potato in 1845, Peel had authorized the 
 purchase that year of considerable quantities of Indian meal in 
 the United States. The first consignment reached Ireland in 
 March 1846, but at first the Irish peasants would not touch ' Peel's 
 brimstone ' in the belief that it would have the effect of turning 
 them black. Eventually the example of their priests and their own 
 hunger cured them of that delusion. With the accession to office 
 of Lord John Russell in July Peel's plan was abandoned for one 
 of relief works. But the relief-works system proved a failure, 
 and in the end Relief Committees administering aid in kind 
 had to be instituted, and by the close of the year more than three 
 millions of people were living on charity. 
 
 Effects of the Famine, The failure of the potato was attended 
 with the total collapse of the social and economic system of 
 Ireland. No one was exempt from its consequences. For the 
 peasant it meant either death by starvation or emigration : for 
 the landlord financial ruin. Between 1846 and 1851 more than 
 one million persons died of hunger or its effects and more than 
 one million quitted the country. Of those who left the country 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 175 
 
 many of them did so willingly, being helped to free passages by 
 their landlords, who seized the opportunity to clear their land of 
 its redundant population. Many more were literally forced to go. 
 It is impossible to describe the feelings with which these poor 
 people took leave of their native country or their sufferings on their 
 way out to America and on their arrival there. But it was in 
 the pangs of grief at parting from their loved ones and in the feel- 
 ings of anger against the system of government that drove them 
 forth that the Irish-American problem had its origin. In England 
 men were congratulating themselves that the Famine and emigra- 
 tion were solving the Irish question. But deep down in the heart 
 of every Irish emigrant lay a burning love of Ireland and a bitter 
 hatred of England. For the landlords the Famine proved almost 
 as disastrous as it did for their tenants. As a class Irish landlords 
 were never noted for their thrift, but they were not a hard-hearted 
 set of men. Their chief faults were slovenliness and prodigality. 
 Their estates were badly managed and most of them were up to 
 their ears in debt. Three years before the Famine it was calcu- 
 lated that over one thousand estates, representing a rental of 
 ^^702,822, were in Chancery. The Famine accompanied by the 
 adoption of Free Trade added greatly to the number of bankrupt 
 landlords ; but owing to the law of entail nothing could be done 
 for them. Already in 1843 a commission appointed by Peel, 
 and called from its president the Devon Commission, to inquire 
 into the conditions of land-tenure in Ireland, had reported in 
 favour of the adoption of some means for facilitating the sale of 
 mortgaged estates. In 1849 ^^ -^^^j called the Encumbered Estates 
 Act, was passed carrying out the recommendation of the Devon 
 Commission. But the result was far from satisfactory. At first 
 many landlords were forced by their creditors to sell their estates 
 at prices far below their real value. Worse than this, many of 
 the new purchasers were merely speculators in land, who were 
 no sooner in possession than they started a ruthless campaign of 
 rack-renting, with the alternative of eviction, amongst their 
 
176 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 tenantry. So great was the terror inspired by these new landlords 
 that the tenants entered into a league for their own protection. 
 The object of the Tenant-Right League was to secure what was 
 known as the three F's — fair rent, fixity of tenure, and free sale. 
 The League came hear to effecting its purpose in Parliament, 
 but on the very eve of victory it fell to pieces owing to religious 
 dissensions amongst its members and the treachery of its leaders. 
 Rebellion once more. As was to be expected, the Famine had 
 been attended with agrarian disturbances sufficiently serious in 
 Peel's opinion to necessitate strong coercive measures. Accord- 
 ingly, shortly after the repeal of the Corn Laws he submitted an 
 Arms Bill to Parliament. But the indignation felt by many of 
 his followers at his Free Trade policy led to the rejection of the 
 Bill and the transference of Government to Lord John Russell. 
 Amongst those who protested against the measure was O'Connell. 
 It was his last appearance in the House of Commons. On 15 May 
 1847 he died at Genoa on his way to Rome, having been preceded 
 to the grave some eighteen months by Thomas Davis. Davis's 
 death was followed by a split in the Young Ireland party and the 
 formation of a new party under the leadership of John Mitchel. 
 Next to Mitchel the most important member of the party was 
 James Finton Lalor. Lalor held strong views on the land question 
 and on the importance of agrarian agitation as a, driving power 
 to the acquisition of political independence. At the time, how- 
 ever, his influence was overshadowed by that of Mitchel. Mitchel 
 was a revolutionary pure and simple. His policy was that of Wolfe 
 Tone, and that policy he freely and forcibly expounded in the 
 new weekly organ of the party, the United Irishman. But Govern- 
 ment was on the alert, and before the sixteenth number of the 
 United Irishman appeared Mitchel was arrested, and being found 
 guilty of treason-felony was sentenced to fourteen years' trans- 
 portation. His place was, however, immediately taken by John 
 Martin, and a new newspaper started, called the Irish Felon. 
 The Irish Felon was almost immediately suppressed, and its editor, 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 177 
 
 John Martin, transported. In a fit of desperation and without 
 making any adequate preparations, the surviving chiefs of the 
 party, William Smith O'Brien and Thomas Francis Meagher, 
 determined to risk a rising. The rising proved a futile aflair, 
 and with the transportation of O'Brien and Meagher and the 
 death shortly afterwards of Lalor the movement came to an end. 
 But the spirit that animated it survived. 
 
 l^he Fenian Conspiracy. Among those who had taken part in 
 the ill-fated rising of '48 were John O'Mahony and James Stephens. 
 Both managed to escape to France, and subsequently O'Mahony 
 went to New York, where he busied himself in founding what he 
 called a Fenian Brotherhood. The name, if not the idea, had come 
 to him in the course of his study of Keating's History of Ireland, 
 but, whatever the original Fianna or Fenians might have been, 
 they signified for him merely a body of armed men devoted to 
 the cause of Ireland. The object of the Brotherhood, whose 
 members were bound by an oath of allegiance to the Irish Republic, 
 was to effect the liberation of Ireland by open warfare, secret 
 conspiracy, or any methods whatever. About the time (1858) 
 that O'Mahony was thus occupied Stephens returned to Ireland. 
 His object was to get into touch with a young man of the name 
 of O'Donovan Rossa, who was engaged in running a revolutionary 
 movement on his own account at Skibbereen in County Cork. 
 Unfortunately for O'Donovan, the police got wind of his doings 
 and shortly after Stephens's arrival swooped down on him^ and 
 extinguished his Phoenix National and Literary Society. But 
 O'Donovan's scheme, failure though it was, suggested the possi- 
 bility of a secret society based on military principles, and Stephens 
 was soon at work developing his plan of an Irish Republican 
 Brotherhood. The object of the I.R.B. was the Hberation of 
 Ireland from England by force of arms. For the purposes of 
 organization Ireland was divided into provinces, and to each pro- 
 vince was assigned an organizer whose duty it was to select some 
 specially qualified individual as a * centre ' or colonel, who in 
 
 2403 M 
 
178 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 his turn was to choose nine captains, each captain nine sergeants, 
 and each sergeant nine men to form a * circle ' or regiment. In 
 this way a circle would consist of 820 men. The scheme appealed 
 to the military instincts of the Irish, and before long Leinster and 
 Munster and parts of Ulster were dotted with ' circles '. But 
 money to provide arms and ammunition was lacking. To supply 
 this deficiency Stephens went to America, but he only succeeded 
 in raising about £700, and in order to stimulate matters he started 
 the Irish People newspaper in 1863. Despite the opposition of 
 the priests the paper proved a financial success, and seeing things 
 beginning to move Stephens next year revisited the United 
 States. At the time it seemed as if Great Britain might go to 
 war over Schleswig-Holstein. In that case Stephens promised that 
 there would be a rising in Ireland, but war or no war he would 
 certainly raise the country in 1865. His declaration stimulated 
 the flow of subscriptions, and returning to Ireland Stephens 
 was busily occupied in making preparations for a rising on the 
 anniversary of Emmet's execution, when the police got wind of 
 his proceedings and raided the offices of the Irish People. Shortly 
 afterwards Stephens himself was captured ; but by the con- 
 nivance of his keeper he managed to escape from Richmond Jail 
 and reached America in safety. All danger of an immediate rising 
 in Ireland was at an end, but by this time the conspiracy had 
 spread to England. A bold scheme, in which Michael Davitt 
 was concerned, to capture Chester Castle and seize the Dublin 
 and Holyhead railway in 1867 was only frustrated at the last 
 moment. A number of persons involved in it were captured 
 and sentenced to penal servitude for life ; but several of the ring- 
 leaders were still at large. Of these two. Colonel Kelly and 
 Captain Deasy, were captured at Manchester. They were being 
 conveyed to the county jail at Salford when the police-van was 
 waylaid by five individuals. In the scuffle that ensued Sergeant 
 Brett, who was in charge of the van, was shot. Kelly and Deasy 
 managed to escape ; but three of their rescuers — Allen, Larkin, 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 179 
 
 and O'Brien — were captured, and being condemned for murder 
 were executed. Their execution created a great sensation in 
 Ireland, and a poem composed by T. D. Sullivan commemorating 
 their fate, with the refrain ' God save Ireland ', afterwards almost 
 became the Irish national anthem. A few months later an attempt 
 was made to rescue a Fenian prisoner by blowing up Clerkenwell 
 Jail in London. The explosion had not the desired effect, but it 
 killed twelve other prisoners and wounded over 120. 
 
 Gladstone and Ireland, On one man, W. E. Gladstone, the 
 Fenian outrages exerted an extraordinary effect. Drawing the 
 almost self-evident conclusion from them that Ireland was dis- 
 contented, he added the not quite so evident corollary that her 
 discontent was due to three causes — an alien Church, bad land 
 laws, and a defective system of education. Probably most Irish- 
 men would have demurred to his diagnosis of Ireland's disease ; 
 but Gladstone knew nothing of Ireland and her real grievances. 
 In this respect his education was only beginning. At the General 
 Election in November 1868 the British electorate responded to 
 his call, to be allowed to settle the Irish question, by returning him 
 with a Liberal majority of 115. Characteristically it was the 
 ecclesiastical side of the question that first attracted Gladstone's 
 attention. On i March 1869 he introduced a Bill for the dis- 
 establishment and disendowment of the Church of Ireland. The 
 Bill provided for the maintenance of the Church as a self-governing 
 body, it confirmed it in the possession of its ecclesiastical edifices, 
 it enabled clergymen, who wished to retire, to compound for their 
 services, and it established a fund for the satisfaction of all vested 
 interests. In so far as it deprived the Church of its privileged 
 position in a country overwhelmingly Catholic, the Bill, which 
 became law on 26 July, undoubtedly tended to conciliate Catholic 
 opinion, without impairing the usefulness of the Church itself; 
 otherwise it was rather a gratuitous piece of legislation. Next 
 year Gladstone turned to a consideration of the laws regulating 
 the tenure of land in Ireland. As we have seen, in referring to the 
 
 M 2 
 
i8o Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 Tenant-Right League, the great desire of Irish tenants was the 
 concession of the three F's — fair rent, fixity of tenure, and free 
 sale. Without going the length desired, Gladstone's Bill so far 
 admitted the tenant to a partnership with the landlord in the 
 soil, by securing him in the undisturbed possession of his holding 
 so long as he paid a reasonable or government valuation rent, 
 by enabHng him to claim compensation for * disturbance ', i. e. 
 eviction. But the chief innovation in the Bill vi^as its * Bright 
 Clauses ', whereby the Board of Trade was empowered to advance 
 to tenants, desirous of purchasing their holdings, two-thirds of 
 the purchase price, to be repaid by them at the rate of 5 per cent, 
 within thirty-five years. The Bill encountered little opposition 
 and became law on i August. As the event proved, except by 
 its * Bright Clauses ' it left matters pretty much as they w^ere, 
 but it must be remembered to Gladstone's credit that it w^as the 
 first attempt ever made by Parliament to improve the lot of the 
 Irish tenant. Between 18 16 and 1843 no fewer than thirty-tw^o 
 measures relating to the land had been placed on the Statute 
 Book, but these had one and all been for the benefit of the land- 
 lord. Two years later Gladstone attacked the problem of higher 
 education. There is no question that a well-meant attempt by Peel 
 in 1845 to place higher education on a secular basis, by the estab- 
 lishment (in addition to Trinity College, DubHn) of three colleges, 
 called the Queen's Colleges, at Cork, Galway, and Belfast had, 
 except in the case of Belfast, proved a failure. His * godless 
 colleges ' were regarded with horror by the Catholics, and an 
 attempt had been made by them in 1854 to establish a Catholic 
 University at Dublin. Unfortunately the CathoHc University, 
 of which the first Rector was Cardinal Newman, had no powder 
 to grant degrees, and being dependent on voluntary subscriptions 
 was always in financial difficulties. In February 1873 Gladstone 
 submitted a measure to Parliament for the incorporation of 
 Trinity College, the Queen's Colleges, and the Catholic University 
 as affiliated colleges in a University of Dublin. Each college was 
 
Struggle for National Independence, iSoi-igzi i8i 
 
 to retain its special characteristics, but in examination for degrees 
 and in the curriculum of the University itself theology, philosophy, 
 and modern history were to be excluded as contentious subjects. 
 The derision with which Gladstone's proposal was received killed 
 the Bill, and shortly afterwards he resigned office. 
 
 Agitation for Home Rule. Gladstone's not very successful 
 attempt to tackle the Irish problem had, however, been received 
 with considerable, though by no means universal, gratitude by 
 Irishmen. To Isaac Butt in particular it seemed as if Englishmen 
 were at last wakening up to the responsibilities entailed on them 
 by the Act of Union. Of their good intentions there could, in 
 his opinion, be no doubt : the misfortune was that they were so 
 very ignorant of Ireland. Butt, it will be remembered, was 
 O'Connell's chief opponent on the occasion of the Corporation 
 Repeal debate in 1843. Since then, however, a great change had 
 come over his political views. Butt was a Protestant, a barrister, 
 and a Member of Parliament. His conversion had been chiefly 
 due to the fact that, having undertaken the defence of some of the 
 Fenian prisoners, he had been led to ponder on * the depth, the 
 breadth, the sincerity of that love of fatherland that misgovern- 
 ment had tortured into disaffection and misgovernment, driving 
 men to despair, had exaggerated into revolt '. From being 
 an opponent of Repeal Butt became its most ardent advocate. 
 In 1868 he accepted the position of President of the Amnesty 
 Association, and two- years later he assisted at the formation of 
 a Home-Government Association. The object of the Association 
 was to secure for Ireland, under a federal arrangement, the 
 management of her own domestic affairs by a national legislature. 
 The name of the Association was altered in 1872 to that of the 
 Home Rule League, and in 1873 a branch of it, called the Home 
 Rule Confederation of Great Britain, was established at Man- 
 chester. At the General Election in 1874 some sixty members 
 were returned to Parliament more or less pledged to the principles 
 of the League. But under Butt's leadership Home Rule made 
 
i82 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 small progress. His efforts to convert English opinion attracted 
 little attention, and within the House his arguments were listened 
 to with good-humoured contempt. His invariable courtesy to 
 his opponents did not strengthen his position, and the almost 
 deprecatory fashion in which he urged his appeal so irritated his 
 followers that several of them in the end adopted a more provoca- 
 tive line of conduct. The Rule of the House forbidding contentious 
 measures to be taken after midnight stood them in good stead, 
 and soon a policy of persistent obstruction was in full swing. 
 Among those who supported the policy of obstruction was 
 Charles Stuart Parnell, M.P. for County Meath. Though an 
 Irish landlord of English descent, Parnell had inherited from his 
 (^x^ American mother an almost fanatical hatred of England, and 
 perhaps hatred of England rather than love of Ireland was the 
 motive principle of his political conduct. Of an unusually taciturn 
 disposition, he first attracted attention by a passionate repudia- 
 tion of a reference by the Chief Secretary of the day to the 
 * Manchester murders '. * I wish to say,' he remarked, * as 
 publicly and directly as I can, that I do not believe that any 
 murder was committed at Manchester.' His contemptuous 
 defiance of English opinion brought him into conflict with Butt, 
 but his attitude was approved by Irishmen, and at the annual 
 meeting of the Home Rule Confederation in 1877 at Liverpool 
 Parnell was elected President in Butt's place. 
 
 ^he Land League. Shortly afterwards Parnell made the 
 acquaintance of Michael Davitt. Davitt was the son of a Mayo 
 peasant and knew from personal experience what the hardships 
 of peasant life were. When merely a youth he became a Fenian, 
 and for eight years he had been incarcerated in Dartmoor Jail for 
 his share in the attack on Chester Castle. During his imprisonment 
 he had given much thought to the Irish problem, and had become 
 thoroughly convinced of the truth of Lalor's doctrine, that the 
 political regeneration of Ireland could only be effected by means 
 of an agrarian revolution. In December 1877 Davitt was released 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 183 
 
 on a ticket of leave, and amongst those who welcomed him on his 
 return to Ireland was Parnell. Parnell made a great impression 
 on Davitt, and on visiting the United States shortly afterwards 
 on a lecturing tour, Davitt endeavoured to secure the support 
 of Irish-American opinion for him. He was so far successful 
 that, on returning to Ireland early in 1879 ^^ ^^^ accompanied 
 by John Devoy, one of the chiefs of the Clan-na-Gael. Davitt's 
 return coincided with a period of agricultural distress attended by 
 evictions on a large scale in the west of Ireland. At his request 
 Parnell consented to address a meeting of farmers at Westport 
 in June, and in the course of his speech Parnell advised his hearers, 
 at whatever cost to themselves, to keep a tight grip on their 
 holdings. Coming from a landlord it was an extraordinary piece 
 of advice, but Parnell had, like Davitt, become a convert to Lalor's 
 doctrine. In October a National Land League for the protection 
 of tenants' interests was established at Dublin with Parnell as 
 its President. A few weeks later Parnell sailed for America. 
 In going to America Parnell's object was to secure the financial 
 support of the Clan-na-Gael. Not being a Fenian himself his 
 position was one of peculiar difficulty. Something he saw he would 
 have to concede to the doctrine of physical force, and in stating 
 his views at this time he declared, *A true revolutionary movement 
 in Ireland should, in my opinion, partake both of a constitutional 
 and an illegal character. It should be both an open and a secret 
 organization, using the Constitution for its own purposes, but also 
 taking advantage of its secret combination.' This was sailing 
 very near the wind, but the Fenians were not deceived as to the 
 real character of his agitation, and though many of them gave 
 him their individual support, the Clan-na-Gael as a body would 
 have nothing to do with his * New Departure '. 
 
 Agrarian Agitation. Returning to Ireland Parnell found the 
 country in the throes of a General Election. The General 
 Election of 1880 resulted in a victory for Gladstone and the 
 Liberal party ; but no sooner had Parliament met than it was 
 
184 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 again called upon to legislate for Ireland. The harvest of 1879 
 had been one of the worst on record. Tenants in many parts 
 of the country were unable to pay their rents, and in order to 
 afford them some relief a Bill was passed by the Commons securing 
 them compensation for their improvements in case of eviction ; 
 but the Bill was rejected by the House of Lords . Thereupon the 
 cause of the tenants was taken up by the Land League, and strict 
 orders were issued by it prohibiting the payment of rents and for- 
 bidding any one taking farms from which the tenants had been 
 ejected. But in their greed for land, the order of the League in 
 the latter particular was not generally obeyed by the peasants. 
 To put an end to their recalcitrance Parnell, addressing a meeting 
 of farmers at Ennis in the autumn, said, * when a man takes 
 a farm from which another has been evicted you must shun 
 him on the roadside when you meet him, you must shun him 
 in the streets of the town, you must shun him at the shop- 
 counter, you must shun him in the fair and in the market-place, 
 and even in the house of worship '. The system of exclusive 
 dealing or, as it was popularly called, boycotting, from the name 
 of its first principal victim. Captain Boycott, proved a formidable 
 weapon of intimidation in the hands of the League. The terror 
 it inspired and the hardships it inflicted on perfectly innocent and 
 helpless people were indescribable. Day after day the English 
 newspapers were full of accounts of the outrages on life and 
 property with which the movement was attended. When 
 Parliament reassembled in January 188 1 the Chief Secretary, 
 W. E. Forster, submitted a Bill to enable Government to deal 
 drastically with the situation. The Bill was fiercely opposed by 
 the Parnellites, but eventually it became law in March. 
 
 Gladstone and Parnell. Having thus, as he thought, vindicated 
 the authority of law and order, Gladstone shortly afterwards 
 introduced a new measure of land reform. The Bill he sub- 
 mitted to Parliament in April admitted the principle of the 
 Three F's. Its cardinal feature was the establishment of a Land 
 
struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 185 
 
 Court to regulate rents as between landlord and tenant. The 
 merits of the Bill were admitted by Parnell, but, not knowing 
 how the Land Court would act and perhaps with the object of 
 bringing pressure to bear on it, he, shortly after the measure had 
 become law, advised the tenants to hold their hands till the 
 impartiality of the Land Court had been tested. His attitude 
 was misinterpreted by Gladstone, and in October he took the 
 hazardous step of locking up Parnell and several of his colleagues 
 in Kilmainham Jail. The Land League repHed with a manifesto 
 calling on the tenants to pay no rent till their leaders were released. 
 Government retaliated by suppressing the Land League. But 
 agrarian agitation attended by outrages on Hfe and property 
 continued, and in the end Gladstone, yielding to the force of 
 public opinion, consented to a compromise. By the intervention 
 of Joseph Chamberlain, an agreement, known as the Treaty of 
 Kilmainham, was arranged, whereby Parnell consented, on being 
 released, to * slow down ' agitation. At the same time facilities 
 were offered for the introduction of a Bill to apply the surplus 
 revenue of the Irish Church to the liquidation of arrears of rent. 
 The settlement was followed by Forster's resignation and the 
 appointment of Lord Frederick Cavendish as Irish Secretary. 
 As Cavendish, on the day of his arrival in Dublin, was crossing the 
 Phoenix Park accompanied by the Under-Secretary, Thomas 
 Henry Burke, they were attacked by a band of miscreants and 
 assassinated. The deed sent a thrill of horror through England, 
 and recognizing the gravity of the situation Parnell pubHshed 
 a manifesto, signed by himself and Davitt and Dillon, denouncing 
 the cowardly crime. But EngHshmen suspected his sincerity, 
 and though the murdered statesman's widow interposed with 
 a plea of mercy, a most drastic Crimes Bill was rapidly, and 
 despite the desperate resistance of the Irish party, passed through 
 Parliament. Being firmly administered by Earl Spencer the 
 Crimes Act gradually reduced Ireland to a state of quiescence, 
 and the advocates of physical force, finding their opportunities 
 
i86 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 for outrage cut short there, transferred their activities to Great 
 Britain. Thanks to the vigilance of the police the Dynamitards 
 were unable to do much mischief, but for two years they kept the 
 country, and particularly London, in a state of terror. 
 
 The Irish Vote. As the three years assigned for the operation 
 of the Crimes Act drew to a close and the question of its renewal 
 had to be faced, Gladstone, fearing to relax the reins too sud- 
 denly, decided to apply to Parliament for a renewal of some of 
 its main clauses. But his decision was resented by a number of his 
 followers, and owing to their defection he was obliged to surrender 
 the seals of office to Lord Salisbury. Without the Irish vote 
 Salisbury was unable to carry on the government. ParnelPs 
 price was the abandonment of coercion and the concession of 
 some measure of Home Rule. Without exactly committing 
 himself in either particular, Salisbury allowed it to be known 
 that the Crimes Act would be allowed to lapse. More than this, 
 he consented to appoint the Earl of Carnarvon, whose pro-Irish 
 sympathies were well known, Viceroy. On arriving in Dublin 
 Carnarvon received a hearty welcome from the populace, and 
 shortly afterwards he had, at his own request, an interview with 
 Parnell. The interview led Parnell to believe that Salisbury 
 was prepared to concede some measure of self-government. 
 The impression was confirmed by the action of Government at 
 this moment in passing an Act, known as the Ashbourne Act, 
 to enable tenants on estates, where the owners were willing to 
 sell, to become, with the assistance of the State, the proprietors 
 of their own holdings. The Act, however, had proved a great 
 strain on the loyalty of the Conservatives, and knowing that 
 many of them were dissatisfied with Salisbury's policy, Parnell, 
 in view of the approaching General Election in December, was 
 anxious to test Gladstone's attitude towards Home Rule. But 
 Gladstone, during his Midlothian campaign, was not to be 
 drawn further than to admit that he would, if the opportunity 
 was afforded him, give effect to the constitutionally expressed 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 187 
 
 desire of the Irish people. By the reflection it cast on his authority, 
 as the accredited leader of the Irish party, Gladstone's announce- 
 ment wounded Parnell's pride, and in his annoyance he issued 
 a manifesto calling on the Irish in Great Britain to vote against 
 the Liberals. The result of the General Election was that 
 86 pledged Parnellites held the balance between 335 Liberals 
 and 249 Conservatives. Finding in the circumstances that it 
 was impossible to carry on the government without becoming 
 Parnell's tool, Salisbury, to the satisfaction of his party, took the 
 earliest opportunity to resign, whereupon Gladstone once more 
 resumed office. 
 
 Gladstone's First Home Rule Bill. In announcing his acceptance 
 of office Gladstone declared it to be his intention to give effect 
 to the constitutionally expressed desire of the Irish people for 
 a national legislature, to deal with Irish as distinguished from 
 Imperial affairs. His announcement was followed by the defec- 
 tion of many of his most trusted and valued colleagues — Bright, 
 Hartington, James, Goschen, Chamberlain, and Trevelyan — and 
 the formation of a Unionist party. Their defection was a great 
 blow to Gladstone, but, feeling that he was pursuing the only 
 course open to him as an honest statesman, he submitted his Home 
 Rule Bill to Parliament on 8 April 1886. The Bill provided for 
 a statutory Parliament to sit in Dublin and to legislate for Ireland 
 under certain restrictions, deemed necessary for the preservation 
 and unity of the Empire. It was to consist of two orders — one 
 of 103 members representing the nobility and propertied class, 
 elected every ten years on a franchise of ;^200 a year, the other 
 of 204 members elected in the usual fashion. Both orders were 
 to sit together, but either could demand a separate vote, in which 
 case, however, the concurrence of both was required to an act 
 of legislation. The viceroy, who might be either a Protestant 
 or a Catholic, was to hold office permanently. So long as it existed, 
 the Royal Irish Constabulary was to remain under the control 
 of the Imperial Parliament, so too were the Customs and Excise. 
 
i88 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 The Irish representative peers were to cease to sit in the House 
 of Lords, and likewise the Irish members in the House of Com- 
 mons. Attached to the Bill was a Land Purchase Scheme, creating 
 jf 50,000,000 three per cent, stock to provide a fund to buy out 
 all landlords desiring to sell their estates. The Bill was accepted 
 by Parnell as a final liquidation of the claims of Ireland against 
 England, but it was rejected on its second reading by 343 to 313. 
 An appeal to the country merely resulted in a confirmation of the 
 vote, and the transference of the Government once more to 
 Lord Salisbury. 
 
 Ireland under Mr. Balfour. Salisbury's accession to power 
 coincided with a general fall in the price of agricultural produce, 
 and in view of the fact that Irish farmers would probably be 
 unable to pay the judicial rents falling due in November, Parnell, 
 in September, introduced a Bill for a general revision of rents. 
 The Bill was, however, rejected, and shortly afterwards a move- 
 ment, called the * Plan of Campaign ', was started to force land- 
 lords, by withholding their rents from them, to grant substantial 
 reductions. The plan was put in operation with some success on 
 about forty estates, but it was wholly illegal, and when it led to 
 disturbances the new Chief Secretary, Mr. A. Balfour, introduced 
 a new Crimes Bill into Parliament to enable him to cope with the 
 situation. Unlike former Crimes Acts passed for a limited period, 
 Mr. Balfour's Bill possessed the novelty of being a permanent 
 piece of legislation. It was fiercely contested by the Parnellites 
 and their Gladstonian allies, and, in order to assist its passage 
 through the Commons, 7he Times started a series of articles 
 entitled * Parnellism and Crime '. The series culminated in what 
 purported to be a facsimile letter from Parnell, shortly after the 
 Phoenix Park murders, excusing his condemnation of them on 
 tactical grounds. The authenticity of the letter was at once 
 denied by the Irish leader, but Englishmen were in no humour 
 to believe him, and though his denial was afterwards confirmed by 
 a Special Commission, appointed to inquire into the working of 
 
Struggle for National Independence, 1801-1921 189 
 
 the Nationalist movement, the forged letter served its turn. 
 The Crimes Bill became law, but almost at the same time Parlia- 
 ment gave its consent to a Bill embodying Parnell's demand 
 for a revision of judicial rents and extending the benefits of the 
 Land Act of 1881 to leaseholders. Coercion and conciliation were 
 to go hand in hand. Mr. Balfour's task was not an easy one. 
 The Land Act was regarded with disfavour by the landlords, the 
 Crimes Act was a constant theme of reproach with Nationalists. 
 An unfortunate encounter between the latter and the police, 
 attended with loss of life, at a political meeting at Mitchelstown 
 added to the asperity of the situation, but Mr. Balfour held 
 steadily to his determination to administer the law with equal 
 justice. Little by little he fought his way into the confidence 
 of both landlord and peasant, and by his system of light-railways, 
 connecting outlying places in the west with the main lines, and by 
 the large extension he gave to the Ashbourne Act he did much 
 to promote the commercial prosperity of the country and relieve 
 congestion. 
 
 ParnelVs Downfall. While success was attending Mr. Balfour's 
 efforts to restore law and order in Ireland misfortune continued 
 to dog the steps of the NationaHsts. Tactically, the alliance 
 between the Parnellites and Gladstonian Liberals, as tending 
 to the absorption of the former by the latter, was a mistake, but 
 worse even than the subordination of national to party aims 
 was the growing indifference of Parnell, owing to his unfortunate 
 connexion with Mrs. O'Shea, to politics. After his rehabilitation 
 before the Special Commission Parnell had become somewhat of 
 a hero in the eyes of Englishmen, conscious of the wrong they 
 had formerly done him. But the good effects of his victory over 
 ^he Times was almost instantly dispelled by his appearance 
 as co-respondent in the divorce court. The feeHng, manifest 
 at first in many quarters, to regard the charge as merely another 
 attempt to damage his political reputation, yielded gradually to 
 one of disgust as the unromantic details of his love affair trickled 
 
190 Struggle for National Independence, 1801-1921 
 
 out in the Press, and it was generally felt that he would do well 
 to imitate the example of another famous statesman and retire 
 for a time from political life. Perhaps Parnell might have taken 
 this step had not an ill-timed expression of confidence in him 
 by his colleagues coupled with the hesitating attitude of Arch- 
 bishop Walsh, as the exponent of Catholic opinion in Ireland, 
 led him to underestimate the effect of his offence. But it was 
 really a threat on the part of Gladstone, voicing Nonconformist 
 opinion, to abandon the caiise of Home Rule if he did not retire, 
 that determined him, as he expressed it, * to stick to his guns '. 
 Parnell's decision placed his colleagues in an awkward position. 
 For beheving, as many of them did, that the success of Home 
 Rule was dependent on Gladstone's support, they felt that no other 
 course was open to them than to rescind the vote of confidence 
 they had too hastily given him. Whatever may be urged in their 
 justification from a moral point of view, their disavowal of Parnell 
 was an act of supreme political folly and a crime against Ireland. 
 In its consequences it damaged parliamentarism irretrievably in 
 the eyes of young Ireland, and prepared the way for Sinn Fein 
 and the Rebellion of 19 16. For a time Parnell struggled with the 
 madness of despair to recover his authority ; but, returning from 
 one of his open-air meetings drenched to the skin, he was seized 
 by a violent fever and died on 6 October 1891. When his remains 
 were shortly afterwards laid to rest in Glasnevin Cemetery, it 
 was significant of the revulsion of feeling that followed his death 
 that not a single one of his political opponents ventured to attend 
 his funeral. 
 
 Gladstone's Second Home Rule Bill. Six months later Parlia- 
 ment, having run its legal term of existence, was dissolved. 
 The General Election in July 1892 resulted in the return of 355 
 Home Rulers against 315 Unionists, and shortly after the meeting of 
 the new Parliament in August, Government being defeated on a 
 direct vote of a want of confidence, Gladstone once more became 
 Prime Minister. Public opinion in Great Britain was still averse 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 191 
 
 to Home Rule, but feeling himself more than ever, since Parnell's 
 death, bound to redeem his promise to Ireland, Gladstone, on 
 13 February 1893, submitted his second Home Rule Bill to 
 Parliament. The Bill exhibited some notable points of difference 
 from that of 1886. This time the Irish members were not to be 
 excluded from the Imperial Parliament, but their number was 
 to be reduced to eighty. Instead of the two orders sitting and 
 voting together, there was to be a Legislative Council of 48 
 members and a Legislative Assembly of 103, the former possessing 
 a temporary veto on all measures passed by the latter. There 
 was to be no contribution on the part of Ireland to Imperial 
 expenses, and finally the settlement of the land question was to 
 be left to the Irish Parliament itself. The Bill passed the Com- 
 mons on I September by a majority of 34, but a week later 
 it was rejected in the House of Lords by 419 to 41. Gladstone, it 
 is said, was desirous of again appealing to the country, but, being 
 dissuaded by his colleagues, he surrendered the seals of office to 
 Lord Rosebery. Except in its administrative capacity the short- 
 lived Ministry of Lord Rosebery possessed little importance for 
 Ireland, and even in its administrative capacity the frank avowal 
 of the Premier of his intention to shelve Home Rule, until the 
 British electorate had definitely declared in its favour, cast 
 a blighting influence on the well-meant efforts of the Chief 
 Secretary, Mr., now Lord, Morley, to vindicate the principles 
 of Liberal government. A Bill to regulate rents on what its 
 enemies described as the * prairie value ' of land was under 
 discussion when the Ministry, being defeated on a side issue, fell. 
 The General Election in 1895 resulted in a great victory for the 
 Unionists and the formation of a strong Administration under 
 Mr. A. Balfour. Early next year a Bill was passed, extending the 
 principles of the Ashbourne Act, to facilitate the sale of land by 
 proprietors willing to part with their estates. The Bill was 
 symptomatic of the determination of Government * to kill Home 
 Rule by kindness '. 
 
192 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 The Irish Renaissance. Meanwhile, under the combined effects 
 of the split in the Nationalist party and the rejection of Glad- 
 stone's Home Rule Bill, politics had ceased for a time to in- 
 terest Irishmen. The same year (1893) that saw the rejection 
 of the Home Rule Bill saw also the establishment by Dr. 
 Douglas Hyde of the Gaelic League. Owing to the famine, 
 emigration, and the so-called * national ' system of education 
 the knowledge of Irish was rapidly disappearing in many parts 
 of the country where it had once been quite familiar. It was 
 to save it from becoming quite extinct and to extend the use 
 of it that Dr. Hyde founded his League. The idea appealed 
 to Irishmen irrespective of their poUtical creed but Irish is not 
 an easy language to learn, and despite the help furnished by 
 Father O'Growney's Simple Lessons, it is to be feared that the 
 language movement would speedily have collapsed had not its 
 poHtical importance been observed and led to a demand for making 
 Irish a compulsory study in schools. Closely connected with the 
 language movement was one for reviving the interest of Irish- 
 men in the history, arts, and literature of their country. Here 
 men who had no knowledge of the language or patience to learn 
 it could join in, and being backed by the establishment of a 
 national theatre for the cultivation of a distinctly Irish drama, 
 Dr. Hyde's Gaelic League became the centre of a real Renaissance. 
 For Ireland the significance of the Gaelic League became manifest 
 when the boys and girls educated in its ideals came to manhood. 
 But till then nearly a generation had to pass away. The language 
 movement was still in its infancy when attention was drawn, 
 at a Convention of the Irish race at Dublin in 1896, to the over- 
 taxation of Ireland, revealed by the publication of a report by 
 a commission, known as the Childers Commission, appointed by 
 Lord Rosebery's Government to inquire into the financial 
 aspects of the Union. The report had the effect of drawing 
 Irishmen of different political creeds but touched by a common 
 grievance together on the same platform. But even more im- 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 193 
 
 portant in this respect was a movement set on foot in 1895 by- 
 Mr., afterwards Sir Horace, Plunkett for the development of Irish 
 industries. An invitation addressed by him to all sections of 
 politicians, to consider the means outside politics by which the 
 material prosperity of Ireland could be improved, led to the es- 
 tabHshment of an Irish Agricultural Organization Society. Before 
 long the efforts of the Society to promote better methods of farm- 
 ing, by the formation of co-operative dairy-farms and creameries, 
 to foster cottage industries, and to extricate the peasant from 
 the clutches of the 'gombeen-man' or local usurer, by the estab- 
 lishment of small-credit banks, began to be attended with con- 
 siderable success.^ Noting the fact, Government gave its support 
 to the movement by a Bill establishing a permanent Depart- 
 ment of Agriculture, of which Sir Horace Plunkett was put in 
 charge. 
 
 Renezval of Agrarian Agitation. The effect of these movements, 
 and particularly of the I.A.O.S., in distracting public attention 
 from politics was not regarded with universal satisfaction. To 
 fervent Nationalists it seemed as if Ireland was bartering her 
 birthright for a mess of pottage, w^hile to ultra-Unionists the 
 efforts of Government to kill Home Rule with kindness appeared 
 to be attended with results almost as fatal to them as Home 
 Rule itself. But before matters had gone further the attention 
 of both parties was drawn to a subject of much more serious 
 importance. In 1898 there was once more a partial failure of 
 the potato crop, and landlords, finding it impossible to collect 
 their rents, ejected their defaulting tenants and let their lands for 
 grazing purposes on an eleven months' lease, whereby no tenant- 
 right was created. To meet this danger a United Irish League 
 was started by Mr. W^illiam O'Brien in the centre of the disturbed 
 district. Incidentally its establishment led to a reconciHation 
 
 ^ In passing it may be remarked that in 1918 the I.A.O.S. comprised over 
 1,000 branches with a membership of 120,000, representing about 600,000 of the 
 rural population, transacting business to the value of over £12,000,000 annually. 
 
 2403 N 
 
194 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 between the Parnellltes and anti-Parnellites and the recon- 
 struction of the Nationalist party under John Redmond. The 
 object of the League was the compulsory expropriation of all 
 landlords. The agitation thus set on foot was unintentionally 
 strengthened by the purchase on the part of the Congested 
 Districts Board, established by Mr. Balfour to relieve over- 
 population in the west, of an estate belonging to Lord Dillon in 
 County Roscommon. There were about 4,000 tenants on the 
 Dillon estate paying an average rent of ^^3 a year. The Board at 
 once reduced rents all round 10 per cent., remitted ^20,000 
 arrears, and purchased 2,000 acres additional land to enlarge the 
 tenants' holdings. The consequence was that the tenants on the 
 neighbouring estates struck for what they called the ' Dillon rent '. 
 They received the support of the League and a fresh agrarian 
 war broke out. The matter was taken up by the Irish Unionist 
 Alliance, and strong pressure was brought to bear on Government 
 to avail itself of the powers conferred on it by the Crimes Act of 
 1887 to suppress disorder. Early in 1902 a proclamation was 
 published putting several of its leading provisions into force. But 
 outside the narrow circle of the Unionist Alliance it was generally 
 recognized that coercion offered no hope of a permanent settle- 
 ment, and Irish landlords themselves were tired of the eternal 
 struggle. At the suggestion of Captain Shawe Taylor a Land 
 Conference was arranged in December between several prominent 
 landowners and the chiefs of the Nationalist party, as representing 
 the tenants. The Conference was unanimous in advising the total 
 abolition of a dual ownership of the soil. The hint was not lost 
 upon Government, and early in 1903 the Chief Secretary, 
 Mr. Wyndham, submitted a Bill to Parliament for the creation 
 of a fund of ^100,000,000 to expropriate landowners willing to sell 
 their estates. Having passed the Commons amid the general 
 applause of the House, the Bill speedily became law and greatly 
 contributed to the pacification of Ireland. By 1920 nearly 
 ^70,000,000 had been advanced under its provisions to over 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 195 
 
 200,000 tenants. In this way nearly io|- million acres of land have 
 passed into the hands of peasant proprietors, and arrangements 
 were then pending for the transfer of a further 2| million acres. 
 
 Devolution as a substitute for Home Rule. The unexpected 
 success that had attended the Land Conference, by enforcing the 
 advantages of united action, gave rise to the belief that the 
 political question might be solved by similar methods. In August 
 
 1904 the Land Conference Committee transformed itself into 
 an Irish Reform Association, and, on the report of its Organizing 
 Committee, it was shortly afterwards determined to apply to 
 Government for the transference from the Treasury to an Irish 
 Financial Council of the money (^6,000,000) annually applied to 
 Ireland for domestic purposes. This Financial Council, of which 
 the Lord Lieutenant was to be the President and the Chief 
 Secretary the Vice-President, was to consist of twenty-five 
 members, of whom twelve were to be elected by groups of county, 
 borough, and parliamentary constituencies and eleven nominated 
 by the Crown. The Council was to have full control of the money 
 spent in Ireland, but its decisions might be reversed in the 
 House of Commons by a majority of not less than one-fourth of 
 the total votes given. The proposal was at once denounced by 
 extreme Unionists as an insidious attempt at Home Rule, and 
 some of them, going farther than the facts warranted them, 
 charged Mr. Wyndham with being the author of the plan. The 
 charge was immediately repudiated, but finding that the 
 Under-Secretary, Sir Antony MacDonnell, had, without his 
 knowledge, given some encouragement to the plan, Mr. Wyndham 
 resigned his office of Chief Secretary. The controversy came at 
 an awkward time for Mr. Balfour owing to the dissensions which 
 had arisen in his own party on the question of Tariff Reform, 
 and though, in view of their common danger, the Unionists 
 closed their ranks, the controversy had the effect of bringing Home 
 Rule once more to the front. Speaking at Stirhng in November 
 
 1905 Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman declared that * to secure good 
 
 N 2 
 
196 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 administration was one thing, but good government could never be 
 a substitute for government by the people themselves '. At the 
 General Election in January 1906 the Liberals succeeded in sweep- 
 ing the country. All the same, Devolution continued to retain 
 its hold on public opinion as a means of conceding Home Rule 
 by instalments. In the spirit of this new policy the Chief 
 Secretary, Mr. Birrell, submitted a measure to Parliament in 
 May 1907, conferring extensive powers of self-government on 
 Ireland. The Irish Councils Bill was accepted by Redmond as 
 a step to Home Rule, but being rejected by a National Conven- 
 tion at Dublin it was wisely withdrawn. Its rejection as a sub- 
 stitute for Home Rule was emphasized by the formation of an 
 * All for Ireland ' party under Mr. W. O'Brien, and the reassertion 
 in Parliament of the demand for Home Rule. Mr. Birrell's failure 
 was followed next year by a successful effort on his part to settle 
 the long-standing question of higher education. His Bill establish- 
 ing two universities — the one at Belfast, the other at Dublin — 
 in addition to DubHn University (Trinity College), though based 
 professedly on non-sectarian grounds, effectively met the demand 
 of Presbyterians and Roman Catholics for equal treatment with 
 Episcopalians, and provided each section of the community with 
 a system of education answering its own special requirements. 
 
 Beginnings of Sinn Fein. The rejection of Mr. Birrell's Irish 
 Councils Bill was largely due to a revived demand for national 
 independence, inspired by the teaching of the Gaelic League. 
 The demand was strengthened by the centenary celebrations of 
 the Rebellion of 1798 and the foundation under the editorship 
 of Mr. A. Griffith in 1899 of a weekly newspaper called the 
 United Irishman. The newspaper, recalling by its title the 
 short-lived enterprise of John Mitchel in the forties, was redolent 
 of Wolfe Tone and the men of '98. Its attitude towards the 
 Parliamentary party and the Catholic clergy was almost as frankly 
 hostile as it was towards Dublin Castle itself. The year following, 
 a society, called the Cumann na nGaedhel, was established in 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 197 
 
 Dublin. The object of the society was to advance the cause of 
 national independence. But how this was to be done only 
 became clear when Mr. Griffith expounded what he called his 
 'Hungarian' poHcy at the third annual meeting of the Cumann 
 na nGaedhel in 1902. Few historians are likely to agree with 
 Mr. Griffith in his estimate of Magyar institutions ; but in his 
 opinion Hungary won her independence by refusing to send 
 delegates to the Austrian Reichsrat in 1861. The inference was, 
 let Ireland abstain from recognizing the authority of the British 
 Parliament by sending members to Westminster, and she too would 
 secure her national independence. The inefficiency of a purely 
 negative policy of ' don't have anything to do with England 
 but rely on yourselves ', summed up in the motto Sinn Fein 
 or ' We Ourselves ', to accomplish anything of importance was too 
 apparent to command much support, even when supplemented 
 by the establishment three years later of a National Parliament, 
 under the title of Dail Eireann. Least of all was it likely 
 to be received with sympathy by such men as Messrs. Connolly 
 and Larkin, who were engaged at the time in trying to secure the 
 active support of the Trades Unions of Great Britain in their 
 efforts to improve the lot of the Irish industrial labourer. One 
 enthusiastic adherent, Mr. C. Dolan, M.P. for North Leitrim, 
 did, it is true, resign his seat in 1908 and seek re-election as a Sinn 
 Fein candidate. But the electorate was not ripe for such heroic 
 experiments, and Mr. Dolan's defeat by more than three to one 
 reacted unfavourably on the movement. 
 
 Third Home Rule Bill. Such was the general state of affairs 
 whenCampbell-Bannerman died and was succeeded in the premier- 
 ship by Mr. Asquith. Shortly after the reconstruction of Adminis- 
 tration under Mr. Asquith the House of Commons became 
 involved in a fierce controversy with the House of Lords, owing 
 to the attitude taken up by the latter in regard to the Budget 
 proposals of Mr. Lloyd George. Parliament was dissolved in 
 December 1909, and the General Election in the following 
 
198 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 January, by placing the balance of power in Redmond's hands, 
 enabled him to strike a bargain with Government as to the price 
 of his support for the Veto Bill. His price was Home Rule. The 
 Veto Bill, disabling the House of Lords from altering Money 
 Bills, and providing that, in the case of any other Bill which had 
 passed the Commons in three successive sessions, the assent of the 
 Crown was sufficient to give it the force of law, was only carried 
 after a fresh appeal to the country and an intimation that the 
 Crown was prepared to create as many peers as were necessary 
 to secure its acceptance by the House of Lords. The Veto Bill 
 cleared the way for Home Rule, and on 1 1 April the third Home 
 Rule Bill was introduced into the House of Commons. The 
 measure in its main features differed little from that of 1893. 
 Ireland was to be provided with an independent Parliament, 
 consisting of a Senate of forty nominated members and a House 
 of Commons of 164 members, being one for every 27,000 inhabi- 
 tants. Its authority was to be confined to purely domestic 
 affairs, and for the time being the Imperial Parliament was to 
 retain control of all matters connected with Land Purchase, 
 Old Age Pensions, National Insurance, the Royal Irish Con- 
 stabulary, Post-Office Savings Bank, and the collection of taxation 
 other than postage. No laws affecting the religious liberty of 
 the subject were to be passed by the Irish Parliament, and the 
 Lord Lieutenant was to have an absolute veto on all measures 
 disapproved of by the Imperial Government. Ireland was to be 
 represented in the Imperial Parliament by forty-two members, 
 being one for every 100,000 inhabitants. The question of revenue 
 and taxation was the subject of special regulations, of which the 
 main feature was the establishment of a joint Board of Exchequer. 
 The Bill, amended in one or two particulars, passed its third 
 reading for the first time in the House of Commons by 367 to 
 257 on 16 January 191 3 ; a fortnight later it was rejected by the 
 House of Lords by 326 to 69. 
 
 Reception of the Bill hi Ireland. In Ireland the Bill was re- 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 199 
 
 ceived with very different feelings in different quarters. To the 
 Nationahsts, who had borne the brunt of the long-continued 
 struggle, it seemed an eminently satisfactory compromise. To 
 Sinn Fein, on the other hand, it appeared totally inadequate, as 
 satisfying ^ no claim of the Irish nation whose roots are in Tara ' ; 
 while Connolly dismissed it in the Irish Worker as ' the rottenest 
 bargain ever made by a victorious people with a mean, pettifogging, 
 despised Government '. In Ulster, as was to be expected, the Bill 
 was received with dismay, and before long a strong agitation was 
 started to resist it at all costs. The agitation culminated in the 
 signing of a Solemn Covenant by nearly half a million men and 
 women, pledging themselves * to stand by one another, in defend- 
 ing for ourselves and our children our cherished position of equal 
 citizenship in the United Kingdom, and in using all means which 
 may be found necessary to defeat the present conspiracy to set 
 up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland '. Soon afterwards it was 
 known that the Protestants in Ulster were arming. The estab- 
 lishment of the Ulster Volunteers was almost immediately followed 
 by the formation of a rival body in the south, under the title of 
 the Irish Volunteers. The uncompromising attitude of Ulster 
 was not without its effect on Government, and the Home Rule 
 Bill having been rejected a second time by the Lords, Mr. Asquith 
 in March 1914 announced his intention to bring in an Amending 
 Bill, whereby any county, in which a majority of voters desired 
 to be excluded from the operation of the Home Rule Bill, might 
 do so for a period of six years from the date of the first sitting 
 of the Dublin Parliament. The compromise was accepted by 
 Redmond but rejected by the Ulster leader. Sir Edward Carson. 
 Things were in this uncertain condition when what is known as 
 * the Curragh mutiny ' occurred. The mutiny, if such it may be 
 called, was due to an order on the part of the Secretary for War, 
 commanding a considerable body of troops to be moved from 
 the Curragh into Ulster. The order was construed by the officers 
 commanding these troops as indicating an intention to coerce 
 
200 Stniggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 Ulster and was followed by their resignation. Their conduct 
 was no doubt due to a mistake, but it pointed to a very serious 
 condition of affairs in the army. The matter was still under 
 discussion when it became known that the Ulster Volunteers had 
 succeeded, almost under the eyes of the police, in landing a large 
 consignment of rifles from Germany at Larne on 24 April. 
 A month later the Home Rule Bill passed the Commons for 
 a third time by 351 to 274. Nothing but the King's Assent was 
 now wanting to enable it to become law. But public attention 
 was chiefly directed to the promised Amending Bill. The Bill 
 was introduced into the House of Lords on 23 June, and at once 
 became the subject of fierce controversy. In the commotion 
 created by it the news of the murder of the heir to the Austrian 
 Crown and his wife at Sarajevo on 28 June passed almost un- 
 noticed. The danger of civil war in Ireland was imminent, and 
 in the hope of finding a way out of the difficulty the King invited 
 the party leaders to a conference at Buckingham Palace on 20 July. 
 Four days later the conference separated without effecting an agree- 
 ment. On 26 July an attempt on the part of the Irish Volunteers 
 to run a cargo of arms at Howth Harbour led to a collision with 
 the military at Batchelor's Walk, on the quays in Dublin, in which 
 several civilians were killed and many more wounded. The next 
 day a fierce controversy on the subject was in progress in the 
 House of Commons when the news arrived that Austria was at 
 war with Serbia. 
 
 Ireland during the European War, The news of war 
 exercised a sobering effect on the House, and hardly had Sir 
 Edward Grey made his memorable speech than Redmond 
 announced Ireland's solidarity with Great Britain in the coming 
 conflict. It was taken for granted that the concession of Home 
 Rule had worked the miracle ; but Home Rule was still not on 
 the Statute Book, and in Ireland it was felt, especially in Sinn 
 Fein circles, that Redmond's action was somewhat premature. 
 The feehng gained ground, and was further confirmed by the 
 Premier's intimation a month later of Government's intention 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 201 
 
 to place Home Rule on the Statute Book, accompanied by a Sus- 
 pensory Act to prevent it becoming immediately operative. 
 Mr. Asquith's visit to Dublin shortly afterwards did something 
 to neutralize the bad effects his announcement had on recruiting 
 and to rehabilitate Redmond in public opinion. But faster than 
 either Mr. Asquith or Redmond was aware Ireland was drifting 
 into rebellion. On the very eve of the Premier's visit a manifesto 
 was pubHshed by the Committee of the Irish Volunteers con- 
 demning Redmond's efforts to recruit for the army. The mani- 
 festo caused a split in the Irish Volunteers, and while some of them 
 joined Redmond as the National Volunteers, others, retaining 
 their original title, remained constant in their allegiance to the 
 cause of Irish independence. Meanwhile Sinn Fein, having 
 found an outlet for its suppressed energy, was busily engaged in 
 organizing resistance to Government, with the result that, while 
 recruiting for the army declined visibly outside Ulster during 191 5, 
 the number of Irish Volunteers increased rapidly. By the begin- 
 ning of 19 1 6 it seemed evident to every one except the Chief 
 Secretary, Mr. Birrell, and Redmond that Ireland was on the brink 
 of rebellion. Such was the state of affairs when news reached 
 the Government that a vessel called the Jud, with a concealed 
 cargo of arms and ammunition, had sailed from Wilhelmshaven 
 for Ireland on 12 April, accompanied by a German submarine 
 with Sir Roger Casement and two other Irishmen on board. 
 Casement was an ardent member of the Sinn Fein party, and ever 
 since the outbreak of the War one of its most active agents in 
 stimulating resistance to England in America and Germany. 
 His role exactly resembled that of Wolfe Tone. His object was 
 the same, and his fate, it may be added, not much different. The 
 Jtid was timed to reach the west coast of Ireland on 22 April, 
 and punctual to the day Casement and his companions were set 
 on shore at Ardfert in County Kerry. But the police had been 
 warned, and before many hours had elapsed Casement was on his 
 way to the Tower. 
 
 Th^ Rebellion and Afterwards. Casement's capture completely 
 
202 Struggle fay National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 disarranged the plans of the conspirators for a general rising 
 throughout the country on Easter Sunday, 23 April, and on 
 Saturday afternoon an order was issued countermanding the 
 insurrection. Next day, however, this order was cancelled and 
 fresh instructions were issued for a mobilization of the Dublin 
 Volunteers on Monday. The first order had a disastrous effect on 
 the rising in the country, but, by throwing the Government off its 
 guard, it enabled the conspirators to strike an effective blow in 
 Dublin itself. The attempt to surprise the Castle and capture 
 Trinity College and the Bank of Ireland failed, but shortly after 
 noon on Monday the rebels got possession of several buildings of 
 strategic importance in the city, including the General Post- 
 Ofhce in Sackville Street, which at once became the Head-quarters 
 of the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic. Mean- 
 while Government, having recovered from its surprise, was taking 
 active steps to crush the Rebellion, and before many hours had 
 elapsed large bodies of troops from the Curragh and elsewhere 
 were converging on the city. The inability of the rebels to get 
 possession of the line between Trinity College and the Castle 
 proved of great disadvantage to them, by intercepting direct 
 communication north and south of the Liffey, and, with the 
 arrival at Kingstown that same evening of large reinforcements 
 from England, their position soon became very precarious. On 
 Tuesday and Wednesday there was some heavy fighting on the 
 route between Ball's Bridge and Merrion Square, but by noon on 
 Thursday the position was carried. With the arrival early on 
 Friday morning of Sir John Maxwell, as commander-in-chief, 
 the work of * squeezing out ' the rebels was taken vigorously in 
 hand. By noon on Saturday it was clear that further resistance 
 was useless, and at 2 o'clock orders were issued from Head-quarters 
 for a general surrender. The Rebellion was at an end. Of the 
 material damage done, estimated at roughly ^2,000,000, we need 
 not speak. Most of the leaders paid for their failure with their 
 lives. Of those who were executed it may be taken for granted 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 203 
 
 that they met their fate bravely ; but the manner of their execu- 
 tion and the callous fashion in which their deaths were notified 
 to the public defeated the ends of justice. Fortunately the 
 number of those executed was comparatively small. For the 
 majority penal servitude for shorter or longer periods was deemed 
 a sufficient punishment. Sir Roger Casement having, as we 
 remarked, been sent to England, was tried before the High Court 
 of Justice, and, being convicted of rendering assistance to Germany, 
 was hanged as a traitor on 3 August. 
 
 Renewed Ejfforts to Settle the Irish Question. Shortly after the 
 suppression of the Rebellion Mr. Asquith paid a personal visit 
 to Dublin. He returned, as he explained to the House of Commons 
 on 25 May, fully convinced of the inefficiency of Castle Rule 
 and the necessity of entrusting Irishmen with the government 
 of their own country. At the unanimous request of his col- 
 leagues Mr. Lloyd George undertook to work out a suitable 
 plan. Mr. Lloyd George's proposal was to bring the Home 
 Rule Act into immediate operation, coupled with an Amending 
 Act retaining the Irish members at Westminster and placing the 
 six counties of Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Armagh, Tyrone, 
 and Fermanagh under the Imperial Government for the period 
 of the War and a short time afterwards. The proposal, though 
 respectfully received by both Sir Edward Carson and Redmond, 
 proved unacceptable to the southern Unionists, and the situation, 
 in consequence of their opposition, growing critical. Lord Wim- 
 borne was reappointed Viceroy with Mr. Duke as Chief Secretary, 
 and things in Ireland reverted to their old unsatisfactory condi- 
 tion. Towards the close of the year Mr. Asquith was superseded 
 by Mr. Lloyd George as head of the Government. The attitude 
 of the new Premier was one of dispassionate friendliness to both 
 parties in Ireland. He was, he declared, willing to grant Home 
 Rule immediately to any part of Ireland which clearly demanded it, 
 but he would have no hand in forcing it on those who did not want 
 it. Later on, in March 1917, he announced Government's readiness 
 
204 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 to summon a Convention of Irishmen in Ireland to frame a con- 
 stitution for the future government of Ireland within the Empire. 
 The proposal was favourably received, and while preparations 
 to give effect to it were in progress Government, in order to create 
 an atmosphere of goodwill, released all those persons who had 
 been imprisoned for their share in the Rebellion. The con- 
 cession failed to have the desired result. On the contrary, the 
 return of the prisoners was everywhere made the occasion of a 
 display of ill-feeling against the Government. At Cork, in parti- 
 cular, rioting assumed such dangerous proportions that the military 
 had to be called out to restore order. When the Convention met 
 as appointed in Dublin on 25 July, Sinn Fein would have nothing 
 to do with it. The significance of its abstention was evident when 
 Mr. de Valera, who had acquired considerable reputation as com- 
 mandant at Boland's Mills in the Rebellion, was returned for 
 East Clare with a majority of nearly 3,000 over the Nationalist 
 candidate. In September the funeral of Thomas Ashe, who had 
 died on hunger strike in Mountjoy Prison, was made the occasion 
 of a great demonstration against Government. The demonstration 
 was followed by a Convention of Sinn Fein at the Mansion House 
 on 25 October. Officially, Sinn Fein had taken no part in the 
 Rebellion, but the events following the Rebellion having led to 
 a great accession to its membership, a strong desire manifested 
 itself to substitute a more active policy for that of simple passive 
 resistance, on w^hich Mr. Griffith relied for the attainment of 
 national independence. A motion to combine the political organi- 
 zation of Sinn Fein with the military organization of the Volunteers 
 was indeed rejected ; but the election of Mr. de Valera as President 
 in place of Mr. Griffith, and his insistence on Ireland's determina- 
 tion to dictate her own terms, practically neutralized the vote. 
 Despite the discouraging abstention of Sinn Fein the Convention 
 held to its task, and early in April 19 18 presented a majority 
 report to Government. The Report admitted the necessity of 
 creating a constitution for Ireland within the Empire. To effect 
 
Stri4ggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 205 
 
 this object it proposed the establishment of an Irish ParHament and 
 Executive with full powers over internal legislation, administration, 
 and direct taxation. The Parliament was to consist of a Senate 
 of 64 nominated members to represent the different interests 
 of the country, and a House of Commons of 200 members, to 
 include a guaranteed 40 per cent, of Unionists, chosen in the south 
 by nomination and in Ulster by election. Ireland was to be repre- 
 sented in the Imperial Parliament by 42 members. The control 
 of the Police and Post Office was to be left to the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment for the duration of the War, and as no decision could be 
 arrived at in regard to Customs and Excise they were to be left 
 for future discussion. The Report was presented at an extremely 
 critical period in the War. Germany was making her last, most 
 determined effort, and the Allies were in dire need of every man 
 that could be raised. In his determination to win the War at all 
 costs, the Premier, on submitting his new Man-Power Bill to 
 Parliament in April 191 8, announced Government's intention 
 to extend the Service Acts to Ireland, but at the same time to 
 concede a measure of Home Rule based on the Convention's 
 Report. In view of the intention to extend conscription to 
 Ireland the government of the country was transferred to Lord 
 French. But, owing to the opposition of Sinn Fein and the 
 passive resistance offered by the Catholic clergy. Lord French's 
 efforts to enforce conscription failed, and the failure leading to 
 a state of suppressed rebellion nothing more was heard of the 
 Home Rule scheme. 
 
 Present Situation of Affairs. Shortly after the conclusion of the 
 War, Parliament was dissolved. The General Election in December 
 19 1 8 resulted in a sweeping victory for the Coalition in Great Britain 
 and for Sinn Fein in Ireland. To mark its victory, a meeting of 
 such Sinn Fein members as were not in prison or ' on the run ' 
 was held in Dublin in January 1919, when a declaration asserting 
 Ireland's independence as a free Republic based on the people's 
 will was read and passed. At a second meeting of the party a few 
 
2o6 struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 days later, a ministry, with Mr. de Valera at its head, was formed 
 to carry into execution the behests of the Republic as represented 
 by Dail Eireann. Naturally, Government treated Sinn Fein's 
 attempt to set up a sovereign state as an act of rebellion, and, as 
 the young Republic failed to obtain recognition for itself at the 
 Peace Conference, its attitude was legally justifiable. At the 
 same time there was a strong feeling both at home and abroad 
 that, in view of the principle of self-determination and the rights 
 of little nations governing the conduct of the Allies during the 
 War, the widest concession possible in the way of self-government 
 ought to be made. The feeling found expression in the establish- 
 ment of an Irish Self-Determination League of Great Britain. 
 Actually there was little difference between Government and 
 public opinion on the subject. The only difficulty was how to 
 give practical expression to the demand with due regard to the 
 safety of the Empire and the uncompromising resistance offered 
 by the Ulster Protestants. Meanwhile the state of Ireland, owing 
 to the constant conflicts between the forces of the Crown and 
 Sinn Fein and the interference of the latter in the administration 
 of the law, was growing daily more anarchical. When Parliament 
 reassembled in February 1920 the King's Speech announced a new 
 Home Rule Bill. The Bill was introduced a few days later by the 
 Prime Minister himself. This time two Irish Parliaments were to 
 be established — the one consisting of 52 members to represent 
 the six Unionist counties of Ulster with its seat at Belfast ; the 
 other consisting of 128 members to represent the rest of Ireland 
 at Dublin. In addition to these two Parliaments there was to 
 be a Council consisting of a President appointed by the Crown 
 and twenty delegates from each Parliament. The Council was 
 to act as a connecting link between the two Parliaments and was 
 to disappear when the two Parliaments agreed to unite as one. 
 The Bill was an exceedingly complicated measure ; but these, 
 with the usual provisions for the maintenance of the integrity 
 of the Empire, constituted its chief clauses. It passed its third 
 
Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 207 
 
 reading in the House of Commons in November and next month 
 it became law. From the first, however, except on the part of 
 the Ulster Unionists, it had little chance of being accepted by- 
 Irishmen. Regarded from an Imperial point of view it was no 
 doubt a very liberal measure, and considerable pressure was brought 
 to bear on Sinn Fein to accept it. But Sinn Fein's claim, based 
 on the precedent set in the case of Czecho-Slovakia, was for an 
 undivided Ireland with the absolute control over its own affairs. 
 The Bill, by partitioning Ireland and the acceptance by Ulster 
 of the Parliament offered it, followed by its formal opening by 
 the King in August 192 1, apparently only complicated matters. 
 Sinn Fein would have none of it ; but, by its determination and 
 the methods it adopted to render any government but its own 
 impossible, succeeded in forcing the Prime Minister to open up 
 direct negotiations with its representatives. Eventually, under 
 pressure of public opinion — bewildered by the conflicting reports 
 as to the responsibility for the campaign of murder and incen- 
 diarism, extending even to England and Scotland, that was 
 turning Ireland into a shambles — a Conference w^as arranged to 
 meet in London in November. Thanks to the firm but at the 
 same time conciliatory attitude of the Prime Minister and the 
 reasonable spirit displayed by the Sinn Fein delegates, of whom 
 Mr. Griffith was one, an agreement was arrived at on 6 December, 
 whereby Ireland, under the title of the Irish Free State, was to 
 be admitted to the same constitutional status as the Dominion 
 of Canada. She was to have a Parliament of her own and an 
 executive responsible to that Parliament. Members of Parhament 
 were to take an oath of allegiance to the Free State as by law 
 established and to His Majesty King George, his heirs and 
 successors, ' in virtue of the common citizenship of Ireland with 
 Great Britain and her adherence to and membership of the group 
 of nations forming the British Commonwealth of nations '. 
 Until further arrangements were made, the naval defence of Ireland 
 was to be undertaken by His Majesty's Imperial forces. In time 
 
2o8 Struggle for National Independence, i8oi-ig2i 
 
 of war the British Government was to be afforded such harbour 
 and other facilities as might be required. In the event of an 
 Irish defence force being formed it was to be proportionate to 
 the population of Ireland. Ulster was to be accorded the 
 option of accepting or rejecting admission to the Free State, 
 but in the event of rejection her boundaries were to undergo 
 a revision. In the interim, pending the establishment of the 
 Parliament and Government of the Free State, steps were to 
 be taken to call a Parliament for southern Ireland on the 
 basis of the Act of 1920, and to establish a provisional government 
 to take over the machinery of government from the Imperial 
 authorities. Immediately the agreement or treaty was signed 
 writs were issued for a special session of Parliament to consider 
 it. Parliament met on 14 December, and despite some opposition 
 the agreement was ratified by a large majority in both Houses. In 
 Ireland, on the other hand, on being submitted to Dail Eireann, 
 the treaty encountered fierce opposition on the part of uncompro- 
 mising Republicans and, though there is some ground for believing 
 that it will be ratified, the prospect of its final acceptance by the 
 Parliament, which must be elected before the Free State can be 
 legally estabUshed, is by no means certain. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abercromby, Sir Ralph, 154-5. 
 Absenteeism, evils of, 52, 53, 132, 138. 
 Act of 6 Geo. I, 135, 141-2. 
 Acts of Parliament : see Attainder, 
 
 Explanation, Settlement, Satisfaction. 
 Adrian IV, 27. 
 
 Adventurers for lands in Ireland, 117. 
 Agrarian agitation : see Tithes, Land 
 
 League, Lalor, Parnell, United Irish 
 
 League. 
 Agricultural distress, 183, 193. 
 Agricultural Organization Society, Irish, 
 
 193. 
 Agriculture, Bills to encourage, 133, 144. 
 Agriculture, Department of, 193. 
 Aileach, 10, 18, 23. 
 Alexander III, 31-2. 
 Allen, ' Manchester martyr', 178. 
 ' All for Ireland ' party, 196. 
 Amending Bill, the, 199, 200. 
 America, emigration to, 174-5. See also 
 
 Stephens, Davitt, Parnell. 
 American Colonies, effect of revolt of, 
 
 ^38-9- 
 
 American-Irish problem, origin of, 175. 
 
 Anglesey, Marquis of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 167. 
 
 Antrim, County of, Scots in, 43-5, 69- 
 70, 90. 
 
 Armagh, 13, 26 ; Archbishop of, see 
 Boulter, Hoadly, Magauran, Plunket, 
 Stone, Ussher. 
 
 Armagh, Book of, 21. 
 
 Armagh, County of, disturbed state of, 
 152. 
 
 Arms Bill (1843), 172 ; (1846), 176. 
 
 Army, augmentation of, 137 ; de- 
 moralized condition of, 154 ; Sinn 
 Fein hinders recruiting for, 199, 201. 
 
 Ashbourne Act, the, 186, 189. 
 
 Asquith, Mr. Henry, Prime Minister, 
 Home Rule Bill of, 197 ; proposed 
 Amending Bill of, 199 ; visits Dublin, 
 201, 203 ; succeeded by Mr. Lloyd 
 George, 203. 
 
 Aston, Sir Arthur, 113. 
 
 Athenry, Battle of, 45. 
 
 2403 
 
 Attainder, Act of, 125. 
 
 Aud, The, off Kerry, 201. 
 
 Aughrim, Battle of, 127. 
 
 Augustine, St., controversy of with 
 
 Welsh Bishops, 16. 
 Avienus, Rufus Festus, 8. 
 
 Baal, worship of, 12. 
 
 Bacon, Lord, advocates plantations, 89. 
 
 Bagenal, Sir Henry, marshal of the 
 
 army, defeats Maguire, 80 ; defeated 
 
 by Tyrone, 8^. 
 Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, 68. 
 Balfour, Mr. A. J., Chief Secretary, 
 
 character of administration of, 188-9 > 
 
 Prime Minister, 191, 195. 
 Ballycastle (Co. Antrim), Scots defeated 
 
 by O'Neill near, 73. 
 Ballyneety (Co. Limerick), William's 
 
 siege train destroyed at, 127. 
 Baltinglas, Viscount, rebellion of, 76-7. 
 Bannow Bay (Co. Wexford), Fitzstephen 
 
 lands at, 29. 
 Bantry Bay, French fleet at, 153. 
 Barry, Garret, Confederate commander 
 
 in Munster, 105. 
 Batavian Republic, fleet of the, de- 
 stroyed, 154. 
 Batchelor's Walk (Dublin), affair with 
 
 mihtary at, 200. 
 Beggars : see Vagabondage. 
 Belfast, 140, 147, 149, 152. 
 Bellahoe, Battle of, 68. 
 Benburb, Battle of, no. 
 Beresford, Lord George, M.P., 166. 
 Beresford, Flon. John, 151. 
 Berkeley of Stratton, John Lord, 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, 120. 
 Bermingham, John de (Earl of Louth), 
 
 defeats Bruce, 45 ; murdered, 46. 
 Bermingham, Richard de (Lord 
 
 Athenry), defeats O'Conor, 45. 
 Bingham, Sir Richard, President of 
 
 Connaught, 80. 
 Birrell, Mr. A., Chief Secretary, 196, 201. 
 'Black Oath', the, 97. 
 Black Rents, 52. 
 
2IO 
 
 Index 
 
 Blackwater, River (Co. Tyrone), fort 
 
 on the, 82, 84. 
 Bodenstown, Tone buried at, 158. 
 Boleyn, Anne, 62. 
 Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice, 98. 
 Borlase, Sir John, Commander of 
 
 British fleet, 158. 
 Boulavogue (Co. Wexford), 156. 
 Boulter, Hugh, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 
 manager of Irish affairs, 135-6. 
 Bouvet, Frangois Joseph, Admiral of 
 
 French fleet, 153. 
 Boycott, Captain, land agent, 184. 
 Boycotting, disorders arising out of, 
 
 184. 
 Boyle, Henry, Speaker of the House of 
 
 Commons, 136-7. 
 Boyne, River, 104 ; Battle of, 126. 
 Bramhall, John, Bishop of Derry, 96, 
 
 116. 
 Braose, Philip de, 34. 
 Braose, William de (nephew of PhiUp), 
 
 * Break of Dromore ', the, 123. 
 
 Brereton, Sir William, 62-3. 
 
 Brett, Sergeant, shot, 178. 
 
 Brian Boroimhe (Buroo), ardri, 12, 17, 
 20-3. 
 
 Bright, John, 187. 
 
 Bright Clauses in Land Act (i 871), 180. 
 
 Brodir, Earl of York, 22, 23. 
 
 Broghill, Lord (Boyle, Roger), 118, 120. 
 
 BroghiUites, the, 118. 
 
 Brougham, Lord, 167. 
 
 Browne, George, Archbishop of Dublin, 
 ohief promoter of the Reformation, 64. 
 
 Bruce, Edward, invades Ireland, 43 ; 
 crowned King of Ireland, 44 ; de- 
 feated and slain, 45. 
 
 Bruce, Robert, 45. 
 
 Brunehaut, Queen, expels St. Columban, 
 
 14-15- 
 
 Buckingham, Marquis of, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, 146. 
 
 Buckingham Palace, conference at, 200. 
 
 Buckinghamshire, Earl of. Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, 139-40. 
 
 Buoncompagni, Giacomo, 75. 
 
 Burgh, Edmund de, drowned, 47. 
 
 Burgh, Sir Edmund de (brother of Sir 
 Walter), renounces his allegiance, 48. 
 
 Burgh, Gille de (sister of Sir Walter), 47, 
 
 Burgh, Hubert de, Earl of Kent, 38. 
 
 Burgh, Hussey, 140. 
 
 Burgh, Richard de, conqueror of Con- 
 
 naught, 38. 
 Burgh, Thomas, Lord, Lord Deputy, 82. 
 Burgh, Sir Walter, starved to death, 47. 
 Burgh, WiUiam de (ancestor), 34, 37. 
 Burgh, WilUam de, ist Earl of Ulster, 
 
 defeated by Bruce, 44. 
 Burgh, WilUam de, 3rd Earl of Ulster, 
 
 murder of, 47-8. 
 Burke, Edmund, 148, 159. 
 Burke, John, Confederate commander 
 
 in Connaught, 105. 
 Burke, Ulick, of Clanricard, defeated at 
 
 Cnoc Tuagh, 59. 
 Burke, Ulick : see Clanricarde, Earl of. 
 Butler, Sir Edmund, Justiciar, defeated 
 
 by Bruce, 44. 
 Butler, Sir Edmund, rebeUion of, 74-5. 
 Butler, James : see Ormond, Earl of. 
 Butler, Sir Piers : see Ormond, Earl of. 
 Butler, Richard : see Mountgarret, Vis- 
 count. 
 Butler, Theobald (ancestor), lands 
 
 granted to, 34. 
 Butler, Thomas : see Ormond, Earl of. 
 Butt, Isaac, author of Home Rule, 171, 
 
 Camden, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, 151, 
 
 157. 
 
 Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 195, 
 197. 
 
 Camperdown, sea-fight off, 154. 
 
 Capel, Arthur : see Essex, Earl of. 
 
 Carew, Sir George, President of Mun- 
 I sterj 84. 
 
 I Carlisle, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant, 142. 
 i Carnarvon, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 ! 186. 
 
 I Carrickfergus, 36, 47. 
 1 Carrol, Lord of Ossory and King of the 
 I Dublin Danes, 19-20. 
 
 Carson, Sir Edward (Lord), leader of 
 Ulster Protestants, 199. 
 
 Casement, Sir Roger, Sinn Fein agent 
 in Germany, 201, 203. 
 
 Cashel, 26 ; Synod or Council of, 17, 
 31-2 ; massacre at the Rock of, in. 
 
 Castlebar, the Races of, 157. 
 I Castlereagh, Viscount, submits Union 
 j proposals to Irish Parliament, 161. 
 
 Catholics, desire religious equality, 86 ; 
 I petition of, 87 ; oppose plantations, 
 I 91 ; come to terms with Chichester, 
 
Index 
 
 211 
 
 92 ; consent to the Graces, 93 ; 
 growing strength of, 94 ; form a Con- 
 federation, 104 sqq. ; meeting of at 
 Clonmacnoise, 113; terrorized by 
 Cromwell, 116; favourably regarded 
 by Charles II, 120 ; in the ascendant, 
 123 ; terms granted by Treaty of 
 Limerick to, 128-9 ; excluded from 
 Parliament, 130 ; state of under the 
 Penal Laws, 131 ; agitation in behalf 
 of, 141 ; question of their emanci- 
 pation, 148 ; readmitted to the 
 franchise, 149 ; deluded by promise 
 of Emancipation, 160-2 ; divisions 
 among, 163 ; admitted to religious 
 equaUty, 167. 
 
 Catholic Association, the, 164-6. 
 
 Catholic Emancipation, agitation for, 
 147-51 ; supported by Grattan, 
 150-1, 163; opposed by Fitzgibbon, 
 148-50, 152, 159-60 ; Pitt's attitude 
 towards, 159 ; Comwallis in favour 
 of, 159 ; renewed agitation for, 163-7 j 
 conceded, 167. 
 
 Catholic rent, the, 165. 
 
 Catholic University, 180. 
 
 Cattle trade, restrictions on, 134. 
 
 Cavendish, Lord Frederick, Chief Secre- 
 tary, murdered, 185. 
 
 Celts, character and polity of the, 10. 
 
 Chamberlain, Joseph, 185, 187. 
 
 Charles I, plans for the defence of Ire- 
 land, suggests the Graces, 93 ; fails to 
 fulfil his agreement, 94 ; gives 
 Wentworth a free hand, 95 ; 
 authorizes the Black Oath, 97 ; 
 consults Wentworth, 97 ; ready to 
 grant the Graces, 98 ; implicated in 
 the Rebellion, 102 ; consents to con- 
 fiscation of lands in Ireland, 103 ; 
 desires to come to terms with Con- 
 federates, 105-6 ; appoints Ormond 
 Lord Lieutenant, 107 ; intrigues 
 through Glamorgan, 108 ; effect of 
 execution of, 112. 
 
 Charles II disowns Peace of 1649, ii4 5 
 conditions of his Restoration, 117 ; 
 favours the Catholics, 118; removes 
 Ormond, 120 ; connives at Tyr- 
 connel's plans, 120-2. 
 
 Charter Schools, object of the, 132. 
 
 Chester Castle, plot to capture, 178. 
 
 Chichester, Sir Arthur, Lord Deputy, 
 86 ; anti-Catholic policy of, 87 ; 
 
 suggests a plantation of Ulster, 87-8 ; 
 disUkes the plan adopted, 90 ; holds 
 a parliament, 92. 
 
 Childers Commission, Report of, on 
 financial aspects of Act of Union, 192. 
 
 Cistercian Order established, 26. 
 
 Claims, Court of, 119. 
 
 Clan na Gael, 183. 
 
 Clanricarde, Earl of. Lord Deputy, 114. 
 
 Clare, Earl of : see Fitzgibbon, John. 
 
 Clarendon, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 122. 
 
 Clerkenwell Jail, attack on, 179. 
 
 Clonmel, Cromwell before, 114. 
 
 Clontarf, Battle of, 22-5 ; O'Connell's 
 'retreat' at, 172. 
 
 Cnoc Tuagh, Battle of, 59. 
 
 Coercion, Act of, 1833, 169. See also 
 Arms Bill, Crimes Bill, Insurrection 
 Act. 
 
 Cogan, Miles de, 33-4. 
 
 Columba, St., 13-14. 
 
 Columban, St., 14-15. 
 
 Commercial Propositions, Pitt's, 145. 
 
 Commercial Restrictions, 134, 139 ; 
 removed, 140. 
 
 Commission to inquire into* state of 
 Ireland, 65 ; into plantation of Mun- 
 ster, 78 ; into state of rehgion, 86 
 into parliamentary elections, 92 
 for remedy of defective titles, 96 
 the forged, 102 ; to inquire into Act 
 of Settlement, 120 ; O'Connell moves 
 for one to inquire into Act of Union, 
 169 ; to inquire into conditions of 
 land tenure, 175 ; into financial 
 aspects of the Union, 192. 
 
 Commissioners of Parhament for the 
 government of Ireland, 115. 
 
 Commons, House of (Ireland), repre- 
 sentation in restricted to colonists, 
 43 ; Irish admitted to, 67, 91 ; 
 controlled by a few individuals, 130 ; 
 corrupt state of, 136 ; attempts to 
 reform, 143, 151. 
 
 Confederates, Irish Catholic, meet at 
 Kilkenny, 104 ; establish provisional 
 government, 105 ; enter into negotia- 
 tions with Charles, 106 ; consent to 
 a cessation, 107 ; negotiations with 
 for a peace, 108-9 > divisions amongst, 
 110; lose ground, 1 1 1 ; recall Ormond 
 and conclude a Peace, 112 ; 
 
 Congested Districts Board, 189, 194. 
 
 O 2 
 
212 
 
 Index 
 
 Connaught, lo, i8, 21, 24 ; De Burgh 
 obtains a large part of, 37-8 ; fighting 
 in, 39, 41 ; represented in Parha- 
 ment, 42 ; Irish in revolt, 45 ; 
 O'Donnell invades, 81 ; assigned to 
 Transplanters, 116; Defenderism in, 
 152 ; agrarian disturbances in, 183, 
 194. 
 
 Connolly, James, Labour leader, 197, 
 199. 
 
 Conscription, attempt to enforce, 204-5. 
 
 Continent, Irish missions on the, 14-16. 
 
 Convention, Irish, 204. 
 
 Convention Act, the, 152. 
 
 Coote, Sir Charles, 115. 
 
 Cork, 23,41, 112, 124, 172; County of, 42. 
 
 Cork, Earl of (Boyle, Richard), Lord 
 Justice, 94. 
 
 Corn Laws, Forster's, 144. 
 
 Cornwallis, Marquis of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 157-61. 
 
 Corporation (Dublin), debate on the 
 Union, 171, 181. 
 
 Counter-Reformation, beginnings of the, 
 73-4. 
 
 Courcy, John de, 33-5. 
 
 Courtenay, Philip de. Justiciar, 49, 50. 
 
 Covenant, the Scottish, 97. 
 
 Covenant, the Ulster, 199. 
 
 Coyne and Livery (free quarters for 
 man and beast), 47, 49, 50, 52. 
 
 Crimes Bill (1881), 185-6;^ (1887), 
 188-9, 194- 
 
 Crofty, Hill of (Co. Meath), 102. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, expected in Munster, 
 lands at Dublin, 112 ; storms Drog- 
 heda, captures Wexford and New 
 Ross, repulsed at Waterford, Munster 
 garrisons revolt to, 113; captures 
 Kilkenny, before Clonmel, leaves 
 Ireland, 114. 
 
 CromweUian Settlement, the, 103, 
 115-17. 
 
 Cruachan, 10, 18. 
 
 Cruithne, racial characteristics of the, 9. 
 
 Cumann na nGaedhel, 196-7. 
 
 Cumine or Cummian, St., 16. 
 
 Curragh Mutiny, the, 199. 
 
 Curran, John Philpot, 152. 
 
 Dail Eireann, 197, 205, 207. 
 
 Danes, the, invade Ireland, 18 ; 
 characteristics of, 18-19 ; settlements 
 of, 20 ; defeated at Sulcoit, 2 1 ; and 
 
 at Clontarf, 22 ; retain possession of 
 
 their seaports, 23 ; trading activity 
 
 of, 25 ; conversion of, 26. 
 Dangan Hill, Battle of, in. 
 Darcy, John, Justiciar, 47. 
 Davies, Sir John, 40, 86 ; elected 
 
 Speaker of House of Commons, 92. 
 Davis, Thomas, 171, 173, 176. 
 Davitt, Michael, 178, 182-3. 
 Defenderism in Ulster and Connaught, 
 
 152. 
 Denman', Lord, on O'Connell's trial, 173. 
 Derry : see Londonderry. 
 Dervorgil, wife of O'Rourke, 28. 
 Desmond, Gerald Fitzgerald, 15th Earl 
 
 of, rebellion of, 74-7. 
 Desmond, Thomas Fitzgerald, 8th Earl 
 
 of, 54. 
 Desmond, Thomas Fitzgerald, 12th 
 
 Earl of, 61. 
 Doewra, Sir Henry, at Lough Foyle, 
 
 84-5. 
 
 Dolan, C, Sinn Fein candidate, 197. 
 
 Donnchadha (Donough), ardri, 18. 
 
 Down, County of, 12 ; lordship of, con- 
 ferred on De Lacy, 37 ; attempt to 
 expel English settlers from, 39 ; 
 Scots in, 90 ; Schomberg in, 125 ; 
 rising in, 154. 
 
 Downpatrick, Battle of, 12. 
 
 Drapiey's Letters, The, 135. 
 
 Drogheda, Poynings' parliament at, 57 ; 
 defended by Tichborne, 102 ; re- 
 lieved by Ormond, 104 ; captured by 
 Inchiquin, 112 ; stormed by Crom- 
 well, 113. 
 
 Dromore, Protestants routed at, 123. 
 
 Druidism, 12-13. 
 
 Druimdearg, Battle of, 39. 
 
 Drummond, Thomas, Chief Secretary, 
 character of his administration, 170. 
 
 DubHn, founded by Danes, 19 ; attacked 
 by Brian Boroimhe, 22 ; trade of 
 with Bristol, 26 ; captured by Fitz- 
 stephen, 29 ; revolts and is recap- 
 tured by Strongbow, 30 ; Henry II 
 at, 31 ; John at, 36 ; growth of, 41 ; 
 saved by its mayor, 45 ; Richard II 
 at, 30-1 ; mint established at, 53 ; 
 surrendered by Ormond to the Par- 
 Hament, no; Cromwell lands at, 
 112 ; James II holds a parliament at, 
 124; distressful condition of, 139; 
 after the Union, 162. 
 
Index 
 
 213 
 
 Dun Aengus, 9. 
 Duncan, Admiral, 154. 
 Dundas, Henry, 148, 149, 159. 
 Dungannon, captured by O'Neill, 100, 
 
 102 ; Volunteer delegates meet at, 141. 
 Dusson, Fran^-ois, governor of Galway, 
 
 128. 
 Dynamitards, the, 186. 
 
 Easter question, 16-17. 
 
 Edgecombe, Sir Richard, 56-7. 
 
 Education, attempts to solve question 
 of higher, 179, 180-1, 196. 
 
 Edward I, 40, 41. 
 
 Edward II, 46. 
 
 Edward III, views on Ireland, 48-9. 
 
 Edward IV and Ireland, 53-5. 
 
 Eiscir Riada, the geographical signifi- 
 cance of, 7, 10, II, 17. 
 
 Elizabeth, Irish policy of, 71 ; inter- 
 view with O'Neill, 72 ; intends to 
 plant Ulster, 73 ; authorizes planta- 
 tion of Munster, 77 ; dissatisfied with 
 plantation policy, 78 ; determination 
 to crush Tyrone, 83-5. 
 
 Emancipation : see Catholic Emancipa- 
 tion. 
 
 Emigration, 52, 134, 175. 
 
 Encumbered Estates Act, 175-6. 
 
 Enniskillen, 123, 125. 
 
 Eriu, old name of Ireland, 8. 
 
 Ernai, earliest inhabitants of Ireland, 9, 
 12. 
 
 Essex, Earl of (Devereux, Robert), 
 Lord Lieutenant, campaign in Ireland, 
 83. 
 
 Essex, Earl of (Capel, Arthur), Lord 
 Lieutenant, character of administra- 
 tion of, 121. 
 
 Eva, MacMurrough's daughter, 28 ; 
 married to Strongbow, 30. 
 
 Everard, Sir John, 92. 
 
 Explanation, Act of, 119. 
 
 Falkland, Lord, Lord Deputy, 92-3, 94. 
 Famine, the Great, 174-5. 
 Faughart, Battle of, 45. 
 Fenian Brotherhood, O'Mahony's, 177. 
 Fenian Conspiracy, 177-9. See also 
 
 Stephens, Davitt, Devoy, Clan na 
 
 Gael. 
 Fenian prisoners, 178-9; defended by 
 
 Butt, 181. 
 Ferns, 23, 28. 
 Fitzaudelin, Justiciar, 33. 
 
 : Fitzgerald, David, Bishop of St. David's, 
 
 I 28. 
 
 I Fitzgerald, Eleanor, 55 ; conspiracy of, 
 
 68. 
 , Fitzgerald, James, 55 ; arrested, 63 ; 
 ' executed, 65. 
 Fitzgerald, Maurice, ancestor of Houses 
 
 of Desmond and Kildare, 28. 
 Fitzgerald, Maurice, Baron of Offaly, 
 
 Justiciar, 39. 
 Fitzgerald, Oliver, 55 ; arrested, 63 ; 
 
 executed, 65. 
 Fitzgerald, Richard, 55 ; arrested, 63 ; 
 
 executed, 65. 
 Fitzgerald, Sir Thomas, killed at Stoke. 
 
 .56. 
 Fitzgerald, Walter, 55 ; arrested, 63 ; 
 
 executed, 65. 
 Fitzgerald, William Vesey, defeated by 
 
 0' Council, 166. 
 Fitzgerald : see Desmond and Kildare. 
 Fitzgibbon, John (Earl of Clare), 
 Attorney-General and Lord Chan- 
 cellor, supports Pitt on Regency 
 question, head of Protestant ascen- 
 dancy party, 146 ; opposes Catholic 
 ReUef, 148, 150 ; Pitt's regard for, 
 151 ; angry with Abercromby, 154 ; 
 supports the Union, 159 ; resents 
 proposal for Catholic Emancipation, 
 160. 
 Fitzgilbert, Richard, Earl of Clare : 
 
 see Strongbow. 
 Fitzharding, Robert, 28. 
 I Fitzhenry, Meiler, Justiciar, 35. 
 I Fitzmaurice, James, head of the Catholic 
 I party in Munster, 74 ; rebellion of, 
 
 75- 
 j Fitzstephen, Robert, first invader, 29, 
 
 .33-. 
 Fitzwilliam, Earl, Lord Lieutenant, 
 
 character of administration of, 150-1. 
 Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Lord Deputy, 
 
 80. 
 Flood, Henry, leader of Patriot party, 
 
 137 ; in charge of Absentee Bill, 138 ; 
 " supports demand for Free Trade, 140 ; 
 
 advocates Renunciation, 143 ; moves 
 
 to reform Parhament, 144. 
 Forster, W. E., Chief Secretary, 184-5. 
 Fort del Ore, garrison of put to the 
 
 sword, 76-7. 
 Forty-shilling freeholders, revolt of, 
 
 165-6; disfranchised, 167. 
 
214 
 
 Index 
 
 Foster, John, Bill of, to promote agricul- 
 ture, 144 ; opposes Catholic Emanci- 
 pation, 150. 
 
 Fox, Charles James, 146, 163. 
 
 France, intrigues of in Ireland, 61 ; 
 danger of war with, 93 ; supports 
 American colonists, 139 ; assists 
 United Irishmen, 153, 157-8. 
 
 Fraternity of St. George, 54. 
 
 Free Trade : see Commercial Restric- 
 tions. 
 
 French, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, fails to 
 enforce conscription, 205. 
 
 French Revolution, influence of on Ire- 
 land, 146-8. 
 
 Gael, the (a branch of the Celts), inva- 
 sion of Ireland by, 9 ; characteristics 
 of, 10-12. 
 
 Gaelic Ireland, the making of, 17-18. 
 
 Gaelic League, objects and influence of 
 the, 192, 196. 
 
 Galway, i, 114; surrenders to Coote, 
 115 ; Tyrconnel withdraws to, 126-7, 
 surrenders to De Ginkel, 128. 
 
 Gardiner, Luke, M.P., advocates Pro- 
 tection, 144. 
 
 George III, insanity of, 146 ; receives 
 CathoUc deputation, 149 ; objects to 
 Catholic Emancipation, 163. 
 
 George IV visits Dublin, 164. 
 
 George, Mr. David Lloyd, Chancellor of 
 of the Exchequer, Budget proposals of, 
 197 ; suggests proposals for settling the 
 Irish difficulty, 203 ; becomes Prime 
 Minister, 203 ; advocates a settle- 
 ment of the Irish question by Irish- 
 men themselves, 203-4 ; extends con- 
 scription to Ireland, 205 ; Home Rule 
 Bill of, 206; arranges a treaty with 
 Sinn Fein, 206-7. 
 
 Ginkel, Godert de. Commander-in- 
 chief of English forces in Ireland, 
 captures Athlone and defeats St. 
 Ruth, 127 ; reduces Galway and 
 forces Limerick to capitulate, 128. 
 
 Gladstone, W. E., effect of Fenian 
 outrages on^ 179 ; disestablishes 
 Irish Church, 179 ; attacks the land 
 question and higher education, 180 ; 
 introduces new measure of land re- 
 form, 184 ; imprisons Parnell and 
 passes strong measure of coercion, 
 185 ; changed attitude of towards 
 
 Home Rule, 186 ; submits first Home 
 
 Rule Bill to ParUament, 187-8 ; 
 
 demands Parnell' s withdrawal, 190 ; 
 
 second Home Rule Bill rejected, 190-1 . 
 Glamorgan, Earl of, secret mission of, 
 
 108-9. 
 Glenmalure (Co. Wicklow), Battle of, 76. 
 ' Godless Colleges ', Peel's, 180. 
 Gorey, occupied by Murphy, 156. 
 Gormanston, Lord, interviews Ulster 
 
 leaders, 102. 
 Gormflaith, wife of Melaghlin II, 21. 
 Goschen, G. J., secedes from Gladstone, 
 
 Grace, Commission of, to inquire into 
 working of Act of Settlement, 122. 
 
 Graces, the, 92-3 ; refused by Went- 
 worth, 95 ; Charles willing to con- 
 cede, 98 ; opposed by Parsons, 99, 
 166. 
 
 Grattan, Henry, moves to retrench 
 expenses, 139 ; leader of the Oppo- 
 sition, advocates Free Trade, urges 
 legislative independence, 140-1 ; af- 
 firms legislative independence of 
 Ireland, 141-2 ; opposed to Renun- 
 ciation, 143 ; attitude of towards 
 Parliamentary Reform, 144 ; opposes 
 Protection, 144 ; dislikes Commercial 
 Propositions, 145 ; follows Fox on the 
 Regency question, 146 ; urges abro- 
 gation of Penal Laws, 150 ; supports 
 FitzwilUam's administration, 151 ; 
 opposes the Union, 161 ; advocates 
 concession of Cathohc claims, 163. 
 
 Gray, Lord Leonard, marshal of the 
 army, Lord Deputy, 63-5. 
 
 Greencastle (Inishowen), 47. 
 
 Gregory XIII, Pope, assists Fitz- 
 maurice, 75. 
 
 Grey, Earl, enlists O'Connell's support, 
 169. 
 
 Grey of Ruthin, Lord, rejected by 
 colonists, 55. 
 
 Grey de Wilton, Arthur Lord, Lord 
 Deputy, defeated at Glenmalure, 
 76 ; captures Fort del Ore, 77. 
 
 Griffith, Mr. Arthur, author of Sinn 
 Fein movement, editor of United 
 Irishman, founds Cumann na nGae- 
 dhel, 196 ; propounds his ' Hun- 
 garian' pohcy, 197. 
 
 Grouchy, Emmanuel Marquis de, com- 
 mander under Hoche, 153. 
 
Index 
 
 215 
 
 Habeas Corpus Act suspended, 153. 
 
 Hamilton, Richard, 123. 
 
 Harcourt, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 character of his administration, 138-9. 
 
 Hartington, Marquis of, secedes from 
 Gladstone, 187. 
 
 Harvey, Beauchamp Bagenal, com- 
 mands attack on New Ross, 156. 
 
 Hely-Hutchinson, John, defeated by 
 Humbert, 157. 
 
 Henry II, Ireland given to by Pope 
 Adrian, 27 ; receives MacMurrough, 
 28 ; alarmed at Strongbow's success, 
 30 ; expedition to Ireland, 31 ; 
 policy of considered, 32 ; dealings 
 with O'Conor, 32 ; intention of to 
 make John king of Ireland, 2,2>' 
 
 Henry III, attitude of towards William 
 Marshal and De Burgh, 37-8. 
 
 Henry VII suspects Kildare, 56 ; 
 efforts of, to recover the control of 
 Ireland, 57-8. 
 
 Henry VIII, attitude of towards House 
 of Kildare, 59-62 ; Irish policy of, 
 65-6 ; failure of his policy, 68. 
 
 High Court of Justice, Cromwellian, 
 116. 
 
 Hoadly, John, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 manager of Irish affairs, 136. 
 
 Hobart, Robert, Secretary to the Lord 
 Lieutenant, introduces Catholic Re- 
 lief Bill (1793). 149- 
 
 Hoche, Lazare, Commander-in-chief of 
 French expedition, 153. 
 
 Home Government Association, Butt's, 
 181. 
 
 Home Rule, agitation for, 181 sqq. 
 
 Home Rule Bills, Gladstone's first 
 (1886), 187-8; Gladstone's second 
 (1893), 190-1 ; Asquith's (1910), 197- 
 200 ; Lloyd George's (1920), 206. 
 
 Home Rule Confederation of Great 
 Britain, 181. See also Butt and 
 Parnell. 
 
 Humbert, Jean Joseph Amable, expe- 
 dition of, 157-8. 
 
 Hungarian poHcy, Mr. Griffith's, 197. 
 
 Hyde, Dr. Douglas, founds Gaelic 
 League, 192. 
 
 Inchiquin, Lord, Vice-President of 
 Munster, 107 ; goes over to the Par- 
 liament, 108 ; proceedings of in 
 Munster m ; reverts to his alle- 
 
 I giance, 112 ; captures Drogheda, 112 ; 
 
 his army revolts to Cromwell, 113. 
 I Instrument of Government, the, 117. 
 I Insurrection Act (1796), 152. 
 I lona, Columba's establishment at, 13, 
 
 Ireland, Church of, monastic character 
 of, 13 ; growing influence of Rome on, 
 16-17, 25-7, 31-2 ; effect of the 
 Reformation on, 63-5. See also 
 Counter-Reformation, Presbyterians, 
 Protestants, Union. 
 
 Ireton, Henry, Commander of English 
 forces in Ireland, 114-15. 
 
 Irish Councils Bill, Mr. Birrell's, 196. 
 
 Irish Felon, The, Martin's newspaper, 
 176. 
 
 Irish Missionary Enterprise, 14-15. 
 
 Irish People, The, Stephens's newspaper, 
 178. 
 
 Irish Reform Association, 195. 
 
 Irish Renaissance, the, 192-3. 
 
 Irish Republic proclaimed, 205. 
 
 Irish Republican Brotherhood, 177. 
 
 Irish schools and culture, 13. 
 
 Irish Worker, The, Connolly's news- 
 paper, 199. 
 
 Ivor, King of the Danes of Dublin, 
 (d. 873), 19. _ 
 
 Ivor, King of Limerick, 20. 
 
 James VI of Scotland and I of England, 
 suspected of intriguing with Tyrone, 
 85 ; receives Catholic deputation, 86 ; 
 advises caution in dealing with 
 Catholics, 87 ; plants Ulster, 89 ; 
 undecided pohcy of, 92-3. 
 
 James II supports Tyrconnel, 118 ; 
 anti-Protestant policy of, 122-3 ; 
 lands at Kinsale, 123 ; advances 
 against Derry, 124 ; assents to repeal 
 of Act of Settlement, 125 ; defeated 
 by WiUiam, 126. 
 
 Jesuits, activity of, 74-6 ; Proclamation 
 for their expulsion, 86. 
 
 John, first visit of, to Ireland, 33-4 ; 
 revisits Ireland, suppresses De Lacies' 
 rebellion, administrative reforms of, 
 35-6 ; good effects of his visit, 37, 
 41. 
 
 John XXII, Pope, Irish Remonstrance 
 to, 43- 
 
 John of Salisbury, 27. 
 
2l6 
 
 Index 
 
 Jones, Colonel Michael, 107 ; Governor 
 of Dublin, no ; defeats Preston, iii ; 
 defeats Ormond, 112. 
 
 Juan del Aguila, Don, corresponds with 
 Tyrone, 81 ; Commander of Spanish 
 invading force, 84 ; capitulates and 
 returns to Spain, 85. 
 
 Julianstown Bridge, Battle of, 102. 
 
 Kells, Synod of, 26. 
 
 Kildare, Gerald Fitzgerald, 8th Earl 
 
 of, character and policy of, 55 ; 
 
 conspires against Henry VII, 56 ; 
 
 quaUfied submission of, 57 ; in favour 
 
 with Henry, 58 ; governs Ireland 
 
 satisfactorily, 59. 
 Kildare, Gerald Fitzgerald, 9th Earl 
 
 of, succeeds his father as Deputy, 59 ; 
 
 suspected by Wolsey, imprisoned, 60 ; 
 
 restored, 61 ; reckless conduct of, 
 
 once more imprisoned, dies in the 
 
 Tower, 62. 
 Kildare, Gerald Fitzgerald, nth Earl 
 
 of, 68 ; restored by Mary, 69. 
 Kildare, Thomas Fitzgerald, 7 th Earl 
 
 of, appointed Deputy, ambitious pro- 
 jects of, dies, 54. 
 Kildare, Thomas Fitzgerald, loth Earl 
 
 of, throws off his allegiance, 62 ; 
 
 defeated by Brereton, surrenders to 
 
 Lord Gray, removed to England, 63 ; 
 
 executed, 65. 
 Kilkenny, Articles of, 115. 
 Kilkenny, Confederation of, 105 sqq. 
 Kilkenny, 49 ; captured by Cromwell, 
 
 114. 
 Kilkenny, Statute of, 49. 
 Killala, Humbert lands at, 157. 
 Kilmainham, Treaty of, 185. 
 Kilrush, Battle of, 164. 
 King's County, plantation of, 70. 
 Kinsale, Battle of, 85 ; James lands at, 
 
 123 ; captured by Marlborough, 127. 
 Kirke, Major-General, relieves Derry, 
 
 125. 
 
 Lacy, Hugh de (i), obtains grant of 
 Meath, appointed Justiciar, 32 ; 
 affronted by John, 34. 
 
 Lacy, Hugh de (ii), obtains De Couroy's 
 lordship with the earldom of Ulster, 
 rebels, escapes to France, 35-6 ; 
 submits and is restored, 37 ; acquires 
 lands in Connaught, 39. 
 
 Lacy, Walter, son of Hugh (i) and 
 brother of Hugh (ii). Lord of Meath, 
 
 35- . 
 
 Laeghaire, ardri, temp. St. Patrick, 17. 
 
 Lalor, James Finton, rebel, political 
 views of, 176 ; influence of, 182-3. 
 
 Land Acts (1871), 179-80; (1881), 
 184-5 • ^^^ Land Purchase. 
 
 Land Conference, the, 194-5. 
 
 Land League, the, 183-5. 
 
 Land Purchase, proposed by Gladstone, 
 188. See also Ashbourne Act and 
 Wyndham. 
 
 Langrishe, Sir Hercules, 149. 
 
 Larkin, James, Labour leader, 197. 
 
 Larkin, ' Manchester martyr', 178. 
 
 Larne, 43 : gun-running at, 200. 
 
 Legislative independence, agitation for, 
 1 40-1 ; conceded, 142. 
 
 Leigh ton, Sir Ellis, 120. 
 
 Leith Cuinn, northern division of Ire- 
 land, 17, 18, 21. 
 
 Leith Mogha, southern division of Ire- 
 land, 18, 21, 25. 
 
 Leix, country of the 0' Mores, shired as 
 part of Queen's County, 70. 
 
 Leopold I, Emperor, 124, 129. 
 
 Lichfield House Compact, 170. 
 
 Limerick, Danes settle at, 20, 21, 23 ; 
 besieged by Ireton, 115 ; attacked by 
 WiUiam, 126 ; surrenders to De 
 Ginkel, 128. 
 
 Limerick, Treaty of, 128-9. 
 
 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, in Ireland, 48, 
 49. 
 
 Littleton, Edward John, Chief Secre- 
 tary, 170. 
 
 Loftus, Adam (Viscount Loftus), Lord 
 Chancellor and Lord Justice, 94. 
 
 London, City of, partakes in Ulster 
 plantation, 90 ; charter of called in 
 question, 96 ; refuses to advance 
 loan to suppress Rebellion, 103. 
 
 Londonderry, beginnings of, 73, 84 ; 
 captured by O'Dogherty, 88 ; ac- 
 quired by the City of London, 90 ; 
 revolts against Tyrconnel, 123 ; siege 
 of, 124-5. 
 
 Lorraine, Charles Duke of, 114. 
 
 Louis XIV, supports James II in Ire- 
 land, 124 ; misled by James, 126 ; 
 Irish supported by, 127. 
 
 Louth, Earl of : see Bermingham, John 
 de. 
 
Index 
 
 217 
 
 Lovel, Lord, killed at Stoke, 56. 
 Lucas, Charles, leader of Patriot party, 
 
 137. 
 Lucas, Sir Thomas, 104. 
 Lundy, Colonel Robert, Governor of 
 
 Derry, 124. 
 Luxeuil, 14. 
 
 MacCarthy, Cormac, King of South 
 Munster, 25. 
 
 MacDonnell, Sir Antony (Lord), Under 
 Secretary, supports Devolution, 195. 
 
 MacDonnell, Collo, brother of James 
 Mor, 70. 
 
 MacDonnell, James Mor, 70 ; captured 
 by O'Neill, 73. 
 
 MacDonnell, Sorley Boy (Charley of the 
 Yellow Locks), ancestor of Earls of 
 Antrim, 73. 
 
 MacDonnells of the Out-Isles, settle- 
 ments of in Co. Antrim, 69 ; efforts 
 to expel, 70-1 ; defeated by O'Neill, 
 
 73- 
 
 MacDunlevy, chief of Uladh, t,t,. 
 
 MacMahon, Hugh Og, conspirator, 100. 
 
 MacMahons, Elizabeth effects a settle- 
 ment of the, 78. 
 
 MacMurrough, Art, ' King of Leinster', 
 rebelHon of, 50-1. 
 
 MacMurrough, Dermot, ambitious pro- 
 jects of, 27 ; solicits Henry's assis- 
 tance, 28 ; joined by Fitzstephen, 29 ; 
 death of, 30. 
 
 Magauran, Edmund, titular Archbishop 
 of Armagh, political activity of, 80. 
 
 Maguire, Cornehus, Lord Maguire, con- 
 spirator, ICO. 
 
 Maguire, Cuconnaught, 87. 
 
 Maguire, Hugh, defeated at Beleek, 
 80. 
 
 Malachy (O'Morgair), St., 26. 
 
 Manufacturers, English, oppose commer- 
 cial concessions to Ireland, 139. 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, in Ireland, 
 127. 
 
 Marshal, Richard, murdered, 38. 
 
 Marshal, WilUam, marries Strongbow's 
 daughter, suspected of treason, 35 ; 
 governor during Henry Ill's minority, 
 
 37-. 
 Martin, John, editor of The Irish Felon, 
 
 transported, 176-7. 
 Mary, Queen, Irish poHcy of, 69. 
 
 Massacres, the Irish, reflections on, loi. 
 Maynooth, Castle of, stormed, 63. 
 Meagher, Thomas Francis, rebel, trans- 
 ported, 177. 
 Meath, 10, 24, 28 ; lordship of conferred 
 
 on De Lacy, 32. 
 Meelick Castle, 0' Conor imprisoned in, 
 
 38. 
 MegaUthic culture, 12. 
 Melaghlin I, ardri, 19. 
 Melaghlin II, ardri, deposed by Brian 
 
 Boroimhe, 21 ; at Clontarf, 22 ; 
 
 recovers a;'^;'?-ship, 24. 
 Melbourne, Viscount, Prime Minister, 
 
 character of administration of, 170. 
 Mitchel, John, editor of The United 
 
 Irishman, transported, 176. 
 Mitchelstown, conflict with police at, 
 
 189. 
 Moira, Lord, denounces Irish Govern- 
 ment, 154. 
 Molyneux, WiUiam, 134-5- 
 Monaghan, Settlement of, 78. 
 Monmouth, Duke of, RebeUion of, 122. 
 Monro, Robert, Commander of Scottish 
 
 forces in Ulster, defeated by O'Neill, 
 
 no. 
 Morley, John (Lord Morley), Chief 
 
 Secretary, 191. 
 Mortimer, Edmund (3rd Earl of March), 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, 49. 
 Mortimer, Edmund (5th Earl of March), 
 
 dies of the plague, 52. 
 Mortimer, Roger (ist Earl of March), 
 
 defeated by Bruce, 44 ; responsible 
 
 for Louth's murder, 46. 
 Mortimer, Roger (4th Earl of March), 
 
 killed in border foray, 50. 
 Mountcashel, Viscount, defeated by 
 
 Colonel Wolseley, 125. 
 Mountgarret, Richard Butler, Viscount, 
 
 defeated by Ormond, 104. 
 Mountjoy, Lord (Blount, Charles), Lord 
 
 Deputy, plans of to reduce Tyrone, 
 
 84 ; defeats alUed Spaniards and 
 
 Irish at Kinsale, 85. 
 Mountmorres, Hervi de, 31. 
 Mulmurray, King of Leinster, 21, 22. 
 Munster ravaged by the Danes, 20-1 ; 
 
 Fitzgeralds obtain large part of, 
 
 40 ; activity of Jesuits in, 74 ; 
 
 rebellion in, 74-7; plantation of, 
 
 77-8; Tyrone in, 84-5; Rebellion 
 
 spreads to, 103 ; devastated by 
 
2l8 
 
 Index 
 
 Inchiquin, iii ; Whiteboy rising in, 
 133 ; French expedition directed to, 
 
 153- 
 Murphy, Rev. John, P.P., leader of 
 
 Wexford rebels, 156. 
 Murtough * of the Leather Cloaks ', 20. 
 Mutiny Act, opposition to the, 141. 
 
 Nation, The, newspaper, 171. 
 Nationalists, Irish Parliamentary party 
 
 so called, 189, 192-4. 
 Nesta, 29. 
 
 ' New Departure ', the, 183. 
 Newman, Cardinal, 180. 
 New Ross, Battle of, 106 ; surrenders to 
 
 Cromwell, 113 ; rebels repulsed at, 
 
 156. 
 Newtownbarry (Co. Wexford), 168. 
 Newtownbutler, Battle of, 125. 
 Nial ' Blackknee ', 20. 
 Nial 'of the Nine Hostages', ancestor 
 
 of Ui Neill, 18, 23. 
 Non-importation agreements, 139-40. 
 Nore, mutiny at the, 154. 
 Norris, Sir John, 81. 
 Norsemen : see Danes. 
 North, Lord, 139, 142. 
 Northburgh Castle : see Greencastle. 
 Notingham, Robert, Mayor of Dublin, 45. 
 
 O'Brien, Conor (d. 1142), 25. 
 
 O'Brien, Murtough, son of Turlough (d. 
 IH9), 24-5. 
 
 O'Brien, Teige, called Caoluisce, 39. 
 
 O'Brien, Turlough, ardri (d. 1086), 24. 
 
 O'Brien, Mr. William, 193, 196. 
 
 O'Brien, William Smith, M.P., rebel, 177. 
 
 O'Brien, ' Manchester martyr', 179. 
 
 O'Cahan, Sir Donnell, lands of, confis- 
 cated, 87-8. 
 
 O'Connell, Daniel, 162 ; founds Catholic 
 Association, 164-5 5 elected M.P. for 
 Co. Clare, 166-7 5 proposes repeal of 
 the Act of Union, 168 ; supports 
 Parliamentary Reform, 168 ; de- 
 nounces the Whigs, 169 ; supports 
 Melbourne Ministry, 170 ; founds 
 Repeal Association, 171 ; addresses 
 'monster' meetings, 172; arrested 
 and imprisoned, 173 ; opposes coer- 
 cion, 176. 
 
 O'Conor, Cathal 'of the red hand', 
 brother of Rory, 36-7. 
 
 O'Conor, Felim, son of Cathal, long 
 struggle of against De Burgh, 38; 
 killed at Athenry, 45. 
 
 O'Conor, Hugh, brother of Felim, 37-8. 
 
 O'Conor, Rory, ardri, 25 ; controversy 
 with MacMurrough, 28-9 ; defeated 
 by Strongbow, 30 ; agrees to Treaty 
 of Windsor, 32. 
 
 O'Conor, Turlough, ardri (d. 1156), 24-5, 
 27. 
 
 O'Conor, Turlough, joins league against 
 the English, 39. 
 
 O'Conor Faly, Brian, Kildare's son-in- 
 law, $<, : rebellion of, 68, 69. 
 
 O'Conor Faly, Donough, Chief of Leix, 
 son of Brian, rebellion of, 70. 
 
 O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir, Lord of Inis- 
 howen, sacks Londonderry, lands of 
 confiscated, 88. 
 
 O'Donnell, Calvagh, son of Manus, head 
 of the EngUsh faction, 72, 73. 
 
 O'Donnell, Hugh Roe, head of anti- 
 English faction, alliance with Tyrone, 
 79 ; defies Government, 80 ; invades 
 Connaught, 81 ; attacks fort on the 
 Blackwater, 82 ; at the battle of the 
 Yellow Ford, 82-3 ; at Kinsale, 85. 
 
 O'Donnell, Manus, Lord of Tirconnell^ 
 55 ; submits to St. Leger, 67, 72. 
 
 O'Donnell, Nial Garv, rival of Hugh 
 Roe, assists Docwra against Tyrone, 
 84. 
 
 0' Donovan Rossa, revolutionary move- 
 ment of, 177. 
 
 Offaly, country of the 0' Conors, shired 
 as part of King's County, 70. 
 
 O'Loughhn, Donnell, ardri (d. 1121), 
 24, 27. 
 
 O'Loughlin, Murtough, ardri, grandson 
 of Donnell (d. 1165), 25. 
 
 O'Mahony, John, founder of Fenian 
 Brotherhood, 177. 
 
 O'Melaghlin, last King of Meath, 24-5. 
 
 O'More, Gillapatrick, rebelHon of, dies in 
 the Tower, 68. 
 
 O'More, Rory, prime agent in Rebellion 
 of 1641, 100, 102. 
 
 O'Neill, Brian, killed at Druimdearg, 
 
 39- 
 O'Neill, Brian, son of Mathew, 72. 
 O'Neill, Con Bacagh, ist Earl of Tyrone, 
 
 submission of, 67-8 ; opposed by his 
 . son Shane, 70. 
 O'Neill, Donnell, supports Bruce, 44. 
 
Index 
 
 219 
 
 O'Neill, Hugh, 2nd Earl of Tyrone, 
 younger son of Mathevv, allies himself 
 with O'Donnell, 79 ; loyalty of sus- 
 pected, 80 ; proclaimed a traitor, 81 ; 
 defeats Bagenal, 82 ; outwits Essex, 
 ^2) ; evades Mountjoy, 84 ; defeated 
 at Kinsale, 85 ; submits, 86 ; sud- 
 denly leaves Ireland, 87 ; estates of 
 confiscated and planted, 88. 
 
 O'Neill, Hugh, nephew of Owen Roe, 
 defends Clonmel, 114; surrenders 
 Limerick, 115. 
 
 O'Neill, Mathew, putative son of Con, 
 created Baron of Dungannon, 67 ; 
 claim disputed by Shane, 70 ; 're- 
 moved ' by Shane, 72. 
 
 O'Neill, Owen Roe, Commander of 
 Irish forces in Ulster, 105 ; defeats 
 Monro, no ; Preston jealous of, iii ; 
 death of, 114. 
 
 O'Neill, Sir Phelim, leader of Ulster 
 rebels, captures Charlemont, 100 ; 
 forges a commission from Charles, 
 101-2 ; exempted from pardon, 116. 
 
 O'Neill, Turlough, 100. 
 
 O'Neill, Turlough Luineach, succeeds 
 Shane, 78 ; reverses Shane's policy, 
 comes to terms with Tyrone, 79. 
 
 O'Neill, Shane, rise of, 70; ambitious 
 projects of, 71 ; personal interview 
 
 with EUzabeth, 
 
 defeated by 
 
 O'Donnell and killed by the Mac- 
 Donnells, 73, 
 
 Orangemen, Protestants calling them- 
 selves, 152, 167. 
 
 O'Reilly, Sir John, lands of confiscated, 
 88. 
 
 O'Reilly, PhiHp, leader of rebels in Co. 
 Cavan, 100. 
 
 Ormond, James Butler, 4th Earl of, head 
 of the Lancastrian party, 51-2. 
 
 Ormond, James Butler, 12th Earl and 
 ist Duke of, reheves Drogheda, defeats 
 Mountgarret, 104 : defeats Preston, 
 106 ; negotiates a peace with the Con- 
 federates, 106-7 ; difficult position of, 
 108 ; surrenders Dublin to the Parlia- 
 ment, no; returns to Ireland, de- 
 feated at Rathmines, 112 ; garrisons 
 Drogheda, 113; leaves Ireland, 114; 
 exempted from pardon, 116; nego- 
 tiates the Act of Settlement, 119; 
 removed from office, 120 ; re- 
 appointed Lord Lieutenant, 121-2. 
 
 Ormond, Sir Piers Butler, 8th Earl of, 
 
 hostility of towards the Earl of 
 
 Kildare, 60. 
 Ormond, Thomas Butler, loth Earl of, 
 
 72, 74, 76, 84. 
 O'Rourke, Brian, Lord of Brefny, 
 
 quarrel of with MacMurrough, 28, 30. 
 Ossory, O'Carrolls of, 19 ; invaded by 
 
 Fitzstephen, 29 ; Bishop of : see 
 
 Rothe, David. 
 Oxford, Council at, 33 ; Confederates 
 
 at, 107. 
 
 Pale, the English, origin and extent of, 
 
 52-3- 
 
 Pale, Gentry of, band together in self- 
 defence, 54 ; submit conditionally to 
 Henry VII, 57 ; EHzabeth aHenates 
 the sympathies of, 74 ; petition 
 James I, 87 ; object to plantations, 
 tendency of to unite with the old 
 Irish, 91 ; desire a change of govern- 
 ment, 100 ; loyalty of suspected by 
 Parsons, loi ; form an affiance with 
 the Ulster rebels^ 102 ; organize their 
 resistance, 104. See also Recusants, 
 Confederates, CathoHcs. 
 
 Parliament, English, passes Bill con- 
 fiscating Ireland, 103 ; passes Act of 
 Settlement and Act of Satisfaction, 
 116; Ireland represented in, 117; 
 legislates for Ireland, 130 : forbids 
 importation of Irish cattle, 134 ; 
 destroys Irish wooUen industry, 134 ; 
 asserts its right to pass laws binding 
 Ireland, 135 ; renounces its authority 
 over Ireland, 143. 
 
 Parliament, Irish, origin of, 42 ; Irish 
 natives excluded from, 43 ; complaint 
 of to Edward III, 48 ; petition of to 
 Richard II, 50 ; asserts its legislative 
 independence, 53 ; restrictions placed 
 on, 58 ; passes Act of Supremacy, 64 ; 
 confers title of King on Henry VIII, 
 66 ; partial representation of native 
 Irish in, 67 ; consents to plantation of 
 Leix and Offaly, 70 ; growing opposi- 
 tion to the Crown in, 74-5 ; Irish 
 natives admitted to, 91 ; strong oppo- 
 sition in to anti-Cathohc legislation, 
 92 ; unanimous support given by to 
 Wentworth's demands, 95, 98 ; merged 
 in that of England, 117; re-estabUshed 
 at Restoration, passes Act of Settle* 
 
220 
 
 Index 
 
 ment, ii8, and Act of Explanation, 
 119 ; rescinds Act of Settlement, 125 ; 
 restrictions placed on by English 
 Parliament, 130, 135 ; controlled by a 
 few individuals, 130 ; systematic cor- 
 ruption of, 136 ; demand for shorten- 
 ing duration of, 137 ; further corrup- 
 tion of, 139 ; demands Free Trade, 
 140 ; asserts its legislative indepen- 
 dence, 142 ; rejects Volunteer Re- 
 form Bill, 144 ; passes an Address to 
 the Prince of Wales, 146 ; passes 
 Cathohc Relief Acts, 149-50 ; passes 
 Insurrection Act, 152 ; surrenders its 
 independence, 161-2 ; re-established, 
 206. 
 
 Parnell, Charles Stuart, supports Par- 
 liamentary obstruction, 182 ; advo- 
 cates agrarian agitation, 183 ; advises 
 exclusive deaUng, 184 ; imprisoned 
 by Gladstone, 185 ; denounces 
 Phoenix Park murders, 185 ; inter- 
 view with Carnarvon, 186; offended 
 by Gladstone, 187 ; accepts Home 
 Rule Bill, 188 ; attacked by The 
 Times, 188 ; in the divorce court, 
 189 ; downfall of, 190. 
 
 Parsons, Sir Lawrence, condemns the 
 Union, 161. 
 
 Parsons, Sir William, Lord Justice, 
 opposes the Graces, 98-9 ; suspects 
 the gentry of the Pale, loi ; medi- 
 tates a fresh plantation, 102-3 5 
 opposes the Cessation, 106. 
 
 Patrick, St., 12-14. 
 
 Patriots, the, political programme of, 
 
 137- 
 
 Paulet, Sir George, Governor of London- 
 derry, 88. 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert, 167, 172 ; arrests 
 O'Connell, 173 ; measures of to 
 alleviate the Famine, 174; appoints 
 Devon Commission, 175, 180. 
 
 Peep o' Day Boys, 152. 
 
 Pembridge, Sir Richard, 49. 
 
 Penal Laws against the Catholics, pro- 
 posed, 91 ; withdrawn, 92 ; severity 
 of, 129 ; character of, 131-2 ; evil 
 effects of, 132-3 ; Volunteers favour 
 repeal of, 141 ; relaxation of, 149-50 ; 
 repealed, 167. 
 
 Perrot, Sir John, Lord Deputy, 75, 79. 
 
 Pery, Edmond Sexton, Speaker of 
 House of Commons, 138. 
 
 Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester, 
 38. 
 
 Petty, Sir WiUiam, 117. 
 
 PhiUp n, intrigues of in Ireland, 75, 81-2, 
 
 Philip III supports Tyrone, 84-5. 
 
 Phoenicians, the, trade of with Ireland" 
 8-9,12. 
 
 Phoenix National and Literary Society, 
 177. 
 
 Phoenix Park murders, 185, 188. 
 
 Piers, Captain William, Governor of 
 Carrickfergus, 73. 
 
 Pitt, WiUiam, Prime Minister, dislikes 
 Irish independence, 145, 158 ; pro- 
 poses a commercial union, 145 ; atti- 
 tude of on Regency question, 146, 
 159 ; supports Cathohc relief, 148 ; 
 annoyed at FitzwiUiam, 150 ; effects 
 the Union, 159-61 ; retires from 
 office, 162 ; returns to power, 163. 
 
 Plantation, policy of, advocated by 
 Surrey, 61 ; by St. Leger, 66 ; tenta- 
 tive measure by Mary in Leix and 
 Offaly, 69-70 ; Elizabeth's plan of in 
 Ulster, 73 ; sanctions adoption of in 
 Munster, 77 ; disappointing results of, 
 78 ; advocated by Lord Bacon, 89 ; 
 put into practice in Ulster, 88-91 ; 
 Wentworth meditates extension of to 
 Connaught, 96 ; suggestions for a 
 general appUcation of the, 103 ; 
 carried into effect under the Common- 
 wealth, 216. 
 
 Plot, Cromwellian, 119; Popish, 121; 
 Rye House, 122. 
 
 Plunket, Oliver, Roman Catholic Arch- 
 bishop of Armagh, judicial murder of, 
 121, 122. 
 
 Plunkett, Sir Horace, 193. 
 
 Ponsonby, John, Speaker of House of 
 Commons, 136, 138. 
 
 Portland, Duke of. Lord Lieutenant, 
 142, 150, 151. 
 
 Poynings, Sir Edward, Lord Deputy, 
 57-8. 
 
 Poynings' Law, object of, 58 ; demand 
 for repeal of, 141. 
 
 Precursor Society, O'Connell's, 170-1. 
 
 Presbyterians in Ulster, 91 ; * Black 
 Oath ' administered to, 97. 
 
 Preston, Colonel Thomas, Commander 
 of Confederate army in Leinster, 105 ; 
 defeated by Ormond, 106 ; defeated 
 by Jones, iii. 
 
Index 
 
 221 
 
 Protection, agitation for, 144. 
 
 Protestant Ascendancy, Part V, passim. 
 
 Protestants oppose the Graces, 93 ; 
 oppose conditions of peace with 
 Confederates, 107 ; exodus of, 123 ; 
 oppose William's conciliatory pro- 
 posals, 126 ; oppose repeal of the 
 Union, 168. See also Protestant 
 Ascendancy. 
 
 Provision Trade, absorbed by the 
 Catholics, 132-4. 
 
 Qualifications, Court of, 116. 
 Queen's County : see Leix. 
 
 Randolph, Colonel Edward, 73. 
 
 Rathmines, Battle of, 112. 
 
 Rawdon, Sir Arthur, 123. 
 
 Raymond le Gros joins Strongbow, 30. 
 
 Rebelhons in Ireland, Kildare's, 62-3 ; 
 O'More's and O'Conor's, 68-9, 70; 
 Shane O'Neill's, 72-3 ; Fitzmaurice's, 
 74-5 ; Baltinglas's, 76-7 ; Des- 
 mond's, 76-7 ; Tyrone's, 80-5 ; 
 O'Dogherty's, 88 ; Great, 1641, 99- 
 115; Tyrconnel's, 122-8; of 1798, 
 155-7 ; of 1848, 177 ; of 1916, 201-3. 
 
 Recusants, Irish Catholics, so-called, 
 92. 
 
 Redesdale, Lord, Lord Chancellor, 160. 
 
 Redmond, John, leader of Nationalist 
 Parliamentary party, supports Land 
 Conference, 194 ; accepts Irish Coun- 
 cils Bill, 196 ; accepts compromise 
 offered by Amending Bill, 199 ; 
 attitude towards the Great War con- 
 demned in Ireland, 200 ; obtuseness 
 to significance of Sinn Fein, 201. 
 
 Reformation, character of the, 63-5. 
 
 Regency, question of the, divergent 
 views on, 145-6. 
 
 Renunciation, Act of, 143, 145, 159. 
 
 Richard II, personal efforts of to restore 
 the prestige of the EngHsh colony, 
 50-1. 
 
 Richard, Duke of York, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, popular legislation authorized 
 
 by, 52-3- 
 
 Rinuccini, Giovanni Battista, papal 
 Nuncio, opposes Secret Treaty, 109 ; 
 fails to capture Dublin, no ; reaction 
 against, in ; leaves Ireland, 112. 
 
 Robartes, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, 120. 
 
 Rockingham, Marquis of. Ministry of, 
 142. 
 
 Roman CathoHcs : see Catholics. 
 
 Rosen, De, commands James's army, 
 125. 
 
 Rothe, David, Catholic Bishop of 
 Ossory, 104. 
 
 Russell, Lord John (Earl Russell), 
 futile efforts of to cope with the 
 Great Famine, 174. 
 
 Russell, Sir William, Lord Deputy, out- 
 witted by Tyrone, 80-2. 
 
 Sale of Ireland, Act for, 103-4, 1 15-16. 
 Sahsbury, Marquis of, attitude of 
 
 towards Home Rule, 186-8. 
 Sanders, Nicholas, assists Fitzmaurice, 
 
 75 ; influence of on Desmond and 
 
 Baltinglas, 76. 
 Sarsfield, Patrick, defends Limerick, 
 
 126 ; destroys William's siege train, 
 
 capitulates, 127-8. 
 Satisfaction, Act of, 116. 
 Scarampi, Pierfrancesco, papal agent, 
 
 opposes the Cessation, 107-8. 
 Schomberg, Duke of. Commander of 
 
 English forces in Ireland, unsuccessful 
 
 campaign of, 125. 
 Schwarz, Martin, killed at Stoke, 56. 
 Scots Invasion, 43-5. 
 Scots settlers in Antrim, 43-5, 69-70, 
 
 90. 
 Scullabogue, massacre at, 156. 
 Sebastiano de San Josefo, capitulates to 
 
 Grey, 76. 
 Settlement, Act of (CromweUian), 116. 
 Settlement, Act of (Restoration), 1 18-19, 
 
 attempts to upset, 119-23 ; repealed, 
 
 124-5. 
 Shelbourne, Marquis of, ministry of, 
 
 Sherwood, WiUiam, Bishop of Meath, 54. 
 
 Sidney, Sir Henry, Lord Deputy, cam- 
 paign against O'Neill, 73 ; offends 
 Sir Edmund Butler, 74-5. 
 
 Sidney, Henry Lord, Lord Lieutenant, 
 controversy with Irish Parliament, 
 130. 
 
 Sigurd Lodverson, Earl of Orkney, 22. 
 
 Simnel, Lambert, imposter, 56. 
 
 Simple Repeal, Flood and Grattan 
 differ on, 142-3. 
 
 Sinn Fein movement, origin of, 196 ; 
 set back to, 197 ; revived activity of, 
 
222 
 
 Index 
 
 20I ; attitude of towards Home 
 Rule Convention, 204 ; declines Home 
 Rule Act of 1920, 206 ; prospect of 
 settlement with, 207. 
 
 Sitric, King of Dublin Danes, 21-3. 
 
 Skeffington, Sir William, Lord Deputy, 
 suppresses Kildare's rebellion, 62-3. 
 
 Skibbereen (Co. Cork), revolutionary 
 movement at, 177. 
 
 Sligo, 123, 157. 
 
 Smerwick, Fitzmaurice at, 76. 
 
 Special Commission to inquire into 
 Nationalist movement, 188-9. 
 
 Spencer, Earl, Lord Lieutenant, 185. 
 
 Spring-Rice, Thomas, replies to O'Con- 
 nell, 169. 
 
 Stanley, Edward, Chief Secretary, urges 
 coercion, 168. 
 
 Stephens, James, founds LR.B., editor 
 of the Irish People, 177-8. 
 
 St. George, Fraternity of, 54. 
 
 St. John, Oliver, Lord Deputy, 92. 
 
 St. Leger, Sir Anthony, commissioner to 
 inquire into state of Ireland, 65 ; 
 Lord Deputy, plans a systematic 
 settlement of Ireland, 66-7 ; re- 
 appointed by Mary, 68-9, 117. 
 
 Stoke, Battle of, 56. 
 
 Stone, George, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 manager of Irish affairs, conflict with 
 Speaker Boyle, 136-7. 
 
 Strafford, Earl of : see Wentworth, Sir 
 Thomas. 
 
 Strongbow (Fitzgilbert, Richard, Earl of 
 Clare), promises to assist MacMur- 
 rough, 28 ; inherits kingdom of 
 Leinster_, 30 ; comes to terms with 
 Henry, 31-2 ; death of, 2,3' 
 
 St. Ruth, General, defeated at Au- 
 ghrim, 127. 
 
 Stuart, Henry Villiers, 166. 
 
 Stukeley, Sir Thomas, adventurer, com- 
 mands papal force against Ireland, 
 
 75- 
 Sulcoit, Battle of, 21. 
 Sullivan, T. D., M.P., author of ' God 
 
 save Ireland ', 179. 
 Sunderland, Earl of, President of Privy 
 
 Council, Tyrconnel tries to bribe, 123. 
 Supremacy, Act of, 64. 
 Surrey, Earl of (Duke of Norfolk), 
 
 advocates a policy of conquest and 
 
 plantation, 61 ; befriends Kildare, 
 
 62, 117. 
 
 Sussex, Earl of (Radcliffe, Thomas, 
 Lord Fitzwalter), Lord Lieutenant, 
 fails to reduce O'Neill, 69-73. 
 
 Swift, Jonathan, Dean of St. Patrick's, 
 denounces Enghsh misrule^ 135. 
 
 Swilly, Lough, Tyrone' sails from, 85 ; 
 O'Neill arrives in, 105 ; French fleet 
 defeated at, 158. 
 
 Taaffe, Lord, defeated by Inchiquin, in. 
 
 Talbot, John (Earl of Shrewsbury), 
 Lord Lieutenant, quarrel of with 
 Ormond, 51, 52. 
 
 Talbot, Richard : see Tyrconnel, Duke 
 of. 
 
 Tandy, James Napper, 158. 
 
 Tara, Hill of, lo-ii ; monster meeting 
 at, 172. 
 
 Taylor, Captain Shawe, suggests Land 
 Conference, 194. 
 
 Tenant-Right League, 176. 
 
 Thomond, North Munster, now County 
 Clare, 63. 
 
 Three F's, 176, 180, 184. 
 
 Tichborne, Sir Henry, Governor of 
 Drogheda, 102, 104 ; Lord Justice, 
 106, III. 
 
 Times, The, 172, 188. 
 
 Tirconnell, district of, now County 
 Donegal, 55, 67, 72. 
 
 Tithes grievance, 168 ; commuted, 170. 
 
 Tithe-war, the, 169. 
 
 Tone, Theobald Wolfe, founds Society 
 of United Irishmen, 147 ^ solicits 
 assistance from France, 153 ; re- 
 newed exertions of, 154, 157 ; cap- 
 tured and condemned for high treason, 
 ' 158 f influence "of^ 17271767196. 
 
 Torgils, 19. 
 
 Townshend, George Viscount, Lord 
 Lieutenant, character of administra- 
 tion of, 137-8. 
 
 Trade : see Commercial Restrictions. 
 
 Transplanters, Irish, 116. 
 
 Trevelyan, Sir George, secedes from 
 Gladstone, 187. 
 
 Trim, 53, 64, in, 172 ; liberty of, 46. 
 
 Tuam, archbishopric of, 26. 
 
 Tyrconnel, Earl and afterwards Duke 
 of (Talbot, Richard), dissatisfied 
 with Act of Settlement, 118, 120; 
 appointed Lord Lieutenant, 122 ; 
 sends troops to England, 123 ; 
 
Index 
 
 223 
 
 secures repeal of Act of Settlement, 
 
 124-5 > withdraws to Limerick, 126 ; 
 
 solicits fresh aid from Louis, 127. 
 Tyrconnell (Hugh O'Donnell, son of 
 
 Hugh Roe, created by James I), Earl 
 
 of, 87-8. 
 Tyrone, Earls of : see O'Neill, Con and 
 
 Hugh. 
 
 Ui Cennidigh, 20. 
 
 Ui Ivor, 20. 
 
 Ui Neill, 18, 21, 23-4, 32. 
 
 Uladh, old name of Ulster, used in 
 restricted sense, t,2>- 
 
 Ulster, 10, 18 ; partial conquest of, T)2>i 
 39 ; invasions of (John's), 35-6, 
 (Bruce's), 43-5, (St. Leger's), 67, 
 (Sussex's), 70, (Sidney's), 73 ; claimed 
 by Shane O'Neill, 72-3 ; Elizabeth 
 proposes to plant, 73 ; efforts to 
 reduce, 78-85 ; plantation of by 
 James I, 88-91 ; rebellion in, loo-i ; 
 defies Tyrconnel, 123-4 ; growth of 
 liberal principles in, 140-1, 147, 149 ; 
 revival of sectarianism in, 152 ; 
 opposition in to repeal of the Union, 
 167-8 ; opposition in to Home Rule, 
 199-200, 205 ; provided with an in- 
 dependent Parliament, 206. 
 
 Ulster, Earls of : see De Lacy, Hugh ; 
 De Burgh, William ; Lionel, Duke of 
 Clarence. 
 
 Ulster Volunteers : see Volunteers. 
 
 Undertakers, English and Scottish 
 planters in Munster and Ulster so 
 called, 77, 89, 
 
 Undertakers, the, individuals control- 
 ling Irish Parliament so called, 136. 
 
 Union, Legislative, with England, tem- 
 porary, 117; possible in 1691, 130; 
 Pitt's desire for, 145, 158 ; proposals 
 for submitted to Irish Parliament, 
 160 ; proposals carried, 161-2 ; ques- 
 tion of repeal of raised, 167 ; agita- 
 tion for repeal of, 170-2 ; collapse of 
 agitation, 173 ; revived as a demand 
 for Home Rule (q.v.), report of Com- 
 mission on financial aspects, of 192. 
 
 Unionist Alliance, 194. 
 
 United Irish League, 193-4. 
 
 United Irishman, The, Mitchel's news- 
 paper, 176 ; revived by Mr. A. 
 Griffith, 196. 
 
 United Irishmen, Society of, objects of, 
 147 ; activity of, 153 ; suppressed, 
 155- 
 
 Ussher, James, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 77, 96. 
 
 Vagabondage, increase of, 117, 153. 
 
 Venables, Colonel Robert, 113. 
 
 Vere, Robert de. Earl of Oxford and 
 Duke of Dublin, 50. 
 
 Vereker, Colonel Charles, repulses Hum- 
 bert, 158. 
 
 Veto, the, suggested by Grattan, 163. 
 
 Veto Bill, the, effect of on Home Rule, 
 198. 
 
 Vikings : see Danes. 
 
 Vinegar Hill, Battle of, 156. 
 
 Volunteers, the, origin of and influence 
 on political situation, 140 ; conven- 
 tion of at Dungannon, 141 ; Grattan's 
 praise of, 142 ; National Convention 
 of, 143 ; proposals of for Parlia- 
 mentary Reform rejected, 144. 
 
 Volunteers, Irish, 199, 200-1. 
 
 Volunteers, National, 201. 
 
 Volunteers, Ulster, 199-200, 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, dissatisfied with 
 
 Ireland, 135. 
 Walsh, Archbishop, equivocal attitude 
 
 of, 190. 
 Wandesford, Sir Christopher, Deputy to 
 
 Strafford, 98. 
 War, the Great, Ireland during, 200-5. 
 Warbeck, Perkin, imposter, in Ireland, 
 
 57- 
 Waterford, Danish settlement, 20, 23, 
 
 25 ; captured by Strongbow, 30 ; 
 
 Henry II at, 31 ; revolts, 33 ; John 
 
 lands at, 34 ; prosperous condition of, 
 
 41 ; Richard lands at, 50 ; Cromwell 
 
 repulsed at, 113 ; notable election at, 
 
 166. 
 Wellington, Duke of (Wellesley, Arthur), 
 
 ministry of, 166 ; concedes Catholic 
 
 Emancipation, 167. 
 Wemyss, Sir Patrick, 102. 
 Wentworth, Sir Thomas (Earl of 
 
 Strafford), Lord Deputy, afterwards 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, character of, 94 ; 
 
 plans of, 95-6 ; coerces Scots in 
 
 Ulster, 97 ; failure of, 98. 
 West Indies, Irish transported to, 117. 
 
224 
 
 Index 
 
 Westmorland, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant, 
 anti-Catholic character of administra- 
 tion of, 147-8, 150 ; Pitt's con- 
 siderate treatment of, 151. 
 
 Wexford, Danish settlement, 23 ; cap- 
 tured by Fitzstephen, 29 ; Preston 
 arrives at, 105 ; captured by Crom- 
 well, 113; captured by Father 
 Murphy, 156. 
 
 Whigs, O'Connell and the, 169-70. 
 
 Whiteboy rising, 133. 
 
 Wimborne, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, 203. 
 
 Windsor, Treaty of, 32. 
 
 Windsor, Sir William de, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of, 42. 
 
 Wingfield, Sir Richard, 88. 
 
 * Wings ', the, 165. 
 
 Wogan, John de. Justiciar, founder of 
 Irish ParUament, 42 ; tactful policy 
 of, 46. 
 
 Wolseley, Colonel William, defeats 
 
 Mountcashel, 125. 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, suspects Kildare, 60. 
 Wood's half -pence, agitation against, 
 
 135- 
 Wool, Irish, contraband trade in, 134. 
 Woollen trade, origin and flourishing 
 
 condition of, 134 ; evil effects of 
 
 suppression of, 134-5. 
 Wyndham, Mr., Chief Secretary, Land 
 
 Purchase scheme of passed, 194 ; 
 
 forced resignation of, 195. 
 
 Yellow Ford, Battle of, 82. 
 Youghal, Cromwell at, 113. 
 Young Ireland, supports O'Connell, 
 
 1 7 1-2 ; secedes from ConciHation 
 
 Hall, 173 ; collapse of, 176. 
 
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 By D, P. Heatley. 1919. ir f- Avx-r.=.y-. ,~. ~ — 
 
 Written for the <ruidince of historical students and consisting of an essay on Diplomacy 
 and the Conducrof Foreign E\)iicy. followed by a biblioo;raphical section givmg advice as 
 to the study of International Relations, General Modern History; the Sovereignty of the 
 Seas, Treaties, &c. 
 
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