i 
 
IRELAND 
 
 PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Embracing a Complete History of the 
 
 LAND QUESTION 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 EArXIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 By DAVID POWER CONYNGHAM, LL. D., 
 
 Author of The Irish Brigade, and its Campaigns ; Lives of the IHsh Saints 
 
 and Martyrs ; etc., etc., etc. 
 
 ALSO, A VERY FULL AND COMPLETE HISTORY OF 
 
 THE PENAL LAWS, 
 
 BY P ARNE LL, 
 AND TALKS ABOUT IRELAND, BY REDPATH. 
 
Copyricjht, 1883. 
 By JAMES SUEEUY. 
 
 % 
 
CHAlilES STEWAliT PAiL\ELL, 
 
 THE DEFENDER OF HIS COUNTRY, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERTY, 
 THE GRACCHUS OF IRELAND, 
 
 The Tried and Trusted Advocate of the People's 
 Right to Live in the Land of their birth 
 AND Enjoy the Fruits of its Soil. 
 
 THE STERN OPPONENT OF ENGLISH MISRULE, 
 
 He stands BEFORE THE WORLD UNASSAILABLE IN HIS PURITY, 
 
 REHLARKABLE IN niS WISDOM, 
 AND UNFLINCHIXG IN HIS ItESOLUTIOX, 
 
 Glorious in his noble struggle on behalf of an 
 
 oppressed people ; 
 
 TRIUMPHANT EVEN IX A DUNGEON, 
 
 FOR BRITISH TYRANNY FAILED TO STILL HIS TONGUE, 
 OR CRUSH HIS HEARTFELT ASPIRATIONS AND SCATinXQ 
 APPEALS ON BEHALF OF WHAT OUGHT TO BE A FREE PEOPLE 
 ENJOYING THE BLESSINGS OF THEIR OWN LAWS 
 
 ON THEIR OWN LAND, IN A 
 
 FREE AND INDEPENDENT COUNTRY. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO THE PATRIOTIC PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 
 WHO ARE 80 GALLANTLY WAGING AGAINST THE 
 DESPOTIC POWER OF ENGLAND AND HER MERCILESS 
 ALLIES, THE IRISH LANDLORDS, 
 ONE OF THE MOST 
 HEROIC AND SELF SACRIFICING STRUGGLES ON RECORD, 
 
 FOR THE GOD-GIVEN RIGHTS OF 
 LIVING IN THEIR NATIVE LAND AND ENJOYING THE 
 FRUITS OF THE SOIL AS CREATED BY 
 Til KIR OWN INDUSTRY, 
 THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
IIJTRODUCTION. 
 
 We live in a utilitarian age, an age of progress, rapid 
 thought and rapid action. Few men have the time or leisure 
 to devote years or months to abstruse studies, so that history, 
 like everything else, to be popular, must be condensed and re- 
 duced to the conception of the times. 
 
 Men who cannot, or will not, wade through the columns of a 
 voluminous histo»*y will anxiously devour a concise and con- 
 densed one, embracing in as few words as possible all the 
 salient points of a more elaborate work. 
 
 On this account I have been teinpted to condense into the 
 present volume all that is necessary and valuable to know in 
 Irish history, at the same time not losing sight of the fact that 
 great and exciting events demand a lucid and detailed state- 
 ment. 
 
 Impressed by the progressive idea of the times and the 
 tendency to condense and concentrate, I have tried to condense 
 the salient points in the history of Ireland into as brief a space 
 I as possible. 
 
 ' We have given the reader a brief sketch of Ireland's earliest 
 settlers aiid history; of her growth as a nation, of her increas- 
 ing wealth and power, of her military greatness, her religious 
 sanctity, and also of her subjection to English rule and dorain- 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCnOX. 
 
 iMii. With, as it were, a crlimpse at the past, we have place*! 
 before our readers an elaborate statement of recent and excit- 
 ing events. We give an elaborate account of the Rebellion of 
 *98, the Repeal agitation, the events of '48, the Fenian rising, 
 and last but not least, a full history of that wonderful social 
 reformation, the Land League movement. The work, is in fact, 
 a lucid condensation of L ish history from the earliest settle- 
 ment of the country down to the present day. 
 
 In addition, we have collected the views and opinions of 
 Bome of the foremost thinkers and ablest political writers of 
 the day, on the causes that have produced such wretchedness, 
 want, and misery in Ireland, The opinions sot forth by these 
 writers and speakers cannot be deemed in any sense partial 
 or prejudiced, yet they all concur in laying at England's door 
 the sin and shame of Ireland's deplorable condition. 
 
 A nation that cannot or will not rule a people subject to i:s 
 authority but by coercion and military despotism, is unfit to 
 poveni, and the governed owes no allegiance to such a power. 
 A*^ well might a member of a firm who was systematical! v 
 robbing his partner insist upon the latter continuing the part- 
 nership, as that England should insist iipon the alliance be- 
 tween herself and Ireland. With the latter it is a matter of 
 necessity, not choice, and as soon as a favorable opporturitv 
 offers to dissolve the hated partnership she will not fail to eni- 
 b'-ace it. 
 
 There never was, nor never shall be, any bonds of affection 
 between the two countries, for wrong, oi)pression, and coercion 
 on the part of England have driven the iron so deeply into the 
 lieart of Ireland, that the sore will continue to fester and 
 rankle even if the barb were removed. 
 
 It is a sad commentary upon England's rule in Ireland to- 
 
INTKODUCTIOI?'. 7 
 
 day, that, since the Union, famines have been periodicaf, 
 deaths from starvation can be counted by the million, while 
 the decimation of the peasantry by artificial famines, evictions, 
 starvation, and forced emigration, is something fearful to 
 contemplate. 
 
 The population of Ireland in 1846 was over nine millions; 
 then came the terrible famine years, which swept the Irish, 
 like, a plague, off the face of the earth. While the world 
 stood aghast at the terrible picture of poverty, wretchedness, 
 and ruin Ireland presented, and witli unbounded charity 
 poured money and bread-stuff to the aid of the famishing 
 people, England closed her ports against their charity, al- 
 lowed millions of bushels of corn to rot in her granaries, and 
 her leading organ, The London Times, savagely cried out: 
 " The Irish are gone with a vengeance, the Lord be praised!" 
 
 The terrible famine had desolated the land, decades of ye^irs 
 have passed over, anothsr famine has since done its work, 
 and to-day Ireland's population is only a little over half what 
 it was some thirty-five years ago. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that Ireland hates England pro- 
 foundly and deeply, and with an undying hatred which even 
 time can scarcely eradicate. 
 
 In this work we have tried to delineate Ireland's torture 
 and England's bloody reign in a truthful and impartial 
 spirit, though we must confess that it requires more than 
 angelic patience on the part of an author with hot Irish 
 blood in his veins, and Irish sympathies in his heart, to write 
 on such a subject with patience and equanimity of temper. 
 
 We have added to the work an excellent chronological in- 
 dex of dates and remarkable events, which will be found of 
 great interest, and al«^o the muster-roll of the officers of the 
 Volunteers of 1782., etc., etc. 
 
8 INTKODUOTION. 
 
 < In conclusion, let us hope that Ireland has passed through 
 her darkest hour — her bitterest sorrow, — and that kind Provi- 
 dence will soon remove the poisoned cup from her lips, and 
 that she will ere long stand before the world glorious in her 
 disenthralled beauty, a star in the firmament of Nations, and 
 a gem among the Republics of Europe. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 New Youk, March 17th, 1883. 
 
D. P. CONYNGHAM. LL. D. 
 
MA JOE DAVID POWER CONYNGHAM, LL.D 
 
 D. P. Conyngliam, editor of the New York Tablet^ 
 died on Sunday evening, April 1st, 1883, at liis residence 
 in New York, of pneumonia. So sudden and unlooked 
 for was his death, that the first most of his friends 
 learned of it was from tlie obituary in the daily papers. 
 
 Major Conyngham was born near Killenaule, County 
 Tipperary, Ireland, about fifty years ago, and 
 inherited a comfortable patrimony in the district. 
 
 He came of that class known in Ireland as gentlemen 
 farmers, and was closely allied to some who have left 
 their mark in the record of patriotism and literature. 
 He was a cousin of the late Charles Kickham. He was 
 educated at the Queen's University, Cork, where he 
 gave evidence of literary inclinations at an early age. 
 While still very young, James Dnffy, of Dublin, pub- 
 lished two works of fiction from his pen, which gave 
 promise of future success. Intended by his parents 
 for the priesthood, he felt the want of avocation, aban- 
 doned the idea, and left to his brother, the late Rev. 
 Maurice Conyngham, of this city, that distinction so 
 much coveted in Irish families. 
 
 Having become mixed up with national affairs, in the 
 rising of '48, young Conyngham found it advisable to 
 leave home. 
 
 He came to America in 1863 as war correspondent of 
 a prominent Dublin journal, and with letters of com- 
 
10 
 
 OBITUARY. 
 
 Ttiendation from Smith O'Brien and P. J. Sm^ytli to 
 General Thomas Francis Meagher. 
 
 He was engaged as war correspondent by the New 
 York Herald, and served as volunteer aid-de-camp on . 
 General Meagher's staff.- He accomjianied. Sherman in 
 his ''March to the Sea," and earned fresh laurels as a 
 soldier and writer. He participated in most of the en- 
 £^a5jements; was wounded at the battle of Resaca, and 
 was personally congratulated on the battle-field for his 
 gaUaiitry by General Schofield. After the war he re- 
 reived from the De])ariment at Washington the com- 
 ])limentary commission of Major. 
 
 In 1860 Major Conyngham became proprietor of the 
 IrlsJi People, the organ of tlie Fenian Brotheihood in 
 those days, and in 1868 founded the Staten Island 
 Leader, in conjunction with the late P. H. Gill. Dis- 
 posing of his interest, he became part proprietor of the 
 Sumlai/ Democrat. 
 
 Ceasing connection with the Democrat, Major 
 Convngliam became an attache of the Post-Ofiice De- 
 jjartnient, uiuler Postmaster James, which position he 
 resigned to take editorial management of the Kew York 
 Tablet, with the Messrs. Sadlier, a few years ago. He 
 gave that paper a strong national as well as Catholic 
 tone, which added greatly to its jiopularity. A short 
 time ago, he, in partnership with General M. Kerwin, 
 became proprietor of the Tablet. 
 
 He was a staunch Irish Nationalist, and an advocate 
 of the absolute independence of Ireland from British 
 rul^. 
 
 Major Conyngham was the author of many works, the 
 best known of wliich are ''The History of the Irish Brig- 
 ade," '' Sherman's March Through the South," ''Sars- 
 field, or, T])e Last Great Strngglle for Ireland," ''The 
 O'Donnells of Glen Cottage." the "O'Mahoneys. aTale 
 of the liebellion of "98." ^The Sisters of Charity on the 
 
OBITUARY. ' 11 
 
 Southern Battlefields," ''Kose Parnel], the Flower of 
 Avondale," Lives of the Irish Saints and Martyrs," 
 etc., etc. After the publication of the last-named work, 
 Major Conyngham received a rescript letter from Pius 
 IX. thanking liim for it, while the University of K'otre 
 Dame conferred on him the degree of LL.D. 
 
 "Ireland, Past and Present," was the last production 
 of Dr. Conyngham' s prolific pen, and was finished only 
 a few days previous to the lamented author's death. 
 
 At a meeting of the Irish Brigade Association, held 
 at the armory of the Sixtv-ninth Reo-iment on the 10th 
 inst., the following resolutions were adopted : 
 
 Whereas, It has pleased Almighty God to remove 
 from this earth 1}^ sphere our beloved friend, comrade, 
 and historian, Major David P. Conyngham, at a time 
 when a career of great usefulness and brilliant pros- 
 pects had opened before liim ; therefore 
 
 Resolmd, That, while bowing before the awful fiat 
 of an all-wise Providence, and consoling ours^^lves by 
 the recollections of his many virtues and noble quali- 
 ties, we beg to tender to his brother and sisters the ex- 
 pression of our profoundest sorrow for their and our 
 loss ; also 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be spread 
 on the minutes of the Association, and a copy of tlie 
 same forwarded to his relatives, and also published in 
 The New YorJc Tablet. 
 
 (Signed), D. F. Burke, Pres. 
 
 Wm. O' Meagher, Sec. 
 
 Iew York, April 10th, 1883. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Eulogy 3 
 
 Dedication 4 
 
 Introduction 5 
 
 Obituary of the author 9 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGAN IRELAND. 
 
 How Ireland was Colonized — Its Earliest Inhabitants from Partliolan 
 down to the Milesians — Its Settlement in Albania — Its wars and 
 Conquests in Britain and against the Romans ' 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHRISTIAN IRELAND, 
 
 The Light of the Gospel— St. Patrick's Mission— The Greatness and 
 GJory of Christian Ireland 31 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 IRELAND THE ISLAND OF SAINTS. 
 
 The Danish Invasion — From the arrival of the Danes to that of the 
 Anglo-Normans— The Battle of Clontarf 45 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE ANGLO NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 From the Landing of the Saxon Invaders down to the Protestant 
 Reformation — Art MacMurrough — How Ireland was Betrayed — 
 Disunion and Jealousy the Ruin of Ireland 03 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE REFORMATION. 
 
 Ireland and her English Protestant Rulers— Persecution of the 
 Catholics— the Price Set on a Priest's Head— Confiscation, Spolia- 
 tion, and Murder I'S 
 
1 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER yi. 
 
 THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 
 
 The Declaration of Indcpendeuce— The Rebellion of '98— The 
 Union — The Repeal Movement — The Famine in Ireland — The 3Ien 
 of '48 94 
 
 CHAPTER yiL 
 
 THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 Organization in Ireland— The Irish Republic in America — The 
 Arrests in 1865 — Escape of James Stephens — The Fiasco of 1807 — 
 The Manchester Martyrs 109 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE 'WRETCHED CONDITION OP IRELAND, 
 
 Views and Opinions of Foreign "Writers — What Eminent German 
 Professors Say — The Bishop of Autun— "What American Writers 
 and Speakers Think of England's Treatment of Ireland — Ireland's 
 Claims on America 139 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 
 
 Persecutions and Confiscations — Coercion since the Union — The 
 Wretched Condition of the Country — How Ireland is Governed — 
 Evictions in Ireland — The Right of Self-government 167 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE LAND "WAR IN IRELAND. 
 
 The Famine Scourge — Heartless Conduct of the Landlords — The 
 Relief Committees — America's Generous Aid and Sympathy — 
 Terrible Suffering — Statements of Priests and Other Persons 20!S> 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 Its Inception ftnd "Workings— Coercion by the Government — Boy- 
 cotting—Arrests of Parnell, Dillon, and Other Suspects— The 
 Ladies' Land League— Combination and Organization — The Pros- 
 pect in Ireland 223 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT'S VIEWS. 
 
 Progress of the Land League 3Iovcmcnt in America — The Buffalo 
 
CONTEiS'TS. 15 
 
 and Washington Conventions— The Plcd.ires Made to ouf Brothers 
 at Home — The Phoenix Park Assassinations— Davilt in America — 
 Death of Miss Fanny Parnell ^ 248 
 
 CHAPTER Xni. 
 1782 AND 1882. 
 
 The Dublin Exhibition — The O'Connell Monument — Sketch of^ 
 Dublin and Vicinity — 1882 and its Memories — Dublin and its 
 Public Buildings 267 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 
 
 Their Views on the Land League — Extracts from their Pastorals 
 and Addresses — Their Address to the People of Ireland 328 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE UNION. 
 
 Articles of Union between Great Britain and Ireland — An Act for 
 the Union of Great Britam and Ireland 344 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 ORIGINAL LISTS. 
 
 Original Red List — Original Black List 370 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 ABSTRACT AND LISTS. 
 
 Abstract of Volunteers — List and Names of the Volunteers — List of 
 the Original Planters — List of Peerages — List of Governors 383 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OP IRELAND. 
 
 Embracing the Leading Events in the History of Ireland, from the 
 
 I irst Settlement of the Country down to 1883 415 
 
 Pedigrees. . . 501 
 
IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 CHAPTEH L 
 
 PAGA^f IPwELAT^D. 
 
 How Ireland was Colonized — Us Earliest InJiahitants^ 
 from Partliolan doicn to the 2Iilesians — Its Settle- 
 ment in Albania — Its Wars and Conquests in 
 Britain and against the Romans. 
 
 The history of Ireland is a proud and startling one, 
 that should awaken a sympathetic chord in the heart 
 of every patriot and Christian. Once the imtron of 
 learning and literature, the home of art and science, 
 the star that illumined the darkness of the Western 
 world, she has been bowed down and dishonored by 
 centuries of persecution and oppression. A nation that 
 once defied the armed legions of Rome, and hurled 
 back the Vikings and their fierce followers from her 
 shores, has been subjugated, not so much by the arms' 
 . of England, as by the intrigue, treachery, and deceit of 
 her ruthless enemv. 
 
 Despite the fact that for seven centuries she has been 
 overrun by the armies of England, plundered by her 
 soldiers and statesmen, and strangled by her cruel and 
 despotic laws, still she stands before the world to-day, 
 untamed and unconquerecl, struggling manfully with 
 her destiny, meeting the galling taunts and bloody 
 
18 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 coercion of the enemy with a defiant spirit of indepen- 
 dence in her tone and hope in her future destiny. There 
 is an air of romance and chivah*y in her history that in- 
 vests her with a heroic beauty, and tiiat inspires her 
 people with an unconquerable resolve never to give up 
 the struggle until they place the diadem of liberty upon 
 her brow, and make her in wealth and power what 
 she is in beauty, namely, the "Emerald Isle of the 
 Ocean.'' 
 
 The Pagan history of Ireland has been scarcely less 
 glorious in military achievements, and in the arts which 
 constitute civilization and refinement, than her Chris- 
 tian one. Her princes and chieftains carried their 
 triumphant banners through England and Scotland, 
 and often the Roman Eagle drooped her pinions in 
 shame before the Sunburst of Erin, while the last of 
 Ireland's Pagan kings fell at the very foot of the Alps, 
 while pursuing her routed legions. 
 
 The arms of imperial Rome, which laid the world 
 prostrate at the feet of the C?esars, were never able to 
 subjugate Ireland. Her warlike sons were never 
 dragged after the chariot-wheels of her victorious 
 generals, or sold as slaves in her markets. Their blood ' 
 was never shed in the gladiatorial arena to grace a 
 Roman holiday^ nor upon her altars to consecrate 
 Pagan rites and sacrifices. 
 
 • Yet this proud, this martial people, whose arms had 
 defied the Roman power, when the light of faith was 
 spread among them, bowed their heads in humble sub. 
 mission before the standard of the Cross, and meekly 
 embraced the strange doctrines of its followers, abandon- 
 ing a religion that flattered their passions and fasci- 
 nated their senses, lor one of penance, mortification, and 
 self-denial. It is a proud boast that Ireland is the only 
 country in Europe where Christianity was not sown in 
 
PAGAN IRELAND. 19 
 
 blood, and where it lias survived unheard-of persecu- 
 tions — the rack, the gibbet, spoliation, and all but ex- 
 termination. 
 
 Before treating of the land agitation and the present 
 condition of Ireland, we mean to give a synopsis of her 
 past history from her earliest settlement, so that our 
 readers may form some idea of her greatness when 
 governed by her own princes and rulers, as well as the 
 causes which have contributed to her subjugation and 
 decline. Weakened by her continued w^arfare with the 
 Danes, and by internecine quarrels, she became a prey 
 to English invaders, and has ever since vainly struggled 
 to regain her liberty, though each successive effort re. 
 suited in her being more mercilessly despoiled and 
 robbed by her brutal invaders. 
 
 The early history of Ireland, like that of most 
 countries, has been considerably obscured by tradition 
 and fable. It has become the custom of every people 
 to endeavor to ennoble their origin, and establish for it 
 an ancient and illustrious foundation. On this account, 
 the fabulous has become so blended with the real that 
 the early histories of ancient countries' have been in- 
 volved in much obscurity. The Egyptians date back 
 their history fifty thousand years, the Chaldeans 
 much longer, for they claim to have made astronomical 
 calculations four hundred thousand years before the 
 birth of Christ. The Chinese claim a civilization long 
 anterior to the creation. Even the early histories of 
 Rome and Greece are obscured by similar fabulous 
 claims to an origin which facts do not warrant nor 
 history allow. It is probable that, in tracing their 
 history, the ancient Milesians may have been addicted 
 to the marvelous, like other people, but it must be re- 
 collected that in Ireland the history and traditions of 
 its early inhabitants were carefully preserved both by 
 
20 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 tlie bards and ollamlis, and that ancient historians con- 
 firm their claim to a very remote antiquity and a high 
 state of civilization. In the " Argonautica" of Or- 
 pheus of Crotona (500 B. C.) Ireland is called lernis. 
 In the " De Miindo, " attributed to Aristotle, it is called 
 lerne. Diodorus Siculus alludes to it as Iris or Irisi, 
 and Strabo names it lerne. Caesar, Tacitus,* and Pliny 
 call it Hibernia; Mela and others, Juverna. The name 
 of Ogygla, most ancient land,'' was applied to it by 
 Plutarch. In the third century the whole island took 
 the name of Scotia, a term not then apjilied to the 
 country now called Scotland, and which w^as then 
 called Scotia Minor, or the lesser Scotia. 
 
 Plistorians generally admit that Ireland was settled 
 about two thousand years before Christ. 0'Flaherr3"'s 
 "Oi^rvgia" fixes the arrival of the first colonies in 
 Ireland, under Partliolan, in the year of the world 1969, 
 or three hundred and twelve vears after the Delu^^e. 
 They are supposed to have come originally from 
 Scythia. After a settlement of about three hundred 
 years in the country, the colony perished by a plague. 
 
 The island Avas next settled l)v a colony under 
 Nemedius, a great-grand-nephew of Partholan, about 
 the year 1727 He came from the shores of the 
 Euxine Sea, with about a thousand followers, and his 
 wife Macha, who died after a short residence in the 
 island, and \vas buried at Admach, since called 
 Armagh. Nemedius and his descendants held peaceful 
 sway of the country for some time, until they were in- 
 vaded by the Fomorians, who are supposed to have 
 been Carthaginian pirates and adventurers, and defeated 
 after several battles. Nemedius himself is said to have 
 died of grief at Oilean Arda-Neivy, now Barry more, 
 County Cork. The remnant of the Nemedian colony 
 that had escaped the slaughter, left the country. A 
 
PAGAiN IRELAND. 
 
 21 
 
 colony of tlietn settled in tlie north of Germany, from 
 whom the Tiiathade Danaanswere descended. Another 
 colony, under Briotan Maol, grandson of Nemedius, 
 settled Iq Britain, the country being so called after 
 their chief. 
 
 The next settlers were a tribe of Firbolgs, or Belgians, 
 of the race* of Niimidius. The expedition was under 
 command of five brothers, who soon took possession of 
 the country and divided it into five provinces, which 
 gave birth, to the pentarchy which lasted until the 
 twelfth centur}^ Slaingey, chief of Leinster, was 
 • monarch, or Ardrigh, oC the whole island, and estab- 
 lished liis residence at Tara. 
 
 The Firbolgs did not remain long in peaceful posses- 
 sion of the countr}^ for in the reign of Eoglia, about 
 eighty years after their settlement, a colony of Tuatha de 
 Danains, whose ancestors had settled in Germany after 
 being driven out of Ireland, made a descent upon the 
 country under their chief IS'uagha, and gave battle to 
 the Firbolgs, commanded by their king, Eogha, at a 
 place now called Partry, County Mayo. The Firbolgs 
 were so badlv beaten that the remnant of them had to 
 seek an asylum in the wilds of Connaught. In the 
 battle at Partry ]N"uagha lost his hand in the engage- 
 ment, and had its place supplied by a silver one; lience 
 his sobriquet of Airgiodlamli, or '* The Silver-handed." 
 
 It is said that these Tuatha de Danaanswere skilled 
 in magic and all the superstitions of the Eastern 
 nations. In their journey to Ireland they visited 
 Norway and Denmark, and impressed the inhabitaiits 
 with their diabolical incantations. They brought with 
 tliem to Ireland the stone called the '^Lea-Fail," or 
 stone of Destiny. This stone, which gave to Ireland the 
 name of ^'Innisfail," that is to say, the Island of Fail, 
 was used at the coronation of their kings. It was said 
 
22 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 to possess peculiar virtues, such as issuing a great noise 
 during the coronation ceremonies, all of which power 
 ifc lost at the coming of the Messiah. There is a prophecy 
 also which says that wherever the stone should be 
 preserved one of the race of Scotia should reign. Early 
 in th<^ hii-teenth centurv, Fergus tlie Great hnving been 
 elected by the Scotch Balriads as their king, Murtough, 
 Monarch of Ireland, sent him the coronation stone to 
 be inaugurated upon, in order to perpetuate the diadem 
 in the family. The stone was preserved in the abbey 
 at Scone, until it was forcibly carried off by Edward I., 
 King of England, and is said to be still preserved under 
 the coronation chair in Westminster xVbbey. 
 
 The Tuatha de Dannans held possession of Ireland, 
 which thev called Innisfail. for about two hundred 
 years Towards the end of their occupation, the three 
 sons of Kearmada, the seventh king of their dynasty, 
 reigned alternately for thirty years. They were mar- 
 ried to three sisters, Bamba, Fodla, and Eire, after each 
 of whom the country was called in turn. As the Mile- 
 siau invasion took place during the reign of Keahur, 
 the husband of Eire, the invaders retained the name of 
 the countr}' by Avhich it was called on their arrival; 
 hence the name of Eire has been preserved more gen- 
 erally and lousier than the others. 
 
 The next conquerors of Ireland were the Milesians, 
 who subdued the Tuatha de Danaans in the vear 
 1234 B. C. The Milesians were a noniadic race, and 
 traced their descent from Fenius Farsa, King of the 
 Scythians, who invented the first alphabet, and was 
 fourth in descent from Japheth, one of the three sons 
 of Noah. One of the sons of Fenius Farsa, named Niul, 
 made a voyage into Egypt and married Scota, daughter 
 of Pharaoh Ciniris, by whom he had a son named 
 Gaodhal, who was bitten by a serpent. Moses cured 
 
PAGAN IRELAND. 
 
 23 
 
 him by a touch of his wand, and foretold that the land 
 which would be inhabited by his posterity would be 
 free from serpents and venomous reptiles, which has 
 been verified in regard to the islands of Crete and 
 Ireland. 
 
 The posterity of Niul became so numerous that the 
 Egyptians began to fear them, and compelled them to 
 leave the. country. After leaving Egypt, under the 
 name of Gradalians they wandered for many years 
 among the coasts of the Mediterranean, and finally 
 settled in Spain, where they took the name of Mile- 
 sians, and established themselves at Braganza, so called 
 after their chief, Breogan. 
 
 The invasion of Ireland was led by Scota, the wife of 
 Milesius, who had died in Spain, accompanied by her 
 sons. Queen Scota was killed in the first battle, and 
 was succeeded by her two sons, Heremon and Heber, 
 who reigned conjointly. Ir, another son of Milesius, 
 perished in a storm on the coast, with four of his 
 brothers. He left children, who also obtained the 
 sovereignty. As he was the first Milesian buried in 
 the country, his followers called ihe country, in honor 
 of him, Ireland. 
 
 The reign of Heber and Heremon was not a happy 
 one, for dissensions having broken" out between them, 
 instigated by the wife of Heber, a battle ensued, in 
 which Heber was killed. 
 
 D uring the reign of Heremon a colony from Gaul, 
 called Picts, who had originally come from Thrace, 
 arrived in Ireland, They were not allowed to settle in 
 the country, buc left for Albania, as Scotland was then 
 called. They had no w^omen among them, and the Irish 
 Milesians supplied them with wives, on condition of 
 their paying to them annual tribute, and vesting the 
 sovereignty in the female line forever, v 
 
24 IRELAND^ PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 It is not easy to define the religion and customs of 
 the Milesians. Some think that they had a knowl- 
 edge of the true God, which they received from Moses 
 and the Israelites, with whom they had connection be- 
 fore the passage of the Red Sea. However this may be, 
 they became a most superstitious people, worshiping 
 various kinds of idols. They paid great honor to 
 their Druids, who were to them priests, philosophers, 
 legislators, and judges, as well as to their bards and 
 military heroes. Their divinities were common to them 
 and to other nations of the world. As legislators and 
 judges the Druids were arbiters in all public affairs, 
 and were invested with power to reward or punish, 
 Tiie word '/ druid" was derived from dair,''' which 
 means oak, with which the island was covered, and under 
 which the Druids worshiped. They had several idols, 
 the chief being named Kean Caoithi, or " Head of the 
 Gods." Clogher was called after a stone or idol covered 
 with gold, which gave forth oracles. Next to the 
 Druids iu iuiportauce ranked the Filea, or bards, they 
 enjoyed higli privileges, and sat with a right of suf- 
 frage in the assemblies of state. They were employed 
 in singing the praise of distinguished men, and in unde- 
 serving the genealogies of great families and the records 
 of the country. 
 
 The Milesians had a number of idolatrous observances 
 which Christianity has utilized. The May-day observ 
 ances, still practiced in Ireland, originated in the offer 
 ing of sacrifice to the great idol Bael on that day, and 
 tlie custom of driving cattle through fire on St. John's 
 Eve lias been handed down to us from Pagan times. 
 
 The Milesians had their origin from the Scythians, 
 and their customs and literature from the Egy ptians. 
 As these were the most polished of ancient nations, the 
 Milesians brought with them to Ireland their laws, 
 
PAGAN IKELA]S^D. 
 
 their religion, and their literature. They were also a 
 martial j^eople — brave, religious, and impulsive. They 
 were well versed in science, the arts and manufactures, 
 for we find that as early as the reign of Figernmas 
 the gold mines of Ireland were worked and shields 
 were embossed with silver and gold, while the Ollamhs, 
 or learned men of the country, wore finger-rings and 
 chains of gold. 
 
 In the tribal divisions of Ireland the Heberians, or 
 the descendants of Heber, and the descendents of Ith 
 possessed Manster, the Irians, or descendants of Ir, 
 atter whom the country was called, possessed Ulster; 
 Leinster was under the dominion of the Hereinonians, 
 and Connauglifc was held by Firdomnians, of the race 
 of the Firbolgs. Their chiefs or petty princes were 
 subject to the Ardrigh, or supreme monarch, and as 
 the Milesians were a martial people, it is not surprising 
 that numerous wars kept the country embroiled in 
 bloody strife. 
 
 Yery little definite is known of the histories of the 
 different princes who ruled Ireland to the time of 
 Ollave Fola. This great and wise monarch reigned 
 about the close of the seventh century before Christ. 
 He mnv be iustlv called the father of letters. He 
 convoked a triennial assembly of the states at Tara, in 
 Meath, where Avise and stable laws were enacted for the 
 administration of justice and the general government 
 of the country He also founded a college at Tara 
 for the education of youth. He liad assigned lands for 
 the support of the various professors and judges. He 
 had also ap]3ointed a Chief Druid to offer sacrifice, a 
 doctor to attend to his health, a bard to sing his praise, 
 an Ollamh to preserve genealogies, and a Brelion to ad- 
 minister justice. 
 
 The Brehon laws have been so called after the judges 
 
26 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 who administered them, and they chiefly referred to 
 tlie conditions on whicli the clans lield land under their 
 chiefs. They held that the land was for the benefit of 
 the people, and belonged by i-ight to the people, who 
 merely paid tribute to the chief or prince who ruled 
 over them, in the shape of kind or military services. 
 And each clansman had an equal right to a propor- 
 tionate share of the land occui)ied by his tribe. On 
 the Continent and in England the feudal svstem held 
 sway, and it debased the people by keei)iiig them de- 
 pendent on tlie nobles who held the land. The Bre- 
 hon Code held sway in Ireland until after the English 
 invasion. 
 
 The succession to all dignilies in Ireland was regulated 
 by the law of Tanistry, which provided that the can- 
 didate for power should be elected by the clansmen, 
 after which he might assume the name of Tanist, or 
 successor. In most cases, though, the oldest son or 
 heir to the prince succeeded him, but, as was often the 
 case, when he was not acceptable to the people, a ruler 
 was chosen in his place. Thus the dignity was here- 
 ditary as to the family, but elective as to the per- 
 son. 
 
 Tlie provincial kings were independent of each 
 other, but subject to the Ardrigh, and were chosen ac- 
 cording to the law of Tanistry. Their capitals, where 
 they resided, were Leighlin for the province of 
 Leinster; Emania for Ulster, Cashel for Munster; and 
 Cruachin tor Connaught. These were again sub- 
 divided into districts and ruled by a multitude of petty 
 princes or chiefs, who acknowledged the authority of 
 their respective jirovincial kings, and which gave 
 origin to the numerous clans whose quarrels and 
 jealousies kept the country in continued strife. 
 
 After the death of Ollave Fola the records of the 
 
PAGAN IRELAND 
 
 27 
 
 country were greatly neglected, and only the histories 
 of very distinguished rulers were preserved. Kim- 
 baeth, who built the magnificent palace of Emania, 
 which became the headquarters of the Red-Branch 
 Knights, again collected the records and put them 
 in a reliable and satisfactory condition. About this 
 time thePhcBnicians, Etruscans, and Carthaginians car- 
 ried on an extensive trade with Ireland. About five 
 hundred years before Christ, Haniilcar was sent by the 
 Carthaginian Senate to explore the coast of Europe be- 
 yond the Pillars of Hercules, and in the preserved ac- 
 count of his expedition Ireland is mentioned as .the 
 **Holy Isle," whose rich soil the Hibernians tilled. It 
 was also known to the Greeks about the same time, and 
 Aristotle alludes to it by the name of lerne. In the 
 second century of the Christian era the country was 
 generally known by the name of Scotia, so called in 
 honor of the Milesian heroine of that name. After thie 
 invasion of Albania that country was also called 
 Scotia by the conquerors, in honor of their native land, 
 but with the affix of Minor, or the lesser, to dis- 
 tinguish it from the mother country, which was desig- 
 nated Scotia Major, or the greater Scotia. 
 
 From the reign of Aengus, who flourished about one 
 hundred and fifty years before Christ, down to the in- 
 troduction of Christianity, the country was kept in one 
 continual ferment by the dissensions among its princes 
 and rulers, and the extensive foreign expeditions carried 
 on against the Picts in Albania and the Romans in 
 Britain and Gaul. 
 
 The Irish, or more prox')erly speaking, the Dalriads, 
 of Ulster had established a colony in Albania before 
 the birth of Christ. Thev and their kinsmen in Ulster 
 were considered as one tribe, and Avere for some time 
 governed by one chief. The colony became so power- 
 
28 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PKKSKNT. 
 
 fill as to create tlie alarm of the Plots, and to excite tlieir 
 jealousy. 
 
 In the reign of Carbre II., or about the year 2G8 
 A. D., Ossian, the great bard of Ireland, and his son 
 Oscar, both descendants of the warrior Fiiigal, and 
 leaders of the Fianu of Leinster, nourished. Carbre 
 went to war with Leana, King of Munster, for liai bor- 
 ing the Fiann of Leinst-er, whom he had disbanded 
 and outlawed. In the battle that followed at Gabra, 
 A. D. 284, both Carbre and Oscar, son of Ossian, were 
 killed. From the death of Carbre until the reign of 
 Miiredach, A. T>. 331, there were no events of great his- 
 torical importance in Ireland. During the reign of 
 Muredachtlie palace of Emania in Ulster was destroyed 
 by the nu^n of Connaught. 
 
 Ireland at this time was in a very prosperous condition, 
 and the ppople had acquired considerable wealth iind 
 power. Old English writers assert that they were **the 
 most learned body of men in Europe, were eminently 
 versed in astronomy and Grecian literature, aiul stood 
 unrivaled in the cultivation of letters." Even at this 
 early period they had colleges for the instruction of 
 bards and Druids, to which students flocked from all 
 partsof Europe. The English historian Whitakersays 
 that 'in the reign of the celebrated Monaich Niall, the 
 Arch Druid of Ireland was acknowledged the soveiviirn 
 l)ontitT of the order of Druids of (faul, Britain, and 
 Scotland." The Irish, too, were at this period well 
 versed in the manufacture of arms, vessels, ami utensils 
 for domestic use, and in gold chains and ornaments. 
 
 The funeral services of the Milesians were ])eculinr, 
 and had been brought with them from the E:ist. The 
 body was laid in state, or as we say now, waked, for 
 a few days. During this interval, all the friends nud 
 neighbors assembled to do houor to the departed. The 
 
PAGAN IKELAXD. 
 
 29 
 
 bards sang his pedigree and exploits, tne Druids 
 recited prayers and used charms and incantations, 
 while the mourners raised the caoine^ or funeral dirge, 
 a custom stiU observed in remote parts of Ireland. 
 The grave usually faced towards the east, and was 
 lined with smooth stones. The body was simply 
 wrapped in a cloak and laid in the tomb, over which 
 was placed a mound, or a slab with the name of the 
 deceased engraven uf)on it. 
 
 The Picts of Albania made war on the Irish colony 
 in the reign of Niall. The Dalriads, justly alarmed at 
 the menacing aspect of their neighbors, appealed to the 
 Monarch of Inland, to whom they still owed allegiance, 
 for succor and protection. Niall responded to their 
 call bv crossins: over to Albania at the head of a 
 powerful army, which he transported over in cuirachs 
 and large galleys, for the Irish were expert seamen, 
 having learned navigation from the Phoenicians who 
 tmded among them, and soon succeeded in reducing 
 the Picts to terms, comj^elling them to cede the terri- 
 tories of Cantire and Ar^rvle to the Dalriads. He 
 next invaded Britain, A. D. 3SS, and ravaged the 
 count rv before him. He then embarked for Armorica, 
 in Gaul, and returned laden with captives and booty. 
 Among the captives taken in one of his expeditions 
 was Siiccath, a youth who was destined to spread 
 the light cf the Gospel, not only over Ireland, 
 but also over a great part of Europe. This was no 
 other than Patrick, afterwards the Apostle of Ireland, 
 who was sixteen vears of asre at the time, and who 
 was accompanied by his two sisiers, Lupida and Da- 
 rerca. 
 
 So great was the terror Xiall had infused into the 
 Britons that, as the poet Claudian informs us, they 
 besought the Romans to j)rotect them from his mvages. 
 
30 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 and Stiliclio, a general of Theodosius the Great, was 
 forced to send additional troops to their aid. 
 
 "When Scots came thundering from the Irish shores, 
 And the ocean trembled, struck with hoi>tile oars." 
 
 Niall, or ashe is called, Niall of the Nine Hostages,'' 
 was killed while making a second expedition into Gaul 
 against the Romans, near the river, Loire, by Eocha, 
 son of tlie King of Leinster, wliom he had dej^osed on 
 account of his crimes. Niall, who was slain in or about 
 the year 403 A. D., was succeeded by Da thy, son of 
 Fiachra, brother of the monarch. He was King of 
 Connaught when elected Ardrigh, butt resigned the 
 throne in favor of his brother Amalgad, who gave his 
 name to Tyrawly, in tlie County Mayo. In the reign of 
 Da thy, who was the last Pagan monarch of Ireland, 
 Nedfraoch, of the race of Olioll-Olum, governed 
 Munster, and Eocha ruled in Leinster. 
 
 Datliy, full of the martial spirit of his race, and 
 fired by the glorious achievements of his ancestors, re- 
 solved to invade Britain. At this time the Picts and 
 Scots, both of whom were the implacable enemies of 
 the Britons, conjointly made a raid on their neighbors. 
 Dafhy, after his victories in Britain, entered Gaul, and 
 taking advantage of the demoralized state of the Roman 
 army, who were fleeing from Britain, he followed them 
 up to the very foot of the Alps, where he was killed by 
 lightning, after having gained several victories over 
 those who disi)uted his x>assage. 
 
OHEISTIAN IRELAND, 
 
 31 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 CHRISTIAN IRELAND. 
 
 The Liglit of the Gospel^St. Patrick's Mission— The 
 Greatness and Glory of Christian Ireland. 
 
 Ireland, Ghristian Ireland, presents to the world one 
 of the grandest pictures in either sacred or profane 
 history. Here we see a proud, warlike people, whose • 
 isoldiers had bidden defiance to the legions of Rome, and 
 whose Sunburst liad floated above the Eagles of the 
 Csesars even at the very foot of the Alps, Iwwing in 
 humble s^ibmission before the saving banner of the 
 Cross, and yielding ready obedience to the strange 
 doctrines of the followers of the divine standard. The 
 fierce and warlike tribes and chiefs, who were embi ttered 
 by constant internecine wars, and prejudiced by the 
 machinations of the Druids, seemed a rather intractable 
 material to mould to the teachings and doctrine of 
 Christianity. The results proved the reverse, for the 
 bloodless victory which crowned the mission of St. 
 Patrick is an evidence of the ready pliancy and facility 
 with which the most stubborn and fierce natures will 
 yield to new and strange impulses. 
 
 While in other countries Chriotianity has been the 
 slow work of time, has been resisted by rulers and peo- 
 ple, and seldom effected without a lavish effusion of 
 blood, in Ireland, on the contrary, by the influence of 
 one zealous, saintly missionary, and with little previous 
 
 * 
 
82 lEELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 preimration of the soil by other hands, Christianity 
 burst forth at the first ray of the apostolic light, and 
 with the sudden ripeness of a northern summer at once 
 covered the whole land with its saving truths and 
 blessed fruits. Kings and princes, chiefs and nobles, as 
 if acting under divine impulse, joined the standard of 
 the Cross and soon beci\rae its warmest defenders. Chiefs 
 at variance in all else, met as brothers beneath the 
 Christian banner. The ^Droud Druid, the lenrned 
 Brehon, and the gushing bard laid their superstitions 
 meekly at the foot of the Cross, while the Slienacus, 
 who heretofore narrated the martial exploits of heroes 
 and chiefs, and the loves of fair dames and proud 
 crallants. now related the mvsterious wonders of the life 
 and sufferino; of Jesus of iSTazareth. Bv a sinoular 
 blessing of Providence, unexampled iu the Avhole 
 history of the Church, a single drop of blood was not 
 shed on account of religion through the entire course 
 of this wonderful revolution, by which in the space of 
 a few years IreLand was brought tranquilly under the 
 dominion of the Gospel. 
 
 The time and birth-place of St. Patrick have both 
 been warmly discussed and disputed by writers. Though 
 Usher, Ware, Colgan, Jocelyn, and other eminent writers 
 assert that he was born in Scotland, Dr. Lanigan and a 
 scrutinv of old works have established the fact that he 
 was a native of Boulogne-sur-Mer, in France. He says 
 himself, in his "Confessions": ''Mv father was Cal- 
 purnius, a deacon of the town of Bonaven Tabernise. 
 He had near the town a small villa, Enon, where I was 
 made captive." It is an established fact that there is 
 no place which might correspond with the name of 
 TabernifE in Scotland, but some writers, who would 
 persist in makiu-; the Saint a Scotchman, try to escape 
 this difficulty by describing the place as an old Roman 
 
CHRISTIAN IRELAND. 
 
 38 
 
 encampment near Diinbarton, but which time has eradi- 
 cated. Boulogne- sur Mer, in Picardy, France, corre- 
 sponds to Bonaven, Tabernise, as has been proved even 
 by French vt^riters, and by tlie traditions still preserved 
 in that part of France relative to the Saint. Keating 
 and O' Flaherty, in their histories of Ireland, accept this 
 view of it. All the circumstances connected with his 
 early life confirm the impression that he was born in 
 Gaul, His family resided there, and there he was taken 
 prisoner in his early youth. llis mother, Conchessa, was 
 a near relative of St. Martin of Tours, ;ind was undoubt- 
 edly a native of Brittany, in Armorican Gaul. The family 
 of the Apostle was respectable, as the Saint himself 
 states in his Epistle to Caroticus, in which he says, "I 
 was noble according to the flesh." 
 
 St. Fiach, in his hymn, informs us that Patrick was 
 baptized Succath, which means, "Strong in battle." 
 The scholiast on this hymn adds that he was called 
 Corthraige, while m slavery, on account of being sold 
 to four masters , Magonius by St. Germanus, while a 
 disciple of his , and Patrick by St. Celestine, as a 
 mark of dignity In all his writings we never find him 
 styling himself anything but Patrick . the probability 
 is that this was his original name, and that the others 
 were given to liim to indicate certain traits in his 
 character. 
 
 Speaking of his early youth, he says in his " Con- 
 fessions": *'I knew not God, and was led into captivity 
 by the Irish, as we deserved, because we estranged oui- 
 selves from God and did not keep his laws, and were 
 disobedient to our pastors, who admonished us with 
 regard to our salvation, and the Lord brought down upon 
 us the anger of his Spirit, and dispersed us among 
 many nations, even to the extremity of the earth, where 
 my lowlinefe was conspicuous among foreigners, and 
 
34 
 
 .IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 where the Lord discovered unto me a sense of my un- 
 belief, that, even though late, I should be converted 
 with my whole heart to the Lord my God, who had 
 respect to my humiliation, and pitied my youth and 
 ignorance, even before I knew him, and before I was 
 wise and could distinguish between right and wrong, 
 and strengthened me, and cherished me as a father 
 would a son. This I know most surely, that before I 
 was humbled I was like a stone that lies deej^ in the 
 mud, and He who is mfghty came and in his mercy 
 raised me up, and again delivered me and fixed me in 
 this ]ilace; and from thence I ought loudly to cry out 
 and to return thanks to the Lord for his too great 
 benelits, here and forever, which the mind of man can- 
 not properly estimate." 
 
 How wonderful indeed are the ways of the Lord, 
 and how often does he bring forth the greatest bless- 
 ings out of tribulation and sulferings. lie allowed 
 his servant Joseph to be borne into captivity, in order 
 to save Egypt and Israel from the horrors oL' famine, 
 and that he might become the savior of ]«is people. 
 So with Patrick, the Lord willed that he should be- 
 come captive, that he might conquer his conquerors 
 and lead his enemies out of the bondage of sin and 
 inlidelity unto the light of the Gospel. 
 
 The most eminent writers on the ha^ioloi^v of Ireland 
 admit that Christianity was introduced into Ireland as 
 early as the second century of the Christian era. Cormao- 
 Ulfada, Monarch of Ireland in the third centur}', whose 
 piety and leaning to Chnstianity liad made him odious 
 to the Pagans, is said to have encouraged the Christian 
 religion. This rea<'hing the ears of St. Celestine I., 
 this great Pope resolved to send missionaries among 
 the Irish people. Tlie first whom he sent with full 
 canonical powers was Paladius, a deacon of the Koman 
 
CHRISTIAN IRELAND. 
 
 35 
 
 Church, who, having been ordained Archbishop of all 
 Ireland, set out on his mission, accompanied by twelve 
 assistants, all as zealous as himself. They brought 
 with them some volumes of the Old and New Testa- 
 ment and several precious relics, including those of Sts. 
 Peter and Paul. They landed in the province of 
 Leinster, where they were badly received by the Pagans. 
 Jocelyn quotes a proverb current in the country, to the 
 effect that " God did not reserve for Paladius, but for 
 Patrick, the conversion of Ireland." However, they 
 remained for some time in the country, baptizing several 
 persons, and founded three churches — namely, Kill- 
 Pin, Teacli-na-Romanach, or "House of the Romans," 
 and Domnach-Arte. Paladius and his followers were ex- 
 pelled from the country by ISTathi, the then prince of 
 the province. This holy missionary withdrew to 
 Britain, and lived for some time among the Picts. bit. 
 Prosper places the mission of Paladius in Ireland 
 in the year 431 of the Christian era, while the Ven- 
 erable Bede fixes it eight years earlier. Be this 
 as it may, the conversion of Ireland remained for St. 
 Patrick. 
 
 The date of St. Patrick's birth and of his captivity 
 are also matters of much conjecture among historians. 
 It is generally agreed, though, that he was brought to 
 Ireland as one of NialPs captives. Tliis monarch invaded 
 Gaul in the vear 388, and we are inclined to the belief 
 that it was in this expedition the youth was made cap- 
 tive, and not in his subsequent one, in wliich Niall 
 perished. As Patrick was at the time of his captivity 
 entering upon his sixteenth year, this would place the 
 year of his birth in 372 or 373. WJien carried to 
 Ireland Patrick was sold to one Milcho-Mac-Iluanan, 
 a petty prince in Ulster, who lived near the mountain 
 of Slieve-MiSj and his two sisters were sold at the 
 
96 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 same time to parties living in the present County 
 Louth. 
 
 In his ''Confessions" he gives ns an account of how 
 he occupied his time during his captivity, and says: '* I 
 always became strengthened in the belief, love, and 
 fear of God, and prayed at least a hnndred times a day, 
 and as often during the night.'' Warned by a dream, 
 he made his escape in the seventh year of his captivity. 
 After undergoing many hardships and dangers, both 
 by sea and land, he arrived in his native country in 
 the year A. D. 396. 
 
 There he remained for some time, but admonished by 
 a vision to return to Ireland, in order to rescue the in- 
 habitants from the errors of idolatry, he resolved to 
 hearken to the voice as if it came from the Lord. He 
 was then about twenty-three years of age. He went 
 first to the Monastery of Marmontiers. which was built 
 near Tours by St. Martin. Here he spent some years 
 in the practice of piety and monastic discipline. He 
 went to Rome in the year 403, and was admitted a 
 regular student of St. John of Lateran, where he spent 
 some time. He afterwards visited many holy places 
 and shrines, and is said to have performed several 
 miracles. He lived under the holy St. Germain, Bishop 
 of Auxerre, several years. 
 
 Patrick was thirty-eifirht years of asre when the news 
 of Paladins' s death reached him. Acting on his own 
 inclination and the advice of St. Germain, he went to 
 Rome, carry inix letters from St. Germain to St. Celes- 
 tine, who was then Pope, recommending him for the 
 Irish mission. Celestine himself consecrated him and 
 appointed him Archbishop of Ireland, and sent him, 
 invested with apostolical authority, to preach the 
 Gospel to the inhabitants of that island. Twenty 
 priests and deacons were likewise ordained to accom 
 
CHRISTIAN IRELAND. 
 
 37 
 
 pany St. Patrick on his missioii. He returned to 
 Auxerre to take leave of St. Germain, and having re- 
 ceived several presents from this holy man, as well as 
 his benediction, he set out on a mission the most won- 
 derful in its result in Christian history. 
 
 He landed on the shores of Britain, and preached for 
 a short time in the neighborhood of Monevia, or St. 
 David's, in Wales. He also made a short visit to 
 Cornwall. Borlase saj^s: ' ' By persisting in their Druid- 
 ism the Britons of Cornwall drew the attention of St. 
 Patrick to them, who, about the year 432, with twenty 
 companions, halted on his way to Ireland on the shores 
 of Cornwall, where he is said to have built a monas- 
 tery." 
 
 St. Patrick landed in Ireland, in the County Wick- 
 low, in the year 432, and in the fourth year of the reign 
 of Laogare, Monarch of Ireland. He was vainly 
 opposed by iNathi, prince of that part of the country, 
 who had banished Paladins, who tried to incite the 
 Pagans against him. While here St. Patrick baptized 
 Senell, of the royal race of the Kings of Leinster, who 
 gladly aided him in his missionary labors. Soon 
 afterwards, being threatened by the inhabitants, in- 
 cited by their prince, he returned to his ships, and 
 after resting at an island near Dublin, since called 
 Inis-Phadruig after him, he sailed for the Xorth, 
 and landed in the Bay ot* Ilber-Slaeng, at present 
 Dundrum, in the County Down. Dichu, lord of the 
 territory, taking them for pirates, assembled his 
 ' followers to give them battle, but being suddenly struck 
 with the presence of St. Patrick, he was converted on 
 the spot and soon after baptized. This was the lirst 
 conversion in Ulster, and a church was built on the 
 spot, which is two miles from the present city of 
 Down. 
 
38 
 
 IRELAND, PAST A^D PRESENT. 
 
 After providing for tlie necessities of the rising 
 Church in that portion of Down, St. Patrick took leave 
 of his disciple Diclni, and returned to Meath. He 
 landed at a place called Cobbdi, below Drogheda, at 
 the mouth of the Boyne. His intention was to visit 
 Tara, the residence of the monarch, during a great 
 assembly of i)rinces, Druids, priests, and warriors, 
 which was convened tliere. On his journey he' Avas 
 hospitably received by Sesgnen, lord of the territory, 
 whom he baptized with his whole family. The Saint 
 and his followers arrived at a place, now Slaine, on the 
 Boyne, the day before Easter, and erected a tent there 
 in sight of Tara. The monarch ordered the Bael hre to 
 be lit, during which all other fires were to be ex- 
 tinguished. Patrick, disregarding the custom, lit a 
 huge fire in front of his tent, and was immediately 
 summoned before the monarch. Patrick approached 
 the august assembly, the most royal-looking man there, 
 and like Paul before Agrippa, he preached before them 
 th^ word of God in such convincing words that many, 
 even the Arch-Druid, Dubtach, and Ero, son of Dego, 
 who was afterwards Bishop of Slaine, poured forth 
 their praise of the true God. 
 
 It is said that the preaching of Patrick before this 
 assembly, representing a luition, was attended by mira- 
 cles and wonders. This we can credit, for there is 
 nothing on record like the success of Patrick's efforts at 
 Tara. There was a vast assemblage of great and learned 
 men, full of the su^^erstitions of their race and their 
 fathers, converted as if by a miracle. 
 
 The Saint next repaired to Tailton, where the annual 
 games and military exercises were celebrated, and 
 preached the Gospel to the nobles and their followers. 
 He soon converted a large number of nobles and 
 X^rincesses, including Ethne and Fedeline, daughters of 
 
CHRISTIAN IRELAND 
 
 39 
 
 Laogare, the monarch, and also the Druids Mael and 
 Caplaet, who were their tutors. 
 
 As we are not writing a life of St. Patrick, we can- 
 not follow him through his wonderful mission. On his 
 way from Tara he visited the Hy-Nialls, children of the 
 Monarch ]N"iall, who was brother to Laogare, who occu- 
 pied the southern portion of Meath, and made some 
 converts among them. He also baptized Eana, Prince 
 of Kinel-Eana, near the Shannon, together with his son 
 Cormac, afterwards Archbishop of Ardmach. In Bref ny, 
 the present County Leitrim, lie destroyed the great idol 
 Crom-Cruach, and baptized numbers of the inhabitants 
 and left priests to minister to them. 
 
 He next entered Connaught, where a prince of the 
 Hy-Brunes (O'Briens) gave him a large tract of land, now 
 called Elphin, where he founded an episcopal see. He 
 traveled through Clare and Gal way, making numerous 
 converts and establishing churches. At the approach 
 of Lent he entered to a high mountain near the coast, 
 now called Croagh-Phadruig, County Mayo., where he 
 spent forty days in meditation and prayer. While here, 
 Jocelyn says, he collected all the serpents and reptiles 
 in the country and cast them into the ocean, but there 
 is strong evidence that Ireland was exempt from poison- 
 ous animals long before the arrival of St. Patrick; in 
 fact, there is no proof that such ever existed on the 
 island at all. 
 
 After his retreat on the mountain he celebrated Easter 
 in the Church of Abha-Feehuir, in the territory of 
 Umaille, or O'Mally country. He preached for some 
 time in Tirawly, and proceeded along the River ]\foy, 
 until he reached Killala, where he built a clinn^h and 
 established an episcopal see, the first bishop of which 
 was St. Muredach. 
 
 After spending seven years spreading the Gospel in 
 
40 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Connaiightj he returned to Ulster in 441, visiting on his 
 way Sligeach-Magh-Ean, a large plain in Donegal near 
 Lough Earne. He traveled chieliy along the coast, visit- 
 ing several princes and chiefs, making numerous con- 
 verts and building innumerable churches. 
 
 St. Patrick, having completed his mission in the 
 districts bordering on Lough Foyle, crossed the river 
 Bann to Curbralhew, now Coleraine, and after preaching 
 there for some time he proceeded through the country 
 qf the Dalrieda, comprising Down and the southern 
 part of Antrim, ^vhere he founded several churches. 
 He next pleached along the borders of Lough Neagh 
 with equal success. 
 
 Being resolved on founding a metropolitan see, he 
 proceeded to Ardmach, which was so called from its ele- 
 vated position, or as some writers assert, from its being 
 the burial-place of Macha, wife of Prince Nievy. Herein 
 the year 445 St. Patrick laid the foundation both of a 
 city and church. He also erected around it monasteries 
 and schools which afterwards became celebrated. In 448 . 
 our holy Apostle held a synod at Armagh, and among the 
 bishops present were Auxil and Isernin, regular canons 
 of St. John of Lateran, who had accompanied him from 
 Rome. He also ordained several priests to attend to 
 the missions he had established. As yet St. Patrick had 
 not visited Munster, or even but a small portion of 
 Leinster. But in the meantime the light of the Gospel 
 was shed on the inhabitants. Writers of Irish eccle- 
 siastical history for the most part admit that when 
 Paladins was driven out of Ireland several of his fol- 
 lowers remained after him, preaching the Gospel. 
 Among them was St. Ibear, who fled to Beg-Erin, now 
 Bergy, in Wexford, where he established a church; St. 
 Kieran of Saigir, who also established a monastery there, 
 which was afterwards transferred to Kilkenny; St. 
 
CHRISTIAN IRELAND. 
 
 41 
 
 Beelan, who established a noted monastery at Ardmore, 
 County Waterford; and St. Ailbe, who established a 
 monastery at Emly in Tipperary, and was therefore the 
 first bishop of the see. 
 
 Having settled the affairs of the Church of Ardmach, 
 he proceeded to Leinster through Meath, and was every- 
 where received with great reverence and distinction. At 
 Bally- Ath-Cleath, now Dublin, all the people turned out 
 to welcome him; he baptized them all, including several 
 members of the king's family. St. Patrick spent the 
 whole of that year preaching in Leinster, where he 
 founded a great number of churches. He visited Leix, 
 Ossory, Hy-Kinsellagh, and baptized the son of the 
 King of Leinster. 
 
 He next proceeded to Munster, and going straight to 
 Cashel, was received by the king and his court. The 
 prince, Aongus, proved the sincerity of his faith, for 
 during the ceremony of baptism, the Saint having leaned 
 on his pastoral staff, which was pointed with iron, and 
 which by chance rested on Aongus' s foot, pierced it 
 through. The prince never complained, and when re- 
 monstrated with, he modestly replied that he thought 
 it was a part of the ceremony. It is said that St. 
 Patrick's precursors, Ailbe, Deelan, Kieran, and Hear, 
 joined him in a synod at Cashel and acknowledged him 
 as primate of the Church in Ireland, and he in return 
 confirmed them in the possession of their churches and 
 sees. From Cashel the Saint made a visitation to dif- 
 ferent parts of the country, to Cork and Kerry, preach- 
 ing the Gospel and establishing missions, after which 
 he returned to Cashel, where he was joyously received 
 by the king. Indeed, in such veneration was he held 
 by the royal family that a stone which he used in cele, 
 brating mass, called Leach-Phadruig, was placed 
 under the coronation chair. In the year 455 our Saint 
 
 * 
 
42 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST AND TKESEXT. 
 
 took his departure from Munster and returned to Ulster, 
 where he devoted his time to building churches, making 
 new converts, and strengthening old ones in tlie faith. 
 
 As if God had poured his blessing with his savings 
 truths on tlie country, during St. Patrick's mission a 
 time of profound peace prevailed, and Laogare sum- 
 moned a convention at Taia to reform the religious and 
 political affairs of the nation, at which assembly St. 
 Patrick and other bishops took their places instead o£ 
 the Druids, as heretofore. 
 
 Our glorious Saint lived to see the Church fully es- 
 tablished in Ireland. Though advanced in years, ' he 
 never relaxed in his spiritual or temporal exercises. 
 He always traveled on foot, slept on the bare ground, 
 recited the x^salter, besides a number of hymns and 
 prayers every day. At length, rich in virtue and 
 cheered by the prosperous state of the Church in 
 Ireland, he went to his reward in the year 493, in the 
 one hundred and twentieth year of Lis age, in the reign 
 of the monarch Luglias YII. and the pontificate of St. 
 Gesalius, liaving, during his long and laborious mis- 
 sionary career, converted all Ireland, built three hun- 
 dred and sixtv-five churches, consecrated over three 
 hundred bishops, and ordained about three thousand 
 priests. He was not buried in the Monastery of Sab- 
 hall, where he died, nor in Ardmach, his primatical see, 
 but in the city of Down, where his remains were long 
 lionored on account of the miracles and graces granted 
 by God to the faithful through his saintly intercession. 
 
 The growth of Christianity in Ireland was as won- 
 derful as its introduction. In less than a century after 
 the arrival of St. Patrick, by the labors and pious zeal 
 of its disciples, the land became covered with churches 
 and monasteries, which were filled with devout wor- 
 shii^ers. Eaiinent schools and seminaries flourished, 
 
PAGAN IRELAND. 
 
 43 
 
 whicli soon became the resort for students from all 
 parts of Europe, and which supplied their colleges with 
 teachers, their churches with monks and missionary 
 prie'sts. Among Patrick's great successors were St. 
 Brigid, the Mary of Ireland," who is venerated as 
 the patroness of the countrj^. She was born during the 
 lifetime of St. Patrick, and most likely received his 
 benediction, for she founded the celebrated Monastery 
 of Kildare in the vear 480, where she died in her seven- 
 tieth year, A. D. 525. Monastic schools sprang up 
 throughout the country, among the most famous of 
 which were Mayo, founded by St. Ailbe; Clowes, by 
 St. Tigernach; " Arran of the Saints," by St. Enda; 
 Clonard, by St. Finian; Louth, by St. Mochta; Tuam, 
 by St. Jarlath: Moville, by St. Finian; Clonfert Malua, 
 by St. Malua; Clon Mac-Noise, by St. Kieran; and 
 Lismore, by St. Carthagh. The chief objects of these 
 sacred retreats were to educate holy men, who might 
 devote their lives to prayer, meditation, and study, 
 and educate boys as missioners to spread the Gospel in 
 other lands, as well as to provide for the wants of the 
 poor and needy. 
 
 In the words of Montalembert, in these sacred retreats 
 ''were trained an entire population of philosophers, of 
 writers, of architects, of carvers, of painters,- of cali- 
 graphers, of musicians, poets, and historians; but above 
 all, of missionaries and preachers, destined to spread 
 the light of the Gospel and of Christian education, 
 not only in all the Celtic countries, of which Ireland 
 was always the nursing mother, but throughout Europe, 
 among all the Teutonic races — among the Fianks and 
 Burgundians, who were already masters of Gaul, as 
 well as amid the dwellers by the Rhine and the 
 Danube, and up to the frontiers of Italy." This is no 
 vain or eulogistic tribute, foi there is little doubt but 
 
44 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 the celebrated St. Brendan crossed the Atlantic and 
 landed in America. The great Virgilias (O'Farrell), 
 Bishop of Saltzburg, who asserted the sphericity of 
 the earth in the eighth century, was an Irishman.- It 
 is an admitted fact that when the mission of St. 
 Augustine had failed in England, the Irish monks 
 succeeded in Christianizing wholly or partially live 
 out of the seven kingdoms of the Heptarchy. lona, 
 the shrine of Columbkill, spread its Christian light 
 over Scotland and Wales. 
 
 An Irishman is the patron saint of Austria; and to 
 missionary Irish priests Gaul, Switzerland, and Ger- 
 many chiefly owe the introduction of Christianity. 
 Irishmen have reason to be proud of these facts, yet 
 how little is generally known of the lives and labors 
 of the great men who have made the literature of Ire- 
 land famous, and who have borne from her shores the 
 standard of the Cross, to unfurl its sacred folds on the 
 Christian battle fields of the world. 
 
THE ISLAND OF SAINTS. 
 
 45 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 IRELAND THE ISLAND OF SAINTS. 
 
 The Banish Invasion — From the Arrival of the Danes 
 to that of the Anglo-Normans — The Battle of Clon- 
 tarf. 
 
 Although the Christian religion was universally 
 established in Ireland at the time of St. Patrick's death, 
 and both princes and people worshiped, the true God, 
 it appears that the monarch had apostatized, and we 
 are informed in history that his death was caused by 
 lightning at Acliacharea, in Meath, and his descendants 
 were excluded from the throne, as St. Patrick foretold 
 they would be in chastisement for their impiety. 
 
 In the reign of Dermid, which commenced A.D. 
 544, a terrible plague broke out in Ireland, which carried 
 off nearly one- third of the people. Tiie celebrated St. 
 Columba, or Columbkill, Apostle of the Picts, flourished 
 about this time, and established the renowned Monas- 
 tery of lona in Scotland. 
 
 During the reign of Dermid a national assembly was 
 held at Tara, at which a certain prince, having com- 
 mittal an act of violence, fled for safety to a church 
 near by, but the monarch ordered him to be broughc 
 forth and put to death. To punish this violation of the 
 right of sanctuary, the clergy, headed by St. Ruadan, 
 passed in solemn procession around Tara, invoking the 
 malediction of God upon it. From that day no king 
 
46 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 ever safc at Tara, and soon afterwards Dermid was killed 
 in battle. After this the monarchs usuall}^ dwelt at 
 , Ail each in Ulster, but their influence was greatly 
 weakened by the estrangement of the other provinces, 
 each of which contended for the chief capital. During 
 the reign of Hugh 11. , who ascended the throne A.D. 
 572, a great national assembly or convention was held 
 at Dromkeat, for the purpose of taking measures to 
 check the growing power and insolence of the bards; 
 also, to regulate the tribute on the Irish colony in 
 Albania, and to depose the Prince of Ossory for refusing 
 to pay tribute to the supreme monarch. The con- 
 vention was presided over by the monarch in person. 
 St. Columba and Aidan, King of Dalradia, were also 
 present to plead the cause of the Albanian colony. 
 Through the influence of St. Columba the bards were 
 spared the suppression which threatened them, and 
 were snbjected to certain salutary regulations and 
 restrictions, and were also assigned land on which to 
 reside, on condition that they would give free instruc- 
 tion to all who sought it. The colony of Dalradia in 
 Scotland was declared free and independent of either 
 tribute or homage to the Monarch of Ireland, while the 
 case of the Prince of Ossorv was left nndecided. 
 
 Hugh III. ascended the throne in ^93, but little 
 is known of his reign. Indeed, so great was the 
 sanctity of the nation and the piety of the people at 
 this period, that the annalists, who were generally 
 monks, devoted their labors more to the ecclesiastical 
 than to the civil affairs of the nation. On this account 
 the history of the times is barren in everything except 
 the founding of monasteries and religions institutions, 
 some of \vliich became renowned not only at home, but 
 also throughout Europe. Indeed, we might justly 
 attribute the rapid s^iread of the Gospel iu Europe, in a 
 
THE ISLAND OF SAINTS. 
 
 47 
 
 greafc measure, to the nionastic institutions of Ireland. 
 They sent forth their missionary j)riests to plant the 
 Cross in lands shrouded in the darkness of Pagan 
 infidelity, and to coniirm the converts already embraced 
 in the fold, by instructing them to practice the faith 
 and dedicate themselves to God, and by giving them 
 examples, by their exemplary lives, of the observance 
 of all pious works of sanctity and charity, as well as 
 how to practice penance and self-mortilications. 
 
 Even where St. xiugustine, who was sent A. D. 596 
 by Pope Gregor3^ the Great, with a body of monks, to 
 preach the Gospel to the Saxons, failed, — for he, only 
 succeeded in converting Kent, — the Irisli monks, aided 
 by those from lona, soon spread the light among the 
 inliabitants, and succeeded in bringing them within the 
 fold of the true God. Camden, an English historian, 
 speaking of these missionaries, says the disciples of 
 St. Patrick made such great progress in Christianity, 
 that in the following age Ireland was called the ' Island 
 of Saints,' " and none could be more learned and holy 
 than the Irish monks in their own country, in Britain, 
 and on the Continent of Europe. Even the Venerable 
 Bede, the father of English lustor}^ declares that dur- 
 ing this age "Ireland supplied all Europe with multi- 
 tudes of zealous missionaries, who announced the name 
 of Jesus Christ among some nations, and revived it 
 among others." 
 
 Among Ireland's great missionary priests of the time 
 was St. Columbanus, who about the year 58.) left 
 Ireland with twelve companions and passed into Gaul. 
 On account of the invasion of the barbarians and the 
 general negligence among the clergy there, many 
 abuses existed and discipline was entirel}^ neglected. 
 Our Saint attacked the abuses in the Church, and the 
 sanctity of his life added weight to hi^ instructions, 
 
48 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESE> 
 
 and induced numbers to abandon their evil ways and ^ 
 become zealous members of the Church. His reputa- 
 tion at length reached King Gontram of Burgundy, • 
 wlio gave him land, on which he built the famous . 
 Monastery of Luxevil, and afterwards that of 
 Fontaine. His labors and piety were so great that he 
 has been recognized as the Apostle of Eastern France. 
 He next preached to the Pagans in Switzerland, and then 
 went preaching the Gospel into Italy, where he was 
 well received by King Agilulph of Lombardy, where 
 he established the great Monastery of Bobbio, in which 
 he died in 615. 
 
 The town of St. Gall, in France, was called after St. 
 Gall, a follower of Columbaniis, who founded a cele- 
 brated monastery there; St. Fridolin followed in their 
 footsteps, and his memory was celebrated for centuries 
 in Lorraine, Alsace, Germany, and Switzerland, where 
 he died A. D. 725. The great and learned Feargal, 
 commonly called Virgilius, was also a distinguished 
 Irish missionarv, who arrived in France A. D. 743. 
 King Pepin became greatly attached to him and 
 recommended him to Otho, Duke of Bavaria, on whose 
 recommendation he was appointed Abbot of Saltzburg, 
 where, after a zealous and rather stormy life, he died, 
 A. D. 785. 
 
 These are but a few of the great Irish monks who went 
 forth, like the Apostles, preaching the Gospel and 
 spreading the seed of Christianity in their path. 
 While the mother hive was pouring forth swarms of 
 missionaries over Europe, those who remained behind 
 were building churches and monasteries, establishing 
 free schools, to which the youth from England, Scotland, 
 and France Hocked for their education, tilling the 
 soil, and bringing the waste lands into cultivation, and 
 lastly, but not least, in copying the Gospel, committing 
 
, ^- - THE ISLAND OF SAlNTSv - 40 
 
 the aroluyns of the country to liistory, and in elaborat- 
 ing and ri'uiscribing those wonderful liistorical records, 
 many of which are preserved to the present day. 
 Some idea may be formed of the leai-ned state of 
 Ireland during this period, and the reputation her 
 schools had attained, when we state that over eight hun- 
 dred students attendei Lismore universities; abont ihe 
 same number were educated at E-athlin, while lil'teen 
 hundred were educated at Devenish; and Bangor, 
 Clonard, Armadown, and Armagh fed, clothed, and 
 educated over three thousand students each, and of 
 these a large number were entertained and educated 
 free. . 
 
 The great Universities of Paris and Pavia were 
 founded by two Irish monks, namely, Clement and 
 Albin, during the reign of Charlemagne. Within this 
 period it has been calculated that the Irish monks es- 
 tablished in England twelve monasteries; in Scotland, 
 thirteen; in Belgium, nine; in France, nineteen; in 
 Alsace, ten; in Lorraine, seven; in Bavaria, sixteen; 
 in Italy, six; in Switzerland and Thuringia, fifteen. 
 In the same period, or since the introduction of Chris- 
 tianity down to the Danish invasion, Ireland produced 
 more than five hundred saints, of whom forty-four were 
 venerated in Enghmd; forty-five in France, of whom 
 six were martyrs; thirty in Belgium; one hundred and 
 fifty in Germany, of whom thirty-six were martyrs; 
 thirteen in Italy; and eight in Iceland and JNoi wav, all 
 of whom were martyred, besides several in Scotland 
 and elsewhere. So renowned had the schools of 
 Ireland become that tlie Venerable Bede tells us that 
 *Mn the time of Finian and Colman (seventh century) 
 many nobles and others of the English nation were liv- 
 ing. in Ireland, whither they had gone either to culti- 
 vate the sacred studies, or to lead more chaste lives. 
 
50 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST A^'D PRESE^'T. 
 
 Some became monks, and others merely attended the 
 monasteries to hear the lectures of the professors. But 
 all were cheerfully received by the Irish, who supjilied 
 them gratis with books and teachers." 
 
 Among the distinguished foreigners educated in 
 Ireland were Eanfrid, King of Bernicia; Oswald and 
 Alcfrid, Kings of North umbria; Dagobert, King of 
 Austrasia, and King Alfred of England. Camden, the 
 English historian, tells us that ''anciently the Saxons 
 tlocked to Ireland as a mart of sacred learnins:,'' and 
 the fact is frequently mentioned in the lives of the 
 eminent men among them, of wiiom it is related that, 
 
 "With love of Icarnin? and example fiff^d. 
 To Ireland, famed for wisdom, they retired. ' 
 
 THE DANISH IXVASIOX. 
 
 Hugh VI. ascended the throne of Ireland A. D. 797. 
 At this period the Clmrch was fully established in the 
 country. There were bishops and pastors everywhere; 
 every section had its church, and every church its 
 pastor. It is possible that a diocese was then incon- 
 siderable, for while in Ireland to day there are only 
 twenty-eight bishops, there were in the time of St. 
 Patrick more than three hundred bishops in the island. 
 The Church liad attained its brightest eminence at this 
 I>eriod, for with the incursion of the barbarians, as the 
 Danes were designated, A. D. 795, a reign of blood, 
 rapine, and carnage ensued. Towns, churches, .and 
 monasteries were burned without remorse, the clergy 
 and people were massacred or carried away as slaves, 
 and terror and devastation overspread the land. 
 
 The Danes were natives of !Norway and Denmark. 
 They were Pagans, lierce and warlike in battle, for 
 they believed that their future happiness depended 
 
THE DANISH IXVASIOX. 
 
 51 
 
 ou tlieir bravery and the number they killed in battle. 
 They were armed with a battle-axe, a two-edged sword, 
 bow and javelin, and a large leathern shield. They 
 were, properly speaking, a colony of Goths, and called 
 Danes after a celebrated chief named Dan, son of 
 Hamel, whom they had chosen for their monarch. 
 Denmark and 'Norway were allied together by their 
 geographical position and by the claims of common 
 kindred, and as their poj)ulation increased they made 
 inroads on Gaul and the coasts of Britain. They were 
 great navigators and noted pirates, and soon swept the 
 neighboring coasts with their formidable fleets led on 
 by their daring Vikings, or Sea Kings, as they were 
 justly called. Such was the enemy that ravaged the 
 coasts of Europe in the ninth and tenth centuries, and 
 checked the X)rogress of Charlemagne in the conquest 
 of the Saxons. In France tliev were called Xormans, 
 w^hich signifies IN'orth-men, or more properly from the 
 fact that they took possession of that part of the 
 country called Xormandy, which some writers hold 
 was named after them. In England they were called 
 Ostmans, that is, people from the East, while in Ireland 
 they were called in the language of the country 
 
 Lochlaminigs," which signifies "powerful at sea." 
 So that in most histories we find them desii^nated bv 
 different names, including those of Danes, Norwegians, 
 and Normans. 
 
 According to Irish annals the Danes first appeared 
 on the Irish coast in 795. They laid waste the country 
 bordering the sea in Albania, and pillaged the isle of 
 Rachlin in the County Antrim, and carried off several 
 of the inliabitants as captives. In 798 they made 
 another raid on the coasts of the north of Ireland and 
 the Hebrides. Their object at first was plunder, but 
 being pleased with the fertility of the country and the 
 
52 IRELAND, PAST A>D FKESTJUT, 
 
 rich spoils of its monasteries, they resolved to conqner 
 it. They landed on the coast of Munster. having with 
 them a chosen body of troops and a tieer of fiiry vessels. 
 They commenced pillaging and massacring on all sides, 
 laying waste the province. Airtre, Kingof Mnnster.gave 
 them battle and drove them back to their vessels with 
 great slaughter. About the same time they pillaged 
 lona and massacred the monks in the abbev. Soon 
 
 m 
 
 after this, A. B. 812, another Danish fleet landed troops 
 on the coasts of Monster, but were again defeated with 
 great loss by Feidlime, successor to King Airtre. At 
 the same time another fleet landed trooi)s on the 
 eastern coasts. They advanced into the country, spread- 
 ing terror and dismay on all sides. Tbey ravaged the 
 celebrated Abbey of Bangor and killed the abbot with 
 nine hundred monks. Another body landed at Wexford 
 and laid waste the country before them, burned churches 
 and monasteries, and massacred their inhabitants. 
 The troops of Ossory gave them battle and defeated 
 them with great loss, the Danes leaving seven hundred 
 dead on the field. Not disheartenedbydeieats, but rather 
 stimulated by the richness of the spoils in prospect, 
 they landed a larsre force in Limerick, which commenced 
 its career of rapine and masc^acre. They were again 
 defeated and comi>elled to take to their ships for 
 safety. They seemed discouraged by their repeated 
 defeats, but in reality were only preparing to make a 
 more resolute and combined attack on Scotia, as their 
 chroniclers call Ireland, a name by which the country 
 was best known in the ninth century. 
 
 About the year 818 Tureesms landed with a formida- 
 ble fleet in the north of Ireland. He had the reputation 
 of being a great warrior, but was a cruel, vindictive 
 tyrant. On the news of his arrival, all the Danes who 
 had been foolishly allowed to settle in the country 
 
THE DANISH INVASION 
 
 53 
 
 joined him. Turgesiiis commenced opeiations by issu- 
 ing orders to spare neither age nor sex. As there were 
 no fortifications in the country, the Danes commenced 
 the system of throwing up forts to protect ilieni 
 wherever the\ encamped for any time, or found it 
 necessary to leave a guard, so that in the course of 
 time the countrv became covered with forts, the remains 
 of which still exist. 
 
 Turgesius stationed a part of his fleet in Longh 
 Neagb, another in Lough Rea, and the rest in front of 
 Limerick. From these fleets and the raths or garri- 
 sons established near them Turgesius poured forth liis 
 troops to deluge in blood tlie country. The tyrant's 
 orders were too faithfully executed. The church and 
 abbey of Armagh were plundered three times in one 
 month, and the monks and the seven thousand students 
 w^iich it contained were either assassinated or j)ut to 
 flight. On all sides, monasteries and churches were 
 ruthlessly plundered, and their inmates butchered. 
 While Turgesius was devastating the country, L'eland 
 was distracted and divided by internecine wars and 
 feuds between lier princes and rulers. 
 
 Hugh, the Monarch o^ L'eland, instead of concentrat- 
 ing his forces against the Danes, waged war on the 
 people of Leinster. In this reign the wrath of God 
 seemed to visit the country: over a thousand persons 
 w^ere killed by lightni-ng, the sea deluged a large section 
 of the country, and the island of Inisfidlie was rent in 
 three parts by an earthquake. 
 
 Hugh, who died in 819, was succeeded by King 
 Conquovar, or Connor, who felt more keenly than his 
 predecessor the misfortunes of the country. He col- 
 lected all his forces to oppose the Danes, who now 
 began to establish themselves permanenll)' in the 
 country, and gave them battle at Tailton, where they 
 
54 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 were signally defeated. Tlie Danes were able to protect 
 themselves within their forts until thev received rein- 
 forcements from their own country. In a fierce battle 
 with the inhabitants of Leinster soon afterwards, the 
 * Danes were again victorious. 
 
 Conquovar made desperate efforts to unite the warring 
 Irish cliiefs against the invaders, but failed, and it is 
 said that he died of a broken heart. He was succeeded 
 by Niall, son of Hugh lY., who made efforts to expel 
 the Danes. In 835, reinforcements having arrived from 
 Norway, the Danes laid waste the j^rovince of Con- 
 nanght, with part of Meatli and Leinster. The}' also 
 devastated a great part of Ulster, demolislied the 
 churches, and treated the Christians with all kinds of 
 savnge brutality. They again seized on Armagh, and 
 burned the Monasteries of Inis Keattrach, Clon-Mac- 
 Koise, Tirdi glass, and several others. 
 
 The year 840 was remarkable for the destruction of 
 the Picts in Scotland. After a long war the Scots de- 
 feated them and their King, Kenneth, and incorporated 
 their territory with their own, thus establishing the 
 Kingdom oC Scotland. 
 
 While the Normans were pouring hordes of their 
 daring adventurers into Ireland, the Irisli princes were 
 CLt war with each other. We find the King of Cashel 
 making war on some of his refractory subjects, and the 
 monarcii more bent on chastising refractory princes than 
 on expelling the Danes. However, after having crushed 
 out several revolts, he defeated the Danes in numerous 
 engagements. Niall, having defeated the Danes in the 
 territory of Tirconnel, was on his return home, when 
 unfortunately he was drowned in crossing the river at 
 Callan, County Kilkenny. The village was since called 
 Callan, after Niall' s additional name of ''Caiile," and 
 the river is still known as the King's River. 
 
THE DANISH INVASION. 
 
 55 
 
 After tlie death of Niall-Caille, the throne of Ireland 
 remained vacant for some time, and the followers of 
 Turgesius declared him king. Troops were sent from 
 Norway to sustain his claims. This exasperated the 
 Irish princes and chiefs so greatly that for a time they 
 forgot their private quarrels and made common cause 
 against the enemy, and defeated the Danes in several 
 engagements. At Ardbracan, in Meath, they were de- 
 feated by the tribe of the Dailgais, The Kings of 
 Cashel and Leinster joined their forces and defeated 
 them at Scia-Naght, slaying Tomair, their chief and 
 heir to the crown of Denmark, and twelve hundred men. 
 They were again defeated at Cashel and Limerick, as 
 also in several engagements in Meath and West Meath. 
 
 The Danes w^ere now desperate, and should soon have 
 been compelled to leave the island if only followed up 
 in the same vigorous manner, but the Irish chiefs had 
 their own quarrels to settle, and new reinforcements 
 pouring in from Norway, Turgesius was again able to 
 act on the offensive, and soon made himself master of 
 Dublin and established a strong colony of Danes around 
 it in the territory of Fingal. He became so formidable 
 that he actually assumed supreme power, and com- 
 menced to regulate the affairs of both Church and State. 
 He was fast reducing the country to a state of servitude 
 and ignorance, for he had placed his soldiers to garri- 
 son each village or house, had burnt and destroyed 
 the monasteries and colleges with their stores of leari-- 
 ing, and was fast driving the country into a state of 
 barbarism, when his cruel reign was brought to a bloody 
 end. . The tyrant fell in love with Melcha, daughter of 
 Malachi, Prince of Meath. He asked her from her father. 
 Had he refused the barbarian, it would be certain de. 
 struction to himself and family; so he formed a scheme 
 to get rid of the oppressor, and possibly of the invaders. 
 
56 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 He i)retended to accept liis offer, only stipulating that 
 fifteen' young ladies should accompany her on her 
 marriage-day. This being agreed upon, Malachi se- 
 lected fit teen beardless youths, who were dressed in 
 female attire, and secretly armed. On the festival 
 night Turgesius with some of his officers indulged freely 
 in wine, when the youths, throwing off their disguise, 
 seized and bound him, and then threw oj)en the gates 
 to Malachi and his followers, who burst in, killing all 
 who opposed them. Turgesius himself w^as bound and 
 flung into L(jugh Yair, where he perished. A general 
 rising of the Irish and a wholesale massacre of the 
 Danes followed. The latter, having lost their daring 
 leader, made a small show of resistance, and most of 
 them fled from the island. 
 
 In their gratitude to Malachi for their deliverance 
 from the Danes, the people declared him their monarch. 
 Malachi proved to be a wise and valiant prince, and de- 
 feated the Danes in several engagements. He restored 
 peace and tranquillity to the nation, religion iigain 
 flourished, the churches and monasteries were again 
 rebuilt, and the princes and people restored to their 
 inheritance. He did not suffer much from new inva- 
 sions, for the adventurers from Denmark and Norway 
 quarreled among themselves, and the consequence was 
 that as long as they remained divided they ceased to be 
 formidable to any foreign power. 
 
 The expelled Normans, unable to regain their hold by 
 force of arms, had recourse to diplomacy. The brothers 
 ..of Turgesius traded with the Irish, and their friends 
 /largely colonized Waterford, Limerick, and Dublin 
 under the pretense of trade. In time they became for- 
 midable, and even killed the King of Munster in a 
 skirmish. Malachi, desiring to visit Rome on a pious 
 pilgrimage, sent ambassadors and presents to the court 
 
THE DANISH INVASION. 
 
 57 
 
 of Charles the Bald, of France, to inform him of his 
 victories over the Danes, as well as to apprise him of 
 his desire to pass through France on his way to Rome. 
 The King of France received the ambassadors with dis- 
 tinction, and favored the Irish so much that he had 
 many saintly and learned men of that nation around 
 him. 
 
 Notwithstanding the troubles which disturbed Mala- 
 chi's reign, this pious prince governed his subjects with 
 equity and justice. He formed alliances with foreign 
 princes, and gained several victories over the enemies 
 of his country, but his weakness in having given a foot- 
 ing to the Danes in the seaport towns of the island, 
 after the cruelties they had perpetrated, lessens con- 
 siderably the opinion we should entertain of his wisdom 
 and judgment. Malachi died A..D. 863, much regretted, 
 and was interred with much pomp at Clon-Miic-Noise. 
 
 Hugh VII., son of Niall-Caille, who was drowned 
 at Callan, succeeded Malachi. He was married to a 
 daughter of Kenneth, King of Scotland. During the 
 I'eign of this monarch and that of his successor, Flann, 
 son of Malachi, the Danes again became formidable, 
 and burned several monasteries. They might have 
 fully regained their power had not quarrels broken 
 out among themselves. In 892 Godfrey, son of Ivor, 
 the Danish prince, was assassinated in Dublin by the 
 intrigues of his brother Sitrick, which conflict divided 
 the Danes into two factions. Sitrick did not long- 
 survive his fratricide, for he w^as killed by his own 
 people. 
 
 f The reign of Flann, was on the whole rather pros- 
 perous for Ireland, for, although the Danes succceeded 
 in plundering Clonard, Armagh, Cork, and Lismore, 
 they were too much divided among themselves to make 
 general war on the Irish; besides, at this time, Harold, 
 
58 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 wlio ruled Norway, had made war against the Sea 
 Kings, and attacking tliem in their strongholds, pur- 
 sued them with so much vigor that these pirates were 
 unable to give much attention to foreign expeditions. ^ 
 
 During this reign also Alfred the Great ruled in Eng- 
 land, and brought from Ireland monks for his monas- 
 teries and learned men as professors in the English 
 universities. 
 
 The throne of Munster was occupied by Cormac Mac- 
 Cullenan, Bishop of Cashel, who was crowned king 
 A. D. 900. He compiled the " Saltair of Cashel." He 
 allowed himself to be drawn into a foolish war with the 
 Monarch Flann, and marched into Leinster, where he 
 and six thousand of his followers were slain in a battle 
 fought at a place called Beallach-Mugna, in the year 
 907. He was both a spiritual and a temporal prince. 
 Olcoliar, who died in 851, and Cenfoelad, who died in 
 872, were at the same time Kings of Cashel and Bishops 
 of Emly. 
 
 The Danes, having again regained their power in 
 Dublin, threatened the conquest of all Ireland. Tlieir 
 most powerful enemies were the Kings of Munster, who 
 kept up a continual contlicfc with them. Keallachan, 
 King of Cashel, greatly signalized himself against the 
 Danes. Sitrick, chief of the Danes, offered him his 
 sister in marriage, and also to conclude an alliance 
 offensive and defensive. Under such promises, he suc- 
 ceeded in getting the king into his hands as a prisoner. 
 Kennede, who administered the government during the 
 king's absence, sent his army of Munster men to re- 
 venge the cowardly trick. They were under command 
 of Donnogh MacKeefe, Prince of Fermoighe, an ex- 
 perienced general. At the same time Kennede dis- 
 patched a fleet under command of the Prince of Des- 
 mond to attack the Danish ships. Donnogh followed 
 
THE DAIS^ISII INVASION. 69 
 
 the Danes to Dnndalk, driving tliem from Armngh. 
 They embarked on board llieir ships, only to encounter 
 the Irish fleet under Fionn, Prince of Desmond, and 
 one of the most obstinate encounters on record took a 
 place. 
 
 Faillihe-Fionn closed on the Danish fleet, and desirous 
 of setting his troops the example, he leaped, sword in 
 hand, into the Danish admiral's ship, in which was 
 Sitrick, his brother Tor, and Magnus, and Keallachan, 
 King of Munster, w^ho was tied to the mast. This brave 
 man and his followers made dreadful havoc among the 
 enemy, and clearing a passage to his king, he cut his 
 bonds and set him at liberty, but he was slain while 
 doing so. Prince Fiongall, seeing the conflict doubtful, 
 rushed on Sitrick, and seizing him by the body, threw 
 himself into the sea, where both perished. Seagda and 
 Conall, two other chiefs, flred by this example, seized 
 on Tor and Magnus, and in like manner jumped into 
 the sea with them. The Danes, having lost their com- 
 manders, soon gave w^ay and their fleet was routed with 
 great slaughter. Keallachan returned with the army 
 to Munster and pursued the Danes with implacable 
 hostility. 
 
 Godfrid, King of the Ostmans of Dublin, pillaged 
 Armagh in 921, but was defeated near Limerick in an 
 expedition to support the Danes of Munster. About 
 this time the Danes made a raid on Roscrea, in Tippe- 
 rary, during the celebrated fair which was held there 
 on the feast of Sts. Peter and Paul, but were routed 
 with a loss of four thousand men and their chief, 
 Oilflnn. 
 
 We cannot devote space in this resume of Irish his- 
 tory to narrate the innumerable battles which took 
 place between the Irish and the Danes. About the 
 year 950 the Danes began to embrace the Christian re- 
 
60 
 
 IRELAND, TAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 ligion and to intermarry with the natives, whicli tended 
 greatly to soften their tierce natures. 
 
 During the reign of Malachi II., who succeeded liis 
 father A. D. 980, the Danes again became formidable. 
 They were defeated by the monarch at Tara, w^here five 
 thousand of their number, including their chiefs, were 
 slain. He defeated the Danes who held the territory 
 of Feangal, and captured the city of Dublin, releasing 
 several Irishmen held jnisoners there. 
 
 Brian, King of Munster, was also carrying on a fierce 
 warfare against the enemy, and pursued them as far as 
 Dublin, after killing six thousand of them in one 
 engagement. 
 
 The Danes were in alliance with the Prince of Leinster, 
 and owing to this fact, and the weakness of Malachi, 
 there was danger of their conquering the country. 
 The princes of Munster and Connaught, fearing such a 
 result, decided that the sceptre as Ardrigh should be 
 transferred to the warlike Brian, King of Munster, 
 named Boiroimhe, son of Kennede, and grandson of 
 Lorcan, of the race of Heber Fionn, who having received 
 the abdication of Malachi at Athlone, A. D. 1002, was 
 declared monarch of all Ireland. Brian, having received 
 the fealty of O'Connor, King of Connaught, Hugh. 
 O'Neill, King of Ulster, and other princes and chiefs, 
 repaired to Tara, where lie was solemnly crowned. 
 
 In ills reign surnames were adopted in Ireland, and 
 O and Mac were as honorable prefixes to show that 
 the persons using them were descendants of some 
 faniil v. 
 
 After the assembly at Tara had dissolved. Brian re- 
 tired to Kincora, near Killaloe, on the banks of the 
 Shannon, where he held court. The most remarkable 
 event in Brian's life was the battle of Clontarf, which 
 originated as follows : Maelmurra, Prince of Lainster, 
 
THE DANISH INVASIOJf. 
 
 Gl 
 
 was taunted at a game of cliess by MiirroagL, Brian's 
 eldest son. Maelnmrra vowed vengeance, and in order 
 to gratify liis revenge, opened negotiations with the 
 Danes, and sending his agents to England, Denmark, 
 and the Isle of Man, also to the Orkneys, the Hebrides, 
 and the coasts of Scotland, he entered into an allinnce 
 with them, w^hile, on the other hand, thej^ were only 
 too glad of so favorable a chance to conquer the countr}-. 
 King Brian, justly alarmed at the vast preparations 
 making by Maelnmrra and his Danish allies, set to 
 work with his usual energ}^ and being nobly seconded 
 by Malachi, the dethroned monarch, the King of Con- 
 naught, and by nearly all the other Irish princes, the 
 aged monarch, who was eighty-eight years of age, found 
 himself at the head of an army of about twenty thou- 
 sand men. All things being ready, the}^ commenced 
 their march for Dublin, where at a place called Clontarf, 
 a short distance from the city, the Leinster troops and 
 their Danish allies, numbering about the same as Brian's 
 army, awaited them. Fourteen hundred of the Danes 
 were in chain armor, and were under command of such 
 brave warriors as Anrud, Bradiir, Sigur, and Canuteson. 
 The Irish forces were led by Murrough and the Princes 
 of Miinster, Meath, and Con naught. This battle, which 
 took place on Good Frida}^, 23d of April, 1014, thongh 
 desperate and sanguinar}^ was glorious to the Irish, 
 who gained a complete victory over the enemy. The 
 loss on both sides was verv crreat. The enemv lost 
 about twelve thousand men, including Maelmurra, King 
 of Leinster, with two sons of the King of Denmai k, and 
 several of their most noted chiefs. The Irish lost about 
 seven thousand, including the monarch himself, wlio 
 was killed in his tent by a fugitive Dane ; his son Mur- 
 rough, wlio commanded the army; and his grandson, 
 and several chiefs and princes. This celebrated battle 
 
62 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 cruslied the power of the Danes, destroyed their hope 
 of conquest, and gave prestige to the arms of Ireland 
 , throughout Europe. 
 
 After the battle of Clontarf, Malachi, who had been 
 dethroned twelve years before, ascended the throne of 
 Ireland, and Donnough O'Brien, Prince of Thomoud, 
 who led back the Munster troops from Clontarf, was 
 declared King of Munster. 
 
 The Danes never recovered from the effects of Clon- 
 tarf, and though they made feeble efforts to regain 
 their ascendenc}', they were defeated in several engage- 
 ments by Prince Malachi and his successors, "until in 
 the reign of Tliurlough I.. A. D. 1072, tliey finally 
 acknowledged allegiance to the Monarch of Ii'eland." 
 
THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 63 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 THE ANGLO NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 From ilie Landing of the Saxon Invaders down to tlie 
 Protestant Reformation — Art IlacMur rough — How 
 Ireland loas Betrayed — Disunion and Jealousy the 
 Ruin of Ireland. 
 
 Religion in Ireland, which had fallen into many 
 abuses during the long wars with the Danes, was again 
 purified, and many noble churches and monasteries 
 were built, such as the Church of Kildare, in 1060; 
 St. Patrick's, Dublin, in 1070; Holy Cross Abbey, in 
 1080; and the Cathedrals of Cork, Limerick, and 
 Waterford, about the same time. Ireland was freed 
 from the barbarous inroads of the Danes, and might 
 have been happy and prosperous, only for the ambi- 
 tious jealousies of her kings and jninces, who were con- 
 tinually at war with each other, thus harassing the 
 country and keeping the people divided into warring 
 factions. The wars between the various claimants to 
 the throne of Ireland paved the way for the English 
 invasion under Henrv II. 
 
 In the year 1153 Devorgil], wife of O'Rourke, Prince 
 of Breffny, eloped with Dermod MacMurrough, King 
 of Leinster, an act which has entailed almost as much 
 misery on Ireland as the eating of the forbidden fruit 
 by Mother Eve has on the human race. In the year 
 1154 Henry II. ascended the throne of England, ;\nd 
 
C4 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 in the same year Nicholas Breakspeare, an English- 
 maTi, ^vas elected Pope. MacMurrough had drawn 
 upon himself the vengeance of Roderick, Monarch of 
 Ireland, and other princes, for his dastardly condnct 
 in seducing the wife of the Prince of Brefni* After 
 being expelled the renegade made his way to England, 
 and sought the assistance of Henry to reinstate him, 
 promising him that he would become tributary to him 
 and aid him in conquering the counti'3% on condition 
 that he would aid him in becoming Monarch of Irehmd. 
 Though Henr}^ was pleased wiih the scheme, he was 
 not then in a x)osition to do so, but he encouraged some 
 adventurous noblemen to undertake the daring enter. 
 ])rise, assuring them of his countenance and suppoit. 
 
 On the 11th of May, 1169, Robert Fitzstephen lauded 
 near Wexford with thirty knights,^sixty men in armor, 
 and three hundred men. Next day Maurice de Pen- 
 dergast joined him with about one hundred men. 
 Donald, son of Dermod, joined them with over five 
 hundred followers: these were reinforced bv more of 
 the friends of the treacherous MacMurrough. Wex- 
 ford at once surrendered to them, and the garrison, 
 wiiich was friendly to Dermod, increased the army of 
 the invaders. 
 
 The progress of Dermod and his allies began to alarm 
 the Monarch Roderick, who effected a treaty with Mac- 
 Murrough, recognizing him as King of Leinster, on 
 condition that he would dismiss his Anglo-Norman sup- 
 porters. The faithless MacMurrough proved his trea- 
 chery, for after signing the treaty, he encouraged the 
 invaders, and the same year he w^elcomed to his 
 standard Maurice Fitzgerald, with ten knights, thirty 
 esquires, and one hundred footmen, and Raymond Lt> 
 Gros, with about one hundred followers. In fact, the 
 perjured MacMurrough had only lulled the fears of 
 
THE Al^GLO-NOPwMAN IlSrVASION. 65 
 
 Roderick the better to enable him to bring over liis 
 allies, and to organize a formidable army. Waterford 
 was the next place that fell into the invaders' hands. 
 Here they showed that even then the Saxon enemy was 
 not ignorant of the resources of civilization, for they 
 tortured twenty of the inhabitants, breaking their 
 limbs, and flung them into the sea, as an example to 
 the living to conduct themselves in a law-abiding 
 manner. 
 
 In August, 1170, Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke, 
 surnamed Strongbow, landed with over twelve hundred 
 follow^ers, and assumed the leadership. He espoused 
 Eva, daughter of the recreant Leinster King, and then, 
 having mustered his forces, which consisted of about 
 ten thousand Leinster troops, and his foreign allies, 
 numbering about two thousand more, he marched on 
 Dublin and laid siege to it. The inhabitants made a 
 gallant resistance, but were obliged to surrender. 
 While the conditions w^re drawing up the enemy burst 
 into the city, and slew many of the inhabitants. 
 
 The invaders had now, by the aid of the King of 
 Leinster, become so powerful that they were able to 
 bid defiance to the Ardrigli himself. Roderick, though 
 a pious and brave prince, was deficient in resolution and 
 military genius, and in this respect was no match for 
 Strongbow and the brave and able generals who served 
 under him. In May, 1171, MacMurrough died miser- 
 ably at Dublin, after handing over his country to the 
 Saxon invaders. October 18th, A. D. 1171, Henry II., 
 with a fleet of four hundred vessels and an army of 
 live hundred knights and four thousand men at-arms, 
 landed near Waterford. In his train were Hugh de 
 Lacy, Theobald Walters, the first of the Butlers, 
 William Fitzaldelm, ancestor of the Burkes, and many 
 others whose descendants became famous in the 
 
I 
 
 66 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 country. Henry remained seven months in the country, 
 and both bv arms and diplomacy did much in that 
 time to strengthen Engkind's power in Irehind. 
 
 In the first place, he used tlie celebrated bull of Pope 
 Adrian, which many writers think was forged, as there 
 is no cox)y of it in the archives at Rome, to influence 
 the clergy, too many of whom at once bowed in sub- 
 mission to what they looked upon as the bull of the 
 Holy See. Though this bull bears date 1155, it was 
 not brought forward until the time of Henry's landing 
 in Ireland. Many eminent writers maintain that it was 
 a piece of gross forger3\ Henry, who found creatures 
 too ready to assassinate St. Thomas of Canterbury, did 
 not want for venal w^riters to give publicity to a docu- 
 ment so necessary for the justification of his invasion 
 of Ireland. Even if the bull were genuine, which we 
 hold it was not. Pope Adrian had no more right to 
 hand over Ireland a manacled slave to England, than 
 he had to bestow it on France or Italy. 
 
 Henry made good use of his time in Ireland ; Cork 
 Waterford, and Limerick surrendered to him. He 
 commenced his career by introducing the system of 
 confiscation, and generously granted Dublin to be pos- 
 sessed by the surplus population of Bristol, and all 
 Ireland w^as duly apportioned to his followers. Through 
 motives of policy, or rather on the principle of ''divide 
 and conquer," he recognized the titles and claims of 
 ihe MacMurroughs of Leinster, the O'Neills of Ulster, 
 the O'Briensof Thomond, the OTonnors of Connaught, 
 and the O'Malachys of Meatli. 
 
 After Henry's return to England, the Irish chiefs 
 began to make common cause against the enem}', and 
 various engagements iollowed with varying success. In 
 the year 1175 a synod was held at Waterford, at 
 which Adrian's bull was made public for the hrst time. 
 
THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 67 
 
 The influence of this document must have been all- 
 povverf 111. as is seen from tlie fact that before the close 
 of the year Roderick sent his Chancellor, St. Lawrence 
 O'Toole, at the head of an embassy to Henr}^ II. The 
 result was the treaty of Windsor, in which the Ardrigh 
 yields precedence to Henry, while retaining both the 
 emblems and the substance of his former power. 
 
 The Anglo-Norman chiefs now began to take a promi- 
 nent part in Irish affairs. John de Courcy led a band 
 of adventurers into Ulster, where they took foothold. 
 In 1184 Pope Lucius III. released Dublin from the 
 authority of Armasrh, thus making of it an Anglo- 
 
 1/ CD J < J ^ J 
 
 Norman see. In 1185 John, the son of Henry, landed 
 in Waterford with the title of Lord of Ireland. He 
 spent eight months in the countrj^ indulging in all 
 kinds of excesses and dissipation, and heajping insults 
 on the native princes. 
 
 In the year 1186 Roderick was deposed by his sons, 
 and retired to the Monastery of Cong, where he died, 
 November 9th, 1198. The most eminent man who 
 flourished in Ireland at this period — eminent alike for 
 his piety and his patriotism — was St. Lawrence, Arch- 
 bishop of Dublin, who died A. D. 1180. 
 
 After the death of Roderick, Ireland had no Ardrigh. 
 The provincial kings carried on the struggle against 
 the invaders, but as they were too often at variance 
 among themselves, and more bent on avenging i:)rivate 
 quarrels than on expelling the enemy, their efforts 
 were unsuccessful, and they w^ere finally swept away 
 themselves. Henry II. died miserably in 1189, and was 
 succeeded by Richard I., commonly called Cceur de 
 Lion. The Anglo-Normans split up into factions, 
 and the Irish might have regained their independence 
 and expelled the invaders, but for the destructive wars 
 raging among themselves, and chiefl}' among the princes 
 
68 IRELA^"D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 of Connauglit, who were fighting for the shadow 
 of a crown while the enemy had seized on the sub- 
 stance. 
 
 In 1199 John succeeded his brother Richard on the 
 throne of England. In Irehind his authoiity was 
 scarcely recognized. Therefore, in the year 1210, he 
 collected seven hundred ships and crossed over with a 
 large arm}^. His visit only lasted a few months, and 
 accomplisiied little or nothing. He did not march 
 against the enemy, but mapped out the counties of 
 Dnblin, Meath, Louth, Kildare, Carlow, AVexford; and 
 Kilkenny in .Leinster, and Waterford, Cork, Kerry, 
 Limerick, and Tipperar}', in Munster, which he gra- 
 ciously bestowed on liis^foUowers, though the natives 
 3till held j)ossession of them, unless near the garrisons. 
 A.S the Danes built the raths, or forts, to protect them 
 from the assaults of the natives, the English now built 
 strong castles for their protection, the ruins of which 
 still cover the island. 
 
 In the year 1224 the Dominicans established their 
 first house in Dublin, under the patronage of the 
 Anglo-Normans. The Fmnciscans, on the other hand, 
 were more in favor with the natives, and founded their 
 first house in Cork, through the liberality of Florence 
 MacCarthy, in 1229. 
 
 This era was one of ceaseless war in Ireland. The 
 invaders were at open strife among themselves, and the 
 native chiefs, instead of taking advantage of their dis- 
 sensions, onl}^ followed their example. An immense 
 number of religious houses sprang up about this time. 
 The Anglo-Normans, though zealous in destroying native 
 monasteries, were munificent in their endowments of 
 ones founded by monks of their own race, which 
 they could well afford to do from the spoils of the 
 others. 
 
THE ANGLO NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 69 
 
 The quarrels between the Connaught j)rinces for the 
 right of succession, as also between the O'Neills and 
 O'Donnells, is a sad comment upon the manner in 
 which the English gained possession of Ireland. In 
 1259 O' Neill caused himself to be proclaimed Monarch 
 of Ireland. He did not enjoy the barren title long, for 
 he was killed the following year in battle. 
 
 Tiie Geraldines, or retainers of the Fitzgeralds, who 
 had settled in Munster, were continually harassed by 
 O'Brien of Thomond and MacCarthy, Prince of 
 Carbery. 
 
 About this time, according to Galleli, the Italians 
 began to use the Irish harp, which had been introduced 
 into that country about 1073. 
 
 One hundred years had now elapsed since the inva- 
 sion of the Anglo-Normans, and Ireland was still un- 
 conquered. About one- third of the country was in the 
 hands of the invaders, whereas all the rest remained 
 subject to the native princes and laws. Richard de 
 Burgh, the ''Red Eaii" of Ulster^ was the mostpower- 
 erful Anglo-Norman lord in Ireland about this time. 
 In Ulster and Connaught his sway was almost supreme. 
 After humbling the house of O'Connor in Connaught, 
 lie successfully made war on the O'Neills and 
 O'Donnells in Ulster, but was finally made prisoner 
 by the Fitzgeralds, whose possessions in Meath he 
 had invaded. He was soon afterwards set at liberty by 
 an Anglo-Saxon Parlament, which was the first of the 
 kind held in Ireland. He joined the army of Edward 
 I. against the Scotch, and fought at the battle of 
 Falkirk, where Wallace was defeated, and after a life 
 of adventure and vicissitudes, he died in 1826. 
 
 When Edward II. invaded Scotland in 1314 th# Irish 
 joined the standard of Robert Bruce, and a body of 
 archers sent by Donald O'Neill, King of Ulster, con- 
 
70 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 tributed greatly to the victory of Bannockburn. 
 Chaucer, in alluding to it, says: 
 
 'To Albion Scots wc ne'er would yield. 
 The Irish bowmen won the field." 
 
 The result of this glorious vie tor v in Scotland had a 
 salutary effect on the Irish chiefs. Donald O' Neill, Prince 
 of Ulster, organized a confederacy of native chiefs, and 
 invited Edward Bruce, brother of Kobert, to undertake 
 the deliverance of the country. 
 
 Bruce accepted, and on May 25th, A. D. 1315, he 
 landed near Glenarm, in Antrim, with six thousand 
 men, aiid was immediately joined by O'Neill. All Ulster, 
 except Carrickfergus. soon fell into their hands, and 
 Bruce was elected King of Ireland and crowned at Dun- 
 dalk amid great pomp and rejoicings. The King of 
 England appealed to the Pope in the crisis. Donald 
 O'Neill addressed an able letter to the Pope, in which 
 he grnpiiically depicts the sad state of Ireland and the 
 outrages practiced on them by the English, The Eng- 
 lish combined all their forces under Birmingham and 
 Be Burgh, and after several engagements, in most of 
 whicii the Irish troops were successful, they finally de- 
 feated Bruce's army at Faughard, October 14th, 1318, 
 where that gallant but ill-fated prince was slain. 
 
 The termination of the war with Bruce did not restore 
 peace to the country. Dissensions multiplied both 
 among natives and Anglo-Normans, and a general kind 
 of internecine war ensued. For instance, at Ardnocher, 
 West Meath, A. D 1328, MacGeoghan defeated Lord 
 Butler with a loss of three thousand men, and in the 
 loilowing year the Earl of Louth was slain at Bally- 
 beagan, with a number of his follower. In 1331 eighty 
 persons were burned in a church in Leinster, and two 
 years afterwards two priests and about two hundred 
 
THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 71 
 
 worsliipers met the same fate iu a churcli in Thomond, 
 while in 1339 about thirteen hundred natives were slain 
 in Kerry by Earl Desmond. 
 
 About this time the Saxons and Normans amalga- 
 mated, and henceforth were known under the common 
 appellalion of Englishmen. About this time also the 
 Anglo-Norman h^rds in Ireland had adopted the Irish 
 language and habits, and many of them had become 
 more Irish than the Irish themselves. In order to 
 punish them, Edward III,, in 1341, revoked all the 
 privileges and grants of land made to them by himself 
 and his ancestors. The following year he issued another 
 edict, prohibiting the public emj)]oyment of men born 
 in Ireland, or who even married there, and declared 
 that all offices of state should be filled by Englishmen. 
 • The Anglo-Norman lords met at Kilkenny and remon- 
 strated in a menacing tone. As Edward was on the eve 
 of a war with France, he found it prudent to yield for 
 a time at least. The edicts of the Kino- onlv influenced 
 the Irish-born Normans to seek the fi'iendship and 
 alliance of the natives. The bitter spirit of hostility 
 exhibited by the English to the Irish, and the policy of 
 the government in keeping them divided the easier to 
 conquer them, was thus inaugurated by Edward, and 
 has been steadily observed evendow^n to ourow*n times. 
 In 1357 it was declared treason to intermarry or hold 
 relations of fosterage with the natives, and two years 
 later it was enacted that "no mere Irishman could be a 
 mayor or baililT, or officer of any town within the Eng^ 
 lisli districts,'' nor could he, "hereafter, under pretense 
 of kindred or other cause, be received into liolv orders 
 or advanced to any ecclesiastical benefice." Thus we 
 find that Catholic England has been just as bitter in its 
 proscriptive spirit against Ireland and the Irish as 
 Protestant England ; it has ahvays been more a question 
 of race and nationality than of religion. 
 
72 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 In 1361 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, second son of 
 Edward, was sent over to Ireland as Lord Deputy, with 
 lifteen hundred men. He proceeded to exterminate ■ 
 the rebel natives of Clare, but was defeated with con- 
 siderable loss. Under him was enacted, in 1367, the 
 celebrated statute of Kilkenny, which declared that 
 " whereas many English of the land of Ireland, forsak- 
 ing the English language, manners, mode of riding, 
 and nsages, live and govern themselves according to 
 the manners, fashion, and language of the Irish 
 enemies, and also have made divers marriages and 
 alliances between themselves and the Irish enemies 
 aforesaid, it is therefore enacted," among other pro- 
 visions, '* that all intermarriages, fosterings, gossipred, 
 buying or selling with the 'enemie' shall be accounted 
 treason; that English names, fashions, and manners . 
 shall be resumed under the penalty of the confiscation 
 of the delinquent's lands ; that March law and Brehon 
 law are illegal, and that there shall be no law but Eng- 
 lish law; that the Irish shall not pasture their cattle on 
 English lands; that the English shall not entertain 
 Irish rhymers, minstrels, or newsmen; and, moreover, 
 that no ' mere Irishman' shall be admitted to any 
 ecclesiastical benefice or religious house situated within 
 the Engljsh districts." 
 
 This sweeping edict compelled the Irish to combine 
 against the common enemy. The result was that there 
 was a general rising among the chiefs and princes. In 
 1369 O'Brien, Prince of Thomond, defeated Garret, Earl 
 of Desmond, near Adare, and slew many of his fol- 
 lowers. Limerick was then captured, and Carrick- 
 fergus shared the same fate. In 137.") Burke and Talbot, 
 two English commanders, were defeated and slain at 
 Downpatrick by Niall O'Neill of Ulster. It was at this 
 time also that Art MacMurrough, King of Leinster, 
 
THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 
 
 73 
 
 entered on bis long contest with the English spoilers, 
 and became tbe great champion of national inde- 
 pendence, as also Roderick, the last King of Connaught. 
 The English were soon driven within the "Pale," as the 
 English districts in Dublin, Louth, Kildare, and Meath 
 were called. 
 
 Art had defeated the English in several engagements, 
 and Richard II., feeling the humiliation, took the field 
 against him in person, but mei. w^ith several repulses. 
 By wiles he got the King of Leinster into his power, 
 but the latter made his escape, and wj*s soon again at 
 the head of his troops. In 1397 he captured Carlow, 
 and the following year he routed Lord Mortimer and 
 his whole armv. Richard, who had returned to 
 Eugland, hurried back to Ireland with an army of over 
 twenty thousand men. MacMurrougli, who now pro- 
 claimed himself "King and Lord of Ireland," A. D. 
 1399, retired before the immense army led by Richard, 
 and laid waste the country so that his enemy had to 
 fall back to his supplies on the coast. Richard had to 
 return to England to oppose Henry, Duke of Lancaster, 
 who was soon afterwards crowned as Henry IV. 
 
 The war continued several years with fluctuating re- 
 sults. In the year 1407 the Irish suffered a loss of 
 eight hundred men at Callan, County Kilkenny; but 
 this defeat was more than counterbalanced in the follow- 
 ing year by a great victor}^ which Art gained at 
 Kilmainham over an English army numbering ten 
 thousand men. On the 10th of May, 1414, O'Connor of 
 Connaught defeated the enemy at Killncan, and three 
 years later the aged MacMurrougli died, after forty 
 years ot warfare against the enemies of his country. 
 
 The death of the great Art MacMurrougli left Ireland 
 without, a leader capable of competing with the trea- 
 cherous invaders. The mean, vindictive spite of the 
 
74 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 English against the Irish was not even confined to lay 
 men, but also influenced English ecclesiastics, most of 
 whom held civil offices, and it was no unusual thing for 
 princes, priests, and bishoj^s to raid with armed bands 
 against the natives. Such unchristian and tyrannical 
 acts tended so much to unite the natives that we read 
 in a petition to Henry YI., in 1430, that *' the enemies 
 and rebels, aided by the Scotch, had conquered or 
 rendered tributary every part of the countiy, except 
 the County Dublin." As a proof of the intolerant" 
 spirit of the English toward the Irish about this time, 
 their Parliaments had passed several savage statutes. 
 One was "an act that no person, liege or alien, shall take 
 merchandise, or things to be sold, to faire, market, or 
 other place amongst the Irish enemies, under pain of 
 imprisonment, confiscation of goods, and felony. In 
 1442 an act was passed "that it should be lawful for 
 every liege man tc fake all manner of Irish enemies, 
 which in time of peace should come and converse 
 amongst them, and treat them as of the King's enemies, ' 
 that is, of course, to put them to death. In 1447 a law 
 was enacted that men should shave their upper lip, or 
 be treated as enemies; an act was passed compelling 
 the sons of artisans to follow the occupations of their 
 fathers, thus preventing their chance of preferment. The 
 system of " coyn and livery." which empowered them to 
 quarter themselves upon the natives free of charge, 
 came into opei-ation. 
 
 Under the vicerovaltv of Richard, Duke of York, 
 who was appointed in 1449, Ireland enjoyed a period 
 of repose, and wlien the Duke inaugurated the War of 
 the Roses at St. Alban's, in his airempt to gain the 
 English throne, so popular was he with the Irish that 
 they fought in support of his cause. The war in 
 England between the rival houses of York and Lancaster 
 
THE ANGLO NOKMAN INVASION". 
 
 75 
 
 which was inaugurated at St. Alban's in 1455, and 
 terminated by the battle of Tewkesbury in 1485, 
 afforded a chance to the Irish to liing off the English 
 yoke. Unfortunately, though, there was not concert 
 of action enough among them to accomplish such 
 results. 
 
 In the third year of Edward IV. an act was passed, 
 which forced every Irishman within the Pale to take 
 to him an English snrname of one town, as, Sutton, 
 Chester, Trim, Skyrne, Corke, Kinsale; or color, as, 
 White, Blacke, Browne; or art or science, as, Smith or 
 Carpenter; or office, as, Cooke or Bntler; and that he 
 and his issue shall use this name under penalty of for- 
 feiture of his goods yearly." It appears that many 
 persons complied with this law, for had they not they 
 would be in constant danger of being put to death at 
 any moment, because, in 14C5. a law was made, en- 
 titled, ''An act that it shall be lawful to kill any 
 Irishman 'that is found robbino- by day or uioht, or 
 going or coming to rob or steal, having no faithful man 
 'of good name or fame in their company in English ap- 
 parel.'* Thus, in truth, the oidy fact necessary to be 
 ascertained was that a person was an Irishman ; for, if 
 he were not robbing, or coming from robbing, who could 
 say but that he might be going to rob? Therefore, he 
 might always be put to death. As an encouragement 
 to secure the execution of this act, it was afterwards 
 enacted that after the Endishman had murdered his 
 man "going to rob," he migiit levy a tax on every 
 household in the barony where the said thief was taken. 
 
 As another sample of English laws, in a Parliament 
 held in Dublin by William Sherwood, Lord-Lieutenant, 
 and Bishop of Meath, it was decreed that any English- 
 man injured by a native beyond the Pale might take 
 vengeance on the entire sex)t of the aggressor, A. D. 1475. 
 
76 
 
 IRELAND PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 The introduction of guns, which were first used in 
 Ireland by Hugh Roe O'Donnell in 1487 greath^ changed 
 the mode of warfare. xVbout the same time Ireland was 
 agitated by the Earl of Kildare taking the part of the 
 pretender and also by the pretensions of Perkin AVar- 
 beck. 
 
 In 149-4 Edward Poynings was Lord-Lieutenant, and, 
 having assembled a Parliament at Drogheda in the fcl 
 lowing year, an act was passed, which provided, among 
 other things, that thereafter no legislation whatever 
 should be enacted in Ireland, until the bills j^roposed 
 were first submitted to the King and Council in Eng- 
 land, and returned approved under the great seal of the 
 realm. This measure is known as *'Poynings's Act." 
 
 During the reign of Henry VII. the authority of the 
 Earl of Kildare, who was Lord-Lieutenant, was all- 
 powerful within the Pale; the native chiefs wer3 wast 
 ing their energies in frequent strifes, and tlie condition 
 of affairs was sad on the whole. The turbulent Kil- 
 dare quarreled with his son in law, Ulick de Burgo; a 
 war broke out, in which Kildare was assisted by the 
 Geraldines and other lords of the Pale, while O'Brien 
 of Thomond and other Munster chiefs took side with 
 De Burgo. A battle was fought at Knocktow, near 
 Galway, in which Kildare routed his enemies, who lost 
 two thousand men. As an instance of the undying 
 hatred of the An£?lo-Irish for the Irish, Leland, in his 
 history, states thac after the battle William Preston, 
 Viscount of Gormanstown, said to the Earl of Kildare, 
 "We have slaughtered our enemies, but to complete 
 the good deed, we must proceed still further — cut the 
 throats of those Irish of our party." 
 
 In 1509 Henry VII. was succeeded by Henry VIII., 
 and in the following year Kildare, the Lord-Lieutenant, 
 was defeated at Monetrar in Munster by O'Brien of 
 
THE ANGLO NOP.MAN INVASION. 
 
 77 
 
 Thomond, assisted by tlie Earl of Desmond. Three 
 years later Carrickfergus was taken, and its garrison 
 put to the sword by Hngli O'Donnell of Tyrconnell. 
 At this time also the Eiirl of Kildare died, and was 
 succeeded by his son Gerald, the ninth and last Catholic 
 earl of the name. 
 
 At the accession of Henry YIII. the English held in 
 Ireland only half of the five counties of Dublin, Meath, 
 Louth, Wexford, and Kildare. Even the bulk of the 
 inhabitants of these districts were Irish in birth, habits, 
 and language. The Geraldines of Munsterwere gradu- 
 ally extending their possessions by encroaching upon 
 the native chiefs, but at last MacCarthy of Carbery and 
 O'Brien of Thomond united their forces and defeated 
 them with a loss of two thousand men, A. D. 1520. A 
 less pleasing victory was that at Knockavoe in Ulster, 
 where O'jN'eill lost nine hundred of his clansmen in a 
 contest against his rival, O'Donnell. 
 
 Desmond assumed the dignity of a king, and in 1525 
 made overtures for an alliance with the King of France 
 to drive the English out of the Pale, and thus establish 
 himself as King of Ireland. The King ordered the Earl 
 of Kildare to chastise the haughty Desmond, but Kil- 
 dare not having done so, the King called him to London 
 to account for his conduct. On his arrival there he was 
 imprisoned in the Tower, and the enemies of the Earl 
 forged dispatches to his son, Lord Thomas Fitzgerald, 
 called " Silken Thomas," who was but twenty years of 
 age, stating that his father had been murdered m the 
 Tower. Tliis fired the vouncr man, who rushed into the 
 council chamber in Dublin, flung his sword on the 
 table, and renounced his allegiance to the King. Silken 
 Thomas took up arms against the royal authority, 
 and overran the neigtiborliood of Dublin, but after 
 some time he \vas treacherously induced by a promise 
 
78 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 of pardon by Lord Grey, the King's Deputy, to submit. 
 He was treaciierously sent a prisoner to England, and 
 he and his five uncles were executed together at T^'burn, 
 on February 3d, 1537. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE REFOr.MATION. 
 
 Ireland and lier English Trotestant Rulers — Persecu- 
 tion of the Catholics — tlie Price Set on a Priest' s 
 Head — Confiscation^ Spoliation^ and Murder 
 
 A NEW element was now infused into the conflict in 
 Ireland, and to all the blind passions engendered by 
 national hate was to be added the bitter strife of re- 
 ligions animosities. In the sixteenth century the 
 heresies which had been for some time gaining ground 
 in Germany had culminated in a rebellion against the 
 Catholic Church. In Germany the principal leader 
 was Martin Luther, a discarded friar ; in Scotland, John 
 Knox, an apostate monk; in Switzerland, John Calvin, 
 a rigid fanatic; and in England, Henry VIII., a volup- 
 tuous tyrant, who murdered his wives. 
 
 In 153i> John Brown, an apostate priest, was made 
 first Protestant Archbishop of Dublin by the King. 
 Two years later a Parliament was convened in Dublin, 
 which legally recognized the new religion. This 
 Parliament was composed chiefly of the English of 
 the Pale and of English officials in Dublin. As for 
 the bodj^ of the Irish people, from the first they dis- 
 ow^ned the reformed religion, and with the exception 
 of a few bishops and priests and some laymen who 
 
THE REFORMATIOlSr. 
 
 79 
 
 were subsidized, all continued to adhere to the old faith. 
 The reformers soon began to give an example of what 
 they meant by the Reformation,'^ for they commenced 
 a wholesale seizure of abbeys, convents, and monasteries, 
 which were confiscated to the crown or given in bribes. 
 
 The Catholics in Ulster resorted to arms, but were 
 defeated with great loss ; they then entered into an alli- 
 ance with James V. of Scotland, who fitted out a fleet, 
 which never reached Ireland. In 1541 Henry YIII. 
 assembled a Parliament of his followers in Dublin, and 
 had himself proclaimed "I^ingof Ireland." The fol- 
 lowing chiefs vowed submission to the usurper and 
 acknowledged the new title, namely: Con O'Neill of 
 Ulster, who was rewarded with the title of Earl of 
 Tyrone; Murrough O'Brien, who was made Earl of 
 Thomond ; and Ulick Mac William Burke, who was 
 dubbed Earl of Clanricarde ; Brian Fitzpatrick and 
 Matthew, the son of O'Neill, were created barons. But 
 when they returned among their clans they were 
 shunned and despised for their servility, and some of 
 them had to go into exile to avoid the loathing and furv 
 of men who before their submission w^ould have died 
 for them. During this reign Meatli was divided into 
 the counties of Meath and West Meath. 
 
 Henry was succeeded by his son, Edward YL, a boy 
 of nine years, in 1547. During this short reign several 
 Irish chiefs who rebelled were crushed out and their 
 lands confiscated. Edward died in 1553, and was suc- 
 ceeded by his sister, Mary Tudor, who was a Catholic. 
 In England the Parliament and most of the reformers 
 renounced Protestantism. The districts of Leix and 
 O'Faily, which had been confiscated under the former 
 reign, were again overrun, and w^ere henceforth called 
 King's County and Queen's County. Mary was suc- 
 • ceeded by Elizabeth in 1558, and the Parliament, whose 
 
80 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 religion was that of the reigning sovereign, again be- 
 came Protestant and declared the Queen the head of 
 the Church. The most noted Irish chief at this period 
 was Shane O'Neill the Proud, who took the title of 
 ''King of Ulster." He deposed his father, who had ac- 
 cepted from Henry the English title of Earl of Tyrone. 
 
 The Earl of Sussex, the then Queen's Deputy in 
 Ireland, reconstructed the country,, and changed the 
 territory of Annaly into the County Longford, and the 
 counties of Clare, Gal way, Sligo, Mayo, Lei trim, and 
 Roscommon were formed out of the province of Conr 
 naught. In the meantime Shane O'Neill was extend- 
 ing his authority over the whole of Ulster. The Queen 
 summoned him to England, but he became a favorite 
 with her, and returned liome only to commence hostili- 
 ties, which he successfully did against the. allies of 
 Essex, including a body of Scotch who had landed in 
 Ulster. Elizabeth sent commissioners to O'Neill, offer- 
 ing him the title of Earl of Tyrone and Baron of Dun- 
 gannon. O'Neill proudly replied. "If,'' said he, 
 '•your mistress. Elizabeth, be Queen of England, I am 
 O'Neill, King of Ulster; I never made peace with her 
 without having been previously solicited to it by her. 
 I am not ambitious of the abject title of earl; both my 
 family and birth raise me above it. T will not yield 
 precedence to any one; my ancestors have been Kings 
 of Ulster. I have gained that kingdom by my sword, 
 and by my sword I will preserve it." 
 
 English treachery acccomplished wliat English arms 
 could not, and the brave O'Neill was slain at Clanbuoy 
 and a great portion of his vast estates were confiscated 
 to the English crown or conferred upon the English 
 followers. At the time of O'Neill's death, the English 
 within the Pale were rather united by the common 
 danger which threaten 3d them on all sides, while outside 
 
- THE nT•:Fon^^ATlo^^. ^81 
 
 the Pale tlie Irish Were harassed by petty wars and 
 ^ tlie fiendish cruelty of the "undertakers" and other 
 cutthroat carpetbnggers from England, who under i)ro. 
 tection of the government committed all kinds of out- 
 rages, crimes, and wholesale assassinations. They were 
 furnished with all kinds of rights and privileges from 
 the Queen to dispossess the natives and establish 
 English colonies in their place. The most famous of 
 these was Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, who ia 1573 
 landed in Ulster with six hundred followers, in order 
 to seize on the confiscated lands of O'Neill, granted to 
 liim by the Queen. The better to carry out his vil- 
 lainous designs, he invited Brian O'Neill of Clanbuoy 
 and other chieftains to a banquet, where they were 
 TU'issacred, Essex being rewarded by the confiscation 
 ol tlipir lands. 
 
 In Munster the houses of Ormond and Desmond, the 
 Butlers and the Fitzgerolds, struggled for supremacy. 
 A war followed which almost depopulated the fair fields 
 of Munster. In the conflict the princes of Munster 
 formed a league against the English. Our space will 
 not permit us to follow the terrible struggle that fol- 
 lowed. The Earl of Desmond was captured by the 
 English and sent a prisoner to London. His cousin, 
 James Fitzgerald, still waged the war, and had driven 
 the English to such straits, that Elizabeth released the 
 Earl on condition that he would put an end to the con- 
 flict. This the Earl was unable or unwilling to do, 
 and the brave Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald continued the 
 conflict. To add to the bitterness of parties, in 1577 
 Sir Francis Crosby, President of Leinster, with the ap- 
 proval ot the Lord Deputj^^ invited the native chieis to 
 a conference at Mullaghmast, in King's Count3\ hold- 
 ing out to them flattering inducements of a lavorable 
 settlement of affairs. The result was that about eight 
 
82* IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 liuiidred of the assembled chiefs and their retainers 
 were murdered in cold blood. 
 
 Fitznuiurice lied to the Continent to obtain assistance 
 from the Catholic powers, and with the assistance of 
 Pope Gregory XIIL he organized an expedition for 
 Ireland, but the expedition failed, owing to the treachery 
 of the commander of the Heet, who was in the interest 
 of England. Tlie brave Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald returned 
 to Ireland with a few followers, and was slain in a con- 
 ilict with some of his own kindred who were as base as 
 he was noble. 
 
 The old Earl of Desmond was again forced to take 
 the field by his enemies, who coveted his broad acres. 
 In this conllict the so-called chivalrous Sir Walter 
 Raleigh distinguished himself by massacring in cold 
 blood, after they had given up their arms under promise 
 of safety, a garrison of eight hundred Spaniaids who 
 held the fort at Smerwick, County Kerrv, andonlv sur- 
 rendered on condition of their lives being spared and 
 being allowed to return to their own country. The 
 poet Spenser, who was present, encouraged the brutal 
 crime. 
 
 After making a c^allnnt stru£r£rle. Earl Desmond was 
 forced in loS-i to seek safety in concealment. Over- 
 come, his troops scattered, himself a fugitive, the Eail 
 was at length discovered and murdered by an English 
 soldier, and his head sent as a present to the Queen, 
 who hnd said of O'Neill, "If he revolted, it would be 
 better for her servants, as there would be estates enough 
 for them all.'' This single expression of Elizabeth 
 reveals the entire policy of the English government 
 towards Ireland. That injured country was the great 
 repast to which every monarch bid his lords sit down 
 and eat. After they had gorged their fill, the remains 
 were left for those wdio should come after. Tranquillity 
 
THE REFORMATION, 
 
 83 
 
 succeeded these massacres, but it was the tranquillity of 
 the graveyard. The proud and patriotic Irishmen were 
 folded in the sleep of death, and the silence and repose 
 around their lifeless corpses was called peace. 
 
 Desmond's vast estates, amounting to about six hun- 
 dred thousand acres, were confiscated and divided 
 among his enemies, who had goaded him on to destruc- 
 tion. The condition of Munster after the war was piti- 
 able. In the language of the poet Spenser, who profit ted 
 by the spoils, that most populous and plentiful country 
 was reduced to aheap of carcasses and ashes and Hol- 
 linshed tells us that the English soldiers " spared neither 
 man, woman, nor child, but all were committed to the 
 sword." After the rebellion the English soldiers inaugu- 
 rated a regular war of extermina tion. They burned down 
 the houses over the people, and if any attempted to escape 
 they were flung back to feed the flames. It was a diver- 
 sion to these monsters to take up infants on the points 
 of their spears and whirl them about in their terrible 
 agony, justifying their cowardl\^ brutality by remark- 
 ing that, If they were allowed to live they would grow 
 up papisli rebels." Lombard, in his "Commentaries,'* 
 tells us that "many women were found hanging on trees, 
 with their children at their breasts, strangled by the 
 mothers hair." 
 
 This savage state of things was even made more 
 atrocious by the religious persecutions which accom- 
 panied it. The following illustrious persons were put 
 to deatli on account of their reli^fion about this tinif\ 
 namely: Patrick O'Healy. Bisliop of Mayo, racked and 
 'Strangled, 1578; Dr. O'HurleN', Archbishop of Cashel. 
 hanged, 1584; and liichard Creagh, Archbishop oT 
 Armagli, Primate of all Ireland, poisoned in the Tower 
 of London, 1585. Besides these, scores of bishoj^s and 
 priests were barbarously hanged, drawn, and quartered 
 for the faith, in different i)arts of the country. 
 
84 
 
 IRELAND, TAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 No sooner was the Gerald ine League drowned in blood 
 than the hopes of bleeding Ireland were again revived. 
 The Spanish Armada was htted out against England 
 by Philip II. of Spain. But the hope this promised 
 was soon dispelled by the melancholy fate of the ex- 
 pedition. The brave Hugh O'Neill next took the field. 
 He had organized a powerful confederacy of the Irish 
 chiefs, but his principal allies were the Maguires of 
 Fermanagh and the O'Donnells of Tyrconnell. O'Neill 
 was an able general and crafty statesman, and in him 
 the English found a formidable rival. He routed the 
 army of Sir John Norris at Clontibert. He w^as also 
 victorious in several encounters, the most prominent 
 of w^hich was the battle of the Yellow Ford, near Ar- 
 magh, August 15th, 1598, in which the English loss 
 was veiy large. 
 
 Elizabeth sent over her favorite, Robert, Earl of 
 Essex, son of the famous Ulster "undertaker," to take 
 command of the army. He had command of a large 
 army, which he soon frittered aw^ay in conflict with the 
 wil}^ O'Neill, and he returned to England in disgrace. 
 He was succeeded by Lord Mountjoy as the next Lord 
 Deputy, who soon accomplished by art and cunning 
 what Essex failed to do by the sword. He resorted to 
 bribery and assassination. He issued new titles of 
 honor and distinction to rival chiefs, in order to embroil 
 them against each other. In 1601 about three thousand 
 Spaniards landed and took i:)ossession of Kinsale, but 
 were soon compelled to surrender to Mountjoy, 
 
 The country was reduced to a frightful state of deso- 
 lation and death. Bishops and priests were slaughtered 
 without compunction, and fifty-one monks who accepted 
 the offer of a free passage, on condition of leaving the 
 county, Avere all flung into the ocean. 
 
 The brave O'Neill had also to succumb to English 
 
THE REEORMATION. 
 
 85 
 
 wiles and treachery, and submitted on honorable terms. 
 
 On the death of Elizabeth, James VI. of Scotland, 
 who took the title of "James I., King of Great Biitain 
 and Ireland," ascended the throne. Though the Irish 
 expected justice under his reign, they were disappointed, 
 for the penal laws were strictly enforced and religious 
 persecution tolerated. A conspiracy was got up against 
 O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone. O^Donnell, Earl of Tyrconuell, 
 and other chiefs, who had to fly to the Continent in 
 1507.. This was called the "Flight of the Earls." All 
 of them died in exile, brokenhearted and in want. 
 After their flight (he six counties of Ulster were con- 
 flsoated. The Protestant bishops of Ulster got forty- 
 three thousand acres; Trinity College, thirty thousand 
 acres; the trades-union associations of London, two 
 hundred and nine thousand eight hundred acres, in- 
 cluding the city of Derry, which they rebuilt and called 
 Londonderry. Private individuals received the remain- 
 der in sections of one thousand, one thousand five 
 . hundred, and two thousand acres each — in all, about 
 three hundred and eighty-five thousand acres. All 
 Catholics were excluded from participation in the 
 robbery. 
 
 A new confiscation soon followed, and under the color 
 of defective titles. Sir William Parsons confiscated to 
 the crown about five hundred thousand acres in 
 Leinster, and proceedings had been undertaken to con- 
 fiscate Connaught also, when James died, in 1625. 
 Charles I. treated his Irish subjects with the same 
 ^ cruelty as his father. He was advised by Thomas 
 Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, under whose advice he 
 confiscated large portions of Connaught, under the so- 
 called "Defective Titles" commission. Strafford in- 
 stituted a "court of wards," with power to take all 
 Catholic children and bring them up as Protestants^ 
 
66 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 To avoid religious persecution at home, Lord Baltimore, 
 an Irish Catholic peer, settled in Maryland in 1634, 
 granting to al] classes perfect religious equality. 
 
 In 1632 the Four Masters commenced their labors in 
 the Abbe}' of Donegal, wbich they completed in 1686. 
 
 The Puritans, who were fanatical followers of Calvin, 
 rose to great. power liorh in England and Ireland in the 
 reign of Charles 1. They issued a manifesto in Ireland 
 declaring that they would not leave a priest in the 
 country," and that they would convert^ the people 
 with the sword in one hand and the Bible in the other. 
 They had sworn the extermination not only of Catholics, 
 but also of the whole Irish race. 
 
 The Catholics were again driven to take up arms in 
 8elf-defense, and took the field under the leadership of 
 Roger O' Moore and Sir Phelim O'xseill. Sir Charles 
 Coote, witii the Scotch garrison at Carrickfergus, 
 massacied three thousand unarmed men, women, and 
 children on the Island Magee. Coote was a relentless 
 butcher, and a suckling babe or a pregnant woman re- 
 ceived no more mercy from him than an enemy taken 
 in arms." The Catholic lords of the Pale were driven 
 to join their Irish co-religionists. 
 
 The government, in order to raise money to carrj' on 
 the war, confiscated two and a half million acres of 
 lands owned by Catholics, and sold them to Protestants 
 for one million pounds, which enabled them to put an 
 arm\ in the field under command of James Butler, 
 Duke of Ormond, whose treachery was only surpassed 
 by his craft. The Council at Dublin Castle sent him 
 the following instruction : "It is resolved that it is fit 
 that his Lordship do endeavor with his Majesty's forces 
 to wound, kill, slay, and destroy, by all the w^ays and 
 means he may, all the said rebels, their adherents and 
 relievers; and burn, waste, spoil, consume destroy, and 
 
THE REFORMATIOX. 
 
 87 
 
 demolish all the places, towns, and houses where the 
 said rebels are or have been relieved or harbored, and 
 all the hay or corn there; and kill and destroy all the 
 men there inhabiting, capable to bear arms." Given 
 at the Castle of DiibUn, on the 23d of February, 1642. 
 
 In March, 1642. the bishops of the Synod of Kells 
 declared the war ''just and lawful,'' and on the 10th 
 of Mav followinoj the Confederation of Kilkenny was 
 held, at which the supreme power was vested in a 
 council composed of three archbishops, two bishops, 
 four lords, and lifteen commissiuuers. Lord Mount- 
 garret was president of this council. 
 
 On July 6th Colonel Owen Roe O'Xeill landed ia 
 Donegal with one hundred officers and supplies, and in 
 September Colonel Thomas Preston arrived at Wex- 
 ford with five hundred oflacers, arms and supplies. 
 Owen Roe O'Xeill was appointed to carry on the war 
 in Ulster, Thomas Preston in Leinster, James Barry in 
 Munster, and John Burke in Connauirlir. The Con- 
 federate troops were successful at Portlester. Kil worth, 
 and Galway, but were defeated at Kilrush, Lisscarroll, 
 Bailynakill. Rathconnell, and Ardmore. 
 
 The Puritans in England had taken up arms against 
 the King, and in an evil hour the Anglo-Irish members 
 of the Supreme Council entered into a truce with 
 Ormond for twelve months and yoted money and men 
 to aid the King. While the Catholics were inactive, 
 observing the truce. General Monroe attacked Xewry 
 and put several to death. While the Puritans were 
 thus killing the Irish, the wily Ormond controlled the 
 Confederation through the Anglo-Irish members. 
 Though the Irish members and the Pope's nuncio were 
 for immediate war, their counsels were overruled by the 
 others. Even the ''No Quarter Act," issued by the 
 English Parliament in 1644, did not stimulate them to 
 
88 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 a sense of their dutv. This infamous order read as 
 follows: *'The lords and commons, assembled in the 
 Pcirliament of England, do declare that no quarter shall 
 he given to any Irishman, or to any papist born in 
 Ireland, which shall be taken in hostility against the 
 Parliament, either uj^on sea, or within the kingdom or 
 dominion of AVales; and, therefore, do order that the 
 Lord General, the Lord AdmiraL and all other officers 
 and commanders, both by sea and land, shall except 
 all Irishmen and all papists born in Ireland out of all 
 capitulation hereafter to be made with the enemy, and 
 shall, upon the taking of every such Irishman and papist 
 born in Ireland, as aforesaid, forthwith put every such 
 person to death.'' Fifteen hundred Irish were serving 
 under the banner of Charles in Scotland, while the 
 Puritans were massacring their kindred at home. 
 
 The arrival of John Baptisto Rinuccini, Archbishop 
 of Fermo, wuo landed in Munster as nuncio <^f Inno- 
 cent X., with a supply of arms and money, gave heart 
 to the Irish. He was in favor of a vigorous prosecu- 
 tion of the war, but Ormond's wishes prevailed, and 
 the Anglo-Irish members not only succeeded in thwart- 
 ing the war party, but also effected a treaty with 
 Charles, who wanted any assistance he could get against 
 his own subjects. They even voted the King six 
 thousand tmops to aid him against his enemies. Soon 
 after Charles was forced to seek refuge among the 
 Scotch, who meanlv sold him to his own Parliament 
 for two hundred thousand pounds, and he was beheaded 
 on Januai'y 30th, 1649. 
 
 > Tl u'ough the divisions in the Supreme Council 
 Ireland lost another chance of flinging off the English 
 yoke, for had she vigorously prosecuted the war at 
 home, while the King and Parliamentarians were light- 
 ing it out in England, her success would have been 
 assured. Tliis has always been the ruin of Ireland; 
 
I 
 
 THE PwEFORMATION. 89 
 
 petty quarrels and jealous rivalries step in to destroy 
 lier brightest hopes and most glowing prospects. 
 
 The brave Owen Roe O'Neill defeated the Puritans 
 in several battles, the greatest of which was at Benburb 
 v^here he defeated Monroe and eight thousand troops 
 on June 4th, 1646. The Supreme Council soon came 
 to an open rupture, and the war langnislied until 
 Cromwell was able to turn his attention from English 
 affairs to Ireland. In 1649 Rinuccini left Ireland in 
 disgust, and Cromwell with fourteen thousand fol- 
 lowers landed in Dublin the same year. 
 
 Cromwell's career in Ireland wsls one of the most 
 bloody on record. It is remarkable for the amount of 
 blood which he shed in a few months. Thus, at 
 Drogheda, although quarter had been promised, the 
 work of slaughter lasted five days, and the three 
 thousand men comprising the garrison were put to the 
 sword, together with one thousand unresisting victims, 
 who had sought refuge in the great church. The few 
 who espaped death were sent as slaves to the Barbadoes, 
 September 11th. At Wexford the enemy broke into 
 the town during a truce, and "no distinction," says 
 Lingard, "was made between the defenseless inhabit- 
 ants and the armed soldiers; nor could the shrieks of 
 three hundred females, who had gathered round the 
 great cross, preserve them from the swords of these 
 ruthless barbarians." By Cromwell himself the num- 
 ber slaughtered here is put down at two thousand, in- 
 cluding men, women, and children. 
 
 The only general able to meet him was the brave 
 Owen Roe O'Neill, who died while marching to meet 
 him, at Clough Oughter Castle, not without strong sus- 
 picion of being poisoned by his enemies. 
 
 Cromwell was declared Lord Protector in 1653. He 
 confiscated in all about seven million acres of land in 
 
 • « 
 
90 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Ireland, dri\ing the natives " to hell or to Connnught." 
 !Not content with sucli sweeping conliscations, forty 
 thousand fighting men were forced to seek shelter in 
 foreign lands; and at least sixty thousand boys nnd 
 girls, men and women, were sent as slaves to Virginia, 
 New England, and the West India Islands. Cromwell 
 died in ICjS, after having massacred the Irish people in 
 thousands, plundered their monasteries, churciies, and 
 convents, and put to death three bishops, three hun- 
 dred priests, and several monks and nuns. 
 
 In 1660 Charles 11. ascended the throne, and the 
 treacherous Ormond was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, Under him the Puritans ruled Ireland, and the 
 Catholics met with nothing but persecution. All kinds 
 of new plots and outrages were charged to them, just as 
 they are to the Land Leaguers in our day, as a pretext for 
 persecuting them. Among the illustrious men persecuted 
 to deatli was Oliver Plunket, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 who was executed at Tyburn, July 11th, 1681. 
 
 On the death of Charles he was succeeded by his 
 brother, James II., A. D. 1685. James was a Catholic 
 and tried to restore libertv of conscience, but the same 
 Puritanical element which sent Charles 1. to the block 
 succeeded in depriving James of his throne. They in- 
 duced William, Prince of Orange, who was married to 
 James's daughter, to accept the crown After James 
 was driven •''rom EugUmd he found refuge in Ireland, 
 and loyal Irish hearts and arms to espouse his cause. 
 That brave. people, though weakened by successive and 
 disastrous wars, and impoverished by confiscations, 
 rallied around him, and would have placed him again 
 on the throne, had not his own cowardic::^ and effeminacy 
 defeated their eflorts. William folio\A^ed James to 
 Ireland, and the battle which settled the succession was 
 fought at the Boyne, July 12th, 1690. 
 
THE REFORMATIOX. 
 
 91 
 
 After James's fliglifc the Irish continued the conflict, 
 and the battles oi* Aiiglirim and Limerick attest how 
 bravely they did so. After the siege of Limerick four- 
 teen thousand men entered the service of France, and 
 it is estimated that in all nearly half a million entered 
 tlie French'army. The penal laws caused thousands of 
 young men to flee to America, or to join their country- 
 men in the service of France. Spain, and Austria. 
 Tliey were eagerly welcomed everywhere. Louis XIY. 
 spoke of them as '' my brave Irish." Francis I. of Ger- 
 many said of them: ^'Tlie more Irish officers in the 
 Austriati army, the better; an Irish coward is an un- 
 common character.", Tlie Irish soldiers greatly dis- 
 tinguished themselves in the following battles: At 
 Landen, in Flanders, and at Massiglin, in Savoy, 1698; 
 at Cremona, in Italy, 1702; at Ramilles, in Flanders, 
 1706; at Almanza, in Spain, 1707; at Viletry, in Italy, 
 1713; and at Oran, in Sicily, 1733. 
 
 We have slightly digressed, so we return to William 
 and the penal laws. After James had proved himself 
 unworthy to be a king, the Irish would gladly have 
 submitted to William, if he had promised them justice. 
 But knowing that new conflscations awaited their sub- 
 mission, they resisted on; and but for causes over which 
 they had no control and which no one could foi'esee, 
 would probably have triumphed. This war, which re- 
 flects so much credit on the Iiish arms, laid the founda- 
 tion of the British national debt, which has since gone 
 on accumulating, till it threatens to swallow u]) the 
 wealth of the empire. 
 
 The confiscations of estates by the government of 
 William turned out of their homes nearly 4,000 families, 
 and robbed them of land to the value of £3,319,043, 
 or over $16,500,000. This mighty robbery was for 
 high treason, which high treason consisted in defending 
 
92 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 the British throne against a usnrper. The century that 
 succeeded the revolutionary war is simply a long record 
 of oppressions, crimes, and sufferings. Ireland had 
 ceased to struggle, and lay a helpless victim at the feet of 
 its merciless masters. The vulture now jilunged its 
 beak into the bleeding form of its prey, and tore away 
 "the flesh at its leisure. 
 
 The i^enal laws enacted during this period are a per- 
 petual stain on the English government. These, together 
 with the injustice and tvrannv of the local ma^istracv, 
 
 •I V ft/ Oft/' 
 
 the extortions of landlords, and the absence of justice 
 in all trials where an Irishman was concerned, reduced 
 the inhabitants almost to the last step humanity reaches 
 in its downward i^assage. These laws, which would 
 have disgraced the administration of Nero, imposed a 
 fine on every Catholic who should absent himself from 
 the service of the Established Church on the Sabbath ; 
 deprived them of the means of education, subjecting 
 every Catholic who should open a school to a fine of £20, 
 or three months' imprisonment; forbade Protestants to 
 intermarrv with them, and banished the entire Catholic 
 clenxv from the land. If the son of a Catholic became 
 a Protestant, the father could not dispose of his pro- 
 perty by will ; a Catholic could not become the 
 guardian of his own child; a Catholic could not succeed 
 to the property of any of his Protestant relatives. In 
 1709 additional acts were passed, and among them a 
 fixed reward offered for the discovery of Catholic priests! 
 
 For discovering an archbishop, bishop, vicar-general, 
 or other person exercising any foreign ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction, £50. 
 
 *'For discovering each regular clergyman, and each 
 secular clergyman not registered, £20. 
 
 "For discovering each popish schoolmaster or usher, 
 £10.' 
 
THE REFORMATION. 
 
 93 
 
 A Catholic could not hold the ofRce of sheriff or sit 
 on grand juries ; hence in all trials between a Catholic 
 and Protest-ant justice was a thing altogether out of the 
 question. To crown th^ absurdity and baseness of this 
 Protestant legislation, a bill was actually introduced, 
 and passed both houses of Parliament, decreeing that 
 every Catholic priest who came into the country should 
 be * 'emasculated." After its passage, it was sent to the 
 i^ing, with the earnest request it niiglu be placed in 
 the Irish statute-book. It was, however, rejected by 
 the English privy council. Nor did the enactment of 
 these absurd and cruel laws exhaust the hatred of the 
 enemies of Ireland. Her commerce and manufactures 
 were restricted, so that her internal resources could not 
 develop themselves, and her beautiful harbors lay un- 
 occupied along her shores. 
 
 In 1727 George II. ascended the throne; like every 
 other administration, this also must show its English 
 blood, by plunging the knife a little deeper into dying 
 Ireland. In the outset a bill was passed disfranchising 
 all the Catholics in the nation. They then constituted 
 Jioe-sixtlis of the entire population : only one-sixth 
 Avere left to vote, these being Protestants, and most of 
 them English. A more tyrannical act could not well 
 Jiave been conceived; but the ingenuity of English rulers 
 in devising modes of oppression seemed sharpened by 
 practice. 
 
94 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PEESENT. 
 
 CHAPTER YL 
 
 THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence — Tlie Rebellion of 
 ^98— The Union — The Repeal Moi^ement — The Fam- 
 ine in Ireland — The Men of '48. 
 
 After the sarrender of Limerick, Ireland seemed to 
 give up all idea of armed resistance. Her only hope 
 was in the retnrn '^f the ''Wild Geese," as those 'vvho 
 had tied to France to enter her service were called. 
 
 The war in xAmerica infused new liopes into the Irish, 
 and when the colonies declared their independence, July 
 4th, 1776, there was secret rejoicing at home, while the 
 Irish in America rushed to do battle for independence. 
 The Irish in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Maryland, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania raised 
 in all about sixteen thousand soldiers, all Irisli, for the 
 Continental army. The Pennsylvania Line," which 
 was called the "Irish Brigade," was composed alto- 
 gether of Irish. Amonii the leaders of the Revolution 
 were these Irishmen: Montgomery. Moylan, Sullivan, 
 Clinton. Staik. Knox, Hand. Dillon, Rutledge, O'Brien, 
 Patrick Henry, and Commodore Jolin Barry, tiie 
 ''Father of the American Navy"; Colonels Bul-ler, 
 Clinton, Fitzgerald, Gordan, Divine, Kennedy, Mc- 
 Allister, Nixon, Shea, Stewart, Thompson, and many 
 others. Colonel Nixon first read the Declaration of 
 Independence to the people. The following Irishmen 
 
THE VOLUNEEERS OF '82. 
 
 95 
 
 signed the Declaration of Independence : Cliarles 
 Thompson, who was secretary to the Congress, George 
 Read, Thomas Lynch, George Taylor, James Wilson, 
 Edward Rutledge, Matthew Thornton, James Smith, 
 Thomas McKean, and Charles Carroll of Carrollton. 
 
 Fearing a French invasion, the government consented 
 to the raising of the Irish Volunteers in Ulster, and in 
 a few months Ireland had a national army eighty-eight 
 thousand strong. Seeing their opportunity of wresting 
 concessions from England. Flood, Perry, Grattan, and 
 Charlemont inspired the army with their own national 
 sentiments. Grattan, finding Ireland ripe and the time 
 opportune, drew up resolutions establishing the judicial 
 and legislative independence of Ireland, and, owing to 
 his eloquence and devotion, they w^ere approved by 
 Parliament and became laws on receiving the sanction 
 of the King, May 27th, 1782. The words of the patriot 
 Gattan on this joyous occasion were: " I found Ireland 
 on her knees; I watched over her with paternal solici- 
 tude; I have traced her progress from injury to arms, 
 and from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift ! Spirit of 
 Molyneux ! your genius has prevailed ! Ireland is 
 now a nation ! In that new character I hail her! and, 
 bowing to her august jn-esence, I say, Esto peiyetua 
 
 The prosperity of Ireland under her own Parliament 
 was remarkable. Peace reigned, trade revived, the 
 revenue increased, various industries were encouraged, 
 the Bank of Ireland was established, and the future 
 promised well for Ireland. This was buc a transitory 
 gleam of hope: England at peace was bent on undoing 
 the concessions granted by England at war, and the 
 Rebellion of '98, which was forced on the country in 
 order to rob her of her Parliament, was the consequence. 
 The i:)eople were goaded into, rebellion. Martial law 
 was proclaimed; thousands of soldiers, English, Ger- 
 
96 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 man, Scotch, and Welsli, were brought into the coun- 
 try and allowed to live at free quarters. People were 
 insulted and ill treated by these minions of the govern- 
 ment, and there was no redress. The pitch-cap, whip- 
 ping, half-hanging, picketing, burning off tliehair, and 
 like barbarities were sanctioned by the authorities. 
 No man was sure of his life, and many were taken 
 without warrant and hanged without trial in the streets 
 and market-pJaces. At Carnew twenty- eight i^ersons 
 were murdered by Orangemen and militia, and at 
 Dunlevin thirty four more were shot without judge or 
 jury. 
 
 Lord Edward Fitzgerald, who was to lead the in- 
 surrection, was seized three days before the rising, 
 on May 23d, and died of his wound. In the des- 
 perate struggle tlia' followed the Irish peasantry, 
 particularly those of Wexford, Wicklow, and Kildare, 
 fought with a heroism that struck terror into the dis- 
 ciplined troops of England. Of the leaders avIio took 
 part in the conflict many were executed and the rest 
 banished from the countrj^ Among the former were 
 Henry Joy McCrackcn, Beauchamp Bagenal Harvej^ 
 Matthew Tone, and Bartholomew Teeling. Of the 
 latter, the most noted are MacNevin, Dr. Samson, and 
 Thomas Addis Emmet, who settled in ]S"ew York. This 
 war was distinguished, like all former ones in Ireland, 
 by frightful atrocities on the part of the English. In 
 the conflict England lost over twenty thousand soldiers, 
 and about thirty thousand peasants and insurgents 
 were slain, many of them massacred in cold blood. 
 
 Ireland now lay helpless under the feet of England. 
 The question of uniting the two countries was agitated, 
 and all the machinery of rhe government put in opera- 
 tion to effect it. It was deemed necessary to get an 
 Irish Parliament to sanction the *'Act of Union," so 
 
THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 97 
 
 as to make it appear before the world as the act of 
 Irishmen themselves. When Ihe subject of "Union'' 
 was first mentioned, it was received with general indig. 
 nation; and weak and prostrate as Ireland was, and 
 fornjidable as was an English army of 126,000 men, 
 ready to be precipitated on her defenseless population, 
 yet she would doubtless have taken up arms rather than 
 sanction it, if she had not been duped by false promises. 
 But with all her fair pretensions, England could not 
 have carried the Union without the presence of her 
 immense military force. What could Ireland do? 
 Prostrate from a sanguinary struggle — laid under 
 martial law — the Habeas Corjjus Act suspended — no 
 protection to property, libert}^, or life — the jails crowded 
 with innocent victims — the scaffold red with the blood 
 of those who had committed no crime — tortures and 
 death on every side, — what could she do? How could 
 she discuss the Union calmly, with more than 100,000 
 bayonets bristling around her, and pointing at her 
 heart? Yet under all this formidable and merciless 
 force, efforts were made to prevent the unholy alliance. 
 
 A meeting was called in Tipperary, attended by 
 gentlemen of rank and fortune. But the high sheriff 
 had scarcely taken the chair, before a company of Eng- 
 lish soldiers marched into the court house, and dispersed 
 the assembly. The same was done in Maryborough. 
 To this fear of physical force were added bribes and 
 corruption. Rotten boroughs were bought up, that 
 those favorable to the English interest might be retui-ned 
 to the legislature. Lord Castlereagh dechu'ed in the 
 House of Commons, that "he would carry the Union, 
 though it might cost more than half a million in bribes.'* 
 The price of a single vote on the question was £8.000, 
 or nearly $40,000, or, in its place, an appointment worth 
 $10,000 per annum. More than $6,000,000 were spent 
 
98 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 in buying up close rotten boroughs ; $7,000,000 more in 
 bribes ; making in all, in round numbers, fourteen 
 millions of dollars distributed to effect the subjuga- 
 tion of Ireland. Yet with her 100,000 bayonets and 
 $14,000,000, there were 707,000 who petitioned against 
 the Union, and only 5,000 for it. A very small majority 
 in the legislature linally secured its passage, and that, 
 too, when among those styling themselves representa- 
 tives of the people, there were 116 placemen and officers 
 who did not own an inch of land in Ir^-land. 
 
 But the Act of Union" passed. In the language of 
 Mr. Sampson, " It was on the first day of January, 1801, 
 at the-hour of noon, that the imperial united standard 
 mounted on the Bedford Tower, in Dublin Castle, and 
 the guns of the roval salute battery in the PhoDuix 
 Park, announced to weeping, bleeding, prostrate Ire- 
 land, that her independence was no more, and that her 
 guilt-stained Parliament had done herself to death." 
 
 •By a system of violence, theft, falsehood, andcoiTJip- 
 tion unparalleled in the history of civilized na lions, 
 Entrland forced Ireland into a union that destroyed her 
 independence, ruined her commerce, exhausted her 
 wealth, and left her a helpless victim at the feet of her 
 spoiler. This charge of perfidy, treachery, and infamous 
 theft against the English government, no one who is at 
 all acquainted with this vilest of .England's vile trans- 
 actions will presume to deny. Said Lord Plunket at 
 the time : 
 
 *'I will be bold to say, that licentious and impious 
 France, in all the unrestrained excesses that anarchy 
 and atheism liave iriven birth to, has not committed a 
 more insidious act against her enemy, than is now at- 
 tempted by the professed champion of civilized Europe 
 against Ireland — a friend and ally in the hour of her 
 calamity and distress. At a moment when our country 
 
THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 
 
 99 
 
 is filled with British troops — when the Habeas Corpus 
 Act is suspended — whilst trials by court-martial are 
 carrying on in different parts of the kingdom — while 
 the people are made to believe that they have no right 
 to meet and deliberate, and whilst the j)eople are palsied 
 by their fears, at the moment when we are distracted 
 by internal dissensions — dissensions kept alive as the 
 pretext of our present subjugation, and the instrument 
 of our future thraldom — such is the time when the 
 Union is proposed." 
 
 On the 7th of June, A. D. 1800, the infamous measure 
 was carried by a majority of sixty-five in the Commons 
 and fifty-nine in the Lords. On the 2d of AugusX fol- 
 lowing it received the approbation of the King, and the 
 Parliament of Ireland ceased to exist. 
 
 The Rebellion of '98 and the ''Union" were fol- 
 lowed by Emmet's rebellion, which partook more of the 
 chivalrous than the real. The devoted and enthu- 
 siastic Robert Emmet paid the penalty of his patriot- 
 ism on the scaffold. He said, ''Till Ireland is free let 
 not my epitaph be written;" and it shall not be. He 
 offered himself up as a holocaust to liberty. He shouted 
 one battle-cry in the ears of his countrymen and died. 
 They err much, who suppose he accomplished nothing. 
 A martyr never dies in vain. Every drop of his blood 
 will yet send forth a living man fraught with the fire 
 of his origin. The name of Emmet at this day stirs 
 every patriot heart in that Green Isle like the blast of 
 a trumpet. His dying words are remembered and re- 
 peated to every generation. He bequeathed his free 
 spirit to his country in sacred trust, looking forward to 
 that day when his emancipated nation should write hi^> 
 epitaph and honor his sacrifice. The fiag of freedom 
 •Mhall yet wave over his ashes, and the shout of a 
 ransomed people shake the earth that encloses hini. 
 
100 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 After tlie Rebellion of '98 and tlie execution of 
 Emmet, a peace reigned in Ireland, but it was the sullen 
 peace of despair and discontent. It is true, England no 
 longer gave a bount}^ for the head of an Irish priest, 
 but she rewarded his oppressors on a grander scale. 
 The estates of Irish lords are not confiscated, and the 
 peasantry shot in pastime; but are not her soldiers even 
 now quartered upon the people— exciting their deadliest 
 hatred, and fanning the coals of rebellion, which would 
 bring a recurrence of those calamities ? Her bards and 
 songs are not destroyed as formerly, lest they should 
 inspire the people to strike again for liberty, but is not 
 the freedom of the press restricted, and the expression 
 of public opinion a crime to be punished by exile or 
 imprisonment? Have not her public meetings been 
 scattered by ruthless soldiery, lest her champions 
 might speak too freely of the abuses which have 
 fired her people to deeds of blood, and maddened them- 
 with a thirst for revenge ? Bat the spirit of direct op- 
 position was crushed out of the people, and secret 
 societies and organizations took the lAace of open re- 
 volt. 
 
 The effect of the Union was to increase the taxation 
 of Ireland, to enable England to cripple her trade and 
 commerce, and to drive from Ireland the capitalists and 
 landlords who enriched her capital by spending their 
 money there, but who now spend over fifty million 
 dollars a year of the rental of Ireland in England and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 The Catholic Emancipation, was the next great 
 question that agitated the minds of the Irish people, 
 and under the leadership of the immortal Daniel 
 O'Connell it assumed such proportions as to become a 
 menace to England. In 1823 O'Connell established the 
 Catholic Association, which soon embraced In its ranks 
 
THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 
 
 101 
 
 the hierarchj and X)riesthood of Ireland, as well as all 
 men of liberal ideas and religious toleration. In 1828 
 he was elected to Parliament, and refused to take the 
 usual anti-Catholic oath, because, he said: ''Part of 
 it I know 10 be false; another part I do not believe to 
 be true." 
 
 The agitation was successful, and a bill for the eman- 
 cipation of Catholics was passed both by the. Lords 
 and Commons and approved by George IV,, April 
 13th, 1829. In 1830 George died, and was succeeded 
 by William lY. About this time the national school 
 system was introduced and tithes were nominalJy 
 abolished, but in reality retained under the name of 
 rent charge. 
 
 The condition of the poor of Ireland became yearly 
 worse since the Union; there was no trade, no commerce, 
 no industries, by which the people could make a living; 
 English laws, aided by the combination of English 
 capital, had stamped them out, thus compelling the 
 people to rely solely on the land for their living. This 
 caused an unnatural competition for land, of which 
 the landlords took advantage, and year after year 
 raised the rent to such an exorbitant pitch that the 
 unfortunate tenants were unable to bear the pressure, 
 and poverty, eviction, and starvation were the con- 
 sequence. The Poor-law Commission of 1839 reported 
 that two million three hundred thousand of the agricul- 
 tural laborers of Ireland were paupers ; that those 
 immediately above the lowest rank were the worst-clad, 
 worst-fed, and worst-lodged i:)easantry in Europe. 
 
 About this time Father Mathew, one of the most re- 
 markable men of modern times, began his crusade 
 a<?:ainst intemperance. 
 
 In 1840 O'Connell organized the Repeal Association, 
 for the purpose of obtaining a severance of the union 
 
102 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESKNT. 
 
 between England and Ireland. Soon the Repeal agi- 
 tation spread over Ireland, and Avas well sustained 
 by some of the ablest men of the day, including several 
 bishops and numerous priests. To sustain the agita- 
 tion the people paid a Repeal rent, which at one time 
 ran up as high as to average £1,000, or 8«>,000 per week. 
 He held meetings in different j^arts of the country. 
 Men Hocked from England and Scotland to attend 
 these meetings and to hear the great Liberator speak. 
 As an instance of the numbers attending these meet- 
 ings, at one held at Clowes there were fifty thousand; 
 at Baltinglass, one hundred and fifty thousand; at 
 Charleville, three hundred thousand; at Kilkenny, 
 three hundred thousand; at Loughrea, Thurles, arid 
 Cork, five hundred thousand each; at Lismore, six 
 hundred thousand; at Mullaghmast, eight hundred 
 thousand; and at Tara, one million. 
 
 The government became alarmed at such monster 
 displays, dismissed all Repealers from office, deluged 
 the countr}^ with troops, forbade the meeting at Clon- 
 tarf, and even threatened to suppress it by violence, 
 and finally prosecuted O'Connell and eiixht of his asso- 
 ciates, who were called the "state prisoners." 
 
 By packed juries and other means at which English 
 officials are such experts, they succeeded in obtaining 
 a favorable verdict. The sentence was a fine of £'2.000 
 and one year's imprisonment. After three months the 
 sentence was reversed by the House of Lords, and 
 O'Connell was released. In referring to the manner in 
 which the trial was conducted. Lord Denman said : ''If 
 such practices as have taken place in the present 
 instance in Ireland shall continue, trial by jury will 
 become a mockery, a delusion, and a snare.'' 
 
 The manner in which the poor of Ireland were op- 
 pressed, and the great poverty prevailing among them, 
 
THE VOLUXTEEllS OF '82. 
 
 103 
 
 compelled them to emigrate to other countries. At 
 first the tide of emigration set in for Canada, and from 
 the year 1815 to 1839 as many as three hundred and 
 seventy-five thousand Irishmen emigrated to Canada, 
 By the official census of 1841 there were 419,2i56 in Eng- 
 land and Scotland, and within tlie ten years from 1839 to 
 1849 as many as 428,000 more arrived in Canada. Many 
 of thj^se, how^ever, passed on to the United States, where 
 in addition there settled 490,000 between the years 1820 
 and 1847, Besides these, many tliousands also went 
 from Ireland to settle in France, Belgium, Australia, anl 
 the distant colonies of the British Empire. These poor 
 emigrants were the pioneers of Catholicity wherever 
 they went. In England, in Scotland, in Australia, and 
 chiefly in America, they have, by their fervent piety 
 and deep religious convictions, planted the seed of the 
 faith in fruitful soil, and have raised innumerable 
 churches and temples to the worshij^, the honor, and 
 glory of God. 
 
 After O'Connell's release from prison he commenced 
 the renewal of the Repeal agitation, but he was bitterly 
 opposed by a host of ardent young patriots, who 
 spurned agitation and tame submission, and whose 
 appeal was to the genius of the sword and the arbitra- 
 tion of battle. They started tlie Young Ireland i:)art3% 
 and established the Dublin Nation as their organ. Its 
 ablest writers were Charles Gavin Duff}^ John Mitchel, 
 and Thomas Davis. They were brilliant patriots, and 
 soon poured red-hot shell among the enemy. The 
 glowing and impassioned Thomas Francis Meagher, the 
 silver-tongued young orator, Richard O' Gorman, the 
 staid and stately William S. O'Brien, the fearless Michael 
 Doheny and John Dillon, and the poetical inspiration 
 of D Arcy McGee, Dalton Williams, Speranza,'' 
 •'Eva^' Edward Walsh, Kevin O'Doherty, John 
 
104 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Savage, and a host of others poetized and deified the 
 new gospel of physical force, nntil poor O'Connell saw 
 himself deserted and broken down in Ijealth and spirits. 
 He went on a visit to Rome, but died on the way at 
 Genoa, on May 15th, 1847. The confederates were a 
 brilliant but impracticable lot of young dreamers. 
 They kept some life in a dying country, and made the 
 most of the horrible famine, accusing England of first 
 causing it by unjust laws, and then aiding it to ex- 
 terminate the i:>eoi^le. In all this they were not far out 
 of the way. But while they were waging war with fiery 
 tongue and burning words on paper against England, 
 they were doing nothing practically to prepare for the 
 crisis which they were fast precii^itating. The govern- 
 ment had transported Mitchel and others, and when 
 .Ireland was one vast garrison, in 1848, and the people 
 dying in thousands from starvation, they suspended the 
 Habeas Corpus Act, and issued warrants for the arrest 
 of Smith O'Brien, Mengher^ Dillon, 0' Gorman, and 
 others. 
 
 The orator-patriots were not prepared for this, and 
 had hastilv to flv from Dublin to avoid arrest. They 
 had neitherarms,anmiunition, money, or any matured 
 plan to carry on war. Tl>ey lied to different parts of 
 the country. Smith O'Brien, Doheny, Dillon, Mc- 
 Manus, and a few minor leaders, induced b}^ Doheny, 
 lied to Tipperary, where they were "joined by Thomas 
 F. Meagher, James Stephens, and others. They first 
 went to Carrick-on Suir, where the j^easantry rushed 
 around them, as also John O'Mahony and his followers, 
 armed as best they could. Smith O'Brien told them 
 all to go home and wait a little longer, until the crops 
 would be ripe, for they had no means of supporting 
 them. They next went to Cashel, where a similar 
 scene occurred. From this they passed on to the 
 
THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82, 
 
 105 
 
 Slievaraagh Colliery district, where the peasants rushed 
 in thousands around them. Even the very school-boys, 
 the cliildren of some of the leading men of that section, 
 including the Kickhams, the Mullalys, the Conyng- 
 hams, the Fitzgeralds, the Powers, the Meaghers, and 
 others, some of whom subsequently figured in the 
 American civil war, left their books and their lessons 
 and rushed to join the patriot band. Alas, their young 
 ardor was soon cooled. The leaders had neither the 
 means nor the disposition to make war. They only 
 wanted to keep from arrest until the harvest would 
 ripen, so as to feed an army. The poor, half-starved 
 peasant, as he wearily toiled home in obedience to the 
 orders he received, saw the rich lands and parks around 
 him, the owners of wh,icli had fled to Dublin or England, 
 studded with fat sheep, deer, and oxen; and yet he 
 should wait until the harvest would ripen before' he 
 could strike for life and liberty. 
 
 Smith O'Brien rested for a few days near the colliery, 
 retaining only about fifty men as a guard. This the 
 authorities knew well, and made preparations to arrest 
 him. Inspectors Cox and Trant marched from Callan 
 to Ballingarry, with over one hundred men, while at 
 the same time Inspector Monaghan, with eighty men, 
 started from Cjishel to join them. To cooperate with 
 these General McDonald marched from Thurles, where 
 he had arrived by train from Dublin, with about five 
 hundred regulars. 
 
 Smith O'Brien and his small guard lay at the '^Com- 
 mons," near Ballingarr}^, in fancied ^ecurit}^, when 
 word reached him on the morning of the 29th day of 
 July that a large body of police was marching to ar- 
 rest them. They were Trant' s men from Callan. The 
 brave colliers, without considering the result, rushed 
 to attack them. The police had passed the village of 
 
106 IRELAND, PAST AND PP.ESEXT. 
 
 Ballingarry. Trant, seeing the menacing attitude of the 
 peasantry, who were collecting around him from all 
 quarters, and not hearing from Monaghan or the 
 vsoldiers, thought it well to fortify himself somewhere. 
 Seeing a strong stone farm-house near, he made for it. 
 The colliers, seeing the move, tried to intercept him, 
 and with that intention exchanged shots. Trant took 
 possession of the house, which was built for a police 
 barmcks and stood on the toj) of a hill, and from it 
 opened fire on the people, which they returned in vain, 
 for it would tak<? cannon to batter down that house -m 
 the top of Farrenrory Hill. This has been sneeringly 
 called the ''cabba2:e garden'- battle, or the ''fiirlit at 
 Mrs. McCormiclv s house.'' Here about one hundred 
 peasants, with a few guns among them and without 
 cover of any kind, stood the fire of over one hundred 
 policemen well under cover. While this unequal con- 
 flict went on for some time, Monaghan's force ap- 
 proached. The men left before the house, and made 
 an attack on the advancing column as it marched along 
 a sunken road, hurling stones and all kinds of missiles 
 at them. 
 
 The people were collecting from all sides, and it looked 
 as if the police would have to succumb in the end, when 
 the approach of General McDonald's ti;oops compelled 
 the colliers and peasants to sullenly letire, carrying 
 w^ith them the two dead men and the wounded of their 
 party. Thus ended the hopes of the Young Ireland 
 party and the battle of Farrenrory. 
 
 The famine in Ireland, which set in with the blight 
 of the potato crop in 1846, and continued for nearly 
 three years, was one of the most frightful that ever 
 afflicted a nation or people. While it lasted nearly 
 one million persons perished from actual starvation, 
 while as many more fled the country in terror. In 
 
THE VOLUNTEERS OF '82. 107 
 
 '47 and '48 so prostrated were the people in many sec- 
 tions of the conntr3% that they were unable to bury 
 tlieir dead, whose bodies were devoured by dogs and 
 beasts of prey. In some cases wliole families perished^ 
 in their homes of hunger alone, and the houses were 
 set fire to, in order to consume rlie bodies of the victims 
 of Irish famine caused by English misrule. 
 
 The dying wretches lived on grass and herbage of all 
 kinds until nature gave way and death ended their pain. 
 In many cases the living babe was found sucking the 
 dead mothers breast. Even in the poor-houses so 
 numerous were the deaths that the humane authorities 
 provided coffins with spring bottoms, so that after bring- 
 ing the remains to the spot they could dump it into the 
 hole without going to the cost of a coffin to cover it. 
 All this happened in Christian Ireland, under the 
 fostering rule of England, and tliis at a time too when 
 the warehouses and granaries of England were groan- 
 ing with corn and provisions, and while the landlords 
 of Ireland were daily shipping corn and fat stock to 
 England. In fact, the ships of England, laden with 
 corn and cattle to the gunwale, were sailing out from 
 the ports of Ireland, while the ships of the world were 
 sailing in with corn and provisions for tlie relief of the 
 starving. In 1846 food to the value of fifteen million 
 pounds was shipped to England, and in 1847, the 
 '^famine year," the produce of the country amounted 
 to £44,958,120, an amount suflScient to feed twice the 
 population of Ireland. 
 
 While England remained inactive, the Pacha of 
 Egypt, the Shah of Persia, the Emperor of China, the 
 Rajahs of India, conspired to do for Ireland what her 
 so-styled rulers refused to do. America did more in 
 this work of mercy than all the rest of the world put 
 together. 
 
108 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 The effect of the famine was sad in every way; be- 
 sides those who died, tens of thousands tied in horror 
 from the country. At the port of Liverpool alone, be 
 tvveen the 13th of January, 1847, and the 13th of 
 Decembei', 1848, there landed 290,231 persons from 
 Ireland. Of this vast number about 130,000 emigrated 
 to the United States. Hence, in this way, emigration 
 from Ireland was suddenlv increased to 105,000 in 184(3. 
 to 215,000 in 1847, to 254,000 in 1849, to 249,000 in 1850, 
 and to 289,000 in 1851. In Canada alone, between the 
 8th of Mav and the first w^eek in June, 1847, as manv as 
 eighty-four plague-stricken ships entered the St. Law- 
 rence, with cargoes of poor Irisli emigrants. After the 
 famine, in 1851, there were 733,SCG Irish in England and 
 Scotland, and within the ten years from 1847 to 1857 as 
 many as 1,298,603 landed in the United States. The 
 whole emigration from Ireland for this ej^ioch amounted 
 to 1.873,533 souls. After this the tide of emigration 
 continued to flow in one steady stream, and from 1857 
 to the present time, 1882, it. is caJoulated that over one 
 and' a half million Irish arrived in the United States 
 alone. 
 
TUE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 109 
 
 CHAPTER YIL 
 
 THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 Organization in Ireland — Hie Iris/i Republic in 
 America — The Arrests in 1865 — Escape of James 
 Stephens — The Fiasco of 1867 — The Manchester 
 Martyrs. 
 
 For the past seven hundred years, the history of 
 Ireland is but a record of one long, continuous struggle 
 of her people against English rule and English Op- 
 pression. Not a single generation has passed away 
 without leaving its protest, written in blood, against 
 the cruel tyranny and brutal wrongs perpetrated by the 
 . Saxon robbers. And vet all the loi-ce of the British 
 crown, mercilessly and treacherously exerted, has 
 failed to subdue the people of Ireland, or crush out 
 their natural love of liberty and longings for national 
 independence. 
 
 Of all the organized efforts of our people to break the 
 British yoke and raise Ireland to the position of a 
 nation, that of Fenianism, perhaps, was, and is yet, the 
 most formidable. This vast confederation of the Irish 
 race, as it may justly be termed, succeeded for a time in 
 uniting under its standard nearl}' all the organizations 
 and societies which existed throughout the United 
 Kingdom for revolutionary purposes. Fenianism may 
 be said to have sprung into life when, in 1858, James 
 Stephens gathered up the shattered remnants of the 
 
110 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Phoenix Societ}', and brought the chief spirits of the 
 movement under his control. Many of these daring 
 rebels afterwards became extensively known, and have 
 since acquired a world-wide reputation for their long 
 sufferings in. English prisons and their determined op- 
 position to English rule in Ireland. The organization 
 over which Mr. Stephens presided at this time was 
 known as the ''Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood/' and 
 it was not until some three vears later that the title of 
 ** Fenians'' became popularly known in Ireland. This 
 was on the occasion of the union between the two 
 sections, that in Ireland and the one in America pre- 
 sided over by John O'Mahony, to which, through his 
 love of Gaelic tradition, he gave the title of Fenians," 
 the ancient name of an Irish national militia which 
 existed in the second centurv. To John O'Mahonv, 
 therefore, is due the credit of having laid the founda- 
 tion of a power that has since put England on the 
 defensive, and cost her millions of treasure to combat; 
 a power which is still striking blow after blow at the 
 structure of her corrupt and demoralizing system of 
 government in Ireland. 
 
 In 3S63 a convention of representatives from all 
 branches of the organization, both in Ireland and the 
 United States, was held in Chicago, on which occasion 
 the work to be done by both branches was mapped out. 
 The Fenians of America, it was understood, would aid 
 the men in Ireland in procuring money, arms, munitions 
 of war, and would also send over officers to organize 
 and take command of the troops, which were all ready 
 to take the field as soon as the necessary means could 
 be furnished. Accordingly the work went on steadily, 
 each branch laboring zealously to perform its part, 
 until the close of the American war gave a fresh and 
 powerful impetus to the movement. Here, it seemed^ 
 
t:ie feniax :.iovkmknt. 
 
 in 
 
 was the grand opportunity for wliich Ireland bad been 
 long and patiently waiting. Thousands of her exiled sons 
 had been freed from their obligations to their adopted 
 country, many of them having acquired a national di:5- 
 tinction for bravery and military skill, and were now 
 ready and anxious to exercise both in the causeof their 
 native land. It was conhdeiulv hinted, after the Union 
 army was mustered out of service, that the movement 
 in Ireland was about to take place at once, and many 
 of its officers lost no time in taking passage inunediately 
 for the old land. Among the lirst of these may be 
 mentioned: General William G. Halpin, wLo had 
 served with distinction in the Armv of the Tennessee: 
 General Denis F. Burke, who had commanded the Irish 
 Brigade daring a portion of the war; Colonel Miciiael 
 Kerwin, who had commanded a brigade of cavalry 
 under Sheridan and under Sherman during his ''March 
 from the sea"; General F. F. Millen, who had served 
 in the Mexican army; Colonel Quirk, who had served 
 in the Western armv; Lieutenant-Colonel John H. 
 Gleason; Majors Moore, Byron, and Bible; Captain 
 Thomas J. Kellv, who had served as sio^ual officer 
 under Sherman; Captain McCafferty, of the Confederate 
 army; Captain E. Dogherty, Assistant Adjutant-General 
 of the Second Division, Army of the Potomac; Captain 
 James Murphy; Captains Thomas J. Costello, Moy- 
 nalian, and Muliutll, of the Irish Brigade; Captain D. J. 
 Mykens, Captain Smyth, of the Artillery; Captain 
 Underwood O' Council; Captain Carioll, of the cavalry 
 corps; Captain P. J. Condon, of the Irish Brigade; Cap- 
 tains McDermott and O'Rourke; Captain O'Connor; 
 Colonel Denis Dowling, who resi^^ned his position in the 
 United States Army; Captain Daih% Captain Doheny, 
 and over a hundred others whose names must be col- 
 lected by the future historian. 
 
112 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 The presence of so many strangers in the country, 
 all giving evidence by their bearing of having received 
 military training, excited unusual alarm among the 
 officials of the Irish executive, and this, coupled with . 
 another significant demonstration which took place some 
 years previously, set the secret machinery of the 
 government at work in earnest to get at the bottom 
 of the conspiracy. The significant demonstration 
 referred to occurred at the funeral of Terence Bellew 
 McManus, who escaped from Van Diemen's Land, and 
 settled in San Fj*ancisco, where he died eaily in ISGl, 
 and in the latter part of the same year his friends had 
 his bodv removed and transferred for interment to 
 Ireland. A large delegation from the United States 
 accompanied the body, where the open expression of 
 disloyalty indulged in by the people aroused the sus- 
 picions of the crown authorities, and from that time 
 forth watchful detectives were set on the track of all 
 suspected persons. This circumstance, together with 
 the bombastic articles which appeared in the columns 
 of the Irish- American new^spax'iers, about the vast 
 force of experienced soldiers being thrown into Ireland, 
 made the English government doubly watchful. The 
 authorities had not long to watch, however; they were 
 soon in possession of facts sufficient to warrant a general 
 attack on the organization, the leaders of which had 
 been for a long time well know^n to them. Accordingly 
 a privy council was held at the Castle on the 15tli 
 of September, 1805. and on the same night the city was 
 startled with the intelligence that The Irish People 
 newspaper was seized, and that everybody connected 
 with it was in the hands of the police. The excite- 
 ment in the ranks of the confederates was intense. 
 No one seemed to know the full extent of the damage 
 done to the cause. *'Is Stephens arrested?'' was the 
 
■ THE FEXIAN MOVEMENT 113 
 
 question on every tongue, and it was not until the fol- 
 lowing morning that it became geneially known that 
 he was still at large. This knowledge tended some- 
 what to allay the excitement and general feeling of 
 desi3ondency, which for the moment seemed to take 
 posession of every mind. ^'As long as the 'Boss' is 
 free," was the cry, "the fight is bound to take place 
 this vear." ' ■ ' '■ 
 
 • The extent of the seizure was soon known, and it 
 was found that some of the choicest spirits of the 
 movement were in the hands of the police. O' Donovan 
 Eossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, John O'Leary, William 
 Roantree, and many others, w^ere among the first 
 victims of the treacherous work of the perjured 
 informer. ^'Who is the traitor^' was heard whispered 
 on every side, and a vow of vengeance was uttered 
 that boded no good to the wretch, if once unmasked. 
 . On the night of the arrests, Mr. Stephens was hold- 
 ing a reception at the rooms of one of his organizers- 
 Mr. Flood, — giving instructions to a number of the 
 ." B's," or centres, who were calling on him in turn, 
 when the news of the capture was brought to him by 
 Mr. O' Conner, one of his messengers. Mr. Stephens, 
 on receiving the information, rushed excitedly into 
 the waitimr-room with the news, which startled everv 
 one present. Among them was Pierce Nagle, Stephens's 
 trusted and confidential man, the one of all others who 
 knew most of his surroundings, and of the men with 
 whom he did business. This devotee, wdio fawned on 
 his master with cat-like affection, positive!}^ shed tears 
 when the news w^as communicated, and no nian present 
 was more 'bitter in his denunciation of the English 
 tyrants than was the devotee Pierce Nagle. A few 
 days later, when the prisoners were placed before the 
 bar, and all eyes were looking for the man who was to 
 
114 
 
 IRELAIS'D, 
 
 PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 swear away their lives and liberty, Pierce Nagle took 
 the witness-stand! A murmur of horror went through 
 the throng in the court-room, every eye flashed, and 
 every hand twitched, there were a hundred men within 
 twenty feet of the wretch that day who could and who 
 would have stilled his treacherous heart forever, had 
 they been free from the restraint of a superior 
 •authority. 
 
 01* course the prisoners were all convicted. There 
 could be no hope before an English judge, a packed 
 jury, and an Irish informer. O' Donovan Rossa was 
 sentenced for life, O'Leary and Luby twent\ years 
 each, Roantree and others from ten to fifteen years 
 each. George Hopper, brother-in-law of Stephens, 
 pleaded guilty, and was let off with two years' con- 
 iinement. Meanwhile the search continued for Mr. 
 Stei)hens. Until he was in the hands of the law, the 
 government was supposed to be in imminent danger. 
 Detectives scoured the city, handbills offering a large re- 
 ward for hi^ apprehension, or for information that might 
 lead to his arrest, w^re posted all over the country, 
 and all this time the gentleman so much dreaded and 
 so diligently sought after, was quietly taking his ease 
 and enjoying himself with his friends in a comfortable 
 dwelling in an exposed part of the city, near Sandy - 
 mount. All this time the informer and confidential 
 messenger, Nagle, who had so suddenly resigned his 
 ])osition in the service of the Irish Eepublic, and taken 
 service under the government of England, permitted the 
 Castle authorities to continue their laborious and fruit- 
 less search, when at any moment he could have gone 
 and placed his slimy hand on his former chief. This 
 is one of the mysteries of these troubled times that 
 must remain unsolved. If there is a dark side to it, 
 perhaj)s it is as well that it should remain unknown, 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 115 
 
 until all the actors in that stirring drama shall have 
 passed away 
 
 A Military Council was now formed by authority of 
 Mr. Stejihens, at the request of the organization in 
 America, which it was intended should take entire 
 control of all the military management of the business iij 
 Ireland. But it was soon discovered that the C. 0. 1. R. 
 had no intention of allowing any power or authority 
 to pass out of his hands, and the very first proposition 
 the Council submitted — to have the country divided into 
 military districts — was vetoed by the commander-in- 
 chief. The reasons he assigned for refusing his consent 
 to this plan of getting the people under military dis- 
 cipline, were so absurd that some of the members took 
 occasion to express their opinions in a way which was 
 not entirely complimentary to the C. O. I. R. This 
 being faithfully reported to him, he was evidently con- 
 vinced that. to play the dictator with such men might 
 endanger his standing with the American branch of the 
 organization, so he thereupon called a council of all the 
 leaders in Ireland, who were instructed to meet him in 
 Dublin on a certain night, for the imri:)ose of discussing 
 plans for the future. He also requested some of the 
 officers of the Council to prepare plans for the capture 
 of the city and for a general ''rising." This, it was 
 supposed, would keep the military intruders busy for 
 a time, and allow the statesmen to prepare their plans 
 for a prolonged administration of the Irish Republic, 
 virtually established." The night of the meeting 
 arrived, and, as the expectation of a fight was in every 
 body's mind, the officers had their plans ready for the 
 investigation of the.C. O. I. R. and other leaders of tli^^ 
 movement who were expected jto be present. 
 
 The first plan submitted was for the capture of the 
 city of Dublin, and as that was the principal achieve- 
 
118 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 inent to be gained, the plans were all minutely ex^ 
 l^lained. The first point of importance to be taken was 
 the Pigeon-house, which was chieflv valuable on account 
 of the large quantity of arms and military stores it 
 contained. It was garrisoned by one hundred and sixty 
 men only, sixty of whom were sworn members of the 
 organization and were ready to obey any orders they 
 received from its chief. In this stronghold were stored 
 twenty-five thousand stand of arms, and the plan pro- 
 posed to Mr. Stephen was to get possession of these 
 arms. He asked the ofiicer : 
 
 "How many men do you require to carry out the 
 plan?" 
 
 "One thousand men," was the reply. 
 
 "Well, I can give you six thousand, if necessary. 
 Now, let us hear what you propose doing." 
 
 "AVell, I propose to take two hundred picked men, 
 armed with revolvers, dispose of them at points already 
 selected adjacent to the garrison. At a prearranged 
 signal from our friends inside, they will march in, take 
 possession of the pl^ce, make prisoners of the enemy, 
 and shoot those who resist. I will then have eight 
 hundred good men, well organized and under command 
 of competent officers, already under orders to assemble 
 at a given time in the vicinity, into whose hands I will 
 put the arms taken from the garrison, and this force 
 will guard the wagons already provided to convey the 
 arms and ammunition to Phoenix Park." 
 
 "And what will you do with theun then?" 
 
 "This: On the day previous you will have twenty 
 thousand men ordered \\^ from the country districts, 
 for active service. The Exhibition is in progress at 
 present, ^nd every day excursion trains bring to the 
 city from ten to thirty thousand people to visit it, so 
 the arrival of our friends will excite no unusual suspi- 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 117 
 
 don. You will order these men to assemble in the Park, 
 and, inside of six hours after the capture of the Pigeon- 
 house, we can march out of Dublin with an army of 
 twenty or twenty-five thousand men. I will pledge 
 my life to carry out this much of the plan, and after 
 that you may issue such orders as you think proper; I 
 will stand in nobody's way." 
 
 This plan was received with favor by all present. 
 Some of the leaders from the coantrv districts were 
 enthusiastic over it. All the officers who were consulted 
 approved heartily of it. The only difference of ox^inion 
 was as to the number of men asked for to carry out 
 the enterprise. But it was clearly shown that a greater 
 number of men would be simply in the way, and as 
 everything depended on jDrompt and secret action, it 
 was conceded that the force named was ample to do the 
 work. Mr. Stephens seemed disinclined to express an 
 opinion. But it soon became manifest that he was not 
 in favor of the plan, as it was likely to interfere with 
 one of his own, which he very soon uncovered in his 
 conversation with the ''centres." The questions he 
 put fully developed his object, which was to i^ostpoiie 
 the fight. He asked the representatives, "If, incase of 
 a postponement, they could hold their forces together 
 for three months longer, could they but be assured 
 that, Avhere the}^ had but one rifie now, at the ex- 
 piration of that time they would have three ?" This 
 was not a fair question; the men had been summoned 
 to Dublin to consult about the best way of preparing 
 , for a fight, and now they were being used simply to 
 justify Mr. Stephens's back-out. This view of the 
 matter was intimated in a mild way by one of the 
 officers of the Council. But Mr Stephens resented the 
 insinuation very indignantl3^ 
 
 The result of the conference, therefore, as might easih^ 
 
118 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 be foreseen, was to put off the fight for three months 
 longer. Disappointment could be traced in every face, 
 indignation and resentment on many, and more than 
 one brave, strong man left the room in tears. It was 
 plain to a close observer that on that October night in 
 the city of Dublin, the C. O. L R. planted the first 
 c:erm of mistrust in the minds of his hitherto devoted 
 followers. 
 
 Some time previously', John Mitchel, who had been 
 released from iuiprisonment by the United States 
 government as a compliment to the Irish-American 
 officers of the army, was sent to Paris as financial 
 agent for the American organization, and an officer 
 from Ireland went over to receive the money which 
 had been deposited iu his hands for the purchase of 
 arms. The amount proved to be entirely inadequate 
 for the purpose, and besides, the condition which Mr. 
 Mitchel felt it his dut}' to impose before surrendering 
 it gave great offence to Mr. Stephens. In the mean- 
 time an officer had beeu sent from the United States to 
 negotiate for the purchase of arms, and had already 
 commenced operations in England. Some three thou- 
 sand rifles and about four hundred revolvers had up to 
 this time found their way into Dublin. The want 
 of arms was now felt to be the great drawback; and the 
 complaint was universally heard, Why are we waiting 
 for money to buy them, when we could have had all 
 we wanted sim.ply for the taking?" 
 
 The work dragged slowly on, the detectives and 
 police alone being kept busy. Day after day the 
 most prominent men in the movement Avere picked up 
 and thrown into prison. It was now seriously con- 
 templated by some of the members of the Council to 
 force Mr. Stephens to decide upon some definite plan 
 of action, and in case of his refusal, to retire from all 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 119 
 
 further responsibility in what appeared to be his 
 aimless cons2)iracy. This move on the part of the 
 Council was prevented by the arrival of an envoy from 
 America, who had been sent out some time before 
 with "documents." The intelligence which the officer 
 brought back was of the most startling character. The 
 Council was immediately convened, and jjlaced under 
 the most solemn obligations of secrecy before tlie great 
 state secret could be imparted. It turned out to be a 
 direct pledge from Andrew Johns'on, President of the 
 United States of America, "that inside of six months 
 England and the United States would be at war." This 
 was indeed an important messnge, but where the infor- 
 mation came from, or who originated it, has never since 
 transpired. Certain it is, however, that there were more 
 acquainted with the secret than the Militar}^ Council, 
 for it was found to be a matter of common rumor 
 around the hotels in Dublin within an hour after its 
 disclosure by the envoy. There was nothing contained 
 in the message that at the time appeared improbable to 
 the American officers, many of whom knew the bitter 
 . feeling that existed against England before they left 
 America. They knew well the part which England had 
 borne against the government of the United States 
 during the civil war. They knew that on every battle- 
 field of the South was found beside the fallen Confede- 
 rate a rifle, a sabre, or a revolver stamped with the 
 British crown. They knew that rebel ships were built, 
 armed, and manned by Englishmen to destroy American 
 commerce, thev saw the crews of these ships — who 
 had been adjudged pirates according to all the usages 
 of international law— disbanded in English ports against 
 the official protest of the United States minister, and 
 allowed to go free. They knew that British emis- 
 saries invaded American territory, robbed American 
 
120 IKELAI^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 banks, and murdered American citizens. And witli all 
 this knowledge, and knowing the spirit of retaliation 
 which burned in the heart of every disbanded soldier 
 of the American Union, they thought it not improbable 
 tliat war would come. But they were mistaken. This 
 news, however, inspired fresh hope in the hearts of all, 
 and it was resolved to wait awhile longer. 
 
 There were great things in store for the future, so it 
 Avas mysteriously hinted at in all the communications 
 of the C. O. I. R. His prediciions were soon to be 
 verified, but not exactly in the way he wished them to 
 be understood. 
 
 On Saturday, the 11th of jN'ovember, 1865, the city of 
 Dublin was electrified w^ith the cry, "Stephens is ar- 
 rested! Stephens is arrested'/' It was soon found to 
 be true. Whether the informer Nagle had at length 
 concluded to deliver up his chief, or whether owing to 
 the skill of the detective force his j)lace of residence 
 had been discovered, has never been known. Fairfield 
 House at Sandymount, where Stephens resided under 
 the assumed name of Herbert, was surrounded on Satur- 
 day morning, just before daylight, by the whole of the 
 G. Division of Police, guided by the notorious Dawson, 
 the Dublin detective. The fences were immediately 
 scaled and an entrance effected through the back door. 
 No resistance was offered, though all the inmates slept 
 with revolvers under their pillows. Stephens was first 
 taken into custody, and then followed the arrest ol 
 Charles J. Kickham, Hugh Brophy, and Edward Dufiy. 
 A large sum of money, amounting to nearly two thou- 
 sand pounds, together with a plentiful supply of 
 groceries and wines, were found in the house This 
 coup d^etat^ it was surmised by the crown authorities, 
 w^ould end the struggle. But their surmises w^ere 
 doomed to disappointment. A meeting of the Council 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 121 
 
 was at once ordered and steps taken to '^fill up the 
 r;;ap/' This was one of .Mr. Stephens's great boasts, 
 that, no matter how many men might be removed there 
 were others to step in and take their places. Acting 
 in this spirit, the Council organized a Provisional Direc 
 troy, and wrote a very courteous letter to Mrs. Stephens, 
 expressive of sympathy, and asking her to transfer to 
 the Council any documents that might be of use, and 
 •whatever money she had on hand belonging to the pub- 
 lic fnnd. No reply was received to this letter, but 
 soon, through the medium of friends employed m Rich 
 mond Bridewell, a correspondence was opened with 
 Mr. Stei3hens. The first use he made of this established 
 line of communication was to send out a letter contain 
 ing a peremptory order banishing the President of the 
 Council from the country. This was a damper on the 
 zeal of the Council. They were soon made to realize 
 that the ''filling up the gap' theory had no reference 
 to the C. O. 1. R. 'No man on earth could ''fill the 
 gap" caused by his removal! When pressed to give a 
 reason for this outrageous action, he cooll}^ stated that ^ 
 the President had sent an impertinent letter to his wife. 
 Tiien he should have transporied all the members of 
 the Council, for every man was equally responsible for 
 the impertinent letter referred to above. 
 
 Steps were then taken to accomplish Mr. Stephens's 
 escape from prison, and once commenced i»t did not 
 take long to make all the necessary arrangments. The 
 first man approached was Daniel Byrne, a warder in 
 the j)rison, and through him other friends of the move- 
 ment inside were soon enlisted in the work. Duplicate 
 keys were procured, and ere the end of the week 
 Richmond Bridewell, one of the strongest j)risons in 
 Ireland, was virtually in the hands of the Fenians. On 
 the night of the 24th of November, only two weeks 
 
122 
 
 Ireland; PAST and present. 
 
 after his arrest, the j)lans were put into execution, and 
 on the 25 th, the day following, the city was doubly 
 electrified with the startling cry, "Stephens has es- 
 caped! Stephens has escaped!'' A look of confusion, . 
 bordering on horror, was on the face of .every official of 
 the government. One of their strongest bastiles had 
 been invaded, and the cliief conspirator against cbe 
 peace of her Majesty's realm actually carried off from 
 under their very noses ! Let it be here recorded, to 
 the honor of the prison officers engaged in this daring 
 enterprise, that they declined to accept every offer of 
 money, or to fly from the country to save themselves 
 from prosecution. So well was the affair conducted, 
 however, that not a single particle of evidence could be 
 brought against any of them, and in their own good 
 time they quietly emigrated to the United States. The 
 governor of the prison, Mr Marquis, was dismissed, but 
 he was entirely innocent of any complicity in the escape 
 of Mr. Stephens. 
 
 Once more the indispensable C. O. E,. I. took up his 
 position in "the gap, ' and with a great flourish of 
 trumpets declared that the year 1865 should be the year 
 of fight. In fact, he had gone so far as to exact a 
 pledge from the Council before leaving prison, that the 
 fight should take place. On no other conditions would 
 he consent to come out. Time and again, during the 
 months that followed, he was urged by the officers to 
 permit them to commence active military organization, 
 and as often refused. The year of fight passed^ and 
 nearly two months of the one that followed. And still 
 the C. 0. I. R. remained in a state of stupor. At 
 length the Council determined to force him to an issue, 
 or retire from any further connection with him, and re- 
 turn to America. 
 
 The last meeting of the Military Council was held on 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 123 
 
 Friday night, the 16th of February, 1866, at which Mr 
 Stephens's aimless policy was the chief subject of dis- 
 cussion. Grave suspicions were beginning to enter the 
 minds of the officers that he had no intention to lif^ht, 
 and that they had no business to be in Ireland at all. 
 No definite conclusion was arrived at on that night, 
 but it was quite evident from the temper of the Council 
 that ere long the C. O. I. It. would be left in quiet * 
 X")osession of the Irish Republic. In the meantime, 
 however, the British authorities had been preparing to 
 bring about this end in a way x^eculiarly their own. 
 
 On Saturday morning, February 17th, the whole po- 
 lice force of Dublin was set in motion, and before noon 
 nearly every American officer in the city found himself 
 the inmate of a police-station. That night the gloomy 
 w^alls of Kilmainham enclosed over two hundred of the 
 principal leaders of the Fenian movement. The 
 
 Habeas Corpus Suspension Act," under the authority 
 of which these arrests were made by the government, 
 had not yet become a law. It was not until the follow- 
 ing day — Sunday — that it was signed. But v\^hen did 
 England ever regard the law, in her dealings with Ire- ^ 
 land or Irishmen? Meanwhile these wholesale arrests 
 continued, until the prisons ol Ireland were thronged 
 with "suspects." The minions of the Castle were now 
 in their glory. They had in their power a class of men 
 whom they delighted to insult and persecute. From the 
 lowest prison scullion up to the pompous British officer 
 on guard in the jails, these petty insults were made a 
 part of their daily duty. The officers of the "crack" 
 Kities, lately celebrated for their cowardly flight before 
 a little band of Egyptian cavalry, were most persistent 
 in their insulting remarks, particularly to the American 
 officers, while engaged at exercise in the prison yards. 
 The governor of Kilmainham, Price by name, but 
 
124 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 aptly designated tlie "Gorilla," was another, whose 
 brutal behavior shocked every sense of decency and 
 common humanity. The demeanor of the victims of all 
 these persecutions merits the noblest expression of 
 praise, and will stand as a shining exam})le of xmtient 
 endurance and devotion to the cause of Ireland. Xo 
 people on the earth can show a more devoted band of 
 patriots than tliose who filled English prisons from the 
 first capture of the Irish People^ to the murder of 
 Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien by the English govern- 
 ment. 
 
 A short time after the February arrests, Mr. Stephens, 
 wdio had been concealed in the house of a Mrs. Butler 
 of Summer Hill, took his departure in oi)en daylight 
 from the city, gained the coast, where a vessel was in 
 waiting, which conveyed him to France, where he re- 
 mained for some months before going to the United 
 States. Thus vanished from the scene the "Central 
 Organizer of the Irish Republic,'* a man, it is true, who 
 built up the most powerful organization that ever ex- 
 isted in Ireland for armed revolution; but a man, never- 
 , theless, who contributed more than all others to 
 demoralize and render impotent the power he had • 
 created. James Stephens was an organizer and a 
 natural-born cons2:)irator, as prompt to conspire against 
 the friends of the cause, when they crossed his 
 path, as he was against its enemies. Had he been a 
 patriot as well, he would liave stepped aside v.iien liis 
 work was done, and permitted other hands and other \ 
 heads to guide the great machinery which he had con- 
 striicted, and which he lacked the moral courage to puii 
 in motion. 
 
 His long concealment in Dublin, after his escape irom 
 prison, furnishes another evidence of Irish hdelity^ 
 Notwithstanding the large amount of money offered bjf 
 
THE FENIAN :.IOVEMENT. 
 
 125 
 
 the government as a reward for his capture, the lady in 
 whose house he lived, tlioughin humble circumstances, 
 and who could by a single word become wealthy, re- 
 mained true to her x^lighted word. Ireland hasher 
 Nagles and Corydons, but they are as a drop in the 
 ocean to the great mass of the brave and loyal jieoj^le 
 who love Ireland more than life itself. 
 
 Every day the Fenian trials went on before the 
 modern Norbur}^," Judge Keogh, and a packed jury, 
 and of course to be brought before such a tribunal was 
 equivalent to certain conviction. In the meantime a 
 correspondence bad been opened by the American 
 officers with the American minister in London, Mr. 
 Adams, and the American consul in Dublin, Mr. West, 
 with a view to having a demand made by their govern- 
 ment ior their liberation. But it was soon discovered 
 that both these gentlemen were more desirous of pre 
 venting any such action on the j)art of the United 
 States than otherwise. This occasioned widespread in- 
 dignation among the officers and their friends on both 
 sides of the Atlantic, and communications weresenc bv 
 some of them direct to Mr. Seward, then Secretary of 
 State. It was finally concluded by the British authori 
 ties to release the Irish-Americans on condition that 
 they would at once leave tlie country, a proposition 
 which they indignantly declined. Meanwhile the 
 diplomatic fencing went on, until the position the 
 Irish-Americans occupied between the two countries was 
 clearly defined. England claimed the inalienable right, 
 "once a subject, always a subject,^' and " that notwith- 
 standing any occupation these men might have pursued , 
 in the United States, they were still held to be subjects 
 of her Majesty .the Queen.*' Nevertheless, the Queen 
 was anxious to get them out of her dominions, and her 
 faithful hirelings in Ireland rendered valuable service, 
 
i 
 
 126 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 or tlionglit they did, in carrying out her wishes. IsTiglitly 
 visits were made to the prison in which the officers were 
 confined, by the Castle officials, who used all the 
 sophistry and blarney of which they were masters — and 
 that was not a little — to induce the American officers 
 to return home. Chief among these nightly visitors 
 was a Mr. Murray, a Castle Commissioner, and Mr. 
 Burive, Under-Secretary or something to his Excel- 
 lency the Lord-Lieutenant. To an uninitiated person, 
 listening to the conversation which took place on the 
 occasion of these visits, between the servants of the 
 Queen and the foreign invaders^ it would appear that 
 the official was the real simon-X)ure patriot, the real 
 lover of Ireland, and that his heart was full to over- 
 flowing with genuine love and sympathy for the mis- 
 guided Americans, who were but the victims of a few 
 bloodthirsty conspirators, plotting for the murder of 
 priests and all the respectable people of the country. 
 In fact, so offensive was this man Murrav, one nisrht, 
 that General Denis F. Burke ordered him out of his 
 cell, and forbade him ever entering it again as long as 
 he occupied it. 
 
 Kearlv all the links of communication between the 
 several districts in Ireland had now been broken. The 
 C O. L R. had left in "the gap-' occasioned by his 
 flight from the soil on which he had sworn to flght, 
 Edward Duffy, a man too honest to dissemble and too 
 weak to command. The organization in America, too, 
 had been divided. John O'Mahony had already been 
 deposed by the Fenian Senate, and William R. Roberts, 
 of New York, elected to fill his j^lace. This branch of 
 the Fenian movement, bv this time heartilv distrusted 
 with the procrastination of Mr. Stephens, determined 
 to strike England through her possessions in Canada, 
 and at once a movement was commenced in the direc- 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 127 
 
 tion of the Canadian border. By the 31st of May, 1866, 
 a considerable force had assembled on the frontier, and 
 many of them crossed over lo the Canadian side. On 
 the 2d of June a well-organized force, under command 
 of General O'Neill, met the Canadian forces — among 
 them the " Queen's Own,' ' —which had been ordered out 
 to meet the Fenians, aud a spirited light began, which 
 resulted in the defeat and total rout of the British. 
 In consequence of not being promptly supported, how- 
 ever, the troops under O'Neill were forced to retire, 
 and a number of the Fenians were capture^, who were 
 afterwards tried and sentenced to be hanged. Among 
 these latter was the Rev. Father John McMahon. But 
 the sentences were finally commuted to imprisonment. 
 On the 7th of June a proclamation was issued by Presi- 
 dent Johnson against the Fenian invasion of Canada, 
 and under the direction of General Meade, the whole 
 movement was soon effectually broken up. 
 
 A few weeks previous to this time James Stephens 
 had arrived in New York from Paris, and succeeded in 
 partially reinstating himself as head of what was 
 termed the I. R. B. branch of the Feniaii forces. His 
 former unredeemed pledges, together with his despotic 
 tendency to override the opinions of others, prevented 
 him, however, from making much headway, until the 
 arrival in the following August of many of the Ameri- 
 can officers, who had succeeded in obtaining their 
 liberation from prison in Ireland, gave the movement 
 new life. 
 
 A public meeting was called to be held at Jones' 
 Wood, which was one of the largest meetings of Irish - 
 Americans ever held in the country. Before this im- 
 mense assemblage of people, Mr. Stephens solemnly 
 swore that ere the end of the present year he would be 
 on Irish soil, fighting for Ireland's independence. This 
 
128 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PHESEKT. 
 
 avowal appeared so glaringlj' in { ossible to those wlio 
 had a full knowledge of the resources at his command, 
 that many of them retired from the movement in dis- 
 gust. During the following November Colonel Thomas 
 J. Kelly, w^ho had by this time entirely supplanted 
 Mr. Stephens in the control of the movement, prepared 
 for the departure of himself and followers for Ireland. 
 A steamer, which had been purchased during the pros- 
 perous times for forty thousand dollars, was sold for 
 tifreen thousand. With this iDaltry sum in the Fenian 
 treasury, with the organization in Ireland in a neces- 
 sarily demoralized condition, with the British govern- 
 ment in full possession of all the plans and secrets of 
 the organization, both in Ireland and America, this 
 little liandful of men— many of them, it is true, of the 
 purest type of patriotism— sailed on what a moment's 
 reflection would have shown them was but a forlorn 
 hope. Mr. Stephens did not accompany them to light 
 on Irish soil, although his passage had been provided 
 for. He sailed for France shortly after. 
 
 On the arrival of Kelly and his party in Ireland a 
 secret councif was held, and the 12th of February", 1867, 
 was ajipointed for the "rising," but for some reason 
 or other a subsequent order was issued postponing the 
 day of action to the 5tli of March. This order oc- 
 casioned disastrous results, as it had not been sent 
 out in time to reach the leaders at the several points, 
 some of whom took the field in obedience to the flrst 
 order. The most serious mistake occurred at Chester, 
 England, where the centres had been under orders to 
 commence an attack on Chester Castle simultaneously 
 with their brothers in Ireland. This plan was faith- 
 fully adhered to, and in a most daring manner* The 
 Castle was supx)osed to contain some twenty thousand 
 stand of arms, and the intention w^as to capture the 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 129 
 
 arms, take possession of all the rolling stock on the 
 railroad, put the arms and ammunition on board, dash 
 for Holyhead, capture all the steamers in the harbor, 
 and sail at once for Ireland, where they hoped to arrive 
 before news of the daring feat could be transmitted. 
 The very improbability, in fact, almost impossibility 
 of such a mad scheme succeeding, was one of the 
 strongest points in its favor. There can be no doubt, 
 however, that the capture of Chester Castle would have 
 been accomplished, had not an unexpected actor ap- 
 ])eared on the scene in the person of John Josepli 
 Corydon. the notorious traitor and spy. This vile 
 creature, who had been sent from America in '65, and 
 Avho j)assed himself off as an officer who had served in 
 the Irish Brigade, but who Avas really never above a 
 private — and a very worthless one at that — was taken 
 into the confidence of Mr. Stephens against the protest 
 of all the officers who knew his worthless character, 
 and now, with all the knowledge he possessed of men 
 and their motives, came to the surface as a thorough- 
 bred informer. There was no doubt that this man had 
 been giving information to the government from the 
 start. Corydon, after gaining a knowledge of all the 
 plans, reported to the chief constable at Liverpool, and 
 the attacking party had hardly time to assemble, before 
 the authorities were prepared to receive them. They 
 knew well from that moment that tiiere was a traitor 
 in their ranks. But who was the traitor? was the 
 question asked. The men now disi)ersed and returned' 
 to their homes the best way they could, but a party of 
 them boarded a train for Holyhead, took tlie Dublin 
 boat, and were arrested as soon as they put their feet 
 on shore, Corydon among the number. 
 
 The oth of March, the day to which the "rising''" 
 had been postponed, at length arrived, and now the- 
 
 \ 
 
130 
 
 JliELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 real figlit was about to commence. Limerick Junction 
 had been selected as a strategic point, and tlie forces 
 ordered to assemble at this place were assigned to the 
 command of General Massey. This man, whose real 
 name was said to be Coiidin, no sooner stepi)ed from 
 the train to the station than he found himself in the 
 hands of the police, and thereupon gave an exhibition 
 of the w^onderful courage said to liave been displayed 
 by him in the cause of the Confederate States of 
 America, by Jainting dead away! His real ciiarac- 
 ter was soon after displayed, when he appeared on the 
 witness-stand as a full-fledged informer. The news of 
 the capture spread through the surrounding country 
 like wildlire, and it soon became evident to the in- 
 surgents tliat all their plans had been revealed to the 
 crowu authorities. Finding themselves almost Avholly 
 unarmed, and without any competent head to guide 
 their movements, the people natuially became dis- 
 couraged, and soon began to seek their homes in every 
 direction. 
 
 In Cork County the rising assumed its most formid- 
 able shape, where, under the command of Captain 
 Mackej", several police barracks were taken, where in 
 every instance their defenders, the police, were treated 
 with the greatest courtes.y and forbearance. Jn fact, this 
 was the prevailing spirit disi)layed by the people 
 and their leaders all over the country wherever a 
 temporary victory was obtained over their enemies. At 
 Kilniallock, County Limerick, where Captain John 
 McClure commanded, the town was in the hands of 
 Nationalists during the greater part of the day; 
 not a sino;le act that could reflect on their honor or 
 discipline was committed. Private property of every 
 description was scrupulously guarded ; even in tlie 
 banks, where arms had been sought and found, not a 
 sin"*le n^ennv of. the Inrc:'^ sur.is '1* m.ouey on hand was 
 
HE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 
 
 131 
 
 touched. The police, having been summoned from the 
 neighboring towns, arrived in force late in the afternoon 
 and compelled the Nationalists to retire, several of 
 whom were killed or wounded. One among the killed 
 was wholl}'' unknown to the people of the vicinity, and 
 to honor his memoi'v, a monumerit was placed over his 
 grave, inscribed, "Unknown,"'* 
 
 A fight in Ireland without Tipperar3'', to be sure, 
 would be a tame affair, and bold rebel Tipperary came 
 gallantly to the front. But even the couiage and head- 
 long daring for which the j^eople of this noble county 
 are celebrated could not bear up under the depressing 
 effects of imperfect organization, incompetent leader- 
 ship, and a total want of arms and munitions of war. 
 General Thomas F. Burke commanded in this district, 
 but he too, like all his fellow-leaders, found himself in 
 the hands of the police almost before he had time to 
 realize the absurdity of the work he was about to 
 commence. 
 
 In the city of Dublin, to which all eyes were turned, 
 the attempted insurrection was the w^orst failure of alL 
 The government authorities, fully posted in all the 
 ^Tiovements of the Nationalists b}^ the traitor Corydon, 
 permitted the thousands of men who left tlie city on 
 the morning of the 5th of March to pass out unmo- 
 lested. The departure of these men was no secret ; it 
 occurred in broad davliu'ht, and even had there been 
 no traitor in their ranks, the publicity given to the 
 movement could not fail to have excited the suspicions 
 of the Castle people. All the morning this remarkable 
 l^rocession continued to move in the direction of Tal- 
 laght, the place designated for tiie rendezvous, about 
 five miles from Dublin, and near thebnse of the Wick- 
 low Mountains. The first band that arrived, greatly to 
 their surprise, were received with a volley of musketry, 
 
132 lEELANDj PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 wliicli sent them back in confusion. Corvdon the 
 traitor had done his work well. The news of the be- 
 trayal was soon communicated to the advancing throng, 
 and escape was sought in every direction. Before night, 
 or rather before the following morning, hundreds of 
 these misguided people were in the hands of England's 
 merciless hirelingSc It was as well, perhaps, that this 
 part of the plan miscarried. Had the men of Dublin 
 assembled under the leader who had been chosen to 
 command them, nothing could have prevented a des- 
 ])erate struggle. General William G. Halpin was an 
 officer who had rendered eminent service in the Union 
 army during the American civil war, and had he once 
 succeeded in getting ihese men under his control, his 
 natural soldierly instincts and his unfaltering love of 
 discipline would soon have moulded them into a for- 
 midable force, that would have at least put England's 
 trained ranks to a fearful test. The men from Kings- 
 town, always firm in their duty to the cause, captuied 
 on their way two police barracks and made prisoners 
 of the police. These Avere the barracks at Stepaside 
 and Glencullen. On arriving near Tallaglit, however, 
 • they were soon made aware, by the people falling back, 
 that the secrets of the organization had been betrayed, 
 and all was over. 
 
 Tluis 'ended the so-called rising" of 1867, which for 
 wild, Utopian conception, and lack of ability in the 
 execution of the plan as a whole, exceeds every other 
 attempt known to the annals of Irish history. The 
 movement, however, developed one fact, from which a 
 lesson for the future maybe learned: that the people 
 of Ireland, properly guided, and with the means in their 
 possession, will fight for their independence. Mucli 
 has been said and written about the precipitous fiight 
 of. the people before armed force, but there is nothing 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 133 
 
 in all this that ought to be recorded to their discredit. 
 It only goes to j^rove that their natural common sense 
 and sound judgment were superior to the false reason- 
 ing of enthusiastic, and in many instances incompetent 
 leaders. This whole affair should teach the i3<^ople of 
 Ireland to trust to their own resources, to cultivate 
 self-reliance more, and depend less on outside aid. 
 There were in Ireland on that oth of March, 1867, a 
 thousand Irishmen, any one of whom were worth a 
 dozen Claserets or Fariolas, had they been only taught 
 to relv on and to cultivate their own natural ability to 
 command. 
 
 The news of the uprising in Ireland caused the 
 greatest excitement among the Fenians of the United 
 States, and instant steps were taken to send off all the 
 aid possible to encourage " the men at home'' to con- 
 tinue the struggle. The first fruits of this stej)was the 
 purchase of a small vessel of about two hundred tons 
 btirden, which was cleared from the ctistom-house in 
 New York under the name of the " Jackmel," with a 
 cargo consigned to a mercantile 'house in Cuba. On 
 rounding Sandy Hook the vessel was approached by a 
 small tug-boat, which transferred from her deck to that 
 of the Jackmel about fifty men, after which the little 
 vessel immediately started on her trip to Cuba. But 
 no sooner was she out of sight of land, than she changed 
 her course for Ireland. A muster on deck of her pas- 
 sengers and crew disclosed many well-known New 
 Yorkers, some of whom had served in the army or 
 navy of the United States. The Sunburst was run up 
 to the masthead amid the cheers and consrratulations 
 of all on board, and soon the "good ship"' Jackmel's 
 name was removed and in its place appeared, ''Erin's 
 Hope.'' Poor Erin had little to hope for from this 
 grand expedition, for on arriving at the i^oint of des- 
 
134 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 tination— Sli«]co Bay — tliev found tlieir course inter- 
 cepted by British cruisers, and were obliged to tack 
 and turn on and off, until at length, finding tlieir pro- 
 visions running short, they were compelled to land a part 
 of their force near Dungarvan, after a passage of some 
 two months, leaving on board only such numbers as 
 could be provided with provisions back to America. 
 About thirty of the crew of the "Erin's Hope'* 
 landed on the Irish coast, and it was not long before 
 they were enjoying the hospitalities of the ''Gorilla" 
 in Kilmaiuliam Jail. But the Castle people were after 
 all sorely puzzled to know what disposition they should 
 make of their guests. None of the men had arms. 
 There was nothing about them to show that thev were 
 anything more than a shipwrecked crew, and they had 
 violated no law. But soon the whole secret was dis- 
 closed. A wretch — one Buckley, we believe, — whose 
 cowardly heart should never have found place in the 
 breast of a man, revealed all to the government, and a 
 few days later the prisoners stood in the dockchaiged 
 with treason felony The prisoners were all convicted, 
 among whom were Warren and Costello, who claimed 
 the protection of the United States government, but 
 without avail, Enirland holding to her inalienable riaht, 
 '' once a subject, always a subject," and so these 
 American citizens were sentenced to twelve and fifteen 
 years respectiveh'. This question of citizenship was 
 since brought before the government of the United 
 States, and througii the efl^orts of the Irish-Americans 
 and their infiuence with the government, England was 
 forced to surrender her feudal right, and to recognize 
 the authority of the United States government to de- 
 mand protection for her citizens, irrespective of na- 
 tivity, wherever their interests might be assailed. 
 The '-Erin's Hope" returned to New York with the 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. 135 
 
 men wlio remained on board, and Captain Cavanagb, 
 her commander, delivered up his charge, with a report 
 of the expedition, to the Fenian authorities in that 
 city. Here ended tiie history of the lirst armed inva- 
 sion of Ireland that ever took place from the United 
 States. It was a silly affair, and was a fitiing finale to 
 the great farce which first excited the delusive hopes 
 that. brought it into existence. 
 
 We are now called upon to record the saddest event 
 .of this Avhole sad and ill-timed affair. Immediately 
 after the collapse of the movement, the broken ranks 
 of the Nationalists were partiall}^ reformed, and in the 
 following September Colonel Kelh% who had up to this 
 time remained in Dublin, crossed over to England to 
 attend a council of the Brotherhood in Manchester, 
 where he was arrested by the police, together with a 
 Captain Dease\% while loitering about the city. At first 
 his real character was unknown to the police, and he 
 was about being sentenced to jail for some local offense, 
 when a spy disclosed his real name, and he was im- 
 mediately remanded. As soon as the news had gone 
 forth, the greatest excitement prevailed amongst the 
 Manchester circles, and a secret council was at once 
 convened, at which it was resolved to attack the prison 
 van, and rescue Kellv. On AVednesdav, the 18th of 
 September, the prisoners Kelly and Deasey were again 
 before the court, when a formal commitment was made 
 out against them in their own proper names. From 
 the court they were transferred to the van under guard 
 ol twelve policemen, and about three o'clock in the 
 afternoon the van drove off to the jail at Saiford. On 
 the Hyde Park road, near Bellevue, the escort was 
 attacked by a picked force from the circles of Man 
 Chester, and the prisoners, Kelly and Deasey, taken 
 from the van. The constable inside, one Brett, having 
 
136 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 possession of tlie key, refused to give it up, and one of 
 the attacking parry put his revolver to the key-hole 
 and fired, intending to break the lock. Brett, it ap- 
 pears, at that very moment was looking through the 
 key-hole, to ascertain the strengtli of the rescuing 
 party, and the bullet entered his body, killing him 
 almost instantly. A woman inside the van, also a 
 prisoner, now took the key from the pocket of Brett 
 and handed it out through ihe w indow of the van, when 
 theTloor was unlocked, and the party witlidrew, send-, 
 irig Kelly and Deasey in advance under protection of a 
 few friends. The rescuers w^ere now pursued by the 
 police, assisted by the crowd, wdiich had by this time 
 collected to the number of several hundreds, and manj^ 
 of the daring band were captured and severely beaten 
 and stoned by the mob. The five men arrested, 
 William Philip Allen, Michael Larkin, Michael 
 O'Brien, Thomas Maguire, and Edward Condon, were 
 i)laced before the bar on the 2Stli of October, charged 
 with the murder of Officer Brett. A commission had 
 alread}^ been formed to try them. The five men were 
 tried together under the same charge, and the evidence 
 produced on the trial was of such a character that it 
 was afterwards acknowledged by the crown counsel 
 that little reliance should have been i)laced on it. 
 The men were all convicted of murder and sentenced to 
 be hanged, but a reaction of public feeling soon after 
 set in, and Maguire was pardoned and Condon re^meved. 
 It will be borne in mind that all five were charged 
 with the same crime, and convicted under the same 
 evidence, and if the two latter w^ere innocent, the other 
 three must have been equally so. But the lialf- savage, 
 howling mob demanded a sacrifice, and English justice 
 bowed to the demand. It is a well-known fact that 
 some of the men were not present with the rescuing 
 
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT, 
 
 137 
 
 party, and it is equally as well known now that none of 
 them tired the fatal shot. 
 
 Allen, when addressing the court, said: No man in 
 this court regrets the death of Sergeant Brett more than I 
 do, and I positively say, in the presence of the Almighty 
 and Ever-living God, that I am innocent, — aye, as 
 innocent as any man in this court. I do not say this 
 for the sake of mercy; I want no mercy, I'll have no 
 mercy; Til die, as many thousands have died, for the 
 sake of their beloved land, and in defense of it." 
 
 Maguire declared that every witness against them 
 had committed perjury. 
 
 One of the prisoners, at the conclusion of the trial, 
 said : 
 
 You will soon send us before God, and I am per- 
 fectly prepared to go. I have nothing to regret, or to 
 retract, or take back. I can only say, God save Ire^ 
 landP' 
 
 Stepping to the front of the dock, with their hands 
 and eves raised with solemn earnestness to Heaven, 
 these five noble men, in a loud, firm voice, repeated: 
 ''God save Ireland !" 
 
 On the 22d of November a mob began to collect out- 
 side the prison gates, and the scenes that occurred dur- 
 ing that night beggar description. With fierce yells and 
 cries of vengeance against the " Fenian 'murderers," 
 these savages passed the night in undisputed posession 
 of the place, much to the disturbance of the devotional 
 exercises in which the prisoners were engaged inside. 
 On the cold, foggy morning of the 23d of November, 
 1867, Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien were led forth to the 
 seaffold. The Seventv-second Hif2:hlanders formed a line, 
 with bayonets fixed, around the platform. Allen came 
 first, pale but resolute. Next came Larkin, with a 
 calm, religious resignation in his bearing. O'Brien 
 
138 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AKD PRESENT 
 
 followed last. The proud, dignified step and well- 
 poised head caused a blush of shame to spring to the 
 cheek of more than one spectator, who seemed suddenly 
 to realize that they were there to witness the murder of 
 such a man! The mournful toll of the death-bell for 
 the moment checked even the liowlings of the savage 
 crowd, and aVnid profound silence tlie three martyrs 
 ascended the gallows. O'Brien step])ed up to his two 
 comrades, kissed them tenderly, and all three embraced 
 each other with brotherly affection ; the cords were 
 adjusted around each neck, the bolts were drawn, and in 
 a few minutes the souls of Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien 
 passed into eternity. 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION. 
 
 139 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE WRETCHED CONDITION OF IRELAND. 
 
 VieiDS and Opinions of Foreign Wriiers — What 
 Eminent German Professors Say — Tlte Bishop 
 of Autun — What American Wriiers and Speakers 
 Think of England" s Treatment of Ireland — Ireland" s 
 Claims on America. 
 
 To THOSE born in Ireland it is unnecessary to detail 
 her wrongs and her grievances, or to picture her 
 wretched condition, or the causes that have i)roduced 
 her nuser}^, her suffering?;, and her degradation; but to • 
 Americans, v^dio have heard and read so much about 
 the glorious Constitution of Enghmd and the impar- 
 tiality of her laws, it might be well to picture Ireland 
 to them as seen hy disinterested parties. 
 
 Beaumont, the celebrated French publicist, visited 
 Ireland as far back as 1835, and said of it: ''I have 
 seen the Indian in his forest and the negro in his 
 chains, and thought that I had beheld the lowest term 
 of human misery: but I had not then known the lot 
 of Ireland, for Irish misery forms a type of itself, of 
 which the like exists nowhere else." 
 
 Von Raumer, the eminent German professor, visited 
 Ireland in 1835, and wrote about it in a similar 
 manner. 
 
 Kohl, another distinguished writer, visiting Ireland 
 about the same time, said of it that* ''He doubted 
 
140 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PKE.>ENT. 
 
 whether in the wliole world a nation could be found 
 subjected to the physical privations of the peasantry 
 in some parrs of Ireland. . . . ]^so\viiere but in 
 Ireland could be found human creatures living, from 
 years end to year's end, on the same root, berry, or 
 weed. There were animals, indeed, that did so, but 
 human beino^s — nowhere save in Ireland.'' 
 
 Mr. Farrer says: ''English travelers have not spoken 
 less graphically than foreigners of the real state of parts 
 of Ireland, from the time of Spenser, the poet, down to 
 the account of Mr. Tuke in 1880. ' 
 
 '*It is undeniable,'' said Inglis, after his visit to Ire- 
 land in 1834, that the condition of the Irish poor is 
 immeasurably worse than that of the West Indian 
 slave." 
 
 Barrow, after a tour in Ireland in 1835, wiires: '*No 
 picture drawn by* the pencil, none by the pen, can 
 possibly convey an idea of the sad reality. . . . 
 There is no other country on the face of the earth where 
 such extreme misery prevails as in Ireland." 
 
 Count Cavour published two articles on Ireland in 
 1843 and '44, in which he spoke of the deplorable con- 
 dition of the agricultural population." 
 
 Mind you, all these wrote about the state of Ireland 
 long before the terrible famine of '47 and '48 sent its 
 people in millions to paupers' graves, or outcasts upon 
 the charity of the world. Ireland's misery still" con- 
 tinued, though the population had been reduced to 
 nearly one half b}- famine, eviction, emigration, and 
 death, and in 1853 Lasterye, a French writer, speaking 
 of the wretched state of Ireland, said: ''The question 
 is always the same, before and after the Poor Law, 
 before and after the famine, before and after the emi- 
 gration, before and after the institution of the Encum- 
 bered Estates Court." 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION". 
 
 141 
 
 The Abbe Perrand, afterwards Bishop of Autun, 
 visited the island in 1860, and wrote : **How great was 
 my astonishment, more than twenty years after the 
 ' second journey of De Beaumont, to come upon the very 
 destitution so eloquently described by him in 1839!'' 
 Mr. Farrer says of him: ''After living long in a de- 
 partment considered as one of the poorest and most 
 backward in France, Perrand undertook to say. . . . 
 
 that the lot of the i)oorest peasant in France could 
 not compare with the misery of a large part of Ireland." 
 
 Of the numerous American writers who have visited 
 Ireland and described her suft'eringsin our own day, tlie 
 following from the pen of Mr. Redpath embodies their 
 report. He says: " Christianity has been called the 
 religion of sorrow. If it be so, then the Holy Land of 
 our day is in the West of Ireland. In spirit let us 
 loose the sandals from our feet as we draw near that 
 sacred ground. Every sod of its ancient soil is wet 
 with the dew of human tears. Every murmur of its 
 rippling brooks is accompanied with a chorus of sighs 
 from breaking human hearts. Every breeze which 
 sweeps across its barren moors carries to the mountain 
 tops, and, I trust, far beyond, the groans and the 
 prayers of a brave but despairing people. The sun 
 never sets upon their sorrows, except to give i)lace to 
 the pitying stars which look down there on human 
 woes." 
 
 The Hon. Jeremiah S. Black, one of America's ablest 
 jurists, in a speech at Baltimore, April 18th, 1882, 
 speaking of Ireland, said: 
 
 ''For seven centuries Ireland has worn the yoke of 
 l^olitical bondage. During all that time, except one 
 short interval, she has not been permitted to make any 
 laws for the protection of her own j^eople in their 
 persons or property. "What they call Home Rule, or 
 
142 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRE:?KNT. 
 
 the privilege of local self-government, is wholly denied 
 them. Their affairs are entirely directed by another 
 power, whuse orders are executed by agents and over- 
 seers sent upon them for that j)iirpose. Such a govern-* 
 ment is sure to be administered without the smallest 
 regard for the rights, interests, feelings, or wishes of 
 the i)eople who are subject to it. Enemies and 
 strancrers so fastened upon a community will certainly 
 rule for their own pleasure, advantage, and profit. 
 Any person who does not know this to be a great 
 fundamental fact, established by all human experience, 
 and underlying the whole science of government, is not 
 at all prepared to consider this subject, and he had 
 better no further attention to it. But if he under- 
 stands that much, he also knows that the want of 
 Home Rule in Ireland is the want of evervthinsr else. 
 As a consequence of that privation she is oppressed, 
 degraded, insulted, steeped in poverty to the very Wps, 
 and overwhelmed with afflictions, which make her 
 peculiarly what Senator Bayard has called her — * the 
 Island of Sorrows.' The general notion is that England 
 and Ireland are united kinsrdoms: tliev are called so in 
 the style and title of the Queen. But there. is no real 
 union, and there never j^as. There is a connection 
 made by force; they are ' pinned together with bayo- 
 nets.' Ireland is not governed according either to the 
 common or statute law of England, but by special 
 legislation made for her alone. An act of Pailiament 
 l^assed for the general benefit of the Queen's subjects 
 does not apply to the Irish people, unless they are 
 particularly included by name. The old statutes and 
 royal concessions to popular liberty are SQ interpreted, 
 as well as the later ones. Thus Ireland is construed 
 out of Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, and otlier 
 great securities which make Englishmen safe against 
 
HEPw WKETCHED CONDITION. 
 
 143 
 
 injustice. In effect, the British government, which is 
 II limited monarchy at home, becomes an unrestrained 
 and absolute despotism when it crosses the Channel; 
 , and the exercise of this unbounded power through all 
 the centuries of its existence has been marked with the 
 coarsest cruelty and the most heartless oppression that 
 this world has ever witnessed. If the Irish had been 
 inferior to the race wdiicli trampled them down, their 
 fate would seem less hard. But intellectually and 
 morally they were greatly superior; their civilization, 
 science, art, and general intelligence w^ere much 
 further advanced. The deliberate and long-continued 
 effort of England to darken the mind of Ireland, and 
 reduce her people as much as joossible to ignorance 
 and illiterate barbarism, is a most shocking part of the 
 stor}^ 
 
 ''Except Ireland, all the nations of the earth have 
 been making some progress. • Improvements in political 
 as well as physical science and the discovery of new 
 arts have briglitened the face of the civilized world, 
 and given dignity, independence, and comfort to the 
 mass of its inhabitants. But the condition of the Irish 
 people is more wretclied than ever. A single fact will 
 show how frightfully true this is. During the last 
 forty , years the population of other countries has 
 doubled; in some of them it has trebled, and the average 
 amount of provision and clothing for each individual is 
 two and a half times as great. But in Ireland, with a 
 more genial climate and a soil incomparably rich, the 
 numbers have been reduced from 9,000,000 to 5,000.000, 
 and of those who survive, the great majority are suffer- 
 ing the last extremes of want and necessity. AVhere 
 are the other 4,000,000 and their multiplied offspring? 
 What has become of the additional 12,000,000 who, ac- 
 cording to the natural rule, should be living there now 
 
144 
 
 IKELAJS^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 in comfort and plenty ? Famine has thinned them out; 
 pestilence has svvei)t them away; political persecution 
 lias driven them abroad. What is the cause of these 
 terrible calamities? All men with one voice charge 
 them upon that atrocious misgovernment which blights 
 and curses them. When the blood of that unhaiYpy 
 people cries from the ground the British tyrant cannot 
 answer like Cain, 'Am I my brother's keejier?' The 
 rulers of a nation are its keepers, responsible for its 
 fate, and these men have an awful account to render. 
 For every false drop in their veins an innocent life has 
 perished. 
 
 " But if tne Irish could not live by cultivating the soil, 
 why did they not go to some other employment ? This 
 is a i)ertinent question, and the answer to it covers 
 England with an infamy that nothing else can match. 
 In fact and in truth, they did betake themselves to com- 
 merce and manufactures, and the hope was bright be- 
 fore them of a perfect success. But their English 
 enemies ruthlessly broke up their business by penal 
 legislation, destroying their trade, both foreign and 
 domestic, by arbitrary prohibitions, crushed out the 
 enterprise, and forced them back upon tlie land. Then 
 why don't they fight? They have tried that, too. 
 They never sink into tame submission. The most pa- 
 thetic passages of history record the incidents of their 
 struggle; tlieir rights have been asserted with surpass- 
 ing eloquence; the purest poetry in any language cele- 
 brates their valor. A long Hue cf their most illustrious 
 men have suffered martyrdom in the cause of liberty, 
 and the common file of the people maintain a character 
 for turbulent disloyalty w-hicli ought to excite universal 
 admiration. Their spirit was never broken; they lack 
 no gall to make oppression bitter. But each defeated 
 effort to right themselves was made an excuse for the 
 
 
 
I 
 
 V 
 
. HER WRETCHED CONDITION. 
 
 140 
 
 infliction of new outrages. Whole districts were de- 
 populated by the process which they called a clearance — 
 that is, the destruction of all habitations and the ex- 
 pulsion of all occajjants, accompanied b\^ circumstances 
 of the direst crael*:y. No chance was lost to hang or 
 imprison a patriot. The higher he stood for talents 
 and integrity, the surer he was to be claimed by (he 
 scaffold or the dungeon. The yoke was tightened on 
 all who were allowed, to live and go at large. It was a 
 mortal offense to meet and petition for the redress of 
 grievances. Political opinions adverse to the govern- 
 ment were sure to call down its wrath and malice. 
 Even the fidelity of the people to their religious convic- 
 tions—the highest virtue that can adorn an}^ human 
 character — was imputed to them as a crime, and imn- 
 ished so barbarously that it cannot be thought of 
 without detestation and horror." 
 
 Mr. James Redpath, a distinguished American writer 
 and lecturer, and at one time a most zealous aboli- 
 tionist, went to Ireland, in 1880, to write up the state 
 of the country for The JVew Yorlz Tribune. Though 
 ])rejudi.ced against Ireland and the Irish when he went 
 there, his generous American heart became full of gall 
 against England when he saw the slavish, degraded 
 condition in which the Irish people, were kept under 
 her blighting rule. We take the following short 
 extracts from his "Talks about Ireland": . 
 
 THE WEST OF IRELAND. 
 
 Let us now, in spirit, take the shoes from off our 
 feet as we draw nigh the hol}^ ground of Connaught. 
 and Munsler. There is nothing on this earth more 
 sacred than human sorrow. Christianity itself has 
 been called the Worship of Sorrow. If this deflnition 
 
IRELA?s^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 be a true one, then the Holy Land of our day is the 
 West of Ireland. Every sod there has been wet with 
 human tears. The murmurs of every rippling brook 
 there, from time out of mind, have been accompanied 
 b}^ an invisible chorus of sighs from breaking huniaa 
 hearts. Every breeze that lias swept across her barren 
 moors has carried with it to the summits of her bleak 
 mountain slopes (and, I trust, far beyond them) the 
 groans and the prayers of a brave but a despairing 
 people. The sun has never set on her sorrows, except- 
 ing to give place to the pitying stars that have looked 
 down on human woes that excel in numbers their own 
 constellated hosts. 
 
 I never vet saw a single cabin in the Southern States 
 so wretched; I never met a slave so badly dressed — I 
 never saw a slave so jioorly fed — as tliree millions of 
 the industrious people of Ireland are lodged, clothed, 
 and fed to-day. Southern slavery, with the single 
 exception — and that was a ver}^ important exception — 
 of the right to sell vested in the slave-holder, was a 
 system, infernal as it was, vastly superior to the system 
 of Irish tenantry at this very hour. But I have my 
 notes of a conversation with Father John O'Malley, in 
 Boycott's own parish, and it is specific in its details. 
 I will read them,- only omitting my preliminary ques- 
 tions : 
 
 "As to their indolence," said Father John, ''from 
 my own experience of them, and from ^vhat I have 
 heard from so many high authorities about the peas- 
 antry in other countries, I consider the Irish j^easantry 
 as the most industrious and hard-working race on the 
 lace of the earth. What do you think, now that you 
 have seen them at home ?" 
 
 With the sole exception of the Chinese," I answered, 
 ''I think they are not excelled in industry by any race 
 
IIEII WRETCHED CONDITION 
 
 147 
 
 in America, and that they are only equaled by ^ the 
 Germans." 
 
 "Not only all over the West," continued Father 
 John, ''does the head of the family himself work, and 
 his grown boys, and all the women, but even the 
 youngest females, as soon as they are able to do any 
 work — not only in the house, but hard work in the 
 iields, as you have seen everywhere. They are so in- 
 dustrious in their habits, and so soon are they set to 
 work as children, that unless I make it a point to secure 
 the attendance of the children at school between the 
 ages ot live and eleven, I might bid farewell to all hopes 
 of teaching them at all. Ijf the people did not work as 
 incessantly^ as they do, how could they procure even 
 the commonest sustenance for their large families, after 
 paying such exorbitant rents and taxes? From my 
 experience and observation, all over this West of Ire- 
 land (and I have had a large experience, and seen most 
 of it thoroughly), I can truly say that, in ninety-nine 
 cases out of a hundred, whenever you see any Irish 
 peasant not ac work it is simply because he can find 
 nothing to do. 
 
 "Now, then, as to his improvidence,'' continued 
 Father John, "why, Mr Redpath, the very idea of 
 charging these struggling peasants of Ireland with im- 
 X)rovidence is cruel sarcasm. Let me tell you how the 
 ordinary peasant lives. But, after all, I need not tell 
 you how he lives — you have seen enough of it; but 
 possibly you have had no opportunity to see how they 
 a re fed r- 
 
 "No, sir." 
 
 "Well," said the priest, "let me give you the daily 
 bill of fare of these peasant families: For breakfast, 
 potatoes. If they are pretty comfortable, they have a 
 little milk and butter with it. But, in the great ma- 
 
148 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 jorifey of cases, they have nothing but tbepotatoes, and 
 possibly a salt herring. The dinner and the supper are 
 only a repetition of the breakfast. That is their bill of 
 fare all the year round, excepting at Easter and Christ- 
 mas, when even the poorest try hard to get a few 
 pounds of meat — generally ' American meat.' " 
 
 I have heard so much and I have seen so much of 
 the sorrows of the West, thr.t when the memory of 
 them rises up before me, I stand appalled at the vision. 
 Again and again, since I came back from Ireland, I 
 have tried to j)aint a picture of Western misery; but 
 again and again, and as often as I have tried, — even in 
 the solitude of my own chamber, where no human eye 
 could see me,— I have broken down, and I have wept 
 like a woman. If I could i)ut the j-icture into words, 
 I could not utter the words. For I cannot look on 
 human sorrow with the cold and aesthetic eye of an 
 artist To me a once stalwart peasant — shivering in 
 rags, and gaunt, and hollow- voiced, and staggering 
 with hunger — to me he is not a mere picture of Irish 
 life ; to me he is a brother to be hel2:>ed ; to me he is a 
 Christian prisoner to be rescued fiiom the pitiless power 
 of those infidel Saracens of the nineteenth century — 
 the Irish landlords and the British government. 
 
 1 know not where to begin, nor what county to select, 
 in either of these unhapp)^ provinces. 
 
 I have been in several villages where every man, 
 woman, and child in them would have died from hunger 
 within one month, or joerhaiis one week, from the hour 
 in which the relief that they now solely rely on should 
 be refused, because the men have neither a mouthful 
 of food nor any chance of earning a shilling, nor any 
 other way of getting provisions for their families until 
 the ripening of the crops in autumn. 
 
 I have entered hundreds of Irish cabins in districts 
 
HEIR WRETCHED CONDITION. 
 
 149 
 
 where the relief is distributed. These cabins are more 
 .wretched than the cabins of the negroes were in the 
 darkest days of slavery. The Irish peasant can neither 
 dress as well, nor is he fed as well as the Southern 
 slave was fed, and dressed, and lodged, Donke^^s, 
 and cows, and pigs, and hens live in the same wretched 
 room with the family. Many of these cabins had not 
 a single article of bed-clothing, except guano-sacks or 
 potato-bags, and when the old folks had a blanket it 
 was tattered and filthy, 
 
 1 saw only one woman in all these cabins whose face 
 did not look sad and care-racked, and she was dumb 
 and idiotic. 
 
 The Irish have been described by novelists and trav- 
 elers as a light-hearted and rollicking people — full of fun 
 and quick in repartee — equally ready to dance or to 
 fight. I did not find them so. I found them in the 
 West of Ireland a sad and despondent j^eople; care- 
 worn, broken-hearted, and shrouded in gloom. Never 
 once in the hundreds of cabins that I entered — never 
 once, even — did I»catch the thrill of a merry voice nor 
 the light of a joyous eye. Old men and boys, old 
 women and girls, young men and maidens— all of them, 
 Avichout a solitary exception — were grave or haggard, 
 and every household looked as if the plague of the 
 first-born had smitten them that hour. Rachael weep- 
 ing for her children, would have passed unnoticed 
 among these warm-hearted peasants. 
 
 Wendell Phillips, the great American philanthropist, 
 in a lecture on Ireland delivered in Boston during the 
 present year, said: 
 
 History has proven that, to obtain the fullest devel 
 opment of a country, the soil must be divided amongst 
 the people, and man's keenest interest must be married 
 
150 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 to tlie land. This had been illustrated very forcibly by 
 the liistorv of Prussia and France. The effect in 
 Ireland of this principle of English law and large 
 landed estates, was that eight thous;ind men owned the 
 island, which, measured by the French standard, 
 ought to have at least 1,200,000 owners. The Irish 
 landless millions were in a state of chronic despair, 
 and Ireland was anchored back in perhaps the seven- 
 teenth centurv. But just at this moment Enirland was 
 passing through a crisis of enormous significance. The 
 science of the present day, the servant of civilization, 
 Avas beating afjainst the landed svstem of England. 
 The iron rail from Dakota to Boston harbor, and the 
 steamboat from Boston harbor to Liveri";Ool, puts the 
 Dakota wheat into Liverjiool harbor to compete with 
 Yorkshire wheat, and the expense of putting these two 
 products side by side is inappreciable. Ten dollars is 
 the average cost of a Dakota acre, and $200 the price of 
 the Yorkshire. It is on that basis that the landholder 
 charges rent. How can the Yorkshire farmer compete 
 with the Dakota farmer? There stands the landlord, 
 and you say to him: 'Why don't you reduce your 
 rent?' The reply in most cases will be, ' My father left 
 a widow; she has a right of dower. She takes off ten 
 or fifteen thousand dollars of my- annual rental. Then 
 I have fpur or live younger brothers or sisters; they 
 are mortgagees. Then my father left me other mort- 
 gages, and when I have paid off the encumbrances 
 on my estate I haven't more than $20,000 left; and if 
 I reduce my rent a twentieth J am a pauper.' He stands 
 between the upper millstone of the encumbrances of his 
 family and the nether millstone of the Dakota acres. 
 
 "There never was an instance of a more God-arranged 
 providential vengeance than is now exhibited. England 
 has held to the Irish race for two hundred years the 
 
HER* WRETCHED COXDITION. 
 
 t 
 
 151 
 
 poison-cup of emigration. Ireland has been emptied 
 of lier population, and more than half the Irish race is 
 here. Irish labor built tlie rail to Dakota, and it now 
 holds the poison-cup to England's lande i aristocracy, 
 saying : * Drink of the cup of your own mixing.' IN'ever 
 was anything juster or better grounded. But when 
 Parnell says : ' Oblige those men to break up their lands 
 and sell them at a fair value,' why is that not granted? 
 The answer is, that if that is done, and the soil of 
 Ireland smiles as does the soil of France, the home of a 
 happy people, it will soon be said, ' If this is good for 
 Ireland, why is it not good for Yorkshire V and Brad- 
 laugh and the Radicals come into power. England is 
 afraid of such an example right at her doors, and of 
 the change which threatens her own petted institution. 
 
 "You go out West, and every town and city cheats 
 you in its census, because Ave reach and stretch to get 
 what all are seeking for — people. But in England 
 they don't want any more population than they can 
 conveniently manage — that means, ' Enough to keep my 
 prestige unbroken and my land tilled ; nothing that 
 will press forward in the line of change and elevation 
 and development ; enough for me that I stand here as 
 my father did, and the rest stand there, or rather grope 
 there, as they did centuries ngo.' And so, when you 
 say to an Englishman, 'Why don't you change thi^ 
 system in Ireland, and then change it in England too ^ 
 It will be better for you.' 'Better for the x>^ople of 
 England, but not for me.' Hence comes the persistent, 
 determined resistance on this question. Now, the Eng- 
 lish governing class and aristocratic landed interest 
 are opposing Ireland. England can accomplish no per- 
 manent results in its treatment of tliis question by 
 force. This is an age of brains, and not of guns. 
 There is an old French proverb that says : ' You can 
 
152 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 do almost everything with a bayonet, but you cannot 
 sit on it.' So when you read that the English Cabinet 
 is about to send a half-dozen regiments to Ireland, it 
 may mean a temporar}^ defeat, a postponement, but it 
 does not solve the question. Tiie elements will remain 
 there, and they will culminate again. Parnell is now 
 merely iising England's adversity as Ireland's oppor- 
 tunity, wiiich is the natural course of a statesman. 
 
 •'Some of you may criticise very severely the ap- 
 parently cruel method by which the Irish are enforcing 
 their rights. But it is not for us, in our prosperity 
 and ease, to criticise the means by which a i)eople 
 X^lundered and trampled tinder foot for one or two hun- 
 dred years seeks to obtain its rights. Such a people 
 does not have any choice of its weapons. Another 
 .thing: I never criticise methods three thousand miles 
 off. Princii)les are universal; and tliey submit to our 
 analj^sis as clearly a nd as rightly as they do to a man on 
 the spot. 1 would not criticise the Nihilist. 'Thank 
 God ! if he is a slave, he is a rebellious slave.' Nor 
 would I criticise the methods of the Irishman. When 
 we measure his suffering and the poverty of his re- 
 sources, and the immeasurable value of that of which 
 he is deprived and which he seeks to gain, it is hard to 
 blame him, no matter what course he adopts to right 
 himself." 
 
 The Rev. George Pepper, an Irish-American Presby- 
 terian minister, writing of the state of Ireland, says: 
 " In the Union thousands and tens of thousands of 
 'Our race found a magnificent shelter when driven from 
 'their native land by the rods and bayonets of their 
 landlord oppressors. In reference to the cause of Irish 
 nationality, allow me also to say that: the fires of pa- 
 triotism burn as deeply in the Irish heart in the States 
 as when Hugh O'Neill headed his brave legions against 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION". 
 
 153 
 
 those of Elizabetli, as wlien young Emmet mounted 
 the scaffold with fearless courage, as when the Man- 
 Chester martyrs, of blessed memory, died on the scaffold 
 which they transfigured. A million hearts in the States 
 burn for the opportunity of revenging the wrongs of 
 seven centuries, and of making Ireland one of the free 
 republics of the earth. During the last winter I lec- 
 tured one hundred times upon Ireland, and every where 
 this was the pervading, all-embracing thought of Irish 
 hearts — yes, and also of American hearts. Thank God! 
 in that noblest of countries all are united. Wherever 
 Freedom plants her standard, wherever the oppressed 
 pants for liberty, there the American heart sympathizes. 
 Protestant clergymen there take their stand side by 
 side with Catholic priests. I hope the day is- not far 
 distant when similar union will take i^lace in unhappy 
 Ireland. When that transpires, then the last chapter 
 of British tvrannv on this unfortunate country is writ- 
 ten. Charles Sumner, one of America's greatesc and 
 purest statesmen, whom we buried in tears and in glorj^, 
 wrote me, amongst his latest utterances, that 'Justice to 
 Ireland is a British necessity. In every effort for Irish 
 independence there is but one side for my sympathy 
 and sux^port.' 
 
 "I have just returned from the Continent of Europe, 
 and nowhere have I ever seen so much beggary, so 
 much wretchedness, so m.ucli absolute degradation as 
 even in this so-called prosperous Protestant North. 
 There are hundreds of those Protestant farmers who 
 never eat an egg, a chicken, meat of any kind. All 
 must be sold to pay the landlord. Great God ! how 
 long must this last? Why, sir, there is enough ma- 
 terial in this sentence to make a book of martyrs. 
 Every man I met, all Protestants, is thirsting for the 
 good time coining when the old gospel of ' land for the 
 
4 
 
 1^-4 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 landless,' * Ireland for the Irish' — a gospel which the 
 iiearens and the earth are preaching — shall be univer- 
 sally embraced and practically enforced." 
 
 D. P. Locke, editor of The Toledo Blade^ but who 
 is better known to the public as * 'Petroleum Y. Nasby," 
 went to Ireland, as he states himself, English in heart 
 and sentiment, and thoroughly opposed to the Irish 
 people and cause. When there some time his American 
 sense of justice and fair play revolted against what he 
 witnessed there, and he wrote a series of scathing 
 letters on Ireland, from which we take the following 
 extracts: 
 
 " Irish landlordism is condensed villainy. It is the 
 very top and summit of oppression, cruelty, brutality, 
 and terror. 
 
 ''It was conceived in lust and greed, born of fraud, 
 and perpetuated by force. 
 
 *' It does not recognize manhood, womanhood, or 
 childhood. Its cold hand is unon everv cradle in 
 
 ^ ft/ 
 
 Ireland. Its victims are the five millions of j^eople in 
 Ireland who cannot get away, and the instruments used 
 are bayonets and ball cartridires. 
 
 "It is a ghoul that would invade graveyards, were 
 there any profit to be gotten out of graveyards. It is 
 the coldest-blooded, cruelest infamy that the world has 
 ever seen, and that any race of peox)le were ever fated 
 to groan under. 
 
 "Irish landlordism is legal brigandage — it is an 
 organized hell. 
 
 " Wesley said that African slavery was the sum of all 
 villainies. Irish landlordism comprises all the villainies 
 that the devil ever invented, Avith African slavery 
 thrown in. Irish landlordism makes African slavery a 
 virtue by comioarison. For when a negro slave got too 
 old to work he was given some place in which to live 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION', 155 
 
 and sufficient food to keep him in some sort of life, 
 and clotlies enough to shield him from the elements. 
 
 '•The Irish tenant, when he becomes old and cannot 
 work, is thrown out upon the roadside, with his wife and ^ 
 children, to die and rot. He has created land with his 
 own hands which he is .not allowed to occupy. He has 
 grown crops which he is not allowed to eat; he has 
 labored as no other man in the world labors, without 
 being permitted to enjoy the fruits of his labor. The 
 virtue of his wife and daughter are in the keeping of 
 the vilkiin who by virtue of bayonets controls his land. 
 In short, to sum it all up in one word, the Irishman is 
 a serf, a slave." 
 
 Nasby states that he went from Dublin to Cork the 
 most prejudiced man in the world against the Irish. 
 There he disputed with Charles Stewart Parnell, en- 
 deavoring to convince him that he was a demagogue, 
 Thns it was Avhen James Redpath found him, and 
 told him how he would prove to him that he was wrong 
 in the sentiments he entertained towards the Irish, 
 Mr. Redpath took him to the South of Ireland, and 
 there, at the foot of tlie Galtee Mountains, Nasby 
 visited cabins, one of which he thus describes: 
 
 "The idea that human beings, made in God's image, 
 having the power to think, to reason, and to act, could 
 live, even exist, in such a hovel as that was so incredi- 
 ble that we insisted upon going over and seeing how it 
 was done. Wading through mud and slush coming 
 ov^er our shoe-tops, we bent our heads and entered. 
 The room, if so it could hj a stretch of imagination be 
 called, was so low that we could not stand erect. The 
 cold, bare earth that constituted the Hoor was damp 
 and slippery, as the rain came trickling down through 
 the broken thatch and formed little pools on the ground. 
 Near a suggestion of a lire were huddled a woman and 
 
156 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 four children, the eldest not more than eight years of 
 age. As we entered they all arose. We were horrified 
 to see that they were, as usual, without stockings or 
 shoes, and their clothing was so torn and ragged that 
 it afforded but little warmth. The motlier and her 
 little girls were blue with cokl. Their features were 
 pinched with hunger. Their whole appearance indi- 
 cated the want and suffering they ftad been ^^^tiently 
 enduring for years. Over in one corner of the room 
 was what they called a bed. It consisted of four posts 
 driven into the ground. On stringers were laid a few 
 rough boards. On these boards Avere dried leaves and 
 heather, covered by a few old potato-sacks. There was 
 where this family of six persons slept. There was no 
 window in the house, the only light and ventilation 
 being furnished by the door and the cracks in the 
 thatched roof. 
 
 "It was too horrible, and we went out again into the 
 rain. There we could at least get a breath of fresh air. 
 We asked our guide how this family managed to keep 
 the breath of life in them. He said they lived as their 
 neighbors did, on potatoes and 'stirabout.' 
 • What is '' stirabout?" ' 
 
 ' It is a sort of mush made of Indian meal and skim- 
 milk. They have that occasionally for a little luxur}', 
 or when the potatoes are so scarce that they think they 
 must husband them.' 
 
 " ' You don't mean to say that these people actually 
 live on that fare, that they have nothing else ? They 
 at least have meat with their potatoes V 
 
 "'God bless you, sir,' and the honest man's eyes 
 filled with tears, ' they never know the taste of meat. 
 There has not been a bit of m^at in my house since last 
 Christmas, when we were fortunate enough to get a bit 
 of pig's head. But up here they don't even have that-* 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION*. 
 
 157 
 
 Surely this must have been an exceptional case. It 
 was impossible that even in that country there could 
 be more than one or two instances of such utter and 
 abject woe and misery. Bat Mr. Dugii^an told us to 
 the contrary. He said that the house we had just left 
 was only a fair sample of what was to be seen all over 
 the Galtee Mountains. To be convinced, we trudged 
 painfully through the rain for seven long hours. AVe 
 toiled through helds that in America would not be ac- 
 cepted as a gift. Here, if the exorbitant rent charged 
 for them could not be paid, the holders were evicted. 
 We went through roads so wretchedly bad that teams 
 could not travel over them. Yet taxes had to be paid 
 by those who had holdings on either side. We saw 
 fields that had been reclaimed from the original state, 
 had been made productive, and had been the cause of 
 the eviction of the holder because he could not pay the 
 rent Avhich the improvements brought upon him. He 
 had been thrown off the land, and it was rapidly going 
 to waste again. Large patches of heather, which is 
 worse than the American farmers' bane, the Canada 
 thistle, were growing over it, choking all other forms 
 of vegetation. It would only take another season to 
 make the land so worthless that three years of hard 
 work would be required to put it back to the condition 
 it was in when the holder had been compelled to leave 
 it, after having devoted the best years of his life to 
 reclaiming and making it productive. After seven hours 
 of such sights as these, which cannot be described, we 
 were wet, weary, and mad. We had seen enough for 
 one day, and were ready to go back. All during the 
 long drive to Mitchellstow^n not a word was said. The 
 subject was too terrible for talk. 
 
 "It is impossible to make an American comprehend 
 the width, deptli, and breadth of Irish misery until he 
 
158 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 l]as seen it with his own eves. No other man's eves 
 are good for anything in this matter, for the reason 
 that nothing parallel exists this side of the water. And 
 besides this, the writers for the stage and of general 
 literature have most wofully misrepresented the Irish 
 man and woman, and very mucli to his and her disad- 
 vantage. The Irisiiman is the saddest man on the face 
 of the globe. You may travel a week and never see a 
 smile or hear a laugh. Utter and abject misery, starva- 
 tion, and helplessness are not conducive of merriment. 
 The Irishman has not only no short- tailed coat, but he 
 considers himself fortunate if he has anv coat at all. 
 He has what bv courtesv mav be called trousers, but 
 the vest is a mvtli. lie has no comfortable woolen 
 stockings, nor is he possessed of the regulation stnge- 
 shoes. He does not sing, dance, or laugh, for he has 
 no place to sing, laugh, and dance in. He is a moving 
 pyramid of rags. A man who cuts bog all da}' from 
 daylight to dark, whose diet consists of a few potatoes 
 twice a day, is not much in the humor for dancing all 
 night, even were there a place for him to dance in. 
 And as for jollity, a man with a land agent watching 
 him like a hawk to see how much he is improving his 
 land, with the charitable intent of raising the rent, if 
 by any possibility he can screw it out of him, is not in 
 the mood to laugh, sing, dance, or 'hurroo.' One 
 might as well think of laughing at a funeral. Ire- 
 land is one perpetual funeral. The ghastly procession 
 is constantly passing. There is unquestionably a vast 
 fund of humor in the Irishman, which would be de- 
 lightful, could it have proper vent You hear faint 
 tones of it as it is, but it is in the minor key, and 
 very bad. It always has a flavor of rack-rent in it, 
 a tasie of starvation, a suggestion of eviction and 
 death by cold and hunger on the roadside. It Isn't 
 
IIEII Wr.ETCIIED CONDITION". 
 
 159 
 
 clieerfal. I had nmcli rather have the Irishman silent 
 than to hear this remnant of jocukirity which is always 
 streaked, with blood. The Irish girl is always comely, 
 and, properly clothed and fed, would be beautiful. 
 Still she is comely. Irish landlordism has not been 
 sufficient to destroy her beauty, though it has done its 
 best. But she has no gown of woolen stuff — a cotton 
 slipj without underclothing of any kind, makes up her 
 costume. The comfortable stockings and stout shoes, 
 and the red kerchief about her neck, are so many libels 
 upon Irish landlordism. Were my lord's agent to see 
 such clothing upon a girl he would immediately raise 
 the rent upon her father and confiscate those clothes. 
 And he would keep on raising the rent till he was cer- 
 tain that shoes and stockings would be forever impos- 
 sible. , Neither does she dance Pat down at rustic balls, 
 for a most excellent reason — there are no balls — and 
 besides, when she has cut and dried a donkey-load of 
 peat, and walked beside that donkey, barefooted, in 
 the cold mud, twelve miles and' back again, and sold 
 that peat for sixpence, she is not very much in the 
 humor for dancing down anv one. On the contrary, 
 she is mighty glad to get into her wretched bed of dry 
 leaves and pull over her the potato-sack which consti- 
 tutes her sole covering, and soothed to sleep by the 
 gruntings of the pigs in the wretched cabin, forget 
 landlords and rent, and go off into the land of happi 
 ness, which, to her, is America. She finds in sleep 
 surcease of sorrow, and besides, it refreshes her to the 
 degree of walking barefooted througli the mud twenty 
 four miles on the morrow, to sell another load of peat 
 for sixpence, that she may pay more money to my lord, 
 whose town-house in London, and whose mistresses in 
 Paris, require a great deal of money. Chamiiagne and 
 the delicacies of the season are always exx)ensive, and 
 
 \ 
 
160 
 
 lEELAXD, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 my lord's appetite, and tlie appetite of Lis wife and 
 mistresses, and his children, legitimate and illegitimate, 
 are delicate. Clearly, Katy is in no humor for dancing. 
 She has her share to contribute to all these objects. 
 And so she eats her meal of potatoes or stirabout (she 
 never has both at once), and goes into sleep and dreams. 
 
 As to the priest, there never was a wilder delusion 
 than exists in the mind of the American people con- 
 cerning him. I was at the houses, or rather lodgfngs, 
 of a great many of them, but one example will suffice. 
 Half-wav between Kenmare and Killarnev, in a wild, 
 desolate country, lives one of these parish priests who 
 are supposed to inhabit luxurious houses, and to live 
 gorgeously, and to be perpetually singing the ' Cruiskeen 
 Lawn,' with a pipe in. one hand and a glass of pottetn 
 in the other. He is a magnificent man. In face and 
 figure he is the exact x^ictwre of the lamented Salmon 
 P. Chase, one of the greatest of Americans, and I 
 venture the assertion that had he adopted any other 
 profession, and come to America, where genius and in- 
 tellect mean something, and where great ability finds 
 great rewards, he would have been one of the most 
 eminent of men. A man of great learning, of wonderful 
 intuitions, of cool, clear judgment, of great nevre and 
 unbounded heart, he would, were he to come to 
 America and drop his priestly robes, be president of a 
 great railroad corporation, or a senator, or anything 
 else he chose to be. But what is he in Ireland? His 
 apartments comprise a bedroom, just large enough to 
 hold a very poor bed, and a study, in a better-class 
 farm-house, for which he pays rent the same as every- 
 body else does. His floor is uncarpeted, and the entire 
 furniture of his rooms, leaving out his library, would 
 not invoice 810. His parish is one of the wildest and 
 bleakest in Ireland, and is twenty-five miles long and 
 
HER WRETCHED CONDITION. 
 
 161 
 
 eighteen wide. He has to conduct services at all the 
 chapels in this stretch of country. He has to watch 
 over the morals of all the people; but this is not all. 
 No matter at what hour of night, no matter what the 
 condition of the weather, the summons to the bedside 
 of a dving man to administer the last sacraments of 
 the Church must be obeyed. It may be that to do 
 this requires a ride on horseback of twenty miles in a 
 blinding storm, but it must be done. Every child must 
 be christened, every death-bed must be soothed, every 
 sorrow mitigated by the only comfort this suffering 
 people have — the faith in their Church. What do you 
 suppose this magnificent man gets for all this? The 
 largest income life ever received in his life was £100, 
 which, reduced to American money, amounts to exactly 
 $181. And out of this he has to pay his rent, his food, 
 his clothing, the keeping of his horse, and all that re- 
 mains goes in charity to the snffering sick — every 
 penny of it. When the Father dies his nephews and 
 nieces will not find very good picking from what is left, 
 ass'ure you." 
 
 Ireland's claims upon America. 
 
 Nine hundred years before Columl^ns pointed his cara- 
 vels westward the Irish sailor St. Brendan had reported 
 the discovery of a great land across the Atlantic. The 
 Norsemen knew of it and called it Irland it Milda, the 
 Greater Ireland. The Italian geographers knew of 
 it, and Toscanelli, on the map which was prepared 
 expressly for the first voyage of Columbus, marked it 
 
 Terra dl San Boroiidon'' St. Brendan s Land; audit 
 is recorded that the first of Columbus's sailors who set 
 foot upon the new world was named Patrick Maguire. 
 More Irishmen followed. In 1G49, 45,000 came, driven 
 
162 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 out of Ireland by the Cromwellian persecutions. In 
 1689 an Irish colony came to Maryland, among them 
 the Carroll family, from whom descended the great 
 Archbishop Carroll and the statesman, Charles Carroll 
 of Carroll ton. In 1689 they colonized North Carolina, 
 and in seven years after one of their number, Mr. James 
 Moore, led the people in revolt against the oi)pressions 
 of the proprietary government, established their inde- 
 pendence, and was honored by the people in being 
 elected Governor, the first i:)eople's Governor of North 
 Carolina.'^ 
 
 In 1699 a large Irisli emigration came to Pennsylvania, 
 which gave to America man}^ of the leaders in the move- 
 ment for American independence. In 1710 the}^ came 
 to Virginia and established there the McDonnells, 
 Breckenridges, McDuffies, Magruders, and McKennas 
 of that State. 
 
 In 1729 at Philadelphia the Irish arrivals outnumbered 
 ten to one all others from Europe combined. In that 
 year they came also to Cape Cod; with them Charles 
 Clinton, grandfather of De AVitt Clinton, who, wtiile 
 governor of New York, built the Erie Canal, which 
 was completed in 1825. 
 
 In 1737 they colonized South Carolina, and gave to 
 this country Rutledge, Calhoun, and later, Andrew 
 Jackson, that "Old Hickory" Andrew Jackson whom 
 you know some folks are voting for yet for President. 
 One of the early South Carolina historians said that: 
 "Of all other countries none has furnished the prov- 
 ince with so many inhabitants as Ireland." 
 
 In 1746 they went in great numbers with Boone and 
 settled Kentucky, and the most popular soldier in that 
 land in the early days was Major Hugh McGrady. 
 
 From the earliest days they had been settling in all 
 die other States. Victims, all of them, in a strictly 
 
 * From E. F. Eunne's Lecture on Ireland. 
 
HER CLAJMS ON AMERICA. 
 
 163 
 
 personal sense, of English injustice, you may imagine 
 they were foremost and loudest in the call for American 
 independence. It is admitted that the Irish John 
 Rutledge ''was the first man whose eloquence roused 
 South Carolina to the level of resistance." ^yllen the 
 Stamp Act was passed, Dr. Franklin, communicating 
 from London with Charles Thompson, one of the Irish 
 settlers of Pennsylvania, afterwards Secretary of the 
 Continental Congress, wrote: " The sun of liberty is 
 set. The Americans must light now the lamps of in- 
 dustry and economy." But Thompson, like a genuine 
 Celt, sent back the ringing answer: "Be assured that 
 we shall light torches of quite a different sort." John 
 Hancock, whose magnificent autograph marshals the 
 signatures to the Declaration like a standard-bearer at 
 the head of a column, was the son of Honora O' Flaherty, 
 and his people were lords in Gal way for centuries ber 
 fore their advent in America. 
 
 Ireland was w^ell represented in the Continental 
 Congress, and among the signers of the Declaration of 
 Independence, as well as the Constitution of the United 
 States. 
 
 One-sixth of the signers of the Declaration, and one- 
 sixth of the signers of the Constitution that we know of, 
 were Irishmen. 
 
 I have led you one by one through all these facts, that 
 you may be the better prepared for the more astonish- 
 ing declaration I am about to make. 
 
 Of the Continental army which achieved the indepen- 
 dence of the United States, one-third of the active officers 
 and one-half of the rank and file were of Irish birth or 
 immediate Irish descent. 
 
 The first Secretary of War of the United States was 
 General Henry Knox, an Irishman. 
 
 One of the first brigadier-generals of the Continental 
 
164 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 . army was General Sullivan, a son of an Irish school- 
 master of Limerick. Another was Richaid Montgomery, 
 of New York, an Irishman. The celebrated *'Mad 
 Anthonv" Wavne, so famous as the Murat of the 
 American army, was an Irishman. The man who, 
 answering the anxious inquiry as to whether it was 
 I)ossible to capture a certain fort, said: "I'll take it 
 to-night or MoUv Stark will be a widow in the morn- 
 ing,'' was Major-General John Stark, an Irishman from 
 Londonderry. Hand, Mo\'lan, Dillon, and lifty more 
 were all Irish. 
 
 Ireland was represented in the navy, too. The first 
 naval capture made in the name of the United States 
 (vas by O'Brien, from Cork. Fenimore Cooper, in his 
 Listorv of the navy, calls it the Lexinsrton of the seas: 
 the fi?^st blow struck on the water after the war of the 
 revolution had actuallj' commenced." The first com. 
 modore of the American navv was John Barrv, from 
 Wexford, where he lived almost to manhood before he 
 came to America. One of Bavry^ s proteges in the navy 
 was an Irishman, who afterwards became Admiral 
 Stewart, whose grandson, Charles Stewart Parnell, is 
 not unknown to Irishmen. 
 
 Washington not only understood the composition of 
 bis army, but fully appreciated the loyalty of his Irish 
 troops. When that terrible night came when every- 
 ' thing depended on the fidelit}^ of tliesentries, he issued 
 the celebrated order, ''Put none but Irish or Ameri- 
 cans on guard to-night." And he put the Irish first, 
 where they are generally found when there is any 
 lighting to be done Some so-called historians have 
 been base enongli to drop the word "Irish" in quoting 
 this order, but the original is still preserved in Wash- 
 ington, and stands there as one of the grandest com- 
 pliments ever paid to the Irish race. 
 
HER CLAIMS ON AMERICA. 165 
 
 "Nor was it in America alone that the Irish race an- 
 swered the call I'or aid. The Irish Brigade in the 
 service of France sought and obtained permission to 
 light the English in America, and on Southern battle- 
 fields shed their blood in behalf of American liberty as 
 freely as did their brethren in the North. Ireland liad 
 her own Parliament at Dublin then, and though sitting 
 almost within the range of English guns, its House of 
 Commons not only refused to vote the 45,000 men de- 
 manded to fight against America, but, with character- 
 istic Irish audacity, passed Mr. Daly's resolution calling 
 upon the King to discontinue the ^?ar. 
 
 In the English Parliament, bearding the lion in his 
 den, the Irish orators, Barry, Burke, and Sheridan, 
 plead for American freedom in words of such magnifi- 
 cent eloquence that they are handed down fronk gene- 
 ration to generation in the school-books of this land 
 as the grandest utterances ever delivered in behalf of 
 American liberty. 
 
 Of course we boast of all this. Why should we not ? 
 Is it not something for Irishmen to be proud of, that 
 American patriotism was roused in great part by Irish 
 eloquence, American liberty proclaimed in great part 
 by Irish representatives, and American independence 
 achieved in great part by Irish arms? 
 
 So much importance did America at one time attach 
 to the Irish people, that the first Continental Congress 
 sent an address to them — not to Irishmen in America, 
 no appeal to them was necessary — but to the Irish peo- 
 ple in Ireland, explaining to them that America had 
 no hostility to Ireland itself, but only to England. 
 
 Franklin, wliile on his diplomatic mission to Europe, 
 visited Ireland to obtain the sympathy of the Irish 
 people, and reported from London, saying: " I found 
 them disx^osed to be friends of America, in which I en- 
 
166 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 deavored to confirm them, Avitli the expectat-ion that 
 our growing weight might in time be thrown into their 
 scale, and by joining our interests with theirs a more 
 equitable treatment from this nation (England) might 
 be obtained for them, as well as for us." 
 
 We could go on for pages citing the services ren- 
 dered by Irishmen to America. Ireland accepted the 
 pledge of America, and declared itself for American 
 independence. England was obliged to recognize the 
 American Parliament, but she glutted her vengeance 
 on Ireland. She quickly destroyed the Irish Parlia- 
 ment, and did her best to destroy the Irish people. 
 
 We are taught thus, even by tradition, to look to 
 the West for help, and, through the blood of Erin's sons 
 shed for liberty here, we have a ri<z:ht to demand it. 
 And, oh ! my brothers, in this struggle, let us be care- 
 ful where we seek for aid. After the mercy of God, 
 the justice of our cause, and the valor of our race, let 
 us put our trust in this gallant land of freedom, clos- 
 ing our ears to the whisperings of that dark, malignant 
 power which is corrupting the suffering people of every 
 land in Europe, aye ! even our own. 
 
 Let us put our trust in this great American nation, 
 whose land we were the first to discover; whose soil 
 we were among the first to possess; whose liberty we 
 were among the first to proclaim; whose independence 
 we were among the first to achieve; whose Constitution 
 we were among the first to form, and whose Union our 
 Corcorans and Meaghei's and Shields and Sheridans, 
 with half a millon Irish soldiers at their backs, were 
 among the foremost to preserve. 
 
 Let us remember that wlien the sun of the Roman 
 Empire went down in barbarian darkness it was our 
 land that held aloft the beacon-light of knowledge, 
 civilization, refinement, eloquence, poetry, and art, all 
 
COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 167 
 
 crowned with the supernatural glory of the Christian 
 faith, and that as sons of that glorious land it is our 
 duty to watch with jealous care that the shining 
 splendor of that ancient record receive now no blot or 
 blemish. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 
 
 Persecutions and Confiscations — Coercion since the 
 Union — The Wretched Condition of the Country — 
 How Ireland is Governed — Evictions in Ireland — 
 The Bight of Self-government. 
 
 It is often vaguely said that Ireland since the ruinous 
 Union, January 1, 1801, has been aim osteons tan tly under 
 a regime of coercion more or less severe; but probably 
 few persons are aware of the exact facts in this connec- 
 tion, and it may. therefore, be well to recapitulate them 
 here just now, when one other Coercion Act — and that, 
 perhaps, the very worst and most severe of all — has been 
 added to the long roll of similar statutes passed by the 
 British Parliament. The recital will be, from more than 
 one point of view, highly instructive and suggestive. 
 
 Sir Robert Peel stated, in the course of the debates 
 in 1829 on the question of Catholic Emancipation, that 
 since 1800 up to that time there had scarcely been one 
 year in which Ireland was governed by the ordinary 
 law. The statement was literally correct. Indeed, the 
 Tory leader miglit liavegone further and asserted with- 
 out any reservation tliat there had been no year what- 
 ever within the period specified in which the ordinary 
 law alone had prevailed in this country; for if a 
 
168 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 Coercion Act wer,e not passed every year of that period, 
 some of the acts that did obtain the sanction of the 
 Parliament were in operation for two or more years. 
 Exclusive of enactments for prohibiting the importation 
 of arms and gunpowder, the following is a list of the 
 coercive measures adopted in the first quarter of the 
 century for putting down crime and maintaining peace 
 and order in Ireland: 
 
 1796- 1802— Insurrection Act. 
 
 1797- 1802 — Habeas Corpus suspended 
 1803-1805— Martial Law. 
 1803-1806— Habeas Corpus suspended. 
 1807-1810— Insurrection Act. 
 1814-1818— Insurrection Act. 
 1822-1823— Insurrection Act. 
 
 1822- 1823 — Habeas Corpus suspended. 
 
 1823- 1825— Insurrection Act. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to stay to explain that the 
 provisions of such measures as the Insurrection Act 
 were savage in the extreme. They were just as severe 
 as might have been adopted in a country newly con- 
 quered, and towards a population ready at any moment 
 to rise in revolt. It was supj^osed at last in 1829, as it 
 was so often supposed afterwards, that remedial meas- 
 ures would in a short time obviate the necessitv for 
 further coercion — that, in other words, if some conces- 
 sions were then made to the Irish popular demands, 
 the Irish peoi^le would thereafter settle down content- 
 edly as members of "the great British Empire," and 
 that, therefore, it would be no longer necessary to hold 
 them down by force. Accordingly the Emancipation 
 Act was passed. But emancipation did not put an end 
 to coercion. After that event, as well as before it, the 
 English government contrived or jiretended to find 
 overwhelming cause for continuing the coercion regime. 
 
COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 
 
 169 
 
 Nay, then more than ever did the English statesmen 
 of the time profess to think it necessary for the safety 
 of the empire that tlie Irish people should be kept 
 bound hand and foot, and llieir opinion, moreover, 
 seems to have been shared by all the successors v^^hom 
 they have had during the last half century. The follow- 
 ing is a complete list of the Coercion Acts passed for 
 Ireland from 1880 to 1882. 
 
 1830— Importation of Arms Act. 
 
 1831— Wliiteboy Act. 
 
 1831 — Arms Act. 
 
 1832— Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1833— Lord Grey's Coercion Act. 
 
 1833 — Change of Venue. 
 
 1834— Suppression of Disturbances Amendment and Continuance 
 
 1834 — Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1835 — Public Peace. 
 
 183G — Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1838— Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1839— Unlawful Oaths. 
 
 1840 — Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1841 — Houghing of Cattle, etc 
 
 1841 — Importation of Arms and Gunpowder. 
 
 1843 — A Consolidiition Act 
 
 1844 — Unlawful Oaths Continuance. * 
 
 1845 — Additional Constables near Public Wor'is. 
 1845- Unlawful Oaths Amendment and Continuance 
 184G — Constabulary Force Enlargement, etc. 
 
 1847 — Crime and Outrage. 
 
 1848 — Treason Amendment. 
 1848 — Removal of Aliens. 
 
 1848 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. 
 
 1848— Unlawful Oaths Amendment and Continuance, 
 
 1849 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. 
 
 1850— Crime and Outrage Continuance. 
 
 1851— Unlawful Oaths Contmuance. * 
 
 1852— Crime and Outrage Continuance. 
 
 1853 — Crime and Outrage Continuance. 
 
 1854 — Crime and Outrage Continuance. 
 
 1855 — Crime and Outraire Continuance. 
 1853— Peace Prescrvatioji. 
 
170 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 1856 — Unlawful Oaths Amendment and Continuance. 
 1858 — Peace Preservation Continuance Act. 
 1860 — Peace Preservation Amendment Act. 
 1862 — Peace Preservation Continuance Act. 
 1862 — Unlawful Oaths Continuance Act. 
 
 1865 — Peace Preservation Continuance. 
 
 1866— Habeas Corpus Suspension, 
 
 1867 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. 
 1867 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. 
 
 1867 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. % 
 
 1868 — Habeas Corpus Suspension. 
 
 1870 — Peace Preservation. 
 
 1871 — Protection of Life and Property, and Peace Preservation Con- 
 tinuauce. 
 
 1873 — Peace Preservation and Protection of Life and Property Con- 
 tinuance. 
 
 j Peace Preservation. 
 1875 — ( Unlawful Oaths Continuance. 
 
 j Life and Property Protection Act. 
 
 1881 — i Peace Preservation Act. 
 
 1882 — Prevention of Crime Act. 
 
 From the foregoing, then, it will be observed that in 
 the last fifrv-two vears there have been exactly tifty 
 Coercion Acts! It is true that there were fifteen years 
 out of the fifty- two in which the London Parliament was 
 not 1:roubled with an Irish Coercion Bill; but, on the 
 other hand, there were several years in each of which 
 it was troubled with two or more such measures, and all 
 but a very few of the fifry-two acts were enacted for more 
 than one year. Thus the act of 1875 did not expire till 
 the summer of 1880. The result, on the whole, is that 
 there liave not been five years in the last fifty-two in 
 which some, and, generally speaking, the greater part 
 of Ireland has not been governed by repressive laws. 
 
 The Coercion Bill lately passed in the House of Com- 
 mons is regarded by many as the most severe ever 
 brou2:ht forward, but it is so only in the sense that it 
 comprises in itself all the worst provisions of all it^ 
 predecessors. It contains, we think, scarcely one 
 
COEECIOIT AND OPPEESSION. 
 
 171 
 
 single provision which cannot already be found in the 
 statute-book. For examx)le, the following summary, 
 given by Mr. Leadam in a pamphlet published in Lon- 
 don a short time since, of the provisions of the act of 
 
 1833, shows that more than one of the clauses of the 
 new measure have been suggested by, if not actually 
 copied from, the code of Lord Grey and Mr. Stanley: 
 
 The bill which proposed to deal with these disorders 
 consisted of many stringent provisions. It proposed 
 to empower the Lord-Lieutenant to prohibit or sup- 
 press meetings, and enacted that all persons attending 
 a meeting so prohibited should be guilty of misde- 
 meanor. The Lord-Lieutenant might " proclaim" a dis- 
 trict in a disturbed state. In proclaimed districts the 
 tenants of houses were bound, under penalties of mis- 
 demeanor, to affix to their houses lists of all male oc- 
 cupants, distinguishing their ages, which should be, 
 countersigned by tlie constable. Special license was 
 requisite from the Lord-Lieutenant for any meeting, 
 even for petitioning Parliament. The Lord-Lieutenant 
 was to be empowered to constitute courts-martial for 
 the trial of offenses, their sentences to be restricted to 
 transportation. Persons found out of their houses 
 under suspicious circumstances in a proclaimed dis- 
 trict after sunset were to be guilty of a misdemeanor. 
 The unauthorized possession of arms was similarly 
 X)enal; as also the assisting by signals in the warning 
 of unlawful assemblies. The Habeas Corpus was in 
 effect suspended in proclaimed districts under the 29tli 
 and 3()th section of the statute; but it was provided 
 that all persons apprehended should be brought to 
 trial within three months or discharged from confine- 
 ment. The act was to remain in force until August 1st, 
 
 1834. This act, which Lord Brougham, who assisted 
 in its preparation, afterwards described as "one of the 
 
172 IKELAXD, PAST AND PKESE^CT. 
 
 most stringent Coercion Bills tliat ever existed in this 
 country towards Ireland," was not the sole measure of 
 its kind. There was passed a Venue Bill, permitting 
 trials " upon indictments to be removed into an adjoin- 
 ing county or to Dublin." This measure, which was 
 in effect a reenactment of several previous statutes, was 
 to expire with the Coercion Bill in a year's time. It 
 was, however, subsequenth' continued until 1S40. 
 
 Other provisions of the new bill are plainly copied 
 from the act of 1870 and 1871, of which an excellent 
 popular account was given in a speech delivered on the 
 24:th June, 1873, at a meeting of the Home Government 
 Association, by Mr. John O. Blunden, B. L., and 
 afterwards reprinted in a pamphlet. The following is 
 an extract from Mr. Blunden' s speech^ in which he 
 sums up some of the more outrageous clauses of the 
 enactment with which he dealt: 
 
 *'It is a fundamental principle of the British Con- 
 stitution that a man shall be allowed to carry arms. 
 Under the acts to which I have to-dav called vour 
 attention, I would be liable to imprisonment were I to 
 attempt to carry arms for my self-defense, no matter 
 what dangerous localitj^ I might have to go into. I 
 would equally be liable to imj^risonment were I to keep 
 arms in my house for its protection. If ever there was 
 a principle dear to every Englishmen, it is that there 
 shall be a free press. Here the Lord-Lieutenant has ab- 
 solute, unconditional power to suppress any newspaper 
 he pleases, and no matter howMincalled-for or tyrannical 
 any such suppression may be, the proprietor of the 
 suppressed paper cannot take any proceedings to re- 
 cover his property. His paj^er, from which, in all i^ro- 
 bability, he derived his livelihood, is gone forever. I 
 do not believe that there lives an Englishman in whom 
 there exists the faintest spark of manhood, who would 
 
COERCION AND OPPPvfZSSION. 
 
 173 
 
 not die rather than give up the grand old principle — 
 the fundamental one of all libert}^ — that no man shall 
 be imprisoned or sentenced without a fair trial. By 
 . the provisions of the 33 Yic. c. 9, a man may be arrested 
 on siispicion of being a sus^^icious character, and under 
 the West Meath Coercion Act the Lord-Lieutenant 
 lias power to send an}^ one he likes to jail without trial, 
 and keep him there as long as he pleases. It is a well 
 known maxim of English law that a man's house is his 
 csfstle. By Irish coercion law, a jiol iceman can break 
 into a house at any hour of the day or night, under 
 the excuse (real or pretended) of searching for arms. 
 In England the people's liberties are i^rotected by the 
 ' Habeas Corpus Act. In Ireland that act has been sus- 
 pended at least eleven times (and I think of tener) since 
 the Union; and, whether it is suspended or not, it is 
 utterly useless and powerless by Coercion Acts. Xo 
 more perfect network of coercive legislation could be 
 invented by any government, for the purpose of crush- 
 ing out of a country anything approaching even the 
 verv semblance of liber r v." 
 
 The act of 1871 also contained, as the new bill con- 
 tains, a clause making it an offense punishable by 
 imprisonment to be found out of one's house after a 
 certain hour at night in a proclaimed district, and Mr. 
 • Blunden's comments on this j^rovision are so appropriate 
 to the present occasion that we gladly reproduce them. 
 Having quoted the words of the clause, he spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 "]S"ow I crave your attention specially to the words, 
 'If upon such hearing the justices shall believe that 
 such person teas not old of Ms oicn Jioiise upon some 
 lawful occasion.' Do you comprehend the full import 
 of these words? Why are thev not, as one would 
 naturally expect, 'believe that such person icas out oi 
 
174 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 his house upon some unlawful occasion'? The answer 
 is manifest. In order, contrarj^ to every principle of 
 law and justice, to throw the onus of proof, not on the 
 accuser, but on the accused. Was there ever such a 
 monstrous law? Who is to be the iudi^e in the liist 
 
 •I o 
 
 instance of suspicious circumstances ? A policeman or 
 ^oilier person.' What is the charge? Suspicion of 
 being suspicious. What is the offense? The 'person' 
 disobeyed the law in not making himself a prisoner 
 in his house or miserable cabin. And what about 
 the unfortunates ^vho have no home ? To the poor- 
 house with them, or, better still, to Jail. WIjo are 
 to be the witnesses for the prosecution? They are not re- 
 quired ; the law throws ux)on the prisoner the onus of 
 proof, or rather of disproof. And what, finally, is the 
 result? That no man dare leave his cottage within the 
 stated hours without rendering himself liable to arrest 
 in any case, to imprisonment unless he is prepared with 
 proof that he was out upon a 'lawful occasion' — proof 
 to satisfy a court with which the whisper of a police- 
 man is likely to have a thousand times more weight 
 than the oaths of one hundred peasants. The farm- 
 laborer going to his work is liable to arrest. The farmer 
 going to a fair in early morn is liable to arrest. He is 
 liable to arrest on his return, should he be detained 
 there till late. The people's liberty is in the hands of 
 the police. No jury to weigh evidence — no appeal. It 
 has been often said that history repeats itself, but we 
 would have to go back to the time of William the Con- 
 queror and his curfew laws to find a parallel for this 
 piece of legislation." 
 
 It may be well to add that this very comprehensive 
 act — that, namely, which w^as passed eleven years ago 
 under the auspices of the same man who is now Prime 
 Minister — contained also a jirovision against strangers 
 
COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 175 
 
 sojourning or wandering in any district specially pro 
 claimed, and gave to the magistrates, as it is now pro 
 posed to give tliem, power to deal in a summary way 
 with specially created offenses. 
 
 Nothing very new, it thus appears, will be found in 
 the latest Coercion Bill; its authors, we repeat, have 
 simply ransacked the records of all similar legislative 
 achievements, extracted therefrom all that was particu- 
 larly drastic in character, and tlien put the clauses 
 thus obtained — the quintessence of fifty measures of 
 coercion — into one measure, which they have called by 
 the euphemistic name of ''The Prevention of Crime 
 (Ireland) Bill." Nor are the excuses for passing such a 
 code different now from what they have always been 
 in the past. Xo quarrel, we are told, have the English 
 people, or the English government, with the Irish 
 nation; but, it is , added, a band of lawless men in 
 Ireland are threatening the stability of the state, and 
 to crush them the whole Irish people must for a time — 
 it is always only "for a time" — be put under such 
 restraint as that b\^ which the worst of Eastern despots 
 strive to break the spirits of their subjects ! Precisely 
 similar pleas have been advanced every time since 1800 
 that a similar enterprise has been undertaken by an 
 English government against the liberties of Ireland. 
 Coercion, we are also told at the present day by Mr. 
 Chamberlain and others, is at best a hateful incident; 
 to exercise it is to Chamberlain, and such politicians 
 as he is, a painful operation. But here again Cham 
 berlain, Forster, and the rest of those Englishmen 
 who always advocate liberty ever3'where but in 
 Ireland, are only plagiarists. Listen to the touch- 
 ing language in which, as Mr. Leadam reminds us in 
 the pamphlet already quoted, Lord Clarendon, as Lord- 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, wrote on the 2Gtli January, 
 
176 IPwELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 1849, asking for a renewal of the suspension of the 
 Habeas Corj)us Act : 
 
 While availing myself of the extraordinary power 
 confided to me bv the act, it has been mv earnest en- 
 deavor to limit its operation as far as possible, and to 
 confine the deprivation of personal liberty to the cases of 
 tliose individuals who were actuali v enii:af>:ed in treason- 
 able designs, or who, by encouraging rlip disaffected, 
 endangered the peace and tranquillity of the country. 
 No instance occurred of any arrest taking place except 
 on sworn informations; no person was retained in cus- 
 tody longer than the public safety appeared to require; 
 and although the number of individuals whom it was 
 my painful duty to place in temporar\^ confinement 
 was considerable, having amounted in all at different 
 times to about 120, yet considering the extent to which 
 treasonable organization has been parried, not only in 
 tlie metropolis, but in several counties of Ireland, the 
 number can hardly be said to exceed w^hat might have 
 been anticipated." 
 
 Neither Forster himself nor Chamberlain could speak 
 more pathetically. But notwitstanding all the i:)ain 
 which it caused Lord Clarendon and Forster to deprive 
 Irishmen of their liberty without conviction or trial, 
 both of t hem, like nil other Lord-Lieutenants and Chief 
 Secretaries, went through nevertheless with that work 
 of despotism, and we have no doubt that when their 
 successors of to-day come to use the greater engine of 
 tyranny which they have fashioned they will as little 
 allow their repugnance to unconstitutional methods of 
 governiuent io interfere with what they will term the 
 due performance of their duty. 
 
 It remains to ask whether a system of rule which has 
 required for its maintenance fifty-two Coercion Acts in 
 
COERCION AND OPPRESSION 177 
 
 fifty-two years— tlie existence of which, in fact, has 
 always been impliedly said by its supporters to depend 
 upon the operation of measures destructive of all pub- 
 lic liberties, and which is now once more piacticaDy 
 pronounced by its admirers to be unsafe without more 
 coercion to prop it up — ^^is one that ought to be main- 
 tained in this age of the world? AYould Chamberlain 
 approve of such a system if upheld by Austria in 
 Italy, or by Turkey in Bulgaria, or by Russia in Po- 
 land? We need not answer the question. Were any 
 nationality on the Continent coerced without cessation 
 for eighty-two years, in the expectation of its being 
 eventually crushed beneath the yoke of its oppressor, 
 Chamberlain and such as he would protest loudly, 
 in the name of humanity, civilization, and the rights 
 of nations, against so long-continued and so flagrant a 
 scandal. If England cannot govern Ireland without 
 coercion, we submit that she is bound on that ground 
 alone to give up the work and let Irishmen govern 
 themselves. 
 
 • PERSECUTIONS AND CONFISCATIONS. 
 
 Despite the persecutions and spoliations of their 
 predecessors, it was not until the reigns of Henry VITI. 
 and Elizabeth that we find any general attempt made, 
 as a matter of state policy, by the English executive 
 to establish in Ireland, Euglisli ways, English customs, 
 and English tenures, in the place of those existing from 
 time iaimemorial throughout this island. Before tlie 
 introduction of the feudal English system of tenure, 
 the lands of Ireland belonged to the clans of Ireland. 
 The chief of the clan, subject to certain privileges 
 appurtenant to his chieftaincy, held only as trustee, 
 and if by his misfeasance he became personally dispos- 
 
178 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 sessed. the riglits of liis people were in nowise affected. 
 When, however, the councillors of Elizabeth deter- 
 mined to subjugate the entire island, and to substitute 
 British for Brehon law throughout its wliole extent, 
 princes and people alike suffered when defeated. 
 Victory for the English resulted in the dispossession 
 and spoliation of the clansmen as well as of the chiefs 
 who led them to battle ; English adventurers, by the 
 Queen's patent, obtained lordship and dominion over 
 the conquered territory; and clan-ownership gave place 
 to private property in land. 
 
 Enormous rents were then exacted from the tillers of 
 the soil by their new masters, and the consequent 
 risings and disturbances thereupon were sux)pressed 
 Avith a high hand. To illustrate his description of the 
 state of things which prevailed in Elizabeth's reign, 
 Mr. Froude transcribes from his own rej^ort the follow- 
 ing letter written in the year 1576, by Malb}^, the 
 President of Connaught: 
 
 "At Christmas," he wrote, "I marched into their 
 territory (Shan Burke's), and finding courteous dealing 
 with them had like to have cut my throat, I thought 
 good to take another course, and so with determination 
 to consume tlievi id lilt fire and sioorcl, sparing neither 
 old nor younr/, I entered their mountains. I burnt all 
 their corn and houses, and committed to the sword all 
 that could be found, where were slain at that time 
 above sixty of their best men, and among them the best 
 leaders thev had. This was Shan Burke's country. 
 Then I burnt Ulick Burke's country. In like manner 
 I assaulted a castle, where the garrison surrendered. I 
 13ut them to the misericordia of my soldiers. They were 
 all slain. Thence I went on, sparing none which came 
 in my way, which cruelty did so amaze their followers, 
 that they could not tell where to bestow themselves. 
 
COERCION AND OPPKESSION. 
 
 179 
 
 Shall Burke made means to me to pardon liim, and for^ 
 bear killing of his people. I would not hearken, but 
 went 'on my way. The gentlemen of Clanrickard came 
 to me. I found it was but dallj'ing to win time, so I 
 left Click as little corn and as few houses standing as 
 I left his brother, and what people was found had as 
 little favor as the other had. It was all done in raln^ 
 and frosty and storm^ journeys in such weather bringing 
 them the sooner to submission They are humble 
 enough now, and will yield to any terms we like to 
 offer them." . 
 
 A few years later the extirpation of the Munster 
 Geraldines was undertaken, and 570,000 acres belonc:- 
 ing to the Earl of Desmond were vested in the Queen. 
 
 ''Proclamation was accordingly made throusrhout 
 England, inviting ' younger brothers of good families' 
 to undertake the plantation of Desmond — each planter 
 to obtain a certain scope of land, on condition of set- 
 tling thereupon so many families — 'none of the native 
 Irish to be admitted.' Under these conditions. Sir 
 Christopher Hatton took up 10,000 acres in Waterford; 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, 12,000 acres, partly in Water ford 
 and partly in Cork; Sir AVilliam Harbart, or Herbert, 
 13,000 acres in Kerrv, Sir Edward Dennv, 6,000 in the 
 same county; Sir Warren St. Leger and Sir Thomas 
 Norris, 6,000 acres each in Cork; Sir William Courtney, 
 10,000 acres in Limerick; Sir Edward Fitton, 11,500 
 acres in Tipperary and Waterford, and Edmund 
 Spenser, 3,000 acres in Cork, on the beautiful Black- 
 * water The other notable ' undertakers' were the Hides, 
 Butchers, Wirtlis, Berkleys, Trenchards, Thorntons, 
 Bourchers, Billinsrslevs, etc. Some of these irrants, 
 especially Raleigh's, fell in the next reign to Richard 
 Boyle, the so-called • Great Earl of Cork' — in-ohably 
 the most pious hypocrite to be found in the long roll 
 
180 
 
 IEELA^^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 of the* Munster Undertakers.' " — GodJcin' s Land War 
 Hollinslied thus describes the progress of the English 
 army through the country: 
 
 "As they went, they drove tlie whole country be- 
 fore them into the Yentrie, and by that means they 
 preyed and took all the cattle in the country, to the num- 
 ber of 8,000 kine, besides horses, garrons, sheep, and 
 goats; Scud all such people as they met, they did with- 
 out mercy put to the sword; by these means, the whole 
 country having no cattle nor kine left, the}^ were driven 
 to such extremities that for want of victuals they were 
 either to die and perish for famine or to die under the 
 sword." — Hollinslied^ vi. 427. 
 
 "By reason of the continuall persecuting of there- 
 bells, who could have no breath nor rest to releeve 
 themselves, but were alwaies by one garrison or other 
 hurt or pursued; and by reason the harvest was taken 
 from them, their cat tells in great numbers preied from 
 them, and the whole countrie spoiled and preied: the 
 poore people, who lived onlie upon their labors, and 
 fed by their milch cowes, were so distressed that they 
 would follow after the goods which were taken from 
 them, and offer themselves, their wives and children, 
 rather to be slaine by the armie, than to suffer the 
 famine wherewith they were now pinched." — Uollhi- 
 s/ied, m. 33. Also Lelcuid^ hook iv. chap. 2. 
 
 Again, take the following from Sir George Carew: 
 "The President having received certaine information, 
 that the Mounster fugitives were harbored in those 
 parts, having before burned all the houses and corne, 
 and taken great preyes in Owny Onubrian and Kilquig, 
 a strong and fast countrey, not farre from Limerick, 
 diverted his forces into East Clanwilliam and Musker}"- 
 quirke, where Pierce Lacy had lately been succoured; 
 and harassing the country, killed all mankind that 
 
COERCION AXD OPPRESSION. 
 
 181 
 
 were found therein, for a terrour to those as should 
 give releefe to runagate traitors. Thence wee came 
 into Arleaghe woods, where wee did the like, not 
 leaving behind us man or beast, corne or cattle, except 
 such as had been conveyed into castles." — Pacata 
 Hibernia^ 189. 
 
 *'They wasted and forraged the country, so as in a 
 small time it was not able to give the rebells any re- 
 liefe; having spoiled and brought into their garrisons 
 the most part of their corne, being newly reaped.'" — 
 Pacata Hibernia, 584. 
 
 The English Protestant historian Moryson says : 
 *'No spectacle was more frequent in the ditches of the 
 towns, and especially in wasted 'countries, than to see 
 multitudes of these poor people, the Irish, dead, with 
 their mouths all colored green by eating nettles, docks, 
 and all things they could rend above ground." 
 
 After the close of the reign of Elizabeth and the 
 flight of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell (O'XeiU 
 and O'Donnell), the work of extirpation and plantation 
 was vigorously carried on by James I.; and in the earJy 
 part of his reign Sir John Davis, one of the Irish At- 
 torney-Generals of that monarch, was able to report 
 that— 
 
 "Before Michaelmas he would be ready to present 
 to his Majest}^ a perfect survey of six whole counties 
 which he now hath in actual possession in the province 
 of Ulster, of greater extent of land than any prince in 
 Europe hath in his own hands to dispose of." 
 r A sort of commission was appointed for parceling 
 out the land. It sat at Liniavady, and as a sample of 
 its proceedings it may be mentioned that a sub-chief, 
 O'Gahan, who held under O'Xeill. had his lands con- 
 liscated simply because of the flight of that Earl. 
 *^ Althongh sundry royal and vice regal proclamations 
 
I 
 
 182 lEELAIS'Dj PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 had assured the tenants that tliey would not be dis- 
 turbed in their possessions on account of the olfenses 
 of their chiefs, it was proclaimed that neither O'Gahan 
 nor those who lived under him Lad any estate what- 
 ever in the lands." — Godkin s Land War. 
 
 A quotation from a letter written by the Lord-Deput}', 
 about the year 1607, will show the spirit in which the 
 inhabitants of Ireland were regarded b}^ their English 
 rulers : 
 
 ''I have often said and written, it is famine tliat 
 must consume the Irish, as our swords and other 
 endeavours worked not that speedy effect which is ex- 
 pected ; hunger would be a better, because a speedier, 
 weapon to employ against them than the sword . . . 
 I burned all along the Lough (Neagh) within four miles 
 of Dungannon, and killed 100 i)eople, sparing none, of 
 what quality, age, or sex soever, besides many hurned 
 to death. We killed man, woman, and child^ horse, 
 beast, and whatsoever we could find." 
 
 The province of Ulster having by this time been pretty 
 well cleared of its native inhabitants, ''on July 21st, 1009, 
 a commission was issued by the crown to make inquisi 
 lion concerning the forfeited lands in Ulster after the 
 flight of the Earls of Tyrone and TyrconneJl. The com- 
 missioners included the Lord-Deputy Chichester, the 
 Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin, Sir John Davis, 
 Attorney-General; Sir AVilliam Parsons, Surveyor- 
 General, and several other public functionaries. This 
 work done, King James L, acting on the advice of, his 
 Prime Minister, the Earl of Salisbury, took measures 
 for the plantation. . . . The city of London was thought 
 to be the best quarter to look to lor funds to carry on 
 the plantation. Accordingly, Lord Salisbury had a 
 conference with the Lord-Mayor, Humphrey Weld, Sir 
 John Jolles, and Sir W. Cockaine, who were well ac- 
 
« 
 
 COERCION AND OPPRESSIOX. 183 
 
 quainted with Irish affairs. The result was the publi- 
 cation of 'Motives and Reasons to Induce the Citv of 
 London to Undertake the Plantation in the North of 
 Ireland.' The corporation were willing to undertake the 
 work of plantation if the account given of its advan- 
 tages should prove to be correct. ... So they sent 
 over 'four wise, grave, and discreet citizens, to view 
 the situation proposed for the new colonj^' . . . On 
 their return they presented a report to the Court of 
 Common Council, which was openly read. The report 
 was favorable. . . . With respect to the disposal of 
 such of the natives as remained, it was arranged that 
 some were to be planted on two of the small allotments 
 and upon the glebes ; others upon the land of Sir Art 
 O'Neiirs sons and Sir Henry Oge O'Neill's sons, 'and 
 of such other Irish as shall be thouo;ht fit to have anv 
 freeholds ; some others upon the portions of such ser 
 vitors as are not able to inhabit these lands with Eng- 
 lish or Scotch tenants, especially of such as hest Jcnow 
 how to rule and order the Irish. But the swordsmen 
 (that is, the armed retainers or soldiers of the chiefs) 
 are to be transplanted into such other parts of tlie 
 kingdom as, by reasons of the wastes therein, are fittest 
 to receive them — namely, into Connauglit and some 
 parts of Munster, where they are to be dispersed, and 
 not planted together in one place; and such swords 
 men who have not followers or cattle of their own, to 
 be disposed of in his Majesty's service.'" — GodJcm s 
 Land War. 
 
 The character of the plantation made under Elizabeth 
 differed materially from that of James's reign. Gigantic 
 grants were made in Munster by Elizabeth to her 
 favorites, whereas we find that the allotments made hy 
 James to each individual were of comparatively mode 
 rate extent. 
 
184 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Thus we find the Prime Minister, writing to Chichester, 
 about the year 1607, complaining — 
 
 ^'That was an oversight in the plantation of Munster, 
 where 12,000 acres were commonly allotted to bank- 
 rupts and country gentlemen, that never knew the dis- 
 position of the Irish; so as God forbid that those who 
 have spent their blood in the service should not of all 
 others be preferred." 
 
 The character of the grants made by Elizabeth may 
 be judged from the size of those mentioned, and more- 
 over we read that 24,000 acres were given to Jane 
 Beecher and Hugh Worth, 11,000 to Arthur Hyde, 
 11,000 to Sir G. Lytton in Tipperary, 11,000 to Sir G. 
 Boucher, and so on. 
 
 All through the reign of James the work of conquest 
 and confiscation went steadily on. Kebellion was 
 promoted, and then, when the cjiiefs were routed, we 
 find the record running somewhat in this fashion : 
 
 "O'Dougherty's country being confiscated, the Lord- 
 De2)uty, Chichester, was rewarded with the greatest 
 portion of his lands. But what was to be done with 
 the people? In the first instance tlie}^ were driven 
 from the rich lowkmds along to the borders of Lough 
 Foyle and Lough Swilly, and comjielled to take refuge 
 in the mountain fastnesses which stretched to a vast 
 extent from Moville westward along the Atlantic coast. 
 But could those 'idle kerne and swordsmen,' thus 
 punished with loss of la/ids and home for the crimes of 
 their cliief, be safelv trusted to remain anywhere in 
 'the neigliborhood of the new English settlers? Sir 
 John Davis and Sir Toby Caul field thought of a plan 
 by wliich they could get rid of the danger. Gustavus 
 Adolphus was then fighting the battles of Protestantism 
 against the house of Austria. ... To what better 
 use, then, could the 'loose Irish kerne and swordsmen' 
 
COERCION AND OPPKESSION. 185 
 
 of Donegal be turned than to send tliem to fight in the 
 army of the King of Sweden ? Accordingly 6,000 of 
 the able-bodied jDeasantry of Inishovven were shipped 
 off for this service." — Godlcin' 8 Land War. 
 
 A fighting adventurer named St. Lawrence, himself 
 a Catholic, and the ancestor of the present Earl of 
 Howth, obtained large grants of confiscated lands as a 
 consideration for his giving perjured testimony as to 
 the existence of a conspiracy on the part of O'Neill. 
 Sir Fulke Conway, a Welsh ofl^icer, obtained similar 
 grants, and at his death, in 1626, his brother, who was 
 a favorite of Charles I., succeeded to the estate, to 
 which his royal p^ltron added the lands of Derryvolgie, 
 thus making him lord of nearly 70,000 statute acres of 
 the broad lands of Down and Antrim. 
 
 When crown grants of land were made to the planters 
 or adventurers, it was expressly stipulated that their, 
 tenants were to be English or Scotch, and Protestants. 
 A Presbyterian minister, whose father was one of the 
 planters, thus describes the men who came: "From 
 Scotland came many, and from England not a few ; 
 yet all of them generally the scum of both nations, who 
 from debt, or mocking and fleeing from justice, or 
 seeking shelter, came hither hoping to be without fear 
 of man's justice, in a land where there was nothing, or 
 but little as yet, of the fear of God. . . . Most of 
 the people were all void of godliness. . . . On all 
 hands atheism increased, and disregard of God: iniquity 
 abounds with contention, fighting, murder, and adul- 
 tery." — 3IS. History, bp Hev. A. Stuart, quoted in 
 Me i d' s History of the Presbyterian Cliurcli, vol. i. p. 96. 
 
 As for the miserable remnant of the native popula- 
 tion, — 
 
 *'The tyranny of such men as Sir Frederick Hamil- 
 ton, of Manor-Hamilton, and Sir Charles Coote, drove 
 
186 
 
 IKELA^D, PAST AIS^D PRESENT. 
 
 the unfortunate peasantry to madness. The cruelties 
 inliicted on the Christians of Sj^ain by Aben Hunieya 
 and his Morisco captains pal^ before the atrocities per- 
 petrated by Hamilton on the inhabitants of Lei trim and 
 Longford. His bawn or castle was the rendezvous of 
 a ferocious banditti, who spread death and desolation 
 around them. Bv" dav and ni^ht he sent from within 
 its walls a savage soldiery, who robbed and murdered 
 with impunity. When they returned to their leader, 
 the most acceptable gifts they could offer wepe the 
 Leads of the wretched people, which they brutally 
 severed from the bodies: women and tender girls were 
 not exempt from the horrors which this fanatic inliicted 
 in the holy name of God. UjDon a hill near his castle 
 he erected a gallows, from which every day a fresh 
 victim was suspended." — Meeliari s Confederation of 
 Kilkenny^ p. 53. 
 
 In the same work, p. 18, Sir Charles Coote is thus 
 spoken of: " Coote' s thirst for blood was insatiable. He 
 threatened not to leave a Catholic in Ireland." In 
 Wicklow he put many innocent persons to the sword 
 without distinction of age or sex. On one occasion, 
 when he met a soldier carrying an infant on the point 
 of his pike, he was charged with saying that " he liked 
 such frolics." Lord Castlehaven gives a fearful account 
 of the conduct of the troops under Coote' s command, 
 **who killed men, women, and children, promiscu- 
 ously." — Miss CnsacJcs History of Ireland^ p 482. 
 Leland speaks of "his ruthless and indiscriminate car- 
 nage." Warner says *' he was a stranger to mercy." — 
 Ibid^p 482. 
 
 By the end of the reign of James L, Ulster began to 
 be pretty thickly settled by Scotch colonists, and the 
 foundations of important towns, like Derry, Lurgan, 
 and Belfast, with special privileges, had been laid. A 
 
COERCION" AND OPPKESSION. 
 
 187 
 
 remnant of native Irisli, groaning under the exactions of 
 the invaders, of course only waited an opportunity to 
 throw off the foreign yoke; and the exactions of the 
 "undertakers" at last produced the rising of 1041.^ 
 On the outbreak of this rebellion, before it had extended 
 beyond the borders of Ulster, the English Parliament 
 passed the Act 17th Charles I., whereby 2,500,000 acres 
 of land were declared forfeited in Ireland, and which 
 enacted that these acres should be offered for sale at 
 fixed rates in London and the surrounding districts. 
 One of the notable clauses in the act provides that the 
 lands are to be taken from the four provinces in eqiral 
 proportions, that is, one-fourth from each, though at 
 the tinte when it received the royal assent there was 
 no rebel outside Ulster, and there not one convicted. 
 Again, there cannot be a doubt but that Parsons and 
 Borlase, who were Lords- Justices at the opening of the 
 rebellion, goaded the Catholics of the Pale into insur- 
 rection, and refused all terms of accommodation, in 
 view of the splendid forfeitures which awaited sup- 
 pression by the sword. 
 
 Throughout the reign of Ciiarles I. the Irish proprie- 
 tors were harassed b}^ Strafford, who imagined the 
 device of a Defective Titles Commission, and plotted 
 the escheatal of the entire province of Connaught to the 
 crown by legal chicane. The Irish House of Commons 
 was induced to vote large supplies to Charles, on a 
 promise that these schemes should not be persisted in, 
 but the promise was shamefully broken, and Strafford 
 had juries which would not "find" estates for the King, 
 amerced in thousands of pounds, tortured, and im- 
 prisoned. See O'Connell's "Memoir of Ireland," 
 chapter third. 
 
 When the Commonwealth was proclaimed in Eng- 
 land, the Irish, fondly imagining that, by espousing 
 
188 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 the cause of King Charles I. againsfc the Parliament, 
 they were striking for their property and religion, a 
 rally was everywhere made to the royalist side over all 
 the island, and for some years the royal, or Catholic, 
 or popular cause, was in the ascendant. But Crom- 
 well, fresh from his victories in England, appears on the 
 scene, and once more the work of savage subjugation 
 and wholesale confiscation commences. His lieu tenants 
 were not more merciful than himself. 
 
 "Sir William Cole, ancestor of the Earl of Ennis- 
 killen, joroudly boasted of his achievement in having 
 7,000 of the rebels famished to death within a circuit of 
 a few miles of his garrison : the descendants of the 
 remnant of the natives on his estate do not forget how 
 the family obtained its wealth and honors. Lord Cork 
 prepared 1,100 indictments against men of i)roperty in 
 his province, which he sent to the Speaker of the Long 
 Parliament, with an urgent request that they might be 
 returned to him, with authority to proceed against the 
 parties named as outlaws. In Leinster, 4,000 similar 
 indictments were found in the course of two days by 
 the free use of the rack with witnesses. Sir John Reid, 
 an officer of the King's bed-chamber, and Mr. Barn- 
 wall of Kilbrue, a gentleman of threescore-and-six, 
 were among those who underwent the torture.'' — 
 GodJciiv s Land War. 
 
 Similar proceedings, which it is needless to describe, 
 went on over the entire country. 
 
 "The Long Parliament having confiscated 2,500,000 
 acres, offered it as security to 'adventurers' who would 
 advance money to meet the cost of the war. In Feb- 
 ruary, 1642, the House of Commons received a petition 
 'of divers well affected' to it, offering to raise and 
 maintain forces at their own charge 'agtiinst the rebels 
 of Ireland, and afterwards to receive their recompense 
 
COERCION AND OPPKESSION. 189 
 
 • 
 
 oufc of rebels' estates.' Under the act 'for the speedy 
 reducing of the rebels' the adventurers were to carry 
 over a brigade of 5,000 fooc and 500 horse, and to have 
 the right of appointing their own officers. And they 
 were to have estates given to them at the following 
 rates: 1,000 acres for £200 in Ulster, for £300 in 
 Connaught, for £450 in Munster, and £600 in Leinster. 
 The rates per acre were 4s., 6s., 8s., and 12s. in those 
 provinces respectivel}^. 
 
 "At the end of 1653, the Parliament made a division 
 of the spoil among the conquerors and the adventurers, 
 and on September 23th an act was passed for the new 
 planting of Ireland by English. The government re- 
 served for itself the towns, the Church lands, and the 
 tithes, the Established Church, hierarchy and all, having 
 been utterly abolished. The four counties of Dublin, 
 Kildare, Carlo w, and Cork were also reserved. The 
 amount due to the adventurers w\as £360,000. This 
 they divided into three lots, of which £110,000 was to 
 be satisfied in Munster, £205,000 in Leinster, and 
 £45,000 iii Ulster, and the moiety of ten counties w^as 
 charged with their payment — Waterford, Limerick, 
 and Tipperary in Munster; Meath, WestMeath, King's 
 and Queen's Counties in Leinster; and Antrim, Down, 
 and Armagh in Ulster. But, as all Avas required by the 
 Adventurers' Act to be done by lot, a lottery was ap- 
 pointed to be held in Grocers' Hall, London, for July 
 20th, 1653, to begin at 8 o' clock in the morning, when 
 lots should be first drawn in which province eacli 
 adventurer was to be satisfied, not exceeding the 
 specified amounts in any province; lots were to be 
 drawn, secondly, to ascertain in which of the ten 
 counties each adventurer was to receive his land — the 
 lots not to exceed in West Meath £70,000, in Tipperary 
 £60,000, in Meath £55,000, in King's and Queen's 
 
190 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Counties £40,000 eacli, in Limerick £30,000, in Water- 
 ford £20,000, in Antrim, Down, and Armagh £15,000 
 each." Later on "the English Parliament resolved to 
 clear out the population of all the principal cities and 
 seaport' towns, though nearly all founded and inhabited 
 by Danes or English, and men of English descent. In 
 order to raise funds for the war, the following towns 
 were offered to English merchants for sale at the piices 
 annexed: Limerick, with 12,001) acres contiguous, for 
 £30,000, and a rent of £625, payable to the state; 
 Waterford, with 1,500 acres contiguous, at the same 
 rate; Galway, with 10,000 acres, for £7,500, and a rent 
 of £520; Wexford, with 6,000 acres, for £5,000, and a 
 rent of £156 4s. 
 
 '•On July 23d, 1655, the inhabitants of Galway were 
 commanded to quit the town forever by the 1st Nov- 
 ember following, the owners of houses getting com- 
 pensation at eight years' purchase. 
 
 "On October 30th, this order wasexecuted. All the 
 inhabitants, except the sick and bed-rid, were at once 
 banished, to provide accommodation for English Pro- 
 testants, whose integrity to the state should entitle 
 them to be trusted in a place of such importance; and 
 Sir Charles Coote, on November 7tb, received the thanks 
 of the government for clearing the town, with a request 
 that he would remove the sick and bed-rid as soon as 
 the season might permit, and take care that the houses 
 while empty were not spoiled by the soldiery. The 
 town was thus made ready for the English." — Godkin' s 
 Land Vi'ar. 
 
 All the Irish population, including many of the 
 Anglo-Irish planted by Elizabeth, were driven across 
 the Shannon into Connaught. "Hell or Connaugbt" 
 was their alternative, and so sweeping w^ere the clear- 
 ances effected, that in Tipperary and other places the 
 
COERCIOX AND OPPHESSIOX 
 
 191 
 
 soldiery who came to settle upon tlie lands allotted to 
 them, when they could not agree as to the boundaries of 
 their estates, were compelled to obtain a special per- 
 mission from the authorities to bring back for a short 
 time from Connaught some of the dispossessed owners to 
 point out their lands. That this to-day might be shown 
 to be something more than a mere "historic'' grievance, 
 is i)erhaps evident from the manner in which the peo- 
 ple are found crowded on the wastes and mountains of 
 the West. 
 
 With the exception of some minor incidents of a 
 similar character, which followed the Irish victories of 
 William, the Cromwellian settlement just described was 
 the last considerable unsettlement in the ownership of 
 landed property in Ireland. It was the successful con- 
 summation of work begun by Elizabeth — the wresting 
 of the soil of Ireland from the Irish people. 
 
 Cromwell's administration effected a revolution un- 
 paralleled in history Its proceedings have been well 
 summarized by D'Arcy McGee : *'Tlit^ Long Par- 
 liament, still dragging out its days under the shadow 
 of Cromwell's great name, declared in its session of 
 1652 the rebellion in Ireland ' subdued and ended,' and 
 proceeded to legislate for that kingdom as a conquered 
 countr}'. On August IStli they passed their Act of Set- 
 tlement, the authorship of which was attributed to 
 Lord Orrery, in this respect the worthy son of the first 
 Earl of Cork. Under this act there were four chief 
 descriptions of persons whose status was thus settled: 
 1. All ecclesiastics and royalist proprietors were ex- 
 empted from pardon of life or estate. 2. All royalist 
 commissioned officers were condemned to banishment, 
 and the forfeit of two-thirds of their property, one- 
 third being retained for the support of their wives and 
 children. 3. Those who had not been in arms, but 
 
103 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 could be sliown, by a Parliamentary commission, to 
 have manifested 'a constant good affection' to the war, 
 were to forfeit one-third of their estates, and receive 
 ' an equivalent' for the remaining two-thirds Avest of ^ 
 the Shannon. 4. All husbandmen and others of- tlie 
 inferior sort, ' not possessed of lands or goods exceed- 
 ing the value of £10,' were to have a free pardon, on 
 condition also of transporting themselves across the 
 Shannon. 
 
 " This last condition of the Cromwellian settlement 
 distinguished it, in our annals, from every other pro- 
 scription of the native population formerly attempted. 
 The great river of Ireland, rising in the mountains of 
 Leitrim, nearly sevei's the five western counties fioni 
 the rest of the kingdom. The province thus set apart, 
 though one of the largest in superficial extent, had 
 also the largest proportion of waste and w^ater, moun- 
 tain and moorland. The new inhabitants were there 
 to congregate from all the other provinces before the 
 first day of May, 1654, under penalty of outlawry and 
 all its consequences; and when there, they were not to 
 appear within two miles of tlie Shannon, or four miles 
 of the sea. A rigorous passport system, to evade which 
 was death without form of trial, completed this set- 
 tlement, the design of which was to shut uji the re- 
 maining Catholic inhabitants from all intercourse with 
 mankind, and all communion with the other inhabit- 
 ants of their own country. 
 
 A new survey of the whole kingdom was also or- 
 dered, under the direction of Sir William Petty, the 
 fortunate economist who founded the house of Lans- 
 downe. By him the surface of the kingdom was esti- 
 mated at 10,500,000 plantation acres, 3,000,000 of which 
 were deducted for water and waste. Of the remainder, 
 above 5,000,000 were in Catholic hands inl641; 300,000 
 
COERCION AND OPPRESSION. 
 
 193 
 
 ivere Church and college lands; and 2.000,000 were in 
 possession of the Protestant settlers of the reigns of 
 James and Elizabeth. Under the Protectorate, 5,000,- 
 000 acres were confiscated. This enormous spoil, two- 
 thirds of the whole island, went to the soldiers nnd 
 adventurers who had served against the Irish, or liad 
 contributed to the military chest since 1641 — except 
 700,000 acres given in 'excijange' to the banished in 
 Clare and Connaught, and 1,200,000 confirmed to 'in- 
 nocent Papists.' 
 
 '•The government of Ireland was vested in th.e 
 Deput\% the Commander-in-chief, and four commis- 
 sioners, Ludlow, Corbett, Jones, and Weaver. There 
 was, moreover, a high court of justice', which peram- 
 bulated the kingdom, and exercised an absolute 
 authority over life and property, greater than even 
 Strafford's Court of Star Chamber had pretended to. 
 Over this court j)resided Lord Lowther, assisted by 
 Mr. Justice Bonnellan, by Cooke, solicitor to the Par- 
 liament on the trial o£ King Cliarles, and the regicide 
 Eevnolds. Bv this court. Sir Phelim O'Neill, Vis- 
 count Mayo, and Colonels 0' Toole and Bagnall were 
 condemned and executed; children of both sexes were • 
 captured by thousands, and sold as slaves to the to- 
 bacco-planters of Virginia and the West Indies. Sir 
 William Petty states that 6,000 boys and girls were 
 sent to those islands. The number, of all ages,, thus- 
 transported was estimated at 100,000 souls. As to the- 
 ' swordsmen' who had been trained to fighting, Petty, 
 in his ' Political Anatomy,' records that ' the chiefest 
 and most eminentest of the nobilitv and manv of the 
 geutry had taken conditions from the King of Spain^ 
 and had transported 40,000 of the most active-spirited 
 men, most acquainted with the dangers and discipline 
 of war.' The chief, commissioners in Dublin had diS' 
 
194 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 patched assistant commissioners to the provinces. The 
 distribution which they made of the soil was nearly as 
 complete as that of Canaan among the Israelites; and 
 this was the model which the Puritans had always be- 
 fore their minds. Where a miserable residue of the 
 population was required to till the land for its new 
 owners, they were tolerated as the Gibeonites had been 
 by Joshua. Irish gentlemen who had obtained i)ar- 
 dons were obliged to wear a distinctive mark on their 
 dress on pain of death. Persons of inferior rank were 
 distinguished by a black spot on the riglit cheek. 
 Wanting this, their punishment was the branding-iron 
 or the gallows. 
 
 '*Ko vestige of the Catholic religion was allowed 
 to exist. Catholic lawyers and schoolmasters were 
 silenced. All ecclesiastics were slain like the priests 
 of Baal. Three bishops and 300 of the inferior clergy 
 thus perished. The bed-i idden Bishop of Kilmore was 
 the only native clergyman permitted to survive. If, in 
 mountain recesses or caves, a few peasants were de- 
 tected at mass, they were smoked out and shot." 
 
 Thus England got rid of a I'acc concerning whicli 
 Prendergast- found this contemporary testimony in a 
 MS. in Trinity College library, Dublin, dated 1615. 
 
 There lives not a people more hardy, active, and pain- 
 ful ; . . . neither is there anv will endure the miseries 
 of warre, as famine, watching, heat, cold, wet, travel, 
 and the like, so naturally and with such facility and 
 courage that they do. The Pi'ince of Orange's Excel-, 
 lency uses often publiquely to deliver that the Irish 
 are souldiers the ilrst dav of their birth. The famous 
 Henry lY., late King of France, said there would prove 
 no nation so resolute martial men as they, would they 
 be ruly and not too headstrong. And Sir Jolin Norris 
 was wont .to ascribe this particular to. that nation above 
 
;evictions in Ireland. 
 
 195 
 
 others, that he never beheld so few of nny country as 
 of Irish that were idiots and cowni ti.^. \\ liich is very 
 notable." 
 
 EVICTIONS IN IRELAND. 
 
 On May 14th, 1881, a Parliamentary paper was issued, 
 giving the number of evictions in Ireland which have 
 come to the knowledge of the constabulary in each of 
 the years from i849 to 1880 inclusive. In 1849 the 
 number of families evicted was 16.686, and of persons 
 90.410; and of these there were readmitted n.s care-takers 
 3,302, and persons 18,375. Next year the numbers 
 were still higher — 19,949 families evicted, consisting of 
 104,103 persons, the read missions being 5,404 families, 
 and 30,292 piireon«. From that time there was a de- 
 crease up to 1860, in which year the figures are — fami- 
 lies evicted, 636; persons, 2,985; readmissions — families, 
 65, and persons, 274. From 1861 to 1864 there was an 
 increase in the latter year, the uumbei'S being — families 
 "evicted, 1,824, and persons, 9,201 ; readmissions — fami- 
 lies, 276, and persons, 1,312. Xext year they decreased 
 about one-half, and there is likewise a diminution in 
 the two subsequent years. In 1838 there was again a 
 slight increase. 1869 shows the smallest number of 
 evictions durins: any year embraced in the return, the 
 ligures being — families, 374, and persons, 1,741 ; read- 
 missions — families, 63, and persons, 313. In 1870 there 
 was a considerable augmentation, and in the following' 
 year a decrease to the number of 482 families evicted, 
 with noticeably more readmissions. Up to 1874 there 
 was a gradual rise m which year the numbers were — 
 families evicted, 726^ and persons, 3,571; readmissions — 
 families, 200, and persons, 997 Next year's evictions 
 numbered 067, but with a remarkably small i^roportion 
 
196 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 of readmissions, as compared with the previous year, 
 the readmissions being but 71 lamilies, consisting of 
 387 persons. 
 
 From this year the number of readmissions continues 
 to the end of the return. In 1876 the evictions were 
 553 in number, and the readmissions, 85. In 1877, 
 evictions, 463; readmissions, 57. 1878, evictions, 980 ; 
 readmissions, 146. 1879, evictions, 1,238; readmissions, 
 140. 1880, evictions, 2,110; persons, 10,457; readmis- 
 sions, 217; persons, 1,021. The number of evictions 
 last year, it may be noted, was very nearly tlie same 
 as in 1854, being 2.156 in the former and 2,110, or 46 
 fewer, in the latter period. But in 1880 there were but 
 217 readmissions, consisting of 1,021, against 331 read- 
 missions, consisting of 1,805 persons. There is, how 
 ever, some confusion as to some years giving the number 
 of readmissions of tenants only, and others including 
 the number of care-takers as well. Last year there were 
 more evictions in Ulster than in any year since lc-52, 
 the numbeis having been 497 in 1881. and 1,140 
 in 1852, which were exceeded in 1849, when the num-* 
 bers were 1,893 and 1,961 respective!}'. In Leinster 
 there were slightly fewer evictions than in Ulster last 
 year, but more every other year, in some cases being 
 doubled. In Connauglit there were fewer evictions 
 last year than in any of the other three provinces, the 
 number having been 387, owing to the agitation. The 
 proportion of readmissions, however, is smaller In 
 the other years of the return it varies little from 
 Leinster, being but slightly in excess. In Munster the 
 return shows a fearful state of things: in 1881 evic- 
 tions in the province were 742, consisting of 4,075, 
 and the readmissions only 78 families, of 418 persons. 
 During the last three years 1,393 families have been 
 eiicted, and 7,590 persons made homeless, while only 
 
THE UIGIIT OF SELF GOVEIIXMEXT. 
 
 197 
 
 162 families, consisting of 798 persons, were readmitted. 
 In every oilier year the number of evictions is greater 
 than that of the other provinces, while the proportion 
 of readmissions is smaller. For the present year of 
 1882 the evictions, so far as heard from, threaten to 
 nearly double those of the past year. 
 
 THE KIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The inconsistency and hypocrisy of England has 
 been manifested throu^'hout her whole historv. While 
 
 o f 
 
 aiding the revolutionists in Naples, Sardinia, and Italy 
 to take up arms against their legitimate governments 
 and the Pope, she was at the same time crushing out 
 public opinion in Ireland by coercion laws, starvation, 
 and forced emigration. 
 
 So eager w^ere the London journals to press the 
 Romans, the Venetians, and Sicilians into revolt that 
 they were blind to the work which they were- at the 
 verv time doing in Ireland. In 1859 and 1860, while 
 Feuianism Was taking root in Ireland, the English 
 people and press were liberal in substantial and cheer- 
 ng words to. the revolutionists in Ital}^ 
 
 The London Times said : That government should 
 be for the good of the governed, and that whenever 
 rulers wilfully and persistently postpone the good of 
 their subjects, either to the interests of foreign states, 
 or to*absti'act theories of religion or politics, the people 
 have a right to throw off the yoke, are principles which 
 have been too often admitted and acted upon to be any 
 longer questioned." 
 
 But who should judge all this? Here is the reply 
 supplied by the great English journal: "The destiny 
 of a nation ouglit to be determined, not by the opin- 
 ions of other nations, but by the opinion of the nation 
 
198 
 
 IllELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 itself. To decide whether they are well governed or 
 not, or rather, whether the degree of extortion, corrup- 
 tion, and cruelty to which they are subject is sufficient 
 to justify armed resistance, is for those who live under 
 that government, — not for those who, being exempt 
 from its oppression, feel a sentimental or theological 
 interest in its continuance." 
 
 TJte Dallfj Netcs was equally explicit : Europe has 
 over and over again affirmed that one principle on which 
 the Italian question depends, and to which the inhabit- 
 ants of Central Italy jippeal — the right of a people to 
 choose its own rulers." 
 
 On the same point TJie Times says: "England has 
 not scrupled to avow her opinion that the people of the 
 Roman States, like every other people, have a right to 
 choose the form of their own government, and the per- 
 sons in whose hands that government shall be placed." 
 
 The London Sun declaied : "As free Englislinien, 
 we assert the right of the Romans, and of all nations, 
 to have governors of their own choice." 
 
 The English Minister for Foreign Affairs-, Lord John 
 Russell, S2)eaking at Aberdeen, enforced the same doc- 
 trine. A passage in the Queen's speech affirmed it. 
 Lord Elienborough hoped the Pope's subjects would 
 appeal to arms as the on 1 3^ way in which they could 
 assert their right: "I will liope that, stimulated by 
 the insults to Itah^vhich are conveyed in the demands 
 France is about to make in the Congress, they will rise 
 to vindicate their right tochoose tlieirown government, 
 and clutch the arms b\Mvhich alone it can be secured." 
 
 Out of these declarations arose in Ireland a move- 
 ment which the popular journals designated "Taking 
 England at her word." TIte Dull in JS^aiion proposed 
 that a national petition in the following form should 
 be presented to the Queen: 
 
 f 
 
THE RIGHT OF SELF GOVEKXMEXT. 
 
 199 
 
 *'Tliat petitioners have seen with deep concern the 
 recognition of the right of every peox)le to change or 
 choose their rulers and form of government, which is 
 contained in the speech delivered by your Majesty at 
 the opening of tli^ present session of Parliament, and 
 also contained in the speech delivered on a recent 
 occasion at Aberdeen by your Majesty's Foreign Secre- 
 tary, as well as in the speeches of man\^ other states- 
 men and persons oi higli position in England, and 
 in the writings of the most influential English news- 
 l^apers. 
 
 '"That by tlie general approval with which those 
 speeches and writings have been received in England, 
 and more especially by the course of policy pursued by 
 your Majesty's government in reference to the late 
 political events in Central Italy, the Sovereign, the 
 Ministry, the Press, and People of England have, in 
 the most distinct and public manner, declared their ap- 
 proval of the principle that every people who believe 
 themselves to be ill governed have aright to change the 
 system of government which is displeasing to them, 
 and to substitute for it one of their own choice; which 
 clioice mav be declared bv a ma joritv of the votes which 
 shall be given on submitting the question to a universal 
 suffrage. 
 
 ''That, as is well kno^vn to your Majesty, fiom peti- 
 tions emanating from meetings at which millions of 
 your Majesty's subjects attended, as well as liom other 
 events at various times, which petitioners deem it un- 
 necessary to specify, a very strong desire exists among 
 the Irish people to obtain, in place of the present system 
 of government in Ireland, a restoration of their native 
 Parliament, and their legislative independence. That 
 petitioners are confident the overwhelming majority of 
 the Irish people ardently desire this restoration of their 
 
200 
 
 ELA^'D. PAST AND PKESEXT. 
 
 TiatioLal constitution, of whicli tliev believe tliey were 
 unjustly deprived ; yet, as your Majesty's advisers 
 uiav have led vou to believe that this desire for a 
 domesric legislature is entertained by only a minority 
 of the population, petitioners b^'hold in the proceeding 
 so highly approved of by your Mnjf-sty's niinisters — 
 viz., a popular vote by ballot and universal suffrage — a 
 means by whicli the real wishes of a majority of your 
 Majesty's Irish subjects may be unmistakably ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 *• Your petitioners, therefore, pray that your Majesty 
 may be graciously pleased to direct and authorize a 
 public vote by ballot and universal suffrage in Ireland, 
 to make known the wishes of the people, whether for 
 a native government and legislative independence, or 
 for the existing system of government by the Imperial 
 Parliament. Petitioners trust that their request will 
 be considered stronger, not weaker, in 3' our Majestj^'s 
 estimation, for being made respectfully, peacefully, 
 and without violence, instead of being marked by such 
 ]»roceedings as have occurred during the recent political 
 (thanges in Italy, whicli have been so largeh' api^roved 
 by your Majesty's ministers. 
 
 •'And petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray." 
 
 This petition received the signatures of over half a 
 million of adult Irishmen. It was duly presented. .IL 
 was never answered. Still the English people went on 
 declaring that a "vote of the population*' was the way 
 to test the legitimacy or oppressiveness of a government: 
 Still the English newspapers went on adjuring subject 
 peoples to strike if they would be free. Every Fenian 
 oiganizer had these quotations on his tongue. The 
 fate of the national petition was pointed to; the con- 
 temptuous silence of the sovereign was called disdain 
 for a peojile who would not clutch the arms whereby 
 
THE EIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 201 
 
 alone their right to choose their own government could 
 be secured. 
 
 One article there was in The London Times — a 
 magnificent outburst of scathing taunt and passionate 
 invective — which played a remarkable part in tlie 
 Fenian operations. It was the gospel of organizers. 
 A glance at it will show that it was just to their hand* 
 
 ''It is quite time that all the struggling nationalities 
 should clearly understand that freemen have no sym- 
 pathy with men who do nothing but howl and shriek 
 in their fetters. 
 
 Liberty is a serious game, to be X)la3"ed out, as the 
 Greek told the Persian, with knives and hatchets, and 
 not with drawled epigrams and soft petitions. 
 
 We may prate among us of moral courage and moral 
 force, but we have also physical courage and pln^sical 
 force kept for ready use. Is this so with the Italians 
 of Central Italy? That they wish to be free is nothing. 
 A horse, or a sheep, or a canary-bird has probably some 
 vague instinct toward a state of freedom; but what we 
 ask, and what within the last few days we have asked 
 with some doubt, is. Are these Italians prepared to 
 fight for the freedom they have? If so, well; iliey will 
 certainly secure it; if not, let Austria llog them with 
 scorpions instead of whips, and we in England shall 
 only stop our ears against their screams. 
 
 "The highest spectacle which the world can offer to a 
 freeman is to see his brother-man contending bravely — 
 nay. lighting desperately — for his liberty. The lowest 
 sentiment of contempt which a freeman can feel is that 
 excited by a wretched serf who has been x:)olislied and 
 educated to a full sense of the de2:radation of his 
 position, yet is without the manhood to do more than 
 utter piteous lamentations.'' 
 
202 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. - 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE LAND WAR IN IRELAND. 
 
 The Famine Scourge— Heartless Condkctof the Land- 
 lords — The Relief Committees — America' s Generous 
 Aid and Sympathy — Terrible Suffering — Statements 
 of Priests and Other Persons. 
 
 Ireland, witli asoil fruitful as Eden, with a climate 
 mild as woman's smile, with a people virtuous, indus- 
 trious, and brave, is yet the Niobe of nations, weeping 
 and beggini^' at the doors of the world. She has been 
 singularly blessed by God and cursed by man. The 
 breath of healing is in her air, the beauty of Paradise 
 in her picturesque valleys and mountains. Heaven's 
 smile seems to bless her fertility, but human wicked- 
 ness lias done much to darken the bright picture 
 traced by the hand of the great Almighty. Her green 
 and fertile fields, her grassy slopes, her flowing rivers 
 and luxuriant plains are but the glittering robe that 
 hides the wounds and sores of an afflicted nation — a 
 brolven-hearted people. 
 
 Why, we ask, should a nation so rich and fair be 
 thus haunted by the grim spectre of poverty and 
 want'^ 
 
 The answer is simple: it is thiss the iron rule of a 
 foreign power crushes out her energy, and ghoul-like, 
 feeds upon her very vitals. In vain does the Irishman 
 toil in his own land for a living: he is only the slave 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 203 
 
 toiling for his master, tlie bondman of a rack renting 
 landlord. 
 
 They plow and plant, they sow and reap, they weave and spin all day. 
 The English fleet is at their wharves to bear it all away. ^ 
 Their fathers' land the alien owns, the landlords own their labor; 
 Their mortgaged lives have been foreclosed to glut their English 
 neighbor. 
 
 God in his mercy has betimes raised up prophets and 
 guides for the Irish peox)le. Many of tliem have 
 passed away, but their good deeds remain to stimulate 
 the people to renew the conflict for the right to live on 
 their own soil, foi the liberty to worship God according 
 to the dictates of their conscience, and to own the fruits 
 of their own industry. 
 
 Daniel O'Connell tore from the grasp of English 
 tyranny the boon of Catliolic Emancipation, and 
 forced the power of Great Britain to remove its cursed 
 heel from tlie religious liberties of the Irish race. And 
 in times like these, of equal religious freedom, when 
 on the wings of prayer the nation's soul mounts in un- 
 fettered worship to the Deity above, ^vhen ^the smoke 
 of incense rises free and triumphant from every 
 Catholic shrine, in these times, the sons and daughters 
 of Eiin, from every part of the globe, may join with 
 throbbing hearts in one universal chorus of affection- 
 ate thanksgiving to the " Immortal Dan of Ireland." 
 The Liberator now lies in his honored grave, l)ut the 
 wings of his mighty spirit hover over us. The war be- 
 tween Celt and Saxon rages hot and lierce, and the 
 soul of O'Connell roams o'er the battle-fleld, and that 
 soul will never rest till the last vestii^e of En^-lish rule 
 is swept from the fair lields of Erin, and the flag of 
 the Golden Harp wave^ again in triumph from the wails 
 of College Green. Once more the people are marshaled 
 in dauntless array. The proud banner of agitation 
 
lEELAiSTD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 again floats on the breeze. The mantle of O'Connell 
 lias fallen on the shoulders of his discii:>le, ^vho has 
 caught up the same spirit, breathes the same patriotic 
 fire, is nerved with the same indomitable wi]], who 
 ^valks in the same sure track, wields the same unfail- 
 ing weapon, — Charles Stewart ParnelJ, the life and 
 center of the Land League of Ireland. 
 
 As a rule, the landlords of Ireland have been a 
 licentious, improvident class of absentees, whose only 
 interest in the country was the amount of rent they 
 could drag out of their unfortunate tenantry in order to 
 live in luxurious st3"le in England and the Continent. 
 These vampires drew from the country annuallv over 
 seventy million dollars, thus draining it to the very 
 dregs, while they gave back nothing in return but en- 
 larged power to their agents to tighten the screws on 
 their unfortunate tenantry. Numbers of these spend- 
 thrift landlords came to grief, and their estates came 
 to the hammer in the Encumbered Estates Court, which 
 was established in 1848 and came into full operation in 
 1849. 
 
 A panic seized the landlords. Their estates were 
 thrown into the court and sold, in many cases, at half 
 their real value. This, though, did notbeneflt the tenant 
 much. Had tlie government then advanced the purchase 
 money in full to the tenants, tenant i^^'oprietorship 
 would have followed, and the landquestion would have 
 been settled for good. As it was, it onh^nade the con- 
 dition of the tenant a hundred times worse, for English 
 capitalists bought up most of the estates, and com- 
 menced improving them by evicting the tenants and turn- 
 ing the lands into pasture for oxen and sheeii. 
 
 Ireland, prostrated by famine, 6verrun by new '' un- 
 dertakers," sank into a state of syncope, only showing 
 that she was alive by occasionally shooting a landlord or 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 205 
 
 agent. The Fenian movement again awoke her, and the 
 old straggle between might and right, the weak and tlie 
 strong, commenced. Engl:nid found that, she should do 
 something, and as a sop to Irish discontent, and ho^^ing 
 » that it would conlirm the loyalty of the Irish hierarchy 
 and priestliood towards English rule in Ireland, she 
 disestablished the Pi'otestant Chui'ch in Ireland by a 
 bill passed July 12th, 1869, which bill received the 
 roval assent on the 26th of the same month. 
 
 This did not satisfy the masses of the people. It did 
 not relieve them of their rack-renting landlords, or 
 their rack rent either. Their grievances were more 
 political than religious, and all felt that the uncertainty 
 of tenure by which the tenant held his land and the 
 arbitrary power in the hands of the landlords to raise 
 the rent at will, were at the root of the evil. Some w^ell 
 disposed Irish gentlemen, recognizing this fact, and. 
 believing that redress lay only in an Irish Parliament, 
 met in Dublin in May, 1870, and established tiie Home 
 Rule Association. It is not necessary to follow the 
 history of this organization. The people were tired of 
 agitation, particularly agitation that promised no im- 
 meditate results, and therefore never warmed to the 
 new program m e . 
 
 It w^as different with the Land agitation though. 
 Here was a matter that came home to the doors of nine- 
 tenths of the Irish peasantr3\ and that promised them 
 immediate and practical results. It is no wonder, 
 therefore, that it met with a ready response from them 
 and that thev threw^ themselves heart and soul into the 
 movement. So great became the pressure that in 1870 
 a Land Act was passed, which tneasure, though much 
 praised at the time, has proved to be short-sighted and 
 abortive. The act did not restrain the power of the 
 landlords. The Land Act of 1870 worked little benefit 
 
206 
 
 IPwELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 to the Irish occupier. Evictions actualh^ncreasedl In 
 the three years before its passing, the ejectments on 
 notice to quit vvere 4,2j3; in the three snlxsequent years 
 they readied .0,041, showing an increase of 1.888, in 
 the next three vears tbev were 8.439! These Ho-ures 
 represent only tlie capricious evictions, and do not 
 inchide ejectment ior non-payment of rent or non title. 
 AVhile it recognized the grievous wrong done to the 
 victim of a capricious eviction, the act left lull power 
 to perpetrate what it thus admitted to be unjust. It 
 still left the tenant at the mercy of the cupidity, the 
 malice, or the whim of his landlord. Instead of giving 
 the Irish peasant security of tenure, it gave the county 
 court judge, at his discretion, the power of imposing 
 on the evicting landlord a limited j^ecuniary line. In 
 other words, it gave the homeless, and perhaps penni- 
 less tenant, ''the right to a law-suit." 
 
 Before we enter into a detailed account of the opera- 
 tions of the Land Lea^rue oriranization and the horrors 
 of the famine of 1880, we will take a retrospective view of 
 how^ the land was held in common by the i)eople in Ire- 
 land previous to Christianity and up to the time that 
 the English invaders introduced the feudal svstem. 
 The Brehon code of laws held that land was the com- 
 mon property of all. and that the humblest clansman had 
 as good a right to live on its fruits as the most power- 
 ful chieftain. The grand fundamental principle of the 
 Brehon law was that as the air we breathe, and without 
 wdiich we could not live, was free to all, so also the land 
 which is necessary for our existence, should be free or 
 common to all. Society in ancient Ireland was not based 
 on the family principle as understood by us. The 
 family meant the tribe or clan, oftentimes number- 
 ing thousands of persons all bearing the same name, 
 as O'Neill or O'Brien, but the chief was called by 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 201 
 
 way of distinction, The O^Neill or Tlie O'Brien. An 
 Irish 'family in this sense meant all who belonged to 
 the tribe or dan. Each clan or sept had its own 
 particular territory, carefully defined, beyond the 
 limits of which they could not encroach without en- 
 countering the hostility of ^he neighboring clan or sept. 
 
 The territory beh)ng-ing to the sept was called after 
 the tribe, as O'Donnell's country, etc. The land was 
 considered the common property of the tribe, and dif- 
 ferent portions of it were assigned lo different members 
 thereof, under direction of the chief, but according to 
 well-defined laws and usages. None but those belongs 
 ing to the tribe were entitled to tribe land, and they 
 were entitled in proportion to their antiquity in the 
 sept, and therefoi'e the proofs of relationship and 
 descent were carefully preserved in Irish families, as 
 carefully as w^e now preserve our legal records and. 
 documents. 
 
 Tlie chieftaincy was not hereditary, for any member 
 of the family or sept was eligible, and it oftentimes 
 happened that the heir by descent was set aside for 
 some more worthy member of the tribe. The head of 
 the organization was styled lord of the countr}^ which 
 the tribe inhabited. He apportioned the lands among 
 the members of the tribe, and received a tribute from 
 them as a voluntar}^ offering to support his dignity, but 
 beyond this he had no special interest in the lands. 
 
 The members of the Irish septs had a loyal regard 
 for the person, the honor, and the dignity of their chief. 
 That he might sustain that dignity in a becoming 
 manner, they assigned to him certain lands for the 
 maintenance and support in princely style of himself 
 and his family. So jealous were they of his maintain- 
 ing a proper show of authority, that it was a part of 
 the written law that he should never appear in public 
 
208 
 
 IKELAT^D, PAST A^D PEESENT 
 
 without a retinue, and tiie penaltj^ for disregarding this 
 law was deprivation of his rank. He was obliged to 
 maintain a bard to chant the glories of the tribe, a 
 chronicler to record its actions, a brehon, or chancellor, 
 to expound the law, various oflBcers to preserve tlie 
 pedigrees of the plan, and a certain number of mounted 
 men — knights in waiting, in fact, whatever they may 
 be called in name, — to defend the rights of the sept. 
 To maintain all this state and meet all this expense, a 
 large part of the lands of the tribe were necessarily 
 arssigned to him, but as to those lands it is easy to see 
 that he held them really as a tenant Irom the tribe. 
 The members of the tribe also paid to the chief a cer- 
 tain annual tribute, proportioned to their holdings, not 
 of land alone, but of other property, cattle, etc., all of 
 which was protected by the chief and his warrior band ; 
 so that this tribute was not paid as rent of land, but 
 contributed as a tax, to provide means of protection. 
 The lord was, as to his lands, a tenant at will of the 
 tribe, because he held those lands by virtue of being 
 chief, and he held his position as chief at the Avill 
 of the tribe, and many a time in Irish history did 
 a tribe depose its chief and put another in his place, 
 mostly, however, some member of the family of the 
 chief, and sometimes even of the sept. This system of 
 tribal occupation of the land was in force in Ireland 
 for over a thousand years. It has been exhaustively 
 handled in a lately published work in several volumes 
 under the title of " The Brehon Laws," being so called 
 after the Brehons, or law-givers, whose duty it was to 
 preserve, compile, andadminster the laws of the country. 
 The feudal laws which prevailed at the time ihrougli 
 out the rest of Europe, and which were subsequently 
 introduced by the Anglo-Norman conquerors into Ire 
 land, reduced the peasant to the rank cf serf making 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 him solely dependent upon the lord from whom he 
 occupied the land at pleasure, giving him in return rent 
 either in the shape of military services or payment of 
 some liind. The one begot a state of serfdom which 
 degraded the people to the rank of slaves, built a power - 
 ful aristocracy, and left the unfortunate peasant at the 
 merciless rule of some despotic landlord, as is the 
 case in Ireland to-day. The other made each man feel 
 that he was as good as another, and that he occupied 
 the land, not by the toleration of some exacting lord, 
 but by absolute right, and thus felt as independent in 
 his claims as the chieftain himself. 
 
 These Brehon Laws were w^ise regulations for the 
 times and circumstances under which they were 
 enacted, but certainly would not be applicable to the 
 government of the land or the control of society as at 
 present organized. They explain much to us, though, 
 that may seem inexplicable in the Irish character. 
 
 They explain why Irishmen in Ireland lived for gene- 
 ration after generation in one certain place, each one 
 dwelling in his own territory, because to leave his 
 territory was to separate himself from his tribe, "with 
 small chance of acquiring anything like eqnal social 
 standing in any other tribe. 
 
 Tlie\^ also explain their pow^erful attachment, not to 
 land in general, but to the lands of their particular terri- 
 tory. Tliev will make unheard-of sacrifices to retain 
 the land which has been in their families for unnum- 
 bered genei arions, but once uproot them from that, and 
 set tlieni adrift in the world, and thev have no more 
 affection for mere land than is possessed by men in 
 general, and. tliis answers the question, so often asked. 
 
 Why is U that Irishmen, so furious to possess the soil 
 in their own country, when they come to America care 
 so little to go on the land?'' 
 
210 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 They exi^lain, too, why the history of Ireland shows 
 so much internal conflict, so different from that of other 
 nations. It was, in fact, an aggregation of small separate 
 nations, each one outgrowing its boundaries, always 
 crowding upon and often trespassing upon those ad- 
 joining. 
 
 They explain also a certain difficulty there has 
 always been experienced in getting Irishmen to act 
 together harmoniously as a whole. Tliey were never 
 organized as a nation in anything like the way in which 
 modern nations are organized. The individual members 
 of a tribe practically never recognized any autnority 
 but that of their chief. Tliey tilled tlieir lands or went 
 forth to battle just as their chief directed, and when- 
 ever the chief said, ''Let's go home,'' home they went. 
 
 We have so far digressed in order to give our readers 
 some conception of the Brehon laws and their applica- 
 tion in Ireland. Though salutary and wise in man}^ 
 respects, tliey paved the way for the conquest of 
 Ireland. Neighboring chiefs, like the Indian tribes, 
 were continaally at variance, and their jealousies and 
 local associations kept them from combining in a great 
 national struggle either against the Danes or the English. 
 Besides, what interest had a tribe in P'ermanagh or 
 Tipperar\Mn the fact that the Danes held Dublin or 
 AVaterford? They were more anxious to preserve them- 
 selves from tlie encroachment of a neighboring tribe 
 than from an invader who was so far awav. Though 
 tribes and chiefs made desperate efforts to repel both 
 Saxon and Dane from their own territory, Irish history 
 compels us to make tlie admission that it was hard to 
 combine them to make a united effort to repel the 
 common enemy. The Brehon laws recognized the fact 
 that the soil of a country is not a human institution; it 
 is a Divine creation, rendered absolutely necessary 
 
THE LAND WAK. 
 
 211 
 
 for our support, and when dealing with this matter, 
 governments are only trustees, guardians of a sacred 
 trust, pledged by virtue of their office to administer the 
 public estate for the public good — an estate which has 
 been solemnly willed, bequeathed, and dedicated in 
 perpetuity by God himself, to be the common property 
 of the entire people. Gfovernments, then, are not 
 owners, but the administrators of the public lands, nor 
 can they confiscate nor deprive a people of their 
 inheritance. The people and the land are one, and 
 those whom God has united let no man put asunder. 
 When, then, we see the whole territory of Ireland locked 
 up in the possession of a few individuals, and the great 
 majorit}^ of the community swept out into the roads to 
 die of starvation, the very act cries to heaven for 
 vengeance. 
 
 Jn addition to the ftindam3ntal principles whicli 
 recognize the right of the people to the soil of the 
 country, there are other reasons why England should 
 abolish those odious laws which crush th*- life-blood 
 out of the people, and invest the Irish landlords with 
 the power of life and death over their tenants. By 
 the operation and tyrannical enactments of English 
 laws all means of sustenance save one by which men 
 can earn tlieir livelihood have been closed against the 
 people of Ireland, that one sole means which British 
 rapacity has left being the privilege of agricultural 
 labor. Surely, then, if agricultural labor is the only 
 hope to whicli the Irish can cling to save their families 
 from pitiless starvatioii, the laws affecting that labor 
 should be so liberal and generous in their nature 
 that the laborer by his toil may amply provide for all 
 reasonable wants. But the case is not so. No laws 
 are more barbarous and cruel. But why should the 
 millions of Ireland depend solely on ngricultural labors 
 
212 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESEXT. 
 
 Are tliere no other means? Undoubtedly, but English 
 tyranny forbids them. Until very recently, the penal 
 laws were in full sway. B}^ that code, nine-tenths ot" 
 the population of Ireland were excluded from all 
 honorable professions by which many others earn a 
 noble independence. The great bulk of the Irish poptila- 
 tion is Catholic, and no Catholic could be a physician, 
 a lawyer, a teacher, or a member of any distinguished 
 calling. If a man wished to practice surgery or 
 medicine, or be a member of any other profession, the 
 Jaw prohibited him simply on account of his religion. 
 In like manner, the trade of Ireland was crushed out, 
 thus throwing the people solely on the land for subsist- 
 ence. As an instance of how Irish industries were 
 crippled by English legislation, w^e would simi)ly refer to 
 the linen and woolen trade of Ireland. Both were ex- 
 tensively exported in the fifteenth century. The woolen 
 traders in England grew jealous, and were determined if 
 possible to suppress the manufacture of wool in Ireland. 
 Accordingly, in the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, the exportation of wool from Ireland w^as ab- 
 solutely prohibited. This was a severe blow upon Irish 
 industry. It threw thousands out of employment, and 
 impoverished the nation. That one industry alone was a 
 great source of wealth. Irish wool fouhd a ready market 
 in France, Belgium, the Xetherlands, and other foreign 
 countries, so much so that Dean Swift states that 
 foreign silver became the current money of the cotmtry, 
 and that a man could not receive a luindred pounds 
 without finding in it the coin of all the Northern 
 j-jowers, — the result of the woolen trade. The enter- 
 prise w^as stopped, and the consequences were indeed 
 sad. Irish industry felt that it had no place under 
 English rule. The prohibition was, in fact, an official 
 notice from the English crown to the peoj)le of Ireland, 
 

 
 THE LAND WAR. 213 
 
 that they must not engage in manufacture, and that if 
 they did, all the profits must go across the Channel- 
 But the home demand was still large, the enterprise 
 was still kept afloat by the Irish market. When the 
 English discovered this they procured fresh legislation, 
 and the manufacture was suppressed entirely. 
 
 We will now come down to the causes that produced 
 the famine in Ireland and that gave rise to the Land 
 League organization. 
 
 For a few years after the passing of the Land Act in 
 1870, owing to the prosperous state of British trade, 
 and favorable seasons, the produce of the Irish farmers 
 was abundant and fetched a high price. The landlords, 
 taking advantage of this temporary prosperity, raised 
 the rents, in some cases actually doubling them. The 
 competition for land became very great, and it ran up 
 to a fictitious value. 
 
 Suddenly the increasing trade of England declined, 
 and America commenced pouring into her markets 
 enormous supplies of breadstuff, preserved meat, and 
 even live cattle. This of course brought down prices 
 and made it almost impossible for the farmer to j)ay 
 the exorbitant rent which he contracted for under 
 more favorable auspices. Add to this the fact that 
 the season of 1877 was wet and inclement, so much so, 
 that the crops rotted in the ground and the potatoes 
 became a total failure. This the farmers might get 
 over, but unfortunately the summers of '78 and '79 were 
 even worse, and both the farmers and peasantry were 
 r driven to bankruptcy and starvation. 
 
 In the meantime the landlords, Sliylock-like, were 
 exacting their pound of flesh in the shape of the last 
 penny of the rack-rents which they had imposed on the 
 farmer in prosperous times. 
 
 Added to the failure of the j^otato, npon whicli he 
 
214 
 
 IRELAXDj PAST AND TKESEXT. 
 
 relied chiefly for food, the cottier of Connanght, whose 
 years rent for the patch upon which his i^otatoes are 
 grown is annuall}" brought over from England in the 
 shape of harvest earnings there, found this resource 
 also cut off by the scarcity of employment, caused by 
 the bad state of Englisli trade. Thus the numj^er of 
 Irish laborers carried by the Midland Great AVestein 
 Railway of Ireland for harvesting in England fell froiri 
 twentj^-seven thousand to twenty thousand in 1S79, 
 involving (according to the Irish official statistician, Dr. 
 Hancock) a loss of £100,000 to the laborers, while 
 those who did go found little employment on their 
 arrival. 
 
 Owing to these circumstances, a terrible famine en- 
 sued, which even threatened to equal in intensitj- and 
 atrocity the terrible famine of 1847 and '48, and would 
 have done so, had not the s3Mnpathy of the world, par- 
 ticularly America, resjDonded to the appeal of a people 
 starving in the midst of plenty, dying from hunger 
 while ruthless landlords were dej^riving them of their 
 last meal and even drac^ing the very beds from under 
 them. In 1880 the famine had extended, but botli 
 money and relief, ships from America brought succor 
 and life to suffering thousands. There were seveial 
 relief committees formed, nameh% The Mansion House 
 llelief Committe," over which the then Lord Major 
 of Dublin, Hon. E. D. Giay, M. P., presided. "The 
 Duchess of Marlborough Committee" was a kind of 
 aristocratic committee bv which royalty could earn a 
 cheap notoriety for benevolence and charity by conde- 
 scendingly patronizing it; still it did good and effective 
 service. Then there came " The Bennett Relief Com- 
 mittee," which was appointed to distribute the one 
 hundred thousand dollars contributed bv James Gor- 
 don Bennett, Esq., of The Kevo YorJc Herald. This 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 215 
 
 committee liob- a- nobbed with tlie Murlborongh Com- 
 mittee, and in fact became auxiliary to it. 
 
 The Land League Relief Committee ^Yas the one 
 which did most good for the i^oor, and the one tlirough 
 which the Irish in America poured forth their aid to 
 their kinsmen Lt bome. As an instance of the wide- 
 spread and terrible nature of the famine, we quote the 
 following extracts from reports, speeches, and letters 
 published at the time. The doctors who were sent out 
 by the commissioners to report on the state of the 
 country gave a fearful i)icture of fever, njisery. and 
 want, of which this is a specimen: 
 
 *' Entering one house, fairly circumstanced, we were 
 received by the mother, pale, worn, feeble, scarcely 
 able to move about, after a severe attack of fever. Two 
 or three children, convalescents, were sitting in the 
 kitchen, and in an inner room lay, far advanced in 
 malignant typhus, her father-in-law, husband, and two 
 grown-up daughters. L'ntil a few days ago she had to 
 attend to all. Even now, though an old woman had 
 been got as nurse, the sick son had been obliged to take 
 the sicker father into his bed, in order to restrain him 
 w^hilst delirious. This house is worse than a fever- word — 
 it is a fever-furnace. The family, throughout this ter- 
 rible time of illness, have been dependent for very life 
 upon the support of the Local Eelief Committee. 
 Other cases have their own peculiarly painful features. 
 In one, at Carne, the young husband is a victim; in 
 another the wife lies sick, with scarce a rag of bed- 
 clothes. At Ballintadder, in a musty, dark room, two 
 children were tossing in fever upon some straw on the 
 floor, and another ailing upon the poor bed. In an 
 adjoining cabin, five children had been ailing together; 
 two were up when we entered, and three lying in fever, 
 'heads and points' on an old bedstead, covered with a 
 
216 
 
 IKELATs^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 couple of potato-sacks. In the midst of their affliction 
 the father gives a refuge to an infirm and aged sister. 
 It may be mentioned, as adding to the sombre charac- 
 ter of the scene, that these people are under notice of 
 ejectment." 
 
 A committee, including the P. P. of Kilcoo, County 
 Down, writing to the Mansion House Committee under 
 date February 12th, 1880, says. 
 
 ''It is painful and humiliating to have to acknowl- 
 edge that even in this, the premier county of Ulster, 
 there exists distress deep-felt and widespread. iS'othing 
 but sheer necessity can force the people to acknowledge 
 want and ask relief. They will struggle on amidst 
 difficulties, and continue to conceal their misery until 
 their blanched cheeks betray them and tell the observer 
 rliat the gnawing x>ain is wearing away their vitals. 
 Such has been the case in '46 and '47, when the gaunt 
 spectre, Famine, stalked over the land, and decimated 
 a famished people, and such, unhappily, is the case 
 liere now in this County of Down. At all events, such is 
 the case in this parish of Upper Kilcoo, with a population 
 of ovei* 3,000, spread over thirteen townlands, situate in 
 a mountainous district, where, owing to the inclemency 
 of the season, the i^oor peo])le did not obtain a particle 
 of peat from the bogs — their source of fuel — and their 
 crops were almost completely lost. Their means, which 
 Avere at best but slender, have been gradually diminish- 
 ing for the past few years, and are now exhausted, as 
 is also their credit. Hence we find that the fuel of the 
 - majority is the furze and heath which they gather from 
 ' the hill-sides; and the food of many — alas! too many — 
 aninsufficientquantity of Indian meal porridge, without 
 a single drop of milk to make it palatable. It is truly a 
 pitiable pligh.t in whicli hundreds of the poor peo- 
 ple here now find themselves — partially without food, 
 
THE LAND AVAR. 
 
 217 
 
 Avholly without fuel or means to procure it ; without 
 seed for the land, without clothing, and without 
 credit." 
 
 The famous Colonel "Chinese" Gordon, late Secre- 
 tary to the Viceroy of India, and Governor of tlie 
 Soudan, writing from Gleiigariff, County Cork, in 
 November, 1880 (published in Tlie Times, 3d Decem- 
 ber), said : "I must say, Erom all accounts and from my 
 own observation, that the state of our fellow-country- 
 men in the parts T have named is w^orse than that of 
 any x)eople in the world, let alone Europe. I believe 
 that these people are made as we are, that they are 
 patient beyond belief, loyal, but at the same time 
 broken-spirited and desperate, living on the verge of 
 starvation in places in which we would not keep our 
 cattle. The Bulgarians, Anatolians, Chinese, and In- 
 dians are better off than many of them are. ... I am 
 not well off, but I would offer Lord Ban try or his agent 
 (J. W. Payne, J. P.) £1,000 if either of them would 
 live one week in one of these poor devils' places, and 
 feed as these people do." 
 
 Father McKenna, P. P. of Pettigo, County Donegal, 
 reporting on the state of his parish, said : "In truth, the 
 distress is now assuming here an alarming appearance. 
 On yesterday, our day of meeting at Mulleek to afford 
 relief, the crowd was so great, looking for anything at 
 all we could give, that it occupied the Kelief Committee 
 up to two hcurs after night to get through our list of 
 applicants, and we had to give up the task nearly in 
 hox^eless despair of knowing wdiat to do to get the 
 shivering creatures away. It vras sad to see hundreds 
 crowded together around the door of where the Com- 
 mittee met, waiting from twelve o'clock noon to eight 
 at night, under drenching rain, for whatever little we 
 could give. From Is. to 2s. 6d. was our rule, and in 
 
218 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 the end liad to curtail even these small sums, sooner 
 than hear the cries of the disappointed. Really the 
 people are on the point of dying. If something be not 
 done very soon to give employment, alms will not at ./ 
 all meet the crisis much longer. On last Monday in 
 Pettigo several poor women and strong men came to 
 the priest's house, and some of them fainted with 
 hunger and exhaustion. The apj)earance of the poor is 
 appalling." 
 
 Rev. Thomas Cummins, C. C. of Scotstown, County 
 Monaglian, writes : "The landlords here are giving no 
 work except to the process- server ; the poor have no 
 credit, and the father and mother are in hopeless want of 
 work, and their children in want of bread. I know of 
 thirty-rhree homes — if, indeed, a tenement without a win- 
 dow could be called a home — in which there is neither 
 food nor fire. I may say there are fifteen of these in ex- 
 treme want. Instance the following : Yesterday evening 
 I was called on to visit a patient. When I reached the 
 hovel it was not dark, vet the family, seven in all, were 
 in bed ; and why? because they had eaten the scanty 
 fare the}^ collected during the day, they had no fire to 
 warm them, and their remedy was to lie in a cold room, 
 on cold beds, with cold, empty stomachs; and I fear 
 my patient is a cold corpse now amongst them ; and if 
 I was constituted judge and jury over tlie cause of her 
 death, my verdict would be 'want of food.' " 
 
 Father Harte, P. P., Kilgarvin, County Mayo, writes : 
 *'Ifc is with feelings of pain and regret I beg to call 
 vour attention, and the attention of themembeTs of the 
 Mansion House Committee, to the dei^lorable condition 
 of about 200 families in this parish. They are in great 
 distress — the most of them in absolute want. Thev 
 have nothing now to live on, I might say, but Indian 
 meal, and not enough of that same j some of them with- 
 
THE LAND WAR. 
 
 219 
 
 out a drop of milk, without fuel, and all without credit, 
 having their clotlies pawned and their children half- 
 naked. We were hoping day after day that the govern- 
 ment would come to our aid, but, unfortunately, it was i 
 hoping against hope." 
 
 The parish priest and Protestant incumbent of Ennis- 
 crone, County Sligo, in a joint letter, say: ''In one tow^n- 
 land alone there are at present ten families suffering from 
 fever, which, in the opinion of the medical officer of the 
 district, is induced by cold, want of clothing, and scarcity 
 of proper nourishment. We, in common with ever}^ well- 
 wisher of Ireland, would prefer anything to gratuitous 
 relief, and therefore we have earnesth^ appealed to the 
 landlords of this parish to assist their tenants by means 
 of remunerative employment in improving their own es- 
 tates. We have had some favorable promises to the 
 above effect from all; yet, with one or two honorable ex- 
 ceptions, these promises have never been realized; they 
 have picked up what rents they could, and then, 
 oblivious of their own promises, have lent a deaf ear to 
 the pitiful entreaties of their starving tenantry." 
 
 The rector of Clondwhid, County Cork, writes r 
 "This is a wild and mountainous parish of 27,000 
 acres. There are no resident landlords. Father Ring, 
 R. C. C, has just been sitting with me. Xo one kncJws 
 the distress of the people better than he does. Any 
 relief you send us will be administered by Father 
 Ring (Father Walsh is upwards of ninety years old), 
 myself, and Mr. Pearson. Father Ring told me to- 
 day that he has visited poor, who w^ere obliged to re- 
 main in bed from hunger." 
 
 The parish priest and rector of Tegmon, County Wex- 
 ford, wrote: " We have found 59 families, or 23C persons, 
 more or less suffering, and we are convinced that many 
 of the farming class are in great want, but are too 
 
220 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 proud to disclose their poverty. The distress is nearly 
 universal; the destitution in many families of small 
 farmers is complete, as well as the laboring class, and 
 nothing but the most energetic exertions of the 
 charitable will be able to save them from death bv 
 starvation. The total quantity of harvest produce of 
 all kinds would, in our opinion, not suffice for the 
 home consumption; and being compelled by landlords 
 to sell, to pay their rents, what they should have kept 
 for food for their families, are now reduced to deplor- 
 able suffering; without employment, without food — 
 save what the benevolent give them — without fuel, with- 
 out bed-clothing, their condition is truly wretched In 
 this locality landlords will not assist their tenants 
 by providing seeds, etc., for the approaching sowing 
 season; and to sow any they may have left would 
 be madness." 
 
 We could fill a volume with extracts from letters 
 from all parts of Ireland, showing how deep and wide- 
 spread the famine was and how indifferent the landlords 
 were to the destitution and suffering of their tenantry. 
 
 James Eedpath, the well-known correspondent, in 
 giving a sketch of the state of Ireland at the time, for 
 he bad traveled over the country to report on the state 
 of the farmers, savs: 
 
 ^'From every, county come official announcements 
 that the destitution is increasing. 
 
 A geographical allocation of the distress gives to 
 the— 
 
 County Leitrim (in round numbers) 47,000 
 
 Roscommon " " 4G.0C0 
 
 Slijro " " 58.000 
 
 Gaiway " " 124,000 
 
 Mayo " " 143,000 
 
 These round numbers are thirty-seven hundred and 
 
THE LAND AVAR. 221 
 
 fifty under the exact figures. What need of verbal 
 evidence to sustain figures so appalling? 
 
 " From each of these counties on the western coast, 
 and from every parish of them, the rej^orts of tlie 
 committees give out the same dirge-like notes: 'Xo 
 food,' 'no clothing,' 'bed clothing pawned/ 'chil- 
 dren lialf-naked,' 'women clad in unwomanly rags,' 
 ' no fuel,.' 'destitution appalling,' 'privation beyond 
 descrij^tion,' 'many are suffering from hunger,' 'seed 
 potatoes and oats are being consumed by the j^eojole,' 
 ' their famine-stricken appearance would make the 
 stoniest heart feel for them,' 'some families are 
 actually starving, and even should works be started the 
 people are too weak now to work.' These saddening 
 phrases are not a bunch of rhetorical expressions: each 
 one of them is a literal quotation from tlie business-like 
 reports of the local committees of the Mansion House! 
 
 " In the province of Connaught, the destitution is so 
 general and profound that I could not tell you what I 
 myself saw there, within the limits of a lecture. I shall 
 select; one of the least distressfnl counties — the County 
 Sligo — and call ai2:ain eye-witnesses of its misery. 
 
 "And my first witness shall be a distinguished 
 bishoi), ^t, that time unfriendly to Mr. Parnell — Bishop 
 McCormack. 
 
 " The Bishop wrote to me that in each of the twenty- 
 two parishes of his diocese there prevails 'real and 
 undoubted distress'; and that, from the returns made 
 to him by his priests, he finds that the number on the 
 parochial relief lists is from seventy to seventy-five per 
 cent, of the whole x^opulation of the diocese. His Lord- 
 ship adds that this state of destitution must last till 
 Angust. 
 
 "Good words are like good coins — they lose their 
 value if they are uttered too freely. I have used the 
 
222 
 
 lUELAIS^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 word distress so often that I fear it may pall on you. 
 Let ns test it in the fire of the sorrow of Sligo. 
 
 "Dr. Canon Finn, of Ballymote, wrote to me that the 
 priests in his parish tell him that the little children 
 often come to school without having had a moutliful of 
 breakfast to eat, and that vomiting and stomach-sick- 
 ness is common among them. 
 ^'Why? 
 
 " 'I know whole families,' writes the Canon, ^ that 
 have to supplement what our committee gives by eating 
 rotten potatoes which they dig out day by day.' 
 
 "Father John O'Keene, of Dromore West, wrote to 
 me that ' there are four hundred families in his parish 
 dependent on the relief committees, and one hundred 
 almost entirely in want of clothing, and the children in 
 a state of semi-nudity.' 
 
 " Four hundred familiesi Let us look at the mother 
 of just one of these four hundred families. 
 
 ''Listen to Father O'Keene: 
 
 " 'On Sunday last, as I was about going to church, a 
 poor young woman, ])renuiturely aged by poverty, came 
 up and sjjoke to me. Being in a hurry, I said; I hare 
 no time to speak to you, Mrs. Calpin. Are you not on 
 the relief list?"' *' No, Father," she said, and we are 
 starving." Her appearance caused me to stoj^. She 
 had no shoes, and her Avretched clothing made her the 
 picture of misery. I asked her why her husband had 
 not come to speak to me. She said: " He has no coat, 
 nor has he one for the last two years, and this being 
 Sunday, he was ashamed to go out without one!" ' " 
 
 We will not follow this painful subject any longer, 
 but return to the organization and workings of the 
 Land League. 
 
THE lEISH LAI^D LEAGUE. 
 
 223 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE IRISH LAKD LEAGUE. 
 
 Its Inception and Workings — Coercion by the Govern- 
 ment — Boycotting — Arrests of Parnell, Dillon^ 
 and Other Suspects — The Ladies^ Land League — 
 Combination and Organization — Tlie Prospect in 
 Ireland, 
 
 The seed of the Land Leaf^rne was sown bv the harsh 
 
 o •J 
 
 exactions of landlords during 1877-78-79, which were 
 finally made nnendurable by the failure of the potato 
 crop, when tenants were brought face to face with 
 famine in a large part of Ireland. 
 
 It is but justice to Michael Davit t to say that he was 
 the organizer of the Land movement. The Parnell 
 Land Leao-ue and other organizations existed in Kew 
 York before his ;irriva^ in America, so that he had good 
 material to operate on. In a lecture delivered at Bos- 
 ton, in December, 1878, Mr. Davit t outlined the pro- 
 gramme of the new agitation, a primary feature of 
 which was the control of tlie whole Irish delegation in 
 Parliament, this to be secured by the same public and 
 legitimate agencies which are employed by political 
 parties in England and America. The representatives 
 of liis country in the imperial legislature, having thus 
 acquired the weight derived from unanimity, were to 
 press the national demand for an immediate improve- 
 ment of the land system by such a change as would 
 
224 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 prevent the peasantrjT' of Ireland from being made its 
 victims in the future. Such a change, he said, should 
 form the preludB to the introduction of a system of 
 small proprietorships similar to what now obtain in 
 some Continental states. He based the demand for 
 the transformation of a tenant into a landowner on 
 principles which had already been laid down by Mr. 
 Bright, that it is the duty of the British government 
 to resume, after giving compensation to the landlords, 
 the land of which Irishmen had wron":ful]v been de- 
 prived, in order to re-convey it to the descendants of 
 tlie liglitful owners. 
 
 The following is the official record of the first Irish 
 Convention: 
 
 The Rev. Fatlier Behan, C. C, proposed and Mr. 
 Wm. Dillon, B. L., seconded: " That an association be 
 hereby formed, to be named, ' The Irish JS'ational 
 Land League.' " 
 
 The other resolutions which embraced the programme 
 were — 
 
 *'That the objects of the League are, first, to bring 
 about a reduction of rack-rents: second, to facilitate 
 the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the 
 occupant." 
 
 "The objects of the League can be best attained by 
 promoting organization among the tenant farmers, by 
 defending those who mav be threatened with eviction 
 for refusing to pay unjust rents, by facilitating the 
 working of the Bright clauses of the Land Act during 
 the winter, and by obtaining such reform in the laws 
 relatincr to land as will enable everv tenant to become 
 the owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a 
 number of years." 
 
 This important clause, which embraces the principles 
 of the League and tenant proprietorship, was offered 
 
Thomas Sexton. 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 226 
 
 by Mr. Parnell, and seconded by the Eev. Eugene 
 Sheeliy, the worthy successor of the martyred patriot 
 priest, Father Nicholas Sheehy, who was executed 
 in Clonmel, March 15th, 1766, in the 38th year of his age. 
 
 The resolution ''that Charles S. Parnell, M. P., be 
 elected President of this League" was unanimously 
 carried. Michael Davitt, A. J. Kettle, and Thomas 
 Brennan were appointed secretaries. 
 
 J. G. Biggar, M. P., W. H. O'Sullivan, M, P., and 
 Patrick Egan were appointed treasurers. 
 
 On motion, it was resolved "that the President of 
 the League, Parnell, be requested to proceed to America, 
 .for the purpose of obtaining assistance from our exiled 
 countrymen and other sympathizers for the object for 
 which this appeal is issued." 
 
 Mesolded^ That none of the funds of this League 
 shall be used for the purchase of an}^ landlord's interest 
 in the land or for furthering the interests of any Parlia- 
 mentary candidate." 
 
 The meeting was attended by delegates from various 
 parts of Ireland, including several members of Parlia- 
 ment and a number of priests. 
 
 From this it will be seen that the programme of the 
 Land League was simple and comprehensive. It did 
 not embrace any wild generalities or experimental 
 theories. It confined itself to the following simi)le 
 rules, naniel}^: A reduction of excessive .rents; the 
 protection of tenants evicted for not paying excessive 
 rents; and the establishment of tenant proprietorship. 
 
 The Land League, from its inception, became formida- 
 ble to the English government, because its object was 
 a legitimate and peaceful one, and because all classes 
 in Ireland, embracing priests and people, readily united 
 on its platform, and it soon found among its warmest 
 supporters and most zealous defenders such men as 
 Archbishop Croke of Cashel and Bishop Nulty of Meath. 
 
226 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 The objects for -svliicli this association was organized 
 were eminently moral, humane, and constitutional, 
 and the methods to which it was proposed to have 
 recourse were peaceful and legal. There was no reason, 
 therefore, why the Catholic clergy sliould not take as 
 active a part in promoting the Land League as they 
 had taken on behalf of the Home Rule party, which 
 was now virtually merged in the new agitation. As 
 a matter of fact, the Catholic Church contributed a 
 large number of the names which ligure in the official 
 record of its first meeting, nnd from the outset of the 
 movement clergymen of all creeds spoke on the same 
 platform in advocacy of its aims and approbation of 
 its orderly and honest methods. The thoroughly un- 
 sectarian and national character of the League was 
 strikinglv attested bv the fact that constituencies known 
 to be overwhelmingh" Catholic sent Protestant repre- 
 sentatives to Parliament. It is true that the Arch- 
 bishop of Dublin, Dr. McCabe, assailed the new 
 organization, but the late Archbishop McHale, Arch- 
 bishop Croke, and Bishop Nulty expressed a warm ap- 
 proval of it in published letters, and within a year after 
 its foundation a large majority of the Catholic clergy 
 openly promoted it or privately intimivted sympathy 
 with its principles and x^urposes. This fact should 
 have great weight with impartial observers; for it is pre- 
 posterous to suppose, in view of the traditional attitude 
 of the Roman Church and the reiterated injunctions of 
 Leo XIIL, that a large part of the Catholic liierarchy 
 would have sanctioned an association which had any- 
 thing in common with the schemes and j^rocesses of the 
 Fenians and other secret societies whose illicit machi- 
 nations have been a reproach to Ireland. 
 
 The League was soon in operation throughout 
 the whude country; branches were organized in every 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 227 
 
 city, town, and village, and a powerful and centralized 
 organization extended its ramilications on all sides. 
 The landlords were soon paralyzed. Before they 
 raised the rents and evicted tenants at will. Though 
 their victims had the sympathy of their neighbors, 
 who were not only powerless, but also afraid to help 
 them, there was no organization to make common cause 
 with them. They had no redress except in the wild 
 justice of revenge, which sent such men as Loids Lei- 
 trim and Mountmorris to bloody graves. Now there 
 was a nnited and defiant organization to stand by them. 
 They were provided with homes and food, and no man 
 dare take the farms of those evicted at the peril of his 
 life, for an edict had gone forth — Rent no farm from 
 which a tenant who belongs to the League has been 
 evicted.-' In addition to this, the tenants on estates 
 which were rack-rented formed themselves into unions 
 not to pay any rent until the landlord reduced it to 
 what was fair and just. Here was a new dilemma for 
 the landlords. They could not evict one tenant with, 
 out evicting all, and if they did this the lands would 
 be let lie idle on their hands. Though many of the 
 landlords maintained a dogged independence, several, 
 on the principle that, "a half-loaf was better than no 
 bread," came to terms and reduced the rent to Griff th's 
 valuation. 
 
 In its legitimate attempt to exert pressure on the 
 land-owning class, the League found itself at first 
 baffled to some extent by the action of tenants who 
 were not members of tlie association, i)recisely as the 
 American patriots during the Revolulion found them- 
 selves baffled by the loyalists. To such men the Land 
 Leaguers said just what the Whigs of the revolted 
 colonies said to the Tories, viz.: So long as vou areneii- 
 tral we shall treat you as friends and neighbors; but 
 
228 
 
 IRELAIS^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 if you see fit to side with landlordism against jout own 
 class, you must expect to be subjected to social os- 
 tracism. AVe need not say that the ostracizing process, 
 which received from one of its victims the name of 
 "boycotting," proved a powerful agent of restraint upon 
 unpatriotic men, and did much to disincline the land- 
 lords to resort to eviction, which, as Mr. Gladstone 
 told Parliament, was, in famine years like 1846 and 
 1879, equivalent to a sentence of starvation. In 1846 
 no less than 300,000 human beings were thrust out from 
 their poor huts to perish in the ditcli; in 1879, under 
 the concerted and resolute action of the Land League, 
 the number of evictions was but 1,348. It is true that 
 in 1880 the landlords, aided by an armed constabulary 
 and great bodies of troops, were able to increase the 
 number of evictions to 10,437, but even these dei)lorable 
 figures seem insignificant when compared with tlie total 
 of 90,440 persons who were evicted in 1847, the second 
 year of the previous famine. 
 
 Tiiat the Land League was justified in averting by 
 all peaceful and constitutional means eviction for rack- 
 rents in a time of famine, seems clear enough now that 
 the extortionate character of Irish rentals has been 
 conclusively demonstrated by the action of the Land 
 Courts created b}' the Britisli government. The average 
 reduction effected by these tribunals is not less than 
 twenty- two per cent. 
 
 One of the most effective weapons in the hands of 
 the people against those who opposed the actions of 
 the Land Leaguers was that social ostracism called 
 
 boj'cotting." It simply amounted to this, that when 
 a man became offensive to his neighbors ihey entered 
 into a combination not to sell to him or buy from him, 
 not to work for him or associate with him or his family. 
 The first man to whom this system of ostracizing was 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE 
 
 229 
 
 applied, as if he were a leper, was a Captain Boycott, 
 County Mayo, who was agent for Lord Erne. This 
 Boycott was a coarse, vulgar tyrant, and treated the 
 • poor peasants as if they were so many dogs, compelling 
 them to submit to galling insults and tyrannical ex- 
 actions. He evicted unfortunate tenants with as little 
 remorse as if he were exterminating wolves. The 
 League devoted special attention to him. It com- 
 manded the tenants to refuse to pay him rack-rents. 
 Secondly, it instructed the men working for him not to 
 harvest his crops at the starvation wages he was in the 
 habit of paying them, and to exact from him the same 
 as others paid them. When they made this demand he 
 only swore at them, and denounced their assurance and 
 impudence, and vowed that he would not give one penny 
 more. There was a strike. No one would work for 
 him. No one would sell him anything, or trade with 
 him in any way. He was resolved to light it out. The 
 peasantry scawled at him, and no longer doffed their 
 hats to him. They were becoming men, independent 
 human beings, under the teachings of the Land League. 
 Boycott's crops were rotting in the ground. What 
 should he do ? He and his family tried to save them, 
 but it was an idle task. A body of Orangemen 
 volunteered to come all the way from the North to 
 save his crops. They came, guarded by horse, foot, 
 and artillery. The people were furious, and would 
 have fallen upon them had not the League kept them in 
 check. They only ate up the balance of Boycott's crops, 
 and left him poorer and more helpless and wretched than 
 ever. The Captain vowed to evict all Lord Erne's 
 tenants, and secured an escort of one hundred police- 
 men, but he could not secure a single process-server, for 
 it would be certain death to him. The brave Captain 
 at length succumbed to adverse circumstances, and 
 
230 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND TKESENT. 
 
 left the country in despair. He came to America, 
 but returned again and secured the toleration of his 
 neighbors by acting fairly and justly towjirds them. 
 
 While this kind of passive siege was going on, James • 
 Redpatli, who was writing up the state of the country 
 for TJie JSew YorK Tribune, visited the parish and gave 
 a history of Boycott's adventures with his tenants. 
 Father O'Malley was the champion of the poor tenants 
 against their oppressors. Redpath was dining with 
 him, and while over the frugal meal looked pensive. 
 What's the matter?" asked the priest. 
 
 "I'm bothered about a word." was the reply, **to 
 convey an idea of this Boycotting business to the people 
 of Anieric^i." 
 
 ' Ostracism' will not do," said Father O'Malley, and 
 then, after a moment's reflection, he exclaimed: "I have 
 it, Kedpath. Call it 'boycotting.' " 
 
 Boycotting" it was called and still continues to be 
 called, for the word has fairly become a part of the Eng- 
 lish language. 
 
 The approach of famine with all its horrors threw 
 additional responsibilities on the shoulders of the Land 
 League after its organization. Tlie potato crop had 
 failed. In 1876 its value was over sixty millions of 
 dollars. In 1877 it fell to twenty-five million dollars, 
 while in 1879 it shrank down to fifteen millions, which 
 might be called a general failure. The evictions were 
 feaifuUy on the increase, while the necessaries of life 
 were on the decrease. In 1876 the evictions officially 
 reported in Ii'eland were 1,269; in 1877 they increased 
 to 1,323; in 1878 they rose to 1,749. There was a con- 
 siderable falling off in '79 and '80, owing to the united 
 and determined stand the people took by the advice 
 and under the guidance of the Land League. 
 
 The advice to the tenants not to pay rack-rents, and 
 
THE IKISII LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 231 
 
 to provide against starvation for tlien^selves and their 
 children before they would pay any rent, was but just 
 and proper. The landlords did not thinli so, though. 
 What did they care whether the people starved or not, 
 if they got their rents ? and notices to quit and the crow- 
 bar brigade were the order of the day. The League 
 had the fearful lesson of the famine years of '46, '47, 
 and '48 before them, when close on a million of human 
 beings were flung out of their homes and died of star- 
 vation. In October, 1879, Davitt said to the tenants: 
 ''If to save your families from death, you must keep 
 back the rent, keep it back; you are bound before God 
 to save them. You must not ima":ine that vou will be 
 turned out on the roadside to die, as your fathers were 
 in '46. Tliere is a spirit abroad in Ireland to-day that 
 will not stand that a second time in a century." These 
 words met with a warm response from the honest hearts • 
 of Irish peasants, and brought terror to the mansions 
 of the landlords. They were the writing on the wall, , 
 tne death-knell of land-owning. The government re- 
 cognized the fact that they had a powerful and dan- 
 gerous organization to contend against, and instead of 
 bending their energies to meet the demands of the 
 people, they blindly tried to crush out the infant 
 Hercules. They arrested Michael Davitt and two of 
 his associates in November, and flung them into 
 prison. 
 
 In December Parnell, accompanied by Dillon, 
 sailed for America, where they arrived January 2nd, 
 1880. They traveled over the country, meeting with 
 a brilliant reception everywhere. They spoke in 
 most of the large cities of the Union. On February 
 2nd, Mr. Parnell was received by Congress while 
 in session, and delivered an address before that 
 august body, setting forth the aims and mission of the 
 
232 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Land League and the miserable condition of Ireland. 
 The same compliment was paid him by the State Legis- 
 latures ill all the States he visited, and city freedoms 
 were showered upon him everywhere. Some £70,000 
 was forwarded to the Land League in Dublin through 
 Parnell's exertions, of which over £50,000 was dis- 
 tributed in charity by the League, when, after a three 
 nioiirlis' tour through the States and Canada, his mis- 
 sion was cut short by the dissolution of Parliament. 
 Parnell returned to Ireland in February, leaving Dillon 
 after him, to prosecute the work he had so successfully 
 undertaken. 
 
 Mr. Dillon, aided by Mrs. Parnell, Miss Fanny Par- 
 nell, and several ladies and prominent gentlemen, es- 
 tablished the League in New York. A convention was 
 called at Buffalo, at which a regular programme was 
 adopted for the guidance of the League in America. 
 The officers chosen at this National Convention were: 
 President, Patrick A. Collins, of Boston; Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Rev. Patrick Cronin, Buffalo; Secretary, Thomas 
 Flatley, Boston; and Treasurer, Rev. Lawrence Walsh, 
 of Waterbury, Connecticut. 
 
 After this convention, clubs and meetings were or- 
 ganized throughout America, and large sums of money 
 were sent to Ireland to relieve the distress there, as 
 well as for the use of the Land League. Michael 
 Davitt, who had been released, also visited America in 
 aid of the cause. 
 
 The objects of the League received the all but uni- 
 versal approbation of the clergy of the Catholic Church 
 in the United States, and the public meetings held 
 under the auspices of the League to raise money for 
 those in danger of starving were addressed by the most 
 eminent of the hierarch}^, while others appealed in 
 pastoral letters directly to their clergy and people, ex- 
 
THE IRISH LAXD LEAGUE. 
 
 238 
 
 plaining clearly and eloquently the causes of the famine. 
 
 Said Bishop Hennessy of Dubuque : **lf the govern- 
 ment had sincere compassion on a suffering people and 
 an honest desire to save them from the fate which was 
 impending, would it in such an emergency, under pre- 
 text of law or any other pretext, become a party to 
 landlord rapacity ? Would it send its constabulary and 
 military to distrain and eject, to tear down cabins and 
 throw shivering children, their mothers and grand- 
 mothers, out on tha highways in the depth of winter? 
 Would it seize and carry off by force the crops and 
 other chattels to which, through sheer necessity, with- 
 out a thought of dishonesty, the poor farmer clung that 
 he might have wherewith to keep the life in his little 
 ones? Would it wrench the crust out of the hand of 
 hunger, tliat pampered tyranny might have the last 
 penny of the rent? Conduct such as this betrays no 
 pity. The aim of the British government is not to re- 
 move distress in Ireland, but rather to produce, ag- 
 gravate, and take advantage of it. To exterminate those 
 whom it could not pervert was its manifest and avowed 
 policy on the failure of the Reformation. It is still the 
 same, though not so openly. It is easy to see how it is 
 going to work now. Famine will take some; its in- 
 variable attendant, pestilence, or sickness of somekind^ 
 will carrv off still more; and emiirration will follow. 
 The three will scour the land and scourge it and 
 multiply sheep-walks. Did not the government foresee 
 this? Others did who are not quite so keen-sighted. 
 If not intended, why not prevented ? One per cent, 
 of what it cost to rob and murder Afghans and Zulus 
 in unjust wars, as worthless as they were wicked in the 
 judgment even of Englishmen, soldiers and civilians, 
 would have greatly improved Ireland and preserved her 
 people. But to do this was not in the programme. 
 The friends of Ireland, the trusted leaders of her j)eople, 
 
234 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PEESENT. 
 
 will strive against emigration by argiimentj and prom- 
 ises, and jjersonal inliuence. I fear tliey will not suc- 
 ceed to the extent of their wishes. Multitudes, espe- 
 cially of the young, the vigorous, the ambitious, will 
 not be induced, cannot be persuaded, to remain in a 
 country where famine is periodical and misery per- 
 petual, and this not by the accidents of fortune, but by 
 the design of their rulers.'' 
 
 Lord Beaconsfield decided upon a dissolution of 
 Parliament in the spring of 1880, believing that the 
 country would sustain him in his Irish policy. The 
 result was the defeat of the Tory party and the i-estora- 
 tion to power of the Liberals under Premier Gladstone. 
 The Irish party, instead of being weakened by the 
 election, was considerably strengthened. Parnell was 
 elected by three constituencies, and his friend John 
 Dillon was elected for Tipperary. Ireland returned a 
 large number of advanced Home R-ulers and Land 
 Lea":uers and returned them directl v under the influence 
 of Parnell. Some of the most powerful, wealthy, 
 and high-placed of Irish landlords were defeated in 
 their own counties by young candidates previously un- 
 known to the public life, who came forward simply on 
 the recommendation of Parnell. Gladstone and his 
 Liberal colleagues knew well how much they owed to 
 the efforts of Irishmen. He said to an Irish member 
 just before the dissolution that all would depend upon 
 the action of Ireland and of Irishmen in English con- 
 stituencies. He franklv said tliat if the Irish members 
 did not go with him, if Ireland did not return represent- 
 atives willing to go with him, he could not possibly have 
 a maioritv sufficient to enable him to carrv out a really 
 liberal policy. There was even an idea among some in- 
 fluential colleagues of Gladstone's'that in the event of 
 their coming into power an effort ought to be made to get 
 one. or two of the Home Rule members to join the new 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 235 
 
 Liberal administration. At all events it is certain that 
 the Liberals owed their success in great part to Ireland 
 and to Irishmen, that Gladstone and his colleagues 
 were aware of this fact, and tluit they came into office 
 therefore morally and politically pledged to make 
 every possible effort to satisfy the demands and remove 
 the grievances of Ireland. 
 
 The new Parliament assembled at the close of April, 
 1880. Before the meeting of the Parliament, however, 
 the Irish members had held a convention of their own 
 in Dublin. Parnell, wlio had been visiting America, 
 had just returned to Europe, and was present at the 
 convention. The party in close alliance with him 
 had become so much strengthened by the results of the 
 elections as to be manifestly the most powerful section 
 of the Irish representatives. The majority of Irish 
 members at the convention were alreadv resolved that 
 Shaw should not continue to be leader of the Parlia- 
 mentary party. If he was not to remain leader, it 
 seemed clear to some of them that only one man in 
 the party could possibly succeed him. Parnell him- 
 self thought otherwise, and suggested another name, 
 but his colleagues pressed and, indeed, insisted that if 
 any change was to be made, he must himself take the 
 leadership. The reason for this is obvious. He had 
 come to be unq^uestionably the leader of the Irish 
 people. By his influence and the magic of his name, 
 the Irish constituencies had elected a large number of 
 new and untried men to Parliament to serve on the lines 
 he had laid down. Despite considerable opposition on 
 the part of Parnell, he was elected as the leader of 
 the Irish Parliamentary party. 
 
 The year 1880 was an exciting one in Ireland. Famine 
 raged throughout the country, while the Land League, 
 generously aided from various sources, tried to stay the 
 terrible scourge. The people became desx^erate. They 
 
236 
 
 IRELAI^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 formed into kind of trades-union societies, and defied 
 alike landlord and government authority. Meetings 
 were hekl throughout the country, which were addressed 
 by Parnell or some of his associates, as well as by 
 the local clergy. The government, as usual, tried to put 
 down the agitation by coercion. They resolved to 
 prosecute the leaders, Gladstone ignoring the fact that 
 to these same men he owed his position as Premier. 
 Parnell, Dillon, Sexton, and several otlier members of 
 Parliament were included in this prosecution. The 
 state trials came on in Ireland at the close of the rear. 
 The jury disagreed and the traversers were acquitted. 
 It is stated that there was only one juror for conviction. 
 
 Parliament met in 1881 a month before its usual time. 
 It opened on the 6th of January. It was well known 
 that Gladstone was about to bring in a Land Bill 
 for Ireland and also a Coercion Bill. The Land League 
 had been ridding Ireland of conspiracy by winning over 
 . the people to open agitation, and as a matter of course 
 outrage had been shovvingsigns of diminution. But a new 
 Coercion Bill, it was felt, would be certain to put back 
 the hand of the clock, to restore the reign of conspiracy. 
 The strongest representations were made to Glad- 
 stone on the subject. Great pressure was brought to 
 bear upon him. It was in vain. He yielded to the ad- 
 vice of Forster, and resolved to put coercion before 
 remedy. The Irish members were resolved, if they 
 could not prevent its passing or modify its character, 
 at least to keep it from being passed as long as they 
 could. This would have been their duty in the case of 
 any Coercion Bill, at least as they construed the duty of 
 an Irishman and an Irish member of Parliament to his 
 countr\\ But this particular Coercion Bill was objec- 
 tionable almost beyond every other which had been 
 introduced. It gave the government, that is to say, the 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland, the absolute, unlimited 
 
THE lEISn LATs^D LEAGUE. 
 
 237 
 
 power of arresting anybody lie pleased witlionfc making, 
 or intending to make, any charge against him, and to 
 lock him up in prison for an indefinite time without 
 giving him any explanation as to the reason which the 
 government had for his arresi. It was enough that a 
 man should be "reasonably suspected" by any magis- 
 trate or policeman, or anybody, in order to warrant the 
 Chief Secretary in having him sent to prison. The 
 phrase, ''reasonably suspected," became famous. It 
 was not, by the way, Forster's own invention. It 
 is to be found in Lyttelton's "History of Henry II.," 
 published more than a hundred years ago. Speaking 
 of the Earl of Chester, Lyttelton says: "It does not 
 appear that he had done any act to make him reasonably 
 suspected of treason, and if an unwarranted suspicion 
 could justify such a proceeding, a tyrant would always 
 be justified, for he may always suspect when he desires 
 to oppress." 
 
 Then followed the great scenes of obstruction which 
 threw the House of Parliament into such a fever of ex- 
 citement, and wiiicli were only brought to a close by rlie 
 coup cUetat of the 2d of February, when the Speaker 
 intervened and declared that the debate must go no 
 further. Xext day the announcement of the arrest of 
 Michael Davit t, an announcement which was received 
 with wild and even savage cheers of exultation by 
 English Liberal members, led to another storm v scene, 
 and finally to the expulsion for that sitting of thirty- 
 six Irish members. 
 
 The Coercion Bill introduced by Forster was pro- 
 ductive of nothing but mischief. This fact is now 
 acknowledged by every one who helped him to in- 
 troduce it. It has justified to the full all the pre- 
 dictions which the Irish members uttered whilst it was 
 still on its passage through the House. In ever}' town 
 and village t-hr-oughout Ireland the local leaders of the 
 
238 
 
 IRELAlfD, PAST AJ^D PRESENT. 
 
 Land Lengne, priests and others, were thrown into 
 prison, and the result was that Kibbonmen and conspir- 
 ators got the country for awhile into their hands ngain. 
 
 Meanwhile the Land Bill was intioduced, and in its 
 first shape found to be a measure with very little 
 promise in it. By the elforts of the Irish members, 
 with the assistance of a very few stanch English allies, 
 the bill was gradually strengthened in its passing 
 through the. House. But Parnell predicted that it 
 w^ould prove utterly inadequate for the purpose Glad- 
 stone had in view, that it would lead to an immense 
 amount of litigation, and that the Land Courts 
 formed for the purpose of fixing a fair rentw^ould soon 
 find themselves clogged and choked with a mass of 
 business, and all this came true. When the session 
 came to an end and autumn was drawing on, Glad- 
 stone suddenly made up his mind to close with the 
 Land League and overthrow it by main force. Par- 
 nell, Dillon, Sexton, and O' Kelly were arrested and flung 
 into prison. The Land League was proclaimed illegal 
 and sux)pressed. Some demonstrations in Dublin were 
 crushed b}" the police with reckless and savage violence, 
 and order reigned in Warsaw. The measures taken 
 proved an absolute failure. The country did not be- 
 come tranquil after the arrest of the members (;f Parlia- 
 ment, but on the contrary it became much more dis- 
 turbed than before. Outrages did not become fewer, 
 but multipled with fearful rapidity. Before the winter 
 had wholly passed away everybody knew, in Parliament 
 and out of it, that the Coercion Bill w^as admitted to be 
 a failure by the government themselves, and that the 
 Land Bill had been to a great extent a failure also, and 
 that Gladstone was only waiting for the earliest op- 
 portunity of endeavoring to get the assistance of Par- 
 nell himself for the purpose of maintaining order in 
 Ireland. 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE, 
 
 239 
 
 [n a series of clever articles written on Coercion in 
 Ireland, Home Rule, and kindred subjects, by the Hon. 
 Justin McCarthy, M. P., he gives the following state- 
 ment of Ireland and her prospects: 
 
 "Irish obstruction was deliberately adopted for the 
 purpose of compelling the English majority to see that 
 the grievances of Ireland must be dealt with once for 
 all. In the House of Commons the majority is so 
 overwhelmingly against Ireland that, so far as mere 
 numbers and divisions go, Ireland might as well have 
 no representation whatever in Parliament. Then -the 
 House of Commons itself is domineered over by land- 
 lords and by capitalists. The peers are not only mas- 
 ters in their own House of Lords, but they go very 
 near to being masters in our House of Conimons. A 
 great number of the representatives of the people on 
 both sides of the House of Commons are the elder and 
 younger sons, the brothers, the nei)hews, and the 
 cousins of peers. The army and navy send many mem- 
 bers to the House of Commons. On the Torv side the 
 great majority of the members are landlords. On the 
 Liberal side those who are not landlords are for the 
 most part capitalists. 
 
 *'In such a House what chance would Irish claims 
 have of being heard if Irish members left them to find 
 their way to the ears and the understandings of mem- 
 bers by the ordinary channels? We might have our 
 debate on Home Pule and our debate on the land 
 question every session. The majority of the House 
 would never listen to the debate, nor take the smallest 
 interest in finding out anything about it. It would be 
 regarded as a pure formality. We should make our 
 speeches to each other — preaching lo the converted — 
 and when the speeches were done the division-bell 
 would ring, and the majority would come rushing and 
 tumbling in from the dining-rooms and the smoking- 
 
240 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 rooms and the terrace and the library, and would vote 
 against us, and out-vote us. 
 
 We had had enough of this sort of thing, and had lost 
 all faith in it. We have now forced tlie claims of Ire- 
 land so directly on the attention of the House of Com- 
 mons that it would be absolutely impossible to leave 
 them out of sight. We have shown that if we cannot 
 directly compel the government and the Parliament to 
 deal fairly with the claims of Ireland, we can at least 
 prevent them from accomplishing any other business. 
 Gladstone and liis colleagues are this year trying 
 to remodel the Parliamentary forms of procedure in 
 order to be able to prevent us from interfering with 
 the smooth progress of the ordinar\^ business of Par- 
 liament. Tliey have not yet succeeded in accomplish- 
 ing the change, and, indeed, it is quite evident that 
 nothing more can be done in the matter this session. 
 But no change that human ingenuity can devise could 
 prevent a resolute minority of men from effecting what 
 is called an obstruction of business in an assembly like 
 the House of Commons, so long as any right of speech 
 is allowed there to the minority at all. It would be 
 wearisome and unnecessary to go into a lengthened 
 explanation of this to American readers, but they may 
 lake it on mv autlioritv that this is so, and that there 
 is only one way of dealing with Irish obstruction in 
 Parliament, nnd that is to show an inclination to listen 
 to the demands made on behalf of Ireland, and to set 
 about redressing Irish grievances. 
 
 "Now, I fully believe that obstruction has already 
 achieved this object. Its historical justification will 
 be found in its results. I believe the land question 
 will be settled on the basis laid down by the Land 
 League. The Land League, despite all the tremen- 
 dous outcry made against it, only set forth as its 
 journey's end and very sea-mark of its utmost sail, 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE 
 
 241 
 
 the transier of the soil of Ireland from its landlord 
 possessors into the hands of peasant owners and culti- 
 vators by the fair process of state intervention and 
 purchase. Kussia, the poorest country in Europe for 
 her size and responsibilities, and at a time when she 
 was still shattered and drained by the cost of the 
 Crimean war, paid one hundred millions of pounds 
 sterling to secure their land to her emancipated serfs. 
 We ask no such sacrifice, nor anything remotely ap- 
 proaching to it, from England, a country incomparably 
 richer than Russia. We ask rather the help of her 
 state security, her credit, her guarantee, for a time, 
 than any sacrifice; at all events, than any considerable 
 sacrifice of her money. I fully believe that this will be 
 accomplisJied in the end, that the state will, and before 
 long, go so far as to agree to buy out any landlord who 
 is at present willing to sell, and that thus the programme 
 of the Land League Avill come into gradual develop- 
 ment and accomplishment. 
 
 "Home rule, I take it, is not far off. Everywhere in 
 English society we find growing up the conviction that 
 a Parliament in Westminster cannot manage the affairs 
 of the people of Ireland, and, indeed, that the present 
 centralized system of doing business in AYestminster, 
 of managing there all the local affairs of England, Ire- 
 land, Scotland, and Wales, is of necessity a fciilure. Go 
 where you will now in London and in England, you 
 find the mind of English people awake to the impor- 
 tance of this question of home rule, and willing to 
 admit that there is much to be said for it. The Jane 
 number of Tlie Nineteenth Century, just published, 
 contains an article in support of liome rule by tlie 
 Marquis of Blandford, eldest son of tlie Duke of Marl- 
 borough, lately Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland — that Duke 
 of Marlborough to whom Lord Beaconsfield addressed 
 the manifesto which, as I showed in a former letter, 
 
242 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 had so much to do with the overthrow of the Tory 
 government. You will, perhaps, have heard of the 
 article and seen it before vou receive this letter, and I 
 shall only say that it is remarkable in itself as well as 
 in the source from w^hich it comes, and that it is as 
 earnest a plea for some form of home rule as if it were 
 written bv an Irish member of Pai-liament. 
 
 ''Two members of the present government at least — 
 Chamberlain and Sir Charles DiJke — are in favor of 
 home rule. Sir Charles Dilke is more strongly an 
 advocate of home rule than Chamberlain, who is for 
 trying to the last the policy of governing Ireland 
 according to Irish ideas, and thus endeavoring to 
 reconcile Ireland to its close connection with the cen- 
 tral Parliament. Should this i^lan fail to succeed, he 
 would then be in favor of recognizing the claim of 
 Ireland to self-government. Sir Charles Dilke, however, 
 goes a step further, and frankly acknowledges that he is 
 on pri:iciple an advocate of home rule for Ireland. The 
 House of Commons is beginning to find out every day 
 that it cannot cret throu":h the mass of work which the 
 present system forces on it. We hear it continually 
 asked, wliv Irish members cannot be content with a 
 system of Parliamentary government which is found 
 satisfactory by Scotch members. The answer io very 
 easy. Scorland L*as, in fact, her system of home rule 
 already. She governs herself, although slie does it in 
 Westminister Palace, and not in the f/ld Parliament 
 House in Edinburgh. The Lord-Advocate of Scotland 
 has a part in the administration of Scotland some- 
 tliin^r like that of the Irish Chief Secretary in the 
 government of Ireland. But when the Lord-Advocate, 
 of Scotland is about to bring in any measure con- 
 cerning: that countrv. he convenes the Scottish members 
 into a council of their own. He submits the mea- 
 sure to them, consults them on every principle and 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 243 
 
 every clause of it. All their opinions are taken and 
 given, and thus, by this little parliament within a, 
 Parliament, the measure is shaped into full accord 
 with Scottish ideas. When it comes before the House 
 of Commons it is explained and discussed mainly 
 or altogether by Scottish members. No English or 
 Irish member thinks of interfering. That is the manner 
 in which Scotland is governed, and let me say, in 
 justice to the Scotch members, that it would be impos- 
 sible to get them to assent to such a system as that 
 which Ireland is forced to endure. How is Ireland dealt 
 with ? Every measure that concerns her is arranged by 
 the government at the instance of the Lord-Lieutenant or 
 the Chief Secretary, without the slightest reference to 
 the opinions of the men who represent the great bulk 
 of the Irish people. 
 
 *'This system was carried to absolute perfection in 
 Forster's time. Forster acted with as sublime a dis- 
 regard of the. opinions of Irish members as a Turkish 
 pasha might show for the feelings of the inhabitants 
 of some far-distant province which he was governing at 
 his ease from Constantinople. I do not merely point 
 to the fact that Forster never consulted any of the 
 members who act with Parnell. How anv man in 
 his senses could have supposed that he could govern 
 Ireland without taking some account of the existence of 
 these men and the constituencies they represent, it 
 passes my wit to conjecture. But I am not dwelling 
 on that fact alone. Forster never condescended to 
 consult with regard to his measures of coercion even 
 those Irish members who remained devoted to the 
 government of Gladstone. He never consulted Shaw 
 on the subject. He never asked for one word of advice 
 or suggestion from O'Connor Power, one of the 
 most eloquent of all the Jrish members, and who, for 
 a long time standing in the very front rank of their 
 
244 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 opposition to English systems of administration, lias 
 gradually, out of regard for Gladstone and belief in 
 him, passed away altogether from cooperation witli 
 Parnell and his colleagues. More than that, the Chief 
 Secretary never condescended to consult Charles Kus- 
 sell, who is not a Home- Ruler, although he repre- 
 sents an Irish borough, and is a most loyal follower 
 of Gladstone, is an Irishman by birth and bringing- 
 up, who thoroughly understands Ireland, and who is 
 moreover the foremost man at the English bar. Now, 
 I say that when so stolid and contemptuous a disregard 
 is shown for the national representation of a people, 
 and when such conduct could be tolerated in Parlia- 
 ment, it is perfectly clear that Ireland ought not to be 
 left dependent on Parliamentary government in West- 
 minister. 
 
 "Take again the policy which led to the arrest of 
 Parnell and Sexton, and the re-arrest of Billon last 
 autumn. Up to this day no Irish member knows, 
 perha])S no Irisli member ever will know, what was 
 the reason which dictated that extraordinary step. 
 Some persons conjecture that Forster must have 
 fancied that he had got hold of information which, in 
 some more or less direct away, connected these Irish 
 nienibers of Parliament with some Fenian or other con- 
 spiracj^ Of course, I am perfectly satisfied myself 
 that no such connection ever did exist, and that there- 
 fore there could be no evidence of its existence. But 
 ic is possible that Forster may have fancied he had 
 evidence on which reasonable suspicion could be 
 founded. If that were not so, then I am utterly at a 
 loss even to guess at the reasons which influenced 
 Gladstone and Forster in that extraordinary and 
 unlucky coup d'etat. . Dillon, it will be remembered, 
 liad been arrested early in the year, not long after 
 Davitt's arrest. He was only kept in prison for a feW" 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 245 
 
 montlis, and was released toward the end of the sessioii^ 
 on the ground that his health, always very feeble, was 
 becoming too weak to allow of his continued incarcera- 
 tion. After the session, a very few days before I left 
 England for the East, Dillon dined with nie in 
 London. He was then convinced, as I was, that the 
 Coercion Act would not be used for the purpose of 
 making any further arrests. He said to me that he was 
 sure government only wanted to have a quiet autumn 
 and winter, and a fair chance for the working of the 
 Land Act in the law courts. Parnell, he remarked 
 to me, was quite willing that the act should have every 
 chance, and had arranged that a certain number of test 
 cases were to be prepared by which the Irish tenant- 
 farmer might easily get to know whether the act w^ould 
 really become a benefit to him or not. Dillon as- 
 sumed that the government would be only too glad to 
 have the Land Act tested in this way, and to have the 
 country kept in tranquillity, and that therefore they 
 would make no more arrests. So convinced was he of 
 this that he told me he had strongly advised a very 
 prominent member of the Land League then living in 
 Paris to return to his home in Dublin. ^He will be 
 perfectly safe over there,' Dillon said; 'we shan't 
 hear of any more arrests under the Coercion Act.' 
 
 ''I left England in tlie full conlidence that Ireland 
 would have a quiet winter, and that the government 
 had made up their minds to let tlie policy of coercion 
 drop. Suddenly the attention of the world was aroused 
 by the arrest of Parnell, the re-arrest of Dillon, the in- 
 carceration of Sexton and 0' Kelly. No Irish member, 
 even among those who have always remained devoted, 
 I might say servilely devoted, to the government, knows 
 to this hour the cause of that extraordinary and un- 
 fortunate stroke of polic}^ Nothing that has happened 
 since has materially altered the condition of thingn 
 
246 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 that prevailed early last October, and yet a month 
 ago the government were only too glad to open the 
 I)rison doors again and to ask for the cooperation of 
 Parnell in restoj'ing tranquillity to Ireland. 
 
 ''The evil of the centralized system is working its 
 own care. Ireland will have to be governed henceforth 
 according to Irish ideas. That phrase is generally 
 ascribed to Gladstone, but it was taken by him from 
 the greatest of all the Whig party at a time when the 
 Whig party was great, from that statesman 'on whose 
 burning tongue,' as Moore sings, ' truth, peace, and 
 freedom hung.' I mean, oi course. Fox. Ireland will 
 have to be governed by Irish ideas, and when it comes 
 to this, the English people will very soon see that it 
 is more convenient for England and for Ireland that the 
 latter coiintry should govern herself in a Parliament 
 of her own. 
 
 "I do not wish to say anything harsh of Forster. 
 I was during many years in political association with 
 him as a supporter and a member of the English 
 Radical party. Our opinions went side b}^ side on 
 many great public questions at the time. For example, 
 of your civil war, and during the prolonged struggles 
 for reform in 1866 and 1867. I had evei y hope that he 
 would have made a successful administrator. ] would 
 have rejoiced in his success, were it for nothing else 
 than because of the noble, generous, and appreciative 
 . spirit which his bi"other-in-law, Matthew Arnold, 
 has always shown toward my country. But Forster s 
 peculiarities of temper and of intellect evidently 
 rendered him entirely unfit for the task he had 
 undertaken. Ireland soon grew^ disappointed with him, 
 disappointed in proportion to the warmth of her pre- 
 vious expectations, and Forster appeared to grow 
 angry with Ireland because of her disappointment, and 
 because of the manner in which it found expression. 
 
THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 247 
 
 Som.ething like an antipathy seemed to set in between 
 the late Chief Secretary and the people lie was sent to 
 govern. He did not go about among them. He liardly 
 ever qtiiitted Dublin, only once or twice, I believe, going 
 far into the country, and in Dublin he went about but 
 little. He relied altogether on the information given 
 him by the permanent staff in Dublin Castle, who were 
 about as well able to interpret the real feelings of 
 the people as an Austrian commander in a Venetian 
 garrison of old to interpret the sentiments of the 
 Venetians to some newly-arrived governor from Vienna. 
 
 When Mr. Porster had once gone into coercion he 
 seemed driven by a kind of desperation to go deeper 
 and deeper. He could think of no cure for the evils 
 caused by coercion except more coercion. But I 
 certainly acquit him of any purpose that was not 
 honest in his dealings with Ireland. I am sure he 
 meant w^ell in tjie beginning, and entered upon his task 
 with a sincere desire to become a benefactor to the 
 country. The better his purpose, the more evident it 
 becomes that the task he had undertaken was hopeless. 
 You cannot govern Ireland without taking account of 
 the Irish representatives and the Irish people. That 
 is the lesson of Forster's administration, as it is the 
 lesson of many administrations before, and niny be 
 of others yet to come When the English people 
 become throughly alive to this fact— and they are 
 waking up to it already— they will soon see that there 
 can be only one solution of the wdiole problem, and 
 that is, that Ireland shall have just that measure of in- 
 dependent domestic government which is possessed by 
 every State in the American Union.'' 
 
248 . 
 
 IEELA]N'D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT's VIEWS. 
 
 Progress of the Land League Movement in America — 
 The Biigalo and Washington Conventions— The . 
 Pledges 31ade to our Brothers at Home—The Phcenix 
 Park Assassinations — Davitt in America — Death 
 of Miss Fanny Par nell. 
 
 The imprisonment of Parnell, Dillon, and about 
 six liimdred other suspects in Ireland, and the sup- 
 pression of the Land League did not kill the move- 
 ment. The people were organized and had learned 
 self reliance. Miss Anna Parnell, who like lier mother 
 and sister in America had proved herself a real Gra-cchi, 
 had stepped into the breach made vacant by the im- 
 prisonment of lier brother.. With a noble band of 
 sisters she kept the holy hre alive, and has done wonders 
 in comforting the afflicted, clothing the naked, and 
 feeding the hnnsrrv. The Land League has been 
 charged with fostering crime and outrages in Ireland. 
 On the contrary, it has singularly tended to prevent 
 crime, as is evident from the following statement: 
 
 Let us first compare Ireland with Scotland in one of 
 the years (1870) when the former country ^vas alleged 
 to be governed by the Land League. In that year 
 Scotland, with a population of 3,627,000, reported 2,090 
 convictions for criminal offenses, while in Ireland, which 
 liad 5,362,000 inhabitants, only 2,207 persons were con- 
 victed. But perhaps it will be more satisfactory to • 
 
MICHAEL DAVITT's VIEWS. 
 
 249 
 
 contrast the state of things in Ireland in 1879-80 with 
 the situation in the same country during the previous 
 famine years of 1847-48. In 1847 the total number of 
 criminal convictions in Ireland was 15,233; in 1879 the 
 whoie number, we will not say of convictions, but of 
 crimes reported by the police, was but 977. In 1848 
 tlie aggregate number of convictions was 18,206; in 1880 
 the total of crimes reported was but slightly in excess 
 of that registered in the preceding year. In 1847 the 
 homicides were 171, and in the following year 203; in 
 1879 and 1880 they were respectively 5 and 4. Take an 
 even more astonishing comparison. In 1879 there were 
 in Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love, not less 
 than 49 homicides, whereas in the whole kingdom of 
 Ireland only 5 persons committed murder. Thus it was 
 that the Land League governed Ireland. Its command 
 was: Break no law, and in the instructions issued to 
 every branch society, and to every individual member, 
 Michael Davitt repeated, but witn infinitely more effect, 
 the words of O'Connell : " Whoever commits a crime is 
 the enemy of his country." 
 
 In view of such a record, every point of which can 
 be established by indisputable evidence, it may well 
 appear astonishing that the Land League should have 
 provoked the hostility of the British government, 
 instead of cliallenging its frank approval and its 
 vigorous support. It was suppressed because there was 
 not room for both the Land League and landlordism 
 in Ireland. Its operations were constitutional, and there 
 was but one way to paralyze them, viz., by a suspension 
 of the Constitution itself. This was done by the 
 Coercion Act, which was aimed directly and avowedly 
 at the Land League, and in whose shadow secret 
 societies have flourished, whereas the Land League has 
 temporarily been crushed. But a marvelous change 
 has come over the temper of Parliament and public* 
 
250 
 
 IRELAl^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 opinion within a year. The organizers and directors 
 of the Land League have been released ; their demands 
 have been incorporated in the programme of the gov- 
 ernment; while alike from Liberal and Conservative 
 headquarters the fiat has gone forth that there is no 
 longer any room for landlordism in Ireland. 
 
 Michael Davitt, speaking of the Irish landlord, says: 
 '*He makes no improvements, builds no houses or 
 fences, he does no draining, be does nothing except 
 secure rent, or rather, tbat is all he did before the agi- 
 tation began, for he can easily carry the rent he gets 
 now. But, more than that, there being few leases in 
 Ireland, the tenant has no hold upon the land and his 
 rent may be raised at any time. Should the landlord 
 need more money or be in difficulties, the rent is screwed 
 tip a peg. The rage for land in Ireland and the com- 
 petition between the tenants was such that a farm 
 could always be rented. More than that, the agents 
 of the absentee landlords had absolute power over the 
 tenants, and under the system which prevailed of giv- 
 ing them a percentage upon what they collected there 
 was a premium to them upon extortion. 
 
 '^Tlie people were not allowed to save money. The 
 object of the agent was to get all that remained after a 
 bare livins; had been retained. And in many cases 
 they went far beyond this. It is an absolute face that 
 the holdings in mau}^ parts of Ireland only gave the 
 tenants potatoes for the year, and the rent had to be 
 earned in England during the harvest or be sent by 
 friends from America. If a tenant was evicted he never 
 received anything at all for any improvements. He 
 was simx^ly put out. You must remember that all 
 this was the state of thini^s when the Land Leacrue be- 
 gan its work, because it has been altered of late. We 
 have put an end to rack-renting, and we have stopped 
 the taking of farms from which men had been evicted.'* 
 
MICHAEL DAVITT'S VIEWS. 
 
 251 
 
 In writing on the subject of Irish famines and emi- 
 gration, he is equally pronounced: 
 
 ''During this century there have .been five famines: 
 In 1817, 1823, 1833, 1848, and a partial one in 1879 and 
 1880. It has been estimated by English statisticians that 
 2,000,000 of people starved to death during these years. 
 Think of what that means. Two millions of people 
 have died because they could not get bread to put into 
 their mouths. And yet, in spite of the fearful, hor- 
 rible, and ghastly misery which stalked through the 
 land like a spectre of woe, the landlords of Ireland 
 evicted the tenants because they could not pay the 
 rent. Talk of Shylock's pound of flesh ! What was 
 that fancy to such a reality 1 They turned the people 
 out to starve upon the wayside, trying to eat the grass, 
 in 1848. You cannot believe this, but it is as true as 
 the sunlight. From 1844 to the present time the popu- 
 lation of Ireland has decreased over three millions 
 and a half b}' emigration and famine. Xow, if the 
 same causes had been at work in Ireland as have been 
 in operation in England and Wales during the same 
 time, the population of Ireland, instead of being, as it, 
 is, about 5,000,000, would have been 13.000,000. 
 
 "I am often met by the objection in America 
 that if Ireland cannot support her present population 
 she certainly could not support a larger one. This 
 view of the situation, although based upon an a]> 
 parentl}^ logical idea, is one which is only the result of 
 ignorance of the real situation. There are 21,000,000 
 acres of land in Ireland. Of these, 12,000,000 are con- 
 ceded to be as good land as there is anywhere in the 
 world, 4,000,0.00 ore suitable for pasturage, and the re- 
 maining 5,000,000 are bog, water, and waste. Of the 
 12,000,000: 5,100.000 are und^-r cultivation, the remain- 
 der being given up to the great grazing farms which 
 were formed chiefly during the famine years. 
 
252 
 
 lEELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 *'The emigration of the people is a mistake, because 
 Ireland has a right to her full population as long as 
 she can support them. But the landlords have con- 
 sistently encouraged emigration, for the simple reason 
 that their object has been to get rid of the Irish race 
 if possible, and either devote the land to grazing or get 
 English and Scotch tenants. To return to the famines, 
 there is but one bad season between 300,000 tenant- 
 farmers and famine. The people have been pushed 
 from the good land and forced to reclaim the bad in 
 order that the landlords should make pasture-land. I 
 have seen tenant-farmers in several parts of Ireland 
 renting holdings the soil of which was so poor that they 
 could only raise potatoes enough to last half the year. 
 The rest of the time they lived upon the earnings dur- 
 incT the harvest in Enaland. the contributions from 
 their friends in America, or by begging. Yet they 
 were paying a pound per acre a year for the miserable 
 land, the whole crop of which would only sui)port them 
 for half a year. Where did they get the money? In 
 the same way they got what they lived upon for the 
 remaining months, after the potatoes were exhausted. 
 jSTow, I want you for one moment to think of this 
 calmly and quietly. Think of what it means. Think 
 of the unspeakable lust for gold that would permit 
 of men practicing such extortion. Think of this, and 
 tell me if it was not time for landlordism in Ireland to 
 be abolished?" 
 
 But persons who do not understand the real condition 
 of Ireland may ask why the people live so, or in such 
 a place. The answer is: 
 
 " Simph^ because there was nowhere else to live. 
 Below those mountains of Connemai-a^ where these 
 people live, extends one of the most fertile tracts of 
 land on earth. For miles upon miles the rich soil is 
 ready to yield up treasures of food. But this soil is 
 
5II3IIAEL DAVITT's VIEWS. 
 
 253 
 
 for cattle, the landlords say; the people sliall not 
 cultivate it Under a better system the Irish peasant, 
 once assured of his holding by law and guaranteed his 
 improvements, would mi\ke this soil blossom like the 
 rose, would support his wife and children comfortably, 
 and would earn a surplus But what can he do with 
 such land as he can get? I have already explained to 
 you that there is but the choice of the land, the work- 
 house, and emigration placed before the peasant. 
 With his passionate attachment to his native soil he 
 clings to Ireland, preterring to live there miserably — 
 how miserably we have not heart to tell — to a life of 
 comfort elsewhere."" 
 
 As we have said, the homesteads of the Irish peasantry 
 are miserable in the extreme: 
 
 It will scarcely be denied by Americans that few 
 influences operate so powerfully in shaping the moral 
 and intellectual character of a people as those which 
 spring from comfortable, clean, and orderly homes; or 
 the truth of the converse be questioned as to the debas- 
 ing tendencies of cheerless, squalid, and untidy dwell- 
 ings. The Census Commissioners for Ireland in 1841 
 divided the dwellings of the people into four classes: 
 The fourth class comprised all mud-cabins having only 
 one room, the third class consisted of a better descrip- 
 tion built of mud, but varvino;from two to four rooms 
 and windows' the first class included all houses of a 
 better description. 
 
 ''And all this human miserv — this herdins: in mud- 
 houses; this holocaust of hunian beings; this diminu- 
 tion of our population, this 1,500,000 Irish people 
 doomed to live at the present hour in these homes of 
 misery, poverty, squalor and cold, — because England 
 resolves it shall be so in the interest of some 10,000 or 
 15,000 Irish landlords'." 
 
 The year 1882 opened gloomy enough for the cause 
 
254 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 of Ireland. Botli her leaders in jail, lier prisons full, 
 coercion and repression threatened on all sides. Despite 
 all this, the j^eople at home, cheered on by their 
 kindred in America, nobly struggled on against adverse 
 circumstances and the terrible power of England. 
 
 In February, 1882, T. P. O'Connor, M P. for 
 Galwav, came to America and was received with the 
 greatest enthusiasm everywhere. He spoke from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific, and golden stores flowed into 
 the Land League. The Hon. T. M. Healy, M. P., and 
 Father Eugene Sheehy, who had also come to America, 
 were equally successful in their mission 
 
 A convention met in Chicngo, which pledged itself to 
 Mr. O'Connor to raise for him two hundred and fifty 
 thousand dollars before his return, a promise which 
 was nearlv if not altogether fulfilled. 
 
 On April 12tli, the second Convention of the Land 
 League of America met in Washington, D. C, at which 
 much o;ood work was done. From the resolutions 
 passed at this meeting we make the following extracts: 
 
 " Whereas, The suffering Irish tenant-farmers look 
 to their kindred in America for sympathy with them in 
 their efforts to better their condition, and to explain 
 the motives of their agitation and protect their good 
 name before the world from the falsehood and aspersion 
 of the English press, therefore, be it 
 
 ' Resolved, That this convention of the Irish National 
 Land League of the United States send to the strug- 
 gling tenant-farmers ot Irelandan expression of profound 
 sympathy from the millions of their race in America, who 
 are proud of their faithful and enduring adherence to 
 tlie principles laid down by their brave leaders, now in 
 l)rison, and an earnest assurance that we will stand by 
 them with continued moral and financial supjoort until 
 tliey have succeeded in abolishing their antiquated and 
 destructive land system. 
 
PLEDGES FROM AMERICA. 
 
 255 
 
 Mesolved, That we lieartilv endorse the desire of 
 the Irish people for a national existence; and as Ireland, 
 first by force, and again by corruption, was robbed of 
 her national birthright, we pledge ourselves to do all 
 that is consistent with American citizenship to place 
 her once more among the nations. 
 
 Resolced^ That we advise the farmers of Ireland to 
 continue steadily and patiently in their passive resis- 
 tance, which has ah^eady proved so effective a weapon. 
 We exhort them to stand unflinchingly by the policy 
 left them by their leaders now in prison, and to keep 
 fresh in memory these words of Charles Stewart Parneil, 
 addressed to them before his imprisonment: "Let no 
 man leave his post. Continue your organization just 
 as before, and have others ready to take the place of 
 those who may be arrested. By this policy of i^assive 
 endurance the Irish people command the respect of the 
 Avorld and prove themselves worthy of freedom." 
 
 The following officers were elected at this convention 
 to preside over the organization for the ensuing year: 
 President, James Mooney, of Buffalo; Hon. P. A. 
 Collins, First Vice-President; Eev. Father Cronin, 
 Second Vice-President; John J. Hynes, Secretary; and 
 the Rev. Lawrence Walsh, Treasurer. 
 
 During the spring of '82 Secretary Forster flooded 
 Ireland with troops, and resorted to all kinds of in- 
 timidation, even to the shooting down of women and 
 children. The people, on the other hand, met all this 
 with a firm determination not to be cowed, and contented 
 themselves by simply offering a passive resistance to 
 the authorities. Evictions and crime increased and the 
 government soon found that coercion and oppres- 
 sion only produced reprisals and outrages, and that tlie 
 country was going from bad to worse. 
 
 The Ladies' Land League, presided over by Miss 
 Anna Parneil, nobly stepped in to the relief of the 
 
256 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 evicted, tlins saving them from the horrors of starvation 
 and the poor-Louse. 
 
 Gladstone was driven to desperation^ His coercion 
 policy had not only proved a failure, but had exposed 
 him to the contempt and ridicule of the world. He 
 and Forster, who was his Mephistoi:)heles, quarreled, 
 and on May 2nd, in the House of Lords, Earl Gran- 
 ville, Secretary of State for Foreign Afl'airs, announced 
 the resignation of W. E. Forster, Chief Secretary for 
 Ireland, and the intention of the government to re- 
 lease the three imprisoned members of Parliament, but 
 added that the reconsideration of other cases did not 
 extend to the case of Michael Davitt. The government 
 had no new policy to offer, but coercion would not 
 be renewed, and the question of the arrears of rent and 
 the Bright clauses of the Land Act would be dealt with. 
 
 Wm. E. Gladstone in the House of Commons made an 
 announcement similar to that of Earl Granville in 
 the House of Lords. He said that a large number of 
 other suspects would be released, and that the govern- 
 ment, instead of renewing the Coercion Act, would in- 
 troduce a measure remedying the administration of 
 justice in L^eland, but made the special reservation 
 that if peace and security should be jeo^oardized by the 
 action of secret societies the government would con- 
 sider it its duty to propose counteracting measures. 
 
 He also said instructions had alreadj^ been sent to Ire- 
 land for the release of the three imprisoned members of 
 Parliament, and that the lists of the suspects were being 
 carefalh^ considered with a view to the release of all ex- 
 cept those who were arrested on suspicion of having been 
 personally concerned in outrages. These releases would 
 be on the government's sole responsibility. The re- 
 lease of Michael Davitt was totalh^ distinct from the 
 release of the suspects, and was a question it might be 
 right for the government to consider. Gladstone said 
 
THE PITCENTX PARK ASSASSTXATIONS. 
 
 257 
 
 that Forster had resigned because he was not will- 
 ing to share this responsibility. 
 
 This was followed by the immediate release of Par- 
 nell, Dillon, and Davitt. The release of the prison- 
 ers and the declaration of Gladstone that coercion 
 would not be renewed, brought joy and hope to the 
 country. It was even said that Gladstone had con- 
 sented to accept the Parnell-Healy amendments to the 
 Land Bill, and would take them up as a government 
 measure. 
 
 There was great rejoicing, which, however, was dark- 
 ened in a few days by the assassination in the Phoenix 
 Park, Dublin, of Lord Frederick Cavendish, who was 
 appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland in place of Wm. 
 E. Forster, and Under-Secretarv Thomas Henrv Burke. 
 This atrocious crime caused terror and consternation 
 throughout the British empire. Irishmen at home and 
 abroad denounced the crime in bitter language, and the 
 leaders at home issued the following address: 
 
 To the People of Ireland: 
 
 " On the eve of what seemed a bright future for our 
 country, that evil destiny which has apparently pur- 
 sued us for centuries has struck at our hopes another 
 blow, which cannot be exaggerated in its disastrous 
 consequences. In this hour of sorrowful gloom we 
 venture to give expression to our profoundest sym- 
 pathy with the people ol Ireland in the calamity that 
 has befallen our cause through this horrible deed, and. 
 with those who determined, at the last hour, that a 
 policy oL* conciliation should supplant that of terror- 
 ism and national distrust. We earnestly hope that 
 the attitude and action of the Irish peoj)le will show 
 to the world that an assassination such as has startled 
 us almost to the abandonment of hope of our country's 
 future is deeply and religiously abhorrent to their- 
 
258 
 
 IKKLAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 every feeling and instinct. "We appeal to yon to sliow 
 by every manner of expression that, amid the universal 
 feeling of horror which the assassination has excited, 
 no people feel so deep a detestation of itS atrocity, or 
 so deep a sympathy with those whose hearts must be 
 seared by it, as the nation upon whose prosperity and 
 reviving hopes it may entail consequences more ruin- 
 ous than those that have fallen to the lot of unhappy 
 Ireland during the present generation. We feel that 
 no act that has ever been perpetrated in our country 
 during the exciting struggles of the past fifty years has 
 so stained the name of hospitable Ireland as this 
 cowardly and unprovoked assassination of a friendly 
 stranger, and that until the murderers of Cavendish 
 and Burke are brought to justice that stain will sully 
 our country's name. 
 
 * ' Charles S. Parxell, 
 
 ^' John Dillon, 
 
 ' * Michael D avitt. ' ' 
 
 Mr. Parnell said: '^I am horrified more than I can 
 express. This is one of the most atrocious crimes ever 
 committed. Its effect must certainly be most damag- 
 ing to the interests of the Irish people. I have always 
 found Lord Frederick Cavendish a most amiable gen- 
 tleman, painstaking and strictly conscientious in the 
 fulfilment of his official duties. I did not share the 
 disappointment expressed in Liberal Irish circles re- 
 garding his appointment, as I anticipated that the 
 principal reforms during the present session, such as 
 the amendment of the Land Act, would be under Mr. 
 Gladstone's personal supervision, and I believed that 
 administrative reforms would be somewhat postponed. 
 I cannot conceive that any section of the people of Ire- 
 land could have plotted deliberately against the life of 
 Lord Frederick, and I am surprised that the Dublin 
 police, w^ho had been able to protect Mr. Forster, should 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK ASSASSINATIONS. 259 
 
 apparently not have taken any steps to watcli over his 
 successor during the few hours of his official life in 
 Ireland. There seems to be an unhappy destiny pre. 
 siding over Ireland, which always comes at a moment 
 when there seems some chance for the country, to de- 
 stroy the hopes of her best friends. I hope the people 
 of Ireland will take immediate and practical steps to 
 express their sympathy with Mr. Gladstone in his 
 most painful position." . i 
 
 Mr. Davitt said : ''No language I can command can 
 express the horror with which I regard the murders or 
 my despair at their consequences. When I heard of 
 them on Saturday -night I could not credit the news. 
 I grieve to think that when the government had jusc 
 run a risk in introducing a new policy — when every- 
 thing seemed bright and hopeful, when all expected 
 the outrages to cease — this terrible event should dash 
 our hopes. I wish to God I had never left Portland. 
 The crime was without motive. It is not onlv the most 
 fatal blow that has ever been struck at the Land League, 
 but one of the most disastrous blows which has been 
 sustained bv the national cause during the last centurv. 
 Its occurrence at this particular juncture seems like a 
 terrible destin^^ My only hope is that the assassins 
 may be discovered and punished as they deserve. It is 
 wonderful how the outrage could occur within a few 
 hundred yards of the constabularj^ depot." 
 
 Mr. Dillon, in an interview, said he deeply deplored 
 the sorrowful tidings. He fully concurred in the 
 opinions on the outrage expressed by Messrs. Parnell 
 and Davitt. Mr. Sexton said : ''I am bewildered and 
 horrified. I regarded Lord Frederick Cavendish as an 
 amiable and J)ainstaking gentleman. He was certainly 
 considered a capable administrator. The first feeling 
 on the appointment of Lord Frederick was undoubtedly 
 one of disappointment, but it began to be gradually 
 
260 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AKD PEESENT. 
 
 understood that Mr. Gladstone sent Mm to Ireland to 
 have the advantage of the service of one with whom he 
 had long worked, thereby enabling him to a|)pl.y his 
 own will more freely to the Irish difficulties. Tiiere is 
 no reason to believe that there was the slightest personal 
 feeling against Lord Frederick in any political quarter 
 of Ireland. I cannot help surmising that he must have 
 been mistaken by the murderers for some one else. 
 Mr. Burke had been connected with the Castle for many 
 years. Public feeling from time to time identified him 
 with many harsh measures, but well-informed jier- 
 sons have alwavs held that he confined himself rieror- 
 ously to his duties. He was rather averse than other- 
 wise to concerning himself wdth political matters. He 
 w^as very little known to the Dublin populace. He 
 was present unrecognized at a great political meeting 
 in Phoenix Park last summer. He belonged to a land- 
 owning family. Many people have for a long time be- 
 lieved him to be the real governor of Ireland. The 
 crime is the more inexplicable when one considers the 
 good temper of the crowds at the rejoicing over the 
 release of the suspects.'' 
 
 As the murder was in the evening and in a public 
 i:)lace, and as the assassins have not been arrested, the 
 impression still prevails that they were murdered by 
 emergency and landlord agents, whose interest it was 
 to keep the country agitated and to compel Glad- 
 stone to resort again to coercion and oppression. Be 
 this as it may, they have so far succeeded, for Glad- 
 stone, unable to withstand the brutish clamor of the 
 Irish and English landlords for more blood, more 
 coercion, gave way and introduced his Repression Bill, 
 which is one of the most tyrannical draconic measures 
 of ancient or modern times. 
 
 The Irish members opposed it, but their arguments 
 were silenced by gag law, and they were expelled the 
 
m T— ¥• t N « r a r-t i -v -r ^ -r^ -x.t-^'T ft 
 
MISS FANNY PARNELL. 
 
 261 
 
 Hoilse. Thus passed into law a statute wliicli is a dis- 
 grace to humanity and civilization, and which, like 
 hundreds of similar acts, will only tend to exasperate 
 and render more defiant the Irish people. Its effect 
 will be to intensify the bitterness against England. 
 The Irish at home and in America realize the fact that 
 nothing can be wrung, from the justice of England, 
 everything must be got through her fears, and there- 
 fore look hopefully to the war cloud in the East, 
 hoping that it might be the promised star to light them 
 to their long-wished-for opportunity. 
 
 The visit of Michael Davitt to America in the early parfc 
 of July was not as fruitful of good results as might 
 have been anticipated. The new scheme of national- 
 izing the land of Ireland met with a cold reception, for 
 the people felt that a change of front in face of the 
 enemy was dangerous, and that it was wiser to follow 
 the programme and policy laid down by the Dublin ' 
 Convention .and adopted by Parnell, than any new 
 departure, no matter how commendable it may be. 
 
 Perhaps tiie most decided opponent of this new 
 scheme was the gifted and ever-lamented Miss Fanny 
 Parnell, whose sad and sudden death took place at Bor- 
 dentown, IS". J., July 20th, aged 28 years. This pure 
 and gifted lady, who gave her young life for Ireland, and 
 whose loss the Irish race deplore, not only at home or in 
 America, but the whole world over. She was so gentle, 
 gifted, so pure, so unselfishly patriotic that she was 
 loved, admired, and respected by all who had the 
 pleasure of knowing her. She was the foundress of 
 the Ladies' Land League, and by her power and energy 
 it soon extended over Ireland as well as America. 
 When the Irish leaders were flung into prison she ap- 
 pealed to the ladies of Ireland to fill up the breach, like 
 the brave women of Limerick in 1091. They responded 
 to the call under the leadership of her noble sister, 
 
362 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Miss Anna Parnell, and when the government con- 
 gratulated themselves that the Land League agitation 
 was crushed out with its imprisoned leaders, a new 
 organization, under the guidance of Fanny and Anna 
 Parnell, confronted them. AVith this they were unable 
 to cope, for they could not face the scorn of the world 
 by imprisoning women who had violated no constitu- 
 tional law. It did well enough to fling men into prison 
 as "reasonable suspects," but with women it was a 
 different thing. 
 
 Miss Fanny Parnell was a ])oet as well as an organizer 
 and prose writer. She was no puny imitator or twad- 
 dling rhymester. Slie wrote from the heart, pouring 
 out its love for L'eland in measured strains and scath- 
 ing words. There is a wonderful wealth of love and 
 patriotic ardor and heroic sentiment in her poetry. 
 We select a few, just as you would take a bouquet at 
 random from a rich parterre of flowers. 
 
 The following noble chant, addressed to her country- 
 men at home, is full of power and ardor: 
 
 HOLD THE HARVEST. 
 
 Now, are you men, or are you kine, ye tillers of the soil? 
 Would you be free, or evermore, the rich man s cattle, toil? 
 The shaflow on the dial hangs, that points the fated hour, — 
 Now hold your own! or, branded slaves, forever cringe and cower. 
 
 The serpent's curse upon yon lies, — ye writhe within the dust; 
 
 Ye fill 3'our mouths with beggars' swill, ye grovel for a crust! 
 
 Your lords have set their blood stained heels upon your shameful heads. 
 
 Yet they are kind, — they leave you still their ditches for your beds! 
 
 Oh, by the God who made us all, — the seignior and the serf, — 
 Rise up! and swear this day to hold your own green Irish turf; 
 Rise up! and plant your feet as men, where now you crawl as slaves. 
 And make your harvest fields your camps, — or make of them your 
 graves. 
 
 The birds of prey are hovering near, the vultures wheel and swoop, — 
 They come, the coroneted ghouls, with drum-beat and with troop! 
 
MISS FANNY PAENELL. 
 
 263 
 
 They come, to fatten on your flesh, your children's and your wives', — 
 Ye die but once, — hold fast your lauds, and if ye can, your livesl 
 
 Let go the tremliJing emigrant,— not such as he ye need; 
 Let go the lucre-loving wretch that flies his land for greed; 
 Let not one coward stay to clog your manhood's waking power; 
 Let not one sordid churl pollute the Nation's natal hour! 
 
 Yes! let them go! — the caitiff rout, that shirk the struggle now, — 
 The light that crowns your victory shall scorch each recreant brow. 
 And in the annals of your race, black parallels in shame. 
 Shall stand by traitor's and by spy's the base deseriefs name. 
 
 Three hundred years your crops have sprung, by murdered corpses 
 fed — 
 
 Your famished sires, your butchered sires, for ghastly compost spread; 
 Their bones have fertilized your fields, their blood has fallen like rain; 
 They died that ye might eat and live, — God! have they died in vain? 
 
 Tiie yellow corn starts blithely up, — each fibre from a grave. 
 Alone, torgot, in grinding pangs, their lives your fathers gave, 
 They died that you, their sons, might know, there is no helper nigh 
 Except for him, who, save in fight, has sworn he will not die. 
 
 The hour has struck. Fate holds the dice, we stand with bated breath-. 
 Now who shall have our harvests fair? — 'tis Life that plays with death; 
 Now who shall have our Motherland?— 'tis Right that plays with Might; 
 The peasant's arm were weak ir^deed, in such unequal fight! 
 
 But God is on the peasant's side, — the God that loves the poor; 
 Ills angels stand with flaming swords on every mount and moor; 
 They guard the poor man's flocks and herds, they guard his ripening 
 grain. 
 
 The robber sinks beneath their curse, beside his ill-got gain. 
 
 O pallid serfs, whose groans and prayers have wearied Heaven full long, 
 
 Look up! there is a Law above, beyond all legal wrong; 
 
 Rise up! the answer to your prayer shall come, tornado-borne. 
 
 And ye shall hold your homesteads dear, and ye shall reap the corn. 
 
 But your own hands upraised to guard shall draw the answer down. 
 And bold and stern the deeds must be, that oath and prayer shall 
 crown ; 
 
 God only fights for them who fight.— then hush the useless moan, 
 And set your faces as a flint, and swear to Hold Your Own I 
 
 The following beautiful and deserved tribute from 
 lier pen to the Irish priests, who have stood so un- 
 
264 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 flincliingly forward in behalf of their people, during 
 thex^resent protracted struggle, as they ever did in the 
 past, will be appreciated by our readers: 
 
 THE IRISH PRIESTS. 
 
 When Freedom waved her wand at last 
 
 O'er Erin's shore rejoicing, 
 With Nature's thousand choral throats 
 
 Their "jubilates" voicing,— 
 
 She cried— and every breeze was hushed, 
 
 And every song suspended — 
 "Come forth! O thou whose patriot deeds 
 
 All others have transcended; 
 
 "Come forth, O brightest form amidst 
 
 A glorious constellation, 
 And on thy brow this wreath shall crown 
 
 The savior of a nation !"' 
 
 Then came the Warrior, dark and stern, 
 
 His heart's blood slowl}' oozing : — 
 "I died," he said *' for Erin's sake. 
 
 The grave to bondage choosing." 
 
 But still she waved her wand and cried, 
 
 " Th)' pain was quick add fleeting; 
 Nor feels the heart the body 's pangs, 
 
 With war's fierce fever beating." 
 
 Then came the Statesman, calm, austere, 
 
 AYith scroll and tablet freighted ; 
 " I toiled," he said, " long years to build 
 
 A race regenerated. 
 
 *' 'Mid yelling foes I worked and watched. 
 
 Still sure of high fruition." 
 But Freedom cried, " My flowers would wilt 
 
 Upon thy head, Ambition!" 
 
 The Felon came, — with wasted cheek. 
 
 With limbs in fetters rotting, 
 With hideou.s marks on mangled back. 
 
 And tortured body clotting. 
 
 " Have I," he sighed, " on thee no claim. 
 For whom my heart was broken?" 
 
MISS FANNY PARNELL. 
 
 265 
 
 But Freedom whispered. — " Peace, dear childl 
 One greater yet hath spoken." 
 
 Then Woman came, with Spartan eyes, — 
 
 " "When Erin bled forsaken, 
 My prayers went up in secret yet. 
 
 That soon her sons might waken. 
 
 *' And when the hour had struck, I gave 
 
 My darlings best and sweetest." 
 .Then Freedom smiled, — but still she cried, 
 I' Not thine the work completest. 
 
 "Behold the One of all who e er 
 
 This land from ruin shielded, 
 "Who raised my banner still aloft, 
 
 When others fled or yielded, — 
 
 *• Who made the dark Gethseraane 
 
 Of Erin's fate his palace, 
 And first before all others pressed. 
 
 To drain her bitter chalice; 
 
 ** Who with the Warrior too has bled, 
 
 And with the Statesman toiled, 
 And with the Woman watched and prayed 
 
 For home and land despoiled, — 
 
 * ' Let Mm stand forth, who ever bore 
 
 His country's sorest burden!" 
 Then came the Priest, and on his brow 
 
 Bright Freedom placed the guerdon. 
 
 The following poem, eiuitled ''The Utterance of an 
 Irish Heart," is invested with a sad interest, as being 
 the last that came from her gifted pen. It was written 
 in condemnation of the " new departure," or "nation- 
 alization of the land" scheme, and appeared in the 
 columns of TJte New York Sun shortly before her 
 death: 
 
 What! give our land to you, England! 
 
 What! give our land to 3'ou? 
 Our ravaged land, whose every rood 
 
 Our patriots' bones best rew ; 
 Our blood steeped land, our plundered land, 
 
 Witl; seed of niiirtyrs sown. 
 Our tortured land, our writhing land. 
 
IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 "Which yet we call our own; 
 Our fearless land, our noble land, 
 
 That knows not how to yield, 
 Our laud that Freedom set apart, 
 
 Her chosen battle-field. 
 What! give her up to you, England, 
 
 Slave-driver to the world ! 
 Whose flag for murder and for greed 
 
 Is evermore unfurled; 
 Our glorious land, our sacred land, 
 
 The land of many prayers. 
 The land of saints, that still by right 
 
 Its title proudly wears 1 
 Aye, tear the old green banner down, 
 
 And toss it to the flames! 
 Wipe out the living, blood-writ page 
 
 That bears our heroes' names; 
 Let Emmet's lonel}^ tombstone wait 
 
 Its epitaph in vain, — 
 And great O'Connell's broken heart 
 
 Now break for us again! 
 Then you shall have our land, England, 
 
 And you shall have our necks. 
 And with our uufraterual hate 
 
 No more your love we'll vex ; 
 But you shall have our crops and gold. 
 
 Our flesh and blood and souls, 
 While every joy-bell ou our shores 
 
 The nation's death-knell tolls. 
 Now, well for us we know at last 
 
 The secret of our pain; 
 We thought 'twas you, kind England, held 
 
 The scourge, the sword, the chain; 
 Now well indeed the clearer light 
 
 Has dawned lOr us at last; 
 *Tis not the light we've waited long, 
 
 The sunburst of the past, — 
 New suns we dreamed not of dispel 
 
 The errors of our sires, 
 And clasping brothers' hands shall quench 
 
 Decrepit Freedom fires. 
 So you shall have our land. England, 
 
 And 'mid forgotten graves 
 We'll squat and think how sweet a thing 
 Is brotherhood for slaves 1 
 
IllELA^^D OF 1782. 
 
 2G7 
 
 . CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1782 A^^^D 1882. 
 
 The Dublin ExMhition — Tlie O Connell Monument — 
 S/cetck of Dublin and Vicinity — 1882 and its Mem- 
 ories — DubUn and its Public Buildings, 
 
 IRELAND OF 1782. 
 
 AViTii v. liat pride does nnlrisliman cast his thoughts 
 back one hundred years. Then Ireland stood proudly 
 before the world as a nation of freemen and soldiers, 
 sworn to assert their liberty, even at the mouth of the 
 cannon and the point of the bayonet. 
 
 One hundred years ago last December three gentlemen 
 sat in the library of a great mansion on the north side 
 of Dublin City in earnest council. They were the Earl 
 of Charlemont, general of Irish Volunteers and colonel 
 of the First Ulster Regiment; Henry Gn^ttan, colonel 
 of Dublin Volunteers, and Henry Flood, also Volunteer 
 officer, and the last member who attended the sitting 
 of an Irish House of Commons in Volunteers' uniform. 
 Tiie house they sat in was Charleniont House; the sub- 
 ject they discussed, Irish independence. The time 
 was critical, the juncture momentous. Hard was the 
 earth without and cold the air around, but thej^eople — 
 plebeian and patrician — were aflame, and the heart of 
 Irelnnd throl)bed with new life and hope. The frozen 
 earth rang with the martial tread of one hundred 
 thousand drilled and armed men, and echoed the rum- 
 ble of two hundred cannon. Abroad the lion had 
 
268 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PKESENT. 
 
 quailed under the eagle, the Union Jack had gone 
 down before the Stars and Stripes, the surrendered 
 sword of England was in the hand of victorious Wash- 
 ington. At home, even on her own seas, the merchant 
 ships of " Merrie England" needed the convoy of 
 stately men-of-war to save them from the combined 
 fleets of America and France that swept and swooped 
 over the waters. Yet England and her German king 
 would fain learn nothing, would close both eyes to 
 England's difficulty, to Ireland's opportunity. The 
 Third William's promise to England's manufacturers 
 had been kept to the letter. Irish manufactures had 
 been discouraged to the utmost. The woolen trade 
 was killed. The British Parliament had usurped the 
 functions of the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, 
 overridden them, heard appeals from them, ignored 
 them, and were evidently determined to blot them out. 
 It was easier said than done, conceived than accom- 
 plished. There were then only five thousand legular 
 troo^is in the whole land. There were one hundred 
 thousand volunteers. 
 
 Such was the situation when on the evening we have 
 mentioned, in the Christmas time of 1781, Charleniont, 
 the accomplished courtier and patriot, the brilliant but 
 unstable Flood, and Henry Grattan, held their memora- 
 ble conclave. Flood was rich, with £5,000 a year, but 
 as Grattan himself put it, " Charlemont was poor as 
 any peer," and "I as any commoner." The summons 
 to the famous convention of Dungannon — originated by 
 Mr. Dawson — had been sped from Charlemonf s own 
 regiment (the Ulster First) for the 15tli of February, 
 1782. It was thf^ framinsr of the resolutions to be 
 adopted thereat that engaged the triumvirate. Grattan 
 drew up the first, which ran thus: "That a claim of 
 any bod}^ of men other than the king, lords, and com- 
 mons of Ireland to make laws to bind this country is • 
 
IKELAIN^D OF 1782, 
 
 269 
 
 unconstitiitional, illegal, and a grievance." Flood cast 
 the second. A gentleman named Dobbs stood booted 
 and spurred by the side of a fleet horse at the door. 
 He had the resolutions in his saddle-bags, and mount- 
 ing, was ready to be away to the north on his mission, 
 when Grattan, flashed and bareheaded, hurried to the 
 door, and hailing the courier, handed him another and 
 the third resolution. It read: "That we hold the right 
 of private judgment in matters of religion to be equally 
 sacred in others as in ourselves; that we rojoice in the 
 relaxation of the penal laws against our Roman Catholic 
 fellow-subjects, and that we conceive the measure to be 
 fraught with the happiest consequences to the union 
 and prosperity of the inhabitants of Ireland." Need- 
 less to tell the tale of the convention: how on the ISili 
 February. 1782, two hundred and forty-two delegates, 
 representinir one hundred and forty-three armed corps, 
 assembled in the historic church of Dungannon; how 
 they passed through the steep and ancient streets, 
 lined with volunteers, arrayed 
 
 " In lielm and blade, 
 And plumes in the gay wind dancing;" 
 
 how the solemn session lasted from noon till night; how 
 the resolutions were adopted with enthusiasm, but not 
 without deliberation; and how the last, the one which 
 united Ireland, Catholic and Protestant, as one man, 
 proposed by Mr. Pollock, was seconded in the most 
 successful speech of the sitting by a Presbyterian 
 minister, the Rev. Mr. Black, whose name should go 
 down in history written with a pencil of light. At 
 eight o'clock the session closed, and the delegates 
 issued from tlie church into a wilderness of illumina- 
 tions and an applauding multitude. 
 
 The 16th of April dawned at last. The Irish capital 
 was filled with Volunteers. A bright sun shone upon 
 
270 lEELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. ' 
 
 the gay and glittering masses of the national army — 
 of cavalry, infantry, and artillery. They guarded the 
 approaches to the Houses of Parliament standing out 
 in low-browed loveliness, fresh and stately in the clear 
 atmosphere, above the throng and the bustle, the clatter 
 of scabbard, and the din of many voices. Inside, the 
 galleries of the house, packed from early morn with 
 fair women and brave men, imparted the liveliest color 
 to the scene; and bright eyes shone and witty words 
 were sj)oken; and silken scarfs of varied hue hung in 
 gay dalliance on the balustrade or kissed many a snowy 
 neck; while upon the floor below the principal actors- 
 in the great sci3ne upon which the curtain was about 
 to rise had gathered in thoughtful groups, and 
 awaited with concern and anticix^ation the issue of a 
 memora'ble day. The regular troo^is lined Bame 
 Street for the passage of the Lord-Lieutenant. The 
 hour — the moment — at last arrived, and Grattan rose. 
 He was ill, but the light of victory illumined his pale 
 face— the Hush of triumph was on his cheek and on his 
 brow. 
 
 " Deep on his front engraven. 
 Deliberation sat, and public care, 
 And princely counsel in his face yet shone." 
 
 The patriot moved an amendment to the ade're^s to 
 the king, declaring " that the king's subjects in Ireland 
 are a free people,*" that "the crown of Ireland is an 
 imperial crown inseparably annexed to the crown of 
 Great Britain, but that the kingdom of Ireland is a 
 distinct kingdom with a Parliament of her own, the 
 sole legislature thereof — that there is no body of men 
 competent to make laws to bind this nation except the 
 king, lords, and commons of Ireland — a right which 
 we claim as our birthright and which we cannot yield 
 but with our lives." Grattan sat down in a tempest 
 f>f acclamation. Opposition was vain. The orator's 
 
IKELAND OF 1882. 
 
 271 
 
 voice within and the people's hoarse roar without 
 settled the matter without discussion or division. Mr. 
 Brownlow seconded the amendment to the address. 
 It was carried nemine contradicente^ and the day was 
 won — and was Ireland's. The joy in town and country 
 was spontaneous, universal, great. It seemed as if 
 Ireland had begnn a new existence. Lord Camden 
 said of the situation: "It is all folly talking of simple 
 repeal; the thing is done." It was done. But the 
 shrewd Camden, afterwards addressing a meeting of 
 Volunteers, advised them to "keep it up, for England 
 will never forgive you." The thing was done. The 
 lords had to follow the commons. "I carried the 
 lords upon my back," wrote Grattan, "and a heavier 
 load I never bore. I could never have got them to move 
 but for the bavonets of the Volunteers." The Kino- 
 gave liis royal assent to the Act of Repeal on the 21st 
 of June, 1782. Then ensued a term of unprecedented 
 prosperity in Ireland. Population doubled, wealth 
 quadrupled, manufactures flourished, Irish learning, 
 wit, gallantrj^ and eloquejice formed a dazzling con- 
 stellation. Grattan and Curran, Archibald Hamilton 
 Rowan, Napper Tandy, Wolfe Tone, Father O'Leary, 
 are only a few of the lights in a firmament of 2,000 
 stars. "Let us drink," cried Grattan, " the 16th of 
 , April, 1782." 
 
 IRELAND OF 1882. 
 
 The New Year's sun of Ireland's 1882 rose on no 
 Volunteers, no Parliament, no industries that build up 
 a nation. His rays fall upon a i3rison, not upon a 
 palace. The rponej^- changer occupied the Parliament 
 House; the patriot, the prison. Christmas,' companion 
 picture to the sitting of an emanci^^ated Parliament was 
 Christmas in a Kilmainham cell, revealinj? the leader 
 of the Irish people — the elect of three constituencies 
 
272 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 royal Meatli, Land League Mayo, "rebel" Cork — sick- 
 ening over prison "skilly." The contrast to April 16tli, 
 1782, was the exercise-vard of a common cuttliroat's 
 jail crammed with the best blood, the bravest souls of 
 Ireland, and the poor peasant susj'jected of an offense 
 for which there is no trial. AYrote Henr}^ Grattan: 
 " There are two days in Irish history that 1 can never 
 forget — the one on which we gained our freedom. How 
 great the triumph! How moderate! How well it was 
 borne — with what dignity and with all absence of vul- 
 gar triumph! I shall ever remember the joy on that 
 occasion. The other was the day on which we lost our 
 Parliament. It was a savage act, done by a set of as- 
 sassins who were brought into the House to sell their 
 country and themselves. They did not belong to Ireland. 
 Some were soldiers, all were slaves. Everything was 
 shame and hurry and base triumph," 
 
 What has this "Union" brought to Ireland? Two 
 armed insurrections. Three famines. Pestilence — sure 
 sutler in their train. A sextuple decimation of her sons 
 and daughters. A population fallen to half. Fifty- 
 two Coercion Acts. Commercial catastrophe. In- 
 dustrial stagnation. Perennial agitation. The hegira 
 of nobility. The degradation of tlie gentry. Desolated 
 homes. Deserted squares. The emasculation of the 
 bar. Universal discontent, class hatred, and inter- , 
 national ill-will. The flight of the people and the 
 perpetuation in a foreign land of racial enmity and 
 hostility, bearing bitter fruit year after year in raids 
 and dynamite and rumbling nnrest, of which no man 
 can see the settlement and the end. 
 
 Unroll the Union scroll, and what is there? Like the 
 unrolling of a mummy — nothing but old bones and 
 rotten rags. It is on record that Scott, Lord Clonmel, 
 and Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, confessed, when near 
 hia end, that the rebellion of -98— Lord Edward's and 
 
IllELAND OF 1862. 
 
 273 
 
 Emmet's rebellion — had been enconrngccl by the Gov- 
 ernment, in order to pass the Union. Camden was 
 right. " Keep it up," cried lie to the Volunteers, " for 
 England will never forgive you." They failed to keep 
 it up. Flood fought with Grattan. Grattan quarreled 
 with the Volunteers. The devilish policy — ''divide et 
 imjpera^ — proved too much for them. 
 
 To-day no Irishman may carry arms — the lirst right 
 of a free man. To-day 40,000 soldiers and police 
 collect the rents in and are in martial occupation of 
 an island within half a day's journey of the throne. 
 Yet the saying of Charles James Fox inducing the King 
 to acknowledge the independence of the Irish Parlia- 
 ment is as true to-day as it was one hundred years ago: 
 ''Unwilling subjects are little better than enemies." 
 Instead of being the brightest je^vel in the crown of the 
 Queen, Ireland and her people are a constant thorn in 
 England's side, Avhat Poland is to Russia, what Hun- 
 gary was to x\ustria — a w^eakness, not a strength. A 
 Liberal government has disgraced itself by being the 
 jailer of four hundred and sixt^^-live prisoners — more 
 than one for every day in the year. A prime minister 
 who won fame by the general jail-delivery of Naples, 
 contradicts his life by the general jail packing of Ireland. 
 A tribune whose bright w^ords will live forever belies 
 them in his ministerial acts, and contradicts in the cabi- 
 net his great axiom before the populace. "Force is no 
 remedy." The nominal governors of the countr}^ rule 
 from the loop-holed fortalices of the Castle. "While 
 prisoners receive a national testimonial, the members 
 of the government are the butts for nicknames. Let 
 us quote the words of a great English minister again. • 
 Fox wrote to Lord Charlemonf one Inrndred years ago : 
 ''There maybe a government in Iieland of which Grat- 
 tan is not ashamed to take a part.'' What Irishman 
 to-dny could take office and preserve the national con- 
 
274 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND niP:SENT. 
 
 iidence? Yet it is ;is true now as it was then that no 
 country can ever prosi)er when -what should be the am- 
 bition of men of lionor is considered as a disgrace. 
 The tiger-striped clothing and broad nrrow on the 
 patriot prisoner's back are held in more honor tliim the 
 Winsdor uniform or the regalia of the Knight of St. 
 Patrick. An Irish archbishop and a bishop visited the 
 convict Davitt at Portland with national acclaim. Their 
 lordships w'ould be as shy of Dublin Castle and its 
 powerful denizens as his satanic majesty of holy- water. 
 Charles Stewart Parnell's levee in the cage at Kilmain- 
 ham, wherein like a wild beast in a menagerie the sus- 
 pect could alone see the visitor, was eagerly watched, 
 not alone by the few favored with admission, but by 
 an anxious country. It was like Grattan's when he 
 lived opposite the Castle one hundred years ago. 
 
 Tell us not "tis sentiment." Is ''keeping a firm 
 grip" on the land mei^ely sentiment? Is "Hold the 
 Harvest" only sentiment? Or, again, is there noiliing 
 more sterling than empty sentiment in the thousand 
 pounds for the jnterned Dr. Kenny, in the hundjeds a 
 week to feed the prisoners, in the thousands passing 
 from America to Mr. Egan in Paris? But to any man 
 who thinks, ruler or ruled, friend or foe, foreigner or 
 native, they all reveal the same spirit, the striving, the 
 straining, the yearning for substantial as well as sen- 
 timental home government and self-dependence. 
 
 History repeats itself. With the struggle for inde- 
 pendence in 1782 came also the revival of industry. 
 The ballad of that day might be sung in this: 
 
 "Ye noble men, in place or out, 
 Ye volunteers, so bnivc and stout. 
 Ye dames that flaunt at ball or rout. 
 Wear Irish manufacture. 
 
 **Nor richest squire nor proudest peer 
 Need scorn our humble homespun gear, 
 
IRELAND OF 1882. 
 
 275 
 
 No stuff on earth stands wear and tear 
 Like Irish manufacture. 
 
 ■ " And if we'll all together stick, ■ ; 
 
 We'll give our enemies a lick, 
 And Manchester to the ^ — 1 kick. 
 With Irish manufacture." 
 
 Sentiment and substance were never better blended 
 since 1782 in Ireland than in tlie present popular up- 
 heaval. The practical shrewdness of a utilitarian age 
 and of a new and friendly world is judiciously blended 
 with the impetuosity and fire which were often wasted 
 in Plumes Pass and Blackwater, at Limerick, Augh- 
 rim, or Athlone. 
 
 1882 AND ITS MEMORIES. 
 
 On the 15th of August a great national eveub 
 took place in Ireland, the celebration of the national 
 Centennial, the unveiling of the O'Connell Monument, 
 and the openinc: of the Dublin Exhibition. A hun- 
 dred years before, amid the clashing of cathedral bells 
 and the booming of cannon, thf birrh of Irish Free- 
 dom was proclaimed. The armed manhood of Ireland 
 had sworn that Eiiirlish law should no Ioniser be obeyed 
 in. Ireland, and they had made good their oath. 
 Greater and of more moment than the birth of any 
 hero or statesman, was this resurrection of a people. 
 For a long while it had seemed that there was not, and 
 never again could be, an Irish people in Ireland — only 
 an English colony; when, all at once, somewhat like a 
 lightning flash in the dark midnight, a nation leaped 
 from out the chaos of tyranny and wrongand slavery. 
 True, the day of freedom was brief, and the sun soon 
 set. Yet something more than the memory of that 
 passing gleam remained of it all. Truths that had 
 slumbered through long years in the hearts of men 
 were freely outspoken, never again to be hidden under 
 
276 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 vain plirasings. Our rulers have tried to bayonet 
 these truths, enunciated in 1782; nay, they have wished 
 to purchase them, and so make bond-slaves of them; 
 even in our own days the struggle between purblind 
 authority, unable to cotitrol things except by its sword 
 or its gold, and these i)rinci])les of which we are the 
 inheritors, has not quite ceased. From generation to 
 generation has the strife been waged, down to our own 
 time; and that Irishmen may know something of those 
 who stood up to defeat opi^ression a century ago, of 
 their aims and their sacrifices, of what they did and 
 what they failed to do, we purpose to set down in 
 order a brief history of them and of their times; so, 
 learning how they failed, we may be taught how not 
 to fail, and thereby be strengthened. 
 
 There is no need to speak of the struggle of wdiich 
 the Boyne and Aughrim were incidents, and which was 
 ended by the famous treaty, and the flight of the " Wild 
 Geese." It was the last time that old royal, loyal Ire- 
 land fought for a king. Bigli Semus agus Eire"' 
 was the cry of the men who held Athlone bridge; 
 doubtless ^/rehad the highest place in their thoughts, 
 but the unfortunate loyalty to an English king, which 
 had ruined the Irish cause before, proved fatal then 
 again. ]S"othing availed to save Ireland, neither bravery 
 nor skill, and soon the foreign soldiers of William laid 
 the people, bound and helpless, at the feer of an upstart 
 aristocracy; whereupon the aristocracy proceeded to 
 legislate for Ireland. Then commenced the making of 
 the penal laws. Their property, their civil and relig- 
 ious rights were confirmed to the Catholics by the 
 treaty of Limerick; but never has it been known that 
 any compact was too solemn to be violated by England, 
 when urged thereto by English greed. For avarice 
 was entirely the motive of the penal laws. The 
 Williamite settler cared little for the salvation in an- 
 
1882 AND ITS MEMORIES. 
 
 277 
 
 other world of Papist souls; lie cared much, though, 
 for the possession in this of a Papist' s estate. He knew 
 that he had won his property by the chance of war, as 
 s^^oil taken from the enemy; he feared that he should 
 lose it in the same say. So, to save trouble in tlie 
 future, It was judged well to root out the vanquished 
 race. In earlier times English kings and generals, like 
 James I., burning with a flagrant zeal" for the good 
 of Ireland, had tried to exterminate the Irish with the 
 edge of the sword. All ;ittempts of the kind had failed, 
 and now the slower process of legal enactment was X)ut 
 in force to the same end. One object was kept steadily 
 in view — to render life in Ireland intolerable to Cath- 
 olics, or, failing their absolute expulsion, to degrade 
 them to the level of brutes. That the "Pro'testant 
 interest" might feel the safer, an act was x^assed for 
 disarming the Papists, and then, in truth, il^ fared 
 badly with the Catholic who had excited the displeasure 
 of his Protestant neighbor. He might be visited atany 
 hour of the night, and his bed searched for arms. 
 
 No Papist was safe from suspicion who hai any money 
 to pay in fines; and woe to the Papist who had a hand- 
 some daughter!" says Mitchel. In common justice to 
 the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it must be 
 said that Philistine legislation of the same nature is 
 not quite unknown in our enlightened age. The whole 
 penal code may be summed up in a sentence. By it 
 the Catholics were deprived of every civil, political, 
 and human right, even of the rigid to lice. It was 
 .gravely laid down as a principle of law by Lord Chan- 
 cellor Bowes that no such beings ns Catholics existed, 
 or coul-d exist, within the land. To give some color of 
 justification to new exactions and fresh enactments, 
 the settlers pretended that they suspected the loyalty'* 
 of tlie Catholics, and dreaded their vengeance in cas(» 
 of an armed rising of the people. Perhaps there was 
 
278 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKICSENT. 
 
 Bome sincerity in these declarations. They knew that 
 (he Catholics had no reason to be loyal, and that Uieir 
 vengeance would be little more tlian justice. And yet 
 there was no ground for these apprehensions; the 
 Catholics, with shame be it said, were loyal; at least 
 those excellent Catholic historians, Plowden and Curr}^ 
 plume themselves greatly upon the fact. Those who 
 might have been their leaders were shedding their 
 blood in the service of every foreign power hostile to 
 England; those at home were disarmed, disheartened, 
 and impoverished. Thus, when all England was shaken 
 to the centre by the efforts of the Stuarts to recover 
 their lost throne, no attempt was made in Ireland to 
 profit by the occasion. The Catholic gentry might 
 hum under their breath the tune of the ''Blackbird," 
 a toast might now and then be drunk to the healtli of 
 the "king over the water," or to the "little gentleman 
 in black" — meaning the mole whose mole- hill caused 
 King William's horse to stumble, which stumble of 
 the brute broke the "deliverer's" neck; but their dis- 
 affection ended there. Thej' had sunk to that lowest, 
 most fearful dei)tli of abasement, wherein the slave 
 hugs his fetters and contents himself with the poor 
 boon of existence. And so they remained for a long 
 hundred years, tranquilly submissive to the tyranny 
 which ground their faces in the dust. They had no 
 more infiuence on the proceedings of Parliament, or on 
 the course of public events, than liave at this moment 
 the Sioux Indians on the foreign policy of the United 
 States. AVlien one speaks of an "American" he does 
 not mean an aborigine, but a settler or the descend^int 
 of a settler; in the same way the expression "Irish 
 nation" was taken to mean the colony of English Pro- 
 testants, and "Irishman" a member of that colony. 
 
 The Protestants were soon made to feel that they 
 had purchased the right of i)ersecuting Catholics, 
 
1882 AND ITS MEMOKIES. 279 
 
 at the price of tlieir trade and their liberties. How- 
 ever zealous they might be to do the work of England 
 in Ireland, since they dwelt in Ireland, and were in a 
 sense Irishmen, they should not expect to escape scot- 
 free themselves. Tliey were there l^r England's pro- 
 lit, to be dealt with in the manner most advantageous 
 to English interests, and they should learn to recognize 
 the fact. xVt that time the trade in woolen goods was 
 the staple industry of Ireland. Its mngnitude soon 
 aroused the jealousy and greed of the English manu- 
 facturers; the English Parliament, Lords and Com- 
 mons, tlierefore petitioned William's "m.ost sncred 
 majesty" — "That your mnjest}" would be pleased, in 
 the most public and effectual way that may be, to de- 
 clare to all your subjects of Ireland that the growth 
 and increase of the woolen manufacture there hath 
 long been, and will be ever^ looked upon with great 
 jealousy by all your subjects of this kingdom, and, if 
 not timely remedied, may occasion very strict laws 
 totally to prohibit and oppress the same." The King, 
 whose ''glorious, pious, and immortal memory" is still 
 toasted betimes in Ireland, was graciously pleased to 
 do wdiat he was asked; ''he would do all that in him 
 lay to discourage the woolen manufacture of Ireland;" 
 All export of Irish woolens to foreign countiies was 
 forbidden, whilst prohibitive duties rendered England 
 and Wales safe from the enterprise of the Irish manu- 
 facturer. Every other branch of industry that was of 
 sufficient value to catch the eye of the greedy British 
 monopolist was treated in the same way. Whilst the 
 colonists w^ere persecuting the Catholics, England was 
 steadily working their impoverishment. Long before 
 then the descendants of English settlers, once tainted 
 with Irish ideas, had become dangerous enemies to Eng- 
 lish rule; thenceforth there should be no snch danger. 
 The necessary consequence of the ''royal patronage" 
 
IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 thus extended to Irish manufactures, was that the 
 country was soon j)lunged in misery. Twenty thousand 
 operatives, mill-hands,'' sought in other countries the 
 right to toil in peace. The wretched inhabitants of the 
 Towns, condemned to idleness, had no money to buy 
 bread; the farmers had no market for their corn. 
 About this time another ''institution" conies into pro- 
 minent notice; it was not less hateful nor less tyrannical 
 than the penal code, and its name was landlordism. 
 The lapse of a century and a half has changed none of 
 its worst features, as witness the words of Dean Swift: 
 ''Another great calamity is the exorbitant raising of 
 tile rent of lands. Upon the determination of all leases 
 made before the year 1690, a gentleman thinks he has 
 but indifferent ly imiyroTed Jiis estate if he has only 
 doubled his rent-roll. Farms are screwed up to a rack- 
 rent; leases granted but for a small term of years; 
 tenants tied down to hard conditions, and discouraged 
 from cultivating the lands they occupy to the best ad- 
 vantage, by the certainty they have of the rent being 
 raised on the expiration of their lease proportionably 
 to the improvements they shall make. Thus it is that 
 honest industry is restrained; the farmer is a slave to 
 his landlord; and it is well if he can cover his family 
 with a coarse, homespun frieze." As the English 
 woolen manufacturers wanted raw wool, the Irisli were 
 permitted to export it; accordingly, the farmer had to 
 make way for improved breeds of sheep, as in later times 
 for the short-horns, and the most efficient regiment in 
 . the English service — the Crowbar Brigade — was put on 
 a war footing. It has never since been disbanded. 
 The results are briefly told. Crime followed on the 
 heels of oppression; the gibbet-building trade alone 
 was active for a while, and the hangman's office was no 
 sinecure. 
 
 As the '* Irish nation'' was everything but Irish, so 
 
1SS2 AND ITS MEMORIES. 
 
 2S1 
 
 the colonial Parliament, or Irisli Parliament, as it was 
 called, was nor even colonial. It liad not the power to 
 legislate freely and independently, as the statu le of 
 Poynings, passed as far back as the year 1495, secured 
 the initiative of all legislation to the English Privy 
 Council. AVithout the consent of that body the Irish 
 Parliament could not consider a bill/ Yet, as if this 
 bridle/' as Hallam calls it, was not a sufficient check, 
 a stat-ute was passed in the sixth year of George I. de- 
 clarins; that the English Parliament always had a riaht 
 to make laws for Ireland The colonists, great as was 
 their loyalty to the English King and the Protestant 
 interest,'' could not look with favorable eyes upon their 
 own imx)overishment, but they chose to be an armed 
 garrison in a hostile country, and their x}osition could 
 be maintained only through English aid. They held 
 the Papists by the throat with one hand, and were 
 powerless to combat English usurpation with the other. 
 Apart from all external influences, the Irish Parliament 
 contained within itself elements of weakness which 
 alone were sufficient to paralyze all vigorous effort. 
 By an act passed in the year 1727, Catholics were 
 entirely disfranchised — they had previously been per- 
 mitted to vote — so that thenceforth a very small number 
 of electors returned the county and borouirh members 
 to Parliament. It was an age of corruption; bribery 
 had been dignified into a science, and j)olitics degraded 
 to a trade. The ill-acquired wealth of the planters had 
 been quickly scfuanderedin extravagant ribtousness and 
 dissipation. Timber and everything else that would 
 fetch money had been sold off their lands, and their 
 estates afterwards mortgaged to the last penny of their 
 value, that the expenses of cock-fighting, of claret- 
 drinking, of fox-hunting, and of priest-hunting might 
 be decently met. When no more money was to be 
 obtained, these "gentry," rather than forego the 
 
282 
 
 IRELAND; PAST AXD PRKSEXT. 
 
 gratification of the peculiar tastes which distinguished 
 a man. of quality, ran recklessly into debt. One 
 sole resource remained— to sell themselv^es; and they 
 did that. The nobles sold their j^ati'onage of the 
 counties and boroughs to the only bidder — the govern- 
 ment—and their jy^'oter/es, the members, made their own 
 terms in turn. Until a few years before the Volunteer 
 movement the Irish Parliaments were elected, not for 
 a specified time, but for the life of the King. Thus, 
 the constituencies, even if so disposed, were unable to 
 interefere with the betraval of their interests bv their 
 
 ft/ 
 
 representatives. Another plan adopted by the govern- 
 ment for the better repressing any movement of indepen- 
 dence, was to bestow the chief posts in Church and 
 State on English strangers, who would be certain to 
 uphold what was called the ''English interest." The 
 system excited the most intense discontent amongst the 
 X^eople, whose attitude was soon turned to good ac- 
 count by ^'patriots'' — gentlemen whose temporary op- 
 position to" the government served to enhance their 
 ready-money value. Such a one was Boyle, some time 
 Speaker of the House of Commons, and afterwards 
 Earl of Shannon. He had bitterly opposed the govern- 
 ment on a question which involved the principle that 
 the Parliament could not appropriate the public money 
 without the consent of the English king. The opposi- 
 tion was not altogether unsuccessful and Boyle became 
 a leading " patriot." At that time Ireland was virtually 
 raled by Primate Stone, an imported Englishman sent 
 over to do the king's business," as the phrase went. 
 Between the chief "patriot" and him a bitter struggle 
 coTnmenced, the strife of two able and ambitious men 
 for their own aims. AVhat manner of man Stone was, 
 no writer can dare tell: suffice it. that he combined 
 within himself all the vices of a bad man and of n cor- 
 vu2^t statesman. Had Laud all the worst vices of the 
 
1882 AND ITS MEMORIES. 
 
 283 
 
 worst Ca3sar, Ms government would have been pure 
 and liberal in contrast with that of Stone. He. was an 
 archbishop, and his palace reeked with the nameless 
 lK)llutions of Capre^e; he governed the country by the 
 same devices which Catiline employed to further his 
 infamous conspiracy. There was no room for two such 
 men as Boyle and him in the country; Boyle was trouble- 
 some to the government, and might become dangerous; 
 he was i)urcliased, therefore. His price was an earldom, 
 a pension of £2,000 a year, and the dismissal of Stone 
 from the Privy Council. The other patriots" followed 
 their leader, and thenceforward strove to give value for 
 their annuities by helping on the " king's business" as 
 best they could. It would scarcely be too much to say 
 that the Irish Parliament was a national mart for the 
 sale ol" principles; its destruction was finally accom- 
 plished by buying out the vested interests of the mem- 
 bers in that traffic. 
 
 The nation, that is, the Protestant colony, wasgrow- 
 inc: mo]-e and more indignant at the manner in wdiicli 
 the "English interest" was maintained by the ruin of 
 Ireland. From the writings of Swift and Lucas one 
 may learn what thoughts were working in the minds 
 of the peox>le. Swift was entirely colonial in his sym- 
 pathies, but he fiercely nssailed the system of English 
 government in Ireland and all and everybody con- 
 nected witli it; no man in Ireland was more popular 
 with both Protestants and Catholics. Lucas insisted 
 upon the right of the Irish Parliament to rule Ireland, 
 and the Parliament, well paid to "do the king's busi- 
 ness," voted him an enemy to his country. He had 
 to fly the kingdom, but his principlescould not be out- 
 lawed; they were taken to heart by the people, and in 
 dne time their fruition Avas seen. Strano-e fruit, in- 
 deed; such a crop as we are told of in the myth. 
 
284 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 wherein Cadmus sows the dragon's teeth, and they 
 spring up ready -armed men. 
 
 THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT — ITS WHEN AND HOW. 
 
 It can fairly be urged by any apologist for English 
 rule in Ireland, that England did not treat her colonists 
 there in a much worse manner than she did elsewhere. 
 If in any place on the wide face of the globe, buccaneer- 
 ing was to be done, and weak communities, even of 
 the Saxon race, to be robbed, England was ever ready 
 wii li a pretext to justify and an army to execute the 
 plundering. The American colonies had long suffered 
 from the exactions of the mother -country. Man 3^ of 
 the original colonists had fled from England to avoid 
 persecution, others had been driven from Ireland; as 
 in the case of the Anglo-Irish, they were taxed and 
 governed entirely in the English interest. The sys- 
 tem became insupportable, and they resolved on re- 
 sistance. The King, the stupidest and least vicious of 
 the Georges, would hear of no concession to their de- 
 mands; the Colonists stoodfirm; the government tried 
 repression, and Lexington Fight was the outcome. 
 No such serious opposition had been expected 
 in England; the Americans soon showed that, having 
 once put their hands to the plough, they would not 
 look back; no paltr\^ concession would now satisfy, no 
 thoughts of the issue deter them. In Ireland tiie 
 struggle was watched with keen anxiety , the people 
 strongl}^ sympathized with the patriotic Colonists, 
 whose cause was so nearlv akin to their own, the 
 government therefore resolved to set the two op- 
 pressed countries at enmity. The Irish House of 
 Commons was asked to dispatch 4,000 scildiers to 
 America; the Court party, consisting mostly of pur- 
 chased members, overcame all resistance, and the men 
 
THE VOLUJS^TEER MOYIIMENT. 285 
 
 were sent. It was proposed to replace them by an 
 equal number of German mercenaries, but all, except 
 the most thoroughly corrupt of the Irish members, op- 
 posed the measure; they themselves would defend the 
 country against foreign invaders. This slight show of 
 spirit irritated the government, it could not be borne 
 that these Irish Colonists should have a will of their 
 own, even in such a matter. The Parliament was at 
 once dissolved by the English Council, as not being 
 quite slavish and corrupt enough. In one day twelve 
 peers were advanced in rank, and eighteen new peer- 
 ages were created, all for thehonoring^ ennobling, and 
 bribing of powerful ''undertakers,'' as the owners of 
 pocket-boroughs were called, thus a thoroughly sub- 
 servient Parliament was secured to the government. 
 But American ideas had spread, and were daily spread- 
 ing, too far and too fast to be checked by any votes of 
 a dead majority. The patriot party were growing im- 
 patient, and something should be done if the dangers 
 that were gathering so fast round the ''English inter- 
 est" were to be averted. Wherefore, ''a message of 
 peace to Ireland" crossed the water; a bill to relieve 
 the Catholics passed both Houses, and some of the 
 commercial restraints were slightlv relaxed. The 
 former was represented as a "boon" conferred upon 
 the Catholics by England in her zeal for their welfare; 
 thus it was hoped that their grateful support would be 
 secured to the Government m any emergency. The 
 real object of the measure was to promote religious 
 discord; the Protestant ascendency was maintained by 
 England, and Protestants called upon to defend it, at 
 the same time that the Catholics were encouraged to 
 struggle against it. A better feeling had grown up 
 between Williamite Protestant and Jacobite Papist, 
 which, if not speedily converted again to tlie old ran- 
 cor, might prove troublesome to the system which 
 
286 IRELAIS^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 ground down botli.* The Catholics were not conciliated 
 by the Relief Bill; it made them all the more conscious 
 of their degradation. They had been stretched upon 
 the rack until the^^ had become insensible to pain; the 
 slight relaxation of the cords but served to re-awaken 
 them to a keener feeling of their torture. 
 
 In the month of August, 1778, the good townsfolk of 
 Belfast were much troubled in their minds by some 
 reports that hostile privateers had been seen hovering 
 off the coast, it was presumed with no good intentions 
 towards them. Once before they had narrowly escaped 
 from Tliurot's sea-rovers, and the memory of that in 
 vasion made them feel acutelv the dancrer in which 
 they were i^laced. They applied to the Irish govern- 
 ment, asking that troops should be sent northwards to 
 protect them and their property; the government 
 found that they could only afford "a troop or two of 
 horse, or part of a company of invalids," to such straits 
 had they been reduced by the American war. In high 
 wrath the Belfast men refused the help of the crippled 
 veterans, and resolved to protect themselves as best 
 they could. They at once formed volunteer companies; 
 the example was speedily followed in other places, and 
 in a few months the country was inarms. The "Eng- 
 lish interest" and the government were thoroughly 
 frightened; but, as they dared not oppose the people 
 in their present temper, they hid their fears and feigned 
 satisfaction. They were as powerless to resist the armed 
 citizen- soldiers as they would have been to cope with 
 an invading army, and they could only look on inertly 
 whilst the people were flocking to the volunteer stand- 
 ards, being equipped and drilled into discipline, and 
 holding their military celebrations. The organization 
 spread with the speed and strength of a forest fire. 
 Not to be a Volunteer was to be of no account. With 
 angry amazement, the government saw ilie very 
 
THE VOLUNTEER MOA^EMENT. 
 
 287 
 
 Catholics, who liitlierto had breathed only by con- 
 nivance, hastening to form their comx)anies. Terrified 
 at the idea that religious hatreds should perish amongst 
 Irishmen, they at once interfered to procure the exclu- 
 sion of the Papists." The Catholics of Limerick, 
 thus prevented from bearing arms, subscribed £800 to 
 the Volunteer treasury; the Volunteers passed resolu- 
 tions of a decided tone in favor of their oppressed 
 fellow-countrymen, and thenceforward Catholic and 
 Protestant stepped side by side in the ranks of the 
 popular army. In that moment the English colony 
 disappears from our history, and the Irish nation, 
 drilled and armed for the assertion of its national 
 rights, stands in martial array befure us. 
 
 The tirst task which the Volunteers set themselves 
 was the winning of ''Free Trade." The expression 
 had then a vastly different significance frc m that which 
 political economists now attach to it. It "did not 
 mean that exports and imports should be free of all 
 duty to the state, but only that the fact of import or 
 export itself should not be restrained by foreign laws, 
 and that the duties to be derived from it should be im- 
 posed by Ireland's own Parliament, and in the sole 
 interest of Ireland herself." The English Parliament, 
 thoroughly imbued with the avaricious spirit of British 
 commerce, refused to remove the crushing restrictions 
 imposed upon the Irish manufacturer. The Volunteers, 
 relying upon the support of the country, undertook to 
 redress these grievances in a summary manner. They 
 adopted a system of exclusive dealing; in other words, 
 "boycotted" all English-made goods and all importers 
 of them. The measure was defensible on many grounds. 
 No relief was to be obtained from the English Parlia- 
 ment; the Irish Parliament was in the fetters of the 
 English Privy Council; the Irish people, therefore, 
 legislated for themselves. For which atrocious conduct 
 
23S 
 
 IRELAND, PAST Al^D PRESENT. 
 
 tbe moral English press vilified them as savages, and 
 tlireatened them as criminals; Irish trade revived none 
 the less surely. It was plain that the first struggle be- 
 tween the Yolunteers and the government was imminent, 
 and througiiout the country the opening of Parliament 
 for the session of 1779-80 was awaited with feverish 
 anxiety. The Parliament met, and the first blow was 
 at once struck by Grattan. The speech of the Lord- 
 Lieutenant referred vaguely to some good intentions of 
 the King, and contained the amount of obscure promis- 
 ing, diplomatic falsehood, and frivolous advice usual 
 in Viceregal utterances ; the address in reply moved 
 by a government hack, was suitably cringing; Grattan 
 moved an amendment. It told the King in i^lain words 
 that the only way to relieve Irislt misery was " to open 
 a free export trade, and let yonr Irish subjects enjoy 
 their natural birthrights." The government were dis- 
 mayed; they were stricken with rage and terror when 
 Hussey Burgh, the prime Serjeant, and, therefore, one 
 of their officials, rose to declare that he w^ould sacrifice 
 his high position rather than hide his principles or 
 consent to the oppression of the people, that strong 
 statement of right rather than entreaty for justice was 
 needed, and that he would ask Grattan to substitute 
 for his amendment these words — "That it is not by 
 temporary expedients that this nation is now to be 
 saved from impending ruin." The government could 
 not obtain a single vote in opposition to the stronger 
 amendment; corruption was scorched in the fire of that 
 fierce eloquence. Outside the House the Volunteers 
 were drawn up in grim array, on the mouths of their 
 
 cannon hung the motto, "Free Trade, or ." There 
 
 was terror in the Castle, and yet the government made 
 one other vain attempt to resist the people, incurring 
 thereby another defeat. They asked the House to vote 
 supplies for two years; the Volunteers instructed their 
 
THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT. 
 
 289 
 
 adherents to vote them for not longer than six months; 
 after a brilliant debate the patriots triumphed. Then 
 it came to be seen in England that concession to the 
 Irish demands was essential to the preservation of the 
 empire; in that same moment it was recognized that 
 these demands were just. Lord North forgot all his 
 former arguments, swaHowed his former principles, and 
 forthwith introduced a Free Trade Bill conceding to 
 Ireland all that the Volunteers had claimed. Perhaps 
 these placard-bearing cannon of Napper Tandy's com- 
 pany had taught his lordsliij) some new lessons in 
 political economy. 
 
 The people rejoiced at the triiimpli of their prin- 
 ciples, but it was with a grave and sober joy in which 
 no insane gratitude towards England was mingled. 
 They took their free trade, not as a gift from English 
 power and bounty, but as a right wrung from a weak- 
 ened tyranny. So long as England controlled the 
 making of Irish laws there could be no security for 
 the permanency of any concessions, for the rights re- 
 si)ected by her in the hour of weakness might be 
 trampled upon in the first moment of recovered 
 strength. There was need then of a free Parliament; 
 
 and they Avould win it " or Grat tan was still the 
 
 unchallenged leader of the patriotic pari y, and here- 
 solved to at once commence, in stern earnest, the bat- 
 tle of Parliamentary liberty. On the lOtli April, 1780,. 
 he moved his Declaration of Higlit, setting forth that 
 no ])ower other than the King, Lords, and Commons 
 of Ireland could make laws to bind this country. It 
 was a challenge and a defiance to England. The gov-^ 
 ernment did not venture to deny the i)rin('iples of the 
 Declaration, nor yet Avonld it accept them; the ques- 
 tion was evaded by a quibble, and the motion was not; 
 put to the House. Tiie people saw that their surest 
 hope was in their organization, which they now labored 
 
« 
 
 290 
 
 IRELAXDj PAST AND PEESENT. 
 
 zealously to perfect. All the requirements for a cam- 
 paign were provided, while constant drilling and fre- 
 quent reviews improved their soldierly bearing. A 
 commander in-chief was chosen, and the man appointed 
 to that responsible position was James Caulheld, Earl 
 of Charlemont,. than whom no honester and no more 
 short-sighted patriot then lived in Ireland. The govern- 
 ment, meanwhile, were not idle. They w^ere lavish in 
 their bribes, and when the Commons had been 
 sufficiently corrupted, they asked that generous supplies 
 should be voted, that thus they might have tiie where 
 withal to bribe still more freely. Grattan boldly 
 determined to a2)peal from that hireling Parliament to 
 the country, thus rendering the government precautions 
 useless. 
 
 It was on the loth of February, 1782, that the repre- 
 sentatives of thirty thousand armed men of Ulster met 
 in the old parish church of Dungannon, commissioned 
 by their resj^ective corps to take such steps as would 
 best* secure the recognition of their rights to the Irish 
 people. Either of two courses lay open to the dele- 
 ' gates — to sever the connection wdth England, as 
 America had done, or, with the lessons of English 
 perfidy in the i)U.st before their eyes, to trust again in 
 English faith. Grattan wished to maintain the "con- 
 nection," if possible. Charlemont would have been 
 true to it at any cost, and tlie counsels of the more 
 moderate prevailed at the convention. Nevertheless, 
 the resolutions adopted by the delegates had a revolu- 
 Tjonary ring in them that boded ill to a policy of. tem- 
 porizing or resistance by the government. Here are 
 some of them: 
 
 ^'Jlesoloed, unanimously — That a citizen by learning 
 the use of arms does not abandon any of his civil 
 rights." 
 
THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT. 
 
 291 
 
 Resolmd^ unanimously — That a claim of anybody 
 of men, other than the King, Lords, and Commons of 
 Ireland, to make laws to bincl this kingdom, is uncon- 
 stitutional, illegal, and a grievance." 
 
 Jtesoloed — with two dissentinir voices onlv to this 
 and the fullowing resolution — That we hold the right 
 of private judgment in matters of religion to be equally 
 sacred in others as ourselves." 
 
 , liesoloed^ therefore, That as men and as Irishmen, 
 as Ciiristians and as Protestants, we rejoice in the re- 
 laxation of the penal laws against our Roman Catholic 
 fellow-subjects, and that we conceive the measure to 
 be fraught with the happiest consequences to the union 
 and prosperity oL' the inhabitants of Ireland." 
 
 The resolutions were regarded as a declaration of 
 war, with tlie alternative of concession. Neither Lord 
 North, who was still at the head of the English ministi y, 
 nor the Irish government would hear of concession; 
 but before tlie Volunteers were forced into revolution, 
 the worst of England's man}^ bad statesmen Avas driven 
 from power, crushed and dishonored. A Whig 
 adnjinistration, with the usual ^'liberal views," suc- 
 ceeded, and an ''ameliorative Viceroy," the Duke of 
 Portland, came to Ireland with a cut-and-dry policy of 
 conciliation. All the resources of Whig diplomacy 
 were tried, in order to divert Grattan from his purpose. 
 Fox wrote to his "old and esteemed friend, the good 
 Earl of Charleniont," begging him to delay action, if 
 onh^ for three weeks. But Grattan would not pause 
 for a moment, and Cliarlemont was firm. The patience 
 of the hundred thousand soldiers whom he commanded 
 was already too sorely tried; they would have no 
 further promising and no more delays. Words of 
 honeyed sweetness and graceful comx)limenis were wasted ' 
 on muskets and artillery; England should yield to 
 Ireland her rights or take the consequence — '-speedy 
 
292 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PKDSEXT. 
 
 revolution." She yielded, and with the best possible 
 simulation of good grace. 
 
 Thus far the history of the Volunteers is a record cl 
 success; in a few short years they had won commercinl 
 and political freedom for their country; all the glujy 
 was evanescent, and the tale of disunion and disaster 
 lias now to be told. In the moment of triumph, when 
 all seemed won, dissension broke out among the 
 l^opular leaders, and theliame was fanned by England; 
 the conflicting ambitions of some, the timidity and 
 courtlv moderation of others, sacrificed all that had 
 been gained. Grattan found a rival in Flood; the 
 former was a i>ure politician and a great patriot, the 
 latter a wise senator and a great statesman. They 
 quarreled on a question of principle, but princii)les 
 wwe soon forgotten in the heat of personal contro- 
 versy. 
 
 The Irish Parliament had repealed Poynings's law; 
 the English Parliament had repealed the obnoxious 
 statute 6 George I., which asserted tlierightof England 
 to legislate for Ireland. Grattan was contented with 
 this simple repeal; Flood insisted that England should 
 formally renounce forever ^wy such right. It must be 
 said that Flood advocated the wiser course, but it is 
 not. easy to understand how its adoption would have 
 material! V altered the future destinies of the countrv. 
 Irish liberty was the child of aims; in tlie spirit of the 
 Volunteers lay its best security, and when that spirit 
 passed away, and the muskets fell from nerveless hands, 
 parchments would have been of little avail against 
 English force and English fraud. Again, the work of 
 freeing the Irish Parliament had not been finished. It 
 • is true that En2:land could no lonc^er control it directly, 
 but it still remained entirely dependent upon the Eng- 
 lish interest here. Ic was the old corrupt Parliament, 
 
THE VOLUXTEER MOVEMENT. 
 
 293 
 
 and corruption was as effective a resource of state- 
 ri*nft as ever. Flood saw that if the Parliament was to 
 be saved from destruction the representation should be 
 refuiiiied. Unfortunately, the quarrel between him 
 and Grattan had deepened into personal hostility, and 
 they would not work in union. Although reform alone 
 could save the constitution of '82, Grattan refused to 
 advance; Flood refused to stand still. The Volunteers 
 themselves had impressed upon their leaders that much 
 was vet to be done; thev had demanded reform at their 
 meetings in every part of Ireland, and they were still in 
 arms, a hundred thousand strong, resolved to follow 
 their leaders, if only they were led. As in the previous 
 year, it was resolved to hold jn-ovincial assemblies of 
 the Volunteers, and at these meetings it was decided 
 that a great National Conventiori should be held in 
 Dublin. Amidst the hush of public expectation, one 
 hundred and sixtv delesrates met at the Roval Ex- 
 change on the lOrli Xovember, 17S3, and, having chosen 
 Charlemont as chairman, adjourned to the Rotunda. 
 It would have been difficult to find in all Ireland a man 
 less suited to the position of president of the conven- 
 tion than was Charlemont. He would not be com- 
 manded, and he was too feeble to control; his high 
 position and social graces had won him many adherents, 
 but it is not by soft-handed courtesy that stern dangers 
 may be averted. He had fallen into the hands of the 
 Court party, and many of his friends were in secret un- 
 derstanding with the government; and, though no 
 breath of suspicion taints his honor, he surrendered 
 himself without knowing it to the objects of the ad- 
 ministration. Of a different mould was the Bishop of 
 Derry, the demagogue Earl of Bristol, whose ambition 
 an Irish mitreand an English coronet could not satisfy. 
 A bold and resolute man. he was unstained bv the 
 bigotr\' which disgraced Flood and Charlemont. 
 
294 IRELATs'D, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 Ill conjaction with the former, he drew up the 
 of reform, which was approved by the Convention. A 
 bill founded on its principles was introduced into Par- 
 liament by Flood, and a struggle, of which the ultimate 
 issue was national life or deaih, commenced within 
 that assembly. The measure was rejected, those slavish 
 creatures of the administration would maintain their 
 '•'just rights and privileges'' against all encroachments; 
 and thnt, too^ in the name of liberty! What these 
 rights and privileges were has already been told; the 
 principle was the right to sell their country and 
 .beti-av all who trusted in them. It was a valuable 
 right, and worth struggling for; no ''patriot ' might 
 be bought in those davs for an invitation to a countess's 
 garden party and a second-class clerkship in a colony, 
 as a glance at the Black List will show Intense was 
 the indignation of the Volunteers; they had been 
 treated with contempt and defiance; the gauntlet had 
 been thrown down Would they pick it up ? Either 
 Parliament or the}^ should submit, which would it be? 
 They themselves were not to decide. Charlemont was 
 frightened; he hastily consulted with some other 
 '•moderates"; craven counsels, not manly boldness, 
 marked the meeting, the ''public peace" and the 
 " connection" should be maintained at all hazards, and 
 the upshot was that the Convention was dissolved by 
 a disgraceful ruse. So true is it that feebleness is tlie 
 worst crime in a popular leader. There was need of 
 '•an hour ot Cromwell'" to clear out that den of iniquity 
 in College Green, need of men who Avould not falter in 
 their work, nor pause for political etiquette; no need 
 whatever of this dainty-palmed weakness and elegant 
 incapacity. The binding principle which had held the 
 A'olunteers so firmly together was unloosed; doubts, 
 suspicions, and strange fears filled their minds; their 
 l^ower was gone — their strength broken. They might 
 
THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT. 
 
 295 
 
 beat to arms and pass resolutions; but the drum beats 
 and the eloquence was so much noise unheeded by the 
 government and their other foes. The organizaitlon 
 lived on for some years in a manner; isolated corps re- 
 mained undisbanded; but the National Army of Ireland 
 had passed away, forever — perhaps. 
 
 Thus the great struggle ended in the triumph of cor- 
 ruption and of the government. Politics stagnated 
 for a time, and to all outer seeming the Volunteer spirit 
 of the first few glorious years had been lulled to sleep 
 and shorn of its vigor. All the old resources of 
 English rule were jjut in action as they never had been 
 before, and now there was no man and no principle to 
 oppose them with effect. Bribery was an avowed 
 principle of government, as jury-packing was in later 
 times, and as trial without jury is in our own day. Tlie 
 dead religious feuds were revived, that so, the old weak- 
 ness ensuing, "the cause of law and order" might be 
 strengthened. It was all done to an end, a long time 
 looked forward toby the. "English interest"; plotted 
 for and schemed about with patient care and steady 
 purpose — the Union. All the Avhile the constitution- 
 alists and loyalists and lawyerlings of the Whig Club 
 were peddling about petty grievances, talking much 
 ameliorative nonsense, and uttering most hollow cant, 
 expressive of devotion to the sacred stupidity of 
 monarchy. Amongst them was one young law^-er, who 
 looked on matters in a different light from those around 
 him. He saw that something more than talk was 
 needed if Ireland was to be saved from the fate which 
 an aristocracy corrupted by foreign gold, a com- 
 monalty maddened by persecution, and a jieople 
 distracted by their divisions, should of necessity bring 
 upon the country. lie resolved to bind all Irishmen 
 together in the bonds of brotherhood; and thus arose 
 the "United Irishmen" society. The history of that 
 
296 
 
 IRELA^'^), PAST AXD PEESE^'T. 
 
 great organization is not now to be told ; it may be 
 briefly summed up. They failed, but their failure was 
 heroic. Before foreign rule had finally clenched its 
 gripe ui^on the land, they stood up to die, and died. 
 They gave their lives, and all that endeared them to 
 life, that their countr3nnen might be free, or, failing that, 
 be prepared to do as they did ; and since the headless 
 trunk was- borne from Thomas Street to an unhonored 
 grave, the Irish nationalist and the Irish provincialist — 
 Whig, West Briton, or whatever he may be— stand apart 
 in cur history, separated by a river of blood and 
 tears. 
 
 How do we now celebrate the birth of our nation ? 
 With drum-beating and marching, with flaunting of 
 gay flags and speeching — all by the tacit permission of 
 an English lord, representing the power against which 
 our fathers rose a hundred years a^o. Shall it be always 
 thus ? Must no'' be ever the answer to the question of 
 the fabled warrior, sleeping in that cavern of old 
 Inishowen, ''Is the time yet'corae?" How long may 
 the world, pointing to us, say, Woe to the land on 
 whose judgment-seat a stranger sits — at whose gates a 
 stranger watches 
 
 THE EXIIIBITIOX AND o'cOXXELL'S MONUAIEXT. 
 
 The celebration of the loth of August, 1882, has re- 
 alized the best that was dreamed of it and more. Its 
 triumph was simply peerless. Not one note of discord 
 or shadow of unpleasantness crossed it. Xot only in this 
 respect, but in size and pageantry, it excelled eyen the 
 proportions of the O'Connell Centenary. Miles and 
 miles of streets were populated with immeasurable 
 crowds, any one of which would have made a mass- 
 meeting. Bands beyond nuinber; a procession that 
 took two hours to pass at a quick march; streets gar- 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 
 
 297 
 
 landed from end to end with national colors; windows 
 crowded with a fair garrison of smiling women; one huge 
 furnace of enthusiasm, of life and gayety; no trace of 
 disorder that could employ the baton of a policemen; 
 not to talk of the guns of tlie huge army massed in the 
 city barrack-yards; weather sunshiny enough to com- 
 municate its genial influence and showery enough to 
 make peo|)le grateful that the showers were so transient; 
 nothing was missing that could give dignity, joy, or 
 greatness to a nation's holiday. 
 
 There were streets like Capel Street, and High Street, 
 and Tliomas Street, where every house, without ex- 
 ception, was dressed in fluttering banners. There were 
 others — among which Grafton Street, Nassau Street, 
 and Westmoreland Street had an evil preeminence — 
 where a Queen's birthday would have been more 
 honored. The Bank of Ireland floated not one yard of 
 bunting in sympathy with the nation whose heart was 
 throbbing around its sacred walls. Trinity College was 
 rigidly sealed up. A few persons who made a stealthy 
 ,'ippearance at one of the windows had a guilty look, 
 as of folk who had disobeyed the word of command. 
 The main entrance was closed. A printed notice in- 
 formed whom it might concern that admission could 
 only be had through a back door in Nassau Street. 
 Numbers of the court milliners and folk of that ilk 
 showed their impotent spite by banishing every smallest 
 emblem of rejoicing from their house-fronts. And yet 
 nothing was more wonderful in the day's success than 
 the warmth with which the procession was greeted in 
 the very districts, and from the very houses, that are 
 , supposed to be the fortresses of Castle gentility. In 
 Dawson Street, for example, clouds of handkerchiefs 
 were waved from nearly every window. Scarcely a 
 liouse there, or in Nassau Street, or lower Grafton 
 Street, or College Green, or Dame Street, but had some 
 
293 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 friendly greeting — some cheer from the roof, some 
 sno'.v-wliite token from tlie windows — that showed 
 liow marvelonsly the spirit of popuh\r education had 
 spread even into the i^urlieus of the Castle of late. 
 The National Bank lloated its green flag as well as its 
 raon2:L'el imitation of the Union Jaclv. The Hibernian 
 Eank floated an undeniable* green flag. Even without 
 the deafening accompaniment of cheers which re- 
 sounded along the route of the i^rocession like a mag- 
 nificent organ-voice, tlie enthusiasm in the very gen- 
 teelest houses would never have led a stranger to 
 suppose he was passing through neighborhoods where, 
 a few years ago, a national emblem would have been spat 
 upon and trampled. Either the Castle shopkeepers 
 are giving up the ghost, or have friends or retainers 
 who in their absence do not hesitate to shout their 
 acclamations to patriots of as decided a hue as Parnell 
 or Davit t. 
 
 But it was, of course, among the homes of the 
 people that the decorations w^ere the most numerous 
 as well as the most tastefuL At the verv Castle crates 
 there began lines of flags wdi-ich spread from house to 
 house for the whole length of High Street, Thomas 
 Street, and James's Street — sometimes in bright-colored 
 clusters, at other times in gay arches spanning the 
 thoroughfare, blended with national devices in flowers 
 and evergreens. 
 
 One feature of the street ornamentation was si^'nifi- 
 cant. All the flags of the universe, it seemed, were 
 afloat except the flag of England. The Irish and the 
 American colors were, of course, the prime favorites. 
 They drooped together from a thousand Avindows. The 
 French tricolor ran next in favor. Failing these, 
 violets, indigoes, blues, greens, yellows, and oranges 
 of unknown nationalities were flung to the breeze — all 
 that hadn't the blooded stamp of England upon them. 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 299 
 
 (There were a few disguised Union Jacks, but tLe 
 owners seemed always to Jabor under the necessity of 
 making them as unlike Union Jacks as possible. The 
 consequence was a very unsatisfactory compromise. In 
 one case the red and blue crossed square at the ensign 
 was retained. But the rest of the Hag was a dirty 
 white, with a light band of red across it. In another 
 case— indeed over the Exhibition building itself— a still 
 more uncomely transformation was attempted. There- 
 suit was a very ill cross between an Irish, an English, 
 and an American banner — with a green ground, a Mavor 
 of the Union Jack, and a bare suggestion of stripes and 
 stars. The cases in which even the attempt was made, 
 however, might have been counted upon one's fingers. 
 The vast majority of those who displayed flags took no 
 pains to conceal that there is no flag on earth in which 
 they are less tempted to invest than that which floats 
 from the Castle flagstaff. The extent to which the 
 American flag was displayed was a subject of general 
 observation, and wherever it was displaj'ed, it was 
 hailed with enthusiasm hardly less fervid than the im- 
 mortal firreen. I mav as well note here as elsewhere 
 that one of the most remarkable of the street decora- 
 tions was that outside the Ladies' Land League ofiices. 
 A blood-red flag with the crescent and star would have 
 been recognized as the Egyptian colors even without 
 the explanatory description, "Arabi," and a tricolor 
 bore the meaning legend, ''Remember the Boers." 
 
 By nine o'clock the whole city was in movement 
 towards the rendezvous. Bands from every corner of 
 the island; bands in all conceivable uniforms; bands 
 hi f^ay green-and white Emmet uniforms, with snow- 
 wliire plumes; bands in blue and gold; bands as mag- 
 nificently trained as the Cork Butter Exchange and 
 Barrack Street Bands, and bands of youngsters with 
 unambitious fifes, poured along by tw^enty different 
 
300 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 avenues, mingled with battalions of trades under their 
 gorgeous banners, and contingents of Foresters in their 
 resplendent dress. The arrangements were admirable. 
 Each body fell into its appointed x^lace like clock- worlv. 
 There was no confusion. Everv man and bodv knew 
 its ground and touk ic up. You will find underneath 
 every detail that industry could gather as to the mam- 
 moth line that by halt'-past nine o'clock covered the 
 four sides of Stei^heu's Green, and spread far into every 
 avenue that opens upon it. There w^as scarcely' a town 
 in Ireland unrepresented — if not by its Town Commis- 
 sioners (and fche\- mustered in wonderful strength) by 
 its trades or band. The trades procession proper was, 
 perhaps, the greatest uj)on record. Trades walked 
 that for many a languishing year never plucked up 
 courage to show their diminished heads in public. 
 Under the sunny inhuence of the national revival, 
 trades that were almost forgotton gave the public a 
 sturdy reminder of their existence. Of the appearance 
 of these bodies, it; is hard to speak without the sus- 
 picion of hyberbole. They were men fit to be the 
 standard-bearers in the struggle for the revival of Irish 
 trade. Their i^hyfiique. their dress, their whole ap- 
 pearance, their scarves and regalia, their beautiful 
 banners, were all worthy of the part the trades of Ire- 
 land are now summoned to play in vitalizing Irish in- 
 dustries. 
 
 Hitherto the pedestrian part of processions have gone 
 first, and the dignitaries in the carriages have come 
 last. This time the order of precedence was reversed, 
 in order that the personages wdio were to figure in the 
 unveilnient of the O'Connell Monunxent might be able 
 to get to their places without being wedged into an in- 
 extricable mass of men. Hence, after the advanced 
 guard of Quay laborers, the line of carriages com- 
 menced at once with those containing the O'Connell 
 
THE DUBLIX EXIIIBITIOIS". 301 
 
 familv and the Statue Committee, in whom it mnst in 
 candor be said the public showed no very violent in- 
 terest. Then came the Lord Mayor's procession in 
 state. Lord Mayor Dawson was greeted everywhere as 
 cordially as his maguificent share in the success of the 
 Exhibition richly deserved. After the members of the 
 Dublin Corporation (who wore their robes in their car- 
 riages) there followed a long line of carriages, contain- 
 ing the bishops and clergy, and the provincial mayors 
 and deputations, whose names I append below. Every 
 city and almost every town in Ireland that has Com- 
 missioners to send sent them. 
 
 The unveiling of the O'Connell Monument was simj^le. 
 The Lord Mayor, the Hon. Charles Dawson, pulled a 
 string which unloosed the drapery from it, and a shout 
 went up from the assembled thousands. He made a 
 speech, and was followed by the Hon. Charles Stewart 
 Parnell, M P., the High Sheriff, Edward Dwyer Gray, 
 M. P., John Dillon, M. P., and others. 
 
 The procession then moved to the exhibition building, 
 Avhich was opened by the Lord Mayor in the same 
 unostentatious, democratic manner. A Dublin jour- 
 nal, describing the opening, thus winds up: 
 
 Descending to the floor and taking uj) a good posi- 
 tion there, he could note a few^ more things. Tiiere 
 was a big attendance of clergy. Dr. Dorrian. of Beh 
 fast, had a seat whence he could admire the per- 
 formance of the splendid organ, for the loan of which 
 the Exhibition is indebted to him. In the front row of 
 the semicircle were some familiar faces. T. D. Sullivan 
 was on the next chair to AA^. H. O' Sullivan. A few 
 chairs awa}^, with still bright features and still bright 
 eye, sat that fine old veteran, the O' Gorman Mahon 
 The audience, on a nearer view, seemed in evei\v respect 
 the right sort of audience for the occasion, representing 
 the grit and intellect of every part of tlie country from 
 
302 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 Cork to the Giant's Causeway. Lawrence, the jjlioto- 
 graplier, had excellent materials for a historical picture, 
 if he only succeeded in getting good negatives from the 
 many points of view in which he tried to catch a like- 
 ness of the scene. 
 
 But to return to our Lord Mavor, whom we left 
 arriving with his procession. His appearance was the 
 signal for a salvo of cheering, wiiich was renewed as 
 eacii of the great ones was recognized by the people — 
 Parnell, calm and pale ; Dillon, looking brighter and 
 stronger — God be thanked for it! — than he did this 
 many a day; the High SheriiT, whose tall figure the 
 crowd were not slow in distinguishing. Tiie Lady 
 Mayoress and household were escorted by Y. Dillon to 
 places on the dais. On the Lord Mayor taking his seat, 
 the orchestra and chorus struck in with Mendelssohn's 
 *'Hynin of Praise,*' and we had the first oppoitunity 
 of judging what kind of a musical treat Mr. Robinson 
 had provided for us. 
 
 A chorus of four hundred singing such a hymn of 
 praise as that in such a building should produce a good 
 effect if it had anv excellence at all. This one did 
 
 ft/ 
 
 anyhow, helped out by the admirable orchestra and 
 organ, over which departments all of us gladly noted 
 two old friends and favorites, R. M. Levey and John 
 M. Glynn respectively, presided. The "Hymn of 
 Praise" was followed bv a selection from Havdn's 
 Creation." Mr. Ludwig opened with a recitative, the 
 chorus breaking in splendidly with "Let there be light." 
 This oratorio is remarkable for its magnificent descrip- 
 tive effects, and these were emphasized with wonderful 
 power b}^ Mr. Ludwig in the recitative, "The Raging 
 Tempest," and the air, " Rolling with foaming billows," 
 and by Mr. Barton M'Guckin, "In splendor bright is 
 rising now the sun." Miss Adelaide Mullen sang the 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION 303 
 
 soprano parts with precision, and her sweet voice gave 
 good account of itself in the closing trio. 
 
 AVIien the oratorio was finished we saw a gentleman 
 rising and presenting the Lord Mayor with a key in a 
 silken case and a book in a green cover. This was Mr. 
 Rooney, the secretary, making presentation to his 
 lordship of the keys and the Exhibition catalogue. 
 AV hereupon his lordship proclaimed, in clear and affable 
 accents, that the National Exhibition of Irish Industries 
 and Arts was duly opened. 
 
 Which said, in came the band and chorus again — 
 this time with Handel's titanic "Hallelujah" from the 
 '•Messiali'' (the oratorio, by the way, of the German 
 msestro whose first apx^reciative audience was a Dublin 
 one). One listened to this chorus almost with awe — 
 with its glorious fugue and stupendous diapason. 
 When it was over, Alfred Webb came forward and read 
 an address from the diiectors of the Exhibition Gom- 
 pan}'- to the Lord Mayor. 
 
 The Right Hon. the Lord Ma^^or, the Hon Charles 
 Dawson, in reply to the address, spoke as follows • — 
 
 Gentlemen, with heartfelt pleasure, I receive your con- 
 gratulations on this most auspicious event. With re- 
 gard to your kind references to myself, I may truly 
 say they apply to each and every one of you. And I 
 cannot forget nor forbear to mention the hopefulness 
 and spirit; that animated the trades and woi king classes 
 of Dublin and of all Ireland in supporting you and me 
 in the task we had undertaken. The success is a tribute 
 to their enero-v and self-reliance, and this fairv buildinir 
 a lasting memorial to the genius and steady preseverance 
 of Irish workmen. Give them fair play, and I will 
 guarantee their fidelity and exertions. They have left 
 behind them here a lasting proof of their i)()wer to 
 carry out a work without a moment's interrui)tion. I 
 may only wish all the new-born industries of Ireland a 
 
304 
 
 IRELAND, TAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 like support. This Exhibition blends, as you say, all 
 creeds and classes in the great work of national pro- 
 gress. May it be an omen of the extension of that 
 union so indispensable to our success. We do not 
 desire to exclude the productions or manufactures of 
 other lands, but rather to encourage and develop our 
 own. No one can blame us for this. I am quite sure 
 every exhibitor will make du^ allowance for the diffi- 
 culties with which we had to contend. If any are 
 displeased with their treatment, it is want of space, not 
 of disposition, we must plead as our excuse. That 
 want^can only be repaired by another Exhibition, at 
 which the increasing industries of Ireland shall, I hope, 
 find extended and sufficient space. You say much de- 
 pends upon ourselves. I say, all under God rests with 
 us. The employers and workmen of Ireland have the 
 future x)rosperity of the country in their hands. Here 
 these two interests, well-balanced and just towards each 
 other, have achieved a triumph which, I hope, may be 
 only the lirst of a long series for our country. I cannot 
 reciprocate your concluding prayer for my own hap- 
 piness, to which this day so largely contributes, without 
 conveying in an especial manner my thanks to our ex- 
 cellent slaff. The tribute to our architect, Mr. Ashlin, 
 is all around us; Mr. Dudijreon's work is everywhere to 
 be seen; Mr. Rooney and his colleagues deserve immense 
 praise for their untiring exertions, promoted by an in- 
 terest higher than any reward could create. There is 
 one name which comes up when I mention the stafip, 
 who, though not one of it in name, was its mainspring 
 in all things involving hard work— I mean Alfred Webb, 
 our fellow-director. None of us on the board but will, 
 I am sure, gratefully acknowledge the special services of 
 Mr. Webb. Were Irish enterprise carried out in the 
 spirit he displayed, then all would meet with the same 
 
r\i T\ r> A T? r T A \TI7 VT HniTQTT DTTRTIM 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 
 
 305 
 
 marked success wliicli shall, I trust, attend tliis under- 
 taking. 
 
 DUBLIN AND ITS PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 
 
 A visit to the Irish metropolis by the Irisiinian who 
 enters it lor the first time is an event in his life; while 
 to the traveler from other nations, whether he be born 
 of Celt or Gentile, it is no unimportant event either — if 
 he only understands it. Yet how man 3^ are there — like 
 Peter Bell, to wdiom " a primrose by the river's brim,'^ 
 a yellow primrose was, and nothing more — untraveled 
 countryman and wayfaring traverser of seas, wdiocome 
 to Dublin and leave it, just as they would enter and 
 depart from any city under the sun, enriched with no 
 other impressions than, mayhap, that it was a citj^ 
 and that a city was a place with fine buildings, and 
 streets, and tramcars, and crowds, and squalor, cheek- 
 by-jowl with splendor; or that it was a "one-horse" 
 concern, that the people were uncommonly slee^^y in a 
 business view, though civil, that the policemen were 
 mostly big, that double X stout was good drinking and 
 cheap; and such like, according to the temperament of 
 the sojourners and the circumstances under which they 
 make their stay?. That, we should say, is one of the 
 worst developments of Philistinism; and we hearlily 
 hope there will be more inspiration taken in by all who 
 visit Dublin this time and taken home with them to aid 
 the promptings to deeds and aspirations out of which 
 will gvo"^ the history of tlie future. 
 
 Ruskin made a charming book out of the "Stones 
 of Venice;" if the story of the " Stones of Dublin" 
 were written it would make a book, thouo-h of a dif- 
 fereiit kind, having its own jiowerful clinrm. For 
 Dublin intrinsically has its honored place among the 
 capitals, and Dublin's history is a condensed, intensified 
 refi^x of the chequered history of our land. To all and 
 
3C6 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 sundry wlio may Lave known it before, cr who hear It 
 now for the first time, be it known that Dublin, from 
 an artistic point of view, is one of the finest oaies in 
 the workl. Tiio Character of its numerous public build- 
 ings and of its principal streets is surpassed in no city. 
 AValk along from the Rotunda to College Green, and 
 vou need walk ho further to be convinced of this. 
 Then if vou reflect that it \va3 during the lifetime of a 
 fostering native Parliament that Dublin acquired the 
 chief of her beauties, you will begin to perceive the 
 bearing her historical has npon her architectural aspect. 
 Dublin, orEblana, or Balliatli Cliath, orDubhlinn — the 
 **Townof tlie Ford of Hurdles'' — has an antiquity of 
 seventeen hundred years, as record sheweth. There is 
 an interesting and authentic account of it by Ptolemy 
 CLaudius, bearing date A. D. 140. This we mention 
 by the way. For the rest, in this connection, is it not 
 written in a dozen authorities, beginning with the 
 Black Book of Christ Church, and can these not be 
 consulted bv any one as well as bv no who wishes to be 
 learned on the subject? Oar x'^i'esent task is to show 
 our readers over the present city, and the best way to 
 begin is with 
 
 A bird's eye view. 
 
 If Xelson's Pillar be good for anything, besides ob- 
 structing the traffic, it is for the unequaled view of the 
 city to be had from the platform at its top. Any of 
 our friends who are sound of wind and limb, and or an 
 adventurous turn, we would recommend to invest four- 
 pence in obtaining the privilege of climbing to the 
 summit oL" the spiral staircase inside the column. The 
 active weight who has accomplished the ascent suc- 
 cessfully has all Dublin, from its bay to the mountains, 
 spread out at his feet like a map. Sackville Street, 
 
 worthy of the procession of a Cleopatra," the broad- 
 
I 
 
 THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION 307 
 
 est and stateliest street in Europe, to •which the Maxi- 
 niillian Strasse of Munich, with its garden plots down 
 its centre, is only a make-believe intended I'or show and 
 not for business — Sackville Street, with the Rotunda 
 and Exhibition Building at one end, the O'Connell 
 Monument and magnificent O'Connell bridge at the 
 other, the General- Post-office in the middle, and the 
 rows of lofty houses at either side, is riglit under him. 
 A little beyond is College Green — one of the grandest 
 piazzas in the world, with the pillared glories of the 
 wliilom temple of our nationality, the street facade of 
 Trinity College, and the imj)osing banks and offices of 
 the street around; beyond this is Grafton Street, the 
 afternoon lounge of the fashionable; beyond this is St. 
 Stephen's Green, now converted into a i)eople's jiark 
 and a gem of landscape gardening by the liberality o£ 
 Lord Ardilaun; beyond Stephen's Green are Harcourt 
 Street and the Ratlimines district, and beyond theso 
 are the Wicklow Mountains. The two green patches 
 to the left of Stephen's Green are Merrion Square and 
 Fitzwilliam Square, wliich, with the neighborliood sur- 
 rounding, is the region most affected b}^ the Dublin 
 ''upper ten." That long and wide street, thronged 
 with a busy commercial life, running almost parallel 
 with the river, is made up of James's Street and 
 Thomas Street. In the former is Guinness' s brewerv, 
 which is a sight worth seeing as an Irish manufactory 
 and the greatest porter brewery in the world, and to 
 which we believe permits to strangers are freely and 
 courteously given. With the latter are connected many 
 historical associations — it was in Thomas Street Robert 
 Emmet was murdered and Lord Edward Fitzgerald 
 captured by Major Sirr. Thomas Street leads into High 
 Street, Christ-Church Place (which takes its name from 
 the Cathedral standing there). Castle Street, and Cork- 
 hill, where stands the Castle — save the marki — auu 
 
308 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PEESEXT. 
 
 round the corner to Dame Street. Tlie Liffey, witll its 
 quays and bridges, looking "so like the Seine at Paris 
 on a smaller scale, cuts the city in two. The localities 
 adjoining it on either side are the oldest in the city. 
 Fishamble Street is amongst them, where the Grattans, * 
 ancestors of the immortal Henry, used to live, hard by 
 which " Drapier's Letters" were published and Handel's 
 L' Allegro" and Messiah" lirst produced. (Mem.: 
 At the performance of the latter, which was for the 
 benefit of a charity, the ladies were requested to come 
 without hoops, and gentlemen without swords, in order 
 to give room for the bigger audience; the Lord-Lieu- 
 tenant attended, and £400 were the net receipts.) The 
 Liberties and the Coombe, which were in themselves a 
 city of industry when Ireland had her manufactures, 
 were also in this direction, but are now — quantum 
 mutatis ah illol — the i)lague-spot and slough of misery 
 and desolation of the city. The river at one end 
 vanishes from the view amid the foliage of the Phoenix 
 Park, at the other it Hows between rows of shipping, 
 past docks and niarine-3'ards, past the North Wall and 
 tlie Bull, past the Pigeon-house Fort and the Light- 
 liouse, and loses itself in the azure waters of the bav. 
 Backwards, due North, is another area of fine streets — 
 Gardiner Street and Mountjoy Square, Rutland Square 
 and Eccles Street, where Isaac Butt used to live (and 
 the Cardinal- Archbishop, before the i:)alace was trans- 
 ferred to Rutland Square), at the top of which is the 
 Mater Misericordis) Hospital; Dorset Street, where 
 Richard Brinsley Sheridan first saw the light, and 
 Summer Hill, being portion of the ground whereon 
 Ciontarf's famed fight was fought, ending in the wide 
 North Circular Road. And to the left again is the 
 Northwestern district, with its fringe of jails, and bar- 
 racks, and lunatic asvlums — an odd association. On 
 all sides are the spires of churches, the domes of noble 
 
THE DUBLIX EXHIBITION. 
 
 309 
 
 edifices, and the ceaseless hum — alas! not as resonant 
 as it should be — of the city's work-day life. 
 
 Having taken this general cowp d^oeil of the city, we 
 may descend from the pillar and consider the question, 
 what are we next to see. In that matter, of course, we 
 cannot pretend to dictate. The tastes of men are varied, 
 and their time in all cases is not unlimited. We will 
 simply mention, therefore, and give some account of 
 the XDrincipal sights in Dublin and its vicinity, and the 
 best way to see them. Our visitors, then, can take 
 their choice as to what they will see, and suit their 
 own convenience as to when and how they will see it. 
 
 THE BANK OF IRELAND. 
 
 Undoubtedly, the first part of the city for the visitor 
 to face should be College Green. Halting at the rail- 
 ings of the College, he will stand within a space whose 
 stately beauty and glorious associations no city can 
 rival. The building opposite and the breathing statue 
 in the centre of the ways might be the vision of a 
 prophet-poet crystallized in stone — the cradle of a 
 country's nationhood, and the man from whose loins 
 sprung its life. Here thundered the voice of the Volun- 
 teers, speaking through their cannon. Here halted 
 O'Connell in his procession, in the days Avlien the 
 word that he did not give would have been the signal 
 for our second freedom, and transfixed a multitude 
 with an inspired motion ol his hand. Here halted 
 Parnell in his procession in a later day to mark our 
 'recollection of the real goal to which we are striving. 
 Here hover the dreams of every Irish patriot, as if 
 some unseen power impelled them towards the place, 
 as that where would be ultimately witnessed the 
 jTatriot's ideal realized. The building, which is now 
 the Bank of Ireland, and which was formerlv the Irish 
 
310 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Parliament House, is ranked as the most perfect speci- 
 men of architecture in the three kingdoms. There is 
 certainly no house of legislature, or no building of 
 any kind in Europe, no matter how it may excel in 
 size and grandeur, which surpasses it in nobility, grace, 
 or the striking idealism of its conception. Its erection 
 was commenced in 1729, on the site of old Chichester 
 House, where the Parliament used previously be held, 
 and was finished in 1739 at a cost of £9o,0U0. It is 
 built in the form of a semicircle of grand Ionic pillars, 
 and is perfectly symmetrical. The extent of the grand 
 portico in College Green is 147 feet; on the apex 
 of its tympanum is the figure of Ilibernia, on either 
 side are the figures of Fidelit}^ and Commerce. To the 
 east side— facing and frowning ux)on the disgraceful 
 and disgusting effigy of Moore — are six Corinthian 
 columns, whose richness make a fine effect added to the 
 simple Ionic ; they are headed by a pediment on which 
 are placed the statues of Fortitude, Liberty, and 
 Justice. These formed the portico of a separate en- 
 'trance to the House of Lords — an addition which was 
 made in 1785 (in 1794 another entrance was made in 
 the western side ; both these additions cost an extra 
 £50,000). The exterior of the edifice is quite in l^eep- 
 ing with the majesty of its interior. The middle door 
 under the portico used to lead to the House of Commons 
 through a fine hall. The form of the Commons' 
 chamber was singularly beautiful — a circle, fifty-five 
 feet in diameter enclosed in a square ; the seats rising 
 above each other in concentric tiers ; a gallery for the 
 public running around; and a hemispherical dome sup- 
 ported by Corinthian columns covering the entire. The 
 Speaker's chair and the table, with all the insignia, 
 were on the floor. This room itself was an inspiration 
 to the orator, Avhose eloquence resounded through it 
 with an added dignitv. The House of Lords was 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 
 
 311 
 
 anoHier noble apartment, with an arched ceilinf^ resting 
 on Covintliian pillars, and having a rich entablature 
 running round the four sides. The fire-place was a 
 beautiful piece of work in Kilkenny marble ; above it 
 hung a tapestry representing the Battle of the Boyne ; 
 on the oj^posite wall was another commemorating 
 the Defense of Londonderry. After the Union this 
 building was sold to the Bank of Ireland for £50,000 
 and a veaiiv rent of £240. Of course tLe interior had to 
 be much altered to suit the requirements of the Bank. 
 The House of Commons was done away with, and now 
 there is a cash office, a splendid room of great propor- 
 tions, whose beauty is enhanced by rows of Ionic 
 columns, entablature, and paneled walls. The library, 
 another grand apartment, now holds the books of the 
 Bank, and the House of Lords is the meeting-room of 
 its directors. Towards Forster Place is the guard- room 
 and printing-office, where the notes are struck off. The 
 roof is fiat, and of such vast extent that a regiment of 
 soldiers could be mustered on it. In the library is a 
 fine model of the entire building, which took the artist 
 three years to complete. An order from one of the 
 directors will secure admittance to the printing-office 
 and other private portions of the edifice. 
 
 TRINITY COLLEGE. 
 
 • 
 
 The Parliament House looks over on Trinity College, 
 the alma mater of so many of the former's brightest 
 ornaments. Trinity College was founded by Queen 
 Elizabeth in 1591 on the site of the Augustinian Monas- 
 tery of All-Hallows, which was confiscated by Henry 
 VIII. The building presents a very handsome Corinthian 
 facade to College Green. Inside the fine gateway and 
 vestibule is an immense quadrangle, allowed to be one 
 of the first collegiate squares in the kingdom, in the 
 
312 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 centre of which is the campanile, or bell tower, a beau- 
 tiful piece of architecture. On one side are the chapel 
 and dining hall, on the other side the examination hall 
 and library. The dining-hall is a vast building which ac • 
 commodates over 300 persons; it contains some excellent 
 portraits of distinguished members of the University. 
 In the examination-hall are also a fine collection of 
 portraits, amongst others being those of Bishop Berkeley. 
 Molyneiix, Dean Swift, Henry Grattan. Hussey Burgh, 
 Henry Flood, Lord Kihvarden, Primate Usher, Dr. 
 Baldwin, and many more. This hall also contains the 
 chandelier which hung from the dome of the Irish 
 House of Commons. The library is a splendid building, 
 with a colonnade beneath. It contains upwards of 
 16,000 volumes, many of which are most: valuable and 
 rare, in tlie centre, together with the Fagel Library, 
 about 25,000 books, in the eastern pavilion. Its 
 manuscripts, too, are exceedingly valuable, while 
 amongst its treasures is an ancient Irish harp, said to 
 belong to Brian Boroihme. Bevond the library is the 
 **New Square'' with the new museum building, a struc- 
 ture in the Venetian or Cinque-Cento style, with mould- 
 ings and carved work Giottesque, which for effect and 
 diffuse beauty of ornamentation is unequaled. At the 
 other side of this buildiufi: is the extensive and beautiful 
 College Park, at whose far end are the medical school, 
 the new anatomical museum, and the gymnasium. 
 We should mention that '* Botany Bay," immortalized 
 by Lever, is the square at the Brunswick Street side of 
 ,the College. Tlie Provost's House is at the south side, 
 (opposite Grafton Street. Strangers are always courte- 
 ously admitted to the library, museums, and other 
 portions of the College on presenting their cards. In 
 front of the College are two beautiful statues — those of 
 Burke and Goldsmith; while between the College and the 
 Bank, in a most effective position, is the almost speak- 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION 313 
 
 ing statue of Grattan. It is remarkable that tliese three 
 statutes (thus in happy fellowship) of three great Irish- 
 men are the acknowledged master-x)ieces of another 
 great Irishman, the sculptor Foley. 
 
 A STATUE WITH A STORY. 
 
 No visitor should turn his back on College Green 
 without giving a little time to reflection on the illustrious 
 back that is turned thereon permanently by the memor- 
 able monstrosity of the quarter, the equestrian statue 
 perpetuative of a "glorious and pious" memory. 
 Chequered has been the fate, venerable the history, of 
 this war-worn monument. Erected in 1701 — majestic, 
 of air, the little Dutchman arrayed in the trapjiings of 
 a Csesar, and riding as if the spurs were on his toes, 
 the impetuous charger curving its neck in a suicidal 
 fashion, and curving its off fore-leg, of which there 
 is fully a foot and a half more than of any of the other 
 three, in a way showing the animal's remarkable 
 powers of accommodating itself to the difficulties of its 
 own anatomy — it is a testimony to the artistic instinct 
 and imaginative faculty of the admirers of William III. 
 in the seventeenth century. The material of which 
 the statue is composed is lead, which, if not a very 
 dignified metal for sculptural purposes, has proved, in 
 this instance, capable of making a monument "more 
 lasting than brass." For what brazen imaaje would 
 have withstood the vicissitudes of this — the villainous 
 outrages of rebellious Papists, the insults of the Col- 
 lege young gentlemen, indignant at being only allowed 
 a backside vision of their idol, the perennial gunpowder 
 of the Volunteers, and, above all, the loyal and aes- 
 thetic homage of five generations of Orangemen ? 
 Since the time it was erected till about fifty years ago 
 this effigy was the focus of glorious celebrations on 
 
314 
 
 lEELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Twelfths of July and Fourtlis of November. On 
 these occasions it was the taste of the Orangemen to 
 whitewash their fetish, paint the x^edestal blue, cover 
 AVilliam's classic nakedness in a scarlet cloak, sup- 
 plied from a theatrical property-shoi) in Anglesea Street, 
 and smother his conqueror's laurels in a cocked-har. 
 His truncheon they decorated with orange lilies, and 
 under his horse's curled foot was jDlaced a bunch of 
 green and white ribbons — a beautiful conceit typifying 
 the degradation of Irish Poper3\ The statue was in- 
 dued with the honors of Gesler's hat on such anniver- 
 saries, the Orange mob saw to it that all who j^nssed 
 their image should uncover and do homage.' It was in 
 front of this statue the Volunteers used assemble and 
 round its pedestal they hung their gallant mottoes. In 
 1792, hoAvever, they abandoned the custom in defer- 
 ence to their Catholic brethren and to the spirit of 
 toleration that was then animating Irish national life, 
 and the last time they did appear they wore green 
 cockades instead of the accustomed lilies. On the 
 night of November 3rd, 1805, a man came to the watch- 
 man on guard and told him he was a painter come to 
 whiten the statue for the morrow's celebration. After 
 painting away for a couple of hours he asked the 
 watchman to look after his pots and brushes while he 
 went to his emploj^er's for more paint. When dark- 
 ness vanished and the morning came, Dublin was hor- 
 rified to behold the doughty AVilliam thickly daubed 
 over with the blackest pitch, while a bucket of that 
 compound hung, as if it were his morning's oats,, from 
 the, horse's head. But it was on the nis^lit of April 7th, 
 1836, that the crowning indignity was inflicted. Shortly 
 after midnight a terrible explosion startled the echoes 
 of the place. Some nameless desperado had placed a 
 charge of fulminating silver beneath William, which 
 blew him out of the saddle a great height into the air 
 
THE DUBLIN EXIIIBITIOTf. 
 
 315 
 
 and landed liini in Trinity Street, wliere lie was found 
 next morning, his iace pitifully battered, and conveyed 
 in a donkey's cart to the foundrv to be mended. It 
 was when O'Conniell was Lord Mayor that the troubles 
 of the veteran were linally brought to an end: a Papist 
 heart that had learned to succor the wretched took 
 compassion on the poor statue, and liad it scraped of 
 all irs coats of paint and lime and pitch, and done up 
 decently, as it now a^^pears, in monumental bronze 
 picked out with gold. 
 
 THE EOYAL lEISII ACADEMY. 
 
 A few doors below the Mansion House, in Dawson 
 Street, to the true Irishman will be one of the most in- 
 teresting places to be visited in Dublin. It is endeared 
 to us and honored by the associations of such men as 
 Thomas Davis, Smith O'Brien, Dr. Petrie, Sir William 
 Wilde, as well as by the great national work which it 
 has done. Its museum, which is open every day free 
 to the public, is the most valual)le of Irish arclia3ologi- 
 cal treasures, of which Sir William Wilde has made an 
 elaborate and learned catalogue. An hour spent in it 
 is an inspiring lesson on our national past — a revelation 
 as to what sort of people our remote ancestors were, 
 which every Irishman would be- the better of experi- 
 encing. The Tara Brooch is a wondrous triumph of 
 exquisite design and workmanship, a dazzling gem 
 to-day, though it is over a decade of centuries old. 
 The Ardagli Chalice, a relic of the ninth century, with 
 its beautiful inlaid stones and delicate surface-chasing; 
 the Cross of Cong, tenth century, marvelous in its in- 
 tricate filagree-work, fit for the church of a pontiff; the 
 Shrine of St. Patrick's Bell — the bell itself is also ex- 
 hibited here — with its chaste tracery and glowing 
 jewels; and all the beautiful golden brooches, bracelets, 
 
316 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 collars, coronets, and rings displayed about the '^strong- 
 room," are the belongings of a people the essence of 
 whose life was art, poetry, refinement, culture, and 
 lofty idealism. Tiiey are some of what is left to us 
 of the Ireland of Saints and Doctors, who sent the 
 lirst professors to Oxford, and was the educator of 
 Western Europe. In the library of the Academy is 
 preserved, among other relics, the Speakers Chair of 
 the Irish House of Commons. 
 
 THE MANSION HOUSE. 
 
 The Lord Mayors official residence is in Dawson 
 Street. It is a spacious house with many large and 
 handsome rooms, the chief of which is the "Round 
 Koom," in which the civic balls and great public en- 
 tertainments are given. The roof of this tine room 
 is entirely unsupported by pillars. It was built by 
 the Corporation at the time of George IV.' s visit, 
 for the pur2)ose of accommodating the great number 
 of guests. In the garden at the side there is a ridicu- 
 lous equestrian statue of George I., who apjDears to be 
 looking complacently over the railings, as if the roj'al 
 jockey was conscious he could take the wall at a '* fly'' 
 if he were so minded. It has been whispered in Gath 
 that the present Mansion House is getting a bit seedy, 
 and that with the increasing dignity of Dublin tlie 
 time will not be long coming when the Corporation will 
 be asked to enlarge it or build a new one. 
 
 THE ROYAL DUBLIN SOCIETY'S BUILDINGS. 
 
 Amongst the most important of the free sights of 
 Dublin are the group of buildings of the Royal Dublin 
 Societ)''. approachable from Kildare Street, and through 
 Leinster Lawn, from Merrion Square. The central 
 
I 
 
 THE DUBLIN EXHIBITIOl^. 317 
 
 building, Leinster House, was originally the town 
 residence of the great duke of that ilk in the time 
 when Dublin was the capital of a self-governing nation, 
 and is itself a inagnilicent testimony to what Dublin 
 and its social life must have been in the fostering sun- 
 shine of those pre-Union days. The elegant buiklings 
 flanking Leinstfn- Lawn are the National Gallerv and 
 the Museum. The former comprises on the ground 
 floor a sculpture hall, a noble tiled and pillared apart- 
 ment, in which an important collection of casts from 
 the antique — a feature distinct from that of either 
 London or Edinburgh — is exhibited. At the end of this 
 hall is a splendid double-lighted stair-case leading to 
 the picture gallery overhead. The gallery contains 
 many of the genuine old masters, a profuse number of 
 copies therefrom, and some valuable sx)ecimens of the 
 modern schools. The gallery is open to the public 
 free every day but Saturday and Friday, from twelve 
 o'clock till six, and on Sundays from two o'clock. The 
 Museum on the opposite side contains a wealth of s])eci- 
 mens and objects relating to the sciences of geology, 
 ornithology, entomology, and conchology. One of its 
 most remarkable treasures is an almost perfect skeleton 
 of the fossil giant deer of tihis country. What will be 
 more interesting than the scientific department to the 
 general visitor will be the very rare and interesting 
 ancient Irish ornaments and weapons, and the fine collec- 
 tions of Estuscan vases, and many models of other art 
 objects to be seen here. This building is open to the 
 public free on Monday, Wednesday, Friday, and Satur- 
 day from twelve to three o'clock. The central building, 
 Leinster House, contains a very extensive library and 
 reading-rooms, to the use of which the public are ad- 
 mitted. In the spacious and lofty hall there are many 
 beautiful specimens of modern sculpture, which have 
 been greatly enriched by the generous Foley bequest. 
 
/ 
 
 318 lEELAND, PAST AND PPwESENT. 
 
 In connection with the Royal Dublin Society is an ex- 
 cellent School of Design, and the Botanic Gardens, 
 ^ Glasnevin, noticed in another place. This society lias 
 the high distinction of being the oldest of all similar 
 ones existing. In a corner of Leinster House stands a 
 statue, bv Farrell, of the liberal-handed William Dar- 
 
 ft/ ' 
 
 gan, who should not be forgotten tliese times, as he 
 was the founder of the lirst Irish Industrial Exhibition, 
 wliicli was held twenty-nine years ago on that very 
 site. 
 
 THE CUSTOM HOUSE. 
 
 A few hundred vards below O'Connell Bridore, on the 
 north side of the river, stands the Custom House. The 
 visit here, only that we have entered upon the era of 
 trade-revival, would be a depressing one. One of the 
 finest buildings in the metropolis — it is handsomer than 
 the London Custom House, and bia'a'er than the Douane 
 at Marseilles — it is a sadanacbronism, as far as Dublin is 
 concerned, a building without its legitimate occupation. 
 The corridors and courts and places which should be 
 resonant with the hum of commerce are silent and all 
 but deserted, and over the spacious offices and apart- 
 ments which should be devoted to the customs' business 
 of a thriving port are written such names as, "Poor 
 Law," '-Stamps," "Board of ^Yorks," "Assay," 
 "Inland Revenue," "Commissioners of Woods and 
 Forests." But there it stands, nevertheless, waiting 
 its good time, which is soon to come — its vast and 
 ^ stately proportions, its lofty cupola, statue-crowned 
 ' ix>of, pillared facades, w^aiting the time wlien Dublin 
 will be a credit to its custom house and its custom 
 house a credit to it. 
 
 THE FOUR COURTS. 
 
 The regal science of the law lias certainly a temple it 
 need not be ashamed of in Dublin. The Four Courts 
 
THE DUBLIJT ' EXHIBITION. 
 
 319 
 
 on Inn's-quay, scene of so many mighty trials and 
 exciting incidents, present a most imposing front to 
 the river. The pile is surmounted by a noble dome, 
 which forms the roof of a circular liall in the centre of 
 the building, off which are the entrances to the several 
 courts. A statue- of Trath adorns the centre of this 
 hall, and historical .pieces in bas-relief are placed in 
 the panels over the entrances to the courts, the subjects 
 including William the Conqueror forming Courts of 
 Justice: John signing the Magna Charta; the Irish 
 Chieftains and Henry II.; James I. signing the Act 
 of Oblivion and declaring th^ abolition of the Brehon 
 Laws. Between the eight windows of "the dome 
 are statues of Law, Justice, Mercy, Wisdom, Provi- 
 dence, Eloquence, Vengeance, and Liberty. The frieze- 
 work is adorned by medallions of the ancient law- 
 givers — OUamh Fodhla, Moses, Confucius, Lycurgus, 
 Solon, Numa, Alfred, Marcelio Caprse. In the hall 
 also are statues of Lord Plunkett, Sir Michael O'Loghlen, 
 and Chief Justice Whiteside. Of what may be seen 
 in this hall when it is term-time, and what is done 
 then in these courts, we refrain from writing, for is not 
 this writ large in a thousand satires wdiereto those who 
 are interested may turn? Besides this is not term-time. 
 
 ''the CASTLE.'' 
 
 Of the evil phenomena of this life, there is no class 
 of them so repellant as that of things which are old, 
 and whose vice and ugliness age serves only to intensify. 
 Such a mo-nster is Dublin Castle. It is ugly in its 
 appearance and as ugly in its deeds since the day King 
 John built it, with fortress and dungeons, to protect 
 liimself from the outer Irislirie and terrorize the city. 
 From the King who betrayed his own brother and his 
 own country, in the eleventh century, to the Cabinet 
 
820 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PliESENT. 
 
 Minister who betraj'ed the secrets of his Cabinet in the 
 last quarter of the nineteenth, its occupants, either 
 fateful] y chosen as spirits akin, or i)oisonecl by its 
 atmosphere, have been piling on its evil character, in 
 the ratio of arithmetical progression. Of all the wicked 
 and unlovely old institutions that ever were, it is the 
 worst. The Inquisition had the merit of being pictur- 
 esque. There was a certain dignity about the Star 
 Chamber. But there is nothing in ''the Castle'' of 
 Dublin that raises it out of the slime of which the toads 
 and vermin are begotten. It is certainly not a theme 
 to be introduced amongit the subjects of a pleasure 
 visit, and it should not be spoken of in the connection 
 but from the important part it plays in the government 
 of our country. Unfortunately, the history of ''the 
 Castle" is inseparably wound into the past history of 
 our land. ''The Castle" hasever been the quanon 
 of English rule in Ireland — the most potent demoralizer 
 of our national and social life — and every Irishman in 
 the Irish metropolis for the first time will do well to 
 visit the Castle, andimpress its features onhismemory. 
 He can always recall them afterwards when he hears 
 the name mentioned, and that will be useful, as the 
 recollection will leave him a less likely subject for the 
 subtle and far-reaching influence of the place. 
 
 THE CHURCHES. 
 
 One of the rarest of the visitors' treats will be the 
 churches. Of the ancient churches to be visited the 
 two chief are Christ Church and St. Patrick's. Apart 
 from their intrinsic beauty, the history of these and 
 the proof they give of what Catholicity and architecture 
 must liave been in Dublin eight centuries ago, are mat- 
 ters of great value and interest. It would be too much 
 here to give anything like the historical sketch that 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. • 321 
 
 might be given of these churclies or to detail what is 
 to be seen there. It is enough* to mention of Christ 
 Church that St. Patrick said Mass in it; that it was 
 there Lambert Simnel was crowned; that for some time 
 the Irish Parliament assembled within its walls; and 
 that Strongbow's tomb is preserved there to the present 
 day. Through the m-unificence of Mr. Poe, the dis- 
 tiller, this cathedral has been completely restored; 
 amongst the additions to its internal beauties is a 
 splendid rood-screen; Mr. Eoe has also built a synod 
 house in the style of the church, which is reached from 
 the latter by an effective covered bridge spanning 
 Michael's Hill. St. Patrick's Cathedral owes its res- 
 toration to the liberality of another eminent member 
 of the liquor trade, the late Sir Benjamin Lee Guinness. 
 This church was consecrated by Archbishop Comyn in 
 the tenth century. Its interior is very beautiful and 
 vast. The ancient crypt, under the south aisle of the 
 nave, which was probably the original seat of the 
 Dublin University in the earlier part of the fourteenth 
 centur}', should be seen. In Sr. Patrick's are preserved 
 many battle-torn military flags and trophies and relics; 
 and amongst the mural tablets are two commemorative 
 of Bean Swift and Stella. Pamphlet descriptions of 
 both these churches are to be had from the vergers at 
 the gates. Of course, the principal of the modern 
 Catholic churches will be visited by most strangers m 
 Dublin these w^eeks — all the ancient ones, which were- 
 Catholic too, being now, as the Americans would say, 
 "worked" in the Protestant interest. The Catholic 
 churches of our city are. with scarce an exception, ex- 
 ceedinoflv beautiful, each in its different way, and are 
 a wonderfnl. testimony to the status of the Faith in the 
 capital of Ireland. It would be almost invidious to 
 mention any, where all have such attractions, and where 
 all are so easily accessible, without the helj^ that we 
 
322 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 can give. Bat we may allude at least to the Mission 
 Fathers' Church, Pliibsborough; the Pro-Cathedral, 
 Marlborough Street; St. Francis Xavier, or the Jesuit 
 Church, in Up|w Gardiner Street; the Passionists' 
 Church at Mount Argus, Harold' s-Cross; St. Andrew's, 
 Westland Kow; and St. John's, Berkelej^ Street, as 
 amongst tlie most noteworthy; whilst undoubtedly the 
 prettiest church, as far as decoration is concerned, is 
 Sc. Alphonsus's, Drumcondra. There are a few old 
 churches in Dublin which the patriot should visit for 
 their sacred associations. In St. Werburgh's in Wer- 
 burgli Street, one of the most jiopular of the city 
 temples in old days, Lord Edward Fitzgerald is buried. 
 His body was laid here, under the chancel, one night 
 in 1798. By a singular stroke of the irony of fate. 
 Major Sirr, his capturer, is buried in St. Werburgh's 
 church-yard, and the two fierce combatants, having 
 been laid low by the great leveler, sleep their last sleep 
 almost side by side in the same clay to-day. Tn the 
 vaults of St. Michan's Church, in* Church Street, lie 
 the bones of the brothers John and Henry Sheares, 
 and in its graveyard is the tomb of Dr. Lucas. There 
 are very peculiar i:>roperties, by the way, attached to 
 the vaults of this church, attributed to their drv state, 
 of preserving the bodies interred in them; and several 
 bodies buried there many years ago, still in a perfect 
 state of preservation, are a very curious sight. While 
 on the subject of tombs, it should be noted that Thomas 
 Davis lies in Mount St. Jerome, the fine Protestant 
 cemetery of the cit}^ and that a handsome monument is 
 erected over the grave, which forms (me of the cemetery's 
 chief attractions. It is worthy of mention, too, that 
 Mrs. Ilemans, the poetess, is buried in St. Anne's 
 Church, in Dawson Street. 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. '62'6 
 THE MATER MISERICORDI.E HOSPITAL, 
 
 "whicli is admittedly one of the handsomest and most 
 admirable institutions of its kind in the Three King- 
 doms, is, without doubt, one of the sights of Dublin. 
 It is presided over by the Sisters of Mercy, and this is 
 enough to say that it is a heaven to all who are sick 
 and maimed, and lucky enough to get there, no matter 
 what faith they worship in. But what the visitor will 
 most be struck with is the building itself — its vastness 
 and beauty; the unusual elegance of its interior; its 
 grand hall and staircase; its pathological museum and 
 operation theatre, altogether unequaled in this coun- 
 try; its "mute matted corridors" and its wards, with 
 their exquisite cleanliness, airiness, perfume of flowers, 
 and sisters like ministering angels, flitting to and fro. 
 
 GLASNEVIN CEMETERY 
 
 Glasnevin is one of the finest cemeteries attached to 
 any city in Europe. , Any one who sees it wall say this 
 at} once — none more readily than the man who has 
 traveled. Pere-la-C liaise is the Glasnevin of Paris, 
 and the model cemetery of the Continent, but the 
 beauties of Peie-la-Chaise seem tainted with rouge and 
 I)owder when one has seen the sw-elling naturalness of 
 Glasnevin. The beautifully kept i)aths, the waving 
 trees, the rich countr}^ with the Tolka meanderijig 
 hard by, the pretty mortuary chapel in the centre, the 
 subdued and distant hum of the city, miike it a true 
 God's-acre, a genuine Mother of the Dead, in whose 
 bosom her sleeping children are held lovingly. The 
 most striking feature in the cemetery, on entering the 
 gate, is O'Connell's tomb, with its beautiful round 
 tower, and the '^O'Connell Circle," where sleep Curran 
 and "honest Tom Steele." The memorial cross of the 
 Manchester martyrs, while a shrine for the imtriot, is 
 
324 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 also a theme of admiration from the visitor. Some 
 one, too. has at last found out Clarence Mangan's grave, 
 and X)ut up a direction-post near it. The dear poet of 
 tears and glowing dreams has had his wish in death — 
 the grave that Korner longed for, where none come to 
 mourn but the birds and the caressing breezes, the 
 night weeping her dews, and the "cold, cold moon 
 tenderly shining.-' But he who goes to Glasnevin can 
 lind out all else that is interesting for himself on the 
 ground — the officials are obliging. The tram passes 
 the gate, and will bring him on a little farther to the 
 
 BOTANIC GARDENS 
 
 of the Royal Dublin Society. These are excellently kept; 
 their forcing-houses, with every gradation of climatic 
 temperature, growing all sorts of vegetation from the 
 Alpine edelweiss and Icelandic heather to the pine* 
 trees and bananas of the trojiics, should not be left 
 iinvisited. 
 
 THE PARK. , 
 
 The Phoenix Park, anyhow, is one point on which 
 Dublin claims superiority to every cit}^ in Europe. It 
 is a grand expanse of undulating coun'try, characterized 
 by the beauties of wood and river, and surrounded by 
 magnificent mountain scener}'', to which the Aveary 
 denizen of the Dublin purlieus can turn out at ten 
 minutes' notice and breathe reviving air and fancy him- 
 self in Arcadia. The Park has attractions apart from 
 its natural beauties — there are the People's Garden, 
 the Viceregal Lodge, the residences of the Chief and 
 Under-Secretaries, the Royal Irish Constabulary Depot, 
 the Gough Memorial Statute, the AVellington art 
 triumph, the Zoological Gardens. These latter are 
 specially worth visiting b}^ the tourist in Dublin — they 
 are extensive, handsome, well stocked with birds, beasts 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 
 
 325 
 
 and fishes of all sorts, and the price of admission on 
 Sundays is two pence. Chapelizod is a jiretty villnge 
 on the Liffey at one end of tlie Park. TJie famous 
 Strawberry Beds are on the Liffe\^ near Castle'knock. 
 The Park has historical associations other tlian those 
 of the review in the Fifteen Acres. The Wellington 
 Testimonial, if it did nothinf^ else, marks the scene of 
 the police battne in 1871; and right opi)osite the Vice- 
 regal Lodge the .visitor may stand on the scene of the 
 awful tragedy of three months ago, which Earl Spencer 
 witnessed from its windows. While in the Park 
 neigiiborliood, those so minded conld conveniently 
 have a look at grim Kilniainham. The Kingsbridge 
 railway terminus is a very handsome building near at 
 liand in the opposite direction; and the Royal Hosj)ital 
 for old soldiers, between Kingsbridge and Kilmainham, 
 also deserves a look in passing. Some celebrated 
 cricket clubs have their grounds in the Park, and 
 there is an excellent polo ground near the Viceregal 
 establishn^ent. A drive through and round the Park — 
 which a partv of three or fonr mav " do" very cheaplv — 
 is one of the very best ways of i)utting in a few hours 
 dnrimr a visit to Dublin. 
 
 THE KINGSTOWN AND WICKLOW DISTKICT. 
 
 Dublin's proximity to the sea is one of its crowning 
 advantages. Dublin Bay has-been compared to the 
 Bay of Naples, and, while not prejiared to go exactly 
 that length with enthusiasts, we must agree with 
 every one who ever sailed into it, except Mr. Thackeray, 
 who came in th<5 dark, that the bay of I he Irish metropo- 
 lis is a truly magnificent one, and is endowed with 
 beauties (^f its own, which even the Neapolitans might 
 envy. No trip to Dublin is complete without a trip to 
 Kingstown, which, besides its splendid harbor, where 
 
326 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 mail jiackets and men-o' -war securely ride, its liand- 
 some terraces, imijosing new Town Hall and fine hotels, 
 can boast an obelisk commemorating a most notable 
 circumstance — namely, that the spot whereon it stands 
 was the last spot of Irish earth touched by George IV.' s 
 gouty toe, on his departure from Ireland in 1821, when 
 Kingstown Urst became Kingstown, in his honor, and 
 discarded its honest patron ym of Dunleary. The sur- 
 roundings of the town, both at the Dublin and AVicklow 
 side, are vtji^y beautiful. Trains run to and from Kings- 
 town every lifteen minutes. Those who like tramway 
 riding can tram it to Booterstown and Blackrock, walk 
 from that to Kingstown, and tram it again from that to 
 Dalkey, if they so elect. Down to Bray is the loveliest 
 of trips, the railway running along the coast, i)ast 
 Dalkey, Killiney, and Ballybrack, in a manner com- 
 manding sea views unsurpassed by those of an}- rail- 
 w^ay in any country. To climb to the top of Killine\' 
 Hill and look from its obelisk, is to behold a panorama 
 w'ortli climbing any hill to see. When in Bray, and 
 having walked round the Head, it is the easiest thing 
 in the world to take a run to Enniskerry, only three 
 miles away, the most prettily situated of villages, 
 nestling amid a coverlet of trees in the bed of a lovely 
 valle3\ Here one may get a j>ass to visit the Poweis- 
 court demesne and glorious water-fall, while the famous 
 Dargle is close at hand, and the Glen of the Downs 
 not faraway; the Sugar Loaves looking serenely down, 
 and visible from all points of view. 
 
 HO^VTH. 
 
 For bold, wild, natural coast scenery, however, com. 
 mend us to Howth. A convenient train runs from 
 Amiens Street to Howth, whence the sturdy pedestrian, 
 in search of bracing air and gorgeous land and sea- 
 
THE DUBLIN EXHIBITION. 
 
 327 
 
 scapes, can trudge boldly liillwards, the new road iriak- 
 ing the ascent, to the healthy-limbed, a mere bagatelle. 
 From the top of the hill, the magnificence of the widely- 
 extended ocean view is simply indescribable. All 
 Dublin Bay is stretched before the tourist like a map, 
 Ireland's Eye, with its ruined church of St. Nessan, is 
 on his left; Lambay, the renowned, is beyond, it; and 
 forty miles away he can see, clear cut and bold, the 
 outlines of the Mourne Mountains. The Bailey Light- 
 house, right off the commanding "Nose" of Howth, 
 is an attractive bit in the scene; while the fishing boats 
 and steamers, ploughing their way out in the blue sea, 
 give the picture life and animation. The ruined Abbey 
 of Howth, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, and said 
 to have been built by the St. Lawrences, six centuries 
 ago, is a most interesting place to visit; while Howth 
 Castle, the residence of the Earl, when he is at home, 
 is always open to the visitor, and is well worth seeing. 
 A delightful steamer excursion is often made to Lam- 
 bay Island, which is always duly advertised in the 
 papers. Clontarf, the Irish Marathon, is at the Howth 
 side of Dublin, and one of its prettiest northern 
 subui'bs. * 
 
 THEATRES AND AMUSEMENTS. 
 
 Alas for Dublin! It has only one high-class theatre 
 since the noble old Roval was burnt, and Dubliners 
 and their visitors have to suffer all the drawbacks 
 which a management with a monopoly can inflict upon 
 them with luxurious impunity. We must be thankful 
 for small mercies, however, and, as far as amusements 
 in this connection are concerned, direct our friends to 
 the advertisements, where the theatres, and music- 
 halls, and concert-rooms, and circus temptingly se^ 
 forth their bills of fare. 
 
 1 
 
3^8 
 
 IRELAIN^D, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 
 
 Their Views on the Land League — Extracts from their 
 Pastorals and Addresses — Their Address to the 
 People of L'eland. 
 
 Should a single priest or bishop speak in opposition 
 to the Land League movement in Ireland, immediately 
 the English papers and the enemies of Ireland in gen- 
 eral lay hold of the fact and by labored efforts try and 
 manufacture it into a general opposition on the part of 
 the Irish hierarchy and priesthood in general. Even 
 all kinds of bulls and denunciation condemning the 
 movement have been weekly manufactured b}^ the 
 English press, to be immediar.ely afterwards swallowed 
 as a falsehood. The truth is, while the agitation keeps 
 witliin just bounds and does not allow itself to be 
 sullied b}" Communism or outrages, it has and will have 
 no warmer advocates. In proof of this we publish the 
 following as the views of the Hierarchy of Ireland: 
 
 ARCHBISHOP CROKE. 
 
 We are in a great many respects one of the finest 
 people on the face of the earth ; we are the most relig- 
 ious, the most generous, the most nnselfish, the most 
 sympathetic, and in many other respects we can com- 
 pare favorably with any other race upDn-the habitable 
 globe. We are also a patriotic people. By " patriotic'* 
 I mean that there are no people on earth who love their 
 
THE IRISH HIEKArwCIIY. 
 
 329 
 
 country more than Irishmen have loved theirs, and how 
 do I show this? I conkl show it in a f>:reat man v wavs. 
 I have met men of our race in almost every country in 
 the world, and wherever I found them far away, I 
 found that their devotion to the country of their birth 
 was even more intense than when thev were at liome. 
 1 have known people who came to visit Ireland after 
 beino: tenor fifteen or twenty A'ears away from it — I 
 have known them, at much inconvenience to themselves, 
 to carr}^ back some of the soil or some other little 
 souvenir of their native land. 
 
 As to the Land League movement, it is not a revolu- 
 tionary movement in the strict sense of the word. It 
 is a constitutional movement ; it is a lawful movement. 
 It is a movement which vve intend to push forward by 
 moral force alone. AVe do not intend to violate anv law; 
 we intend to exhaust all constitutional remedies. We 
 are perfectly certain that the elasticity of theConstitutipn 
 will allow us the means of working energetically to the 
 last, and finally achievimir tlie result we aim at. We 
 wish to produce the effect upon England, not by 
 physical force or by any manifestations of physical 
 force, but by moral means. 
 
 We want to make our grievances known before the 
 entire world, to tell France and Spain and Italy and 
 the United States and the great colonies that acknowl- 
 edge the sway of Great Britain that as in this country 
 we have been kept down by bayonets to the present 
 time, and as by bayonets we are kept down at present, 
 please God, we are now fully determined, bayonets or no 
 bayonets, to proclaim at all events our wants, and to pro- 
 claim that we will not be satisfied until we get our rights, 
 and that we will enlist on our behalf, not the swords 
 nor the guns nor the cannon of France or of Spain or 
 of Italy or of tlie United- States, but tlie intelligent 
 opinion of all the intelligent nations of the earth. 
 
330 
 
 IRELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 Therefore tliis is not a revolutionary movement, 
 nor is it an irreligious movement, because it is con- 
 ducted by the most religious i^eople in the world, and 
 backed up by the best, the most holy, the most sel- 
 sacrificing, the most faithful, and the most uncom- 
 promising priesthood in the world. It is not an unjust 
 movement, calculated or designed to do injury to any- 
 body. We repudiate that charge. We say that we do 
 not intend to do injury to any mortal man. We recog- 
 nize the rights ot* the owner of the soil, and we recognize 
 our own ri^rhts at the same time, and while we aive to 
 Ccesar the things that are Csesar's, we will assert for 
 ourselves the things that are ours. 
 
 THE PATRIOT BISHOP OF MEATH. 
 
 Bishop Nulty in an address said: We do not want 
 injustice or wrong; we want no more of these things, as 
 hitherto in Ireland w^e had nothing but tyranny and 
 oi:)pression. We will stand this no longer; too long 
 have we borne with it. We are determined now to 
 persevere until the soil of the countr\" shall be owned 
 by the people — to j)ersevere until no man shall have the 
 power any longer to evict the people who are able and 
 willing to live in the land of their birth. Besides the 
 few points and principles of equity introduced into the 
 bill, there were a number of qualifications and provisos 
 appended in exact antagonism to the principles of 
 the bill. Our object is to eliminate these things. If 
 the main principles of the Land Bill were carried out 
 without being hampered by any restrictions or excep- 
 tions, his belief was that it would be a good one, and 
 would go^lar to secure a measure of justice, fair play, 
 and loyalty to the people of Ireland. They did not 
 wish to be disloyal. They wished to be allowed to re- 
 main in peace and occupy the land of their birth. 
 
THE IRISH IIIERArwCIIY. 
 
 331 
 
 The highest and noblest title a man can have is to 
 be an honest and improving tenant, and if a man be 
 cheated out of that, he has a right before high heaven 
 to defend and maintain it. The Irish members of 
 Parliament had taken a peculiar action regarding the 
 'Land Bill. It was necessary for them to take an in- 
 dependent action, and they were Justified in doing so. 
 The people of Ireland had now a great power in the 
 Land League to combine, and when they do so legally 
 and justly there was no force on earth to withstand 
 them. Already they had made the landlords feel that. 
 It was better to settle the land question now than to 
 go on in the old way of toil unrequited, hopes blasted, 
 and disappointment. The landlords felt now as if part- 
 ing with their hearts' blood in acceding to a measure of 
 justice long delayed to tlieir tenants. But they must 
 give it up even to the last drop. 
 
 Let them conduct all their actions according to law, 
 peace, and order — with no injustice, no outrage, no stain 
 on their moral character. Let them never give up the 
 Land League organization until the peoi)le are allowed 
 to live in peace and prosperity in the country where 
 God placed them. The Land Bill was certainly a great 
 measure of justice, but it should be amended, and it 
 would, he trusted. 
 
 Kegarding the arrest of Father Sheehy, his Lordship 
 said that he did not know that patriotic priest. He well 
 knew the illustrious Archbishop of Cashel, and read 
 what he had said of the imprisoned clergyman. He well 
 knew that Dr. Croke would not say one word if he did 
 not absolutely believe in its truth, and therefore he said 
 that Father Sheehy was a good and a patriotic priest, 
 wdio emulated the priests of old in offering up their lives 
 for their people. He (Dr. Nulty) in heart and soul 
 emphatically condemned the government in arresting 
 and imprisoning him. What did it matter? Let them 
 
332 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 now arrest bishops and priests. He would gladly 
 follow Father Sheehy. It would be a relief to him 
 if he was taken up by the minions of the gov- 
 tn-nmenl and put in jail. It was no disgrace for a 
 bishop or a priest to be put in jail. One of the greatest, 
 men in Irehmd — Archbisliop O' Hurley of Cashel — was 
 hunted like a wolf by the English government. He 
 fled to the qld Castle of Fennon, close b}^, then owned 
 by the Flemmings, where he got a warm refuge. He was 
 discovered, dragged out of it, and brought a jirisoner 
 to Dublin, where he suffered a most painful and cruel 
 death. He suffered martvrdom and died for his coun- 
 try. The reason Father Sheehy was imprisoned was 
 because he loved his country. It was no disgrace to 
 suffer imnrisonment in old Ireland. His Lordship acrain 
 expressed his acknowledgements for the high honor 
 done him. He was prepared to do everything— to lay 
 down his life if need be — for his people. 
 
 The Most Rev. Dr. McEvilly, Coadjutor- Archbishop 
 of Tuam, in his Lenten pastoral, says : 
 
 "While the great bulk of our people are allowed to 
 live in the land of their birtli, in most cases, on mere 
 sufferance; while they are kept in constant dread, so 
 far as the protection of lavy is concerned, of being the 
 victims, in many instances, of plunder and spoliation; 
 while, in a state of anxious uncertainty, they have cause 
 to dread, in many cases, being turned adrift at the whim 
 of irresponsible power, and of forfeiting the fruit of 
 long toil and outlay, which is in reality for thousands 
 a question of life and death, — can they in any sense. of 
 the word be res-arded as free? While they see before 
 their eye the laborer defrauded of his hire on a gigantic 
 scale — what else can we term compelling men to pay 
 in ever-increasing rents for the fruits of their hard 
 industry? 
 
THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 333 
 THE MOST REV. DR. GILLOOLY ON THE CRISIS. 
 
 In liis Lenten pa.storal the Most Rev. Dr. Gillooll y, 
 Lord Bishop of Elphin, thus refers to the present 
 political situation: 
 
 In the very critical condition in which our country 
 is now placed, we feel it our duty to give advice to our 
 beloved diocesans on certain duties whicli they ought 
 presently to fuHil, and also on certain dangers against 
 which they should carefully guard themselves. In the 
 course of the irast year, at our conferences and visita- 
 tions, we spoke, very reverend and reverend fathers, 
 to you and your flocks, in the plainest terms, on the 
 organized agitation which was being carried on amongst 
 you and around you by the Land League. Whilst 
 deeply sympathizing with the tenant class in their 
 great losses and sufferings, and cordially approving the 
 efforts they are making to improve their relations with 
 their landlord, we could not in duty refrain from con- 
 demning several acts of injustice and intimidation 
 which had occurred — apparently in connection with 
 the Land League organization. We then warned our 
 beloved people against all violent and illegal means of 
 redress; and predicted, as it was easy to do, that il- 
 lec^al and defiant proceedings such as we condemned 
 w^ould certainly lead to coercive legislation, and pos- 
 sibly deprive the present generation of tenants of the 
 remedial measures which had been promised to them. 
 We now see, to our deep regret, a beginning of the 
 evils we apprehended in the Coercion Bill which has 
 been so eagerly and unanimously adopted by Parlia- 
 ment; and looking to the angrj^ vindictive spirit 
 aroused amongst the upper classes in England against 
 the land agitation and its promoters, we see great 
 reason to fear that not only will all legislation favor- 
 able to the people be defeated, but that the landlord 
 
334 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 class will be furnished with new means of oppression; 
 that they will reassert and enforce their claims with 
 renewed severity, and that the people will be again 
 victimized by fines, imprisonments, and evictions. 
 
 We have had ample evidence of the desi:)otic temper 
 of a Liberal House of Commons; we have seen the 
 House of Lords maintain its traditiona' liDStilirv to the 
 tiller of the soil; numerous and convincmg proofs have 
 also been supplied to us of the rigor with which the 
 orders of the iirovernment and the decrees of the laws 
 will be henceforth executed. In view of such facts, 
 and with such means of forecasting tlie future, what 
 honest man, if he be of sound mind, can still believe 
 in the success of violent and illegal remedies? Who 
 but an enemy can still advocate or recommend them? 
 
 THE BISHOP OF ACHONRY. 
 
 The Most Rev. Dr. F. J. MacCormack, Lord Bishop 
 of Achonry, says: 
 
 We have passed into another year and approach an- 
 other Lent, but the deep shadow of sorrow is still cast 
 over our troubled land. Distress still hovers over 
 the country, and it remains to be seen how the poor 
 laborers and small farmers may eke out an existence 
 during the ensuing spring and summer. The clouds of 
 discontent thicken apace, and the outlook seems more 
 gloomy day by day. The fortunes of our poor country 
 ar^ now in the uncertain balance of a foreign legisla- 
 ture, to be cast at the beck of British ministers. Dis- 
 content and disloyalty may be now perpetuated in this 
 ill-used country, or on the other hand, one of the great 
 wounds of Ireland may now be healed up and the feel- 
 ing of unrest be quickly abated. The pressing evil of 
 tl)e iniquitous land system of Ireland has been 
 brought to the front, and in its presence other Irish 
 
THE IRISH HIEEAPXHY. 
 
 335 
 
 grievances are hushed for the moment. In this 
 momentous crisis of our unhappy nation it behooves 
 clergy and people to unite in prayer to the Giver of all 
 good, that he may inspire British legislators with 
 wisdom and justice at a moment when great national 
 interests hang in the balance. 
 
 The land grievance of Ireland is admitted by all just 
 men, and the wonder is that any people with an in- 
 stinct of honest manliness could have borne a cruel, 
 transparent, and systematic wrong so long and so 
 patiently. The earnest appeal for redress has at length 
 gone forth, a combined effort to resist injustice is now 
 made in every province in Ireland — in the black North 
 as well as in the snnnv South. AVe mav rest assured 
 tha*; an urgent, persevering appeal for justice cannot 
 and will not be disregarded when it emanates from 
 Protestant as well as Catholic — from a body of "united 
 Irishmen" determined ro gain their point because 
 justice is on their side. But with that thorough per- 
 severance should be united an earnest endeavor to dis- 
 countenance the employment of every illegal means in 
 working out this all- important social reform. Let 
 coercion do its worst, it can never prevail in quenching 
 the claims of justice or silencing the spirit of eainest- 
 ness which is now abroad. 
 
 The eves of manv nations are now watchiri? the re- 
 suit of the Irish land movement^ eagerly awaiting the 
 next move of the British Government on the land 
 question, and how our poor country will fare at their 
 hands at this supreme moment. The United States of 
 America particularly regard the struggle wirh deep 
 and sympathetic interest. They see with regret "the 
 substitution of the methods of tyranny for the i)eace- 
 ful processof conciliation" tostifle the voice of Ireland 
 and paralyze her action. And they suggest that ''if 
 the British Parliament is unable or unwilling to apply 
 
336 
 
 IRELAND, TAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 an efficient remedy to tlie cancer that is eating away 
 the life of a nation," it is tlie duty of England to remit 
 the cure of the evil to the people of Ireland themselves. 
 We exhort both clergy and i)eople to hold together, 
 r.nited in sentiment and action, in this trying crisis of 
 o;ir country. The clergy of Ireland owe a deep debt 
 of loyalty to their faithful Hocks, and as long as the 
 people pursue the paths of justice and equity the clergy 
 shall be ever found bv their side. If the British orov 
 ernment would only make an honest effort to redress 
 the glaring grievances under which our poor people 
 have suffered for ages in unparalleled misery, they may 
 count upon a nation's loyalty and the cordial good 
 will of every true Irishman. But coercion, in and out 
 of Parliament, of the people and of the people's 
 representatives takes the lead of redress, even in the 
 full noonday of admitted wrongs — such coercion as 
 w'ds never heard of before, exasperating in the highest 
 degree, in every shape and form that ingenuity could 
 devise. 
 
 THE BISHOP OF CLOGIIER. 
 
 The Most Rev. Dr. Donnelly, Lord Bishop of Clogher, 
 refers thus to the land question: 
 
 It is with feelings of more than ordinary anxiety we 
 address you at the present juncture. Our country 
 presents at this moment, to the empire and the world, 
 a spectacle of social upheaving calculated to inspire all 
 of us with the gravest disquietude. After being res- 
 cued bv the cliaritv of the world — chiefiv, no doubt, 
 of our kith and kin — from the jaws of a terrible famine, 
 which would have been the second within a generation, 
 the Irish people have risen from their letharg}^ and, 
 joining together in lawful combination, have pro- 
 claimed tliat they siiall no lonf]rer submit to conditions 
 of life which keep the bulk of them in a state of chronic 
 
THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 
 
 337 
 
 abasement and misery, to be turned into tlie horrors 
 of a national famine by the failure of a single esculent. 
 Is it not time such a state of things should end, and 
 that Irishmen, patterns of industry, thrift, loyalty, 
 and prosperity in every foreign land, should no longer 
 be kept in a perpetual struggle between life and death 
 on this island which God has given for their suppoi t ? 
 . We have been calling on the legislature to rescue us 
 from land laws ^vhich condemn our people to starva- 
 tion and degradation; and now, for the hundredth time, 
 our appeal is responded to by coercion acts and arm 
 acts. And is this to goon for ever? Are we to be 
 left still preaching patience to a starving multitude, 
 loyalty and submission to a people for whom law is 
 but organized oppression, confiscation, exi^atriation ! 
 We have hopes that this may not be so, and that 
 counsels of humanity and prudence may at length pre- 
 vail; but the future is in the hands of God. Whilst 
 we ask the clergy to impress on their flocks the neces- 
 sity of prudence, moderation, and charity in the pres- 
 ent agitation, and the need of keeping strictly within 
 the laws of God and his Church, and the civil law as 
 well, we call on priests and people to join with us, at 
 this supreme moment, in making an earnest appeal to 
 Almighty God that he may move the hearts of your 
 rulers and legislators to send at length a message of 
 relief to a long-suffering nation. For this purpose we 
 ordain that the clergy and faithful of this diocese do 
 enter on a novena, or nine days of devotional exercises, 
 beginning with the 9th and ending with the 17th day 
 of March, the feast of our national apostle. 
 
 THE BISHOP OF CLONFERT. 
 
 The Most Kev. Dr. Duggan, Lord Bishop of 
 Clonfert, in his Lenten pastoral, thus refers to the 
 present crisis: 
 
338 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 It is earnestly hoped tliat Parliament will soon, by 
 wise, vigorous, and incisive legislation, put an end for- 
 ever to this burning land agitation — an agitation tbat 
 will not cease to exercise the public mind in some form 
 or another until hnally settled on principles in con- 
 formity with the eternal laws of equity and justice. 
 The condition of the laboring poor and artisan cUisses 
 in this as in other towns is this year simply deplorable. 
 The si-vUie is to be said of nniiibers of the small holders 
 of land throufjhout this diocese. The failure of the 
 potato crop affects those classes in a special manner. 
 For large numbers of them we see no alternativ-e but 
 starvation, or a judicious outlay in out-door relief, com- 
 bined with emx)ioyment on works of public utility. 
 The rigid a])plication of the work-house test to able- 
 bodied members of families, involving the eternal dis- 
 ruption of home ties, in seasons of exceptional severity, 
 would be simply inhuman. As the duties entrusted 
 by the legislature to those charged with the adminis- 
 tration of the poor-laws are being more and more ex- 
 tended year after year, it should be borne in mind 
 both by the rate-paying electors and guardians that 
 their responsibilities are become proportionately in- 
 creased — hence, amons: other matters, the duty on both 
 to endeavor to temper economy with a judicious and 
 humane regard to the condition of the indigent. It 
 would be impossible to find words to adequately ex- 
 press our thanks to the munificent benefactors from 
 all parts of the world who came to the relief of the 
 famine-stricken poor of our locality during last year. 
 We take this opportunity of again expressing our 
 fieartfelt acknowledgments. Let us hope the time is 
 not far distant when there will be an end of such 
 mendicancy. 
 
I 
 
 THE IKISII IIIERARCriY. 339 
 THE BISHOP OF DOWN. 
 
 • 
 
 The Right Rev. Dr. Dorrian, Bishop of Down and 
 Connor, in his Lenten pastoral, deals at length with 
 the land question and the present crisis in Ireland. 
 So far as he nnderstood the present agitation, he could 
 see nothing in its principles opposed to an equitable 
 settlement of the land question on the most consti- 
 tutional lines. He condemned the coercive legislation 
 of the government as unstatesmanlike, irritating, and 
 illogical. Coercion was the weapon of the tyrant, not 
 a remedy for hungering multitudes. It must 2>i*oduce 
 hatred, not love; and terror would not lead to willing 
 obedience of the law. In conclusion, he counseled his 
 flock to continue to discuss their grievances and keep 
 within the law until redress was constitutionally ob- 
 tained. 
 
 THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 
 
 Their Address to the People of Ireland. 
 
 The following is the full text of the address of the 
 Catholic Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland, as- 
 sembled in Dublin, June 10th, 1882, to their Hocks: 
 
 In the social crisis through which Ireland is now- 
 passing, which must long and deeply affect moral as 
 well as material interests, you have a right to expect 
 that your Bishops would give you advice and direction, 
 . and help to remove those perplexities with which the 
 most enlightened as well as the best-disposed are now 
 beset. Pressed by the duty we owe you in this con- j 
 juncture, and anxious beyond expression for your 1 
 temporal as well as for your spiritual welfare, we have 
 considered, at our meeting, among other subjects, the 
 present condition of our beloved country; and we now 
 hasten to communicate to you the result of those de- 
 liberations. 
 
340 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 Let US premise that, in forming our judgments, we 
 have been influenced chiefly bv the consideration of 
 your spiritual interests, and have been solely guided by 
 the dictates of conscience, and by the ever-just and 
 beneficent law of God. To 3'ou, the devoted children 
 of the Catholic Church, enlightened by faitli and 
 obedient to the divine [)recept of seeking ''first the 
 kingdom of God and his justice" — to you, as to our- 
 selves, it is and must be an undoubted truth that in all 
 questions, social and political, as well as religious, the 
 law of God is our supreme and infallible rule; that 
 what is morally wrong cannot be politically right; and 
 that an act which God forbids us to do cannot possibly 
 benefit either ourselves or our country. 
 
 Applying those principles to events every day oc- 
 curring around us, and to the important questions 
 Avhich now absorb tlie attention of our people, we see 
 dangers against which we must raise our warning voice, 
 and not a few excesses which we must deeply lament 
 and unequivocally condemn. 
 
 It is true that on religious as ^vell as political grounds, 
 it is the indisputable rigid of Irishmen to live on and 
 by their own fertile soil^ and be free to employ the 
 resources of their country for their own profit. Ifc 
 is, moreover, the admitted right, and often tlie dtity, 
 of those who suffer oppression, either from indi- 
 viduals or from the state, to seek redress b}' every 
 law^ful means; and to help in obtaining such redress 
 is a noble work of justice and charity. On ihese 
 grounds it is, that the object of our national move- 
 ment has had the approval and blessing not' only 
 of your priests and bishops, but of the Sovereign 
 Pontiff himself, and has been applauded in our own 
 and foreign countries by all men of just and generous 
 minds, without distinction of race or creed. It must, 
 however, be well known to you, as, indeed, it is to 
 
THE IKISH HIERARCHY. 
 
 341 
 
 the world at large, that in the pursuit of your legiti- 
 mate aims means have been from time to time employed 
 which are utterly subversive of social order, and op- 
 posed to the dictates of justice and charity. It is to 
 these unlawful means we desire to direct your attention, 
 and especially to the following: 
 
 1st — Refusing to pay just debts when able to pay 
 them. 
 
 2d — Preventing others from paying their just debts. 
 3d — Injuring the neighbor in his person, his rights, 
 or property. 
 
 4th — Forcibly resisting the law and those charged 
 with its administration, or inciting others to do so. 
 
 5th — Forming secret associations for the promotion 
 of the above or other like objects, or obeying the orders 
 of such condemned associations. 
 
 Under each of these heads numerous offenses, all 
 more or less criminal, have been committed, fearfully 
 prominent amongst them being the hideous crime of 
 mnrder, which, even at the moment we address you, 
 horrifies the public conscience, disgraces our country, 
 and provokes the anger of the Almighty. Against all 
 and each of these offenses we most solemnly protest in 
 the name of God and of his Church; and we declare 
 it to be your duty to regard as the worst enemy of our 
 creed and country the man who would recommend or 
 justify the commission of any of them. We solemnly 
 appeal to all our flocks, especially to the youth of both 
 sexes, not only to have no connection with secret 
 societies, but to condemn and oppose them as being 
 ho&tile alike to religion and to social freedom and 
 progress. 
 
 Let us now assure you that the national movement, 
 purged from what is criminal, and guarded against 
 what leads to crime, shall have our earnest support, and 
 that of our clergy. 
 
342 IHELAND, PAST AND PREST=:NT. 
 
 A considerable installment of justice has within the 
 last few years been given to the. tenant-farmers of 
 Ireland. To them, and to other classes of our country- 
 men^ especially to the laboring class, m/uch more is due; 
 and it is your duty and ours to press our claims until 
 they are conceded. In eveiy peaceful and just move- 
 nient of yours the clergy shall be with you, to guide, 
 and if necessary to restrain you; but you must not 
 expect them to do what in conscience they condemn. 
 They cannot be the sowers of hatied and dissension 
 amongst their flocks. They cannot under any j^retext 
 tolerate, much less countenance, lawlessness and dis- 
 order. They will work manfully with and for you, but 
 in the liglit ot* day, with lawful arms, and for just and 
 laudable objects; and we feel assured that your filinJ 
 obedience to their instructions, and to the admonitions 
 given in this brief address, will bring down the Divine 
 blessing on our country, save it from the evils with 
 Avhichitis threatened, and lead it sx)eedily toprosperit}-- 
 and i)eace. 
 
 Before concluding, we feel it our duty to declare, 
 without in any sense meaning to excuse the crimes and 
 offenses we have condemned, that, in onir belief, these 
 woiild never hare occurred had not the people been 
 driven to despair by evictions and the prospect of 
 evictions for the non-pay ment of exorbitant rents; 
 and furthermore, that the continuance of sucli 
 evictions, justly designated by rlie Prime Minister of 
 England as "sentences of death," must be a fatal, 
 permanent ^provocative to crime, and that il is the 
 duty of all friends of social order, and especially of 
 the government, to put an end to them as s^^eedily as 
 possible, and at any cost. 
 
 Earnestly beseeching our loving Lord to bestow on 
 you and on our afflicted country the wisdom, piety, 
 and fortitude of his Divine Spirit, and to teach you to 
 
THE IKI8H IIIEKAllCHY. 
 
 343 
 
 prefer the treasures of his grace to all the goods of 
 this earth, we heartily impart to you our pastoral 
 blessing. 
 [Signed] 
 
 Edward Caiidinal M'Cabe, Arclibisliop of Dublin and Primate of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Daniel M'Gettigan, Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of All 
 Ireland. 
 
 Thomas W. Croke, Archbishop of Cash el, etc. 
 
 John MacEvilly, Archbishop of Tuam, etc. 
 
 William Delaney, Bishop of Cork. 
 
 Francis Kelly, Bishop of Den y. 
 
 J, P. Leahy, Bisliop of Dromore. 
 
 James Walsh, Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin. 
 
 Lawrence Gillooly, Bishop of Elphin. 
 
 Michael Flannery. Bishop of Killaloe. 
 
 Patrick Dorrian, Bishop of Down and Connor. 
 
 George Butler. Bishop of Limerick. 
 
 Nicholas Conaty, Bishop of Kilmore. 
 
 Tho.mas Nulty, Bishop of Meath, 
 
 James Donnelly, Bishop of Clogher. 
 
 James Lynch, Coadjutor Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin. 
 
 Patrick Duggan, Bishop of Clonfert. 
 
 Hugh Conway, Bishop of Killala. 
 
 F. J. M'CoRMACK, Bishop of Achonry. 
 
 James Ryan. Coadjutor Bishop of Kilalloe. 
 
 Patrick F. Moran, Bishop of Ossory. 
 
 John Power. Bishop of Waterford and Lismore. 
 
 John McCarthy, Bishop of Cloyne. 
 
 Michael Warren. Bishop of Ferns. 
 
 William Fitzgerald, Bishop of Ross. 
 
 Bartholomew Woodlock, Bishop of Ardagh and ClonmacDoise. 
 Michael Logue, Bishop of Raphoe. 
 Andrew Higgins, Bishop of Kerry. 
 
344 
 
 IllELAXD, PAST AND PllESEXT. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE UNIOJT. 
 
 Articles of Union between Great Britain and Ire- 
 land — An Act for the Union of Great Britain and 
 Ireland. 
 
 The following are tlie Articles of Union between 
 Great Britain and Ireland: 
 
 THE ARTICLES OF UNION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 
 
 Resolved, 1. That in order to promote and secure the es- 
 pential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and consolidate 
 the strength, power, and resources of the British Empire, it 
 -vvill be advisable to concur m such measures as may best tend 
 to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into 
 one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and condi- 
 tions, as may be established by the acts of the respective Par- 
 liaments of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 Itesolved^ 2. That for the purpose of establishing a Union 
 upon the basis stated in the resolution of the two Houses of 
 Parliament of Great Britain, communicated by His Majesty's 
 command in the message sent to this House by His Excellency 
 the Lord-Lieutenant, it would be fit to propose as the first 
 article of Union, that the kinofdoms of Great Britain and Ire- 
 ' land shall upon the first day of January which shall be in 
 the vear of our Lord one thousand eiirht hundred and one, 
 and forever after, be united in one kingdom, by the name of 
 the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and that 
 the royal style and titles appertaining to the Imperial Crown 
 of the said United Kingdom and its dependencies, and altso 
 
AETICLES OF UNION. 
 
 345 
 
 the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners thereof, shall be such 
 as His Majest}' by his royal proclamation under the Great 
 Seal of the United Kingdom shall be pleased to appoint. 
 
 Resolvedy 3. That for the same purpose, it would be lit to 
 propose, that the succession to the Imperial Crown of the said 
 Uniled Kingdom, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, 
 shall continue limited and settled in the same manner as the 
 succession to the Imperial Crown of the said kingdoms of 
 Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, ac- 
 cording to the existing laws, and to the terms of the Union 
 between England and Scotland. 
 
 Mesolvedy 4. That for the same purpose, it would be fit to 
 propose, that the said United Kingdom be represented in one 
 and the same Parliament, to be styled the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 JResolved, 5. That for the same purpose, it would be fit to 
 propose, that the charge arising from the payment of the in- 
 terest and sinking fund for the reduction of the principal of 
 the debt incurred in either kingdom before the Union, sliall 
 continue to he separately defrayed by Great Britain and Ire- 
 land respectively. 
 
 That for the space of twenty years after the Union shall 
 take place, the contribution of Great Britain and Ireland re- 
 spectively, towards the expenditure of the United Kingdom in 
 each year, shall be defrayed in the proportion of fifteen parts 
 for Great Britain and two parts for Ireland; that at the expi- 
 ration of the said twenty years, the future expenditure of the 
 United Kingdom, other than the interest and charges of the 
 debt to which either country shall be separately liable, shall be 
 defrayed in such proportion as the said United Parliament shall 
 deem just and reasonable, upon a comparison of the real value 
 of the exports and imports of the respective countries upon 
 an average of the three years next preceding the period of re- 
 vision, or on a comparison of the value of the quantities of 
 the following articles consumed within the respective coun- 
 tries, on a similar average, viz., beer, spirits, sugar, wine, tea, 
 tobacco, and malt; or according to the aggregate proportiou 
 
346 
 
 IIIELA^^D, PAST AND PKESEXT. 
 
 rosulling from both these considerations combined, or on a 
 comparison of the amount of income in each country, esti- 
 mated from the produce for the same periods of a general tax, 
 if such shall liave been imposed on the same descriptions of 
 income in both countries; and that the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdoms shall afterwards proceed in like manner, 
 to revise and fix the said proportions according to the same 
 rules or any of them, at periods not more distant than twenty 
 years, nor less tlian seven years from eacli otlier, unless pre- 
 vious to any such period the United Parliament shall have 
 declared, as hereinafter provided, that the general expenses of 
 the empire shall be defrayed indiscriminately by equal taxes, 
 imposed on the like articles in both countries. 
 
 Resolved, 6. That for defraying the said expenses, according 
 to the rules above laid down, the revenues of Ireland shall 
 hereafter constitute a consolidated fund, upon which charges 
 equal to the interest of the debt and sinking fund shall in the 
 first instance be charged, and the remainder shall be applied 
 towards defraying the proportion of the general expense of the 
 United Kingdom to which Ireland maybe liable in each year. 
 That the pro}>ortion of contribution to which Great Britain 
 and Ireland will by these articles be liable, shall be raised by 
 such taxes in each kingdom respectively, as the Parliament 
 of the United Kingdom shall from time to time deem fit, pro- 
 vided always, that in regulating the taxes in each country 
 by which their respective proportion shall be levied, no article 
 in Ireland shall be liable to be taxed to anv amount exceedinc' 
 that which will be thereafter payable in England on the like 
 articles. 
 
 Resolved^ 7. That if at the end of any year, any surplus 
 shall accrue from the revenues of Ireland, after defraying the 
 interest, sinking fund, and proportioned contribution, and se- 
 perate charges to which the said country is liable, either taxes 
 shall be taken off the amount of such surplus, or the surplus 
 shall be applied by the United Parliament to local purposes 
 in Ireland, or to make good any deficiency which may arise 
 in lier revenues in time of peace, or invested by the commis- 
 
APwTICLES OF UjSTION. 
 
 347 
 
 sionirs of the national debt of Ireland in tl.G funds, to accu- 
 mulate for the benefit of Ireland at compound interest, in case 
 of contribution in time of war. Provided, Tlie surplus so to 
 accumulate, shall at no future period be suffered to exceed the 
 sum of five millions. 
 
 Resolved. 8. That all moneys hereafter to be raised by loan 
 in peace or war, for the service of the United Kingdom by 
 the Parliament thereof, shall be considered to be a joint debt, 
 and the charges thereof shall be borne by the respectivo 
 countries in the proportion of their respective contributions. 
 Provided, That if at any time in raising the respective con- 
 tributions hereby fixed for each kingdom, the Parliament of 
 the United Kingdom shall judge it fit to raise a greater pro- 
 portion of such respective contributions in one kingdom within 
 the year than in the other, or to set apart a greater proportion 
 of sinking fund for the liquidation of the whole or any part 
 of the loan raised on account of the one country than that 
 raised on account of the other country, then such part of the 
 said loan for the liquidation of which different provisions have 
 been made for the respective countries, shall be kept distinct, 
 and shall be borne by each separately, and only that part of 
 the said loan be deemed joint and common, for the reduction 
 of which the respective countries shall have made provision 
 in the proportion of their respective contributions. 
 
 Resolved, 9. That if at any future ^ay, the separate debt 
 of each kingdom respectively shall have been liquidated, or 
 the value of their respective debts (estimated according to the 
 amount of the interest and annuities attending the same, of 
 the sinking fund applicable to the reduction thereof, and the 
 period Avithin which the whole capital of such debt shall ap- 
 pear to be redeemable by such sinking fund), shall be to each 
 other in the same proportion with the resp^ective contribu- 
 tions of each kingdom respectively, or where the amount by 
 which the \ialue of the larger of such debts shall vary from 
 such proportion, shall not exceed otie hundi*eth part of the said 
 value; and if it shall appear to the United Parliament, that 
 the respective circumstances of the two countries will thencd- 
 
348 
 
 IllELAXD, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 forth admit of their contributing indiscriminately, by equal 
 taxes imposed on the same articles in each, to the future 
 general expense cf the United Kingdom, it shall be competent 
 to the said United Parliament to declare, that all future ex- 
 pense thenceforth to be incurred, together with the interest 
 and charges of all joint debts contracted previous to such de- 
 claration, shall be defrayed indiscriminately by equal taxes 
 imposed on the same articles in each country, and thenceforth 
 fiom time to time as circumstances may require to impose and 
 apply such taxes accordingly, subject only to such jDarticular 
 exemptions or abatements in Ireland, and that part of Great 
 Britain called Scotland, as circumstances may aj^pearfrom time 
 to time to demand, that from the period of such declaration, 
 it shall no longer be necessary to regulate the contribution of 
 the two countries towards the future general expenses, accord- 
 ing to an}^ of the rules hereinbefore provided. 
 
 Provided^ nevertheless, That the interest or charges which 
 may remain on account of any part of the separate debt with 
 which either countrv is chargreable, and which siiall not be 
 liquidated or consolidated proportionately as above, shall, 
 until extinguished, continue to be defrayed by separate taxes 
 in each country. 
 
 jResolcedf 10. That a sum not less than the sum which has 
 been granted by the Parliament of Ireland, on the average of 
 six years, as premiunfs for the internal encouragement of 
 agriculture or manufacture, or for the maintaining institutions 
 for pious and charitable purposes, shall be applied for the 
 period of twenty years after the Union to such local purposes, 
 in such manner as the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall 
 direct. 
 
 Jiesolved. 11. That from and after the first day of January, 
 one thousand eight hundred and one, all public revenue arising 
 from the territorial dependencies of the United Kingdom, 
 shall be applied to the general expenditure of ther empire, in 
 the proportions of the respective contributions of the two 
 countries. 
 
 Hesohedy 12. That for the same purpose it would be fit to 
 
ARTICLES OF UNIOIS". 
 
 349 
 
 propose that lords spiritual of Ireland, and 
 
 lords temporal of Ireland, shall be the number to sit and vote 
 on the part of Ireland in the House of Lords of the Parlia- 
 ment of the United Kingdom, and one hundred commoners 
 (two for each county of Ireland, two for the city of Cork, 
 one for the University of Trinity College, and one for each 
 of the thirty-one most considerable cities, towns, and boroughs,) 
 be the number to sit aiid vote on the part of Ireland, in the 
 House of Commons in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. 
 
 Resolved^ 13. That such acts as shall be passed in the Par- 
 liament of Ireland previous to the Union, to regulate the mode 
 by wHiich the lords spiritual and temporal and the commons to 
 serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of 
 Ireland, shall be summoned or returned to the said Parliament, 
 shall be considered as forming part of the treaty of Union, 
 and shall be incorporated in the act of the respective Parlia- 
 ments, by which the said Union shall be ratified and estab- 
 lished. 
 
 Ilesolved, 14. That all questions touching the election of mem- 
 bers to sit on the part of Ireland in the House of Commons of 
 the United Kingdom, shall be heard and decided in the same 
 manner as questions touching such elections in Great Britain 
 now are, or at any time hereafter shall by law be heard and 
 decided, subject, nevertheless, to such particular regulations 
 in respect of Ireland, as from local circumstances the Parlia- 
 ment of the said United Kingdom may from time to time 
 deem expedient. 
 
 liesolved, 15. Tliat the qualifications in respect of property 
 of the members elected on the part of Ireland to sit in the 
 House of Commons of the United Kingdom, shall be respect- 
 ively the same as are now provided by law, in cases of elec- 
 tions for counties, and cities, and boroughs, respectively, in 
 that part of Great Britain called England, unless any other 
 provision shall hereafter be made in that respect by act of the 
 Parliament of the United Kingdom. 
 
 Resolvedy 16. That when His Majesty, his heirs, or suc- 
 cessors, shall declare his, her, or their pleasure, for holding 
 
350 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 the first or any subsequent Parliament of the United King- 
 dom, a proclamation shall issue under the Great Seal of tiie 
 United Kingdom, to cause the lords spiritual and temporal 
 and commons who are to serve in the Parliament thereof on 
 the part of Ireland, to be returned in such manner as by any 
 act of this present session of the Parliament of Ireland shall 
 be provided; and that the lords spiritual and temporal and 
 commons of Great Britian shall together with the lords 
 spiritual and temporal and commons so returned as aforesaid, 
 on the part of Ireland, constitute the two Houses of Parlia- 
 ment of the United Kinsrdom. 
 
 Itesolved, 17. That if His Majesty on or before the first 
 day of January, one thousand eight liundred and one, on 
 wiiich day the Union is to take place, shall declare, under 
 the Great Seal of Great Britain, tliat it is expedient that the 
 lords and commons of the present Parliament of Great Bri- 
 tain should be members of tiie respective Houses of the first 
 Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of Great 
 Britain, then the said Lords and Commons of the present 
 Parliament of Great Britain shall accordinijlv be the mem- 
 bers of the respective Houses of the first Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom on the part of Great Britain, and they, to- 
 gether with the lords spiritual and temporal and commons so 
 summoned and returned as above on the part of Ireland, shall 
 be the lords spiritual and temporal and commons of the first 
 Parliament of thfe United Kingdom; and such first Parliament 
 may (in lhat case,) if not sooner dissolved, continue to sit so 
 long as the present Parliament of Great Britain may now by 
 law continue to sit, and that every one of the Lords of Par- 
 liament of the United Kinjidom, and every member of the 
 House of Commons of the United Kinixdom in the first and 
 nil su<*('e<ling Parliaments, shall, until the Parliament of the 
 Ignited Kingdom shall otherwise provide, take the oaths, and 
 make and subscribe the declaration, which are at present by 
 law enjoined to be taken, made and subscribed by the lords 
 and coTnTTions of the Parliament of Great Britain. 
 
 Jicsolced, 18. That for the same i)urpose it would be fit to 
 
ARTICLES OF UNIOX. 
 
 351 
 
 } ropose tliat llie Clinrclies of that part of Great Britain called 
 England, and of Ireland, should be united into one Church, 
 and the arclibisliops, bishops, deans and clergy of the Churches 
 of England and Ir.eland siiall, from lime to time, be summoned 
 to and entitled to sit in convocation of the United Cliurch in 
 the like manner, and subject to the same regulations as are at 
 present by law established, with respect to the like orders of 
 tlie Church of England, and the doctrine, Avorship, discipline, 
 and government of the United Church j^hall be preserved as 
 now by law established for the Church of England; and the 
 doctrine, worship, discipline, and governmeTit of the Church 
 of Scotland shall likewise be preserved as now by law es- 
 tablished for the Church of Scotland. And that the continu- 
 ance and preservation forever of the said United Church, as 
 the Established Church of that part of the United Kingdom- 
 called England and Ireland, shall be deemed and taken to be 
 an essential and fundamental condition of the treaty of 
 Union. 
 
 Resolved, 19. That for the same purpose, all laws in force 
 at the time of the Union, and all courts of civil and ecclesias- 
 tical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms, shall remain 
 as now by law established, subject only to such alteiations 
 and regulations, from time to time, as circumstances may ap- 
 pear to the Parliament of the United Kingdom to require, 
 provided that all writs of error and appeals depending at the 
 time of the Union, or liei^after to be brought, and which 
 might now be finally decided by the House of Lords of either 
 kingdom, shall from and after the Union be finally decided by 
 the House of Lords of the United Kiiigdom; and provided, 
 that from and after the Union there shall remain in Ireland 
 an instance Court of Admiralvv, for the determination of 
 causes civil and maritime oidy; and that all laws at present 
 in force in either kingdom, which shall be contrary to any of 
 the provisions which may be enacted by any act for carrying 
 this article into efl^ect, be from and after the L^nion repealed. 
 
 Hesolvcd, 20. That for the same purpose it would be fit to 
 propose that His Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and Ire- 
 
352 
 
 IKELAXD, TAST AXD PRESENT, 
 
 land shall, from and after the first day of January, one lliou-. 
 sand eight Imndred and one, be entitled to the same privileges, 
 and be on the same footing as to encouragement and bounties 
 on the like articles, being the growth, produce, or manufacture 
 of either kingdom respectively and generally in respect of trade 
 and navigation in all ports and places in the United Kingdom 
 and its dependencies ; and that in all treaties made by His 
 Majesty, his heirs and successors, with any foreign power, 
 His Majesty's subjects of Ireland shall have the same privi- 
 leges, and be on the same footing as His Majesty's subjects 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 Itesolved^ 21. That from the first day of January, one tliou- 
 sand eight hundred and one, all prohibitions and bounties on 
 the export of articles, the growth or manufacture of either 
 country, to the othei", shall cease and determine; and that the 
 said articles shall thenceforth be exported from one country to 
 the other without duty or bounty on such export. 
 
 Mesolved, 22. That all articles, the growth, produce or manu- 
 facture of either kingdom, not hereinafter enumerated as 
 subject to sjDecific duties, shall from henceforth be imported 
 into each country from the other free from duty, other than 
 such countervailing duty as shall be annexed to the several 
 articles contained in the Schedule No. I. ;* and that the articles 
 hereinafter enumerated shall be subject for the period of 
 twenty years from the Union, on iraportaion into each country 
 from the other, to the duties specified in the Schedule No. H., 
 annexed to this article, viz : 
 
 Apparel, Millinery, 
 
 Brass, wrought, Paper, stained. 
 
 Cabinet Ware, Pottery, 
 
 Coaches and carriages, Saddlery, 
 
 Copper, wrought, Silk, manufactured, 
 
 Cottons, Stockings, 
 
 Glass, Thread, bullion for lace, pearl, and 
 
 Haberdashery, spangles. 
 
 Hats, Tin plates, wrought iron, and hard- 
 Lace, gold and silver; ware, 
 gold and silver threads 
 
 ♦ This refers to Schedules annexed to the resolaiioiis, as originally introduced. 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION. 353 
 
 And that the woolen manufacture sHall pay on importation 
 into each country, tlie duties noAV payable on importation into 
 Ireland ; salt and hops on importation into Ireland, duties not 
 exceeding those which are now paid in Ireland ; and coals on 
 importation to be subject to burdens not exceeding those to 
 wliich they are now subject. 
 ' That calicoes and muslins be subject and liable to the duties 
 now payable on the same, until the fifth day of January, one 
 thousand eight hundred and eight ; and from and after the 
 said day, the said duties shall be annually reduced in such pro- 
 portion, and at such periods as shall hereafter be enacted, so 
 as that the said duties shall stand at ten per cent, from and 
 after the fifth day of January, one thousand eight hundred 
 and sixteew, until the fifth day of January, which shall be 
 in the year one thousand eight liundred and twenty-one ; 
 and that cotton, yarn, and cotton-twist shall also be subject 
 and liable to the duties now paj^able upon the same, until the 
 fifth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight, 
 and from and after the said day, the said duties shall be an-' 
 nually reduced at such times, and in such proportions, as shall 
 be hereafter enacted, so as that all duties shall cease on the 
 said articles from and after the fifth day of January, ona 
 thousand eight hundred and sixteen. 
 
 Jicsolved, 23. That any articles of the growth, produce, or 
 manufacture of either country, which are or may" be subject 
 to internal duty, or to duty on the materials of which they are 
 composed, may be made subject on their importation into 
 each country respectively from the other, to such countervail- 
 ing duty as shall appear to be just and reasonable in respect 
 to such internal duty or duties on the materials;, and that for 
 the said purposes the articles specified in the s^aid Schedule 
 No. I. should, upon importation into Ireland, be subject to 
 the duty which shall be set forth therein, liable to bp taken 
 off, diminished, or increased in the manner herein specified; 
 and that upon the like export of the like articles from each 
 country to the other respectively, a drawback shall be given, 
 equal in amount to the countervailing duty, payable on the 
 
354 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 ft 
 
 articles hereinbefore specified, on the import into the same 
 country with the other; and that in like manner, in future, it 
 shall be comj^etent to the United Pailiament to impose any 
 new or additional countervailing duties, or to take off or 
 diminish such existing countervailing duties as may appear on 
 like principles to be just and reasonable, in res^^ect of any 
 future or additional internal duty on any article of the growth 
 or manufactuie of either country, or of any new additional 
 duty on any materials of which such article maybe composed, 
 or any abatement of the same; and that when any such new 
 or additional countervailing duty shall be so imposed on the 
 import of any article into either country from the othei", a 
 drawback equal in amount to such countervailing duty shall 
 be given in like manner on the export of every such article 
 respectively from the same country. 
 
 Hesolvedy 24. That all articles, the growth, produce, or 
 manufacture of either kingdom, when exported through the 
 other, shall in all cases be exported subject to the same charges 
 as if they had been exported directly from the country of 
 which they were the growth, produce, or manufacture. 
 
 JResolvedy 25. That all duty charged on the import of 
 foreign or colonial goods into either country, shall on their 
 export to the other, be either drawn back, or the amount, if 
 any be retained, shall be placed to the credit of the country 
 to which they shall be so exported, so long as the general 
 expenses of the empire shall be defrayed by proportional con- 
 tributions. Provided, Nothing herein shall extend to take 
 away any duty, bounty, or prohibition which exists with re- 
 spect to corn, meal, malt, flour, and biscuit, but that the same 
 may be regulated, varied or repeated, from time to time, as 
 the United Parliament shall deem expedient. 
 
 A^f ACT FOR THE UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, 2d 
 
 JULY, 1800. 
 
 Whereas, In pursuance of His Majesty's most gracious 
 recommendation to the two Houses of Parliament in Great 
 
AETICLES OF UNIOIS". 
 
 355 
 
 Britain and Ireland respectively, to consider of such measures 
 as might best tend to strengthen and consolidate the connection 
 between the two kingdoms, the two Houses of the Parliament 
 of Great Britain and the two Houses of the Parliament of Ire- 
 land have severally agreed and resolved that, in order to pro- 
 mote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources 
 of the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such 
 measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of 
 Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, 
 and on such terms and conditions, as may be established by 
 the acts of the respective Parliaments of Great Britain and 
 Ireland. 
 
 And whereas, in furtherance of the said resolution, both 
 Houses of the said two Parliaments respectively have likewise 
 agreed upon certain articles, for effectuating and establishing 
 the said purposes, in the tenor followi!ig: — 
 
 Article I. That it be the first ai ticle of the Union of th,e 
 kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, that the said king- 
 doms of Great Britain aud Ireland shall, u})on the first day 
 of January which shall be in the year of our Lord one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and one, and forever after, be united into 
 one kingdom, by the name of The United Kingdom of Great 
 Britain and Ireland; and that the loyal style and titles ap- 
 pertaining to the imperial crown of the said United Kingdom 
 and its dependencies, and also the ensigns, armorial flags, and 
 banners thereof, shall be such as His Majesty, by his royal 
 proclamation under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom, 
 shall be pleased to appoint. 
 
 Article II. That it be the second article of Union, that the 
 succession to the imperial crown of the said United Kingdom, 
 and of the dominions thereunto belonging, shall continue lim- 
 ited and settled in the same manner as the succession to the im- 
 perial crown of the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland 
 is now limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and 
 to the terms of Union between Enixland and Scotland. 
 
 Article IH. That it be the third article of Union, that the 
 
3jG IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 said United Kingdom be represented in one and the same 
 Parliament, to be stvled " Tiie Parliament of the United Kins:- 
 dom of Great Britain and Ireland." 
 
 Article IV That it be the fourth article of Union, that 
 four lords spiritual of Ireland by rotation of sessions, and 
 twenty-eight lords temporal of Ireland elected for life by the 
 peers of Ireland, shall be the number to sit and vote on the 
 part of Ireland in the House of Lords of the Parliament of 
 the United Kingdom; and one hundred commoners (two for 
 each county of Ireland, two for the city of Dublin, two for 
 the city of Cork, one for the University of Trinity College, 
 and one for each of the thirty-one most considerable cities, 
 towns, and boroughs,) be the number to sit and vote on the 
 part of Ireland in the House of Commons of the Parliament 
 of the United Kinc^dom. 
 
 That such act as shall be passed in the Parliament of Ire- 
 land previous to the Union, to regulate the mode by which 
 the lords spiritual and temporal and the commons, to serve in 
 the Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of Ireland, 
 shall be summoned and returned to the said Parliament, shall 
 be considered as forming part of the treaty of Union, and 
 shall be incorporated in the acts of the respective Parlia- 
 ments by which the said Union shall be ratified and estab- 
 lished. 
 
 That all questions touching the rotation or election of lords 
 spiritual or temporal of Ireland to sit in the Parliament of 
 the United Kingdom, shall be decided by the House of Lords 
 thereof; and whenever, by reason of an equality of votes in 
 the election of any such lords temporal, a complete election shall 
 not be made according to the true intent of this article, 
 the names of those peers for whom such equality of votes 
 shall be so given, shall be written on pieces of paper of a 
 similar form, and shall be put into a glass, by the clerk of 
 the Parliaments at the table of the House of Lords, whilst the 
 liouse is sitting; and the peer or peers whose name or names 
 shall be first drawn out bv the clerk of the Parliaments, shall 
 be deemed the peer or peers elected as the case may be. 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 357 
 
 That any person liolding any peerage of Ireland now sub- 
 sisting, or hereafter to be created, shall not thereby be dis- 
 qualified from being elected to service if he shall so think fit, 
 or from serving or continuing to serve, if he shall so think 
 fit, for any county, city, or borough of Great Bi'itain, in the 
 House of Commons of the United Kingdom, unless he shall 
 have been previously elected as above, to sit in the House of 
 Lords of the United Kingdom; but that so long as such peer 
 of Ireland shall so continue to be a member of the House of 
 Commons, he shall not be entitled to the privilege of peerage, 
 nor be capable of being elected to serve as a peer on the part 
 of Ireland, or of voting at any such election; and that he shall 
 be liable to be sued, indicted, proceeded against, and tried 
 asacommoner, for any offense with which he maybe charged. 
 
 That it shall be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs and suc- 
 cessors, to create peers of that part of the United Kingdom 
 called Ireland, and to make promotions in the peerage thereof, 
 after the Union, Provided, That no new creation of anv 
 such peers shall take place after the Union until three of the 
 peerages of Ireland, which shall have been existing at the 
 time of the Union, shall have become extinct; and upon such 
 extinction of three peerages, that it shall be lawful for His 
 Majesty, his lieirs and successors, to create one peer of that 
 part of the United Kingdom called Ireland; ajid in like man- 
 ner so often as three peerages of that part of the United 
 Kingdom called Ireland shall become extinct, it shall be law- 
 ful for His Majesty, his heirs and successors, to create one 
 other peer of the said part of the United Kingdom; and if it 
 shall happen that the peers of that part of the United King- 
 dom called Ireland shall, by extinction of peerages or other- 
 Avise, be reduced to the number of one hundred, exclusive of 
 all such peers of that part of the United Kingdom called 
 Ireland, as shall hold any peerage of Great Britain subsisting 
 at the time of the Union, or of the United Kingdom created 
 since tlie Union, by which such peers shall be entitled to an 
 hereditary '^eat in the House of Lords of the United Kini2:dom, 
 then and in that case it shall and may be lawful for His 
 
358 IRELAND, PAST AND PliESEXT. 
 
 Majesly, liis heirs and successors^ to create one peer of tliat 
 part of the United Kingdom called Ireland as often as any- 
 one of such one hundred peerages shall fail by extinction, or 
 as often as any one peer of that part of the United Kingdom 
 called Ireland shall become entitled, by descent or creation, to 
 an hereditary seat in the House of Lords of the United King- 
 dom; it being the true intent and meaning of this article, that 
 at all times after the Union it shall and may be lawful for His 
 Majesty, his heirs and successors, to keep up the peerage of 
 * that part of the United Kingdom called Ireland to the number 
 of one hundred, over and above the number of such of the 
 said peers as shall be entitled by descent or creation to an 
 hereditary seat in the House of Lords of the United Kingdom. 
 
 That if any peerage shall at any time be in abeyance, such 
 peerage shall be deemed and taken as an existing peerage; 
 and no peerage shall be deemed extinct, unless on default of 
 claimants to the inheritance of such peerage for the space of 
 one year from the death of the person who sliall have been 
 last possessed thereof; and if no claim shall be made to the 
 inheritance of such peerage, in such form and manner as may 
 from time to time be prescribed by the House of Lords of the 
 United Kingdom, before the expiration of the said period of a 
 year, then and in that case such peerage shall be deemed ex- 
 tinct. Provided, That nothing herein shall exclude any person 
 from afterwards putting in a claim to the peerage so deemed 
 extinct; and if such claim shall be allowed as valid, by judg- 
 ment of the House of Lords of tlie L'nited Kingdom, reported 
 to Ills Majesty, such peerage shall be considered as revived; 
 and in case any new creation of a peerage of that part of the 
 United Kingdom called Ireland shall have taken place in the 
 interval, in consequence of the snpposed extinction of such 
 peerage, then no new right of creation shall accrue to His ' 
 Majesty, hi>i heirs or successors, in consequence of the next 
 extinction which shall take place of any peerage of that part 
 of the United Kingdom called Ireland. 
 
 That all questions touching the election of members to sit on 
 the part of Ireland in the House of Commons of the United 
 
AKTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 359 
 
 Kincfdom shall be heard and decided in the same manner as 
 questions touching such elections in Great Britain now are or 
 at any time hereafter shall by law be heard and decided; subject 
 nevertheless to such particular regulations in respect to Ire- 
 land as, from local circumstances, the Parliament of the United 
 Kingdom may from time to time deem expedient. 
 
 That the qualifications in respect of property of the mem- 
 bers elected on the part of Ireland to sit in the House of 
 Commons of the United Kingdom, shall be respectively the 
 same as are now provided by law in the cases of elections for 
 counties, and cities, and boroughs respectively in that part of 
 Great Britain called England, unless any other provision shall 
 hereafter be made in that respect by act of Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 That when His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall de- 
 clare his, her, or their pleasure for holding a first or any sub- 
 sequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, a proclamation 
 shall issue, under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom, to 
 cause the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, who are to 
 serve in the. Parliament thereof on the part of Ireland, to be 
 returned in sucii manner as by any act of this present ses- 
 sion of the Parliament of Ireland shall be provided; and that 
 the lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great Bri- 
 tain shall, together with the lords spiritual and temporal and 
 commons so returned as aforesaid on the part of Ireland, con- 
 stitute the two Houses of the Parliament of the United Kinp:- 
 dom. 
 
 That if His Majesty, on or before the first day of January, 
 one thousand eight hundred and one, on which day the Union 
 is to take place, shall declare, under the Great Seal of Gr^at 
 Britain, that it is expedient that the lords and commons of 
 the present Parliament of Great Britain should be the mem- 
 bers of the respective Houses of the first Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom on the part of Great Britain; then the said 
 lords and commons of the present Parliament of Great Britain 
 shall accordingly be the members of the respective Houses of 
 the first Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of 
 
IKELAND, PAST AND PrtESEXT. 
 
 Great Britain, and they, together with the lords spiritual and 
 temporal and commons, so summoned and returned as above 
 on tlie part of Ireland, shall be the lords spiritual and tem- 
 ])oral and commons of the first Parliament of the United King- 
 dom; and such first Parliament may (in that case), if not 
 sooner dissolved, continue to sit so long as tlie present Pai lia- 
 ment of Great Britain may by law now continue to sit, if not 
 sooner dissolved: Provided ahcays^ That until an act shall 
 liave passed in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, pro- 
 viding in what ca«;es persons holding oflfices or places of profit 
 under the crown of Ireland, shall be incapable of being mem- 
 bers of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom, no greater number of members than twenty, 
 holding such offices or places as aforosaid, shall be capable of 
 sitting in tiie said House of Commons of the Parliament of 
 the United Kingdom; and if such a number of members shall 
 be returned to serve in the said house as to make the whole 
 number of members of the said house holding such ofiices or 
 places as aforesaid more than twentj', then and in such case 
 the seat s or pi aces of such members as shall have last accepted 
 such ofiices or places shall be vacated, at the option of such 
 members, so as to reduce the number of members holding such 
 offices or places to the number of twenty; and no person hold- 
 ing any such office or place shall be capable of being elected 
 or of sitting in the said house, while there are twenty persons 
 kolding such offices or places sitting in the said house; and 
 that every one of the lords of parliament of the United King- 
 dom, and every member of the House of Commons in the 
 United Kingdom, in the first and all succeeding Parlinmonts, 
 shall, until the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall other- 
 wise provide, take the oaths, and make and subscribe the de- 
 claration, and take and subscribe the oath now by law enjoined 
 • to be taken, made, and subscribed by tlie lords and commons 
 of the Parliament of Great Britain. 
 
 That the lords of Parliament on the part of Ireland, in the 
 House of Lords of the Unite«l Kingdom, shall at all times have 
 the same privileges of Parliament which shall belong to the 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 361 
 
 lords of Parliament on the part of Great Britain; and the 
 lord sj^iritual and temporal respectively on the part of Ireland 
 shall at all times have the same rights in respect of their sit- 
 ting and voting upon the trial of peers, as the lords spiritual 
 and temporal respectively on the part of Great Britain; and 
 that all lords spiritual of Ireland shall have rank and precedency 
 next and immediately after the lords spiritual of the same 
 rank and degree of Great Britain, and shall enjoy all piivi- 
 leges as fully as the lords spiritual of Great Britain do now 
 or may hereafter -enjoy the same (the right and privilege of 
 sitting in the House of Lords, and the privileges depending 
 thereon, and particularly the right of sitting on the trial of 
 peers, excepted); and that the persons holding any temporal 
 peerages of Ireland, existing at the time of the Union, shall, 
 from and after the Union, have rank and precedency next and 
 immediately after all the persons holding peerages of the like 
 orders and degrees in Great Britain, subsisting at the time of 
 the Union; and that all peerages of Ireland created after the 
 Union shall have rank and precedency with the peerages of 
 the United Kingdom so created, according to the dates of 
 their creations; and that all peerages both of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, now subsisting or hereafter to be created, shall in 
 all other respects, from the date of the Union, be considered 
 as peerages of the United Kingdom; and that the peers of 
 Ireland shall, as peers of the United Kingdom, be sued and 
 tried as peers, except as aforesaid, and shall enjoy all privi- 
 leges of peers as fully as the peers of Great Britain; the right 
 and privilege of sitting in the House of Lords, and the privi- 
 leges depending thereon,. and the right of sitting on the trial 
 of peers, only excepted. 
 
 Article V. That it be the fifth article of Union, that the 
 Churches of England and Ireland, as now by law established, 
 be united into one Protestant Episcopal Church, to be called 
 T/ie Uiiited Church of England and IreUmd ■s^wdi X\\^\j the 
 doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the said 
 United Church shall be and shall remain in full force forever, 
 as the same are now by law established for the Church of 
 
362 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 England; and that the continuance and preservation of tlie 
 said United Church as the Established Church of England 
 and Ireland, shall be deemed and taken to be an essential and 
 fundamental part of the Union; and that in like manner the 
 doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the Church 
 of Scotland shall remain and be preserved as the same are 
 now established by law, and by the acts for the Union of the 
 two kingdoms of England and Scotland. 
 
 Article VI. That it be the sixth article of Union, that His 
 Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and Ireland shall, from 
 and after the first day of January, one thousand eiglit hundred 
 and one, be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same 
 footing, as to encouragements and bounties on the like articles 
 being the growth, produce, or manufacture of either country, 
 respectively, and generally in respect of trade and navigation 
 in all ports ajid places in the United Kingdom and its depend- 
 encies; and that in all treaties made by His Majesty, his heirs 
 and successors, with any foreign power, His Majesty's subjects 
 of Ireland shall have the same privileges, and be on the same 
 footing as His Majesty's subjects of Great Britain. 
 
 That, from the first day of January, one thousand eight 
 hundred and one, all prohibitions and bounties on the export of 
 articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either coun- 
 try, to the other, shall cease and determine ; and that the 
 said articles shall thenceforth be exported from one country to 
 the other, without duty or bounty on such export. 
 
 That all articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of 
 either country, (not hereinafter enumerated as subject to 
 specific duties,) shall from thenceforth be imported into each 
 country from the other, free from duty, other than such coun- 
 tervailing duties on the several articles enumerated in the 
 Schedule Xumber One, A. and B., hereunto annexed, as are 
 therein specified, or to such other countervailing duties as 
 shall hereafter be imposed by the Parliament of the United 
 Kingdom, in the manner hereinafter provided ; and that, for 
 the period of twenty years from the Union, the articles enu- 
 merated in the Schedule Xumber Two, hereunto annexed, shall 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 303 
 
 be subject on importation into each country from the otlicr, to 
 the duties specified in the said Schedule Number Two, and 
 the woolen manufactures, known by the names of Old and 
 New Drapery^ shall pay, on importation into each country 
 from tlie other, the duties now payable on importation into 
 Ireland: Salt and hops, on imporation into Ireland from Great 
 Britain, duties not exceeding those which are now paid on 
 importation into Ireland; and coals on importation into Ireland 
 from Great Britain shall be subject to burdens not exceeding 
 those to which they are 4iow subject. 
 
 That calicoes and. muslins shall, on their importation into 
 either country from the other, be subject and liable to the 
 duties now payable on the same, on the importation thereof 
 from Great Britain into Ireland, until the fifth day of Jan- 
 uary, one thousand eight hundred and eight; and from and 
 after the said day, the said duties shall be annually reduced, 
 by equal proportions, as near as may be in each year, so as 
 that the said duties shall stand at ten per centuni from and 
 after the fifth day of January, one thousand eight hundred 
 and sixteen, until the fifth day of January, one thousand eight 
 hundred and twenty-one ; and that cotton yarn and cotton 
 twist shall, on their importation into either country from the 
 other, be subject and liable to the duties now payable upon 
 the same on the importation thereof from Great Britain into 
 Ireland, until the fifth day of January, one thousand eight 
 liundred and eight, and from and after the said day the said 
 duties shall be annually reduced by equal proportions as near as 
 maybe in each year, so that as that all duties shall cease on tlie 
 said articles from and aftei'the fifth day of January, one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and sixteen. 
 
 That any articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of 
 either country, which are or maybe subject to internal duty, 
 or to duty on the materials of which they are composed, may 
 be made subject, on their importation into each country re- 
 spectively from the other, to such countervailing duty as shall 
 appear to be just and reasonable in respect of such internal 
 duty or duties on the materials; and that for the said pur- 
 
364 
 
 iu:::.AXD, past and pi:i:s::xt. 
 
 poses the articles specified in the said Schedule Number One, 
 A. and B., shall be subject to the duties set forth therein, liable 
 to be taken off, diminished, or increased, in the manner herein 
 specified ; and that upon the export of the said articles from 
 eacli country to the other respectively, a drawback shall be 
 given equal in amount to the countervailing duty payable on 
 sucli articles on the import thereof into the same country from 
 the other; and that in like manner in future it shall be com- 
 petent to the United Parliament to impose any new or ad- 
 ditional countervailing duties, or to take off, or diminish such 
 existing countervailing duties as may appear, on like princi- 
 ples, to be just and reasonable in respect of any future or ad- 
 ditional internal duty on any article of the growth, produce, 
 or manufacture of either country, or of any new or additional 
 duty of any materials of which such article maybe composed, 
 or on any abatement of duty on the same; and that when any 
 such new or additional countervailing duty shall be so imposed 
 on the import of any article into either country from the other, 
 a drawback, equal in amount to such countervailing duty shall 
 be given in like manner on the export of every such article 
 respectively from the same country to the other. 
 
 That all articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of 
 either country, when exported through the other, shall in all 
 cases be exported subject to the same charges as if tliey had 
 been exported directly from the country of which they were 
 the growth, produce, or manufacture. 
 
 That all duty charged on the import of foreign or colonial 
 goods into either country, shall, onjtheir export to the other, 
 be either drawn back, or the amount, if any be retained, shall 
 be placed to the credit of the country to which they shall be 
 so exported, so long as the expenditure of the United King- 
 dom shall be defrayed 'by proportional contributions : Pro- 
 vided alioajjs, That nothing herein shall extend to take away 
 any duty, bounty, or prohibition, which exists with resjiect to 
 corn, meal, malt, flour., or biscuit ; but that all duties, boun- 
 ties, or prohibitions, on the said articles, may be regulated, 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 3G5 
 
 varied, or repeal cd, from time to time, as the UriiLed Parlia- 
 ment shall deem expedient. 
 
 Article VII. That it be the seventh article of Union, tliat 
 the charge arising from the payment of the interest, and tlie 
 sinking fund for the reduction of the princi^^al, of the debt in- 
 curred in either kingdom before the Union, shall continue to 
 be separately defrayed by Great Britian and Ireland respect- 
 ively^ except as hereinafter provided. 
 
 That for the space of twenty years after the Union shall 
 take place, the contribution of Great Britain and Ireland re- 
 spectively, towards the expenditure ot" the United Kingdom 
 in each year, shall be defrayed irulhe proportion of fifteen 
 parts for Great Britain and two parts for Ireland; and tliat at 
 the expiration of the said twenty years, the futni-e expendi- 
 ture of the United Kingdom (other tlian the interest and 
 charges of the debt to which either country shall be separately 
 liable,) shall be defrayed in such proportion as the Parliament 
 of the United Kingdom shall deem just and reasonable upon 
 a comparison of the real value of the exports and imports of 
 the respective countries, upon an average of the three years 
 next preceding the period of revision; or on a comparison of 
 the value of the quantities of the following articles consumed 
 within the respective countries, on a similar average, viz., 
 beer, spirits, sugar, wine, tea, tobacco, and malt; or according 
 to the aggregate proportion resulting from both these con- 
 siderations combined; or on a comparison of the amount of 
 income in each country, estimated from the produce for the 
 same period of a general tax, if such shall have been imposed 
 on the same descriptions of income in both countries; and that 
 the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall afterwards ])ro- 
 ceed in like manner to revise and fi,x the said proportions ac- 
 cording to the same rules, or any of them, at periods not more 
 distant than twenty years, nor less than seven years from each 
 other; nnles<!, previous to any such ]>eriod, the Parliament cf 
 the United Kingdom shall have declared^ as hereinafter ]>io- 
 vided, that the expenditure of the United Kingdom shall bo 
 defrayed indiscriminately, by equal taxes imposed on the like 
 
303 IRELAND, PAST AND PllESENT. . 
 
 articles in both countries: that, for the defravinor the said 
 expenditure according to the rules above laid down, the 
 revenues of Ireland shall hereafter constitute a consolidated 
 fund, which shall be charged, in the first instance, with the 
 interest of the debrf; of Ireland, and with the sinking fund ap- 
 plicable to the reduction of the said debt, and the remainder 
 shall be applied towards defraying the proportion of the ex- 
 penditure of the United Kingdom, to whicli Ireland may be 
 liable in each year: that the proportion of contribution to 
 which Great Britain and Ireland will be liable, shall be raised 
 by such taxes in each country respectively, as the Parliament 
 of the United Kingdom sliall from time to time deem fit: 
 J^rovided ahcays^ That in regulating the taxes in each coun- 
 try, by which their respective proportions shall be levied, no 
 article in Ireland shall be made liable to any new or additional 
 duty, by which the whole amount of duty payable thereon 
 would exceed the amount which will be thereafter payable in 
 England on the like article: that, if at the end of any year 
 any surplus shall accrue from the revenues of Irelanrl, after 
 defraying the interest, sinking fund, and proportional contribu- 
 tion and separate charges to which the said country shall then 
 be liable, taxes shall be taken off to the amount of such sur- 
 plus, or the surplus shall be applied by the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom to local purposes in Ireland, or to make good 
 any deficiency which may anse in the revenues of Ireland in 
 time of peace, or be invested by the commissioners of the 
 national debt of Ireland, in the funds, to accumulate for the 
 benefit of Ireland at compound interest, in case of the con- 
 tribution of Ireland in time of war; Provided, That the sur- 
 plus so to accumulate shall at no future period be suffered to 
 exceed the sum of five millions: that all moneys to be raised 
 after the Union, by loan in peace or war, for the service of 
 the United Kingdom by the Parliament thereof, shall be con^ 
 sidered to be a joint debt, and the charges thereof shall bo 
 borne by the respective countries in the proportion of their 
 respective contributions; Provided, That, if at any time, in 
 raising their respective contributions hereby fixed for each 
 
AKTICLES OF UNION. 
 
 367 
 
 country, the Pailiament of the United Kingdom shall judge 
 it fit to raise a greater proportion of such respective contribu- 
 tions in one country witliin the year than in the otiier, or to 
 set apart a greater proportion of sinking fund for the liquida- 
 tion of the whole or any part of the loan raised on account 
 of the one country than that raised on account of the other 
 country, then such part of the said loan, for the liquidation of 
 Avhich different provisions shall have been made for the respec- 
 tive countries, shall be kept distinct, and shall be borne by each 
 separately, and only that part of the said loan be deemed 
 joint and common, for the reduction of which the respective 
 countries shall have made provision in the proportion of their 
 respective contributions: that, if at any future day the sepa- 
 rate debt of each country respectively shall have been liqui- 
 dated, or if the values of their respective debts (estimated 
 accordinsrto the amount of the interest and annuities attendinir 
 the same, and of the sinking fund applicable to the reduction 
 thereof, and to the period within which the whole capital of 
 such debt shall appear to be redeemable by such sinking fund) 
 shall be to each other in the same proportion with the respec- 
 tive contributions of each country respectively; or if the 
 amount by tvhich the value of the larger of such debts shall 
 vary from such proportion, shall not exceed one-hundredth part 
 of the said value; and if it shall appear to the Parliament of 
 the United Kingdom, that the respective circumstances of 
 the two countries will thenceforth admit of their contributing 
 indiscriminately, by equal taxes imposed on the same articles 
 in each, to the future expenditure of the United Kingdom, it 
 shall be competent to the Parliament of the United Kingdom 
 to declare that all future expense thenceforth to be incurred, 
 together with the interest and charges of all joint debts con- 
 tracted previous to such declaration, shall be so defrayed in- 
 discriminately by equal taxes imposed on the same articles 
 in each country, and thenceforth from time to time, as 
 circumstances may require, to impose and apply such taxes 
 accordingly, subject otily to sucli particular exemptions or 
 abatements in Ireland, and in that part of Great Britain called 
 
368 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND 
 
 Scotland, as circumstances may appear from time to time to 
 demand; that, from the period of such declaration, it shall no 
 longer be necessary to regulate the contribution of the two 
 countries towards the future expenditure of the United King- 
 dom, according to any specific proportion, or according to any 
 of tlie rules hereinbefore described; Provided nevertheless ^ 
 That the interest or charges which may remain on account of 
 any part of the separate debt "with which either country shall 
 be chargeable, and which shall not bo liquidated or consoli- 
 dated proportionably as above, shall, until extinguished, con- 
 tmue to be defrayed by separate taxes in each country; that 
 a sum, not less than the sum which has been granted by the 
 Parliament of Ireland on the average of six years immediately 
 preceding the first day of January, in the year one thousand 
 eight hundred, in premiums for the internal encouragement of 
 agriculture or manufactures, or for the maintaining institutions 
 for pious and charitable purposes, shall be applied, for the 
 period of twenty years after- the Union, to such local purposes 
 in Ireland, in such m:innet as the Parliament of the United 
 Kingdom shall direct; that, fi'om and after the first day of 
 January, one thousand eight hundred and one, all public 
 revenue arisinsf to the United Kinijdom from the teriitorial 
 dependencies thereof, and applied to the general expenditure of 
 the United Kingdom, shall be so applied in the proportions of 
 the respective contributions of the two countries. 
 
 Article YIII That it be the eighth article of the Union, that 
 all laws in force at the time of the Union, and all the courts 
 of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective 
 kingdoms, shall remain as now by law established within the 
 same, subject only to such alterations and regulations from 
 time to time as circumstances may appear to the Parliament 
 of the United Kingdom to require. Provided^ That all writs 
 of error and appeals depending at the time of the Union or 
 hereafter to be brought, and which might now be finally de- 
 cided by the House of Lords of either kingdom, shall, from 
 and after the Union, be finally decided by the House of Lords 
 of the United Kingdom; And provided, That from and after 
 
ARTICLES OF UNION 
 
 369 
 
 the Union, there shall remain in Ireland an instance Court 
 of Admiralty, for the determination of causes civil and mari- 
 time only, and that the appeal from sentences of the said court 
 shall be to His Majesty's delegates in his Court of Chancery in 
 that part of the United Kingdom called Ireland; and that nil 
 laws at present in force in either kingdom, -which shall be 
 contrary to any of the provisions which may be enacted by 
 any act for carrying thesfe articles into effect, be from and after 
 the Union repealed. 
 
 And w/iereas, The said articles having, by address of the 
 respective Houses of Parliament in Great Britain and Ireland, 
 been humbly laid before His Majesty, His Majesty has been 
 graciously pleased to approve the same; and to recommend it 
 to his two Houses of Parliament in Great Britain and Ireland, 
 to consider of such measures as may be necessary for giving 
 effect to the said articles; in order, therefore, to give full effect 
 and validity to the same, be it enacted by the King's Most 
 Excellent Majest)^ by and with the advice and consent of the. 
 lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present 
 Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that 
 the said foregoing recited articles, each and every one of them, 
 according to the true import and tenor thereof, be ratified, 
 confirmed, and approved, and be and they are hereby declared 
 to be the articles of the Union of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 and the same shall be in force and have effect forever, from the 
 first day of January, which shall be in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and one. Provided, That before that 
 period an act shall have been passed by the Parliament of Ii'c- 
 land, for carrving into effect, in the like manner, the said 
 foregoing recited articles. 
 
370 
 
 lUELA^'D, TAST AXD PKESENT. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 ORIGINAL LISTS. 
 
 Original Red List — Original Black List 
 
 ORIGINAL RED LIST, 
 
 OR THE MEMBERS WHO VOTED AGAINST THE UNION IN 1799 AND 1800, 
 
 WITH OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 Those names with a (*) affixed to them, are County Members; those 
 ■w ith a (f) City Members; and those with a(^). Borough Members. Those 
 ill Italics CHANGED SIDES, and got either money or offices. 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 1 * Honorable A. Acheson 
 
 2 * William C. Alcock . . 
 
 3 * Mervyn Arclulall . . 
 
 4 § W. II. Armstrong . . 
 
 5 * Sir Richard Butler . . 
 G * John Bagwell . . . . 
 
 7 § Peter Burrowes . . . 
 
 8 * John Bagicell, Jun. 
 
 9 \ John Ball 
 
 10 t Charles Ball .... 
 
 11 f Sir Jonah Barrington . 
 
 12 § Charles Busbe . . . 
 
 13 f John C. Beresford . . 
 
 14. Arthur Brown . . . 
 
 OBSERVATION. 
 
 Son to Lord Gosford. 
 Couuty Wexford, 
 County Fermanagh. 
 Refused all terms from Government. 
 Changed Sides. See Black List. 
 Changed aides twice. See Black List. 
 Now Judge of the Insolvent Court; a 
 steady Auti Unionist. 
 Changed sides. Sen Black List. 
 Member for Drogheda — incorruptible. 
 Brother to" the preceding. 
 King's Counsel — Judge of the Admiralty — 
 
 refused all terms. 
 Afterwards Solicitor General and Chief 
 
 Justice of Ireland — incorruptible. 
 Seceded from Mr. Ponsonby in 1799, on his 
 declaration of independence. That se- 
 cession was fatal to Ireland. 
 Member for the University, changed sides 
 in 1800; was appointed Prime Sergeant 
 by Lord Castlereagh, through Mr. Un- 
 der Secretary Cooke — of all others the 
 most open and palpable case. See Black 
 List. 
 
ORIGINAL RED LIST. 
 
 371 
 
 XAMES. 
 
 15 § Williiitn Blakeney . 
 
 16 * William Burton . 
 
 17 * H. V. Brooke. 
 
 18 § Blayney Balfour. 
 
 19 ^ David Babinglon . 
 
 20 f Hon. James Butler 
 
 21 * Col. J. Maxwell Barry 
 
 22 § William Bagwell . . 
 
 23 * Viscount Corry . . . 
 
 24 f Robert Croice 
 
 25 * Lord Clements . 
 
 26 * Lord Cole . . 
 
 27 § Hon. Lowry Cole . . 
 
 28 * R. Shapland Carew . 
 
 29 f Hon. A. Creighton 
 
 30 f Hon. J. Creighton . . 
 
 31 * Joseph Edward Cooper 
 
 32 f James Cane . . . . 
 
 33 * Lord Caulfield . . . 
 
 34 \ Henry Coddington 
 
 35 j5 George Crookshank 
 
 36 * Denis B. Daly . . 
 
 37 t Nouh Dill way. 
 
 38 * Ricliard Dawson. 
 
 39 ^ Arthur Dawson 
 
 40 * Francis Dobbs . 
 
 OBSETfVATION. 
 
 A Pensioner, but opposed Government. 
 Sold his BorougJi, Carlow, to a Unionist 
 
 (Lord Tullamore), but remained stauiu h 
 
 himself. 
 
 Connected vritli Lord Belmore. 
 
 (Now Marquis of Ormonde), noted in 1800 
 
 against a Union, but with Government 
 
 on Lord Corry's motion 
 (Now Lord Farnham). nephew to the 
 
 speaker. 
 
 Changed sides twice, concluded as a Union- 
 ist. 
 
 (Now Lord Belmore), dismissed from his 
 regiment by Lord Cornwallis — a zealous 
 leader of the Opposition. 
 
 A Barrister, bribed by Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 (Now Lord Leitrim.) * 
 
 (Now Lord Enuiskillen), unfortunately dis- 
 sented from Mr. Ponsonby's motion for a 
 declaration of independence in 1799, 
 XDliereby the Union was revived and 
 carried. 
 
 A General; brother to Lord Cole. 
 
 Changed sides, and' became a Unionist. 
 
 See Black List. 
 Changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 Changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 (Now Earl Charlcmont), son to Earl 
 
 Charlemont, a principal leader of the 
 
 Opposition. 
 
 A son of the Judge of the Common Pleas. 
 Brother-in-law to Mr. Ponsonby; a most 
 active Anti-Unionist. 
 
 Formerly a Banker, father to the late Un- 
 der-Secretary. 
 
 Famous for his Doctrine on the Millen- 
 nmm; an enthusiastic Anti-Unionist. 
 
372 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 41 f John Egan .... King's Counsel, Chairman of Kilmainbam; 
 
 offered a Judge's seat, but could not be 
 purchased, though far from rich. 
 
 42 R L Edgeworth. 
 
 43 t George Evans. 
 
 44 * Sir John Freke, Bart. (Now Lord Carberry.) 
 
 45 * Frederick Falkiner . Though a distressed person, could not be 
 
 purchased. 
 
 46 § Rt. Hon. J. Fitzgerald Prime Sergeant of Ireland ; could not be 
 
 bought, and vras dismissed from his high 
 office by Lord Cornwallis; father to Mr. 
 Vesey Fitzgerald. 
 
 47 * William C. Fortescue, One of the three who inconsiderately op- 
 (Poisonedby accident.) posed Mr. Ponsonby, and Oiereby carried 
 
 the Union, 
 
 48 * Rt Hon. John Foster. Speaker; the chief of the Opposition 
 
 throughout the whole contest. 
 
 49 Hon Thomas Foster. 
 
 50 * Sir T Fetherstori, Bart. Changed sides. Sec Black List. 
 
 51 * Arthur French . . . Unfortunately coincided with Mr. Fortescue 
 
 in 1799, against Mr. Ponsonby. 
 
 52 § Chichester Fortescue . King-at-Arms; brought over in ISOO, by Lord 
 
 Castlereagh; voted both sides; ended a 
 L'nionist. 
 
 53 § WiUiam Gore . . . Bought by Lord Castlereagh in 1800. 
 
 54 § Hamilton Georges . . A distressed man, but could not be pur- 
 
 chased; father-in-law to Under-Secretary 
 Cooke. 
 
 55 P Rt. Hon. Henry Gratlan 
 
 56 § Thomas Goold . Now Sergeant, brought into Parliament by 
 
 the Anti-Unionists. 
 
 57 f Hans Hamilton . . Member for Dublin County. 
 
 58 t Edward Hardman . . City of Drogheda; the Speaker's friend. 
 
 59 § Francis Hardy . . . Author of the Life of Charlemont; brother- 
 
 in-law to the Bishop of Down. 
 
 60 § Sir Joseph Hoare. 
 
 61 * William Hoare Hume Wicklow County, 
 
 62 § Edward Hoare . . . Though very old and stone blind, attended 
 
 all debates, and sat np all the nights of 
 debate. 
 
 63 § Bartholomew Hoare . King^s Counsel. 
 
 04 § Alexander Hamilton . King's Counsel; son to the Baron. 
 '05 § Hon. A. C. Hamilton. 
 
ORIGII^AL RED LIST. 
 
 373 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 CO § Sir F. Hopkins, Bart. 
 
 67 t H. Irwin. 
 
 68 * Gilbert King. 
 
 69 t Cliarles King. 
 
 70 * Hon. Robert King. 
 
 71 * Lord Kingsborougli . 
 
 72 Hon. George Knox . 
 
 73 f Francis Knox . . . 
 
 74 * Rt. Hon. Henry King. 
 
 75 f Major King. . • . 
 
 76 § Gustavus Lambert 
 
 77 * David Latouche, jua . 
 
 78 § Robert Latouche. . . 
 
 79 § John Latouche, sen. 
 
 80 § John Latouche, jun. . 
 81* Clxarles Powell Leslie. 
 83 * Edward Lee .... 
 
 83 f Sir Thomas Lighten, 
 
 Bart. 
 
 84 * Lord Maxwell . . . 
 
 85 * Alexander Montgomery 
 
 86 § Sir J. M'Cartney, Bart. 
 
 87 § WtUiam Thomas Mansel 
 
 88 § Steplien Moore . . . 
 
 89 § John Moore. 
 90. Arthur Moore . . . 
 
 91 * Lord Mathew . . . 
 
 92 § Thomas Mahon. 
 
 93 § John Metge .... 
 
 94 § BicJiard NeuUe . . 
 
 OBSERVATION. 
 
 Prevailed on to take money to vacate, in 
 1800, and let in a Unionist. 
 
 95 § Thomas Newenham 
 
 96 * Charles O'Hara . 
 S7* Sir Edward O'Brien 
 
 (Kow Earl Kingston.) 
 Brother to Lord Northland; lukewarm. 
 Vacated his seat for Lord Castlereagh. 
 See Mr. Crowe's Letter. 
 
 He opened the Bishop of Clogher's Borough 
 
 in 1800. 
 Brother to Countess Talbot. 
 A Banker. 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Ditto. 
 A Banker. 
 
 Member for the County of Waterford; 
 zealous. 
 
 A Banker. 
 
 Died Lord Farnham. 
 
 Much distressed, but could not be bribed; 
 
 nephew, by affinity, to the Speaker. 
 Actually pyrchmed by Lord Castlereagh. 
 Changed sides on Lord Corry's motion. 
 
 Now Judge of the Common Pleas; a 
 
 stanch Anti-L'nionist. 
 (Now Earl Llandaff), Tipperary County. 
 
 Brother to the Baron of the Exchequer. 
 Had been a dismissed treasury officer ; sold 
 
 his vote to he reinstated, changed sides, 
 
 See Black List. 
 The Author of various Works on Ireland; 
 
 one of the steadiest Anti-Unionists. 
 Sligo County. 
 Clare County. 
 
874 
 
 IKELAND, PAST AND PPwESENT, 
 
 98 
 
 101. llciiry Osboru . . 
 103 Right Hon. Geo. Ogle 
 
 103 § Josepli Preston . . 
 
 104 * John Preston , , . 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 3ugli O'Donnel . A most ardent Anti-Unionist; dismissed 
 
 from his regiment of Mayo militia 
 
 99 § James Moore O'Donnell Killed by Mr. Bingham in a duel. 
 
 100 j5 Hon \V. O'Callahau . Brother to Lord Lismore. 
 
 Could uot be bribed; his brother was. 
 
 , AVexford County. 
 An eccentric character; could not be pur- 
 cliased. 
 
 Of Belintor, was purchasedhy a title, (Lord 
 Tara,) aud his brother, a Parson, got u 
 living of £700 a year. 
 
 105 " Rt. Hon Sir J. Parnell Chancellor of the Exchequer, dismissed by 
 
 Lord Castlereagh; incorruptible. 
 
 106 § Henry Parnell, 
 
 107 § W. C. Plunkct . Now Lord Plunket. 
 
 108 * Rt. Hon. W. B. Pon- 
 
 sonby Afterwards Lord Ponsonby. 
 
 109 § J. B. Ponsonby . . Afterwards Lord Ponsonby. 
 
 110 § Major W. Ponsonby. A General killed at Waterloo. 
 
 111 ^ Rt. Hon. G. Ponsonby Afterwards Lord Chancellor; died of 
 
 apoplex3^ 
 
 112* Sir Lawrence Parsons Kings County, now Earl of Rosse; made 
 
 a remarkal)ly tine speech. 
 
 113 § Richard Power . . Nephew to the Barou of the Exchequer. 
 
 114 * Abal Bam Changed sides. 
 
 115 * Gustavus Rochfort 
 
 116 § John S. Rochfort 
 
 117 SirWm. Richardson 
 
 118 § John ReiUy . . . 
 110 William E. Reily 
 
 120 § Charles Ruxton 
 
 121 § William P. Ruxton 
 
 122 * Clotworthy Rowley 
 
 123 § William Rowley . 
 
 124 § J. Rowley . . . 
 
 125 * Francis Sauuderson 
 
 126 * William Smyth . 
 
 127 * James Stewart. 
 
 128 ^ Hon. W. J. Skemngton 
 
 129 * Francis Savage. 
 
 130 § Francis Synge. 
 
 County Wcstmeath; seduced b}' Govern- 
 ment, and changed sides in 1800. Sec 
 Black List. 
 Nephew to the Speaker. 
 
 Changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 Changed sides. 
 Changed sides. 
 Changed aides, 
 
 Westmeath. 
 
 See Black List. 
 See Black List. 
 See Black List. 
 
ORIGINAL BLACK LIST. 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATIOX. 
 
 131 § ncnry Stewart. 
 
 13-3 § Sir R. St. George Bart. * 
 
 133 § Hon. Benj. Stratford . Now Lord Aldborough; gained by Lord 
 
 Castlereagh; changed sides. See Blaok 
 List. 
 
 134 * Nathaniel Sneyd. 
 
 135 * Thomas Stannus . . Changed sides. Lord Portarlington's Mem- 
 
 ber. See Black List. 
 
 136 § Robert Shaw ... A Banker. 
 
 137 § Rt. Hon. Wm. Saurin Afterwards Attorney-General; a steady but 
 
 calm Anti-Unionist. 
 
 138 § William Tighe. 
 
 139 § Henry Tigbc 
 
 140 § John Taylor. 
 
 141 § Thomas Townshend. 
 
 1^ '* Hon. Richard Trench. Voted against the Union in 1799; was 
 
 gained by Lord Castlereagh, whose rela- 
 tive he married, and voted for it iu 
 1800; was creaied an Earl, and made an 
 Ambassador to Holland; one of the 
 Vienna Carvers ; and a Dutch Marquess. 
 
 143 * Hon. R. Taylor. 
 
 144 § Charles Vereker . . (Now Lord Gort,) City Limerick, 
 
 145 § Owen Wynne. 
 
 146 * John Waller. 
 
 147 § E D. Wilson. 
 
 148* Tlwmas Whaley . . First voted against the Vmon; purchased 
 
 by Lord Castlereagh; he was Lord 
 Clare's brother-in-law. See Black List. 
 
 149 * Nicholas Westby. 
 
 150 * John Wolfe . . . Member for the County Wicklow: Colonel 
 
 of the Kildare Militia; refused to vote 
 for Government, and was cashiered; 
 could not be purchased. 
 
 ORIGINAL BLACK LIST. 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 1 R Aldridge .... An English Clerk in the Secretary's office; 
 
 m) connection with Ireland. 
 
 2 Henry Alexander . . Chairman of Ways and Means; cousin of 
 
370 
 
 iii::la:n^d, past and present. 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 Lord Caledon ; his brother made a 
 Bishop; himself a Colonial Secretary at 
 the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 3 Richard Archdall . . Commissioner of the Board of Works. 
 
 4 William Bailey . . . Commissioner of the Board of Works. 
 
 5 Rt. Hon. J. Beresford. First Commissioner of Revenue; brother- 
 
 in-law to Lord Clare. 
 
 6 J. Beresford, jua., . . Then Purse-bearer to Lord Clare, after- 
 
 wards a Parson, and now Lord Decies. 
 
 7 Marcus Beresford . . A Colonel in the Army, son to the Bishop, 
 
 Lord Clare's nephew. 
 
 8 J. Bingham .... Created a Peer; e:ot £8.000 for two seats; 
 
 and £15,000 compensation for Tuam. 
 This gentleman first offered himself for 
 sale to the Anti-Unionist; Lord Clan- 
 morris. 
 
 9 Joseph H. Blake. . . Created a Peer — Lord Wallscourt, etc. 
 
 10 Sir J. G. Blackwood . Created a Peer — Lord Dufferin. 
 
 11 Sir John Blaquiere . . Numerous Offices and Pensions, and 
 
 created a Peer — Lord De Blaquiere. 
 
 12 Anthony Botet . . . Appointed Commissioner of the Barrack 
 
 Board, £500 a year. 
 
 13 Colonel Burton . . . Brother to Lord Conyngham; a Colonel in 
 
 the Army. 
 
 14 SirRicJiard Butler . . Purchased and changed sides ; against 
 
 the Union in 1799, and for it in 1800; 
 Cash. 
 
 15 Lord Boyle .... Son to Lord Shannon; X\\ex got VlH immense 
 
 sum of money for their seats and Bor- 
 oughs; at £15,000 each Borough. 
 
 16 Rt. Hon. D. Brown . Brother to Lord Sligo. 
 
 17 Stewart Bruce . . . Gentleman Usher at Dublin Castle; now 
 
 a Baronet. 
 
 18 George Burdet . . . Commissioner of a Public Board. £500 per 
 
 annum. 
 
 19 George Bunbury . . Commissioner of a Public Board, £500 per 
 
 annum. 
 
 20 Arthur Brown . . . Changed sides and principles, and was ap- 
 
 pointed Sergeant; in 1799 opposed the 
 Union, and supported it in 1800: he was 
 Senior Fellow in Dublin University: lost 
 his seat the ensuing election, and died. 
 
ORIGINAL BLACK LIST. 
 
 O i t 
 
 21 
 22 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 -Bagwell, sen., 
 -Bagicelt, jun., 
 
 23 William Bagwell . 
 
 24 Lord Casilereagh . 
 
 25 George Cavendish • 
 
 26 Sir H. Cavendish . 
 
 27 Sir R. Chinnery . 
 
 28 James Cane . . . 
 
 29 Thomas Casey . . 
 
 30 Colonel C. Pope . 
 
 31 General Cradock 
 
 32 James Crosby . . 
 
 33 Edward Cooke . . 
 
 34 Charles H. Coote . 
 
 35 Rt. Hon. L Corry. . 
 
 36 Sir J. Cotter . •. . 
 
 37 Richard Cotter. 
 
 38 Hon. H. Creighton ) . 
 
 39 Hon. J. Creighton 
 
 40 W. A. Crosbie . . 
 
 41 Jam€;s Cuffe . . . 
 
 42 General Dunne . . 
 
 . OBSERVATION. 
 
 Chang-ed TWiCK; got half the patronage of 
 Tipperary; his son a Dean, etc., etc. 
 
 Changed twice; got the Tipperary Regi- 
 ment, etc. 
 
 His brother. 
 
 The Irish Minister. 
 
 Secretary to the Treasury during pleasure; 
 son to Sir Henry. 
 
 Receiver General during pleasure; deeply 
 indebted to the Crov\u. 
 
 Placed in office after the Union. 
 
 Renegaded. and got a pension. 
 
 A Commission of Bankrupts under Lord 
 Clare; made a city Magistrate. . 
 
 Renegaded: got a Regiment, and the 
 patronage of his country. 
 
 Returned by Government : much military 
 rank; now Lord Howden. 
 
 A regiment and the patronage of Kerry, 
 jointly; seconded the Address. 
 
 Under-Secretary at the Castle. 
 
 Obtained a Regiment (which "was taken 
 from Colon6l Warburton.) patronage of 
 Queens County, and a peerage. (Lord 
 Castle-coote,) and £7,500 in cash for his 
 interest at the Borough of Maryborough 
 in which, in fact, it was proved before the 
 Commissioners that Sir Jonah Barring- 
 ton had more interest than his Lordship. 
 
 Appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 on dismissmal of Sir John Parnell. 
 
 Privately brought over by cash. 
 
 Renegaded (see Red List) privately pur- 
 chased. 
 
 Comptroller to the Lord-Lieutenant's 
 Household. 
 
 Natural son to Mr. Cuflfe of the Board of 
 Works, his father created Lord Tyrawly. 
 
 Returned for Maryborough by the united 
 influence of Lord Castle-coote and- 
 Government, to keep out Mr. Barring- 
 ton; gained the election by only onr. 
 
378 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 43 William Elliot . . . Secretary at the Castle. 
 
 44 General Eustace ... A Kegimeut. 
 
 45 Lord C. Fitzgerald . . Duke of Leinster's brother; a Pension and 
 
 a Peerage; a Sea Officer of no repute. 
 
 46 Rt. Hon. W. Fitzgerald. 
 
 47 Sir. C. Fortescue . . . Renegaded (see Red List) Officer King at 
 
 Arms. 
 
 48 A. Fergussou .... Got a place at the Barrack Board, £500 a 
 
 year and a Baronetcy. 
 
 49 Luke Fox Appointed Judge of Common Pleas; 
 
 nephew by marriage to Lord Ely. 
 
 50 William Fortescue . . Got a Secret Pension, out of a fund(£3,000 
 
 a year.) intrusted by Parliament to the 
 Irish Government, solely to reward Mr. 
 Reynolds, Cope, etc. etc., and those who 
 imformed against rebels. 
 
 51 J. Galbraith .... Lord Abercorn's Attorney; got a Baronet- 
 
 age. 
 
 52 Henry D. Grady . . . First Counsel to the Commissioners. 
 
 53 Richard Hare .... Put two members into Parliament, and 
 
 was created Lord Ennismore for their 
 votes. 
 
 54 William Hare .... His son. 
 
 55 Col B. Henniker . . .A regiment, and paid £3,500 for his Seat 
 
 by the Commissioners of Compensation. 
 
 56 Peter Holmes .... A Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 57 George Hatton .... Appointed Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 58 Hf)n. J. Hutchinson . . A General— Lord Hutchinson. 
 
 59 Hugh Howard .... Lord Wicklow's brother, made Postmaster 
 
 General. 
 
 60 Wm. Handcock, (Athlone)An extraordinary instance; he made and 
 
 sang songs against the Union in 1799, at 
 a public dinner of the Opposition, and 
 made and sang songs for it in 1800; he 
 got a Peerage. 
 
 61. John Hobson .... Appointed Storekeeper at the Castle Ordi- 
 nance. 
 
 62 Col. G. Tackson ... A Regiment. 
 
 63 Denham Jepbson . . . Master of Horse to the Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 64 Hon. G. Jocelyn . . . Promotion in tlie Army, and his brother 
 
 consecrated Bishop of Lismore. 
 
 65 William Jones .... 
 
 66 Theophilus Jones. . . Collector of Dublin. 
 
ORIGINAL BLACK LIST. 
 
 379 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 67 Miij or General Jackson. A Regiraent. 
 
 68 William JohnsoQ . . . Returned to Parliament by Lord Castle- 
 
 reagh, as he himself declared, "to putaa 
 end to it;" appointed a Judge since. ^ 
 
 69 Robert Johnson . . . Seceded from his patron, Lord Dovvnshire^ 
 
 and was appointed a Judge. 
 
 70 JohnKeane A Renegade; got a Pension; See Red List. 
 
 71 James Kearny .... Returned by Lord Clifton being his Attor- 
 
 ney; got an office. 
 73 Henry Kemmis . . . . Son to the Crown Solicitor. 
 
 73 William Knot .... Appointed a Commissioner of Appeals 
 
 £800 a year. 
 
 74 Andrew Knox. 
 
 75 Colonel Keatinge. 
 
 76 Rt. Hon. Sir. H. Langrishe.A Commissioner of the Revenue, received 
 
 £15,000 cash for his patronage at Kuoct- 
 oper. 
 
 77 T. Lingray, sen., . . Commissioner of Stamps, paid £1,500 for 
 
 his patronage. 
 
 78 T. Lindsray, jun., . . Usher at the Castle, paid £1,500 for his 
 
 patronage. 
 
 79 J. Longfield Created a Peer; Lord Longneville. 
 
 80 Capt. J. Longfield . . Appointed to the office of Ship Entries of 
 
 Dublin taken from Sir Jonah Barring- 
 ton* 
 
 81 Lord Loftus .... Son to Lord Ely, Postmaster-General; got 
 
 £30,000 for their Boroughs, and created 
 an English Marquis. 
 
 82 General Lake . , • An Englishman (no connection with Ire- 
 
 land;) re(urned by Lord Castlcreagh, 
 solely to vote for the Union. 
 
 83 Rt. Hon. David Latouche 
 
 84 General Loftus . . . A General; got a Regiment; cousin to Lord 
 
 Ely. 
 
 85 Francis M'Namara . , Cash and a private pension, paid by Lord 
 
 Castlcreagh. 
 
 86 Ross Mahon , , . , Several appointments and places by Govern- 
 
 ment. 
 
 87 Richard Martin . . . Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 88 Rt. Hon. Monk Mason A commissioner of Revenue. 
 
 89 H. D. Massy . . . Received £4,000 cash. 
 
 90 Thomas Mahon. 
 
 01 A. E. M'Naghten . . Appointed a Lord of the Treasury, etc. 
 
380 
 
 IllELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 92 Stephen Moore . . . 
 
 93 N. M. Moore. 
 
 94 lit. Hou. Lodge Morris 
 
 95 Sir. R. Musgrave . . 
 
 96 James M'Cleland . . 
 
 97 Col. C. M'Donnel . . 
 
 98 Richard Magenness 
 
 OBSERVATION. 
 
 A Postmaster at will. 
 Created a Peer. 
 
 Appointed Receiver of the Customs, 
 
 £1,200 a year. 
 A Barrister— appointed Solicitor General, 
 
 and then a Baron of the Exchequer. 
 Commissioner of Imprest Accounts, £500 
 
 per annum. 
 Commissioner of Imprest Accounts, £500 
 
 per annum. 
 A Pensioner at will. 
 
 99 Thomas Nesbit . . . 
 100 Sir W. G. Newcomen, 
 
 Bart Bought, (see 'Memoir ante,) and a Peerage 
 
 for his wife. 
 Renegaded; reinstated as Teller of the Ex- 
 chequer. 
 
 A Regiment, and Lord of the Treasury. 
 A Barrister; appointed a Judge of the 
 
 King's Bench 
 Appointed First Council Commissioner. 
 Master of the Ordnance. 
 A Regiment; killed at New Orleans. 
 A Peerage — Lord Dunalley. 
 
 101 Richard Neville 
 
 102 William Odell 
 
 103 Charles Osborne 
 
 104 C M. Ormsby . . 
 
 105 Admiral Pakenham 
 
 106 Col. Pakenham . . 
 
 107 H. S. Prittie . . 
 
 108 R. Pennefather. 
 
 109 T. Prendergast . . 
 
 110 Sir Richard Quin . 
 
 111 Sir Boyle Roche . 
 
 112 R. Rutledge. 
 
 113 Hon. C. Rowley . 
 
 114 Hon, H. Skeffington 
 
 115 William Smith . . 
 
 116 H. M. Sandford . 
 
 117 Edmond Stanley 
 
 118 John Staples. 
 
 119 John Stewart . . 
 
 120 John Stratton. 
 
 An office in the Court of Chancery; £500 
 
 a year; his brother Crown Solicitor. 
 A Peerage. 
 
 .Gentlemen Usher at the Castle. 
 
 Renegaded, and appointed to office by Lord 
 Castlcreagh. 
 
 Clerk of a Paper Office of the Castle, and 
 £7,500 for his patronage. 
 
 A Barrister; appointed a Baron of the Ex- 
 chequer. 
 
 Created a Peer; Lord Mount Sandford. 
 Appointed Commissioner of Accounts. 
 
 Appointed Attorney-General, and created 
 a Baronet. 
 
ORIGINAL BLACK LIST. 3S1 
 
 NAMES. OBSERVATION. 
 
 121 Hon. B. Stratford . , Renegaded to gel £7,500, his balf of the 
 
 compensation tor Baltinglass. 
 
 122 Hon. J. Stratford . . Paymaster of Foreign Forces, £1,300 a 
 
 year, and £7,5u0 for Baltinglass. 
 13J Uichard Sharkey . . An obscure Barrister; appointed a Countv 
 
 Judge. 
 
 124 Thomas Stannus . . Renegaded. 
 
 125 J Savage. 
 
 126 Rt. Hon. J Toler . c Attorney- General; his wife, an old woman 
 
 created a Peeress; himself made Chief 
 Justice and a Peer. 
 
 127 Frederick Trench , , Appointed a Commissioner of the Board of 
 
 Works. • 
 
 128 Hon R. Trench . . A Barrister; created a Peer, and made an 
 
 Ambassador. See Red List. 
 
 129 Charles Trench . • . His brother; appointed Commissioner of 
 
 Inland Navigation — a new office created 
 by Lord Cornwallis, for rewards. 
 
 130 Richard Talbot. 
 
 131 P. Tottenham . . . Compensation for patronage; cousin, and 
 
 politically connected with Lord Ely. 
 
 132 Lord Tyrone . . . 104 offices in the gift of his family ; pro- 
 
 posed the Union in Parliament, by a 
 speech written in the crown of his hat. 
 
 133 Charles Tottenham . In office. 
 
 134 Townsend . . A Commissioner. 
 
 135 Robert Tighe . . . Commissioner of Barracks. 
 
 136 Robert Uniack ... A Commissioner; connected with Lord 
 
 Clare. 
 
 137 James Verner ... Called the Prince of Orange. 
 
 138 J O Vandeleur . . Commissioner of the Revenue; his brother 
 
 a Judge. 
 
 139 Colonel Wemyss . . Collector of Kilkenny. 
 
 140 Henry Westenraw . . Father of Lord Rossmore. who is of the 
 
 very reverse of his father's politics. 
 
382 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 CHAPTER XYII. 
 
 ABSTRACT AND LISTS. 
 
 Abstract of Volunteers — List and Names of the Vol- 
 unteers — List of the Original Planters — List of 
 Peerages — List of Governors. 
 
 VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 Abstract of the effective Men in the different Volun- 
 teer Corps, whose Delegates met at Dungannon, and 
 those who acceded to their Resolutions, and to the 
 Requisitions of the House of Commons of Ireland, the 
 16th of April, 1782. 
 
 Commander in Chief, 
 Earl of Charlemont. 
 
 Generals — Duke of Leinster, Earl of Tyrone, Earl of Aldborough^ 
 Lord De Vesci, Sir B. Denny, Rt. lion. George Ogle. Sir James 
 Tynte, Earl of Clanricarde. Earl of ^ruskerry. Sir William Parsons, 
 lion. J. Butler, Right Hon. Henry King.* 
 
 province op ulster. 
 
 Dungannon Meeting, 153 Corps 2G,38<^ 
 
 Twenty-one Corps since acceded 3,988 
 
 Infantry since acceded, two Battalions 1,250 
 
 Six Corps of Cavalry 200 
 
 Eight Corps of Artillery 420 
 
 33,088 
 
 Ulster Corps which have acceded since 1st of April, 35 of Infan- 
 try and 1 Battalion 1,972 
 
 Two of Cavalry 92 
 
 Total of Ulster 34,152 
 
VOLUNTEEPwS. 383 
 Ariillery. 
 
 Six Pounders 16 
 
 Three Pounders 10 
 
 Uowitzers 6 
 
 Total Pieces of Artillery 32 
 
 PROVINCE OF CONNAUGHT. 
 
 Ballinasloe Meeting, 59 Corps 6,897 
 
 Thirty-one Corps of lufunlry who since acceded 5,781 
 
 Cavalry, 8 Corps 421 
 
 Artillery 250 
 
 13,340 
 
 Accceded since 1st of April, four Corps of Infantry and one of 
 Cavalry 987 
 
 Total of Connaught 14,330 
 
 Artillery. 
 
 Six Pounders 10 
 
 Three Pounders 10 
 
 Total Pieces of Ariillery 20 
 
 * Besides these the Volunteers at 
 
 PROVINCE OF MUNSTER. 
 
 City and County of Cork 5,123 
 
 Sixty-eight other Corps Infantry in the Province 7,987 
 
 Cavalry of the Province returned, 15 Corps 7,10 
 
 Artillery, 9 Corps 221 
 
 14,041 
 
 Acceded since 1st April, 15 Corps of Infantry 3,921 
 
 Two Corps of Cavalry 94 
 
 Total of Munster 18,056 
 
 Artillery. 
 
 Six Pounders ^4 
 
 Three Pounders ^4 
 
 Howitzer? 4 
 
 Total Pieces of Artillery 32 
 
 PROVINCE OF LEINSTER. 
 
 139 Corps, whose Delegates met at Dublin, April, 17. 1782 10,983 
 
 Ten Corps of Cavalry who before acceded and no delegates sent.. 580 
 
 Nineteen ditto of Infantry 4.398 
 
 Artillery, 9 Corps '^22 
 
 Total Lcinster 22,283 
 
384 
 
 IllELAND, TAST AND PKESENT, 
 
 Artillery. 
 
 Nine Pounders ' 2 
 
 Six Pounders 16 
 
 Three Pounders 14 
 
 Howitzers 6 
 
 Total Pieces of Artillery 38 
 
 Total Numbers. 
 
 Ulster 34,153 
 
 Connaught 14,336 
 
 Munster 18.056 
 
 Leinster 22,283 
 
 Total 88,827 
 
 Twenty-two Corps have also acceded but made no returns; esti- 
 mated at 12,000 
 
 Making in all nearly a grand Total of 100,000 
 
 Artillery, 130 pieces. 
 
 LIST AND NAMES OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 Aghavoc Loyals. — Associated July 1st, 1782; scarlet, faced blue. Cap- 
 tain Robert White. 
 
 Aldborough Legion. — August, 1777; scarlet, face black, silver lace. 
 Colonel Earl of Aldborough. 
 
 Ards Battilion. — Colonel Patrick Savage. 
 
 Ardec Rangers. 
 
 Arlington Light Cavalr3^ — September 18th, 1779: scarlet, faced jrreen, 
 yellow buttons. Captain George Gore; Lieutenant J. Warburtoo; 
 Cornet Jonathan Clietwood. 
 
 Arran Phalanx— Scarlet, faced white. Captain Dawson; Lieutenant 
 Frederick Gore ; Earl of Arran. 
 
 Armagh Volunteers. 
 
 Athy Independents.-Scptember, 1779; scarlet, faced white. Captain 
 Robert Johnson. 
 
 Athy Volunteers. --September, 1779; scarlet, faced white. 
 Athy Rangers.— Captain Weldon. 
 Attorney Corps. 
 
 Aughnacloy Battalion— Scarlet, faced white. Colonel P. Alexander. 
 Aughnacloy Volunteers.— Captain Thomas Forsyth. 
 Ashfield Volunteers.— Blue, faced blue. Captain H. Clements. 
 Aughrim Corps of Cork.— Mirch 17th. 1778; scarlet, faced scarlet; 
 
 edged white. Colonel Richard Longfleld; Major Edward Jameson; 
 
 Captain Samuel Rowland. 
 
VOLUOTEEPwS. 
 
 385 
 
 •\uo-lirim Lii^lit Horse.— Scarlet, faced pea- green. Colonel Walter 
 Lambert. 
 
 Bantry Volunteers.— July 12tli, 1779; scarlet, faced black, edged 
 white. 
 
 Balliutcmple Forresters.— July 13th, 1779; scarlet faced blue. Captain 
 
 Stewart. 
 Ballvroom Cavalry. 
 
 Barony Rangers.— March 17th, 1778; scarlet, faced black; Colonel An- 
 drew Arinltroug; Captain Roljert Shervington. 
 
 Barony of Forth Corps.— January 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced blue. Major 
 Hughes. 
 
 Ballyleek Ringers —1779; scarlet, fa33Ll white, gold lace. Colonel 
 
 John Montogomery. 
 Bandon C.ivalry.— Colonel S. Stawell; Major John Travers. 
 B:indon Independent Company. — Colonel Francis Bernard; Captain 
 
 Robert Seale 
 
 Ballina and Ardnaree (loyal) Volunteers.— July 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced 
 
 black Colonel Right Honorable Henry King; Major Henery Cary. 
 Ballymascanlan Ringjrs(Co. Louth). Captain R. M'Neale. 
 Belfast Union.— June 12th, 1773; scirl!.'!:. 1x22^ blue. C iptain Lyon^. 
 Belfast Light Dragoons.— March 26th, 1781; scarlet, faced green, silver 
 
 lace. Captain Burden. 
 Belfast Battalion. — April. 1779; .•^carlet, faced black. Colonel Stewart 
 
 Banks; Major Brown. 
 Belfast Volunteer Compan3^— April 6th, 1778; blue, faced blue, laced 
 
 hats. Colonel Brown; Captain S. M'Tier. 
 Belfast First Volunteer Company.— March 17th, 1778; scarlet faced 
 
 black. Captain Waddel Cunningham. 
 Belfast United Volunteer Companies. 
 
 Blackwatcr Volunteers.- Colonel Richard Aldworth; Lieutenant-Col- 
 onel Robert Stanard. 
 
 Blackpool Association.— Colonel John Harding; Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Thomas Barry. 
 
 Blarney Volunteers.— Lieutenant-Colonel Daniel Cribs; Captain Edward' 
 0'Dono;^hue. 
 
 Burros Volunteers.— 1779 ; scarlet, faced black. Colonel Kavanagh. 
 Burros in Ossory Ranger.*^.— August 1st, 1779: scarlet faced black, sil- 
 
 ver epaulets. Captain-Commandant James Stephens; Lieutenant 
 
 Erasmus Burrowes; Ensiirn Walter Stephens. 
 Boyne Volunteer Corp.^j.- Colonel John Bagwell; Major John Bass;, 
 
 Lieutenant Chas. Wilcocks. 
 Builders' Corps.— November 4th, 1781; blue, faced blue, edged scarlet.. 
 
 Colonel Road. 
 
 Burros-a-kane Volunteers.— Major Thomas Stony. , 
 
886 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 Castlebar Independents — March 17th, 1779; scarlet, faced deep green. 
 
 Colonel Patrick Randal M'Donald. 
 Castlebar Volunteers. — Lieut. Colonel Jordan. M. S. 
 Carrick-on-Shannon Infantry. — August, 1779; scarlet, faced blue. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Peyton. 
 Castle Mount Garret Volunteers. — 1778; scarlet, faced deep green. 
 
 Colonel D. G. Browne; Lieutenant John Henry. 
 Callan Union. —April 1st, 1779, green, edged white. Captain Elliott. 
 Caledon Volunteers. — Captain James Dawson. 
 
 Carlow Association. — September 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced black. Major 
 Eustace, M.S. ; Lieutenant and Adjutant T Proctor. 
 
 Carrick-on-Suir Union. — Captain Edward Morgan Mandeville. 
 
 Carberry Independent Company.— Captain John Townsend. 
 
 Carricktergus Company. — April 8d, 1779; scarlet, faced pea green. 
 Captain iMarriot Dalway, Lieutenant Rice. 
 
 Carton Union. — Colonel H. Cane. 
 
 Castlecomer Hunters and Light Infantry.— Colonel Lord Wandesford. 
 
 Caslledcrmot Volunteers. — Captain Robert Power. 
 
 Castledurrow Light Horse.— August, 1778; green, edged white. Cap- 
 tain Richard Lawrenson. 
 
 Castledurrow Volunteers. — July 1st, 1779; green edged white, silver 
 lace. Captain Bathorn. 
 
 Castletown Union.— Captain Com. Rt. Hon. T. Connolly. 
 
 Cavan (County) Volunteers.— Colonel Enery. 
 
 Cavan Independent Vofhnteers. 
 
 Carlow (County) Legion. — September 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced lemon 
 color. Colonel J Rochfort; Major Henry Bunbury. 
 
 Cbarleville Tnfantry.-Jnnuary 4th, 1779; blue, faced scarlet. Colonel 
 Cbidlov Coote; Major H. George^ Hatfield. 
 
 Olanricai-de Bri.nde.-June, 1783; scarlet, laced blue. Major D Arcy. 
 
 Clnnricardo Cavalrv.-Captain David Power. 
 
 Clanriearde Cavalry.-Colonel Peter Daly; Captain P. D Arcy 
 
 Clanwilliam Union. -Colonel Earl of Clanwilliam; Captain Alleyn 
 
 Clane Rangerc. -September, 1779; scarlet, faced white. Captain Mich- 
 ael Alvlmcr. 
 
 Olonmel Independents.— Colonel Bagwell. 
 
 Clonlonan Lisrht In fjintrv.— Colonel Georcre Cibborne. 
 
 Cork Independent Artillery.-March .17th, 1781; blue, faced scarlet, 
 gold lace. Colonel Richard Hare. 
 
 Constifntir>n Re-iment (Co. Down).-Scarlet, faced yellow. Captain 
 Ford; Captain Gawin Hamilton. 
 
 Colcraine Volunteers.-Colonel Richardson; Lieutenant-Colonel Can- 
 ning: Major Lvle. 
 
 Coolock Independents, North. -Captain James Walker. 
 
VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 387 
 
 Coolock Independents. — Colonel Richard Talbot. 
 
 Comber Battalion. — Colonel David Ross. 
 
 Connau^lit Volunteers. 
 
 Coimagh Rangers. — Colonel Percival. 
 
 Connor Volunteers. 
 
 Cork Union. — lleury Hickmar, Commandant. 
 
 Cork Cavalry.— Colonel William Chetwyud; Major John Gilman; Cap- 
 tain John Smvth. 
 Crossniolina Infantry and Artillery. 
 CuUenagh Rangers. — Colone\ Barrington. 
 
 Culloden Volunteer Society of Cork, — Colonel Ben jamin Sarsfield ; Cap- 
 tain-Lieutenant Henry Neusom. 
 
 Ciirraghniore Rangers. — Captain Shee. 
 
 Delvin Volunteers. Colonel Thomas Smyth. 
 
 Donegal First Regiment. — Lieutenant- Colonel Hamilton. 
 
 Doneraile Rangers. — Colonel Right Hon. Lord Doneraile; Captain Nich- 
 olas G. Evans. 
 
 Down Volunteers. — Captain Henry West. 
 
 Down First Regiment (2d Battalion). — Blue, faced orange. Colonel 
 Stewart. 
 
 Down Fusileers. — Captain Trotter. 
 
 Drogheda Association.— 1777; scarlet, faced Pomona green, gold laced 
 
 hats. Colonel Mead Ogle; Lieutenant-Colonel 11. Montgomery Lyons; 
 
 Major William, Cheshire; Captain Oliver Fairtlough; Lieutenant 
 
 William Holmes; Lieutenant John Ackland. 
 Dromore Volunteers (Co. Kerry). -Scarlet, faced green. Colonel John 
 
 Mahony. 
 
 Drumahare Blues.— Lieutenant Armstrong. 
 Driimbridge Volunteer.^^.— Major A. G. Stewart. 
 
 Dublin Volunteers -October Cth, 1778; blue, faced blue, edcred scarlet 
 
 yellow buttons. Colonel Duke of Leinster; Lieutenant- Colonel H. 
 
 Monek: Captain N. Worren; Lieutenant E. Mrdlicott. 
 Dublm (County) Light Dragoons.-Auo-ust. 1779: scarlet, faced black. 
 
 Colonel Right Hon. Luke Gardiner; Captain Everard. 
 Dublin Independent Volunteers -April 24th. 1780; scnrlpt. fnced dark 
 
 green Colonel Henry Grattan; Lieutenant-Colonel Rijiht Hon. H. 
 
 iMood; Mnjor Samuel Cnnier. 
 Duhallow Rangers.-Colonol the Hon. Charles George Percival; Lieu- 
 
 tenant-Co:onel William Wrixon. 
 Diileek Lisrht Company.-July 1778; scarlet, faced black. Captain 
 
 Ihomas Trotter. 
 
 Dunkerrin Volunteers. -June 20, 1779; scarlet, faced black. Colonel 
 J. F. Rolleston. 
 
IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Dunluviii Li.i^lit Dragoons. — 1777; white, faced black, silver lace. Col- 
 onel M. iSauuders; Captain Charles Oulton. 
 Duulaven Corps. 
 
 Dunmore Rangers. — August, 1779; green, edged white. Colonel Sir 
 
 Robert Staples, Bart, 
 Duudalk Independent Light Dragoons. — Captain Thomas Read. 
 Duudalk Horse.— Scarlet, faced green. I. W. Foster, Esq. 
 Dundalk Arlillery, 
 
 Duugarven Volunteers. — Captain Boate. 
 
 Dungiven Battalion. — June 14th, 1778; scarlet, faced black. Major 
 
 Thomas Bond; Captain Thomas Fanning. 
 Dungannon Battalion. — Major 0"Duffia. 
 Durrow Light Dragoons. 
 Dungannon Volunteers. — Captain Richardson. 
 
 Echiin Vale Volunteers. — October lUth, 1778; scarlet, faced white. Cap- 
 tain Chas. Echiin. 
 
 Edeuderry Union. — May 1st, 1777; scarlet, faced black. Captain Sbaw 
 Cartland. 
 
 Edgeworthstown Battalion.— 1779; blue, faced scarlet. Colonel Sir W. 
 
 G. Newcomen, Bart. 
 English Rangers.— August 29, 1779; scarlet, faced black, silver epaulets. 
 
 Major Thomas Berry; Captain John Drought; Lieutenant and Adju- 
 
 tant J. Clarke. 
 
 Ennis Volunteers.— October 12th, 1778; scarlet, faced black. Colonel 
 William Blood. 
 
 Enniscorthy Light Dragoons.— Colonel Phaire; Captain Charles Daw, 
 son: 
 
 Enniscorthy Artillery. -Colonel Joshua Pounden; Major William Ben- 
 nett. ^ , 
 
 Eyrecourt Buff..-June 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced buff, gold epaulets. 
 Colonel Giles Eyre; Captain Stephen Blake. _ 
 
 Independent Enniskilleners.-Scarlet, faced black. Captain James Arm- 
 
 strong. 
 
 Farhill Liizht Dragoons. —Captain Robert Cook. 
 
 ^ ^ . ^ ^ * i-^-Q- c;parlct faced blue. Colonel 
 
 Fnrfullacrh Rangers.— October 1st, 1<.9, scariti, lauc*^ u 
 
 Rochfort Tlnmc. 
 Felhard Independent's.— Mai'or Matthew Jacob. _ 
 First Irish Volunteers (Co. Wexf ordV -Lieutenant-Colonel Dorenzy. 
 Flnea Indepcndcnts.-May 1st, 1779 ; scarlet, faced blue. Colonel Co> no 
 
 Finiral Light Drngoons.-June 27th, 1783; scarlet, faced white. Lap- 
 tain Tbomas Baker. 
 Fin "-lass Volunteers —Colonel Secrave. 
 
 Fore Infantry Loyalists. -Major William Pollard; Captain Nugent. 
 
I 
 
 V'OLUNTEERS. 380 
 
 Fore Cavalry and Finca Rangers. — Colonel William Gore (Flnea Ran- 
 gers). 
 
 French Park Light Horse. — June, 1779; scarlet, faced black, edged 
 white, gold lace. Lieutenant-Colonel Edward M'Dermott; Lieuten- 
 ant Owen M'Dermott, 
 
 Gal way Volunteers. — Colonel Richard Martin: Major John Blake. 
 
 Galway (Coimty) Volunteers. 
 
 Garrycastle Light Cavalry. 
 
 Glaninire Union. — Colonel Henry Mannix; Captain Simon Dring. 
 Glen' o and Kilemat Regiment. — August 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced blue, 
 
 silver lace. Colonel CuUen. 
 Glendeinrot Battalion.— Colonel George Ash. 
 
 Glin Royal Artillery. — xipril, 177G; blue, faced blue, scarlet cuffs and 
 capes, gold lace. Colonel J. Fitzgerald, Knight of Glen; Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Thomas Burgess. 
 
 Glorious Memory Battalion. — 1780. scarlet, faced grass green. Colonel 
 T. Morris Jones. 
 
 Goldsmith's Corps. — March 17th, 1779; blue, faced scarlet, gold lace. 
 
 Captain Benjamin O'Brien. 
 Gort Light Dragoons. — Major James Galbraith. 
 
 Gortin Volunteers. — lion. Arthur Colonel Hamilton; Lieutenant Len- 
 noR, 
 
 Graigue (Q. C.) Volunteers. — May 1st, 1779; blue, faced scarlet, silver 
 
 lace. Colonel B. Bagnal. 
 Granard Infantry Union Brigade. — May 1st, 1782; scarlet, faced blue. 
 
 Captain C. E. Hamilton. 
 Granard Volunteers. — Colonel Earl of Granard; Lieutenant Robert 
 
 Holmes. 
 
 Hanover Society. — Colonel Richard Hungerford. 
 Hollywood Volunteers. — Captain John Kennedy, 
 Hibernian Light Dragoons. 
 Ida Light Dragoons. — Major Fitzgerald. 
 
 Imoicilly Horse (County Cork).— White, edged scarlet Colonel Roche ; 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Robert M'Carthy. 
 
 Imokilly Blues.— Colonel Robert Uniacke Fitzgerald. 
 
 First Volunteers of Ireland. —July 1st, 1766; scarlet, faced blue. Col- 
 onel Sir Vessey Colclough, Bart. 
 
 Irish Brigade.— Juno 5th, 1782; scarlet, faced grass green, silver lace. 
 Captam Charles Abbott. 
 
 Iveagli First Battalion.— Colonel Sir Richard Johnston. 
 
 Iverk Volunters.— Colonel Right Hon. John Ponsonby; Mm jor Oslmrne. 
 
 Inchegelno-h Volunteci^.— Captain-Commandant Jasper Masters; Lieu- 
 tenant John Boyle. 
 
 Kanturk Volunteers.— Colonel Right Hon. Earl of Eirmont. 
 
390 
 
 lUELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Kell's Association. — November 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced green. Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Benjamiu Morris. 
 
 Kerry Legion — Colonel Arthur Blennerhasset; Major Godfrey. 
 
 Kile Volunteers. — August 1, 1771); scarlet, faced blue, silver lace. Col- 
 onel Charles White. 
 
 Kilcullcii Rangers* — September, 1770; scarlet, faced white. Captain 
 Keating, 
 
 Kilcoursey Union. — Major Bagot. 
 
 Kilcooly Trua Blues.— 1779; blue, faced white. Colonel Sir William 
 
 Barker, Bart. 
 Kildare Iiifasitry. — Captain James Spencer. 
 
 Kilkenny Rangers. — January 2d, 1770; green, with silver lace. Colonel « 
 
 Mossom; Mayor Wemyp. 
 Kilkenny Horse. — Colonel Cuffe. 
 
 Kilkenny Vohmteers. — June lOlh, 1779; blue, faced scarlet, pold lace. 
 
 Colonel Tlioin is Butler; Lieutenant-Colonel Kuaresborough; Captains 
 
 Laffan, Shan ilian, Purcell ; Ensign Davis. 
 Kilkenny Independents. — Major Roche. 
 Killala Infantry. 
 
 Killinioon B ittalion and Artillery Company. — Robert White Adjutant. 
 Killinchy (Firsi) Independent Volunteer Company. — Captain Gawiu 
 Hamilton. 
 
 Kiimore Light Infantry. — Matthew Forde, Jr. 
 
 Kinnilea and Kirrikuriky Union. — Colonel Thomas Roberts; Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Thomas Ilerrick; M:ijor John Roberts. 
 
 Kinsale Volunteers. — Colonel Kearney; Captain Leary. 
 
 Killi van Volunteers. — December 25Lh, 1779; scarlet, faced green. Major 
 William Smith. 
 
 Kilmain Horse and Infantry. 
 
 Knox's Independent Troop. 
 
 Lagan Volunteers. 
 
 Larne Royal Volunteers. 
 
 Lawyer's Corps.— April, 1779; scarlet, faced blue, gold lace. Colonel 
 
 Townly Pattent Filgate. 
 Lambeg. Lisburne, etc.. Volunteers.— R. H. M'Ncil, Commandant. 
 Lawyers' Artillery. — Captain William Holt. 
 
 Larne Independents.— April. 1782; scarlet, faced bine. Captain White. 
 Leap Independents.- March 17th, 1780; blue, faced blue, edged white. 
 
 Colonel Jonathan Darby. 
 Lecale Battalion (County Down).— Lieutenant Charles McCarthy. 
 liCitrim Rangers. 
 
 Liberty Voluateers.— July, 1779: scarlet, faced pea-green. Colonel Sir 
 
 Edward Newenham; Captain Edward Newenham. 
 Liberty Artillery — Captain Tandy. 
 
VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 391 
 
 Limavady Battalion. — November 7th, 1777; scarlet, faced black. Col- 
 orjel James Boyle. 
 
 Limerick Loyal Volunteers. — Brigadier- General Thomas Smyth; Cap- 
 tain George Pitt. 
 
 Limerick Independents. — September, 1776; scarlet, faced green, silver 
 
 lace. Colonel John Prendergast; Major C. Powell. 
 Limerick Volunteers. 
 
 Limerick Cavalry. — Scarlet, faced blue, silver lace. 
 Liney Volunteers. — 1778; scarlet, faced blue. Major George Dodwcll. 
 Lisburne Fusileers. — Scarlet, faced blue. Lieutenant John Kenby. 
 Lismore Independent Blues. 
 
 Londonderry Independent Volunteer Company. — Captain J. Ferguson. 
 Londonderry Fusileers. — June 14th, 1778; scarlet, faced blue. Lieu- 
 tenant A. Scott; Adjutant Henry Delap. 
 Lcngfords (County) Light Hor^e. — Earl of Granard. 
 Lopgford Ligiit Horse. — 1779; buff, faced black. Colonel H. Nisibitt. 
 Lorha Rangers.— Captain Walsh. 
 Louabal Volunteers. 
 
 Loughgall Volunteers. — Captain J. Blackall. 
 Loughinshillen Volunteers. 
 
 Loughinshillen Battalion. — General Right Hon. Thomas Connolly ; Col- 
 onel Staples; Lieutenant-Colonel Dawson; ]Major John Downing. 
 Lower Iveagh Legion. 
 
 Lowtherstown, etc., Independent Volunteers. --1779; scarlet, faced black. 
 
 Colonel William Irvine. 
 Maguire's Bridge Volunteers. 
 
 Magherafelt (First) Volunteers.— June. 1773; scarlet, faced black. Cap- 
 tain A. Tracy; Lieutenant Richard Dawson ; Ensigu R. Montgomery. 
 Mallow Independent Volunteers. 
 
 3Iallow Boyue Cavalry and Infantry. — (Cavalry) Captain Rogerson Cot- 
 ter; (Infantry) Captain Wm. Gallway. 
 
 Maryborough Volunteers.— May. 1796; scarlet, faced black. Colonel Sir 
 J. Parnell, Bart. 
 
 Meatli Volunteers. 
 
 Merchants Corps.— June 9th, 1779; scarlet, faced blue, gold lace. Cap- 
 tain Theos. Dixon; Captain C. M. M'Malion. 
 Merchants' Artillery.— Captain George Maquay. 
 
 Mitchelstown Independent Light Dragoons.— Scarlet, faced black. Col- 
 onel Right Hon. Lord Kingsborough ; Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Colo 
 Bowen, Esq. ; Major James Badham Thornhill. 
 
 Monaghan Independents. 
 
 Monaghan Rangers.— January 10th, 1780; scarlet, faced white, Colonel 
 
 William Foster. 
 Monaghan First Battalion.— Colonel J. Montgomery. 
 
IKELAND, PAST AXD PKESEXT. 
 
 Monnsterevea Volunteers. — October, 1778; scarlet, faced while. Cap- 
 tain Houlton Anderson. 
 
 Mote Ligbt Infautr}'. — 1773; scarlet, faced pea-green. Colonel Sir H. 
 Lj'nch Blosse, Bart. 
 
 3Iountain Ringers — August loth, 1779; scarlet, faced black, Colonel 
 Bernard; Major George Clarke; Captain John Drought. 
 
 ^Mountmelick Volunteers. 
 
 >[ouiitDorris Volunteers. 
 
 Moycashel Association. — Colonel Hon. Robert Rochfort; Captain John 
 Lyons. 
 
 Mullingar Volunteers. — Colonel Earl of Granard; Lieutenant-Colonel 
 
 William Judge. 
 Munster Volunteers. 
 
 Muskerry True Blue Light Dragoons. — Colonel Robert Warren; Lieu- 
 
 tcnaut-Colonel R. Hutchinson; Major Samuel Swete. 
 Muskerry True Blues. 
 
 Muskerry Volunteers. — Captain-Commandant Thomas Barker, E.-q. 
 Mullingar Association. — Captain Robert Moore, 
 
 Xass R ingers. — December 10, 1779- scarlet, faced white. Captain-Com- 
 mandant R. Neville. 
 Newberry Loyal ^lusqueteers. 
 
 Newmarket Rangers. — Colonel Boyle Aldworth; 3Iajor William Allen. 
 Newport Volunteers. — Captain Richard Waller. 
 
 New Ross Independent, — November 17th, 1777; scarlet, faced black, 
 
 Colonel B. Elliot. 
 New Castle and Donore Union. — Captain Verschoyle. 
 Newry Volunteers (1st Company). — Captain Benson. 
 Newry Volunteers (3d Company). — Captain David BelL 
 Newry Rangers. — Captain Benson. 
 
 Newtown and Castlecomer Battalion. — Captain-Commandant Robert 
 Stewart. 
 
 Newry 1st Regiment, or Newry Legion. 
 
 Offerlane Blues.— October 10th, 1773; scarlet, faced blue, silver lace 
 Colonel Luke Flood. 
 
 Orior Grenadiers.-September 13th, 1779; ccarlet. faced black. Captain 
 James Dawson. 
 
 Ormonrt Independence.— Colonel Tolcs, Lieutenant Wm. Greenshields. 
 Ormond Union.— Captain Ralph Smith. 
 
 Ossory True Blues.— July 1st. 1779: scarlet, edged blue. Colonel Ed- 
 ward Flood; Major Robert Palmer. 
 Owzle Galley Corps.— Captain Theo Thompson. 
 
 Parsonstown Loyal Independonts.— Feb. loth 1776; scarlet, faced black, 
 silver lace. Colonel Sir William Parsons. Bart: Major L. Parsons, 
 Captam B. B. Warburton; Lieutenant Edward Tracy. 
 
VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 393 
 
 Passage Union Volunteers. 
 
 PoitaiiingloQ Infantry. — September 18tb, 1779; scarlet, faced yellow. 
 
 silver lace. Major-Commandant W. II. Legraud; Captain James 
 
 Slannus. Captain Ilcnry Carey; Ensign Annesiy Carey, 
 r.aforcl Brigade (Light Cavalry).— Dec. 2Glli, 1779; scarlet, edged blue, 
 
 gold lace. Colonel Denis Daly, 
 llakenny Volunteers. — Colonel Tlieopbilus Clements, 
 llalplisdale Light Dragoons. — Scarlet, faced yellow. Captain Jobn 
 
 Tandy. 
 
 Ramellon Volunteers. — Captain James Watt. 
 
 llaphoe Battalion. — July 1st, 1778; scarlet, faced blue. Lieutenant- 
 Colonel- Nisbitt. 
 Rathdown Carbineers. — Maj. Edwards. 
 
 lljithdovvn Light Dragoons (Co. Dublin). — June, 1779; scarlet, faced 
 
 black. Colonel Sir John Allen Johnson, Bart. 
 Rathdovvny Volunteers. — Feb. 177G; scarlet, faced white. Colonel J. 
 
 Palmer. 
 
 Rathangan Union. — August 2d. 1783; scarlet, faced white. Captain 
 
 AVilliam Montgomery. 
 Rockingham Volunteers, — September 7th, 1779: blue, faced blue, edged 
 
 scarlet, yellow buttons. Colonel Nixon; Major Chamney. 
 Rosanallia Volunteers. — July 1st, 1774; scarlet, faced blue, silver lace. 
 
 Colonel Richard Croasdale; Major George Sandes; CaptamL. Sandes; 
 
 Captain J. Sabatier; Captain A. Johnson; Lieul. William Tracey. 
 Roscrea Blues. — July 21st, 1779: blue, faced blue, gold lace. Colonel 
 
 L. Parsons. 
 
 Roscommon Independent Forresters. — May Ist, 1779; scarlet, faced 
 green. Colonel R, Waller; Lieutenant Colonel Thomas M'Dermott; 
 Major Edward Dowling. 
 
 Ross Union Rangers. — xVugust 1st, 1779; scarlet, faced green. Colonel 
 Drake. 
 
 Ross Volunteer Guards.— September 20th, 1779; scarlet faced black. 
 Captain-Lieut. H. T. Houghton. 
 
 Roxborough Volunteers.— 1777; scarlet, faced blue, silver epaulets. 
 Colonel William Perse. 
 
 Royal 1st Redment (Co Antrim).-Scarlet, faced blue, gold lace. Ma- 
 jor A. M'Manns. 
 
 Saintfield Light Tnfantry.--Captain Nicholas Price. 
 
 Skreen Corps. — Lord Kideen. 
 
 Skreen Corps of Dragoons. ^Colonel John Dillion; Captam James 
 Cheony. 
 
 Slane Volunteers. — Lieutenant John Forbes. 
 Slievardagh Light Dragoons. 
 
IlIELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 Sligo Loyal Volunteers.— M-.iy 24:th, 1779; scarlet, faced white, Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel Ornisby. 
 
 Society Volunteers of Derry. — March 17th, 1782; scarlet, faced blue. 
 Capiian William Moor, 
 
 Straban Battalion — Lieutenant-Colonel Charleton. 
 
 Stradbaliy Volunteers. — October 12th, 1770; scarlet, faced blue, silver 
 
 lace. Colonel Thomas Cosby. 
 Strokestowu Light Horse. — November, 1779; scarlet faced jellow. 
 
 Major Gilbert Conry. 
 Talbotstown Invincibles. — December, 1780; scarlet, faced deep green. 
 
 Colonel Nicholas Westb}'; Major John Smith; Lieutenant F. W. 
 
 Greene. 
 
 Tallow Blues — Captain-Commandant, George Bowles. 
 
 Tipperary Light Dragoons and Infantry'. — Lieutenant-Colonel Baker. 
 
 Tipperary Volunteers. — May 1st, 1776; scarlet, laced black, silver lace. 
 
 Captain James Roe- 
 Tralee Royal Voluriteers.— Januar}' 7th, 1779; scarlet, faced blue, gold 
 
 lace. Colonel Sir Bany Denny, Bart. 
 Trim Infantry.— July 12th, 1779; scarlet, faced black. Captain W. H. 
 
 Finlay. 
 
 Trim and R itr)ath Volunteers. — Colonel Earl of Mornington, after Mar- 
 quis of Welleslp}'. 
 
 True Blue Legion (City of Cork).— Colonel the Right Hon. Earl of 
 
 Shannon; Lieutenant-Colonel Morrison. 
 True Blue and Society Volunteers. 
 
 True Blue Legion (Co. of Cork). — Colonel Right Hon. E;irl of Shannon; 
 
 Lie'iten;mt-Colonel James Morrison; Major Michael Westroop. 
 True Blue Volunteers (Londonderry). — Capt. Lieut. Moore; Captain 
 
 William Lecky. 
 
 True Blue Battalion (Co. Fermanagh).— Colonel Archdall; Captain 
 Lendrum. 
 
 Tullamore True Blue Rangers.— October 28tl), 1778; scarlet, faced blue, 
 silver lace. Colonel Charles William Bury. 
 
 Tallow Rangers. — Au'JTust 10th, 1773; scarlet, faced black, white but- 
 tons. Captain Vvhelan. 
 
 Tully Ash Real Volunteers.— October loth. 1783: scarlet, faced black. 
 
 silver lace. Colonel J. Dawson Lawrence; Captain A. Dawson 
 
 Lawrence. 
 Tj'rawley Rangers. 
 Tyrell True Bines. 
 
 Tyrell's Pass Volunteers.- 1776; grey, faced scarlet, silver lace Cap- 
 tain Hon. Robert Moore. 
 
 Tyrone First Regiment.— July, 1780: scarlet, faced deep blue. Colonel 
 James Stewart; Lieutenant-Colonel Charlton. 
 
VOLUXTKEHS. 
 
 395 
 
 Ulster Volunteer True Blue Bultalion. — September od, 1779; blue, faced 
 scar'.et. Major lioberl Baiden; Lieuteuaut George Taud3^ 
 
 Ulster (i*'ir.st) KegMneut.-r-Scarlet, faced white. Colonel Earl of Charle- 
 mont; Lieutcnaut Coiouels Sir W. S\'nnot, Right Hon. William 
 Brownlow, C M'Causlaud; Captain G. W. Molyneux. 
 
 Ulster (TiiiKl) Rogiiueiit. — Lieiiteuant Colouel William Ross. 
 
 Ulster (FouriU) Regiment. — Scarlet, faced blue. Colonel R. M'Clintock. 
 
 Ulster Reguneni. 
 
 Ulster Regiment Artillery. ^Blue, faced scarlet. Captain Thomas 
 
 Ward. * 
 Union Regiment (Moira). — Lieutenant-Colonel Sharman; Captain 
 
 Patton. 
 
 Uni(m Rangers. — Captain ArthjLir Dawson. 
 
 Union. Light Dragoons (Co. Meath). — Scarlet, faced green, Captain G. 
 Lucas Nugent, 
 
 Union Light Dragoons (City of Dublin). —Sept. 12th, 1780; scarlet faced 
 green. Capiain-Commandant R. Cornwall; Lieutenant J. Talbot 
 Asheuburst. 
 
 Uppi-'r Cross and Coolock Independent Volunteers. — October, 1779; 
 
 scarlet, faced black. 
 Water ford Volunteer Companies (1, 2, 3, 4, and 5). 
 Waterford City Royal Oak Volunteers. 
 
 Water f Old Artillery and Infantry (No, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7.)— Captain 
 
 Hannibal William Dobby. 
 Waterford Light Battalion.— April 25th, 1779; scarlet faced blue. Major 
 
 William Alcocks, Captain Robert Shapland Carew. 
 Waterford Artiller3^ — Captain Joshua Paul. 
 
 Waterford Infantry. 
 
 Waterford Union.— November 6th, 1779; scarlet, faced green. Cap- 
 tain Thomas Christmas. 
 Westport Volunteers. 
 
 We.xford independent Light Dragoons.— Autumn of 1775; scarlet, faced 
 
 royal blue. Colonel John Beaumau. 
 Wexford Independents. 
 
 Wexford Independent Volunteers.— October 4th, 1779; scarlet, faced 
 
 black. Captain and Adjutant Millard Clifford. 
 White House Volunteers, 
 
 Wicklow Forresters. - July 1st. 1779; scarlet, faced light blue. Colonel 
 Samuel Hayes; Captain Thomas King; ('aptain Andrew Prior. 
 
 Wicklow Association Artillery,— Blue, faced scarlet. Thomas Mont- 
 gomery Blair. Esq, 
 
 Willsborough Volunteers,— October, 1779, dark green, edged white. 
 Colonel Thos, Willis; Major Owen Young. 
 
 • 
 
39G 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PliESENT. 
 
 Yougbal Independent Rangers — Lieutenant-Colonel Meade Ilobson; 
 
 INIajor John Swayne. 
 Youglial IiidepLiirlciit Volunteers, — Captain Boles. 
 Yougbal Uuiou. — Major Thomas Green. 
 
 LIST OF THE ORIGINAL PLANTERS IN MUNSTER 
 {According to Sir Ricliard Cox and tJie Carew Manuscript). 
 
 CORK. ACRE3. 
 
 Arthur Robins 18,000 
 
 Fane Beecher 12,000 
 
 Hugh Worth 12,000 
 
 Sir Arthur Hyde 5,574 
 
 Arthur Hyde 11,701) 
 
 Sir W. St. Leger G.OOO 
 
 Hugh Cuffe.." 0,000 
 
 Thomas Fleetwood. 
 ]\Iarmaduke Edmunds. 
 Sir John Stowell. 
 Sir John Clifton. 
 
 CORK AND WATERFORD. 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh 42,000 
 
 WATERFORD. 
 
 Sir Christopher Hatton 10,910 
 
 Sir Edward Fitton 000 
 
 Sir R. Beacon 4,400 
 
 TirPERARY. 
 
 Earl of Ormonde 3,000 
 
 Sir Edward Fitton. 
 
 LIMERICK. 
 
 Sir George Bouchier 12.880 
 
 AVilliam Trciu^luird 12,000 
 
 Sir H(Miry Billiugsley 11,800 
 
 Sir William Courtenay 10,500 
 
 Francis Barkly 7.250 
 
 Ed. Mainwaring. 3,747 
 
 ^ ACKES. 
 
 Sir Thomas Norris 0,000 
 
 Thomas Say 5,775 
 
 Sir Richard Beacon 1,000 
 
 Edmund Spenser 3,028 
 
 Sir George Bouchier 1,800 
 
 Sir Edward Fiiton 10,002 
 
 Francis Fitton 3,780 
 
 Aiexll^der [ • 3.020 
 
 Sir Edward Fitton 11.500 
 
 William Carter 3,001 
 
 Sir George Thornton 1,500 
 
 Robert Annesley 2,599 
 
 Sir Henry Uffhtred 2.000 
 
 Robert Slrowde 10,000 
 
 Robert (\)llum 2,500 
 
 Rowland Stanley. 
 
 KERRY. 
 
 Sir William Herbert 10.270 
 
 diaries Herbert 3.708 
 
 S i r Val c n t i n e Brown . 5(i0 
 
 Sir Edward Denny 0,000 
 
 John Hollis. . . . ' 4,422 
 
 Captain Conway 5,200 
 
 John Champion ) ^ aoa 
 
 George Stone f ^'^^ 
 
 John Crosbic. 
 
 Captain Thomas Spring. 
 
 Stephen l^ice. 
 
 Luke Morrice. 
 
 LIST OF TRE ORIGINAL PLANTERS IN ULSTER 
 
 {According to the Carew Manuscripts). 
 
 ENGLISH. 
 
 ARMAGH. 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 Earl of Worcester. 
 
 Lord Say 3.000 
 
 Powell 2,000 
 
 Sachcverel 2,000 
 
 John Heron 2,000 
 
 Stanhawe 1,500 
 
 John Dillon 1.500 
 
 Brownlowe 1.000 
 
 Machett 1.000 
 
 Rolleston 1.000 
 
 10,500 
 
11 IC. I X A L PL A XT E i:S . 
 
 397 
 
 TYRONE. ACRES. 
 
 Earl of Salisbury. 
 
 Sir Thomas Kidgwnv 2,000 
 
 Thomas Koch... . * 2,000 
 
 Francis AVil lough bic 2.000 
 
 Sir John Ashborneham 2.000 
 
 Captain and Thomas Ed- 
 no v 1,500 
 
 Geor«?e Kido-way 1,000 
 
 AViiliani Parsons 1,000 
 
 William Turvinc 1,000 
 
 12,500 
 
 TYRONE. 
 
 Lord Audlev 3,000 
 
 Sir :Mervin Audley 2,000 
 
 Fernando Andley 2,000 
 
 Sir John Davies 2,000 
 
 William Blunt 2,000 
 
 11,000 
 
 DONEGAL. 
 
 Lord Cliambcrlaine. 
 
 William Wils(m 2,000 
 
 Sir iS\)rris Barklcy 2,000 
 
 Sir Robert Remington 2,000 
 
 Sir Thomas Cornwall 2,000 
 
 Sir William Barnes. ; 1,500 
 
 Sir Henry Clare' 1,500 
 
 ('aptain Coach 1,500 
 
 Edward Russell 1,500 
 
 lia j\Iansfield 1,500 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 Earl of Shrewsburie. 
 Sir Ell ward Blennerhassett 
 Thomas Blennerhassett. . . . 
 Sir Hugh Woorall , 
 
 15,000 
 
 2,000 
 2.000 
 1,000 
 
 5.000 
 
 , FERMANAGH. 
 
 Earl of Shrewsburie. 
 
 Thomas Flowerden 2,000 
 
 Edward Ward 1,000 
 
 Henrv Huninjjs 1.000 
 
 Thomas Barton 1,000 
 
 John Ledborough 1.000 
 
 Robert Calvert 1,000 
 
 Robert Boggas 1,000 
 
 John Arclidale 1,000 
 
 9.000 
 
 CAVAN. ACRES. 
 
 Earl of Northampton. 
 
 Richard Waldron 2,000 
 
 Jolin Fish 2,000 
 
 Stephen Butler 2,000 
 
 Sir Nicholas Lusher 2,000 
 
 Sir Hugb Wirrall 1,500 
 
 John Taylor 1.500 
 
 W. Lusher 1.500 
 
 12,500 
 
 Total 81,500 acres. 
 
 SCOTTISH. 
 
 AEMAGH. 
 
 Sir James Douglass 2,000 
 
 Claude Hamilton 1,000 
 
 William Lander l.C»0 
 
 James Oaig 1,000 
 
 Henry Acheson 1,000 
 
 C.OOO 
 
 TYRONE. 
 
 Lord Uchiltrie 3,000 
 
 Sir Robert Hepburne 1,500 
 
 L. Lochnories 1,000 
 
 Barnard LYudsev 1X00 
 
 Robert Stewart of Hilton. . 1,000 
 
 Robert Lindsey 1.000 
 
 Robert Stewart of Rotton . . 1.000 
 
 9,500 
 
 TYRONE. 
 
 Earl of Abcrcorne 3,000 
 
 Sir Claude Hamilton 2,000 
 
 James CI ape n 2,000 
 
 Sir Ceorae Hamilton 1,500 
 
 Sir Thoniias Boyd 1.500 
 
 James llaig 1,500 
 
 Sir John Drummond of Bord- 
 
 land 1.000 
 
 George Hamilton 1,000 
 
 13,500 
 
 DONEGAL. 
 
 Duke of Lennox 3,000 
 
 LordofMinto 1.000 
 
 John Stewart 1.000 
 
 Alex. McAuUa of Hurling. . 1,000 
 
39S 
 
 n^ELA^^D, PAST AXD ^R::sE^'T. 
 
 L. Glenirirnock 
 
 John Cuniiigliiiin of Ciuu- 
 
 ficld 
 
 Cuthbert Cuimiugham 
 
 L. DuiMiulI 
 
 James Coayngham 
 
 DONEGAL. 
 
 L. Bomby. 
 
 L. Brouirliani 
 
 WilH.im Stewart 
 
 Sir Patrick Mcivce 
 
 A 1 e X a n ( 1 e I ■ C ' > D y n g b a in 
 
 James McCiillock 
 
 Alexander Dombar 
 
 Patrick Waus 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 2,000 
 1.000 
 
 i,oOJ 
 
 l.UOO 
 1,000 
 
 12.003 
 
 2.000 
 
 1,5:0 
 
 l,o00 
 1.000 
 1.000 
 1.000 
 l.OCO 
 1,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 SERVITORS. 
 
 ARMAGH. 
 
 Sir Gerald Moore 
 
 Sir Oliver St. John 
 
 Ljord Audley 
 
 Sir Thomas Williams. . . . 
 
 Captain Bourchier 
 
 Captain Cooke 
 
 Lieutenant Pomes 
 
 Marniadnke Wlntchurch. 
 Captain Alherton 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 L. Biirley 
 
 L. Pittarre. 
 
 L. Mountwhany, jun. 
 
 L. Kiukell 
 
 James Traill 
 
 George Smelhome. . . . 
 
 TYRONE, 
 
 Sir A. Chichesier. . ... . 
 
 Sir Thomas Hidirway. 
 Sir Richard Wiu^tield. 
 
 Sir Toby Caultield 
 
 Sir Francis Roe 
 
 3,000 
 1,500 
 1,500 
 
 1 000 ^*'Ptain Samuel Harrison. 
 1^000 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 Sir John Davis 
 
 Captain Samu 
 Piers Mostvn. 
 
 9,000 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 Sir John Home 2,000 
 
 R )bert Hamilton 1,500 
 
 William Fowler 1,500 
 
 James Sibb 1.000 
 
 Jehue Lyndsey 1.000 
 
 Alexander Home 1,000 
 
 John Dombar 1,000 
 
 9,000 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 Sir Alexander Hamilton 2.000 
 
 John Aiichmootie 1.0(0 
 
 Alexander Auchmootie. . . . 1,000 
 
 Sir Claude Hamilton 1,000 
 
 John Broune 1,000 
 
 COOO 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 L. Obien^'e 3.000 
 
 William Dowmbar 1.000 
 
 William Bay lie 1.000 
 
 Johu Ralsto'n 1.000 
 
 DONEGAL. 
 
 Captain Stewart 
 
 Captain Craffoord 
 
 Captain John Yaughan 
 
 Capiain Kinsmell 
 
 C.iptain Brookes 
 
 Sir Riciiai d Hansard 
 
 Lieutenant Parkins and En- 
 
 siiin Hilton 
 
 Sir Thomas Chichesier 
 
 Captain Hart 
 
 Sir Raffe Binglie 
 
 Lieutenant Ellyes 
 
 Captain Henry Vnugli;in .. . . 
 Captain Richard Bingley... 
 
 Lieutenant Gale 
 
 Charles Grims<iitch 
 
 Lieutenant Browne 
 
 Total 81,000 acres. 
 
 6,000 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 Sir Henry Folliott 
 
 Captain Atkinson 
 
 Captain Coale 
 
 Captain Goare * 
 
 ACSE8. 
 
 l.COO 
 1.500 
 500 
 1.000 
 1,000 
 1,000 
 200 
 120 
 300 
 
 0^020 
 
 1.320 
 2,000 
 2.000 
 1.000 
 1.000 
 
 7,320 
 
 1,500 
 500 
 246 
 
 2.240 
 
 1,00^ 
 1,000 
 1,000 
 1,000 
 1.000 
 l.COO 
 
 300 
 500 
 1.000 
 1,128 
 400 
 1.000 
 500 
 100 
 2-10 
 400 
 
 11,568 
 
 1.500 
 1,000 
 1.000 
 1,000 
 
 "4.500 
 
OHlGi:XAL PL ANT EES. 
 
 399 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 Sir George Grcame and Sir 
 
 Richaril Greanie 2,000 
 
 Capluiii Coolnie aud Walter 
 
 'Jalbot 1,500 
 
 Captain Piiincr 1,000 
 
 Lieutenant liiitlidg 300 
 
 SerjcauL Johues 150 
 
 4,950 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 Sir Oliver Lambnrt 2,000 
 
 Captain Lyons and Joseph 
 
 Jones. . 1,500 
 
 Lieutenant Atkinson and 
 
 ' Lieutenant Russell 1.000 
 
 4,500 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 Sir John Elliott 400 
 
 Captain John Kidgewa^y. . . . 1,0C0 
 
 Sir William Taaff. . . . .' 1,000 
 
 Jjieulenant Garth 500 
 
 SirEdmoud Feliplace 1,000 
 
 3,900 
 
 CAVAN. 
 
 Sir Thomas Ashe and John 
 Ashe 750 
 
 Archibald More and Brent 
 More 1,500 
 
 Captain Tirrell 2,000 
 
 4,250 
 
 Total 39,914.. 
 
 LIST OF THE ORIGINAL PLANTERS IN WEXFORD. 
 {According to tlie Carew Manuscripts.) 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 Sir Richard Cooke 1,500 
 
 Sir Lawrence Esmond 1,500 
 
 Sir Edward Fisher 1,500 
 
 Francis Blunden 1,000 
 
 Conway Brady GOO 
 
 Sir Roger Jones 1,000 
 
 Sir James Carroll 1,000 
 
 John Wingfield 1.000 
 
 Sir Adam Loftus 1,000 
 
 Fergus Graemes 300 
 
 Sir Richard Wiufield 1,000 
 
 W^illiam ^Lirwood 1,000 
 
 Francis Blondell 1.500 
 
 John Leghorn ... 1,000 
 
 Captain Trcvillian • 2,000 
 
 Captain Fortcscue 2,000 
 
 Thomas Ilibbets 1 
 
 The Bishop of Waterford 1-^^00 
 
 Total 
 
 20,900 acres. 
 
400 
 
 IRELAND. PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 The folloiving also received gitinfs amounting to- 
 gether to 12,000 acres. 
 
 Captain Dorrington. 
 Meares. 
 Pikeman. 
 dwell. 
 Ackland. 
 Henry Fisber. 
 Lieutenant John Fisher. 
 
 Lieutenant Burroughs. 
 
 St r.a ford. 
 Mr. GiUet. 
 Waldroud, 
 Sherlock. 
 HashwelL 
 
 LIST OF ENGLISH AND lEISn PEERAGES AND STEPS IN THE IKISn 
 PEERAGE CONFERRED IX A. D. ISOO, IN CONSIDERATION OF A 
 SUPPORT OF THE UNION BILL. 
 
 I. CREATIONS. 
 
 IRISH PLEKAGES. 
 
 Earl of Montrath to be Baron of Castlecooie with remainder *o Mr. 
 
 Charles Cootc, M. P. for Maryborough. 
 Lord Langford (the Hon. William Clotworihy Rowley). 
 De Blaquiere (the Right Hon. Sir John BlaquiereX 
 •* Frankfort (ihe Right Hon. Lodge Morris). 
 Baroness DuUerin, with remainder to her son Sir James Blackwood. 
 Lord Henniker (Sir John Henniker). 
 
 Baroness Newcopaen, wife of Sir W. Newcomcn, with remainder to her 
 
 heirs male. 
 Lord Adare (Sir Richard Quin). 
 
 Ventry (Sir Thomas Mullins). 
 '• Ennismore (William Hare, Esq ). 
 
 Wallscourt (John Henry Blake; Esq). 
 " MountsanforJ (Henry Moore Sanford). 
 
 Donalley (Henry Priltie, Esq.). 
 ** Tara (John Preston, Esq.). 
 " Hartland (Maurice Mahon. Esq.). 
 " Cianmorris (John Bingham. Esq.). 
 " Lecale (Right Hon. Lord Charles Fitzger^ild). 
 *' Xorbury (John Toler, Attorney-General). 
 *' Ashtown (Frederick Trench, Esq.), 
 '' Clarina (Eyre Massey, Esq.). 
 " Erris (Hon. Robert King). 
 Eirl of Clanricarde to be Earl of Clanricarde with remainder to his 
 daughters and to their heirs male. 
 
CHIEF GOVERJ^OPtS OF IRELAND. 
 
 401 
 
 ENGLISH PEERAGES. 
 
 Earl of Clare to be Lord Fitzgibbon. 
 Marquis of Drogheda to be Lord Moore. 
 
 Ely " " Loftus. 
 
 Earl of Ormonde '* " Butler. 
 
 Carysfort " Carysfort. 
 
 Marquis of Thomond " " Thomond. 
 
 IL PROMOTIONS IN THE IRISH PEERAGE. 
 
 Earl of Inchiquin to be Marquis of Thomond. 
 " Bective " " Headfort. 
 
 " Altamount *• *' Sligo. 
 "Ely " ** Ely. 
 
 Viscount Castlestewart to be Earl of Castlestewart. 
 Bandon '* Bandon. 
 ** Donoghmore ** '* Donoghmore. 
 
 Caledon " *' Caledon. 
 ** Kenmare ** '* Kenmare. 
 O'Neil " " O'Neil. 
 
 Lord Glentworth to be Viscount Limerick. 
 " Somerton " " Somerton. 
 Yelverton " '* Avonmore. 
 Longueville, ** ** Longueville. 
 Bantry *^ ** Bantry. 
 
 Monck " " Monck. 
 
 Kilconnell " Dunlo. 
 Tullamore " *' Charleville. 
 Kilwarden " " Kilwarden. 
 
 LIST OF THE CHIEF GOVERNORS OF IRELAND FROM 1173 TO 
 
 A. D. 1883. 
 
 HENRY II. 
 
 1173. Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Meath, Lord- Justice. 
 
 Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke, Lord- Justice. 
 1177. Raymond le Gros, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 John, Earl of Morton, Lord of Ireland. 
 
 William Fitzaldelm, Lord-Justice. 
 1179. Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Meath, Lord-Deputy. 
 1181. Jolin de Laf-y, ) ^ j t 
 
 Richard de Pc cho, \ Lords- Justices, 
 
 William Filzaldclm, Lord-Deputy. 
 
40:3 
 
 IKELAXD, PAST AXD PRESEXT. 
 
 1184. PLilip .de B?aosa. Lord Deputy. 
 
 1135. John, Earl of Mortou, Lord of Ireland. 
 
 John de Courcy, Earl of Ulster, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 RICHARD I., 1189. 
 
 1189. Hugh de Lacy, the younger, Lord of Meath, Lord-Justice. 
 1191. William Le Peiit, Lord Justice. 
 
 William Earl of Pembroke, Earl Marshal, Lord-Justice, 
 
 Peter Pipard. Lord-Justice. 
 1194. Ilamo de Valois, Lord-Justice. 
 
 JOHN, 1199. 
 
 1199. Meiler FitzHenry, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1203. Hugh de Lacy, the younger Lord-Deputy. 
 
 l"20o. Meiler FitzHeory, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1208. Hugh de Lacy. Earl of Ulster, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1210. King John in person. Lord of Ireland, 
 
 William, E:irl of Pembroke, Lord Deputy. 
 
 John de Grey (Bishop of Norwich), Lord-Justice. 
 1213. Henry de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord-Justice, 
 1215. Geoffrey de Marisco (Mountmorres), Lord-Justice. 
 
 HEXRY III., 1216. 
 
 1219. Henry de Londres, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1224. William. Earl of Pembroke, the younger, Lord-Justice, 
 
 1226. Geoffrey de Marisco. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1227. Hubert do Burgh, Earl of Kent, Lord-Justice. 
 Richard de Burgh, Lord of Connaught, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1229. Maurice Fitzgerald, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1230. Geoffrey de Marisco, Lord- Deputy. 
 1232. Mam-ice Fitzgerald, Lord Justice. 
 1245, Sir John de Marisco, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1247. Theobald Walter, Lord of Carrick, } j orr?;u.Tn«;tinp. 
 John de Cogan. f Lords-^Justicea. 
 
 1248. Sir John de Marisco, Lord Justice. 
 
 1252. Prince Edward Plantagenet, Lord-Justice. 
 1255. Alan de la Zouche, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1259. Stephen Longe-p?e. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1260. William Dene, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1261. Sir Richard de Rupella fRoche). Lord-Justice. 
 
 1266. Sir .John De !>[arisco. Lord-Justice, 
 
 1267. Sir David de Barry, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1268. Sir Robert de Ufford, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1269. Richard de Exeter, Lord-Justice. 
 
CHIKF GOVERXORS OF IRELAND. 
 
 403 
 
 1270. Sir James Audley, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1272. 3Iaurice Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, Lord-Justice. 
 
 EDWARD, 1272 
 
 1273. Sir Geoffrey de Genevill Lord-Justice. . . 
 1276. Sir Robert de Ufford, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1277- Stepliea do Fulburn, Bishop of Waterford, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1280. Sir Robert de Ufford Lord-Justice. 
 
 12S2. John de Saunford, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1287. Stephen de Fulburn Lord-Justice. 
 
 1290. William de Vesci, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1293. William de la Ilaye, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1294. William de Odinselc, Lord Justice. 
 
 1295. Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, Lord-Justice. 
 Sir John Wogan, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1302. Sir Maurice Rochfort, Lord-Deputy. 
 Sir John Wogan, Lord Justice. 
 
 EDWARD IL, 1307. 
 
 1308. Sir Piers Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall, Lord-Deputy. 
 Sir William Bourke, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1309. Sir John Wogan, Lord-Justice. 
 1312. Sir Edmund Butler, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1314. Sir Theobald de Vardon, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1315. Sir Edmund Butler. Lord Deputy. 
 
 1317. Sir Roger Mortimer. Earl of Mach, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1318. William FitzJohn, Archbishop of Cashel, Lord-Deputy. 
 Alexander Bicknor, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1319. Sir Roger Martimer, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1320. Thomas FitzJohn Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildare, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1321. Sir John de Birmingham. Earl of Louth, Lord-Justice, 
 
 1322. Ralph de Gorges, Lord-Deputy. 
 Sir John Darcy. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1323. Sir Tlumias Burke, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1324. Sir John Darcy, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1326. Thomas. Earl of Kildare, Lord Justice. 
 
 EDWARD IIL. 1327. 
 
 1328. Roger Oiitlawe, Lord Chancellor, Lord-Justice. 
 Sir John Darcy. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1329. James Butler, Earl of Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant 
 
 1330. Roger Outlawe. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1331. Sir Anthony Lucy, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
4:)4 
 
 IKELAXD. PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 133"3. Sir John Darcy, Lord-Justice, 
 
 1833. Sir Thomas de Burgh, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1334, Sir John Darcy, Lord Justice. 
 1337. Sir John Charlton, Lord Justice. 
 
 1335. Thomas Charlton, Archbishop of Hereford, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1340. Roger Outlawe, Lord Justice. 
 Sir John Darcy, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1341. Sir John Morice, Lord-Deputy. 
 1344. Sir Ralph Ufford, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1346. Sir Roger Darcy, Lord-Justice. 
 
 Sir Walter Bermingham, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1347. John leArcher, Prior of Kilraainham, Lord-Depuiy. 
 
 1348. Sir "Walter Bermingham Lord Justice. 
 
 1351. Maurice de Rochfort, Bishop of Limerick, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1353. Sir Thomas Rokeby, Lord -Justice, 
 
 1354. Maurice FitzThomas Fitzgerald, Earl of Desmond, Lord-Justice^ 
 
 1356. Sir Thomas Rokeby, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1357. Sir Almeric de St. Amand, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1359. James Butler, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1360. Maurice FitzThomas Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildarc, Lord-Deputy. 
 James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord Justice. 
 
 1361. Lionel, Duke of Clarence, Earl of Ulster, Lord of Connaught, 
 Lord Lieutenant (till 1369). 
 
 1364. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1365. Sir Thomas Dale, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1367. Gerald Fitzmaurice, Earl of Desmond. Lord Justice. 
 1369. Sir William de Windsor. Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1371. Maurice. Earl of Kildare, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1372. Sir Robert Asbeton, Lord-Justice. 
 Ralph Cheney, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 Willi.im Tany, Prior of Kilmainbam, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1374. Sir William de Windsor, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1375. Maurice. Enrl of Kildare. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1376. James, Earl of Ormonde. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1378. Alexander Balscot. Bishop of Ossory, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1379. John de Bromwich. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1380. Edmund Mortimer. Earl of March and Ulster, Lord-Lieutenant 
 (till 1383). 
 
 1381. John Colton. Dean of St. Patrick's, Lord Justice. 
 1383. Philip de Courtenay, Lord Lieutenant (till 1385). 
 
 Lords-Justice. 
 
 RICHARD XL, 1377. 
 
CHIEF GOTEPwXORS OF IRELAND. 405 
 13S4. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1385. Robert de Yere, Earl of Oxford, Marquis of Dublin, and Duke of 
 Ireland, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never came over; attained 1388.) 
 Sir John Stanley, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1388. Sir Philip de Courtenay, Lord-Lieutenant (till 1389). 
 1387. Alexander Balscot, Bishop of Meat}. , Lord- Justice. 
 
 1389. Sir John Stanley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Richard White, Prior of Kilmaihham, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1391. Alexander Balscot, Bishop of Meath, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1392. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1393. Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 (Xever came over.) 
 
 The King in person, Lord of Ireland. 
 
 1394. Sir Thomas le Scrope, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1395. Roger Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, Lord-Lieutenant 
 
 1398. Roger Gray. Lord -Just ice. 
 
 Thomas de HoUand, Earl of Kent, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1399. The King in person, Lord of Ireland. 
 
 HENRY IV., 1399. 
 
 1399. Alexander Balscot, Lord Justice. 
 
 Sir John Stanley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1401. Thomas de Lancaster. Lord-Lieutenant (till 1413). 
 
 Sir Stephen Scrope, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1405. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Justice. 
 Earl of Kildare, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1406. Sir Stephen Scrope, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1407. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1409. William de Botiller, Prior of Kilmainham, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 HENRY v., 1413. 
 
 1413. Sir John Stanley, Lord Lieuteunnt. 
 
 1414. Thomas Cranley, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord-Justice. 
 Sir John Talbot, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1419. Richard Talbot, Archbishop (-f Dublin, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1420. James, Earl ot Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 HENRY VI., 1422. 
 
 1423. Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Ed. Dantsey, Bishop of ^leath, Lord Deputy. 
 
 Lord Talbot, Lord-Lieuteuant. 
 1434 James. Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 142C. James, Earl of Ormonde. Lord Justice. 
 
40G 
 
 II^ELAXD, TAST AND PRETEXT. 
 
 1427. Sir John de Grey, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1428. Sir John Sutton, Lord Dudley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1429. Sir Thomas Scrope, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1430. Richard Talbot, Archbisht.p of Dublin, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1431. Sir Thomas Stanley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1433. Sir Christopher Plunket, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1435. Sir Thomas Stanley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1436. Richard Talbot, Lord-Deput}-. 
 
 1438. Lord- Welles, Lord-Lieutenant. (Xever came over.) 
 1 i iO. James, Earl of Ormonde. Lord-Deputy. 
 1 U2. William W^clles, Lord Deputy. 
 1413. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1415. Richard Talbot, Lord Deputy (till 1449.) 
 1446. John Talbot, Earl of Shrews'bury. Lord-Lieutenant. 
 -449. Richard Plantagcnet, Duke of York, Earl of March and Lister, 
 Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Richard Nugent, Lord Delvin, Lord-Deputy. 
 1450. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Deput}'. 
 
 1452. Sir Edward Fiiz-Eustace, Lord-Depuly. 
 
 1453. James, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 145^. Sir Edward Fitz-Eustace, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1459. Richard Plantageiiet. Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1460. Thomas Earl of Kildarc. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 EDWARD IV.. 14G1. 
 
 1461. Thomas, Earl of Kildarc, Lord-Ju'^tiro. 
 George, Duke of Clarence. Lord-Lieutc nnnt. 
 
 1462. Roland Fitz-Eu>tace. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 William Sherwood, Bisiiop of Meath, Lord-Deputy. 
 1483. Thomas, Earl of Desmond, Lord-Deputy. 
 I4G7. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, Lcrd-Dcputy. 
 146S. Thomas, Earl of Kildare, Lord-Deputy. 
 1475. William Sherwood, Bishop of Meath. Lord D( v."ity. 
 1478. Richard of Shrewsbury, Duke of York (second son to the King), 
 
 Lord Lieutenant (till 1783; he never came over). 
 
 Bir Robert Preston. Lord Gorman ston. Lord Deputy. 
 
 Gerald, eighth Earl of Kildarc, Lorct-Depuly (till 1492). 
 
 RICHARD v.. 1483. 
 RICHARD IIL, 1483. 
 
 1480. Edward. Prince of Wales, Lord Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 1434. John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
CHIEF GOYEKXOES OF IKELAXD. 
 
 407 
 
 HENRY VII., 1485. 
 
 1485, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke and Duke of Bedford, Lord- 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 1492. Walter FitzSimon, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1493. Lord Gormanstown, Lord-Deputy. 
 William Preston, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1494. Henry, Duke of York (second son to the King), Lord-Lieutenant. 
 (He never came over.) 
 
 Sir Edward Poynings, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1495. Henry Deane, Bishop of Rangor, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1496. Gerald, eighth Earl of Kildare, Lord-Deputy (till 1513). 
 
 HENRY VIIL, 1509. 
 
 1513. Gerald, ninth Earl of Kildare, Lord Justice. 
 
 Gerald, ninth Earl of Kildare, Lord-Deputy (till 1520). 
 1515. Lord Gormanston, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1520. Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1521. Sir Piers Butler, Earl of Ormonde, Lord-Deputy. 
 1524. Gerald, Earl of Kildare, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 152G. Lord Delvin, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1528. Sir Piers Butler, Earl of Ossory, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1529. Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond (natural son to the King), 
 Lord Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 1530. Sir Wilh'am Skeffington, Lord-Deputy. 
 1532. Gerald. Earl of Kildare Lord-Deputy. 
 1535. Lord Leonard Gray, Lord-Deputy. 
 1540. Sir William Brereton. Lord-Justice. 
 
 Sir Anthony St. Leger, Lord-Deputy (till 1546). 
 1543 Sir William Brabazon, Lord-Justice. 
 1546 Sir William Brabazon, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 Sir Anthony St. Leger, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 EDWARD VI.. 1547. 
 
 1547. Sir William Brabazon, Lord- Justice. 
 
 1548. Sir Edward Bellingham. Lord-Justice. 
 
 1549. Sir Francis Bryan ) 
 
 Sir William Bfabazon. \ Lords- Justices. 
 
 1550. Sir Anthony St. Leger, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1551. Sir James Croft, Lord-.Tustice. 
 
 1552. Sir .Lames Cusacke. Lord-Cbancollor ) r ^ t • 
 Sir Gerald Aylmer, Lord-Chief -Justice. K. B.. f Lords- Justices. 
 
4U8 
 
 IKELA^'Dj PAST AND PRESE^^T. 
 
 MARY, 1553. 
 
 1553. Sir Anthony St. Leger, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1556. Thomas Radcliffe, Lord Fitzwalter, Lord-Deputy (till 1560). 
 
 1557. Hugh Curwen, j. Lords Tustices 
 Sir Henry Sidney, \ ^^oras-Justices. 
 
 1558. Sir Henry Sidney, Lord-Justice. 
 
 ELIZABETH, 1558. 
 
 1560. Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 Thomas Radcliffe. Lord Fitzwalter, Earl of Sussex, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1561. Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord-Deputy. 
 Earl of Sussex, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1564. Sir Nicholas Arnold, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1565. Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy. 
 
 1567. Robert Weston Lord-Chancellor. ) Lords-Justices. 
 Sir William Fitzwilliam, ) 
 
 1568. Sir Henry Sidney, Lord-Deputy. 
 1571. Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord-Justice. 
 1575. Sir Henry Sidney. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1578. Sir William Drury, Lord Justice. 
 
 1579. Sir Williim Pelham, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1580. Lord Grey de Wilton, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1582. Adam Loftus, ArchbishoiD of Dublin and Lord- ) 
 
 Chancel 1 or, [■ Lords- JusticeSc 
 
 Sir Heuiy Wallop. ) 
 
 1584. Sir John Perrot, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1588. Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1594. Sir William Russell. Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1597. Lord Burgh, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 Sir Thomas Norris, Lord-Justice. 
 
 1598. Adam Loftus, ) 
 
 Sir Robert Gardiner. C. J. K. B., V Lords- Justices. 
 Earl of Ormonde, ) 
 
 1599. Robert Devereux. Earl of Essex. Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Adam Loftus. ) Lords-Justices. 
 Sir George Carew, ) 
 
 1600. Sir Charles Blount. Lord Mountjoy, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 JAMES L, 1603. 
 
 1603. Lord -Mount joy, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 Sir George Carew^ Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1604. Sir Arthur Chichepter. Lord-Deputy (till 1616). 
 
 1613. Sir Richard Wingfield. ^ ^ , I Lords-Justices. 
 Thomas Jones, Archbishop of Dublin, ) 
 
CniEF GOVEKXORS OF IKELAT^D. 
 
 1G15. Arclibishop Jones, ) Lords-Justices. 
 Sir Jobu Denham, ) 
 
 16ie. Sir Oliver St. John (Lord Grandison), Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1623. Lord Falkland, Lord-Deputy (till 1629). 
 
 1623. Sir Adam Loftus, Viscount Ely, Lord Chancellor, } j a t r 
 
 Sir Richard Wingfield, Viscount Powerscourt, j i^oras- justices. 
 
 CHARLES L, 1625. 
 
 1629. Sir Adam Loftus, Viscount Ely, ) j ^^j^ t„^^'^„ 
 Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, [ Lords- Justices, 
 
 1632. Sir Thomas Went worth, Lord Deputy (till 1641). 
 
 1636. Sir Adam Loftus, Viscount Ely, ) ^ i„ t 
 
 Christopher Wandesford. f Lords- Justices. 
 
 1639. Lord Dillon, ) t^.^oT 
 Christopher Wandesford, [ Lords-Justices. 
 
 1640. Sir Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Stratford, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 Sir Christopher Wandesford, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1639. Lord Dilion ) j ^ ^. 
 
 Sir William Parsons, f ^""'^^'^ 
 
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 Sir William Parsons, ) t r^^Ar, t 
 
 Sir John Borlase, \ Lords-Justices. 
 
 1643. Sir John Borlase, J y ^ t 
 
 Sir Henry Tichborne, f Lords- Justices. 
 
 1644. James Butler, Marquis of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1647. Philip Sidney, Lord Lisle, Lord -Lieutenant (appointed bj the 
 Parliament.). 
 
 THE REPUBLIC, 1649. 
 
 1649. Oliver Cromwell, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1650. General Henry Ireton, Lord-Deputy.. 
 
 1651. General Lambert Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1653. General Charles Fleetwood, ^ 
 General Edmund Ludlow ' | 
 
 General Miles Corbet, y Commissioners. 
 
 John Jones. i 
 John Weever, J 
 
 THE PROTECTORATE, 1553. 
 
 1654. General Charles Fleetwood, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1655. Henry Cromwell, 
 Matthew Tomlinson, 
 Miles Corbet, 
 Robert Goodwin, 
 William Steel. 
 
 1657. Henry Cromwell, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
410 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 1Gj9. Edmund Ludlow, "j 
 
 John Jones, | 
 
 Miiuhew Tomlinson, ^- CommissioQers. 
 
 Miles Corbet, j 
 
 3Iajor Bury, J 
 
 CHARLES IL, 1660. 
 
 1660. George Monck, Duke of Albemarle, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never 
 came over.) 
 
 John, Lord Robarts, Lord-Deputy. (Never came over.) 
 Sir Maurice Eustace, ) 
 Sir Cliarles Coote, Earl of Montrath, !■ Lords-Justices. 
 Roger Boyle, Earl of Unci y, ) 
 
 1661. Sir ]Maurice Eustace ) t j t *• « 
 Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery, \ Lords- Justices. 
 
 1662. James Butler Duke of Ormoude, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 16(54. Thomas Butler, Earl of Ossory, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 1669. John, Lord Robarts, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1670. John, Lord Berkeley, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1671. Michael Bovle Arcbbishop of Dublin, Kords- Justices (till 1685). 
 Sir Arthur Forbes, ) 
 
 1672. Arthur Capel, Earl of Essex, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1677. James, Duke of Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant (till 1685). 
 1682. Richard Butler, Earl of Arran, Lord-Deputy. 
 
 JAMES II.. 1685. 
 
 1685. Henry Hydo, Earl of Clarendon, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Richard Talbot. Earl of Tyrconnel, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Sir Alexander Fitton, Lord-Chancellor, ) Lords-Justices. 
 
 William, Earl of Clanricarde, ) 
 
 1689. King James in person. 
 
 WILLIAM III., 1689. 
 
 1690. King William in person. 
 
 Henry, Viscount Sydney. ) , t 
 
 Sir Charles Porter Lord- Chancellor, >• Lords- Justices, 
 
 Thomas Conin^sby. ) 
 1602. Henry, Viscount Sydney, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1693. Henrv Lord Capel ' ) 
 
 Sir Cyril Wyche. V Lords-Justices. 
 
 W^illiiim Duncombe. \ 
 
 oi' ^^^''^y^r^V''''' !- Lords-Justices. 
 Sir Cvril Wvche. \ 
 
 160.=;. Lord Capel. Lord Deputv (d. 1696). 
 
 1696. Sir Charles Porter. Lord-Justice. 
 
 Sir Charles Porter, ) 
 
 Earl of Montrath, V Lords Justices. 
 
 Earl of Drogheda, j 
 
CHIEF GOVERNORS OF IRELAND. 
 
 1697. Earl of Gal way, Lord -Justice. 
 Marquess of Winchester, 1 
 Earl of Gal way, >• Lords- Justices. 
 
 Viscount Villiers, ) 
 
 1699. Duke of Bolton, ) 
 
 Earl of Gal way, > Lords- Justices. 
 
 Narcissus Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin, ) 
 
 Duke of Bolton, ) 
 
 Earl of Berkeley, >• Lords-Justices. 
 
 Earl of Gal way, ) 
 
 1701. Earl of Rochester, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1702. Narcissus Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin, ) 
 
 Earl of Drogheda, y Lords- Justices 
 
 Earl of Mount Alexander, ) 
 
 ANNE. 1702. 
 
 1702. Earl of Mount Alexander, ) 
 
 . General Earl, > Lords-Justices. 
 
 Thomas Keightley, ) 
 
 1703. James, Duke of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 Sir Richfird Cox, Lord- Chancellor, ) 
 
 Earl of Mount Alexander, |- Lords-Justices. 
 
 General Earl, ) 
 
 1705. Sir Richard Cox, I Lords-Justices. 
 
 Lord Cutts of Gowran, ) 
 
 1707. Narcissus Marsh, Archbishop of Armagh, ) y ^ t *• 
 
 Sir Richard Cox, f Lords- Justices. 
 
 Earl of Pembroke. Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Narcissus Marsh, ) x i^ T„ot;««« 
 
 Richard Freeman, Lord-Chancellor, } ^^'"^ ustices. 
 
 1709. Earl of Wharton, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 Richard Freeman, Lord-Chancellor, ) -r t *• 
 Generallngoldsby , \ Lords- J ustices. 
 
 1710. James, Duke of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 Narcissus Marsh, ) t j t 
 
 General Ingoldsby, \ ^^^^^-^^ 
 
 1711. Sir Constantine Phipps, Lord-Chancellor, ) ^ 
 
 General Ingoldsby, [ Lords- Justices. 
 
 1712. Sir Constantine Phipps ) 
 
 John Vesey, Archbishop of Tuam, f Lords- Justices. 
 
 1713. Charles Talbot. Duke of Shrewsbury, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1714. Thomas Lindsay, Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 John Vesey. Archbishop of Tuam, I Lords-Justices, 
 
 bir Constautine Phipps, Lord-Chancellor, ) 
 
 GEORGE L, 1714. 
 
 1714. William King. Archbishop of Dublin, ) 
 
 John Vesoy, Archbishop of Tuam, y Lords- Justices. 
 Earl of Kildare, ( 
 
412 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 1714. Earl of Sunderland, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 1715. Duke of Grafton, ) j T„of,v«o 
 Earl of Gahvay, \ Lords-Justices. 
 
 1716. Charles Viscount Townshend, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never came 
 over.) 
 
 Alan Brodrick, Lord Chancellor, ) 
 
 William Kmg, Archbishop of Dublin, >• Lords-Justices till 1719. 
 William Conolly, Speaker, ) 
 
 1717. Duke of Bolton, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1719. Alan Brodrick Viscounty Midleton, ? Lords Justices. 
 William Connolly, bpeaker, ) 
 
 X721. Duke of Grafton, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1722. William King, Archbishop of Dublin, ) 
 
 Viscount Shannon, >• Lords-Justices. 
 
 William Conolly, Speaker, ) 
 
 1723. Viscount Midleton, Lord Chancellor ^ 
 
 William King, Archbishop of Dublin, I Lords- Justices. 
 
 Viscount bhaunoD, rj^^^^a 
 
 William Conolly j 
 
 1724. Viscount Midleton, ) 
 
 Viscount Shannon, [-Lords-Justices. # 
 William Connolly, ) 
 
 Lord Carteret, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1726. Hugh Boulter, Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Richarch West, Lord-Chancellor, [■ Lords-Justices. 
 
 William Conolly, Speaker, ) 
 
 GEORGE II., 1727. 
 
 1731. Lionel Sackville, Duke of Dorset, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1732. Hugh Boulter, Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Lord Wyndbam, Lord -Chancellor, V Lords-Justices. 
 
 Sir Ralph Gore, Speaker, ) 
 
 1733. Hugh Boulter, Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Lord Wynd ham. Lord- Chancellor, [- Lords- Justices 
 
 Henry Boyle, Speaker, ) till 1740. 
 
 1737. Duke of Devonshire, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1740. Archbishop Boulter. ) 
 
 Robert .Tocelyn, Lord-Chancellor, J- Lords Justices. 
 Henry Boyle. Speaker, ) 
 
 1742. John Ilondlev, Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Robert Jocelyn. Lord-Chancellor, V Lords-.Tustices 
 
 Henry Boyle^ Speaker, ) tdl 1747. 
 
 1745. Earl of Chesterfield, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1747. George Stone, Archbishop of Armagh, ) Lords- 
 
 Robert Jocelyn. Lord Newport, Lord-Chancellor, ^ Justices 
 Henry Boyle, Speaker, ) till 1754. 
 
 Earl of Harrington. Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1754. George Stone. Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Lord Newport. Lord-Chancellor, V Lords- Justices. 
 
 Earl of Bessborough, ) 
 
CHIEF GOVERNOKS OF IRELAND. 413 
 
 1755. Marquis of Hartington, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1756. Robert. Lord Jocelyn, Lord-Chancellor, 
 Earl of Bessborougli, V Lords-Justices. 
 Earl of Kildare, ) 
 
 1757. John, Duke of Bedford, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1758. Geortjc SloDe, Arch l»ishop of Armagli, ) 
 
 Henry Boyle, Earl of 8hauuou. [-Lords-Justices 
 John Ponsonby, Speaker, ) till 1765. 
 
 GEORGE in. 1760. 
 
 1761. Earl of Halifax, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1763. Earl of Northumberland, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1765. Lord Weymouth, Lord-Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 John, Lord Bowes, Lord-Chancellor, } y , Tn«t,Vpq 
 John Ponsonby, Speaker, i.oi as- Justices. 
 
 Earl of Hertford, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1766. Lord Bowes, Lord-Chancellor, ) 
 
 Earl of Droglieda. >• Lords- Justices till 1767. 
 
 John Ponsonby, Speaker, ) 
 
 Earl of Bristol, Lord Lieutenant. (Never came over.) 
 
 1767. George, Viscount Townshend, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1772. Earl Harcourt, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1777. Earl of Buckinghamshire, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1780. Earl of Carlisle, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1783. Duke of Portland, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 Earl Temple, Lord- Lieutenant. 
 
 1784. Duke of Rutland, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1787. Richard Rutland. Archbishop of Armagh, ) 
 
 Viscount Lifford, Lord Chancellor, " >• Lords- Justices. 
 Rigiit Honorable John Foster, Speaker, ) 
 
 Marquis of Buckingham, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1789. Lord Fitzgibbon. Lord-Chancellor )j ^ j 
 Right Honorable John Foster, Speaker, ^ ^oras-jusiioes. 
 
 1790. Earl of Westmoreland, Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 1794. Earl of Fitzwilliam, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 John Fitzgibbon, Earl of Clare, Lord-Chancellor, { Lords- 
 Right Honoral)le Jolm Foster, Speaker, J Justices. 
 
 1795. Earl of Camden, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 1798. Marquis of Claiiricarde, Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 Charles, Mar(]uoss Ccrnwallis. 
 
 1801. Philip. Earl of Hardwick- 
 
 1806. John, Duke of B(>drord. 
 
 1807. Charles, Duke of Richmond. 
 1813. Charles, Earl Whit worth. 
 1817. Charles. Earl Talbot. 
 
 GEORGE IV. 1820. 
 
 1821. Richard, Marquess WcUesley. 
 
414 
 
 lEELAXD, PAST A^D PliESENT, 
 
 1828. Henry, Marquess Anglesey. 
 
 1829. Hugh, Duke of Northumberland. 
 
 1830. Henry, Marquess Anglesey. 
 
 "VV^ILLIAM IV. 1830. 
 
 1833. Marquess Wellseley. 
 
 1834. Thomas, Earl of Haddington. 
 
 1835. Henry, Marquess of Xorraanby. 
 
 VICTOEIA. 1837. 
 
 1839. Hugh, Viscount Elrington, afterwards Earl Fortescue. 
 1841. Thomas Philip, Earl De Grey. 
 1844. "William, Lord Heytcsbury. 
 
 1846. John William, Earl of Bessborough, IG May, 1847 Died. 
 
 1847. George William Frederick, Earl of Clarendon. 
 
 1852. Archibald William, Earl of Eglinton. 
 
 1853. Edward Granville, Earl of St. Germains. 
 1855. George, Earl of Carlisle. 
 
 1858. Archibald, Earl of Eglinton. 
 
 1859. George, Earl of Carlisle, 5th Dec 1864, Died. 
 
 1864. John, Lord "Wodehouse, afterwards Earl of Kimberley. 
 
 1866. James, Marquess of Abercorn. 
 
 1867. The Duke of Abercorn. 
 
 1868. Lord Spencer. 
 1871. Lord Spencer. 
 
 1873. Duke of Abercorn again. 
 
 1879. Duke of Marlborough with the notorious James Lowther, Chitf- 
 Secretary. 
 
 1880. Lord Cowper, and W. E. Forster, nicknamed "Buckshot " Forsler 
 as Secretary, who was succeeded by Lord Frederick Cavendish 
 who was assassinated in the Phajnix Park, Dublin, in May, 1882. 
 
 1882. Earl Spencer again Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
IKELAXD, PAST AXD PliESENT. 
 
 41o 
 
 CHAPTER XVITI. 
 
 CHEONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 Embracing the Leading Events in the History of 
 Ireland, from the First Settlement of the Country 
 down to 1888. 
 
 B. c. 
 
 2035. Ireland colonized by a chief named Partbolan and 
 his followers, who are said to be of Scythian origin. 
 
 1727. A cliief named Nemedins and his four sons le.d 
 a thousand colonists into Ireland from the shores 
 of the Eiixinc Sea, and colonized the country, the 
 descendants of Partholan having perished by 
 plague. 
 
 1560. About this date the Fomorians, who are generally 
 supposed to be Carthaginian pirates, made inroads 
 on the country, but did not succeed in establishing 
 a permanent settlement. 
 
 1470. About the middle of the fifteenth century a tribe 
 called Firboigs, "whose origin is in doubt, look 
 possession of the island and divided it into five parts 
 or provinces. 
 
 1400. Towards the close of the fourteenth century be- 
 fore Christ the Tuatha de Danains landed in Ire- 
 land. They are supposed to have come from 
 Greece They were idolaters, skilled in Magic and 
 all the superstitions of the East. They brought 
 with them the Lia-fail, or stone of destiny. They 
 ruled Bamha, as Ireland was then called, for 
 nearly two hundred years. 
 
41G IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 B. 
 
 1234. The Milesians, after the death of their chief Mile- 
 eius in Spain, sailed for Ireland under their Queen 
 Scota, accompanied by her sons. They conquered 
 the Tuatha de Danains and took possession of the ^ 
 country Scota killed in a battle with the enemy. 
 Heremon and Heber divide the country between 
 them. 
 
 1220. Death of Heremon, who was followed bv sixteen 
 Ardrighs, oi* supreme raoiiarchs, until the reign of 
 Ollave Fola. 
 
 918. Ollave Fola, the wise king and legislator, ascended 
 the throne; he might be aptly styled the S<'lomoii 
 of Ireland. He was followed by several rulers of 
 ■whose history little authentic is known. 
 
 650. Sedna II. ascended the throne. From Scdna to Kim- 
 beath twenty Ardrighs ruled over Ireland. 
 
 350. Kinibeath ascended the throne. He built the palace 
 of Emania in Ulster. Sixteen Monarchs ruled f mm 
 Kimbaeth to Aengus with an average of thirteen 
 years. 
 
 130. Aengus III. ascended the throne. Ireland was at 
 tliis tiine called In is-f ail, or *'Isle of Destiny," 
 inis-ealga, the *' Xoble Island," and Eire, after a 
 queen of that name. It was also called Ireland, 
 after Ir, the son of Milesius, who was drowned in 
 a storm when the Milesians were landing. It was 
 also known to the Romans as Hibernia, Iris, and 
 Iverna. Fifteen monarchs succeeded Aengus up to 
 the reign of Conaire Mor. About this time the 
 celebrated Irish militia flourished. The militia of 
 Leinster were called the Fiann Erin; of Munster, 
 the Clcui Degaid\ of Ulster, the Knights of the 
 Jf?^<rZ^ra;icA; and of Connaught, the Clcinna JSIorna, 
 Conaire Mor ascended the throne a few years be- 
 fore Christ, the Saviour of the world, was born. 
 He was succeeded by several monarchs of whose 
 reicrns little is known. It is said that the monarch 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 417 
 
 who ruled at the time of the cnicifix'oii of our Saviour 
 foretold his death, and got into Buch a fit of anger 
 at Ins execution that he burst a tumor and died. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 95. Tuatlial Tectmar ascended the throne. In his reign 
 the Feis or National Assembly was commenced 
 at Tara. 
 
 129. Felim II., Monarch of Ireland. He introduced 
 theBrehon Code, or Lex talionis, of " an eye lor an 
 eye, and a tooth for a tooth," and also tlie law of 
 Eire^ which punished crimes by the imposition of 
 fines or bv death. 
 
 ml 
 
 140. Cathaire Mor, who founded Dublin, ascended tlie 
 throne of Ireland. He was succeeded by Con of 
 the Hundred Battles. 
 
 146. Conaire H. , the father of Carbry Riada. mIio 
 subsequently led an Irish colony into Albania, as- 
 cended the throne. The most celebrated Irish 
 chiefs of the time were Eagan, King of Munster, 
 Goll, son of Morna, general of Connaught, and 
 Cuall, father of the celebrated Finn, the chief of 
 the Fiannof Leinster. 
 
 224. Cormac Ulf;ida ascended the throne of Ireland 
 His reign M as one of the brightest in the history 
 of Pascan Ireland. He collected the laws of the 
 country and published a code which existed until 
 the time of the English invasion. He carried on 
 the wars in Albania begun by his predecessors. 
 
 268. Carbre II., succeeded his father Cormac Ulfada. 
 During his reign both Ossian the poet and his son 
 Oscar flourished. 
 
 284. The great battle of Gabra was fought, in which 
 Carbre and Oscar were killed. 
 
 331. The palnce of Emania in Ulster destroyed by the 
 men of Connnught in the reign of Muredai-hll. 
 
 350. Eocha XII. ascended the throne of Ireland. Ire- 
 land was distracted by internecine wars during hi8 
 
IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A D. 
 
 reigii, Avhich continued under his successors up to 
 the reiiXM of Laesraire. Britain was at lliis lime a 
 Province of Rome, and with the exception of Ire- 
 land all the other Euroj^ean countries were under 
 the same despotic sway. Eocha was succeeded by 
 Cremthara III., who led expeditions to Albania, 
 Britain, and Gaul, He was succeeded by IS'iall of 
 tiie Nine Hostages, who ravaged Britain, Wales, 
 and Gaul. He was killed near the Loire in France 
 by Eocha, King of Leinster. St. Patrick was 
 among the c:iptives taken on tliis expedition. 
 
 403 D.ithy succeeded to the throne. He was the last 
 Monarch of Pagan Ireland. He was killed by 
 lightning at the foot of the Alps, A. D. 428. 
 
 428. Laf'gaire II., son of Niall of the Nine Hostages, 
 ascended the throne after the death of KingDathy. 
 
 431. Palladius sent to convert the Irisli by Pope Celestine 
 
 I., but failing in his mission, he retired to Albania, 
 where he died. 
 
 432. Patricias, or Patrick, the great Apostle, arrived in 
 
 Ireland to convert the natives. 
 
 433. First baptism by St. Patrick in Ireland. St. Patrick 
 
 preached at Tara. 
 
 444. Foundation of the see and priory of Armagh by 
 St. Patrick. 
 
 448. Chnstianitv established. 
 
 450. Foundation of the abbeys of Tnniscathery, Down- 
 patrick, Saul, Trim, Ardngh, Duleek, Drum- 
 sliallon, and Louth by St. Patrick. 
 
 480. Foundation of an abbey at Antrim by Dartract, a 
 
 disciple ot St. Patrick. Foundation of an abbey 
 
 at Clogher by St, Aid. 
 484. Foundation of the nunnery and abbey of Kildare 
 
 by St. Bridgid. 
 493. St Patrick died on the 17th of March, in the 
 
 abbey of Saul, built by himself; and was buried 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTOKY OF lllELAND. 419 
 
 A. D. 
 
 there, being about a quarter of a mile from Down, 
 aged 120 years. 
 
 600. St. Bridget's Church at Kildare built. The famous 
 men of the fifth century in Ireland were St. Albe, 
 Dubrach, Fiach, Benigne, Selulius, Fercdeline, St. 
 Catald, Kienan, etc. 
 
 500. Foundation of a monastery at Swords by St. 
 
 Columb. Foundation of a priory at Castle Dermot 
 by St. Derniot. Foundation of the abbey of Lough 
 Deary, Co. Donegal (St Patrick's Purgatory), by 
 St. Dabeoc. 
 
 510. Foundation of tlie abbey of Einly by St. Ailbe. 
 521. St. Columbkille born at Gartan, Kimacrennan, in 
 Tyrconnell. 
 
 525. St. Brigid died at Kildare, in the 7Vth year of her 
 age. 
 
 527. St. Canice, patron of Kilkenny, born. 
 530. Foundation of the abbey of Glendalough by St. 
 Kevin. 
 
 540. Foimdation of an abbey at Clones by St. Tigernacb. 
 Foundation of the abbey of Roscommon by St. 
 Col man. 
 
 544. Foundation of the abbey Island of All Saints, in 
 Lough rea, by St. Kieran. 
 
 546. Foundation of abbeys at Derry and Durrow by 
 St. Columb. , 
 
 548. Foundation of the abbey of Clonmacnoise. 
 
 549. Foundation of the abbey of Clonard by St. Kieran, 
 
 550. Foundation of the abbey of Muckamore, Co. Antrim. 
 
 bv St. Colman, Foundation of the abbev of 
 Aghmacarte, by O'Dempsey. St. Tigernach was* 
 baptized by Conlath, Bishop of Kildare, St. Bridgit. 
 being his god-mother. lie founded the Abbey of 
 Clones, in the County Monahan, where he fixed Ida 
 episcopal see. now united to that of Cloghcr, and 
 died in 550. St. Munchin founded a Bisl)opric and 
 
420 
 
 IEELA:S"D, past AXD PKEtiEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 built a church in Limerick, which was destroyed by 
 the Danes in 853. 
 555. Foundation of the abbey of Drumlane, Co. Cavan. 
 Foundation of tLc abbey of Kells by St. Columb. 
 Foundation of the abbey of Bangor by St. Com- 
 gall. 
 
 563. St. Odran, Monk of Derry, died at lona, whither 
 he had accompanied St. Columbkille from Ire- 
 land. St. 3Iolaise, founder of the Monastery of 
 Devinish Island, died. St. Columbkille preaches 
 Christianity in the Western Isles. 
 
 570. Foundation of a monastery at Ardfert by St. 
 Brendan. Foundation of the abbey of Innisfallen 
 by St. Finian the Leper. Foundation of the abbey 
 of Aghadoe by St. Canice. 
 
 572. St. Columbanus. 
 
 590. Foundation of a monastery at Drumcliffe by St. 
 Columb. 
 
 597. St. Columbkille died at lona. 
 
 600, Eminent persons who flourished in the sixth cen- 
 tury in Ireland were St. Collumbkille, St. Finian, 
 St. Tarlah, St. Brendan, St. Congal, St. Kenny, St. 
 Colman, St. Bridget, St. Ita, with several others. 
 
 615. St. Columbanus died at Bobbio in Italy. 
 
 620. Foundation of a monastery at Kilmacduagh, Co. 
 
 Galway, by St. Colman. 
 630. Foundation of the abbey of Li<morc by St. Mochuda. 
 
 Foundation of the priory at Fore, West meath, by 
 
 St. Fechin. The cathedral of Cork founded by St. 
 
 Finbarr. 
 
 632. St. ^dan, first Bishop of Ferns, died. 
 634. St. Aidan, from lona, reintroduces Cliristianity at 
 Lindisfarne. Irish missionarips on the Continent. 
 630 The episcopal church of Killaloe was founded 
 
CnRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 421 
 
 AD. 
 
 .'ibout this time, by tlie contribution of different 
 Lings. 
 
 CoG. St. Kiecliin, founder of the Abbey of Fore, etc., 
 died 
 
 660. Foinuhition of a monastery at Cong, Co. Mayo, by 
 St. Fechan. . 
 
 665. Foundation of a monastery at Mayo, by St Colraan. 
 >45. Feargal (Virgilius) flourished. 
 
 795. Tlie Danes and Kornians, known by the name of 
 Easteiling'-:, cr Ostraen, invade Ireland. 
 
 600. The Danes build Dublin and other cities. Founda- 
 tion of the abbey of Inistioge, Co. Kilkenny. 
 
 812. The Normans made a second descent on Ireland, 
 
 815. Arrival of Turges. 
 
 820. St. Mary's Abbev at Trim, built. 
 
 838. The Danes in sixty ships arrive and take Dublin, 
 
 844. Tin ges' death. Massacre of the Northmen by the 
 Irish. 
 
 849 Fresh incursions of Northmen. 
 850. Joannes Scotus Erigena flourished. 
 
 852. Armagh destroyed by tlie Danes on Easter Day. 
 
 853. Arrival of Amlaf. Nose-money is collected. 
 872 The Northiuen invade Scotland from Ireland. 
 
 882. Corraack M'CiiUen, King of Munster and Arch- 
 bishop of Cashel. 
 
 888. A great battle between Maolseachluin L, king of 
 Ireland, and the Danes. 
 
 902. The Danes, with a vast fleet, were overthrown by 
 tlie people of Dublin, with great slaughter. 
 
 916. Fiann Sionna, Monarch of Ireland, died at Tail- 
 
 tenn, in Meath. The Danes routed at Clonniel 
 by Niall Glendubh, Monarch of Ireland. 
 
 917. Great Battle at Dublin between Danes and Irish. 
 
 Niall Glendubh. Monarch of Ireland, slain. 
 948. Conversion of the Northmen in Ireland. St.' Mary's 
 Abbey, Dublin, founded by the Northmen. 
 
 » 
 
422 IRELAND, PAST AXD PEESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 963. Battle of Sulchoid. Brian Boru succeeds to the 
 
 throne of Muu>ter. 
 980. The Xorthmeu defeated at Tara by JNIalachy, King- 
 
 of all Ireland. Foundation of the priory of liohu 
 
 patrick, Co. Dublin, by Sitric. 
 933. Brian extends his raie over Leinster. 
 997. Struggle between Brian and Malacliy. 
 
 1000. The famous men of Ireland who flourished in the 
 
 9th and 10th centuries were Albin, Clement, 
 Claude, Donough, Andrew, Patrick, Johannes 
 Scotus, Suibny, Probiis, Cele, etc. 
 
 1001. Seizure of the tlirone of Tara by Brian. 
 
 1013. Rebellion of Leinster in conjunction with the North- 
 
 men. 
 
 1014. April 23. Battle of Clontarf. near Dublin between 
 
 the Irish, commanded by Brian Boroimhe, Mon- 
 arch of Ireland, and the Danes, command<^d by 
 Sitric. The Danes were defeated after 11,000 of 
 them were killed, and thenceforth their power in 
 Ireland was broken. Brian was killed on the field 
 of battle. 
 
 1016. Malachy defeats the Northmen. 
 
 1022. Death of Malacbv. 
 
 1023. Teige and Donchad, sons of Brian, joint rulers of 
 
 Munster. Murder of Teige by Donchad. 
 
 1038. The priory of Christ churcli, Dublin, founded by 
 Sitric, Danish Prince of Dublin. 
 
 1049. The cathedral of Kilkenny supposed to have been 
 built about this time bv St. Canice. 
 
 1051. Harold takes refucre with Donchad after his re- 
 bellion against Edward the Confessor. 
 
 1058. Donchad becomes titular king of all Ireland. 
 
 1063. Donchad defeated by Tnrloiirrh, son of Teige. 
 
 1064. Turloiigh titular king of all Ireland. 
 
 1084. Dublin orectel into a bishopric, whose first bishop 
 was one Patrick, an Easterlincr, and chosen by 
 the city, who sent him to England, to be con- 
 
chrojstological iiistoky of IHELA^'D. 4.-3 
 
 A. D. 
 
 secrated by Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury; 
 and in 1152 had the archiepibcopal dignity added 
 to it, as well as to Armagh, Cashel, and Tuam, by 
 Pope Eugene the Third. 
 1086. Deatli of Turlough. He is succeeded by his eon 
 Muikertach. 
 
 1088. Tigernacli, abbot of Clonmacnoise, writer of the 
 
 " Annais of Tigernach," dies. 
 
 1089. A university at Armagh of considerable splendor 
 
 erected. 
 
 1096. The cathedral of Waterford, built by the Ostmen, 
 
 and Malchus its first bishop. 
 1106. Foundation of a monastery at Lispool by McNoel 
 
 McKenless. 
 1111. Svnod of Rath Bresail. 
 1119. Death of Murkertach. 
 1121. Death of Donald O'Loghlin. 
 
 1130. St. Mary's church built on the island of Devenish, 
 
 ' near Silver hill, in the county of Fermanagh. 
 1132. Struggle between Connor O'Brien of Munster and 
 
 Turlougli O'Connor of Connaught. 
 1142. Abbey of Mellifont founded by O'CarroU of Argiel. 
 1148. Abbey of Bective founded by O'Malachlin of Meath, 
 
 Abbey of Baltinglass founded by Dcrmot McMui- 
 
 rough. Abbey of Monasternenagh, Limerick foun- 
 
 ded by O'Brien. 
 
 1150. In the twelfth century Ireland wns divided into 
 
 five kingdoms, viz.: Ulster, Leinster, Meath, Con- 
 naught, and Munster, besides a number of petty 
 principalities, whose sovereigns continually warred 
 with each other. 
 
 1151. Four archbishops constituterl, viz.: Armagh, Dublin, 
 
 Cashel, and Tuam; and twent;. -three other bishops 
 Foundation of a nunnery at Kilcloeheen, Co. Kil- 
 kenny, by Dermot McMurrough. Battle of Moin 
 mor. Turlough O'Connor titular king of alllrcland. 
 
424 ^- IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 1152. Abduction of the wife of Tiernan O'Rouike Prince 
 
 Breffny by Dermott Mc^Iurrougli. King of Lein- 
 ster. Synod of Kells. A Cistercian monastery 
 founded at Athlone. 
 
 1153. A Cistercian monastery founded at Newry by 
 
 OToclilin 
 
 1154. Henry II. of England 1154 to 1189 Pope Adrian IV. 
 
 grants Ireland to Henry II. of England by a bull 
 the existence of which is disputed. Conflict of 
 Turlough O'Connor with O'Lochlin of Ulster. 
 Foundation of a monastery at Odorney in Kerry. 
 
 1156. Adrian IV. permitted Henry II. to invade Ireland, 
 on condition that he compelled every Irish family 
 to pay a carolus to the Holy See and to hold it as a 
 fief of the church. Death of Turlough O'Connor. 
 
 1159. Foundation of the monastery of Inis Connagh, Tip- 
 perary, by Donnell O'Brien. 
 
 1161, O'Lochlin titular king of all Ireland. 
 
 1162. AVaterford built. 
 
 1164. The cathedral of Derry was built by Flathberb 
 O'Brolcan, its first bishop; in this he was assisted 
 by Maurice M'Loghlan, king of Ireland. Founda- 
 tion of the abbey of Boyle, Roscommon, by Mau- 
 rice O'Dubhay. 
 
 1166. Death of O'Lochlin. Rory O'Connor titular king 
 oi all Ireland. Foundation of the priory of All- 
 Saints, Dublin, by Dermot McMurrough. Dermot 
 McMurrough, King of Leinster, driven from his 
 throne. 
 
 1167 First landing of the Anglo-Normans in Ireland. 
 
 1168. Flight of Dermot McMurrough. He takes refuge 
 
 in England, where he takes an oath of fidelity to 
 Henry II. who promises to restore liim. 
 
 1169. His bargnin with Strongbow. Invasion of the 
 
 English under FitzSte])hen. Landing of Strong- 
 bow at Waterford, Arrival of FitzSteplien. Cap- 
 ture of Wexford. Invasion of Ossorv. Arrival of 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IlISTOllY OF IHELAND. 
 
 425 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Raymond le Gros. Ca|)tiirL' of Watcrford. Airivai 
 of Stroiigbow, His maniagii witli EvaMcMurrougb. 
 Capture of Dublin. 
 
 1170. Synod of Armagb and manumission of English 
 
 slaves. Death of Dermot McMurrough. Siege of 
 Dublin. Strongbow returns to England and makes 
 his peace with Henry. Monastery founded at 
 Fermoy. The city of Cork built. 
 
 1171. Dublin is besieged and taken by Raymond le 
 
 Gros; Waterford also surrenders to him and 
 William FitzGerald. Henry II. arrives. He re- 
 ceives the submission of the chieftains. 
 
 1172. Synod of Cashel. Government organized by Henry 
 
 at Dublin. He returns to England. Foundation of 
 the abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, by William 
 FitzAldelm. Henry II. built a pavilion of platted 
 twigs, near St. Andrew's church, city of Dublin, 
 where he entertained several Irish princes. 
 
 1173. He by a grant of divers privileges, encouraged a 
 
 colony from Bristol to settle in Dublin. 
 
 1174. Capture of Limerick. Foundation of the priory 
 
 of Kilmainham by Strongbow. Richard Earl 
 Strongbow erected the order of knights templars, 
 at Kilmainham, near Dublin. Richard Earl Strong- 
 bow died of a m^ortification in his foot, and was 
 buried in Christ church, Dublin. 
 
 1175. Treaty between Henry and Rory O'Connor. 
 
 1177. Henry II. lands near Waterford, and receives the 
 
 submission of the princes of the country, settles 
 the government, and makes his son Prince John 
 Lord of Ireland. 
 
 1178. Foundation of an abbey at Astrath, Co. Donegal, 
 
 by Roderick O'Cauanan. Foundation of an abbey 
 at Dunbrody, Co. Wexford, by IIei-\'ey Monnt- 
 morres. 
 
 1180. Foundation of an abbey nt Jerpoint, Kilkenny, by 
 McGilapatrick of Upper Ossory. Foundation of 
 
426 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 an abbey at Middleton, Cork, by the Barrys. 
 Foundation of an abbey at Inniscourcy, Down, by 
 Sir John De Courcy. St. Laurence O'Toole, Patron 
 of Dublin, died in the Monastery of Augum (now 
 Eu), France. 
 
 1181, Foundation of Holy Cross Abbey by Donneli O'Brien. 
 
 1183. Foundation of an abbey at Abbeyleix by Cuchry 
 
 O'Moore. 
 
 1184. Prince John lands at Waterford. Mutiny of the 
 
 chief tans. 
 
 1185. Foundation of the priory of St. John at Water- 
 
 ford by Prince John. 
 1189. Foundation of a monastery at Monasterevan, Kil- 
 dare, by O'Derapsy. Death of Henry II. 
 
 1189. Richard I., 1189-1199. 
 
 1190. Patrick's church built, and Christ church, Dublin, 
 
 rebuilt. 
 
 1190. Foundation of a monastery at Knockraoy, Gal- 
 way, by Cathal O'Connor. Foundation of the 
 nunnery of Grace-Dieu, Co. Dublin, by John 
 Com in, Archbishop of Dublin. 
 
 1193. Foundation of the priory of Kells, Co. Meath, by 
 Walter De Lacy. Foundation of the priory at 
 Kells, Co. Kilkenny, by Geoffrey FitzRobert. 
 Foundation of the Gray Abbey, Down, by Africa 
 De Courcy. Foundation of the monastery of Cor- 
 cumroe, Co. Clare, by .Donogh O'Brien. Death of 
 Rory O'Connor. 
 
 1195. Limerick obtained its charter and John Stafford 
 was made first provost. Foundation of the abbey 
 of CI are by Donald O'Brien. 
 
 1198. Roderick O'Connor, last King of Ireland, died in 
 'the 82d year of his age. Adam Servant was made 
 first Mayor of Limerick. 
 
 1200. Donald O'Brien, King of Limerick founded a Ca- 
 thedral in Limerick. The abbey of St. Peter and 
 Paul in the county of Clare, built. Foundation 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IIIi^TORY OF IKELAND. /:T 
 
 A. D. 
 
 of Tintein Abbey, Wexford, by William, Earl ^idi- 
 shal. Foundation of a monastery at Kilcooly, Tip- 
 pei'ary, by Donogh O'Brien. Foundation of a 
 monastery at Kilbeggan by the Daltons. Foun- 
 dation of the Commandery of St. John for Hospi- 
 tallers, at Wexford, by William, Earl Maishal. 
 1202. Foundation of a priory of Great Connall, Kildare, 
 by Meyler FitzHenry. Foundation of the priory 
 of St. Wolstans, Naas, by Adam de Hereford. 
 
 1205. Foundation of the abbey of Abingdon, Limerick, 
 
 by Theobald Walter. Surrender of two-thirds of 
 Connaught by Cathal O'Connor to King John. 
 Disgrace of De Courcy. Foundation of Dublin 
 Castle laid. 
 
 1206. Foundation of the priory at Newtown by Simon 
 
 Rochford. Foundation of the priory for Crouched 
 Friars at Castle Dermot by Walter de Riddlesfgrd. 
 
 1207. Foundation of the Commandery of St. John for 
 . Hospitallers at Any, Co. Limerick, by Geoffrey 
 
 De Marisco. Foundation of the Crouched Friary 
 at Ardee by Roger de Pinard. 
 
 1207. King John granted a charter to Dublin. 
 
 1208. Foundation of the friary of St. Saviour's, Dublin, 
 
 by William, Earl Marshal. 
 
 1209. Slack Monday y so called on account of the 
 
 slaughter committed by the L'ish on a great num- 
 ber of the Bristol people, who inhabited Dublin, 
 and went out to divert themselves in Cullens' Wood, 
 on Easter Monday, when the Mountain enemies fell 
 upon them and destroyed 500 men, besides women 
 and children. 
 
 1210. English laws and customs introduced into Ireland. 
 
 King John in Ireland. He divides it into coun- 
 ties. Court of Justice first erected in Ireland. 
 Pence and farthings were coined in Ireland, by 
 order of King John. 
 
428 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1211. Foundation of St. John's Abbey, Kilkenny, by 
 William, Eaii Marshal. 
 
 1213. Foundation of the monastery at Tralee by Lord 
 
 John FitzThomas FitzGerald. 
 
 1214. Foundation of the Gray Friary, Cork, by Dermot 
 
 McCarthy Reagh. 
 
 1216. The privileges of the Great Chharer extended to 
 
 Irish subjects. 
 
 1217. Henry III. granted the city of Dublin to the 
 
 citizens, in fee-farm, at 200 marks per annum. 
 
 1220. Foundation of the abbey of the Holy Trinity at 
 
 Tuam by the De Burghs. 
 
 1221. Grant of Connaught to De Burgh by Henry HI. 
 1224. Foundation of the abbey of Tracton by Maurice 
 
 McCartliy. Foundation of the Dominican friary at 
 Drogheda by Luke Netterville, Archbishop of Ar- 
 magh. Foundation of the priory of Aughrim by 
 Theobald Butler, Foundation of the prioiy of 
 Ballybeg, Cork, by Philip de Barry. Foundation 
 of the priory of Atbassal, Tipperary, by William 
 FitzAldelm. Foundation of the priory of Nenagh, 
 Tipperary, b}' the Butlers. Foundation of a Fran- 
 ciscan friary at Youghal b}' Maurice FitzGerald. 
 1^25. Foundation of the Black Abbey, Kilkenny, by 
 William, Earl Marshal. 
 
 1226. Foundation of the convent of St. Saviour's, Water- 
 
 ford, by the citizens. 
 
 1227. Foundation of the priory of Mullingar by Ralph 
 
 le Petit, Bishop of Meath. The priory of St. Mary 
 and Edward, at Limerick, founded by Simon Minor, 
 a citizen of Limerick, in the reign of John. 
 1229. Foundation of St. Mary's Convent, Cork, by Philip 
 Barry. 
 
 1232. Fall of Hubert de Burgh. Foundation of a con- 
 vent at Carrickfergus by Iiui^h De Lacy. 
 1234. Foundation of the Franciscan friary at Kilkenny 
 
CIIEOKOLOGICAL IIISTOEY OF ICELAND. 
 
 420 
 
 A. D. 
 
 by Richard, Earl Marshal. Richard, Earl Marshal, 
 .declared a traitor and treacherously killed. 
 
 1235. Foundation of the monastery of St. Francis, Duh- 
 
 lin, by Ralph le Porter. 
 
 1236. Foundation of the monastery of Multifarnam, 
 
 \Yestmeathj by William Dulamare. 
 
 1237. Foundation of the monastery at Mullingar by the 
 
 Nugents. 
 
 1240. Foundation of the Gray priory at Drogheda by 
 
 the Plunkets. Foundation of the Franciscan friary 
 at Waterford by Sir Hugli Purccll. Foundation of 
 the Cistercian monastery at Ennis by Donougli 
 Carbreach O'Brien. Foundation of a convent at 
 Lismullen, Co. Meath, by Alicia de la Corner. 
 
 1241. Foundation of a convent at Athlone by Cathal 
 
 O'Connor. Foundation of the Dominican friary at 
 Athenry by Meyler de Bermingham. 
 1244. Foundation of the Dominican friary at Coleraine 
 by the McEvelins. 
 
 1252. Foundation of the Dominican friary at Sligo by 
 
 Maurice FitzGerald. 
 
 1253. Foundation of the Dominican friary of St. Mary, 
 
 Roscommon, by Felim O'Connor. Foundation of 
 the Dominican friary at Athy by the Hogans. 
 Foundation of a monastery at Limerick by O'Brien. 
 Foundation of Hacket's Abbey, Cashel, by William 
 Racket. Foundation of the Gray friary, Dundalk, 
 by De Verdon. Foundation of the Franciscan friary 
 at Ardfert by Tliomas, Lord of Kerry. 
 1257. Foundation of a monastery at Athy by the Hogans. 
 
 1259. Rising of the McCarthys of Desmond. Massacre 
 
 of the Geraldines. Foundation of monastery of 
 Holy Trinity, Dublin, by the Talbots;, 
 
 1260. Foundation of the Gray Abbey at Kildare by De 
 
 Vesci. 
 
 1263. Foundation of the abbey of St. Mary, Trim, by 
 
% 
 
 /JZO IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 4 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Geoffrey de Genneville. Foundation of a monastery 
 at Armagh by Archbishop Scanlen. 
 
 1264. Foundation of a monastery at Arklow by Theo- 
 bald FitzWalter. Contest between the Geraldines 
 and the De Burghs. 
 1268. Foundation of a monastery at Rossibercan, Kil- 
 kenny, by the Graces and Walshes. Foundation 
 of a monastery at Youghal by the Baron of Offaly. 
 
 1269. Foundation of a monastery at Leighlin Bridge by 
 the Carews. Foundation of a monastery at Lorrah, 
 Tipperary, by Walter de Burgh. 
 
 1272. The Irish petition for the extension to them of 
 the English laws. Foundatian of Hore Abbey, 
 Cashel, by Archbishop McCarvill. Edward I. 
 1272-1307. 
 
 1274. Foundation of the abbey of Rathbran, Mayo, by 
 
 the Dexters. 
 1277. De Clare invades Thomond. 
 1280. Feuds between the Geraldines and De Burglis. 
 
 1290. Quarrel between De Vesci and the Baron of Offaly. 
 
 Foundation of a monastery at Clare-Galway by 
 John de Cogan. Foundation of a monastery at 
 Butte vant by David Oge Barry. Foundation of a 
 monastery at Galbally, Limerick, by O'Brien. 
 Foundation of a monastery at Ross, Wexford, bv 
 Sir John Devereux. Foundation of a monastery 
 at Clonmines by the McMurronghs. Foundation 
 of a monastery at Dungarven by John FitzThomas 
 FitzGcrald. Foundation of the Carmelite convent 
 at Dublin by Sir Ricliard Bagot. Foundation of 
 the Carmelite convent at Ardee by Ralph Pep- 
 pard. 
 
 1291. Foundation of a Dominican friary at Kilmallock 
 
 by Gilbert FitzGerald. 
 1296. Foundation of the Franciscan friary at Galway by 
 Sir William de Burgh. 
 30. Foundation of a monastery at Cavan by O'Reilly. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IIISTGIiY OF IRELAND. 431 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1302. Foundation of a Franciscan friary at Castle Der- 
 
 mot by Lord Offaly, 
 1307-27. Edward II. 
 
 1307. Foundation of the Gray friary at Castle Lyons, 
 
 Cork, by John de Barry. 
 
 1308. Piers Gaveslon lord lieutenant. 
 
 1310. The bakers of Dublin drawn on hurdles throngli 
 the streets, tied at horses' tails, for using false 
 weights. 
 
 1312. Foundation of monastery at Tullow, Carlow, by 
 Simon Lombard and Hugh Tallon. 
 
 1314. Edward Bruce landed in Ireland at Oldfleet, in 
 
 the Bav of Larne, on the Antrim coast. Robert 
 Bruce takes refuge in Ireland. 
 
 1315. Foundation of an Augustinian friary at Adare, 
 
 Limerick, by Earl of Kildare. Rising of the Ulster 
 Irish and the di.-^contented English of Meath.. 
 Bruce's successes. Rising in Conn aught. Bruce 
 is crowned King of Ireland, at Dundalk. 
 
 1316. Battle of Athenry. 
 
 1317. Foundation of a Carmelite convent at Athboy by 
 
 William de Londres. 
 
 1318. Battle of Dundalk. Death of Edward Bruce. 
 1320. Foundation of a monastery at Bantry by C'Sulli- 
 
 van. A university at Dublin projected by Arch- 
 bishop Bicknor. 
 1324. Richard II. landed in L-eland. 
 
 1327. Civil war between the De Burghs and the Butlers 
 and the Fitzgeralds of Desmond. Rising of tlie 
 McMurroughs. 
 
 1329. Unsuccessful petition by the Irish for recognition 
 
 bv EnMish laws. Risintr in Thomond, Wcstmeath, 
 and the south. 
 
 1330. Maurice FitzThomas Fitzgerald created Earl of 
 
 Desmond and granted the palatinate of Kerry. He 
 renders assistance to the lords justices against the 
 Irish. Rising in Leinster. 
 
32 IllELAXD, PAST AXD PllESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1333. Arrest of Desmond, De Birmingham, and Mande- 
 
 ville. 
 
 1334. Murtler of the Earl of Ulster. Partition of his 
 
 estates. 
 
 1336. Release of the Earl of Desmond. 
 
 1339. Risings in Munster subdued by Desmond. 
 
 1341. The king proposes to resume the estates of the 
 
 great landowners. 
 
 1342. Parliament summoned to meet at Dublin. Con- 
 
 vention held at Kilkenny. Petition to the king, 
 who gives way. . 
 1344. Sir Ralph Ufford seizes some of Desmond*s es- 
 tates. Desmond surrenders, and is bailed. Kildare 
 is arrested. 
 
 1348. Kildare and Desmond pardoned. 
 
 1349. The black death. 
 
 1356. Foundation of a friary at Knocktopher by James, 
 
 second Earl of Ormonde. 
 1361. Lionel, Duke of Clarence, lord-lieutenant, third 
 
 son of Edward 3d marries Elizabeth De Burgh 
 
 heiress of Ulster, which had not hitherto submitted 
 
 to the English authority. 
 
 1361. Rising in Munster. 
 
 1362. St. Patrick s Church, Dublin, burned. 
 1367. Statute of Kilkenny. 
 
 13G9. Risings in Wicklow and Limerick. Richard II., 
 
 13V7-1399. 
 1379. Ordinance airainst absentees. 
 
 1385. Robert De Vere, the king's favorite, made Mar- 
 quis of Dublin and Duke of Ireland. 
 
 1387. The king comes of age. 
 
 1392. Rising of Art McMurrough in Leinster. 
 
 1394. Richard IT. Lands at Waterford with a train of 
 nobles 4,000 men at arms and 30,000 archers and 
 gains tlie affection of the people by his munificence 
 and confers the honor of Knierhts on their chiefs. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 43:j 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1395. Rlcliard at Dublin. Reforms the judicial bencli. 
 
 Returns to England, leaving to the Earl of March 
 lord-Iieutenant. Rising of McMorough and the 
 O'Byrnes of Wicklow. Defeat and death of the 
 Earl of March. 
 
 1399. Richard's second expedition to Ireland. The king 
 
 embarks for Milford Haven. Henry lY., 1399- 
 1413. 
 
 1400. Immigration of Scots into Antrim, Foundation of 
 
 an abbey at Longford by O'Farrell. 
 
 1401. Risings in WickloAV. Henry Y. 1413-1422. 
 
 1413. Henry Y. landed at Clontarf. Fresh struggles be- 
 tween the Euf^lish and the natives. 
 1415. An Irish contingent with the king in Xormandy. 
 1418. Art McMurrough captured. 
 1421. Risings in Leix. Henry YI., 1422-1461. 
 1433. Wars between the O'Keils and O'Donnells. 
 
 1438. Statutes against absentees. The sixth Earl of 
 
 Desmond marries Catharine McCormac, and is ex- 
 pelled from his estates by his uncle. 
 
 1439. Fitzstephen's moiety of the kingdom of Cork 
 
 granted to the seventh Enrl of Desmond. 
 
 1449. Richard, Duke of York, lord-licutenant. 
 
 1450. Rising in Westmeath. 
 
 1450. Duke of York takes refuge in Ireland. 
 
 1461. Foundation of New Abbey, Naas, by Sir Rowland 
 
 Eustace. Foundation of the Franciscan friarv, 
 Enniscorthy, by Donald Kavenagh. The eighth 
 Earl of Desmond founds the College of Youghal. 
 
 1462. Mints established in Dublin for coining groats, two- 
 
 penny pieces, pence, half-pence, and farthings. 
 
 1464. Desmond, Earl of Kildare, founded Gray Friary, 
 
 Ad are, Limerick. 
 
 1465. Foundation of a monastery at Glenaini, Co. Antrim, 
 
 by Robert Bissit. Tlie sanguinary Head Act passed 
 at Trim by the Earl of Desmond deputy. A})parci: 
 and surname act, thelrisli to dress like the English 
 
434 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT, 
 
 AD. . _ . 
 
 14t)5 and to adopt surnames. Foundation of a Francis- 
 can monastery at Kilcrea, Co. Cork, by McCarthy 
 Mor. 
 
 14G7 The Earl of Desmond is charged with treason and 
 executed. 
 
 1472. Inslitiilion of the Brotlierhood of St. George. 
 1478. Gerald, eighth Earl of Kildare, lord-deputy for four- 
 teen years. 
 
 1482. Edward IV. granted the charter of Kinsale, which 
 was called in Irish Cean Taile, i. e., the head of 
 the sea; alluding to the promontory called the Old 
 Head. The Corporation forfeited their charter upon 
 the Spaniards landing in this town, anno 1600, to- 
 gether with all their privileges; for on the 14th of 
 October, 1601, the burgesses came to Sir George 
 Carew, and requested him to restore their charter, 
 seal, mace, and royal standard, which, upon the ar- 
 rival of the Spaniards, they had delivered him to 
 keep, the president said he could not return them 
 without directions from England, but promised to 
 write to the queen in their favor, which he did, and 
 soon after had an order to restore them, on con- 
 dition that they should at their own charges repair 
 their walls. 
 
 1484. Foundation of the Auirustinian friary at Naas. 
 
 1487. Lambert Sininel crowned in Dublin. Kildare sus- 
 
 pected of treason. 
 
 1488. Kildare is pardoned. 
 
 1489. Fighting in Desmond. Fighting in Ulster. This 
 
 year a great rarity was sent to the Earl of Kildare, 
 viz., six hand-guns or muskets, out of Germany, 
 which his guards, during the time that they stood 
 sentinels before his house in Thomas Court, bore 
 on their shoulders, the Earl being at this time lord- 
 deputy of Ireland. 
 
 1490. Perkin Warbeck arrives in Cork. 
 1492. Fall of Kildare. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 485 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1494. Poynings law, subjecting the Irish Parliament to the 
 English Council. Sir Edward Poynings iord- 
 deputy. CiUslies the adherents of Warbeck. 
 Parliament at Drogheda, Poynings's Act. 
 
 1496. Arrest uf Kildare. He is pardoned and made lord- 
 
 deputy, and governs Ireland till 1513. 
 
 1497. Warbeck again in Ireland. Fighting between the 
 
 natives and the Bourkes of Connaught. Battle of 
 Knock tow. 
 
 1499. Irish Parliament held at castle Dermot, m tlie county 
 Kildare. 
 
 1505. Hugh Roe O'Donnell, Prince of Tyrconnell, died.. 
 
 1506. Town of Trim burnt by lightning. 
 
 1513. Death of Kildare. His son is elected lord- justice m 
 his room. 
 
 1516. Feuds in Desmond. Feuds in the Ormonde family. 
 
 Feuds between Ormonde and Kildare, and Ormonde 
 
 and Desmond. 
 1519. Kildare summoned to London. 
 1521. Rising in Leix and Offaly. 
 
 1523. Kildare returns. 
 
 1524. Desmond liolds a treasonable correspondence witb 
 
 Francis I. of France. Kildare lord-deputy. He is 
 ^ ordered to arrest Desmond, and fails to do so. 
 1526. Kildare again summoned to England, and lodged in 
 the Tower. He is released on bail. 
 
 1528. Rising of O'Connor of Offaly. He captures Lord 
 
 Delvin, the lord-deputy. 
 
 1529. Dosmond's trensonable correspondence with Charles 
 
 V. His death. Fall of Wolsey. 
 
 1530. KiMare sent back to suppress O'Connor's rising. 
 
 1531. O'Sullivan tells the following story :— that an English 
 
 ship took a Spanish vessel that was fisliing near the 
 Durseys. Upon which his grandfather, Dermot 
 O'Sullivan, prince of Bear and Bantry, having 
 notice of It, manned out a small squadron of ships 
 and brought in both the Englishman and the Span- 
 
4G8 IRELAND, TAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 ish vessel to Beaihaven. The English captain he 
 lianged and set the other at liberty. 
 1532. KiUlare made lord-deputy. He makes a treaty with 
 O'Connor and O'Carrol. 
 
 1534. lie is summoned to England, and lodged in the 
 
 Tower. His son, Lord Thomas, rebels. Besieges 
 Dublin Castle. Kildare dies in the Tower. Great 
 rebellion of the FitzGeralds subdued. 
 
 1535. Maynooth besieged. Skcffington captures Maynooth. 
 
 Fliecht of Lord Thomas. Submission of O'Connor. 
 Lord Thomas surrenders. Act of Supremacy. 
 (English.) Thomas Cromwell appointed vicar-gen- 
 eral. 
 
 153G. Lord Leonard Gray lord-deputy. Suppression of the 
 lesser monasteries (English.) Five uncles of Silken 
 Thomas executed for High Treason in London. 
 
 1537. Lord Thomas Fitzgerald and his five uncles exe- 
 
 cuted. Lord Leonard Gray's campaign in Limerick. 
 He destroys O'Brien's Bridge. The supremacy 
 supported in Ireland by Archbishop Brown, and op- 
 posed by Archbishop Cromer. The Proctors are 
 expelled from Parliament. Act of Supremacy 
 (Irish). Act of Suppressions of Religious Houses 
 (Irish). 
 
 1538. Destruction of Relics, etc. 
 
 1539. Dissolution of the j^reater monasteries. Lord Leon- 
 
 ard Gray's expedition into Leister. Battle of Bela- 
 hoe. His campaign in Munster. Commission for 
 the suppression of religious houses. This summer 
 was so dry in Ireland, that the Lee at Cork was 
 almost dried up, and several other rivers also, for 
 want of rain. 
 
 1540. Henry VIII. assumes the title of " King of Ireland." 
 
 Sir Anthonv St. Lesrer nesrotiates with the chief- 
 tains. Submission of the Irish chieftains and Anglo- 
 Irish loi'ds. Distribution of Church lands. 
 
 1541. Title of King of Ireland conferred on Henry. 
 
CHROXOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 437 
 
 A D. 
 
 1542. Submission of O'Xeil and O'Donnel. 
 
 1544. Irisli contingent pi'esent at the siege of Boulogne. 
 
 General peace in Ireland. Edward VI., 1547-1553. 
 
 1547. Duke of Somerset Protector. Disturbances in Leix 
 
 and Oltaly. Tlie reformed religion embraced by 
 the English settlers in the reign of Edward VI. 
 
 1548. O'Moore and O'Connor sent to England as prisoners. 
 
 Civil war between the chieftains and the Tanists 
 in Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and Clanricarde. 
 
 1549. First prayer-book of Edward VI. Introduction of 
 
 the new liturgy. Conference with the clergy in St. 
 Mary's Abbey. Pillage of Clonmacnoise. Dermot 
 O'Sullivan, of Bearhaven, was this year blown up 
 in his castle with gunpowder by accident; and his 
 brother Amlavus, who succeeded him, was killed 
 soon after. 
 
 1552. Books of geogrsiphy and astronomy destroyed in 
 
 England, as being infected with magic. Arrest of 
 the Earl of Tyrone (Con Mor.) War between the 
 Baron of Dungannon and Shane O'Neil. Mary, 
 1553-1558. 
 
 1553. Archbishop Dowal recalled. Dismissal of the Con- 
 
 forming bishops. Operations against Leioc and 
 Offaly. Restoration of the young Earl of Kildare. 
 Same price set by act of parliament on the head of 
 a priest, and on that of a wolf. 
 
 1555. Fighting in Thomond for the succession. Continued 
 
 immigrations of Scots into Antrim. 
 
 1556. Act in explanation of Poyning's Act. 
 
 1558. Death of the Baron of Dungannon. Reduction and 
 
 Plantation of Leix and Offaly. 
 
 1559. Death of Con Mor, Earl of Tyrone Shane O'Xeil 
 
 assumes the sovereignity of Ulster. Sir Henry 
 Sidney marc-hes against him. Negotiations ensue. 
 
 1560. Act of ITniformity (Irish.) Continued strife in 
 
 Thomond. Shane captures O'Donnell and his wife. 
 
 1561. Sussex is defeated by Shane. Plots to secure his 
 
438 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 murder, Shane goes to England. Death of 
 second Baron of Duniramion. Elizabeth and Shane 
 come to terms. 
 
 1562. Shane returns to Ireland. On the 3d of April, the 
 
 roof and p;irt of the body of Christ church fell, by 
 which the ancient monument of Strongbow was 
 broke. 
 
 1563. Tlie Irish from their peculiar customs, their appear- 
 
 ance and dress, were, in regard to the English, a 
 foreign, we might say, a remote nation. Wi>en tlie 
 chieftain O'Xeil went upon his visit and interview 
 with Queen Elizabeth, he w^as accompanied, and 
 continued to be attended in England by a guard of 
 Gallowglasses, armed with the battle-axe, after the 
 manner of their counti-y, their heads bare, their 
 hair flowing on their shoulders, and their linen 
 vests with large sleeves, dyed with saffron. lie 
 was received and treated as an independent chief. 
 Peace signed between Elizabeth and Shane. Shane 
 massacres the Scots of Antrim. Str uggle between 
 Desmond and Ormonde. Desmond is taken pi is- 
 oner. 
 
 1565. Potatoes first brought to Ireland from New Spain. 
 
 St. Augustine, Fla., founded by Pedro Melendez. 
 
 1566. Renewal of the war Avith Shane. Hugh O'Donnel 
 
 joins the English. 
 
 1567. ShaJie defeated at Letterkenny. Is murdered by the 
 
 McDonnels. Turlough Luinagh becomes " the 
 O'Neil." The rebellion of Shane O'Neill, when 
 O'Neill was betraved and slain: this rebellion cost 
 England £237,407 3^. 9^7., over and above the cess 
 on the country, with the loss of 3,500 soldiers. 
 Sidney 7i>akes a progress through Munster and 
 Connaught. He arrests Desmond and his brother 
 Sir John, and the sons of the Earl of Clanricardc. 
 Battle of Lough Swiily. Murder of Darnley; 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTOPwY OF IRELAND. 439 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Mary Queen of Scots marries Bothwell. She is 
 compelled to abdicate. 
 
 1568. She takes refuge in England. Scheme for planting 
 
 Desmond. Sir Peter Carew claims estates in Cork 
 and Carlow. Insurrection in the Xelherlands be- 
 gins. Rising of Sir James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald; 
 Lord Clancarty; and Sir Edmund, Sir Piers, and 
 Sir Edward Butler in Munster. 
 
 1569. Attainder of O'Neill and confiscation of his Ulster 
 
 territory. Ormonde detaches his brothers from the 
 Munster insurgents. Sir Edward Fitton President 
 of Connauijlit. 
 
 1570. Rising of the Bourkes. Sir James Fitzmaurice cap- 
 
 tures Kilmallock. Ormonde reduces Munster. 
 Pope Pius V. releases Elizabeth's subjects from 
 their allefriance. Sir Thomas Smith endeavors to 
 make a plantation in Down. 
 
 1571. Sir John Perrot hunts Fitzmaurice into the vale of 
 
 Aberlow. The first printing in Irish characters 
 brought into Ireland by Nicholas Walsh, chancellor 
 of St. Patrick's, Dublin. 
 
 1572. Clanricarde is liberated and Connaught pacified. 
 
 Surrender of Sir James Fitzmaurice. 
 
 1573. Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, obtains a grant of 
 
 territory in Ulster, and endeavors to make a planta- 
 tion. 
 
 1574. Massacre of Rathlin Island. Escape of the Earl of 
 
 Desmond from Dublin. 
 
 1575. Christmas Day Con O'Donnell and Con, son of 
 
 Niall Oge O'Neill, escaped from Dublin Castle. 
 
 1576. Sir William Drury President of Munster. Sir 
 
 Nicholas Malley President of Connaught. 
 
 1577. Sidney levies illegal taxes onthePale. Remonstrance 
 
 of the loyal English. Rory O'Moore, the outlaw, 
 in Leix and Kildare. Massacre of Mullaghmast. 
 1579. Sir James Fitzmaurice lands at Smerwick. Rising 
 of the southern Geraldines. Death of Sir James 
 
IRELA^'D, PAST AXD niESrXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Fitzmaurice. Successes of the rebels. Death of 
 Sir William Drury. Desinoiul joins the rebels. 
 You""hal suffered much in the wars of the Earl of 
 Desmond; it was taken and sacke<i by him in this 
 vear; and being regained by Captain AYliite, it 
 was again retaken by the seneschal of Imokilly, 
 White and most of his men being slain; by this 
 means Youghal was left quite desolate, not a man 
 staying in it, except one poor friar; but the old 
 inhabitants were invited to return, a garrison of 300 
 men being left for their protection. The mayor, 
 who had refused a gari-ison, and had perfidiously 
 yielded the town to Desmond, was taken and hanged 
 at his own door. 
 
 1580. Italians headed by Fitzmaurice land in KeiTy, they 
 
 are treacherou^ly butchered by the Earl of Ormonde. 
 Campaign of Ormonde and Sir William Pelham in 
 Munster. Rising in Wicklow. Lord Gray de Wil- 
 ton defeated at Glenmalure. The Spaniards land 
 at Smerwick. Lord Gray's campaign in Munster. 
 Massacre of the Spaniards. Rising in the Pale. 
 Executions in Dublin. 
 
 1581. Death of Dr. Saunders, the Pope's legate. Donagh 
 
 O'Brien, Prince of Thomond, perfidiously hung at 
 Limerick by tlie English, though previously 
 " pardoned." 
 
 1582. Death of Sir John and Sir James of Desmond. Sup- 
 
 pression of the Munster rebellion. 
 
 1583. Death of Desmond. 
 
 1584. By an inquisition taken at Cork. 
 
 1586. Attainder of the Munster rebels and confiscation 
 of their estates. Plantation of Munster. Seizure 
 of Red Hugli. Attainder of the Earl of Desmond 
 and his followers. 
 
 1588. Arrest of Sir John O'Doorhertv and Sir Owen Mc- 
 
 Toole. 
 
 1589. Confiscation of Monasrhan. Sir Francis Drake, with 
 
CIIROXOLOGICAL IIISTOKY Or IRELAND. 
 
 441 
 
 A. D. 
 
 five sliifs of the line, chased into Crosshaven by 
 tlie Spaniards in a much larger fleet, and moored 
 his ships under shelter of Corribiny-hill; the 
 Spaniards sailed up the harbor of Cork, and were 
 surprised at not seeing the ships they had been in 
 chase of; thus having missed their prey, they sailed 
 out again. Essex landed with 20,000 men at 
 Dublin. 
 
 1591. First stone of Trinity College, Dublin, laid. Queen 
 
 Elizabetli erected a university in Dublin, dedicated 
 to the Blessed Trinity, on the foundation of an old 
 monastery called All Saints; the first stone was 
 laid by Thomas Smith, Esq., mayor of the city, at- 
 tended with tlie regalia, March 13th. Adam 
 Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, was the first pro- 
 vost; Lucas Challoner, William Daniel, James 
 Fullerton, and James Hamilton, Mere the first 
 fellows; Abel Welsh, James Usher, and James Lee. 
 the first scholars. Earl of Tyrone. Hugh O'Neill 
 married to the sister of Sir Henry Bagnal. 
 
 1592. Escape of Red Hugh. Red Hugh O'Donnell in. 
 
 augurated and proclaimed " The O'Donnell." 
 
 1593. Trinity College, Dublin, opened. 
 
 1595. Confederation of the Ulster chieftains. Death of 
 Turlough Luinagh. Tyrone assumes the title of 
 The O'Neil. 
 
 1597. Fighting on the Blackwater. Anarchy in Connanglit. 
 Death of Lord Burcfh. 
 
 159§. Blockade of the Blackwater fort. Battle of the 
 Yellow Ford. General risi nor. The Susran Earl in 
 Munster. Tyrone defeats the English forces under 
 Sir Henry Bagnell at Blackwater who is killed. 
 Great battle and glorious victory of the Irish forces 
 at Beal-an-athbiiidhe. 
 
 1599. O'Donnell routed the English forces at Sligo. The 
 Earl of Essex, lord lieutenant of Ireland, lands at 
 Dublin the 15ih of April, to make war on Hugh 
 
442 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. » 
 
 1599 O'Neill, he makes a bad truce with Tyrone, and 
 returns to England, for -which he was imprisoned 
 by the queen. 
 
 1600. Mountjoy lord-deputy. He reforms the army. Sir 
 
 George Carew President of Munster. Sir Henry 
 Docra occupies Derr3\ TlieEarl of Oi-mond made 
 prisoner by the Irish. Ballincolly, a large castle, 
 was an ancient seat of the Barrets; this castle was 
 garrisoned by Cromwell, and in the late wars for 
 King James, W^illiam Barret was created a baronet. 
 The insurrection of Tvroiie who invites over the 
 Spaniards and settles them in Kinsale, defeated by 
 the lord-deputy Mountjoy. 
 
 1601. Capture of the Sugnn Earl. Commission granted 
 
 to Captain Roger Harvey to cut off and spoil the 
 rebels of Carberry. Redmond O'Gallagher, Bishop 
 of Derry, butcliered by English soldiers in his 80th 
 year. July 12th, Battle of Aiighrira. Arrival of 
 the Spaniards at Kinsale. Battle of Kinsale. Lord- 
 deputy Mountjoy built the fort at Hawlbolin. 
 
 1602. Flight of O'Donnel. Carew reduces Munster. Famine 
 
 brought on by the wholesale destruction of the 
 crops. Kiiialmeaky (formerly part of Carbery) 
 forfeited by O'Mahony in the Earl of Desmond's re- 
 bellion; was by Queen Elizabeth granted to Green- 
 ville and Beechei', English undertakers, by whom it 
 was first planted and got the name of a barony. It 
 afterward gave title to the noble Lewis I^oyle, 
 Lord Viscount Kiiialmeaky, and Baron of Bandon- 
 bridge, who was slain at the fight of Liscarrol. It 
 was formerly a mere fastness, being all wood and 
 bog, so that the army could not pass it, being ob- 
 liged to go round by Kinsale, in their march from 
 Cork to the siege of Duiiboy, in Bearhaven; but 
 it is now as well improved as any part of the coun- 
 try. June, IS, The O'Sullivan's Castle of Danboy, 
 in Bearhaven, after a gallant defence, taken by 
 
4 
 
 CIIROIN^OLOGICAL IIISTOKY OF IRELAND. 443 
 
 A. D. 
 
 the Englisli and the garrison executed. James I. 
 1603-1625. 
 
 1603. Red Hugh O'Donnell died in Spain. Don Juan, 
 
 Spanish commander, left Ireland. Hugh O'Xeill 
 submitted finally to the Lord-Deputy at Mellifoi^t. 
 The Popish clergy ordered to leave Ireland. Sir 
 James Fullerton obtained a jjatent from King James 
 I. for several concealed church lands; by virtue 
 of which patent he laid claim to the college of 
 Youghal ; but Sir Richard Boyle gave him a sum 
 of money for his title. 
 
 1604. Sir Richard Boyle, in consideration of £1,000 paid to 
 
 the king, obtained a patent for all Sir Walter 
 Raleigh's lands in Ireland, in "which the college of 
 Youghal is particularly mentioned. 
 
 1605. A proclamation published in Ireland, commanding 
 
 the popish clergy to depart the kingdom. The 
 city of Cork and its liberties were separated from 
 the county of Cork, and made a distinct county. 
 The same year, the corporations of Bandon, Clogh- 
 nakilty, etc., began to settle their future form of 
 government. Anti-Popery declaration of James I. 
 • Abolition of the laws of Tanistry and Gavelkind. 
 
 1607. Flight of Tyrone and Tyrconnell. O'Neill and the 
 
 O'Donnells, with their households and families sailed 
 from Lough Swilly. 
 
 1608. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty's rising. Donal O'SuUivan, 
 
 the hero of Dunboy assassinated by an Englishman 
 in Spain. Confiscation of six counties in Ulster. 
 King James, by his charter, dated at Westminster, 
 Jan. 20, and reign 6, 1608, confirms all the privi- 
 leges, subsidy and poundage excepted; and incor- 
 porates them by the name of the mayor, bailiffs, 
 and commonality of Youghal. Grants to the mayor 
 the oftice of admiral, and its perquisities, from 
 Ardmorehead, and Cable Island, up to Tooreen; 
 as also the custom of murage, cranage, keyage, and 
 
441 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 anchorage of all goods imported and exported. The 
 mayor, bailiffs, etc., to be exempted from all juries 
 held out of the town, except the suit concerns the 
 king. All causes to be tried by the townsmen. 
 
 1609. The cities of Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Limerick, 
 Tredagh, Galway, Ross, Wexford, Youghal, Kin- 
 sale, and Knockfergus, had tbeir charters renewed 
 by the lord-deputy. In consequence of repeated 
 rebellions and forfeitures, 514,405 acres of land in 
 the province of Ulster, became vested in the crown, 
 and James I. after removing the Irish from their 
 hills and fastnesses divides the land among such 
 of his English and Scotish protestant subjects as 
 choose to settle there. English fleet beaten by the 
 French in Bantry Bay. 
 
 IGIO. Abolition of the Brehon law. 
 
 1611. Connor O'Duvany, Bishop of Down and Connor be- . 
 
 headed and quartered in Dublin, by order of Sir 
 Charles Chichester. Persecution of Roman Catho- 
 lics. The plantation of Ulster. The tranquility 
 of Ireland was so well established, that King James 
 reduced the army to 176 horses, and 1,450 foot; ad- 
 ditional judges were appointed, circuits established 
 throughout the kingdom, and Sir John Davies ob- 
 serves that no nation under the sun loves equal and 
 indifferent justice better than the Irish. 
 
 1612. The plantation of Wexford. King James I. on the 
 
 13th of April directed a letter to Sir Arthur 
 Chichester, Lord-Deputy of Ireland, in behalf of 
 Owen MacSwiney, alias Owen Hogy of Mashana- 
 glass, to accept the surrender of his lands, and to 
 grant a patent to restore them to him. Owen Mac- 
 Swiney, son to the above Owen, was attainted anno 
 1642, for being concerned in the Irish rebellion, 
 and forfeited his estate. — Mashanaglass signifies a 
 strongliohl or fortress. The castle of Diindnneere, 
 built by Barry-Oge, stands near the confluence of 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 445 
 
 A. D. 
 
 the Brinny and Bandon rivers. The East-India 
 Company of England had a settlement here for 
 carrying on iron-works, and bnilding large shij^s; 
 for Avhicii uses they purchased the woods and 
 lands for £7,000. The followins: year two 
 ships of 500 tons were launched, and a dock was 
 erected for building more; they kept a garrison in 
 the castle. 
 
 1613. King James I. in a letter to Sir Arthur Chichester 
 
 proposes that Cork sliould be divided into two 
 counties; but tlie* project was for that time op- 
 posed by tlie first Earl of Cork. Parliament sum- 
 moned. Creation of borous^hs. 
 
 1614. Attainder of Tyrone and the Ulster chieftains. Re- 
 
 peal of the old statutes against tlie Irish. William 
 Molyneux, author of " Case of Ireland stated." 
 born. 
 
 1615. Directions given by the Irish society, " in order that 
 
 Derry might not in future be peopled with Irisli," 
 that the inhabitants should not keep servants or 
 Irish apprentices. 
 
 1616. Hugh O'Neill, Prince of Ulster, died at Rome. Sir 
 
 Richard Boyle, first Earl of Cork, created Baron 
 Boyle of Youghal. It was in this town that the 
 first potatoes were landed in Ireland by Sir Walter 
 Raleigh. The person who planted them, imagin- 
 ing that the apple which grows on the stalk was 
 the part to be used, gathered them; but not liking 
 their taste, neglected the roots, till the ground being 
 dug afterward to sow some other grain, the potatoes 
 were discovered therein; and, to the great surprise 
 of the planter, vastly increased; from those few, 
 this country was furnished with seed. It is said 
 Sir Walter brought them, together with tobacco, 
 into Ireland, from Virginia. He also brought the 
 celebrated Assane cherry, at the same time, from 
 the Canary Islands. 
 
443 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1617. August 9th, Sir Walter Raleigh sailed from the 
 liarbor of Cork, on his last unfortunate expedition 
 to the West Indies. The son and heir of Hucrh 
 O'Neill, Prince of Ulster, assassinated at Brussels. 
 
 1610. The order of Baronets first instituted in Ireland, 
 September 30th, by James I. Plantation of Long- 
 ford and Ely O'Carroll. Plantation of Westmeath. 
 
 1621. Carver, first Governor of M'^.'jsachusetts, died. Sir 
 
 Fitzirerald Aylmer of Donedea, in the county of 
 Kildare, was the first baronet in Ireland; he was 
 created the 25th of January, by letteis patent of 
 James I. 
 
 1622. A dreadful fire happened in Cork, which consumed 
 
 the greatest part ot the city. The shoemakers re- 
 ceived a new cliarter, from King James I. Planta- 
 tion of Leitrim and parts of King's and Queen's 
 counties. 
 
 1623. Proclamation requiring all Catholic clergymen to 
 
 quit Great Britain and Ireland m forty days. 
 
 1624. Transplantation of native septs to Kerry. Confica- 
 
 tion in Wicklow. Projected planting of Con- 
 naught. Charles I. 1625-1649. 
 
 1625. Christ Church in Bandon built; the oldest gravestone 
 
 in this church is dated 1629, over one JMr. Crofts, 
 one of the first burgesses of tliis corporation. The 
 forts of Cork and Waterford having been quite 
 neglected, the Earl of Cork lent £500 to the Lord- 
 President Villers, with which these forts were made 
 defensible. When Lord Wimbleton arrived at 
 Kinsale, with the king's forces, Lord Cork took 
 ten companies of foot, many of them being weak, 
 and wounded, and lodged and dieted them near 
 three months upon liis tenants; he supplied the 
 general with £500, and entertained him and all his 
 oflicers noblv, at Lismore. 
 
 1626. Composition made by the Connaught land-owners. 
 
 *' The Graces" promised. 
 
CIIROKOLOGICAL IIISTOKY OF IRELAND. 447 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1627. Sir Dorninick Sarsfield was created Lord Viscount 
 Kiiisale, to tlie great prejudice ol' tliis ancient and 
 noble family, and set up his arms in the town; but 
 upon a fair hearing before the Earl Marshal of 
 England, he was obliged to renounce the title of 
 Kinsale, and take that of Kilmallock. 
 
 1829. Florence Conroy died. This year, an unusual ap- 
 pearance happened at Cork; for notwithstanding 
 ■ the sun shone out very bright, the sky was dark- 
 ened all of a sudden by an infinite mnltitude of 
 stairs, which seemed like a black dense cloud, to 
 hang over the city. When they had passed the 
 town, they were observed by the citizens to fight 
 furiously for several hours with a great noise, pick- 
 ing and wounding each other with their bills, 
 whereby great numbers of them fell down to the 
 earth, and were slain; many of which, with the 
 wounded, m .-re taken up by the citizens and coun- 
 try people. 
 
 1631. The western coast of Ireland was infested by a 
 dangerous pirate, Nut, who not only robbed on 
 the seas, but also made several descents on the 
 coast. In the letter from the Lord-President St. 
 Leger, to the Government, h% informs them that 
 Nut had three ships under his command, his own 
 being a twenty-gun ship of 300 tons burden; a 
 ship which he took belonging to St. JMaloes, of 160 
 tons, Avas his vice admiral; and the third which he 
 had taken, belonging to Dieppe, also mounted 
 fifteen guns. In May, Nut lay witti his fleet ;it 
 Crookhaven, where he victualed, watered, and took 
 his wife on board. Soon after, the Government 
 sent him a pardon, which he at first refused; but in 
 a little time he accepted it. June 30th, two Alger- 
 ine rovers landed their men in the dead of the night 
 at Baltimore, and liaving plundered the place, they 
 made a ijreat number of the inhabitants prisoners, 
 
44S 
 
 IPwELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 with 100 of tlie English, and can-ied tliera all to 
 Algiers. The Earl of Stafford, in his letters, men- 
 tions the insolency of these rovers, who again in 
 fested the coast in 1036, being assisted by the 
 French, whom he calls most Christian Turks; for 
 they frequently landed their captives in France, 
 and drove them in chains to Marseilles, whence they 
 shipped them to Algiers. The carl proposed to lay 
 out 40,0001. of the country's money, in order to at- 
 tack them, even to their own ports. In a letter of 
 his to Mr. Secretary Cook, loth of September, 
 1336, he tells him, — the Turks still annoy this coast; 
 tlioy came of late into Cork harbor, took a boat 
 whicli had eight fishermen in her, and gave chase 
 to two more who saved themselves amons: the 
 rocks, the townsmen looking on, at the same time, 
 witlioiit means or power to assist them. 
 
 1632. Jund 3d, the lord-deputy Wentworth sent an ingot 
 
 of silver of 300 ounces, to the king, being the first 
 fruits of his majesty's mines in Munster. Compila- 
 tion of the " Annals of Ireland" by the Four 
 Masters. 
 
 1633. Catholic emigrants, under Leonard Calvert, sailed 
 
 for Maryland. There was this winter a prodigious 
 flood in the river Lee; which, among other damages 
 done to the city of Cork, carried away both the 
 north and south bridges, and the castles erected 
 thereon. Wentworth is appointed lord-deputy. 
 
 1634. Wentworth draijoons the L'ish Parliament. This 
 
 year, Sir Roger Coppmgcr, major of Cork, carried 
 away the city charter, and also the sword and 
 mace. 
 
 1635. Province of Maryland planted by lord Baltimore. 
 
 Hugh Ward died. Commission of "defective 
 titles" in Connaiifrht. Sentence on Lord Mount- 
 morris. 
 
 1636. Introduction of the linen manufacture. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IIISTOEY OF IRELAND. 449 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1640. Wentwortli created Earl of Strafford and Lortl- 
 
 Lieutenant of Ireland. Augmentation of the Irish 
 army. Castle-Magner, tlie seat of Richard Magner, 
 agent for tlie Irish inhabitants of Orrery and Kil- 
 more. AVhen Cromwell was at Clonmell, he went 
 to pay his court to liim; but being represented as 
 a very troublesome person, and one who had been 
 very active in the rebellion, Cromwell sent him 
 with a letter to Colonel Phaire, then governor of 
 Cork, in which was an order to execute the bearer. 
 Magner, who suspected foul play, had scarce left 
 Clonmell, when he opened the letter, read the con- 
 tents, and sealed it up, instead of proceeding to- 
 wards Cork, turned off to Mallow, and delivered it 
 to the officer who commanded there, telling him 
 Cromwell had ordered him to carry it to Colonel 
 Phaire. This officer had often preyed upon Mag- 
 ner's lands, for which he was resolved to be re- 
 venged. The officer, suspecting no deceit, went 
 with the letter, which greatly surprised the gover- 
 nor of Cork, who knew him to be an honest man, 
 and immediately sent an express to Cromwell for 
 further directions. Cromwell being extremely 
 chagrined to be so served, sent orders to let the 
 officer have his liberty, and to apprehend Magner, 
 who took care to get out of his reach. This castle 
 and lands were granted to the family of Bertridge 
 for 49 arrears; it is now the estate of Sir Standish 
 Hartstonge. 
 
 1641. Ormonde and Antrim plot to seize the Irish govern- 
 
 ment in support of Charles. Rory O'Moore's plot 
 to seize the Castle. Rising and massficres in Ulster. 
 The Roman Catholic Anglo-Irish join the rebels. 
 Siege of Drogheda. The castle of Dundareek 
 (which signifies Mount Prospect) forfeited by Der- 
 mot MaoCarthy, in the rebellion. On Saturday, 
 the 23d of October (a day dedicated to St. Ignatius) 
 
430 
 
 IRELAXD, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 broke out the dreadful rebellion, and general defec- 
 tion of the Irish 2;kl Oct., More and Maguires re- 
 bellion. The Catholics enter into a conspiracy to 
 expel the English. Sir Phelini O'Neill, having 
 taken Dundalk, marched with 4,000 men to Lissen- 
 garvy. Drogheda besieged by 14,000 rebels. The 
 forfeited estates m Ireland sold, amounting to two 
 millions and a half of acres. In the rebellion of 
 1641, the Earl of Cork shut himself up in the town 
 of Youghal, in which he suffered very great hard- 
 ships, and died in it during those troubles. Mas- 
 sacre of the entire population (3,000) of Island 
 Magee by the garrison of Carrickfergus. Arras 
 surrendered after a brave defence, by Owen Roe. 
 Insurrection of the O'Byrnes of Wicklow. First 
 regiment Dublin Volunteers, formed under the 
 command of the Duke of Leinster. Rising of 
 O'Tooles and O'Kavanaghs. Great Rebellion com- 
 menced by Sir Phelim O'Neill in the North. Dec. 
 15, the village of Clontarf burned, and its inhabit- 
 ants put to the sword, by order of the Lords- 
 justices. 
 
 1642. The castle of poulne-long, i. e., Ship-pool, built by 
 the Roaches (as appears from their arms over the 
 chimney-piece) was taken by the Bandonians, 
 whereby they gained a correspondence to and from 
 Kinsale. The castle of Limerick surrendered to 
 the Irish. The battles of Kilruth, Tymachoo, 
 Raconnel, Ross, and Ballintober. A reward of 
 £1,000 offered for the head of Sir Phelim O'Neill. 
 Battle of Ros.^. Synod of Catholic Bishops at Kells 
 declared the Irisli Avar just and lawful. The Castle 
 of Ardmore, county Waterford, yielded on condi- 
 tion of mercy, nevertheless one hundred and forty 
 men were put to the sword. First meeting of the 
 General Assembly at Kilkenny. Risings in Con- 
 naught and Munster. Charles raises his standard 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 at Nottingham. Arrival of Colonel Owen O'Neil 
 and Colonel Preston. Svnod at Kells. Battle 
 of Kilrush. Confederation of Kilkenny. 
 
 1643. June 4rth. The battle of Castle Lyons. June 13th, 
 
 Battle of Clones. Truce with Ormonde by the Irish 
 Confederates. July 21st, arrival of Father P. 
 Scarampi, Commissioner from the Holy See to the 
 Irish Confederation. Galway surrendered to the 
 Irish, August 6th, Charter and other records of 
 Cloughnakilty saved by Mr. Walter Bird, who at 
 the liazard of his life escaped with them to Bandon, 
 in the Irish rebellion. Two full companies of Lord 
 Forbe's regiment were slain in the town, 1642; the 
 third company being Bandonians, made good their 
 retreat a full mile, to an old fort on the highway 
 to Ross, which they maintained till the rest of the 
 regiment came to their reUef. Ballingcarrigg castle 
 built by Randel-Oge. Hurley, or, as some say, by 
 his wife. Battle of Ross. Ormonde made a mar- 
 quis. Cessation agreed upon between Ormonde 
 and the rebels. The war continued on behalf of 
 the Parliament by the Scots in Ulster, by Broghill 
 and Inchiquin in the south, and by Sir Charles 
 Coote in Sligo. 
 
 1644. Ormonde lord-lieutenant. The Irish contingent cut 
 
 off at Nantwich. 
 
 1645. April oth, Battle of Cappoquin. Arrival of Rinucini, 
 
 the Pope's legate. 
 
 1646. June 6th, Battle of Benburb, between O'Neill and 
 
 Monroe, glorious victory of the Irish. July 25 th, 
 peace made by the Irish Confederates with tlio 
 English. Capitulation of Ballynakill. Peace con- 
 cluded with the Irish, Catholics. Divisions among 
 the Confederates. A treaty signed between Or- 
 monde and the Confederates. Rinucini and Owen 
 Roe seize the government at Kilkenny. 
 
452 IKELAXD, PAST A:XD PEESE^'T. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1647. Ormonde surrenders Dublin to the Parliament, 
 
 Battle of Dungaa Hill. Incliiquin takes Cashel 
 Battle of Knocknanoss. Owen Roe burns the 
 country about Dublin, so that 200 fires were seen 
 from a steeple there. February 15th the Earl of 
 Desmond beheaded at Drogheda. 
 
 1648. Inchiquin deserts to the Confederates. Rinucini 
 
 takes refugee with Owen Roe's armv. Strife amonor 
 the Confederates. Royalist risings in Kent, Essex, 
 and South Wales. Return of Ormonde. Ausrust 
 2d, battle of Rathmines. Rupert^ and his fleet ar- 
 rive at Kinsale. 
 
 1649. Oliver Cromwell voted general of all the parliament 
 
 forces in Ireland. The British army, under the 
 Lord of Ardes, joined the king's party and soon 
 after beseiged Londonderry. The king's army, 
 under Ormonde; encamped at Finglass. near Dublin. 
 Tredagh surrendered to the Lord Inchiquin; who, 
 having soon after taken Dundalk and other garri- 
 sons, returned to the camp at Finglass. August 
 14th, Oliver Cromwell landed at Dublin with 9,000 
 foot, and 4,000 horse; began his battery next day, 
 and took Drogheda by storm, after being twice re- 
 pulsed. Dundalk immediately submitted. Mas- 
 sacre at Drogheda by the troops under Oliver 
 Cromwell. The English House of Commons ap- 
 point a day of thanksgiving for the massacre at the 
 town of Drogheda. Peace published between the 
 king and the confederates. Death of the king. 
 The Republic, 1649-1653. Prince Charles pro- 
 claimed at Cork. Flight of Rinucini. Ormonde 
 besieges Dublin. Battle of Rathmines. Cromwell 
 came before "Wexford, and summoned the town, 
 which betook in three days by storm, putting 2,000 
 to the sword. After the taking of Ross, Cromwell 
 besieged Waterford, but drew off again. The 
 garrisons in the county of Cork revolt to him. — He 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 marched out of winter quarters, and took many 
 small places in Munster. The lady of Lord Roche 
 defended the castle of Castle-town Roche, in a most 
 gallant manner for several clays, against the parlia- 
 ment forces, who besieged the castle with a battei y 
 erected for that purpose. When Cromwell wns 
 preparing to invest Kinsale, the mayor of the town 
 delivered up the keys to him; which, instead of re- 
 turning (as customary) to tlie magistrate, lie handed 
 them to Colonel Stubber, the governor; it was 
 whispered to Cromwell, that Stubber Avas not over- 
 strict in any religion; may be not, replied Crom- 
 well, but as he is a soldier he has honor, and there- 
 fore we will let his religion alone at this time. 
 
 1650. Kilkenny surrendered to Cromwell. Clonmel be- 
 
 sieged and surrendered after a vigorous defence 
 which cost Cromwell 2000 men. Ormonde sent, to 
 treat with Cromwell about the terms on which the 
 Protestants of his party might be relieved. Crom- 
 well embarked for England at Youghal, and left 
 the command to Ireton, his son-in-law\ Flight of 
 Ormonde and Inchiquin. Death of David Rothc, 
 the celebrated Bishop of Ossory. June 21st, defeat 
 of the Irish forces, near Lough Swilly, under Heber 
 MacMahon. 
 
 1651. Capture of Athlone. Capture of Limerick bj^ Ireton 
 
 after a six months siege. November 30th, Right 
 Rev. Dr. O'Brien, Bishop of Emly, executed by 
 Ireton. Death of Ireton by the Plague. 
 
 1652. Surrender of Galway. Act for the Settlement of 
 
 Ireland. Survey of Ireland. Banishment of the 
 Irish soldiery. Ross, in the county of Kerry (a 
 castle in an island\ yielded up to Ludlow, after he 
 had caused a small ship to be carried over the 
 mountains, and set afloat in the lough, which ter- 
 rified the enemy. At Kilkenny was held the first 
 high court of justice, for trial of such as were ac-- 
 
4j4 ikelaxd, past and presext. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 cused of barbarous murders in the rebellion. An- 
 other was held in Dublin, where Sir Phelim O'Neill 
 was condemned and executed. Galway surrendered 
 to Coote on terms. 
 
 1653. Transplantation of the Irish beyond fhe Shannon. 
 
 Two sons of Feagh M'Hiigh O'Byrne committed to 
 Dublin Castle. The " rebellion" of 1641 declared 
 at an end. The Protectorate, 1653-1660. 
 
 1654. July 14th, the " transplanting" of Irish families of 
 
 the Pale to Connaught, all must be gone befoi-e 
 March next." The first Protectorate Parliament. 
 Thirty members sit representing Ireland. 
 
 1655. Act of explanation. The Five Mile Act. 
 
 1656. The second Protectorate Parliament. Henry Crom- 
 
 well lord-lieiitenant. 
 
 1658. The third Protectorate Parliament. Death of Crom- 
 well. He is succeeded by Richard Cromwell. 
 
 1660. Coote and Broghill seize the commissioners in Dublin 
 Castle. Charles II., 1660-1685. Re-establishment, 
 of the Church. The kini^'s declaration for the set- 
 tlement of Ireland. Synod at Dublin dispersed by 
 government. The body of Oliver Cromwell hanged 
 at Tyburn, and buried under the gallows. 
 
 1663. Court of Claims opens in Dublin. Blood's plot. 
 
 Ireland excluded from the Navigation Act. 
 
 1664. The Conventicle Act. A Protestant militia raised 
 
 in Ireland, Sept. 16th. 
 
 1665. This year, the magistracy of Dublin was honored 
 
 with the title of lord-mayor; Sir Daniel Bellingham 
 being tlie first that bore that title; £500 per annum 
 being allowed by the crown to support that honor. 
 
 1666. Prohibition of export to England of Irish cattle and 
 ■ provisions. 
 
 1667. November 30th, Dean Swift born. 
 
 1670. The %vooden bridge over the Liffey, commonly called 
 the Bloody Bridge, built. Charles Fort at Kinsalo, 
 began and received that name by the Duke of 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 4::5 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Ormonde, who came to review it; it cost £73,000 on 
 the works to the sea, 100 pieces of brass cannon 
 were mounted, carrying from 24 to 42 lb. ball. 
 
 1671. The apprentices in Dublin assembled Avith the intent 
 
 to break down the wooden bridge, twenty of whom 
 were seized and committed to the castle, but after- 
 wards as they were carrying to Bridewell, under a 
 guard of soldiers, they were rescued, and foui* of 
 them killed in the fray; hence it was called Bloody 
 Bridge. The occasion of tbis riot was on account 
 of a ferry belonging to the city, which the building 
 of this bridge affected. Petition to review the Act 
 of Settlement. 
 
 1672. Declaration of Indulgence, 
 
 1673. The English Parliament contemn the Irish petition. 
 
 1674. Murrough O'Brien, Earl of Inchiquin died. 
 
 1670. Essex Bridge in Dublin, built by Sir Humphry Jarvis. 
 
 The South bridge of the city of Cork, built by the 
 corporation. 
 
 1678. Drawbridges made on the north and south brid^res 
 
 of the city of Cork, by order of Lord Shannon, the 
 governor. Ormonde issue<l a proclamation that all 
 who exercise spiritual jurisdiction under ihc Pope 
 should on this date quit Ireland. Arrest of Ari }j- 
 bishop Talbot. 
 
 1679. Arrest of Archbishop Plunkett. 
 
 1680. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty beheaded. 
 
 1681. Archbishop Plunkett executed by the English. 
 1G83. Kilmainliani hospital built at the charge of the arm;*, 
 
 by the Duke of Ormonde. 
 
 1685. Richard Talbot made lieutenant-general, James TI. 
 
 1685-1691. Reconstruction of the army. Fir^t 
 Netvspaper published in Dublin. James II. pro- 
 claimed in Dublin. 
 
 1686. The Earl of Tyrconnel, sworn lord-lieutenant of Iro- 
 
 land, who, not being able to prevail on the magis- 
 tracy of the city of Dublin to admit Roman Catho- 
 
45C IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 lies to their freedom, had a quo warranto brought 
 against the city charter, and appointed Cuihohc 
 judges in every court. 
 
 1687. Reconstruction of the corporations. Tyrconnel lord- 
 
 lieutenant. 
 
 1688. Acquittal of the seven bishops. Flight of James. 
 
 Closing of the gates of Derry and Enniskillen. 
 King James landed at Kinsale. King James heard 
 mass in a cliapel belonging to a monastery, on the 
 nortli side of the city of Cork; he Avas supported 
 through tlie streets of the city by two Franciscan 
 friars, and attended by many others of the same 
 order in tlieir habits. The possessions of this 
 house were originally granted to Andrew Skiddy, 
 by Queen Elizabeth, who assigned them to tlieEarl 
 of Cork, and by liim given to his son, the Lord 
 Broghill, afterwards Earl of Orrery. This house is 
 now entirely demolished. James II. abdicated, 
 November 4th, William III. landed. Dec, the 
 gates of Londonderry shut against the Earl of 
 Antrim's reu:itnent. 
 
 1689. March 12th, landing of James II., at Cork. An Irish 
 
 Parliament summoned by James II., at Dublin. 
 Carrickfergus surrendered on articles. Ulster 
 AVilliamites beaten at "break of Dromore." Six 
 thousand Fjench, under Lauzane, entered Kinsale. 
 March 14th, James II., entered Dublin. Bishop 
 John England born in Cork. Tyrconnel raises regi- 
 ments for James. William proclaimed at Derry. 
 Siege of Derry and Eimiskillen. Siege of Derry 
 raised. Battle of Newtown Butler. Arrival of 
 Schombero^. lie is besiecfed at Dundalk. Rout of 
 the Williamites from Lifford to Derry. The Eng- 
 lish fleet under Herbert beaten by the French under 
 Cliateaurenaud in Bantry Bay, bringing supplies to 
 James II. June 21st, Williamites beaten at Done- 
 gal. Schomberg landed at Bangor, in the county 
 
CHKOKOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 457 
 
 A. D. 
 
 Down, with 10,000 Dutch invaders to help the 
 Protestant rebels in the North of Ireland. 
 
 1690. Charlemont captured. \Yilliam lands at Carrick- 
 
 fergus. Battle of Beachy head. Abortive siege of 
 Limerick. William returns to England. Capture 
 of Cork and Kinsale by Marlborough. The Irish 
 burnt Edenderry. June 1st, King Willian III. 
 landed at Carrickfergus. June 18th, Battle of 
 Athlone. The Duke of Grafton mortally wounded 
 at Cork. July 1st, battle of the Boyne. King 
 William in viewing the Irish army by the Boyne, 
 narrowly escaped being killed by a cannon ball 
 which grazed his right shoulder. July 2d, King 
 James fled to Waterford, from thence to France. 
 July 17th, Athlone besieged by Lieutenant-General 
 Douglas. July 25th, City of Limerick besieged. 
 August 9th, battle of Ardnocner, 3,500 of the Eng- 
 lish slain. Prince of Orange appeared before 
 Limerick. August 11th, William III. opens trenches 
 before Limerick. August 14th English camp sur- 
 prised and cannon blown up by Sarsfield. August 
 27th, the English driven from the walls of Limerick, 
 the Irish women fighting in the breach. Cork sur- 
 rendered to the Earl of Marlborough. Novcmbc r 
 15th, surrender of Kinsale. 
 
 1691. February 20th, William of Orange proclaimed king 
 
 within the walls of Derry. Execution of Conor 
 Lord Maixuire at Tvburn. Battle of Aui^hrim. 
 Surrender of Galw^ay. Second siege of Limerick. 
 Limerick surrendered to De Giiu-kle, general terms 
 of treaty being agreed upon. On the 12th of 
 October, the Breda frigate, lying at anchor in Cork 
 Harbor, with a number of Irish on board, took fire 
 and blew up. Treaty of Limerick (" The Violated 
 Treaty") signed, November 1st. The las^ of the 
 Irish array march out. Sarsfield, with 4,500 men, 
 landed at Brest, after the capitulation of Limerick^ 
 
 » 
 
4n3 IRELAXD, PAST AND PRESEXT. 
 
 A. D, 
 
 October 18lh, the French fleet, consisting of 18 
 men-of-war, 4 fire-ships, and twenty ships of bur- 
 den, arrived in the Shannon, with ammunition and 
 provisions for the relief of Limerick; in two days 
 after the articles were signed, there was news of 
 their being come to Dingle Bay. The English and 
 Dutch Symran fleets anchored in the port of Kinsale, 
 and the grand fleets of both nations at the moutli 
 of the harbor, extending from the Old-head lo 
 Youghal. Thus, the importance of Kinsale was 
 again known to England, when upon a false alarm, 
 that the French fleet was approaching, the men of 
 war could draw into a line of battle, without any 
 trouble or concern for the merchant ships, which 
 were secured in the harbor; nor was this the only 
 benefit England received from Kinsale this summer, 
 for the Virginia and Barbadoes fleets likewise took 
 sanctuary there, till an opjiortunity presented to con- 
 vey them safe to their respective ports. The city 
 of Cork made a resistance for five davs asjainst a 
 regular army, under the command of the Earl of 
 Marlborough; the garrison, consisting of 4,500 men, 
 surrendered on Michaelmas Day, and were made 
 prisoners of war. MacEliigot, the governor, took 
 £500 from the inhabitants to save it from fire, and 
 the next day set fire to it at both ends. June 28lh, 
 bridge of Athlone valiantly defended by the Irish 
 aojainst an overwhelminc: force of Enjjlish. General 
 Ginckle departs for England. 
 
 1692. Emigration of Irish Roman Catholics. Exclusion of 
 
 Roman Catholics from Parliament. The House of 
 Commons resist the initiation of Money Bills by 
 the Privy Council. 
 
 1693. The flesh-sha?nbles of Cork erected by the corpora- 
 
 tion in the center of the city, at the expense of 
 £481 5s. Patrick Sarsfield fatally wounded at the 
 battle of Landen. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 433 
 
 A. D. 
 
 -694. The tower of Limerick fell suddenly; it contained 
 218 barrels of powder, which by the striking of 
 the stones, took fire, and blew up; it greatly shat- 
 tered the town, killing about 100 persons, and 
 wounding many others. 
 
 1695. In the winter of this year, and a good part of the 
 
 following spring, there fell in several places in Ire- 
 land a kind of thick dew, whick the country people 
 called butter, from its color and consistence, being 
 soft, clammy, and of a dark yellow, as Doctor St. 
 George Ashe, then lord bishop of Cloyne, has re- 
 corded in the Philosophical Transactions. 
 
 1696. Act for disarming: the Roman Catholics. Penal act 
 
 as^ainst foreisrn education. Encrlish act amendins: 
 the Navigation Act unfavorably to Ireland. Oct. 
 Linen manufacture encouraged. The town of 
 Youghal having manned out a boat, with about 40 
 seamen and soldiers, took a French privateer that 
 lay at anchor under Cable Island. The privateer 
 had seized on some boats belonging to the town, 
 and sent in one of them for provisions, keeping the 
 rest as hostasres. The French lost five men in the 
 engagement, and Patrick Comerford their captain, 
 with the lieutenant and sixteen more, were wounded. 
 Sept. 22d, the Duke of Grafton was mortally 
 wounded by a musket bail: a blacksmith, who stood 
 at the back of the old post-office, opposite Sullivan's 
 Quay, taking aim at the duke when he was giving 
 the word of command, shot him through the heart, 
 of which he died in a few hours. He was killed on 
 a piece of ground adjoining the south mall, which 
 to this day is called Grafton's Alley. 
 
 1697. The magazine at Athlone blown up by lightning. 
 
4G0 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A D. 
 
 1698. William Molyneux, author of Ireland's Case, died in 
 
 Dublin, October 13tli. The old barrack of Cork 
 built. Trading people have ever aimed at exclusive 
 privileges; of this there are two extraordinary in- 
 stances: two petitions were this year presented from 
 Folkstoneand Aldborough, stating a singular griev- 
 ance that they suffered from Ireland, by the Irish 
 catchins: herrw£rs at Walerford and Wexford, and 
 sending them to the Streights, and thereby fore- 
 stalling and ruining petition(?rs' markets. In this 
 year, according to Captain South's account, in the 
 Phil. Transact., there were in the city of Cork 58 
 seamen, 34 fishermen, 91 boatmen, in all 183; 
 whereof 111 were Papists; but the number is at 
 present (1792) so great, they are not easily to be 
 reckoned. The Lords and commons of England 
 addressed King William to employ his influence 
 in Ireland, to suppress the woolen manufacture 
 theiein; to which he answered tlie lords, that his 
 majesty will take care to do what their lordships 
 required; and to the commons he answered, I shall 
 do all that in me lies to discourage the woolen trade 
 in Ireland. Molyneux's book on the independence 
 of the Irish Parliament. Penal act against mixed 
 marriages. Molyneux's Case of Ireland" ordered 
 to be burnt by the common hangman. Act for the 
 endowment of M.iynooth Collecre passed 
 
 1699. Tuckey's Bridge built, from Tuckey's quay to the 
 
 East Marsh, by Captain Dunscombe. An English 
 law passed this year to prevent the Irish importing 
 woolen goods, and for the encourngemont of the 
 woolen manufactures of this kingdom, etc. Irish 
 act laying prohibitive tariff on the export of wool. 
 An export duty upon Irish cloths, which destroyed 
 that branch of Irish manufacture. 
 
 1700. The Resumption Act. 
 
 1701. Act disqualifying Roman Catholic solicitors. March 
 
CIIROXOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAT^D. 4G1 
 
 A. D. 
 
 8tli, King William III. died. Dec. 26th, the Play- 
 House" in Smock Alley, now Essex street west, fell, 
 and killed and wounded several of the persons as- 
 sembled. 
 
 1702. Cremona saved by a portion of the Irish brigade. 
 
 1703. February 28th, Sir Toby Butler, Sir S. Rice, and 
 
 Counsellor Malone heard in the Irish House of 
 Lords against the " Bill to prevent the further 
 growth of Popery." Anne, 1702-1714. 
 
 1704. Penal act against the Roman Catholics. The num- 
 
 ber of "Popish" clergy in each county in the king- 
 dom of Ireland, returned to the clerk of the council, 
 pursuant to an act of parliament for registering the 
 Popish clergy; 1,080 in the whole kingdom, of 
 which number 4 were in the citv, and 58 in the 
 county of Cork. 
 
 1706. A great part of the walls of the city of Cork being 
 in a ruinous condition, there was an order of council 
 ' to have several of the breaches stopped, and all the 
 stairs leading thereto taken down; and the same 
 year, a great part of the city wall facing the East 
 Marsh was taken down accordingly. 
 
 1708. Further act against Roman Catholic solicitors. 
 
 1710. Penal act against the Roman Catholics. March 25th, 
 
 an act obliging all registered priests to take the 
 oath of abjuration (in which the Mass was declared 
 ' idolatrous) took effect on this day. This year the 
 Jast presentment for killing wolves, was made in 
 the county of Cork. 
 
 1711. Duke of Ormonde made commander-in-chief. 
 
 1712. The wooden bridge at the north end of the city of 
 
 Cork was taken down, and a fine bridge erected in 
 its place; the piers, arches and abutments being faced 
 with hewn stone. 
 
 1713. The wooden bridge at the south end of the city of 
 
 Cork was taken down, and a handsome stone bridge 
 erected at the corporation charge. 
 
4G3 IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1714. Fall of the Tory rainistiT. George I, 1714-1727. 
 
 1715. Flight of the Duke of Ormonde and Bolingbroke. 
 
 They are attainted. 
 
 1716. The Septennial Act. The battle of Glanmire fought 
 
 on Saturday the 16th of June, occasioned by the 
 regiment who lay in the old barrack, having turned 
 out for their arrears and pay, which being detained 
 from them some time past, they marched out' of 
 the barrack, and went up to lower Glasheen, with 
 drums beating and colors flying, crossed the Lee, 
 went to the foot of Dublin Hill, and encamped 
 them-^elves in a fleld belonging to Peter Healy, 
 where they lialted a few days, and then marched 
 to Glanmire, at this time they were pui'sued by a 
 regiment of soldiers (who landed that morning at 
 the Cove of Cork) with two brass field-pieces, upon 
 which the mutineers made a stand at the further 
 side of the bridge, headed in particular by one of 
 themselves, a Dutchman, named John Christopher 
 Gurvy, and some others of their own regiment, who 
 made a resolute defence; their ammunition havitig 
 failed, tliev made use of their buttons as a substi- 
 tute for bullets, Avhen at last they gave way, and 
 retreated in disorder; the Dutchman, together with 
 Coffy and Holland, two of the ring leaders, were 
 taken, tried by a court-martial, and shot at Gallows- 
 green; many othei*s were severely whipped. 
 
 1717. Thomas Parnell, poet, died. Brigadier Henry Lut- 
 
 trell assassinated. 
 
 1718. William, Archbisliop of Dublin, and W. Connolly, 
 
 Esq., sworn Lords-Justices. 
 
 1719. The quay called Kyrlc's Quay, on the east side of 
 
 the Xorth Jail, was built. Conflict between the 
 English and Irish Houses of Lords. Act subjecting 
 .the Irish to the English legislature. 
 1721. Twenty persons killed in the Four Courts, Dublin, 
 bv the fallino: of a chimnev Avhich had taken fire. 
 
CIIKOXOLOGICAL IIISTOliY OF IKELAIS^D. 463 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1722. Woods lialf-pence were coined to circulate in Ireland 
 and America, but Dr. Jonathan Swift by his 
 D rapier leUers raised such a spirit of opposition, 
 that nobody would take them and thev never at- 
 tained circuhition in Ireland. Captain Henry- 
 Ward and Francis Fitzgerald, were hanged and 
 quartered at Gallows-green, Cork, on Wednesday- 
 April 18th, for enlisting men for the service of the 
 Pretender; they were prosecuted by Maurice 
 Hayes. William Roe stood in the pillory on 
 Saturday the 19th, and was severely a\ hipped on 
 Wednesday the 23d of May, for repeating the fol- 
 lowing seditious words: May King James the Tidrd 
 enjoy his own again! Daniel Murphy, on Satui-day 
 the 9th, and Patrick Sweeney, on Saturday the 16th 
 of June, were executed at Gallows-green, Cork, for 
 enlisting men for tiie service of the Pretender, j^t 
 the prosecution of Maurice Hayes; they were tried 
 by a special commission. 
 1724. TheDrapier letters. Prosecution of Swift's ])rintcrs. 
 Excitement against Wood^shalf-pence. 
 
 1725. The patent cancelled. Potato famine. St. Fin- 
 
 barr's Church taken down, and rebuilt in 1735. 
 
 1726. The east end of Nicholas's Church in Cork, greatly 
 
 damaged by thunder and lightning, on Monday, 
 June 20th; some of the books and cushions were 
 burnt. George II., 1727-1760. ^ 
 
 1727. Act disfranchising the Roman Catholics. Pillage 
 
 Act. November 10th, Friday, Oliver Goldsmith 
 born. 
 
 1728. There being a great scarcity of provisions this year 
 
 in the city of Cork, a desperate mob arose, and 
 broke open the cellars of Hugh Millerd, Esq., mayor 
 of Cork, and after doing a great deal of mischief, 
 the army was called to suppress them, when a few 
 shots were fired: Alice Murphy, who was looking 
 
4G4 
 
 IRELA^-^D, PAST AND PKESENT, 
 
 A. D. 
 
 out of her window, was unfortunately shot dead, 
 and not one guilty person hurt. 
 
 1729. Foundation of the parliament-house in College Green 
 laid. The first burial with linen scarfs at Colonel 
 Grove's funeral, in Dublin, October 15th. The 
 North and South Chapels in Cork built; the South 
 ^ one was afterwards burnt. 
 
 1*730. The dragon blown off the Exchange of Cork. Jan- 
 uary 2d, Edmund Burke born. 
 
 1731. The Dublin Society formed, and has continued to 
 
 maintain the precedence of its merit unrivaled. 
 This year there were 1,309,768 Roman Catiiolics, 
 and 700,453 Protestants in Ireland. Timotliv 
 Croneen, for the murder and robbery of Andrew St. 
 Leger, Esq., and his wife, Avas hanged quartered 
 and beheaded, at Gallows-green, Cork, the 25th 
 day of January; he was tried by a special com- 
 mission, and immediately after his conviction, was 
 put into a cart, and conveyed to the place of ex- 
 ecution; his liead was afterwards spiked on the 
 South Jail. Joan Condon, for the same murder, 
 was burnt the Saturday following. 
 
 1732. Captain Mooney and Captain Maguire executed for 
 
 enlisting men for foreign service. 
 1734. Further stringent act against Roman Catholic solic- 
 itors. 
 
 1738. Carolan the Harper died. Gill-Abbey Castle fell 
 
 down, after standing 980 years. 
 
 1739. The River Lee was frozen up toward the end of this 
 
 year, after which a great scarcity followed; so that 
 wheat sold the ensuing summer for £2 2s. the kil- 
 derkin; and in two years after was sold for 6s. 6d. 
 the kilderkin. 
 
 1740. The summer after the hard frost, there was a large 
 
 pit dug at the back of the green in Shandon church- 
 yard, where several hundred indigent persons were 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IIISTOIiY OF IRELAND. 4Gj 
 
 A. D. 
 
 buried for want of money to purchase graves for 
 themselves. The Kellymount gang outrages. 
 
 1742. First ships with Irish coals arrive in Dublin, from 
 
 Newry. 
 
 1743. The exports from Cork were, 86,951 barrels of beef; 
 
 19,256 barrels of pork; 83,844 cwt. of butter; 8,586 
 tanned hides; 37,509 raw hides; 16,054 cwt. of tal- 
 low; and 420 stone of wool. 
 
 1744. Lord Cliesterfield lord-lieutenant. 
 
 1745. The young Pretender in Scotland. The lord-lieuten- 
 
 ant of Ireland issued a proclamation, offering a re- 
 ward of £50,000 for the Pretender, dead or alive, 
 if he landed, or attempted to land on the coast. 
 Dean Swift died. 
 
 1746. Henry Grattaii born in Dublin. The battle of CuU- 
 
 oden. 
 
 1747. Death of Archbishop Hoadly. The town of Mullin- 
 
 gar in the county of W estmeath, almost consumed 
 by fire, July 29th. 
 
 1748. The jail of Kinsale took fire, and 54 prisoners (chiefly 
 
 Spanish) perished. In the summer of this year, a 
 shower fell in and about the town of Doneraile, 
 of a yellowish substance, resembling brimstone,, 
 and had a sulphurous smell; it lay but thin on the 
 ground, and soon dissolved. On Monday, June 18th,. 
 about four o'clock in the afternoon, liappeiaed the 
 most violent storm of hail that Avas known in the 
 memorv of man, attended with lightning and 
 thunder, which held above a quarter of an hour;: 
 several hailstones measured five inches square, and 
 others had five or six forks ivom the main body, 
 of an inch long each, which broke several windows, 
 and did other considerable damages in and about 
 Cork. 
 
 1749. Dublin Society incorporated. Spire erected on St. 
 
 Patrick's steeple, Dublin. A general peace pro- 
 claimed at Dublin, Feb. 17th. Mr. Charles Lucas,. 
 
466 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 of the city of Dublin, apothecary, was voted an 
 enemy to his country, by the Hon. House of Com- 
 mons and to be committed to Newgate, Monday, 
 Oct. 16. Dennis Dunn executed near Broad Lane, 
 Cork, on Saturday, April lolh, for enlisting John 
 M'Fall to be a sergeant in the French army. Lucas 
 stands for Dublin. Threatened with prosecution, 
 he flies to England. Contest in Parliament about 
 the appropriation of surpluses. 
 
 1750. July, John Philpot Curran born. A bell was found 
 in Killarney Lough, the circumference whereof is as 
 big as a table that will hold eight people to dine at; 
 the clapper was quite eaten with rust, it had been 
 so long in the water; and they are now making a 
 steeple for it in Killarney. Spanish gold prohibited 
 in Ireland, October 10th. 
 
 1753. Bishop Berkley died. Petition of the Earl of Kil- 
 dare. Death of Morty Oge O'Sullivan, the smug- 
 gler. 
 
 1755. Amethysts discovered at Kerry, in Ireland. Satur- 
 
 day, Nov. 1st. A violent shock of an earthquake 
 felt in Cork, at 36 minutes past nine in the morn- 
 ing, but no damage happened. 
 
 1756. Henry Boyle created Earl Shannon. The Grand 
 
 Canal commenced, under the direction of Parlia- 
 ment and the navigation board; but so little pro- 
 gress was made in it, that the legislature held out 
 encouragement to private subscribers; and in 1772, 
 £100,000 were subscribed towards the finishing 
 of it, which was completed from Dublin to Monas- 
 tereven, in 1786.- A vein of coals was discovered 
 at Ballintoy, which has beep wrought with such 
 effect as to supply the salt-works then at Portrush 
 and Coleraine. 
 
 1757. Formation of the Roman Catholic Committee. 
 1,758. The statue of George II. in brass erected in Stephen's 
 
 Green, Dublin. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 467 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1759. English defeated at Wandewash in India by French 
 
 under MncGeogliegan, of Irish Brigade. Riots in 
 Dublin on the i-nnior of a contern{)iatcd union. 
 
 1760. Thurst (whose real name was O'Farreli) a Commodore 
 
 in the service of France landed 1000 mariners at 
 Carrickfergus and plundered the town^shortly 
 after his vessels were captured by Captain Elliot at 
 the Isle of Man and himself killed, February 28th. 
 George III. 1760-1820. 
 
 1761. Charles O'Brien, Lord Clare, Marshal of France, 
 
 died, aged 66. Insurrection of the White-boys. 
 Foundation of Poolbeg Light house, Dublin, laid. 
 Finished in 1768. A violent shock of an earth- 
 quake at Cork and Kin sale, March 31st. 
 
 1762. Insurrection of the Oak-bovs. A dreadful fire in 
 
 Cat Lane, Cork, which consumed 150 houses. 
 
 1763. May 9lh, the workmen began to clear the channel of 
 
 the harbor of Cork, in order to build the New 
 Wall; and on Monday the 30lh, several hundred 
 laborers paraded the city with spades and shovels 
 on their shoulders, quitted their work at the New 
 Wall, and turned out lor eight pence per day, being 
 then allowed but 6d. One side of the North Main 
 Street flagged. The Red house W^alk began to be 
 improved. Lord Edward Fitzgerald born. Attacks 
 on the pension list. Wolfe Tone born. 
 
 1764. Roman Catholic Relief Bill thrown out. Thomas 
 
 Addis Emmet born. 
 
 1765. Grand Canal begun for making a navigation from 
 
 Dublin on the south side to the Shannon; incor- 
 porated in 1772. Passage boats plied to Salins in 
 1783; to Monastereven 1786. 
 
 1766. James, Marquis of Kildare, created Duke of Leinster, 
 
 Nov. 14th. In 1754 the return of houses in Dublin 
 were 12,857. Patrick Redmond, tailor, was ex- 
 ecuted at Gallows Green, the 10th of September, 
 for robbing the dwelling-house of John Griftin. 
 
468 IRELAND, PAST AND PPwESENT. 
 
 A, D. 
 
 Execution of Father Sbeeliy for liis opposition 
 to Britisli tyranny. Repeal of tlie Stamji Act. 
 
 1767. Lord Townshend lord-lieutenant. Henry Joy M* 
 
 Cracken born, October 8tb, a prodigious flood 
 and spring-tide. A boat plied for some time in 
 the North Main Street. Thomas Russell born at 
 Bettsborougl), in the county Cork. 
 
 1768. Duration of Irish parliaments limited for eight years. 
 
 A bill passed to impose a tax on tea, paper, pain- 
 ters' colors, and glass, imported into America. 
 Risingr of the Steel-boys. 
 
 1769. Foundation of the Hibernian Hospilal, for the re- 
 
 ception of soldiers' children, Phccnix Park, Dublin, 
 laid. Opened in 1770. The foundation stone of 
 the royal exchange laid by Lord Viscount Town- 
 shend, Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. , It was designed 
 b}' Mr. Cooley,and opened for transacting business 
 in 1779. The expense amounted to £40,000, was 
 defrayed by lottery-schemes conducted by the 
 merchants of Dublin. , 
 
 1770. Foundation laid of the Hibernian Marine Nursery, 
 
 Rogerson's Quay, Dublin. Opened 1773. 
 
 1771. Extensive emigration to America from IHster. 
 
 Charles Lucas died. 
 
 1773. The Irishnational debt amounts to £1,000,000. The 
 
 first stone of the Blue-Coat Hospital, in Dublin, 
 laid by the lord-lieutenant. 
 
 1774. Stamp Act commenced in Ireland, March 25th. 
 
 Goldsmith died. 
 
 1775. Continuation of the White-boy outrages. Irish 
 
 troops nro sent to America. Battle of Lexington, 
 April 20th. Daniel O'Connell born. Nov. 13th, 
 Montreal surrenders to General Montgomery. 
 
 1776. Edmund Sheehy the Irish patriot, tried, hanged. 
 1778. France forms an alliance with the United States. 
 
 March 26th, first "Irish Volunteer" Company en- 
 rolled. Roman Catholics first permitted to take 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 469 
 
 A. D. 
 
 long leases; several of them attended at the city 
 court-house, and testified tlieir allegiance, Sept. 
 29th. ♦ 
 1779, Armed associations (to tlie number of 80,000) formed 
 in every part of Ireland, under the denomination 
 of Volunteers; which were clothed, armed, and 
 disciplined at their own private expense, for the 
 purpose of repelling any hostile attempt from a 
 foreign enemy, and of preserving tranquility and a 
 due observance of the laws witiiin the kin2;dom. 
 By the spirited applications of these associations, 
 Poyning^s law, and all the obnoxious acts declaring 
 the supremacy of England over this kingdom, were 
 repealed, and the Crown of Ireland rendered 
 independent of that of Great Britain. The first 
 fancy ball introduced in the city of Coik by Ladv 
 .Fitzgerald, Jan, 1st. June 4th, the city of Cork 
 Avas alarmed with the news of a French fleet havino- 
 appeared off Bantry Bay; drums instantly began 
 to beat to arms through every quarter of the city; 
 the volunteers assembled on the Mall; the True- 
 Blue Society took charge of the •main-guard, the 
 Highlanders quitted it and joined the remaining 
 part of the regiment in the old barrack. Palms 
 Westrop, Esq., mayor of Cork, summoned a council 
 to consider what was necessary to be done on such 
 an alarming occasion. Several Roman Catholics 
 took up arms, offered their assistance to the volun- 
 teers, and distinguished themselves as loyal sub- 
 jects in the defense of their country. About ten at 
 night, the Highland regiment marched from the 
 old barrack toward Bandon; they were met express 
 on the road, countermanded, and returned next 
 morning; upon tlie. whole, it appeared to be an 
 English fleet liovering off Cnpe Clenr, who, on 
 firing several guns in honor of his niajesty's birth- 
 day, gave rise to the alarm and expected invasion. 
 
470 IRELAND, PAST AND PliESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 September 24th, anotlier alarm took place; the 
 army in camp at Ballinrea struck their leiits, 
 crossed the country near Kinsale, and returned tlie 
 same evening; it proved to be the homeward-bound 
 Jamaica fleet which appeared on the coast, that oc- 
 casioned this alarm. Agitation in favor of freedom 
 of trade. Efforts in the Enojlish Parliament to 
 open Irish ti*ade. Spain declares war against Eng- 
 land. Ireland admitted to a free trade. 
 
 1780. Woolen goods first exported from Ireland to a for- 
 
 eign market. March 20th, Miles Byrne born at 
 Monaseed, county Wexford. May 28th, Tliomas 
 Moore, the Poet, born in Dublin. Dec. 2.3d. 
 Frederick Howard, Earle of Carlisle, landed and 
 sworn Lord-lieutenant. 
 
 1781. The foundation of the Custom House of Dublin laid, 
 
 and built from the designs of James Grandon. 
 Shrove-Tuesday, February 27th, there was a violent 
 hurricane in the city of Cork. March 18th, the 
 3d, 19th, and 30th regiments of foot embarked at 
 MonkstoAvn for America. The Volunteers of Ire- 
 land received the thanks of both Houses of Parlia- 
 ment. Ajjitation for legislative independence. 
 Wall of Dublin, laid. 
 
 1782. Numerous meeting of the Ulster Volunteer Dele- 
 
 gates held at Dungannon, who published a Declara- 
 tion of Irish Rights, Feb. 15th. Parliament of 
 Iff Innd voted its independence, and made a declara- 
 tion of constitutional rights, August 16th. British 
 parliament repealed the 6th George I., whereby it 
 renounced legislation for Ireland, June 20th. Henry 
 Grattan, Esq., made a speech in the Irish House of 
 Commons relative to the rights and independence 
 of Trelanrl; for which he was voted £50,000 by 
 Parliament. Further Roman Catholic Relief Act. 
 Meetin<r of the volunteers at Dungannon. Feb- 
 ruarv 15tb, " the Iri^h Volunteers*' at Dungannon 
 
CHRO^sOLOGICAL IIISTOKY OF IRELAND. 471 
 
 resolved unanimously " That the claim of anybody 
 of men other than the'King, Lords, and Commons 
 of Ireland, to make laws to bind this kingdom, is 
 unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance." Resolu- 
 tion of the Grand Jury of the county Cork — " That 
 the claim of the British Parliament to bind this 
 kingdom by laws is a claim disgraceful and unpro- 
 ductive; disgraceful to us because it is an infringe- 
 ment of our constitution; unproductive to Great 
 Brilian because the exercise of it will not be sub- 
 mitted to by the people of Ireland." Declaration 
 of Irish right moved by Henry Grattan in the Irish 
 House of Commons and carried unanimously, and 
 Ireland's independence won — for a time! — 
 
 1783. The first dawn of Irish liberty broke out in 1779; 
 
 Ireland obtained lier legislatire independence, with 
 the consent of the Britisli Senate, the 16th day of 
 April. Declaratory Act. Peace of Versailles. 
 Coalition Ministry formed between Fox and Lord 
 North. Agitation for parliamentary reform. The 
 Volunteer National Convention. Rejection of 
 Flood's Reform Bill. Fall of the Coalition ministry. 
 Pitt becomes prime-minister. February 10th, 
 Grand National Convention of volunteers assembled 
 at the Royal Exchange. Sept. 3d, England ac- 
 knowledged the Independence of the United States. 
 Nov. 25th, Evacuation of New York by the British 
 army. 
 
 1784. Clodagh Castle, now in ruins, said to liave been built 
 
 by the Mac-Swineys, who were anciently famous 
 for Irish hospitality. On the west side of the road 
 near Dunusky there was a stone set up (which now 
 lies in a ditch), siornifying to all persons, to repair 
 to the house of Edmond MacSwiney for entertain- 
 ment. December 18th, At Heiro (one of the Canary 
 Isles subject to Spain) thirty-seven convicts from 
 Ireland were landed out of the ship I>ubU?iy for 
 
472 IKELAND, PAST A]^D PllESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 mutiny; they were all immediately put to the 
 sword, by order'of the governor, on an idea that 
 the plague raged among them. 
 
 1785. First air-balloon in Ireland ascended from Ranelaoh 
 
 Gardens, Dublin, Jan. 19th. On Callan Mountain 
 there is a large stone or monument, with an in- 
 scription in Ogham characters, denoting it to be 
 the burial-place of the famous Conan, one of the 
 Connaught kniglits who fell in battle; the stone is 
 eleven feet six inches long, tliree feet broad, and 
 one foot thick; it lies on an eminence above a small 
 lake facing the south, on a soft flat quarry, about 
 eight miles from Ennis; it was discovered this year 
 by the right honorable W. B. Conyngham in com- 
 pany with Mr. O'Flanagan; the latter gentleman 
 being sent from Dublin for that purpose, by the 
 Royal Irish Academy. The merchants of the city 
 of Cork fitted out a vessel well supplied with 
 bread, water, beef, etc., to cruise off Cape Clear, 
 for the jDurpose of relieving any vessels which the 
 long continuance of easterly winds might keej) at 
 sea, April 30th. Orde's commercial resolutions. 
 Jealous opposition of the English manufacturers. 
 James Duane, first Irish-American Mayor of New 
 York installed. Rise of the Peep-o'-day Boys and 
 Defenders. William AVhipple died. John Adams, 
 the first ambassador from the United States, re- 
 ceived at the Court of St. James. Orde's Bill 
 abandoned. Aijitation for reform. 
 
 1786. Foundation of the New Four Courts and Public 
 
 Ofiices, Dublin, laid. Royal Irish Academy at 
 Dublin, incorporated Januarj'^ 28th. A Police es- 
 tablished at Dublin, and other parts of Ireland. 
 The Cork Society (one of the most useful charities 
 in the city of Cork) commenced lending three 
 guineas instead of two, interest free, once a fort- 
 night, to fifteen poor tradesmen. George Robert 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 473 
 
 AD. 
 
 Fitzgerald, the notorious duelist, executed for the 
 murder of Patrick Randal MacDonald. 
 
 1787. Debates on the tithe question. 
 
 1788. March 27th, A large bog of 1,500 acres, lying be- 
 
 tween Dundruin and Cashel, in the county of 
 Tipperary, began to be agitated in an extraordinary 
 manner. The rumbling noise from the bog gave 
 the alarm; and on the 30th it burst, and a kind of 
 lava issued from it, wJiicli took its direction toward 
 Ballygriffin and Golden, overspreading and laying 
 waste a tract of fine fertile land, belonging to 
 John Hyde, Esq., everything that opposed its course 
 was buried in ruins. July 25th, The foundation- 
 stone of St. Patrick's Bridge laid. Mr. Michael 
 Shanahan, architect and contractor. The new 
 Meat, Fish, Poultry, and Vegetable Markets, the 
 most convenient of their kind in Europe, opened 
 in the city of Cork, August 1st. 
 
 1789. The Regency question in the Irish Parliament. July 
 
 8th, His majesty's royal mail-coach (from Dublin 
 to Cork) arrived this day for the first time, with his 
 majesty's mail. Buck Whaley arrived in Dublin 
 from his journey to Jerusalem, by which he gained 
 a wager of £20,000. September 29th, The quay- 
 stone of. the last arch of the 'New Bridge was laid 
 by Lord Dono ugh more, in the city of Cork, at 
 which time it got the name of St. Patrick's Bridge. 
 Jan. 17th, The city of Cork exhibited a melancholy 
 spectacle. A great fall of snow for some days, 
 dissolved by a heavy fall of rain which continued 
 twenty-four hours, swelled the river beyond any- 
 thing hitherto known; it rushed through every 
 avenue leading into the city, and by four o'clock 
 in the evening all the flat part thereof was covered; 
 it contmued to rise until nine o'clock. 
 
 1790. March 20th, A very curious discovery in natural 
 
 history took place at Black well. Mr. Perry, the 
 
474 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PllESENT. 
 
 sliip-builder, planned and made one of the most ex- 
 tensive wet docks in the kingdom; for whicli great 
 undertakin'g he appropriated seven acres of land. 
 In digging the ground, regular strata of sand, clay, 
 etc., were found, wliich afforded materials for 
 bricks; and at the depth of 12 or 14 feet from the 
 surface, under the above stivata, numbers of very 
 large trees were discovered; and what is most re- 
 markable, a hazel -tuit hedge, with considerable 
 quantities of nuts as they grew on the trees. Kov. 
 lOlh, Father Matthew born. 
 
 1791. An Apothecaries' Ilall established at Dublin. Feb- 
 
 ruary 11th, First meeting of the " United Irish- 
 men." March 6tli, Most Rev. John MacIIale, 
 Archbishop of Tuam, born at Tubarnavine, in the 
 parish of Adergoole, and diocese of Killala, county 
 Mayo. Died Nov. 7th, 1881. July 5th, Banquet 
 at Belfast, to celebrate the French Revolution. 
 Oct. 26th, Formation of Society of United Irish- 
 ' men. Nov. 7th, New Custom House, Dublin, 
 
 opened for business. Nov. 9th, First meeting of 
 the Dublin Society of United Irishmen, at the 
 Eagle Tavern, Eustace street; Chairman, the Hon- 
 orable Simeon Butler. Henry Flood died. Agita- 
 tion for Roman Catholic emancipation. Formation 
 of the Society of the United Irishmen. 
 
 1792. Roman Catholic Relief Act. Accidental burning of 
 
 the House of Commons. Meeting of the Roman 
 Catholic Convention. Jan. 4th, Tiie Xorthern 
 Star, the organ of the United Irishmen, first 
 published. May 13th, Pope Pius IX. born. Died 
 Feb. 7th, 1878. Nov. 18th, Banquet of Irish, 
 Enjzlish, and Scotch in Paris, to celebrate the vic- 
 tories of the Republicans, Lord Edward Fitzgerald 
 present. The Catholic Relief Bill was passed in 
 the Irish Parliament. Dec. 14th, Leaders of the 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 475 
 
 A. D. 
 
 United Irishmen publish a proclamation exhorting 
 the Volunteers to resume tbeir arms. 
 
 1793. Petition of the Roman Catliolics presented to the 
 
 king. Increase of Defenderism, Activity of the 
 Ui^ited Irishmen. Flight of Napper Tandy. Pro- 
 secution of Hamilton Rowan and imprisonment of 
 Simon Butler and Oliver Bond. The Duke of 
 Portland and some of the old Wliigs join the min- 
 istry. Arrest of Jackson. March lltli, The " Irish 
 Volunteers" suppressed by proclamation. The 
 society is reconstructed as a secret association. 
 Catholic Relief Bill became law. Nov. National 
 Convention of Volunteers assemble in Royal Ex- 
 change, Dublin. 
 
 1794. May 
 2d, Archibald Hamilton Rowan escaped fiom 
 prison. May 4th, Meeting of the United Irishmen 
 in the Tailor's Hall, Dublin, dispersed and their 
 papers seized. 
 
 1795. Arrival of Lord Fitzwilliam as Viceroy. Grattan's 
 
 bill for complete emancipation of tlie Roman 
 Catholics. Recall of Lord Fitzwilliam. Trial and 
 death of Jackson. Rejection of Grattan's Bill. 
 April 30th, Rev. W. Jackson, having taken poison 
 in order to avoid a public execution, died in the 
 dock just as the judge was proceeding to pass sen- 
 tence on him for higli treason. Sept 21st, Battle 
 of the Diamond between Peep-o-day boys and De- 
 fenders. To commemorate this conflict the First 
 Orange Lodge in Ireland formed at Loughnagall. 
 Dec. 21st, Meeting of the magistrates of the county 
 of Armagh to protest against the illegal violence 
 which the Catholics of that county were subjected 
 to. Orange clubs etc., formed. 
 
 1796. The Insurrection Act. Extension of the United 
 
 Irishmen to Leinster. French expedition to Ban- 
 try. Jan. 1st, Theobald Wolfe Tone sailed from New 
 
476 IRELAND, PAST AXD PllESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 York for Paris to seek French" aid for Ireland. 
 Feb. 9th, William Carleton, the Irish Kovelist, 
 born. March 7th, Tite Press, " United Irish" organ 
 seized, and its office destroyed by government. 
 Dec. 16tli, French Expedition, with W»olfe Tone on 
 board sailed for Ireland, from Brest. Dec 24th, 
 French fleet arrive in Bantry Bay. The Korthem 
 Star, organ of the United Irishmen, suppressed by 
 militar}' violence. 
 
 1797 Jan. 31st, Pitt introduced the " Union" resolutions 
 into the English parliament. Lord Camden's Pro- 
 clamation asjainst the United Irishmen. Arthur 
 O'Connor is arrested, and released on bail. Lord 
 Moira attacks the government in the English House 
 of Lords. Martial law is Ulster. Gi attan's Re- 
 form Bill rejected. Secession of the opposition. 
 Increase of the United Irishmen. Mutiny at the 
 Nore and Spithead. Oct. 14th, Execution of 
 William Orr at Carrickfergus. 
 
 1798. Feb, Killeveny Chapel, Wexford, burned by the 
 military. March 12th, Oliver Bond and fourteen 
 United Irish Delegates ai rested in the house of 
 Oliver Bond. March 30th, Martial law for Ireland 
 proclaimed. April 9th, Thomas Addis Emmet im- 
 prisoned at Fort George, Scotland. April 27th, 
 Sir Ralph Abercrombie, disgusted with the conduct 
 of the troops in Ireland, resigned the command of 
 ■ the Army. May 19th, Lord Edward Fitzgerald 
 arrested and mortally wounded, in a house in 
 Thomas street, by Major Sirr, assisted ly Majors 
 Swan and Rvan. June 3d, He died in prison of 
 his wounds. May, Henry and John Sheares ar- 
 rested. May, Samuel Neilson arrested. May 24th, 
 The "LTnited Irishmen" took the town of Prosper- 
 ous. Carlow taken by the insurgents. May 27th, 
 Battle of Oulart Hill, county Wexford. May 28th, 
 United Irish capture Enniscorthy. May 30th, 
 
CHKONOLOGICAL IIISTOKY OF IRELAIS'D. 
 
 477 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1798 United Irish win the Battle at Tlirce Rocks, 
 county Wexford. May 31st, Massacre at the Ciir- 
 ragh of Kildare of the Irish, after tliey liad sur- 
 rendered and laid down their arms. Martial law 
 in Leinster. O'Connor is arrested at Margate. 
 June 1st, Ketownbarry taken by the insurgents. 
 Insurrection Bill passed. June 4th, English under 
 Colonel Walpole defeated, and the Colonel slain 
 by Wexford Insurgents. June 5th, Battle of Kew 
 Ross. June 'Zth, The Battle of Antrim; United 
 Irish led by Henry Joy McCracken. June 8th, 
 Rev. James Quigly executed. June 9th, Battle of 
 Arklow, and death of Father Murphy. June 13th, 
 Dr. Esmonde hung on Carlisle Bridge, Dublin. 
 June 20Lh, Battle of Fook's Mill. United Irish 
 victorious. June 21st, Battle of Vinegar Hill; de- 
 feat of the United Irishmen. June 26th, Massacre 
 of rebels at Carlow. June 27th, Bagenal Harvey, 
 leader of the rebels, hanged. June 2Sth, John H. 
 Colclough hanged. July 9th, Edmund Burke died. 
 July 14th, Henry and John Sheares executed. 
 Oct. 11th, French Expedition under Hardy de- 
 stroyed at Loch Swilly. Oct. 11th, AVolfe Tone 
 captured. July 15 th, Henry Joy M'Cracken, 
 United Irish leader, and commander at the battle 
 of Antrim, executed. July 28th, William Michael 
 Byrne, executed. August 23d, French expedition 
 under Humbert landed at Ki.lala. August 26th, 
 Battle of Castlebar, flight of the English. Sept. 
 7th, Oliver Bond died in Xewgate (foul play sus- 
 pected). Sept. 8th, Surrender of Humbert at the 
 battle of Ballinamuck. Sept. 9th, Thomas Russell 
 arrested by Major Sirr. Sept. 24th, Bartholomew 
 Teeling, leader of the United Irishmen executed. 
 Sept. 30th, Matthew Tone (the brother of Wolfe 
 Tone) executed. Oct. 6th, Insurrection Bill passed. 
 Oct. 27th, Last French invasion of Ireland. Nov. 
 
478 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 I7th, Wolfe Tone died in prison. Xov. 24th, 
 Napper Tandy arrested on neutral ground by order 
 of the Britisli Consul, 
 
 1799. Dec. 14th, Proposal of the Union. Opposition to 
 
 the Union. Defeat of the government. The 
 English Parliament agree to Pitt's resolutions on 
 the Union. Jan. 13th. O'Connell's first public 
 speech against the Union in Dublin. Jan. 15th, 
 Last session of the Irish Parliament opened. Feb. 
 6th, The Act of Union carried by a purchased 
 majority of 43 votes in the Commons, and 49 in the 
 Lords. 
 
 1800. April 2d, Last session of the Irish Parliament closed. 
 
 1801. Jan 1st, The Act of Union" between England and 
 
 Ireland came into operation. Jan. 25th, Daniel 
 Maclise born. 
 
 1802. Jan, 10th, Father O'Leary died. Jan 2Sth, Lord 
 
 Clare (the Fitzgibbon of '98) died. 
 
 1803. Feb. 10th, Colonel Despard executed. July 23t1, 
 
 Emmet's Insurrection. Sept. 20th, Robert Em- 
 met hanged. William Smith O'Brien born. Dec. 
 12th, Gerald Griffin born. 
 
 1806. Barry, the painter died. Nov. 28th, Bedford Asylum 
 for poor children founded by the Duke of Bedford 
 in Brunswick street, Dublin. 
 
 1808. Irish Bishops resolve against the Veto. 
 
 1810. July 13th, First steam vessel (the jSirhis) arrived in 
 
 Cork harbor from America. 
 
 1811. Feb. 12th, Proclamation to put down Catholic Com- 
 
 mittee. Daniel Maclise the painter, born in Cork. 
 
 1812. Ai^'gnst 19th, British frigate Guerriere surrenders to 
 
 United Slates frigate Constitution. Oct. 25th, 
 British frigate Macedonian surrenders to Com. 
 Decatur. Dec. 26th, Capture of the British frigate 
 Java, by the American frigate Coiistitution. 
 
 1813. Feb. Mr. Grattan's motion in theHouseof Commons 
 
CHROT^OLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 479 
 
 A. D. 
 
 to take into consideration the laws affecting 
 Catholics. 
 
 1816. July Vth, Richard Brinsley Sheridan died. Sept. 
 
 IStli, Steam Packets first sailed from Dublin. 
 
 1817. Jan. 5th, English and Irish Exchequers consolidated. 
 
 1819. March 9th, Mr. Grattan in the English House of 
 
 Commons, moved for a committee of the whole 
 house on the Catholic question. July 13th, First 
 steam vessel arrived at Cork from America on this 
 day. 
 
 1820. Feb. 5th. Dr. Drennan, poet of the.United Irishmen, 
 
 author of ''The Wake of AYilliam Orr," etc.. died. 
 May 14th, Henry Grattan died. 
 
 1821. Aug. Visit to Ireland of George IV. 
 
 1822. Orange riot in the Theatre Royal, Dublin — attack 
 
 on the Lord-Lieutenant. 
 1825. Dublin lighted with gas. 
 
 1827. Thomas Addis Emmet died in New York. 
 
 1828. O'Connell declared elected for Clare. 
 
 1829. J. J. Callanan, poet, died, aged thirty-four years. 
 
 Feb. 4th, Bill for the suppression of the Catholic 
 Association received Royal Assent. March 5th, 
 Act for the suppression of the CathoUc Association 
 passed both Houses. March 10th, Emancipation 
 Bill read first time in House of Commons. April 
 Emancipation Bill received Royal Assent. May 
 15th, O'Connell entered the House of Commons, 
 and refused to take the Oaths, 
 
 First stone of the Jesuit's Church, Dublin, laid. 
 
 1830. Dec. 29th, Volunteer Society and Anti-Union 
 
 Society suppresssed by Proclamation. 
 
 1831. True bills under the " Alorerine Act'* found against 
 
 O'Coimell for allesced illec^al meetinfrs in Dublin. 
 Dr. Whately supporter of Irish National school 
 system becomes Abp. of Dublin. 
 
 1832. Irish Reform Bill passed. 
 
4S0 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1834. Repeal question intj-odnced into the House of Com- 
 mons by O'Connell. Dec 17th, Dublin and Kings- 
 town Railway, being the first in Ireland, opened f(;r 
 traffic. 
 
 1836. August 18th, Reynolds, the '98 informer, died. 
 
 1837. Jan. 2d, An explosion of gunpower killed many 
 
 people in Limerick. 
 
 1838. Poor laws introduced. 
 
 1839. Jan. 7th. An awful and destructive tempest visited 
 Limerick, when the river Shannon overflowed and 
 bursts its banks, and laid all the lowlands under 
 about fifteen feet of water in Pallaskenry, and on 
 both sides of the river Maiguc. Repeal Associa- 
 tion founded. 
 
 1840. June 12th, Gerald Griffin died. 
 
 1841. Sept. 25th, First election of reformed Municipal 
 
 Council of Dublin. Daniel O'Connell, M. P., 
 elected Lord Ma3'or. 
 
 1842. First number of the Dublin Nation^ published. 
 
 1843. jMonster meeting at Mullaghraast. Repeal banquet 
 
 to O'Connell and other leading Repealers, at New- 
 castle, county Limerick. Monster meeting at the 
 Curragh, 70,000 present. Monster Repeal meeting 
 at Trim, 20,000 present. Monster Repeal meeting 
 at Clones, 50,000 present. Repeal meeting at Charle- 
 ville, 300,000 present. Repeal meeting at Cork, 
 500,000 present. Great monster meeting near 
 Thurles, county Tipperary. June 4th, Monster 
 meeting at Drogheda. June 8th, Monster meeting 
 at Kilkenny. June 15th, Monster meeting at Clare. 
 Monster meeting at Mallow. June 25th, Monster 
 meeting at Galway. Oct. rth. Monster Repeal 
 meeting at Clontarf suppressed. Conciliation Hall 
 opened, and the adhesion of William Smith O'Brien 
 announced. Oct. 8th, Great display of military 
 force at Clontarf to effect the massacre plotted by 
 the Government. The people saved by the exer- 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAl^D. 
 
 481 
 
 AD. . . 
 
 1843. tions of tlie Repeal leaders in preventing their ar- 
 
 rival on the ground. Oct. 14th, Informations 
 sworn against O'Cunnell, Duffy and others. Nov. 
 • Repeal Trials begun. 
 
 1844. Formation of Cork City Repeal Club. Jan. 15th, 
 
 Trial of O'Connell and other Repealers in Dublin. 
 They are found guiUy. Sept. 4th, Sentence against 
 Repeal State Prisoneis reversed in the House of 
 Lords. Sept. 5th, O'Connell and Repeal prisoners 
 liberated. March 23d, O'Connell presented a 
 petition against the Union in the House of Com- 
 mons. Dec. 18th, Appointment of new commis- 
 sioners of Charitable bequests. Rank of the R. C. 
 Bishops recognized. 
 
 1845. Sept. 16th, Thomas Davis Died. Sept. 23d, Irish 
 
 National Educational Society incorporated. 
 
 1846. April 30th. Committal of William Smilh O'Brien tp 
 
 the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms for contempt 
 in not obeying an order of the House of Commons 
 to attend a committee. July 29th, William Smith 
 O'Brien and the Young Ireland, or Physical force 
 Party secede from the Repeal Association. August 
 6th, The population of Ireland at this time was 
 over nine millions. 
 
 1847. Jan. 13th, Opening of the Irish Confederation, com- 
 
 posed of secessionists from the Repeal Association. 
 Feb. 8th, O'Connell's last speech in the House of 
 Commons. 1847-8. Failure of the potato crop 
 throuiihout Ireland. March 28th, The American 
 ship-of-war Jcmiestoicn^ sailed from Boston with 
 provisions for the starving Irish. May 15th, Death 
 of O'Connell at Genoa on his way to Rome in his 
 73d year, he bequeathed his heart to Rome. 
 August 5th, O'Connell's remains entombed at 
 Glasncvin. Fearful famine in Ireland. 
 1R48. Numerous deaths from starvation in Ireland reported 
 . an every day occurrence. Funeral service of Daniel 
 
483 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. ' 
 
 1848. O'Connell in Paris. Treason Felony Vy,' Cnx''o- 
 duced. April 3d, lyeputa- 
 tion from the Irisli people, Smith O'Brien, 
 Meagher, O'Gorman, etc., to Lamanine, and ofher 
 members of the provincial Government at Paris. 
 April 4th, Great meeting of Young Irelanders at 
 Dublin. May 13th, Arrest of Mitchel, Editor of 
 
 ^ the United Irishmen. May 26th, Mitchel found 
 guilty and sentenced to transportation for 14 
 years. July 8th, Arrest of Gavau Duffy, Martin, 
 Meagher, Doheny, etc., for felonons writings and 
 speeches, etc. July 26th, Confederate clubs pro- 
 hibited. The Habeas Corpus Act suspended. 
 July 20th, O'Brien's Rebellion suppressed. August 
 5th, Arrest of Smith O'Brien at Thnrles. lie is 
 conveyed to Kilmainham Gaol, Dublin. August 
 12th, Arrest of Meagher, O'Donoghue, etc. August 
 14th, Martin sentenced to transportation. Sept. 
 Encumbered estates act passed. Oct. Dth, Smith 
 O'Brien, Meagher and the other confederates 
 tried and sentenced to death. 
 
 1849. Jan. 16th, The Irish court of Queen's Bench gives 
 
 judgment on writs of error sued out by the prison- 
 ers convicted of high treason and confirms the 
 judgment of the court below. July 9th, O'Brien, 
 Meaglier, McManus, and Donoghue transported. 
 Jan. Bishop Maginn died. Feb. 7th, Charles Gavan 
 Duffy tried for High Treason. April 14th, Gavan 
 Duffy released on bail. July 12th, Orange and 
 Catholic affray at Dollys Brae. August 5th, Queen 
 Victoria visits Ireland and hoi her court at 
 Dublin Castle. Oct. 24th, First cent under the 
 encumbered estates act held in Dublin. 
 
 1850. May 5th, Great Tenant Right Meeting at Millstreet. 
 
 August 15th, Queen's university in Ireland estab- 
 ^ lished. August 22d, A synod of the archbishops 
 
 and bisliops of Ireland, presided over by Arch- 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 483 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1850. bisliop Cullen, was held in Thurles. It condemned 
 the Queen's colleges and resolved on founding rv 
 Roman Catholic University. Dec. 29th, James 
 Fiiuan Lalor died. 
 
 1851. May 5th, Roman Catholic university originated and 
 
 large sums subscribed. May 26th, Richard Lalor 
 Shiel died. July, Ecclesiastical Titles Bill passed. 
 August 1st, Midland Great Western Rilihvay 
 opened. August 19th, Great meeting in the 
 Rotunda, Dublin, to protest against the Ecclesias- 
 tical Titles Bill. August, The Irish Tenant League 
 Association formed. 
 
 1852. April 28th Great meeting of Catholics in Dublin to 
 
 protest against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. May 
 24th, Meagher escapes fi-om Van Diemens Land 
 and arrives at New York. June 1st, Electric 
 telegraph laid down between Holyhead and Dub^ 
 lin. June 10th, Cork National Exhibition, June 
 24th, Irish Industrial Exhibition set on foot. Mr. 
 Darfau a railway contractor contributes towards it 
 £26,000. June 29th, Henry Clay died in Washing- 
 ton. The Right Rev. Doctor Cullen enthroned 
 Archbishop of Dublin. July 3d, Tenant-Right 
 demonstrations dispersed by the magistrates. Feb. 
 5th, Charles Gavan Duffy elected member for New 
 Ross. July 14tii, Fierce religious riots at Belfast. 
 July 22d, Fatal election riots at the 6 mile Bridge. 
 Sept. 2d, Cork Industrial Exhibition closed. Sept. 
 10th, Irish members of parliament found a religious 
 equality association. Sept. 16th, Thomas Moore 
 died. Dec, 27th, Great storm in Dublin, which 
 levelled several houses, tore up trees, and did con- 
 siderable damage to house property in the city and 
 suburbs. 
 
 1853. May, Income tax extended to Ireland. May 12th, 
 
 Dublin Exhibition opens. Oct. 5th, Dreadful 
 railway accident near Dubliji. August 29th, Queen 
 
484 IKELAXD, PAST AXD PKESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1853. Victoria, Prince Albert, and Prince of Wales ar- 
 rive to see the Dublin exhibition. Oct. 4th, 
 Tenant-Right League conference. Oct. 31st, 
 Dublin Exhibition closed. 
 
 1854. Attempted abduction of Mrs. Pluthnot by John 
 
 Garden of Bariiane. Jan. 5th, Lord Plunket, the 
 famous lawyer and opponent of the Legislative 
 Union died. Sept. loth, Trains wilfully upset after 
 an Orange Demonstration at Londonderry; one 
 person killed and many hurt. 
 
 1855. Feb. 11th, Tenant-Right Meeting in Clare. June 
 
 15th, Right Rev. Dr. Doyle (J. K. L.) died. Don- 
 nybrook Fair abolished. 
 
 1856. Feb. 16th, John Sadlier the destroyer of the Irish 
 
 Independent Parliamentary Party, poisoned him- 
 self on Ilarapstead Heath, London. 
 
 1857. Feb. 18th, New writ ordered for Tipperary, in the 
 
 room of James Sadlier, expelled the House of 
 Commons. Sept. Religious riots at Belfast. Nov. 
 25th, Charles Gavan Duffy elected Member for 
 Villers and Heytesbury, Colony of Victoria, 
 Australia. 
 
 1858. March 27th, John Hogan, sculptor, died. Proclama- 
 
 tion against Secret Societies issued by the Earl of 
 Eglinton, Viceroy of Ireland. Father Theobald 
 Mathew, the Apostle of Temperance died. Ten- 
 ant League meeting and banquet at Mallow. 
 August. 6th, First Atlantic Cable laid between Ire- 
 land and Newfoundland. August 17th, Dr. Cane 
 of Kilkenny, died. August 25th, Consecration of 
 new church, Ballinasloe, by Archbishop of Tuam; 
 Sermon by Cardinal Wiseman. Sept. 5th, Cardinal 
 Wiseman preached in the Metropolitan Church, 
 Dublin. Sept. Progress of Cardinal Wiseman in Ire- 
 land. Sept. A packet from Gal way reaches North 
 America in six days. Nov. Proclamation against 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 485 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1858. secret societies. Dec. Sixteen persons arrested in 
 Belfast, charged with being members of the " Phoe- 
 nix Society." 
 
 1859. April 14th, Lady Morgan died. Sept. Agitation 
 
 against the Irish National school system. Oct. 
 Religious revival movement in the north, particu- 
 larly at Belfast. 
 
 1860. June 29th, Visit of the Prince of "Wales. Great 
 
 emigration to America. July. M:iny Irishmen 
 enlist in the service of the Pope, with Miles 
 O'Reilly as their colonel. Battle of Castle Fidardo. 
 The Irish contingent gloriously distinguish them- 
 selves. Sept. 17th, Heroic defence ol" Spoleto by a 
 detachment of the Irish Pontifical Briorade, onlv 
 312 strong, against Fanti's Sardinian troops of 
 8,000 men., Nov. The Irish Pontifical Brignde, 
 after service in the defence of the Papal territories, 
 arrive at Queenstovvn. Nov. The remainder taken 
 prisoners by the Sardinian's are released and returu 
 to Dublin, where they receive an ovation. Oct. 23d, 
 Agrarian outrages. Alderman Sheehy murdered. 
 Dec. Attempted revival of Repeal agitation. 
 
 1861. April 8th, Census of Ireland taken, population, 
 
 5,764,543. May 23d, Suspension of packet service 
 between Galway and America through the com- 
 pany's breach of contract. August 24th-31st, 
 Visit of the Queen and prince consort to Ireland. 
 Nov. 10th, McManus' funeral in Dublin. John 
 O'Donovan, LL.D., the celebrated Gaelic scholar 
 and translator died. Dec. 13th, Irish law court 
 commission appointed. 
 
 1862. Jan. 24th, Miles Byrne, a '98 hero, afterwards chef- 
 
 de-battaillon in the French service, died at Paris. 
 Feb. 16th, Fort Donelson captured by Union forces. 
 June 30th, Battle of Mnlvern ITill. J"ly 30th, 
 Professor Eugene O'Cnrry. the Irish scholar died, 
 Sept. 17th, An Orange demonstration at Belfast 
 
43G h:i:la::d, past axd pkesext. 
 
 A D. 
 
 \&62. leads to destructive riots. Dec. J. Slieiidan 
 Knowles died. 
 
 1863. Irish brigades, regiments, and companies, to the 
 number of a quarter of a million soldiers, joining 
 in the American army. Great emigration of able- 
 bodied hiborers from Ireland to the United States. 
 August, Gal way packet service restored by subsidy 
 of 70,000. Great agricultural distress, many mur- 
 ders and outrages. Oct. 8th, Death of Archbisliop 
 Whately. Dec. 22d, Death of General Michael 
 Corcoran in Virginia. 
 
 1864- The Fenians active at home and in America. Jan. 
 
 Most Rev. John Hughes, Archbishop of New Yoi-k 
 died. May 5th, Battle of the Wilderness. June 
 15th, Battle between the Kearsarge and the 
 Alabama, off Brest. June 17th, William Smith 
 O'Brien, the illustrious Irish patriot, died at Ban- 
 gor in Whales. June 23d, Smith O'Brien's funeral 
 procession in Dublin. August 8th, First stone of 
 the O'Connell Monument laid in Dublin; great 
 public proces.^ion. 
 
 1865. Jan 12th, Address of the National Association to 
 liberate tenant capital, and recover the property of 
 the Catholic Church. May 9th, Opening of the 
 International exhibition at Dublin by the Prince of 
 Wales. June 27th, Banquet in Dublin to welconio 
 the Plan. C. G. Duffy. Seizure of the office of tho 
 Irish People News})aper, and arrests of Fenian 
 leaders. O'Connell's Statue erected in Eniiis, 
 county Clare. July, General election favorabh' to 
 the government and liberal party. August 25th, 
 Importation of cattle from England prolnbited on 
 account of the plague. Sept, 15-17, Oct. 14tl), 
 Seizure of the newspaper "Irish people" and 30 
 Fenians. Nov. 9th, International exhibition closed. 
 Capture of James Stephens, Charles J. Kickham, 
 H. Bropby, and Edward Duffy, at Fairfield House, 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTOEY OF IlIELAND. 4S7 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1S65, near Dublin, Nov. 27th, Opening of the Special 
 Commission in Dublin for trial of Fenian prisoners. 
 Escape of James Stephens, Fenian *' Head-Centre," 
 from Richmond Prison, Dublin. Dec. 1st, Thomas 
 Clarke Luby convicted of treason felonv, and 
 sentenced to 20 year's penal servitude. Dec. 6th, 
 John O Leary, Editor of the IrUJb People news- 
 paper, sentenced to penal servitude for twenty 
 years, Dec. 13th, O'Donovan Rossa sentenced to 
 imprisonment for life. 
 
 1866. Jan. 11th, Discovery of an arms manufactory at 
 Dublin, the city and county proclaimed and put 
 under the provisions of the Peace Preservation Act. 
 Jan. 16th, County and City of Dublin proclaimed. 
 Jan. 28th, Reward of £1,000 offered for the arrest 
 of James Stephens, Fenian Head-Centre. Feb. 
 2d, Special Commission for trial of Fenian prisoners 
 closed, after conviction of 36 prisoners and acquittal 
 of three. Feb. 1 7th, Habeas Corpus Act suspended. 
 Generals Denis F. Burke, Michael Kerwin, Charles 
 Halpin, and about 150 other American officei*s of 
 various s^rades, who were in Ireland awaiiins: the 
 rising, arrested under the Habeas Corpus suspen- 
 sion Act and thrown into prison. Habeas Corpus 
 suspended for Ireland by forced "readings" in the 
 English Parliament. Arrests Avholesale in anticipa- 
 tion in Ireland sixteen hours before bill passed. 
 More Fenians arrested and convicted at Cork 
 and Dublin. Agitation respecting Irish church 
 debates in Parliament. May 20th, Rev. Francis 
 Mahony ("Father Prout") died. The American 
 "Fenians" invaded Canada. June 2d, Battle of 
 Ridgeway: rout of the "Queen's Own" Canadian 
 Volunteers by the Irish under O'Xeil. Capture 
 of a British flag. President Johnson's proclama- 
 tion against the Fenian invasion of Canada. Re- 
 turn of tiie Irish expedition from Canada. 
 
I 
 
 48S IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1866. July, Lord Abercorii made lord-lieutenant. 
 
 August 3d, Renewal of the Habeas Corpus Sus- 
 pension Act. Sept. 1st, About 320 suspected 
 Fenians remain in prison. Oct. 20lb, Public dem- 
 onstratio<i in honor of Cardinal Cullfn, in Dublin. 
 Death of John B. Dillon. Dec. 16th, Great seizure 
 of fire arm.<. Clare and otlier counties pro- 
 claimed under Peace Preserv^ation Act. Fenian 
 rising threatened in Ireland. Dec. ISth, Riots in 
 Dnngannon. Captain Bart Kelly killed. A large 
 number of Irish officers who had served in ilie 
 Amercan war in Ireland awaiting the rising, most 
 of whom were arrested under the Habeas Coi-pu3 
 Act. Extensive seizure of Fenian arms in 
 Belfast. 
 
 1867. Feb. William Dargan, the great railroad contractor, 
 
 died. Suspension of Habeas Corpus Act. March 
 12th, Fenian rising in Kerry, Tipperary, Limerick, 
 Dublin, and elsewhere. March 31st, Peter O'Neill 
 Crowley shot in Kilclooney wood. The Fenian 
 rising suppressed and arrest of numerous prisoners. 
 April 8th, Commission to try Fenian prisoners 
 opened in Dublin. Several found guilty and sen- 
 tenced to various terms of imprisonment, and a few 
 to death, but their sentence:: were commuted to 
 imprisonment. July 1st, General Thomas Francis 
 Meas^her accidentally drowned in the Missouri 
 river. Sept. 18th, Rescue of Kelly and Deasy at 
 Manchester. Officer Brett shot. Nov. 23d, Execu- 
 tion of William P. Allen, Michael O'Brien, and 
 Michael Larkin, for the murder of Officer Brett 
 while rescuing Deasy and Kelly. Dec. 8th, 
 Monster Fenian procession in Dublin, in honor of 
 the patriots, Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien. 
 
 1868. Jan. lOih, Prosecution of the Irishman newspaper. 
 
 Feb. 6th, Great Protestant defence meeting in 
 Dublin. March Istj Habeas Corpus Act suspended 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL IIISTOIIY OF IPwELAND. 489 
 
 A. D 
 
 18G8, Messrs. Sullivan and Pigot convicted for libelous 
 articles in The Nation 2a\^ Irishman. March 19th, 
 Irish Reform Bill introduced into the Commons. 
 April 15th, Mr. Featherstonehaugh, I. C, shot dead 
 while returning from Dublin after raising the rent 
 on his tenants. Visit of the Prince and Princess 
 of Wales to Ireland. May 26th, Michael Barrett 
 han^-ed in London for beini? concerned in the 
 Clerkenwell explosion. 
 
 1869. Jan. 30th, William Carleton, the Irish novelist, died. 
 
 May 15th, O'Connell's remains deposited under the 
 Round tower in Glasnevin. May 31st, The Irish 
 Church Disestablishment Bill passed the House by a 
 vote of 361 to 247. July 26th, The Irish Church 
 Bill receives the royal assent. Nov. 9th, Proclama- 
 tion issued against an amnesty meeting at Cabra. 
 Nov. 25th, O'Donovan Rossa, though in prison, 
 . elected a member for Tipperary. 
 
 1870. May 19th, Great Home Rule Convention held in 
 
 Dublin, at which the Home Rule League was or- 
 ganized. The meeting was attended by persons of 
 all religious denominations. May 26th, Several 
 Fenian raids on Canada. General O'Neill arrested 
 by the United States authorities. Father McMahon 
 arrested by the English and sentenced to death, 
 which sentence was commuted. July 18th, Michael 
 Davitt convicted of being a Fenian agent, and of 
 supplying arms to the men at home, sentenced to 
 fifteen years' penal servitude. 
 
 1871. Jan. 5th, O'Donovan Rossa and the other Fenian 
 
 prisoners released. Jan. 19th, Their arrival and 
 reception in New York. 
 1875. John Mitchel elected member for Tipperary. Ilis 
 election opposed by the government. March 20th, 
 John Mitchel died at Dromalane, near Newry. 
 March 29th, John Martin died in Newry. Charles 
 Kickham, the Irish patriot, poet, and novelist, who 
 
 4 
 
490 IRELA^'D, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1875. died iu 1882, was ran for Tipperary and beaten hy 
 government tactics only by a majority of four. 
 
 1877. Charles Stewart Parnell a member of the Home 
 
 Rule League elected member for Meatb, a vacancy 
 having been caused by the deatli of John Martin. 
 Mr. Pdrncll makes his first mark in Parliament in 
 opposition to the Iiish Prison Bill and the Mutiny 
 Bill. Wholesale evictions in Ireland. General 
 failure of the crops. Dec. 19th, Michael Davitt and 
 Charles McCarthy released on "Ticket-of-leave'' 
 from Dartmoor prison. Dec. .22d, Death of Mc- 
 Carthy in Dublin. 
 
 1878. Ireland threatened with another famine. A wet 
 
 season and general failure of the crops again. The 
 peasantry iu several parts of Ireland suffering from 
 want. April 2d, Lord Leitrim assassinated. Mr. 
 Davitt in America. In a lecture in Boston he out- 
 lined the programme of the Land League organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 1879. Oct. 21st, Great convention in Dublin and formation 
 
 of the Irish Land League, with Mr. Parnell Presi- 
 dent. Famine reported from the west and south- 
 west of Ireland. Davitt advises the tenants not to 
 pay their rents if it were necessary to keep them 
 frotn starvation. In December of this year Parnell 
 and Dillon sailed for America where they arrive 
 Jan. 2d, 1880. 
 
 1880. Feb. 2d, Mr. Parnell received bv the American Con- 
 
 gress and addressed the Houses. Some £70,000 
 were forwarded to the Land League from America 
 throusrh the influence of Messrs Parnell and Dillon. 
 Land League Branches established througliout 
 America, 
 
 1880. The system of Boycotting which was called after its 
 first victim, captain Boycott, adopted in Ireland. 
 The famine wide-spread in Ireland. The Mansion 
 House Committee, the Duchess of Marlborough's 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTOPwY OF IliELAND. 491 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1880. Committee, the Land League Association and tbeir 
 Committees come to the aid of the starving people. 
 A dissolution of Parliament occurs in the spring 
 of this year. Several members of the Land League 
 party including Mr. Parnell, elected. April. The 
 New Parliament assembled with Mr. Gladstone 
 Prime-Minister. Land League meeting held 
 Ihrouixhout Ireland. The tenants continue in their 
 opposition to the landlords. Prosecution of Parneil, 
 Dillon, Sexton and other members in Dublin. Dis- 
 agreement of the Jury and discharges of the trav- 
 ersers. 
 
 1881. Jan. 6th, Parliament opens: Gladstone foreshadows 
 
 a Land Bill and a Coercion Bill for L-eland. Ob- 
 struction in the House by the Irish Members. Feb, 
 2d, The speaker declared that obstruction should 
 be stopped. Feb. 3d, Michael Davitt arrested 
 again. Feb. 4th, Thirty-six Irish Members ex- 
 pelled the House. The Coercion Bill introduced 
 and rushed through. Arrest of John Dillon fol- 
 lowed by that of Parnell, Sexton, and about six 
 hundred prominent Lund Leaguers in Ireland who 
 were imprisoned as suspects. Nov. 7th, Arch- 
 bishop McIIale died at Tuam. Ireland stood be- 
 fore the world as one vast prison and Poor House. 
 
 1882. Jan. 1st, Meeting of the central body of tlie Ladies' 
 
 Land League in Dublin, Miss Anna Parnell presid- 
 ing, in defiance of the orders of tlie government. 
 Jan. 2nd, Charles Dawson, M. P., inaugurated Lord- 
 Mayor of Dublin, and the freedom of the city 
 voted to Charles Stewart Parnell and John Dillon. 
 Jan. Vth, A "People's Hunt," which had been es- 
 tablished under the name of the " National Hunting 
 Association," held near Maryborough, Queen's Co 
 Over one hundred horsemen collected, and accom- 
 panied by dogs, boaring on their collars such names 
 as "Buckshot," "Revolver," "Dynamite," " Rack^ 
 
492 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 j882. rent." Jan. 11th, Micliael Davitt visited in Port- 
 land prison by Mrs. A. M. Sullivan, the first visitor 
 he had been allowed to see in six months. Jan. 
 12th, Tiie members of the Druracolloglier Ladies' 
 Land League (arrested on January 2,) sentenced to 
 one month's imprisonment at the Newcastle West 
 Petty Sessions. Jan. 13th, King's County pro- 
 claimed under the Coercion Act. Jan. 16th, At 
 the Roscommon Petty Sessions, Misses O'Carroll, 
 M. Curtin and C. Hughes, of the Ladies' Land 
 League, were committed to jail, T. P. O'Connor 
 visits America in February also Father Sheehy 
 and T. M. Healy. Jan. 25th, Meeting held 
 in Dublin, at which it was resolved to hold an 
 Irish National Industrial Exhibition. January, 
 28th, A. M. Sullivan resigned his seat in Par- 
 liament for Meath, on account of ill-heahh. 
 Jan. 29th, a number of children, from seven to 
 ten years old, arrested at Cappamore, County Kim- 
 erick, for Avhistling the tune, of "Harvey Duff." 
 Feb. 3d, The police seized 20,000 copies of the 
 Land League organ. United Ireland^ in Liverpool, 
 England. Feb. 5th, Right Rev. Andrew Higgins 
 solemnly consecrated, in the Cathedral, Killarney, 
 Roman Catholic Bishop of the Diocese of Ardfert 
 and Aghadoe. Feb. 8th, Dr. Kenny released 
 from Kilniainham Jail. W. K.Redjnond arrested 
 as a suspect at Ballyragget. Feb. 14ih, Five 
 baronies of the county Roscommon and twelve bar- 
 onies of the county Waterford were proclaimed. 
 Feb. 16th, Several thousand tenant farmers from 
 the various counties in Ireland assembled, and 
 performed all the am-icultural work necossarv on 
 Mr. Parnell's property at Avondale. Feb. 22d, 
 Shots exchanged between the military and the 
 people at Carrick-on-Suir, County Tipperary. Feb. 
 25th, Michael Davitt, in prison, elected member 
 
CHROI^OLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 493' 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1882. for Meatli, A. M. Sullivan having resigned the seat. 
 
 Feb. 28th, The Meath election, at wliicli Daviit 
 was chosen, declared void. In Skipper-alley, Dub- 
 lin, an informer named Bernard Bailey shot dead. 
 March 8th, Archbishop McCabe, of Dublin, nomin- 
 ated a Cardinal by the Pope. March, 9th, James 
 Bourke, business partner of Mr. Egan, Ti easurer 
 of the Land League, arrested under the " Coercion 
 Act," in Dublin. March, 14th, The publication of 
 United Ireland, the Land League organ, tempor- 
 arily suspended on account of police persecution. 
 March, 20th, The Most Rev. Thomas NuUy, D.D., 
 Bishop of Meath, refused to attend the committee 
 of the Hduse of Lords to inquire into the workings 
 of the Land Act. Mai'ch, 25th, At Rathdowney, 
 Queen's County, Rev. T. Feehan, was prosecuted 
 under the Coercion Act, before Justices or to go to 
 prison for six months. He refused to give bail and 
 was taken to Maryborough Prison. March, 27th, 
 Archbishop McCabe was solemnly created a Car- 
 dinal in Rome. March, 30th, Arthur Herbert, J. P., 
 Killintieran, Farranfore, County Kerry, an active 
 anti-Leaguer and rack-renting agent, shot dead while 
 returning from the Castleisland Petty-Sessions, 
 The official list of suspects detained in i)rison 
 'on April 1. numbered 5n. April 2nd, As W. B. 
 Smythe, of Barbavilla House, a landowner in West- 
 meath, of the most obnoxious evicting character, 
 was returning from church, with Mrs. Smythe, his 
 brother's wife, ar.d Lady Harriet Moncke, they 
 were fired at, a shot striking Mrs. Smythe, killing 
 her instantly. April. 9th, Charles Stewart Parnell, 
 released from Kilmainham jail on pn-role, to enable 
 him to attend the funeral of his nephew in Paris. 
 April, loth, Conditional release was offered to 
 American suspects, which was not accepted. The 
 American Minister was^ instructed to demand their 
 
irela:?^d, past and present. 
 
 trial or release. April, lltb, Captain Dugraore, 
 prosecuted at the Parsontowii sessions for posting 
 "no rent'' placards, was sentenced to imprison- 
 ment for six months. April loth, An official report 
 declared the number of evictions for the first quar- 
 ter of the year to be V34. April 18th, Up to this 
 date 918 " suspects" "w ere arrested under the oper- 
 ations of the Coercion Act. April 20th, Miss Annie 
 Kirke, of the Dublin Ladies' Land League, arrested 
 at Tulla and sent to Limerick Jail. April 24lh, Mr. 
 Parnell surrendered his parole, and returned toKil- 
 mainhani Jail. April 2oth, Miss Hannah Reynolds, 
 of the Ladies' Land League, Avas arrested in Birr, 
 and sentenced to six months' imprisonment. April 
 28th, Earl Cowper resii^ned the office of Lord-Lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland and Earl Spencer succeeded him. 
 April 30th, The number of evictions in April was 
 519; of persons evicted 2,734; of these 1,506 were 
 ejected absolutely. The number of persons evicted 
 in Connaught, 807; in Munster 740; in Ulster 612. 
 May 2d, " Buckshot" Forster, Chief-Secretary for 
 Ireland, resigned. Messrs. Parnell, Dillon and 
 O'Kelley, released from Kilmainham. The police 
 came into collision with the people at Belmullet, 
 Miyo, and two women were killed. May 3d, Three 
 ladies, members of the Tralee Land League, were 
 arrested and sentenced to six months imprisonment. 
 Parnell and the other members of Parliament re- 
 leased from Kilmainham Jail. May, 4th, Lord Fred- 
 erick Cavendish accepted the post of Chief-Secre- 
 tary in place of ^Vfr. Forster. Michael Davitt was 
 unconditionally released from Portland prison. 
 May, 5th, During the rejoicings at Ballina, County 
 Mayo, over the release of the susjiects, a collision 
 took place between the police and the people. The 
 police fired on the crowd, wounding a number of 
 boys, two of them fatally. May, 6th, Lord Fred- 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 495 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1882, erick Cavendisl), the new Chief-Secretary, and Mr. 
 
 Thomas Henry Burke, the Under-Secretary, were 
 assassinated while M ai king near the Viceregal 
 Lodge, in the Phoenix Park, Dublin. May, 11th, 
 Gladstone's infamous Repression Bill was intro- 
 duced in the House of Commons. May, 17th, 
 The Irish judges strenuously protested againist the 
 abolition of trial by jury under the proposed 
 " Crimes Act." May, 22d, Rev. Eugene Sheehy, 
 returned to Kilmallock, County Limerick, and re- 
 ceived an ovation. May, 25th, Lord Cloncurry 
 evicted 215 families on his estates in the County 
 Limerick. June, 4th, The Hon. F. Fitzgerald, 
 Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland, resigned, as he 
 was unwilling to administer the provisions of the 
 Repression Act. June, 6th, The monument to the 
 "Manchester Martyrs," Allen, Larkin and O'Brien, 
 unveiled at Ennis, Clare. Michael Davitt delivered 
 Iiis famous " Nationalization of Land" speech, at a 
 meeting in his honor at Liverpool. June, 8th, 
 Walter M. Bourke, of Rahasane, Galway, an evic- 
 ting landlord, shot near Castle Taylor, Athenry. 
 June, 9th, The Irish Bishops issued an address 
 promising the support of the clergy to the people 
 for peaceful agitation for their rights. June 15th, 
 Miss Anna Parnell applied to the Lord-Lieutenant 
 for a hearing in aid of the evicted tenants. June, 
 16th, The Corporation of Limerick conferred the 
 freedom of the city on Michael Davitt. June, 2^3d, 
 The notorious Cork rack-renter, "William Bence 
 Jones, died in London. July 1st, All the Irish 
 National members suspended in the House of Com- 
 mons, for opposition to the Repression Bill. 
 July 6th, John II. Blake, (agent of the estate of 
 • the Marquis of Clanricarde.) and his servant, 
 Thady Kane, shot near Loughrea, County Galway. 
 July 9tli, At Listowel Kerry, the police lired o 
 
49G n^ELA^^D, past and pkesext. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1882. the crowd, injuring several persons. July 13lh, 
 The Repression Bill passed the House of Lords, and 
 became a law. July 19l1j, The Arrears of Rent Bill 
 passed the House of Commons. Miss Fanny Pamell . 
 died suddenly at Bordentown, X. J. August 2cl, 
 An official return showed that 170 suspects were in 
 prison in Ireland. August 9th, Henry George ar- 
 rested at Loughren. August 10th, The Irish Con- 
 stabulary " strike." The Ladies' Land League dis- 
 solved at a special meeting, held in Dublin. Aug. 
 loth, The Irish National Exhibition was opened by 
 Lord Mayor Dawson, and the statue of O'Connell 
 was unveiled in Dublin, in presence of 100,000 
 people. Messrs. Parnell, Dillon, Sullivan, and 
 Davitt were present. August 16th, E. Dwyer 
 Gray, M. P., High-Sheriff ol Dublin, and proprie- 
 tor of the FreemarCs Journal^ sentenced by Judge 
 Lawson to three months, imprisonment and to pay 
 a fine of £500 for criticising the jury and the court 
 which convicted Francis Hynes of murder. The 
 freedom of the city of Dublin was presented to 
 Messrs. Parnell and Dillon, nearly every Mayor 
 in Ireland being present. August 18th, The 
 Joyce family of six persons were murdered by 
 a party of men at Maamtrasna, near Cong. Aug. 
 22nd, Charles J. Kickham, the patriot poet and 
 writer, died m Dublin, aged 53 years. Sept. 11th, 
 Francis Hynes, a respectable youug resident ot the 
 County Clare, who was convicted of a murder lie 
 did not commit by a drunken jury at the Dublin 
 "Special Commission," and sentenced to death by 
 Judge Lawson, was hanged in Limerick tTail, pro- 
 testing his innocence to the last. Sept. 20th, A 
 woman named McCormick was shot by a process- 
 server, near Glenties, in Donegal, while resisting 
 the seizure of her cattle. Sept. 22nd, Fatricl: 
 "Walsh, convicted by the same tribunal that con- 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 497 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1882, deriined Francis Hynes, was hanged at Galway, for 
 the murder of Martin Lyden. He protested his in- 
 nocence to the last. Sept. 27th, The military and 
 police evicted fifty families in the barony of Erris, 
 Mayo, and the people were ordered not to shelter 
 them. Sept. 30th, Gladstone's Coercion Law ex- 
 pired by limitation in Ireland, only to be succeeded 
 by the enaction of the equally barbaric " Repres- 
 sion Bill." E. Dwyer Gray, M. P., High Sheriff of 
 Dublin, released from prison by Judge Lawson, 
 but had to pay the fine of £500. October. 1st, A 
 fierce storm swept over Ireland, doing great damage 
 to property, and bringing ruin to the crops through- 
 out all the asfricultural districts in the South and 
 West. Oct. 8th, Father Eugene Sheehy, Kilmal- 
 lock, the ex-suspect, was presented by his parish- 
 ioners with an address and a testimonial worth 
 £2,500. Oct. 17th, The National Conference was 
 held in Dublin and was attended by over a thousand 
 delegates. The Land League funds were all ac- 
 counted for, and the National League was estab- 
 lished. Oct. 27th, Three hundred people on Tory 
 Island were declared to be without food, and that 
 other portions of the population on the Western 
 coast of Ireland were threatened with starvation. 
 Nov. 10th, thirty families, comprising 160 per- 
 sons, were evicted on the estate of Isidore Burke, at 
 Curraleigh, Mayo. Nov. 14th, M. J. Kenny was 
 elected by the Nationalists of Ennis to the seat in 
 Parliament, vacant through the resignation of J. 
 Lysaght Finigan. Nov. 25th, During a street row 
 in Dublin a detective named Cox was shot, and an 
 emeute took place between the police and a party 
 of men. Nov. 28th, The City of Dublin, the capital 
 of Ireland, containing over 300,000 inhabitants, was 
 " proclaimed'' and placed under the operation of tlie 
 *'Curfew" section of the '^Repression Act," which 
 
 y 
 
498 IRELAXD, PAST AXD PEESEXT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1882. authorizes the police "to arrest all suspicious per- 
 sons found out of doors between an hour after sun- 
 set and an hour before sunrise." December Ist, 
 The Right Honorable Charles Dawson, M. P., was 
 re-elected Lord-Mayor of Dublin. Up to this 
 date 60,000 applications were received from 
 Irish tenants wishing to take the benefit of 
 the " Arrears of Rent Act." December 15th, 
 Patrick Joyce, Mil us Joyce, and Patrick 
 Casey executed at Galway for the murder of the 
 Joyce family at Maamtrasna. Prosecutions com- 
 menced against Mr. Biggar, Mr. Harrington and 
 the proprietors of several provincial Journals for 
 speeches and articles " inciting to crime." Dec. 
 20rh, General arrests in Dublin under the Curfew 
 law. Dublin Castle barred and bolted every night 
 after dark. Michael Flynn, the last of the men 
 arraigned for the murder of the Huddys at Lough 
 Mask, found guilty and sentenced to be hanged 
 January 17th. December 23d, Poff and Barrett, 
 two men accused of the murder of a farmer named 
 Brown, near Cartlin's land, found guilty and sen- 
 tenced to be hanged January 23d. Forty young 
 farmers arrested at Ballymena as Suspects. Dec. 
 31st, The vear closed with disaffection and famine 
 widespread over Ireland. 
 
 1883. January 1st, Great distress prevailing in portions of 
 
 Galway, Mayo, and Donegal. The publication of 
 the Unitecl Ireland ^hxch. had been seized resumed. 
 Jan. 3d, John Sheridan an ex-suspect, murdered 
 near Ballinamore. Delaney who was charged with 
 an attempt to murder Judge Lawson, found guilty 
 and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. A 
 National League meeting at Ballinahowm dispersed 
 by the police. A man named Gleason was shot 
 at Upper Cross, County Tipperary by Emergency 
 men. Mr. Trevelyan, Chief-Secretary for Ireland, 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND. 499 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1883. visited the famine districts in Donegal and recom- 
 mends as a remedy the Poor-liouse and emigration. 
 Jan. 10th, Earl Spencer wages bitter war against 
 the National League. Jan. 11th, Mr. Davitt in 
 speaking of the famine, said: "The peoj^le of 
 Ireland have had enouGjh of futile agitation and 
 semi-insurrections; tliey were going to figlit it out 
 this time." Jan. 15th, Patrick Iliggins executed 
 in Galvvav for the murder of the Huddvs. He de- 
 clared his innocence. Several airests made in 
 Dublin, of persons accused of participation in the 
 murder of Lord Cavendisli and Secretary Burke. 
 Jan. 17th, Thom.as Higgins and Michael Flynn 
 hanged in Galway for tlie murder of the Huddys. 
 Jan. 18th, Michael Davitt appears before the 
 Queen's Bench and justifies the speech for which 
 he was indicted. Jan. 20th, Twenty-one persons 
 charged witli conspiracy to murder government 
 officials, arraigned in the Police Courts for trial. 
 Jan. 23d, Poff and Barrett hanged at Tralee for tlie 
 murder of Thomas Browne at Castle Island. They de- 
 clared their innocence to the last moment. Jan. 24th, 
 Davitt, Ilealy, and Quinn sentenced to find securi- 
 ties for good behavior or go to jail for six months. 
 Mr. O'Brien editor of the United Ireland, elected 
 member for Mallow over the Government Candi- 
 date. Jan. 2Tth, Examination of the prisoners 
 charged with murder and conspiracy; a man named 
 Farrell turned informer. February, 3d, James 
 Carey a member of the Corporation, Joseph Brady, 
 Edward O'Brien, Edward McCaffery, Peter Carey, 
 Peter Doyle and Timothy Kelly w^ere arraigned, 
 charored with the [Murder of Lord Cavendish and jNIr. 
 Burke. Feb. 7th, Earl Spencer, the Lord-Lieutenant 
 arrived in Dublin from London. He was escorted 
 from the railway station by a troop of hnzzars and 
 was followed by cars laden with detectives. Mr. 
 
50v') IRELxVND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 1883. Trevelyan, Chief-Secretary for Ireland, escorted by 
 a squad of detectives. Despite this the Queen in 
 her speech, a few days afterwards, said that peace 
 and tranquillity were restorediii Ireland. Feb. Stli, 
 Messrs. Davitt, Healy, and Quinn, having .refused 
 to give bail, were arrested and conveyed to Kilmain- 
 ham jail. Dowling, who was accused of shouting 
 Policeman Cox, found guilty, and sentenced to 
 penal servitude for life. Feb. 10th, James Carey, 
 the town councillor, turned informer. Feb. 19th, 
 Twenty-one prisoners committed for trial to an- 
 swer the charge of murdering Lord Frederick 
 Cavendish and Thomas Henry Burke. Carey iden- 
 tified the prisoners, and also implicated a man named 
 Frank Byrne, who had fled to France, and P. J. 
 Sheridan, who had gone to America. Their extradi- 
 tion refused. March 12th, Patrick Egan, Treasurer 
 of the Irish Land League, arrived in New York. 
 March 15th, James Mooney, President of the Irish 
 Land League, has issued a call for a convention to 
 be held in Philadelphia, April 25th and 26th, at 
 which C. S. Parnell signified his intention of being 
 present. March 16th, great scare caused in London 
 by the blowing up of Government offices by dyna- 
 mite last night. March iVth, St. Patrick's day was 
 celebrated throughout the world with tho usual 
 rejoicing. 
 
IKELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
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IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
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506 ICELAND, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 The great old Irisli houses, the proud old Irish nanaes, 
 Like stars upon the midnight to-day their lustre gleams; 
 Gone are the great old houses, the proud old names are low 
 That shed a glory o'er the l^nd a thousand years ago; 
 But wheresoever a scion of these great old houses be, 
 In the country of his fathers, or the land beyond the sea, 
 In city, or in hamlet, by the valley, on the hill. 
 The spirits of his brave old sires are watching o'er him still! 
 
IRETON CONDEMNING THE BISHOP OF LIMERICK. 
 
PAENELL'S HISTOEY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PENAL LAWS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 Reign of Anne. 
 
 1701-1714. 
 
 On the 4th of Warch, 1704, the royal assent was given 
 to the act to prevent the further growth of Popery, 
 being the first of those two famous acts which have, most 
 deservedly, been termed by Mr. Burke " the ferocious 
 acts of Anne." 
 
 By the third clause of this act, the Popish father, 
 though he may have acquired his estate by descent from 
 a long line of ancestors, or by his own purchase, is 
 deprived of the power, — in case his eldest son, or any 
 son, become a Protestant, — to sell, mortgage, or otherwise 
 dispose of it, or to leave out of it any portion of legacies. 
 
 By the fourth clause, the Popish father is debarred, 
 under a penalty of ;£"5oo, from being a guardian, or from 
 having the custody of his own children ; but if the 
 child, though ever so young, pretend to be a Protestant, 
 it is to be taken from its own father, and put into the 
 hands of a Protestant relation. 
 
 The fifth ^ clause provides that no Protestant shall 
 marry a Papist having an estate in Ireland, either in or 
 out of the kingdom. 
 
 The sixth clause renders Papists incapable of purchas- 
 ing any manors, tenements, hereditaments, or any rents 
 
508 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 or profits arising from out of the same, or of holding 
 any lease of lives, or other lease whatever, for any term 
 exceeding thirty-one years. Even with respect to this 
 advantage, restrictions are imposed on them : one of 
 which is, that, if a farm produced a profit greater than one- 
 third of the amount of the rent, the right of holding it was 
 immediately to cease, and to pass over entirel}' to the first 
 Protestant who should discover the rate of profit. 
 
 The seventh clause deprives Papists of such inheritance, 
 devise, gift, remainder, or trust, of any lands, tenements, 
 or hereditaments, of which any Protestant was or should 
 be seized in fee simple, absolute, or fee-tail, which, by the 
 death of such Protestant or his wife, oiight to have de- 
 scended to his son or other issue in tail, being Papists, 
 and makes them descend to the nearest Protestant rela- 
 tion, as if the Popish heir and other Popish relations 
 were dead. 
 
 By the tenth clause, the estate of a Papist, for want of 
 a Protestant heir, is to be divided, share and share alike, 
 among all his sons ; for want of sons, among his daughters ; 
 and for want of daughters, among the collateral kindred 
 of the father. 
 
 By the fifteenth clause, no person shall be exempt from 
 the penalties of this act that shall not take and subscribe 
 the oath and declaration required by this act to be taken. 
 
 By the sixteenth clause, any persons whatsoever who 
 shall receive any office, civil or militar3% shall take and 
 subscribe the oath and declaration required to be taken by 
 the English act of 3d William and Mary, and also the oath 
 and declaration required to be taken by another English 
 act of 1st Anne; also, shall receive the sacrament.^ 
 
 * Upon this clause of the bill, the Protestnnt Bishop Burnett makes the 
 following observations: A clause was added (in England) which they (the 
 Roman Catholics) hoped would hinder its being accepted in Ireland. The 
 matter was carried on so secretly that it was known to none but those who were 
 at the council, till the news of it came from Ireland, upon its being sent 
 
/;/ tJie Reig?i of A^ine. 
 
 500 
 
 The twenty-third clause provides that no Papist, 
 except under certain conditions, shall dwell in Limerick 
 or Gal way. 
 
 The twenty-fourth clause, that no persons shall vote at 
 elections without taking the oaths of allegiance and 
 abjuration. 
 
 And the twenty-fifth clause, that all advowsons pos- 
 sessed by Papists shall be vested in her majesty. 
 
 The Catholics, who had submitted in silence to all the 
 unjust transgressions of the last reign, felt it necessary, 
 when this act was first brought before parliament, to use 
 their utmost exertions to prevent it from passing into a 
 law. They, however, appealed in vain to the English 
 cabinet to respect the solemn engagements of the Treaty 
 of Limerick, and were obliged to have recourse to a 
 petition to the Irish parliament. 
 
 Sir Theobald Butler was heard as counsel for the 
 petitioners, at the bar of the House of Commons, on the 
 22d February, 1703. He stated "that the bill would 
 render null and void the articles of Limerick; that those 
 articles had been granted for the valuable consideration 
 of the surrender of the garrison at a time when the 
 Catholics had the sword in their hand, and were in a 
 condition to hold out much longer, and when they had 
 it in their power to demand and make such terms as 
 might be for their own future liberty, safety, and security 
 that the allowing of the terms contained in these article, 
 was highly advantageous .to the government to which 
 they submitted, as v/ell for uniting the people who 
 were then divided, quieting and settling the distractions 
 and disorders of this miserable kingdom, as for the otlier 
 
 thither. It was hoped, by those who got this clause added to the bill, that 
 those in Ireland who pTomoted it would be less fond of it when it had such a 
 weight hung to it" — Hist, v, ii p. 24. 
 
 This clause has since been called the Sacramental Test, the first irriposetl 
 on Dissenters in Ireland It was repealed without any opposition in the 
 Sessions of 1782. 
 
510 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 advantages which the government would thereby rertp 
 in its own affairs, both at home and abroad, when its 
 enemies were so powerful, both by sea and land, as to 
 render the peace and settlement of these countries a 
 circumstance of great uncertainty ; that these articles 
 xvere ratified by their late majesties for themselves, their 
 heirs, and successors, and the public faith thereby plight- 
 ed to all those comprised in these articles, in the most 
 binding manner it was possible for faith to be plighted, 
 and than which nothing could be more sacred and 
 <:olemn ; that, therefore, to violate and break those articles 
 would, on the contrary, be the greatest injustice possible 
 for any one people of the whole w^orld to inflict upon 
 ;inother, and contrary to both the laws of God and man.*' 
 He then proceeded to show that the clauses of the bill 
 which take away from Catholics the right to purchase, 
 bequeath, sell, and inherit estates, were infringements of 
 the second article of the treaty ; that the ninth clause of 
 the bill, imposing upon Catholics new oaths, was another 
 manifest breach of the articles ; for that, by the ninth 
 article, no oath is to be administered to, nor imposed 
 upon, such Catholics as should submit to government, but 
 the oath of allegiance, appointed by an act made in Eng- 
 land in the first year of the reign of their late majesties , 
 that the clauses for prohibiting Catholics from residing 
 in Limerick or Gahvay, from voting at elections without 
 taking certain new oaths, and from possessing advowsons, 
 were likewise infringements on the treaty: For, if," 
 concludes Sir Theobald Butler, "there were no law in 
 force in the reign of Charles II against these things, as 
 llicre certainly was not, and if the Roman CathoHcs of 
 this kingdom have not since forfeited their right to the 
 laws that then were in force, as for certain they have not, 
 then, with humble submission, all the aforesaid clauses 
 and matters contained in this bill, entitled 'An act to 
 prevent the further growth of Popery,' are directly 
 
In the Reign of Anne, 
 
 511 
 
 against the plain words and true interest and meaning 
 of the said articles, and a violation of the public faith." * 
 
 In consequence of the passing of this act, and of those 
 other acts of a similar tendency which were passed in 
 the last reign, the Catholics were deprived of all those 
 privileges and immunities which, they trusted, had been 
 secured in consequence of a king of England having 
 bound himself, his heirs, and successors, to fulfil the 
 conditions of the Treaty of Limerick. In place of being 
 the free sut)jects of a prince, from whom they were 
 taught to expect nothing but justice and mercy, they 
 were made the slaves of every one, even of the very 
 meanest of their Protestant countrymen. They saw the 
 English government, on whom they had claims for protec- 
 tion, directing, against their own parliament, its fanatic 
 counsels, and confirming its crimes. By the Treaty of 
 Limerick, they were left at liberty to educate and to act 
 as guardians of their own children ; by the penal laws, 
 they can neither send them to be educated abroad, nor 
 have them educated at home, nor can they be guardians 
 of their own, nor of the children of any other persons. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, the free exercise of their 
 religion was guaranteed to them ; by the penal laws, 
 their chapels are shut up, their priests are banished, and 
 hanged if they return home. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, their noblemen and gentle- 
 men were especially allowed the privilege of wearing 
 arms, and the whole body were equally entitled to the 
 same privilege, because, when it was executed, no law 
 existed to the contrary; by the penal laws, no Catholic 
 is permitted to have the use of arms, even of those 
 who were specially comprised in the treaty, except a 
 very few. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, Catholics might intcr- 
 
 • Curry's "Civil Wars of Ireland," vol. ii, p. 387, App. xvi, wherein th« 
 speech of Sir T. Butler is given at length. 
 
512 
 
 PcnaL Laws. 
 
 marry with Protestants ; by the penal laws, this privilege 
 is removed. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, the profession of the law 
 •vas open to them ; by these laws, it is taken from them. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, the Catholics could pur. 
 :hase, sell, bequeath, and inherit landed property ; by 
 'Jie penal laws, they can neither purchase, sell, be- 
 queath, nor inherit landed property, take annuities for 
 ives secured on lands, or any lease of land for more 
 than thirty-one years ; nor can they lend money on mort- 
 gage,* or invest it in public securities. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, the Catholics were left in 
 full enjoyment of every political franchise, except that of 
 holding offices under government, and of becoming 
 members of corporation ; by the penal laws, they cannot 
 vote at vestries, serve on grand juries, act as constables, 
 Dr as sheriffs, or under-sheriffs, be magistrates, vote al 
 elections, or sit in parliament.+ 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, they were protected from 
 being called upon to take anv other oaths besides the 
 oath of allegiance of the ist William and Mary; by the 
 penal laws, they are required to take the oaths of abjura- 
 tion and supremacy, and to subscribe declarations against 
 the principal tenets of their religious faith. 
 
 By the Treaty of Limerick, they were acknowledged 
 as the free subjects of a British king; by the penal laws, 
 
 * By a construction of Lord Hardwicke. 
 
 t "The exclusion from the law, from grand juries, from sheriffships and 
 under-sherifTships, as well as from freedom in any corporation, may subject ihem 
 to dreadful hardships, as it may exclude them wholly from all that is bene- 
 ficial, and expose them to all that is mischievous, in a trial by jury. Thu 
 was manifested within my own observation, for I was three times in Ireland, 
 from the year 1760 to the year 1767, where I had sufficient means cf information 
 concerning the inhuman proceedings (among which were many cruel murflers, 
 besides an infinity of outrages and oppressions, unknown before in a civilized 
 age) v.hich prevailed during that period, in consequence of a pretended con- 
 spiracy among Roman Catholics against the king's government. ' — Burke's 
 Letter to a Peer of Ireland. 
 
PATRICK SARSFIELD. 
 
Fn the Reign Anne. 
 
 lliey are placed in the double capacity of slaves and 
 enemies of their Protestant countrymen. 
 
 Had they become mere slaves, they might have 
 expected some degree of humane treatment; but, as the 
 policy which made them slaves held them out at the 
 same time as the natural and interested enemies of their 
 masters, they were doomed to experience all the oppres- 
 sion of tyranny, without any of the chances, that other 
 slaves enjoy, of their tyrants being merciful from feeling 
 their tyranny secure. 
 
 This statement will be sufficient to convince those who 
 really form their political opinions upon principles of 
 justice, that the penal laws never should have been 
 enacted, and that it is the duty of every upright states- 
 man to promote the instant repeal of the whole of them, 
 because it proves a solemn compact entered into between 
 the Catholics and the English government, and the 
 breach of that contract by the English government, 
 notwithstanding the Catholics fulfilled their part of the 
 agreemiCnt. How can men gravely and zealously con- 
 tribute to make perpetual the political disabilities of the 
 Catholics, which were the base and perfidious means 
 adopted by a wicked legislature to influence men's con- 
 sciences by corrupt motives, and tempt and bribe them 
 to apostasy ? 
 
 As there are, however, no small number of politicians 
 who, though they would think it praiseworthy to keep a 
 Catholic in a state of slavery, yet would be scandalized 
 at the bare idea of breaking faith with him in any affairs 
 of barter, particularly if the)^ had already received from 
 him their consideration, and that a valuable one, it will 
 be necessary to make some further observations upon 
 the violation of the Treaty of Limerick, in order that no 
 one may have a pretext on which he can escape the fair 
 conclusion that ought to be drawn from what has been 
 advanced, that the English government and nation are. at 
 
Paial Laws 
 
 this day, bound to make good to the Catholics of Ireland 
 the stipulations contained in that treaty. For, if ever there 
 was an instance in which the consideration that formed 
 the basis of a treaty should have secured a liberal and 
 a just fulfilment, it was the instance of this Treaty of 
 Limerick. 
 
 In the course of the three campaigns during which the 
 war lasted in Ireland, the English army had been defeated 
 on several occasions: in the North, under Schomberg ; 
 before Athlone, under Douglass; and before Limerick, 
 under William himself. 
 
 The victory of the Boyne was the result of the personal 
 failings of James, not of any deficiency in the number of 
 his army, nor of any want of courage on their part. Ex- 
 change kings," said the Irish officers, " and we will once 
 more fight the battle." St. Kuth had w^on the battle of 
 Aughrim, and had exclaimed, in an ecstasy of joy, Now 
 will I drive the English to the waL^s of Dublin," at the 
 moment the fatal ball struck him.* And at the time the 
 garrison of Limerick capitulated, the Irish army was in 
 a condition to hold out at least another campaign, with a 
 good prospect of being able to restore the fallen fortunes 
 of James. The besieging army had made no impression 
 on the principal part of the city ; it was inferior in num- 
 bers to that of the garrison ; winter was fast approach- 
 ing, and it so happened that French succors were at this 
 very moment on the coast: yet all these advantages did 
 the Irish army forego, in consideration of the terms which 
 were granted them by the Treaty of Limerick. 
 
 On the other hand, in granting these terms, the English 
 government and nation obtained advantages of the utmost 
 importance to themselves; for, as long as James had a 
 powerful army in Ireland,t and nearly one half of the 
 
 • Leland, b. vi, cap. 7. 
 
 f 6,000 soldiers actually embarked for France after the surrender of Lim- 
 erick. See Dr. Duigenan's " Demands of Romanists." p. 60. 
 
» 
 
 In the Reign of Anne, 5.5 
 
 kingdom under his dominion, the great work of the 
 Revolution was neither accomplished nor secured. The 
 fair way, therefore, of judging of the value of the Treaty of 
 Limerick to England is to consider how far it contributed 
 to promote this object. If the Treaty of Limerick in any 
 degree led to the estabUshment of the Revolution, the vast 
 importance of this event should incline the people of Eng- 
 land to act with justice, at least, toward the Catholics; 
 but if their submission contributed essentially to crown 
 the brilliant efforts of the friends of liberty with success, 
 then, indeed, the people of England should feel zealous 
 to act toward the Catholics, not on a cold calculation of 
 what was merely just on their part, but with that kind- 
 ness with which we always regard those who have pro- 
 moted our prosperity, whether intentionally or not. That 
 the submission of the Irish Catholics did so contribute 
 to complete the Revolution is plain, from the means 
 which they possessed of continuing the war, from the 
 opportunity it afforded William to bring his whole forces 
 to bear against Louis, and from the termination it fixed to 
 the hopes and the conspiracies of the adherents of James 
 of England. Yet, notwithstanding the great conces- 
 fions which the Catholics on their part made, by their 
 L,ubmission, in order to obtain the terms of the Treaty 
 of Limerick, and the great advantages which the Eng- 
 lish nation, on the other hand, acquired by it, twelve 
 years only elapsed before the Catholics were deprived 
 of every right and privilege which w^as solemnly guar- 
 anteed to them by that treaty. 
 
 Tlie only species of justification that could, under any 
 circumstances, have been brought forward for acting in 
 this manner toward the Catholics, would have been the 
 proof of the forfeiture, by misconduct, of their right to 
 the fulfilment of the treaty. That anything w^hich they 
 did prior to the treaty could have, in justice, any in- 
 Huence on measures passed subsequent to its taking 
 
51 C Penal Laws 
 
 place, is quite impossible, because the treaty admitted 
 their acts to be those of open and honorab.e* enemies, 
 and specifically pardoned them.* 
 
 As to their conduct afterward, even their most in- 
 veterate and most unprincipled enemies did not charge 
 taem with a single transgression against the state 
 irom the year 1691 to the year 1704, when the "act to 
 prevent the further growth of Popery " was passed. 
 And it is very plain that no such charge could be 
 maintained, from the paltry attempt that was made in 
 parliament to justify this act. It was said " that the 
 Papists had demonstrated how and where, since the 
 making of the articles of Limerick, they had addressed 
 the queen or government, when all other subjects were 
 so doing ; and that any right which they pretended 
 was to be taken from them by the bill, was in their 
 own power to remedy, by conforming, as in prudencfi 
 they ought to do, and that they ought not to blame 
 
 an\' but themselves." t 
 
 No circumstance can possibly illustrate more clearly 
 the innocence of the Catholics and their loyalty and 
 good conduct, from the Treaty of Limerick to the passing 
 of this act, than this mockery of justification ; nor could 
 anything bring to our understanding an accurate compre- 
 hension of the perfidy and baseness of that government 
 
 * " The peculiar situation of that country," (Ireland^ says Macpherson, 
 'seems to have been overlooked in the contest. The desertion, upon which 
 the deprivation of James had been founded in England, had not existed in 
 Ireland. The lord-lieutenant had retained his allegiance ; the government 
 was uniformly continued under the naipe of the prince from whom the ser- 
 vrnts of the crown had derived their commissions ; James himself had, lor 
 more than veventeen months, exercised the royal function in Ireland. He wzj 
 ce-tainly de facto, if not de jure, king. The rebellion of the Irish must, there- 
 fore, be founded on the supposition that their allegiance is transferable by the 
 parliament of England. A speculative opinion can scarcely justify tlie punifli- 
 ment of a great majority of a people. The Irish ought to have been coasiaercd 
 «s enemies, rather than rebel =^." — " Hist. Great Britain." 
 t Curry, "Debates on the Popery Laws." vol. ii. y 191 
 
tJie Reign of Anne. 
 
 511 
 
 and of that parliament more distinctly than so silly an 
 excuse for such stern and crafty oppressi'on. 
 
 Though the Treaty of Limerick was now violated in 
 every point, the spirit of persecution was still restless and 
 unsatisfied. However great was the ingenuity of the 
 legislators who produced the masterpiece of oppression, 
 the "act to prevent the further growth of Popery," it 
 was found that another act was still wanting to explain 
 and amend it. Such an act was passed in the year 1709.* 
 
 The first clause provides that no Papist shall be 
 allowed to take any annuity for life. 
 
 The following is the third clause, every word of which 
 is of value, in order to show the vexations to which the 
 unfortunate Catholics of Ireland have been exposed : — 
 
 " And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, 
 that where and as often as any child or children of any 
 Popish parent or parents hath or have heretofore pos- 
 sessed or conformed him, her, or themselves to the Pro- 
 testant religion as by law established, and enrolled in the 
 High Court of Chancery a certificate of the bishop of the 
 diocese in which he, she, or they shall inhabit or reside, 
 testifying his, her, or their being a Protestant, and con- 
 forming him, her, or themselves to the Church of Ireland 
 as by law^ established, it shall and ma}^ be lawful for the 
 High Court of Chancery, upon a bill founded upon this act, 
 to oblige the said Papists, parent or parents, to discover 
 upon oath the full value of all his, her, or their estate, as 
 well personal as real, clear, over and above all real in- 
 cumbrance i and debts, contracted bona fide, for value or 
 consideration, before the enrolment of such certificate, 
 ^ and thereupon to make such order for the support and 
 maintenance of such Protestant child or children, by the 
 distribution of the said real and personal estate to and 
 among such Protestant child or children, for the present 
 support of such Protestant child or children : and also to 
 
 • 8 Anne, c 3. 
 
 m 
 
ol8 Penal Laws 
 
 and for the portion or portions, and future maintenance 
 or maintenances, of such Protestant child or children 
 after the decease of such Popish parent or parents, as 
 the said court shall judge fit." 
 
 The twelfth clause provides that all converts in public 
 employments, members of parliament, barristers, attor- 
 neys, or officers of any court of law, shall educate their 
 children Protestants. 
 
 By the fourteenth clause, the Popish wife of a Papist, 
 having- power to make a jointure, conforming, shall, if 
 she survive her husband, have such provision, not ex- 
 ceeding the power of her husband, to make a jointure, 
 as the chancellor shall adjudge. 
 
 By the fifteenth clause, the Popish wife of a Papist, 
 not being otherwise provided for, conforming, shall have 
 a proportion out of his chattels, notwithstanding any will 
 or voluntary disposition, and the statute 7 William III, 6. 
 
 The sixteenth clause provides that a Papist teaching 
 school publicly, or in a private house, or as usher to a 
 Protestant, shall be deemed and prosecuted as a Popish 
 regular convict. 
 
 The eighteenth clause provides that Popish priests 
 who shall be converted shall receive ^^30 per annum, to 
 be levied and paid by grand juries. 
 
 The twentieth clause provides, whimsically enough, 
 for the reward of discovering Popish clergy and school- 
 masters, viz. : — 
 
 For discovering an archbishop, bishop, vicar-general, 
 or other person exercising any foreign ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction, £^0. 
 
 For discovering each regular clergyman not regis- 
 tered, £20. 
 
 For discovering each Popish schoolmaster or usher, 
 ;^io.* 
 
 • *' The average annual amount of premiums for transporting priests, for six 
 teen years preceding 1745, was;^i27 17s, 4d. The premium ceased after 174$-" 
 Newenham's " View of Ireland," p. 195. 
 
In the Reign of Anne, 
 
 5:9 
 
 Ihc twenty-first clause empowers two justices to sum- 
 mon any Papist of eigliteen years of age, and, if he shall 
 refuse to give testimony where and when he heard Mass 
 celebrated, and who and what persons were present at 
 the celebration of it, and likewise touching the residence 
 and abode of any priest or Popish schoolmaster, to com- 
 mit him to jail, without bail, for twelve months, or until 
 he shall pay £20. 
 
 By the twenty-fifth clause, no priest can officiate 
 except in the parish for which he is registered by 2 
 Anne, c. 7. 
 
 The thirtieth clause provides for the discovery of all 
 trusts to be undertaken in favor of Papists, and enables 
 any Protestant to file a bill in chancery against any per- 
 son concerned in any sale, lease, mortgage, or encum- 
 brance, in trust for Papists, and to compel him to discover 
 thf* same ; and it further provides that all issues to be 
 tried in any action founded upon this act shall be tried 
 by none but known Protestants. 
 
 The thirty-seventh clause provides that no Papist in 
 trade, except in the linen trade, shall take more than 
 two apprentices. 
 
 The following are the other acts passed in this reign 
 concerning Catholics : — 
 
 An act to prevent Popish clergy from coming into the 
 kingdom." * 
 
 " An act for registering Popish clergy," by which all 
 the Catholic clergy then in the kingdom were required 
 to give in their names and places of abode at the next 
 quarter-sessions. By this act they are prohibited from 
 employing curates. f 
 
 *' An act to amend this act." f 
 
 • 2 Anne, c. 3. 
 t 2 Anne, c. 7. 
 
 ! 4 Anne, c. 2. See also 6 Anne, c 16. sec. 6 ; ami S Aniie, c. 3, sec. 26, 
 
 CKceniiii^ pr .ests aiarrviiig rrotcstanis. 
 
520 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 " An act to explain and amend an act to prevent Papists 
 beinf^ solicitors or sheriffs," etc.* 
 
 Clauses are introduced into this act, by which Cath- 
 olics are prevented from serving on grand juries, and 
 by which, in trials upon any statute for strengthening 
 the Protestant interest, the plaintiff might challenge a 
 Papist : which challenge the judge was to allow. 
 
 During all Queen Anne's reign the inferior civil offi- 
 cers, by order of government, were incessantly harassing 
 the Catholics with oaths, imprisonments and forfeitures, 
 without any visible cause but hatred of their religious 
 profession. In the year 1708, on the bare rumor of 
 an intended invasion of Scotland by the Pretender, 
 forty-one Roman Catholic noblemen and gentlemen 
 were imprisoned in the Castle of Dublin ; and when 
 they were afterward set at liberty, the government was 
 so sensible of the wrong done to them, that it remitted 
 their fees, amounting to ;^8oo. A custom that had 
 existed from time immemorial, for infirm men, women 
 and children to make a pilgrimage every summer to a 
 place called St. John's Well, in the county of Meath, 
 in hopes of obtaining relief from their several infirmities, 
 by performing at it certain acts of penance and devotion, 
 was deemed an object worthy of the serious considera- 
 tion of the House of Commons, who accordingly passed 
 a vote that these sickly devotees " were assembled in that 
 place to the great hazard and danger of the public 
 peace and safety of the kingdom." They also passed 
 a vote on the 17th March, 1705, ''that all magistrates, 
 and other persons whosoever, who neglected or omitted 
 to put them [the penal laws] in due execution, were 
 betrayers of the liberties of the kingdom ;"t and in June, 
 1705, they resolved " that the saying and hearing of 
 Mass by persons who had not taken the oath of abjuration, 
 tended to advance th'e interest of the Pretender; and 
 
 • 6 Anne. c. I 
 
 t " Com. Jour.," 3, 289. 
 
In the Rcig^i oj Anne, 
 
 that such judges and magistrates as wilfully neglected 
 to make diligent inquiry into and discover such wicked 
 practices, ought to be looked upon as enemies to her 
 majesty's government;"* and upon another occasion 
 they resolved " that the prosecuting and informing 
 against Papists were an honorable service to the govern- 
 ment " t 
 
 * *' Coin Jour "3. 319. Tftk 
 
PENAL LAWS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 Reign of George I. 
 
 1714-1727. 
 
 The following acts of parliament were passed in this 
 reign, for the purpose of strengthening the system which 
 had been adopted by William and Anne for preventing 
 the growth of Popery. 
 
 *' An act to make the militia of this kingdom more 
 useful." * 
 
 By the eleventh and twelfth clauses of this act, the 
 horses of the Papists may be. seized for the militia. 
 
 By the fourth and eighteenth clauses, Papists are to 
 pay double toward raising the militia. 
 
 By the sixteenth clause, Popish housekeepers in a 
 city are to find Protestant substitutes. 
 
 ** An act to restrain Papists from being high or petty 
 constables, and for better regulating the parish watches-''^ 
 
 " An act for the more effectual prevention of fraudulent 
 conveyances, in order to multiply votes for electing 
 members to serve in parliament," etc.if 
 
 By the seventh clause of this act, no Papist can vote 
 ftt an election unless he takes the oath of allegiance and 
 abjuration. 
 
 '* An act for better regulating the town of Galwa)% and 
 for strengthening the Protestant interest therein." § 
 
 • 2 George I, c. 9. 
 
 t 111., c. 19. This act expired in three years, and was not renewed, 
 t lb. $ 4 George I, c. 15. 
 
Penal Laws in the Reign of George T. 
 
 523 
 
 " An act for better regulating the corporation of the 
 city of Kilkenny, and strengthening the Protestant inter- 
 est therein." * 
 
 " An act by which Papists, resident in towns, who shall 
 not provide a Protestant watchman to watch in their 
 room, shall be subject to certain penalties." f 
 
 By 12 George I, c. 9, sec. 7, no Papist can vote at any 
 vestry, held for the purpose of levying or assessing 
 money for rebuilding or repairing parish churches. 
 
 These acts of parliament originated in the same spirit 
 of persecution which disgraced the reigns of William 
 and Anne, and were, like the penal laws against the 
 Catholics of those reigns, palpable violations of the 
 Treaty of Limerick. 
 
 Though a glimmering of toleration had found its way 
 mto the councils of England, and given rise to " an 
 act for exempting Protestant dissenters of this country 
 [Ireland] from certain penalties to which they were 
 subject," the Catholics were excluded, by a particular 
 clause, from any benefit of it. And though it was in 
 this reign that the first act % passed for discharging all 
 persons in offices and employments from all penalties 
 which they had incurred by not qualifying themselves 
 pursuant to * an act to prevent the further growth of 
 Popery,* " the favor conferred by it was a favor conferred 
 on Protestant dissenters only, as no Catholic had 
 been placed in any public office since the passing of that 
 penal law. 
 
 The loyalty of the Catholics was in this reign put to a 
 complete trial by the Scotch rebellion of 1715. If, after 
 having fought three campaigns in support of James's 
 pretensions to the throne of Ireland ; after having ex- 
 perienced the infractions of every part of the Treaty 
 of Limerick, and been exposed to a code of statutes by 
 which they were totally excluded from the privileges of 
 
 "* 4 George I, c. 16. 
 
 t 6 George I, c. 10 
 
 X lb., c. 9. 
 
524 
 
 Penal Laws in the Reign of George I, 
 
 i!k' coiisu'tution ; and if, after they had become subject 
 '* to the worst of all oppressions, the persecution ot 
 private society and private manners,"* they had em- 
 barked in the cause of the invader, their conduct would 
 have been that of a high-spirited nation, goad^ed into a 
 state of desperation by their relentless tormentors ; and, 
 if their resistance had been successful, their leaders 
 would have ranked among the Tells and Washingtons 
 of modern history. 
 
 But so far from yielding to the natural dictates of 
 revenge, or attempting to take advantage of what was 
 passing in Scotland to regain their rights, they did not 
 follow the example of their rulers, in violating, upon the 
 first favorable opportunity, a sacred and solemn com- 
 pact; and thus they gave the strongest testimony that 
 they had wholly given up their former hopes of estab- 
 lishing a Catholic prince upon the throne. Their loyalty 
 was not, however, a protection to them against the 
 oppressions of their Protestant countrymen. The penal- 
 ties for the exercise of their religion were generally and 
 rigidly inflicted. Their chapels were shut up, theii 
 priests dragged from their hiding-places, hurried into 
 prisons, and from thence sent into banishment, f 
 
 • Burke's Letter to a Peer of Ireland. 
 
 t " In 1732 a proclama'.ion was issued against the Roman Catholic clergy, and 
 the degree of violence with which it was enforced made many of the old natives 
 look seriously, as a last resource, to emigration. Bishop O'Rorke retired from 
 Bailinagare, and the gentlemen of that neighborhood had no clergyman for a 
 considerable time to give them Mass, but a poor old man, one Pcndergasl, w lie. 
 before day-dawn on Sunday, crept into a cave in the parish of Baslick, ai d 
 waited there for his congregation, in cold and wet weather, hunger and thiist, 
 to preach to them patience under their afflictions, and perseverance in theii 
 principles, to offer up prayers for theii persecutors, and to arm ihem with resig- 
 nation to the will of heaven in their misfortunes. The cave is called I'oll-uu 
 Aifrin, or Mass-cave, to this day, and is a melancholy monument of tlie piety 
 of our ancestors." — " Mem. of the Life and Writings of the late Charles O'Con- 
 nor," vol. i, p. 179. 
 
PENAL LAWS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 Reign of George II. 
 
 1 727-1 760. 
 
 In this reign the following disabilities were imposed 
 upon the Catholics : — 
 
 By the i George II, c. 9, sec. 7, no Papist can vote at 
 an election without taking the oath of supremacy. How- 
 ever great the oppression which the Catholics had ex- 
 perienced during former reigns, this measure completed 
 their entire exclusion from the benefits of the constitution, 
 and from the opportunity of regaining their former just 
 rights. 
 
 It was because this privilege had begun to operate 
 amongst Protestants in a manner very favorable to the 
 Catholics, and to bring about a feeling of regret for theii 
 sufferings, and a coalition between the two parties to 
 oppose the influence of the English government, ar 
 a common cause of grievances, that Primate Boulter 
 advised the ministers to pass this law. 
 
 His principle of government for Ireland was to up 
 hold the English interest by the divisions of the inhabi- 
 tants ; and on this occasion it induced him to adopt the 
 desperate resolution of disfranchising, at one stroke 
 above five-sixths of its population.* 
 
 By the first clause of i George II, c. 30, clerks, bar- 
 
 * Primate Boulter, in his letter of this year to the Archbisliop of Canterbury 
 (vol. i, p. 210), says : "There are probably in this kingdom five Papists, 3t least, 
 to one Protestant." See note B, Appendix, upon the present amount of the 
 population, and the^proportion of Catholics to Protestants. 
 
526 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 risters and citizens occupying other stations in life, are 
 required to take the oath of supremacy. 
 
 By the second clause, all converts are bound to edu- 
 cate their children as Protestants. 
 
 By 7 George II, c. 5, sec. 12, barristers or solicitors, 
 marrying- Papists, are deemed Papists, and made sub- 
 ject to all penalties as such. 
 
 By 7 George II, c. 6, no convert can act as a justice 
 of the peace whose wife, or children under sixteen years 
 of age, are educated Papists. 
 
 The 13 George II, c. 6, is an act to amend former act? 
 for disarming Papists. 
 
 By the sixth clause of this act, Protestants educati<ig 
 their children as Papists are macle subject to the samt 
 disabilities as Papists are. 
 
 By 9 George II, c. 3, no person can serve on a pettj 
 jury, unless seized of a freehold of £^ per annum, or. 
 being a Protestant, unless possessed of a profit rent of 
 ;^I5 per annum, under a lease for years. 
 
 By 9 George II, c. 6, sec. 5, persons robbed by priva- 
 teers, during war with a Popish prince, shall be reim- 
 bursed by grand jury presentment, and the money levied 
 upv-^ the goods and lands of Popish inhabitants only. 
 
 The 19 George II, c. 5, is an act for granting a duty 
 on hawkers and peddlers to the Society of Protestant 
 Charter Schools.* 
 
 • The following is ihe preamble of ihe charter for erecting these schools : 
 *' George II by the grace of Go:l, etc. Forasmuch as we have receive 1 
 information, by the petition of the lord primate, lord chancellor, archbishops, 
 noblemen, bishops, judges, gentry and clergy, of our kiugdom of Ji eland, 
 lhat in many parts of the said kingdom there are greot tracts c-f land ahno^t 
 entirely inhabited by Papists, who are kept by their clergy in great ignorance 
 of the true religion, and bred up in great dissatisfaction to the government ; 
 lhat the erecting of English Protestant schools in those places is absolutely 
 necessary for their conversion; that the English parish schools already estab- 
 lished are not sufficient for that purpose, nor can the residence of th? 
 parochial clergy only fully answer that end." Catholics are excluded by thii 
 ?liarter fr jm being subscriber.<» to, or members of, this society, — See Report of 
 
Ih the Reign of George 11, 
 
 527 
 
 The 19 George II, c. 13, is an act to annul all marriages 
 between Protestants and Papists, or celebrated by Popish 
 priests.* 
 
 By the 23 George II, c. 10, sec. 3, every Popish priest 
 who shall celebrate any marriage contrary to 12 George 1, 
 c. 3, and be therefor convicted, shall be hanged. 
 
 Of these last acts, and of Lord Chesterfield's adminis- 
 tration, Mr. Burke gives the following account:" This 
 man, while he was duping the credulity of the Papists with 
 fine words in private, and commending their good behav- 
 ior during a rebellion in Great Britain, as it well deserved 
 to be commended and rewarded, was capable of urging 
 penal laws against them in a speech from the throne,t and 
 
 Committee of Irish Plouse of Commons, 14 Appendix, 1788 ; Ir. Com, Jour., 12 
 Appendix, p. 8io. 
 
 The children admitted into the schools are orphans, or the children of Cath- 
 olics, and other poor natives of Ireland, who, from their situation in life, are 
 not likely to educate them as Protestants. Thej are apprenticed into' Protest- 
 ant families at the age of fourteen years, at a fee of seven guineas with each 
 female, 'and five guineas with each male. The society gives a portion of five 
 pounds to every person educated in these schools, upon his or her marrying a 
 Protestant 
 
 In September, 1806, the number of children in the schools was 2,130. 
 
 The funds of the society consist of lands, funded property, and an annual 
 grant of parliament; they amount to about ^34,000 per annum. From the 
 year 1 754, 31 George II, c. I, to the ist January, 1808, there has been granted 
 by parliament to this society ;^49i,326, besides certain duties on hawkers and 
 pedlers, from 1754 to 1786. 
 
 By the 23 George II, c. 2, the society may appoint persons to take u{ 
 beggar children, and send them to the charter schools, and, when old enough, 
 bind them apprentices. 
 
 By the same act, sec. 8, a child received with the parents* consent is deemed 
 & child of the public, and may be disposed of, though claimed by the parents. 
 
 • The first acts on this head are 6 Anne c. 16, sec. 6, and 8 Anne, c. 3, sec. 26. 
 
 t " The measures that have hitherto been taken to prevent th2 growth of 
 Popery have, I hope, had some, and will still have a greater effect ; however, T 
 leave it to your consideration whether nothing further can be done, either by 
 new laws or by more effectual execution of those in being, to secure the nmion 
 against the greater number of Papists, whose speculative errors would only 
 ieserve pity, if their pernicious influence upon civil society did not both require 
 \nd authorize restraint." — Speech to both Houses of Parliament, October S, 
 1745: Com. Jour., 7, 64. 
 
Pcncd Lazvi 
 
 of stimulating with provocatives the weary and half- 
 exhansted bigotry of the parhament of Ireland. They 
 set to work, but they were at a loss what to do, for they 
 had already almost gone through every contrivance 
 which could waste the vigor of their country ; but, after 
 much struggle, they produced a child of their old age, 
 the shocking and unnatural act about marriages, which 
 tended to finish the scheme for making the people not only 
 two distinct parties forever, but keeping them as two 
 distinct species in the sam.e land. Mr. Gardiner's human- 
 ity was shocked at it, as one of the worst parts of that 
 truly barbarous system, if one could well settle the pre- 
 ference, where almost all the parts were outrages on tne 
 rights of humanity and the laws of nations.""^ 
 
 On the conduct of the Catholics during the Scotch 
 rebellion of 1745, fortunately for them, but greatly to the 
 shame of those who accuse them of being actuated by 
 religious principles inconsistent with their duty to their 
 sovereign, there is on record an irrefutable dobument. 
 In the year 1762, upon a debate in the House of Lords 
 about the expediency of raising five regiments of Cath- 
 oHcs for the King of Portugal, the Primate, Doctor Stone, 
 in answer to the usual objections that were urged on all 
 occasions against the good faith and loyalty of that body, 
 declared in his place, ''that in the year 1747, after that 
 rebellion was entirely suppressed, happening to be in 
 England, he had ar opportunity of perusing all the 
 papers of the rebels and their correspondents, which 
 were seized in the custody of Murray, the Pretender's 
 secretary ; and that, after having spent much time, and 
 taken great pains in examining them, not without some 
 share of the then common suspicion that there might be 
 some private understanding and intercourse between 
 them and the Irish Catholics, he could not discover the 
 lenst trace, hint, or intimation of such intercourse or 
 
 • 1 eiter to a Peer in Ireland. 
 
the Reign of George IL 
 
 529 
 
 correspondence in them, or of any of the iLttci 's favor- 
 ing or abetting, or having been so much as made ac- 
 ouainted with, the designs or proceedings of the rebels. 
 And what," he said, " he wondered at most of all was, 
 that in all his researches he had not met with any pas- 
 sage in any of the papers from which he could infer 
 that either their Holy Father, the Pope, or any of his 
 cardinals, bishops, or other dignitaries of that Church, 
 or any of the Irish clergy, had, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, encouraged, aided, or approved of the commenc- 
 ing or carrying on of that rebellion."'* 
 
 Those of the clergy of England who lately took so 
 active a part in exciting and upholding the infamous 
 outcry of " No Popery," will do well to compare this 
 declaration of Primate Stone with the followinsr state- 
 ment of the conduct of the Irish clergy, immediately 
 upon the. breaking out of the Scotch rebellion. They 
 will learn how easy it is, even for the grave profession 
 of the Church, to commit errors, and to pollute its sacred 
 character, by embarking in the controversy of party 
 politics : " The bishops wrote pastoral letters to their 
 respective diocesans, to excite the members of the Estab- 
 lished Church to enforce all the penal statutes, and, with 
 equal wisdom and charit}' and a ready obedience, did the 
 clergy follow the example and directions of their supe-^ 
 riors, and apply the whole power of their body to support 
 the lanatic politics of the day. In their inflammatory 
 sermons they excited religious animosity, by reviving, 
 the m.ost shocking circumstances of the Irish Rebellion 
 of 164 1, and of the Gunpowder Plot in England, in \6o^. 
 These transactions were studiously aggravated, and the 
 crimes, whether real or supposed, committed by Cath^- 
 olics, dead more than a century before, were imputed' to 
 all those who survived of the same religious persuasion. "f 
 
 * Curry's " Review of the Civil Wars of Ireland," vol. ii, p. 261. 
 tlh., p. 259. 
 
ZZO Pciial Laws 
 
 If the conduct of the bishops and clergy was improper, 
 on account of its inconsistency with those principles of 
 universal' charity thit the Gospel inculcated, it was still 
 more S(«) from there being no grounds, even of suspicion, 
 that the Catholics were disloyal. Besides, it was inde- 
 cent, in the last degree, for those who were endowed 
 by the state foi the purpose only of discharging the 
 functions of a religious profession, to degrade their 
 sacred character by assuming the duties of partisan 
 magistrates, and embarking in all the tumult and passion 
 of political persecution. The conduct of the Catholic 
 priests at this period forms a contrast by no means 
 creditable to those who teach the superior tolerance of 
 the Protestant religion, and ground their animosities 
 against the Catholics on the supposed illiberality which 
 controls their principles. This oppressed and indigent 
 body of men, instead of taking offence at the proceedings 
 of the bishops and clergy of the Established Church, co- 
 operated with their Protestant brethren to maintain order 
 and tranquillity. Their pastoral letters, public discourses 
 from the pulpit, and private admonitions, were equally 
 directed for the service of the orovernment."* 
 
 Yet these clergy were the members of that Church, 
 tlie principles of which are slated to be of such a nature 
 by many of the English clergy as to render it absolutely 
 impossible for a Catholic to be a good subject. 
 
 On the 26th September, 1757, the Duke of Bedford was 
 sworn in as lord-lieutenant. His open declarations of 
 liberal sentiments toward the Catholics, and some com- 
 munications, that were made for the first time since the ' 
 passing of the " ferocious act of Anne" to prevent the 
 growth of Popery, of an intention to repeal some part 
 of the penal laws, encouraged them to hope for a change 
 in the system of Irish government. Ten days after his 
 arrival, the Catholic clergy of Dublin, influenced by these 
 
 ^ QiestsrfielJ's \yorks. vol. i, p. 150. Ir. Ed. 
 
In the Reign of George II, 5^1 
 
 communications, read the following to their respective 
 congregations. It forms the first, and a very important, 
 document, in proof of the suflferings, the resignation, and 
 the loyalty of the Catholic body. It was one peculiarly 
 deserving of attention, as being well calculated to re- 
 move the ignorance and prejudices of those who still 
 persist in calumniating the Catholic clergy of Ireland, 
 and representing them as enemies to the king and con- 
 stitution : — 
 
 Exhortation of the Roman Catholic Clergy of Dublin, 
 read from their altars on the 2d October, 1757. 
 
 ** It is now time. Christians, that you return your most 
 grateful thanks to the Almighty God, who, after visiting 
 you with a scarcity which approached near to a famine, 
 has been graciously pleased, like a merciful father, to hear 
 your prayers, and feed you with a plentiful harvest ; 
 nor ought you to forget those kind benefactors who, in 
 the severest times, mindful only of the public good, 
 generouslv bestowed, without any distinction of persons, 
 those large charities by which thousands were pre- 
 served, who otherwise must have perished, the victims 
 of hunger and poverty. 
 
 " We ought especially to be most earnest in our 
 thanks to the chief governors and magistrates of the 
 kingdom, and of this city in particular, who, on this oc- 
 casion, proved the fathers and saviors of the nation. 
 
 " But as we have not a more effectual method of 
 showing our acknowledgments to our temporal gov- 
 ernors, than by an humble, peaceful, and obedient 
 behavior as hitherto, we earnestly exhort you to 
 continue in the same happy and Christian disposition, 
 and thus, b}' degrees, you will entirely efface in their 
 minds those evil impressions, which have been conceived 
 so much to our prejudice, and industriously propagated 
 by our enemies. 
 
 " A series of more than sixty years spent, with pious 
 
532 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 resignation, under the hardships of very severe penal 
 laws, and with the greatest thankfuh:iess for the lenity 
 and moderation with which they were executed, ever 
 since the accession of the present royal family, is certainly 
 a fact which must outweigh, in the minds of all unbiassed 
 persons, any misconceived opinions of the doctrines and 
 tenets of our holy Church. 
 
 You know that it has always been our constant prac- 
 tice, as ministers of Jesus Christ, to inspire you with the 
 greatest horror for thefts, frauds, murders, and the like 
 abominable crimes, as being contrary to the laws of God 
 and nature, destructive to civil society, condemned b} 
 our most holy Church, which, so far from justifying them 
 on the score ot religion, or any other pretext whatsoever, 
 delivers the unrepenting authors of such criminal prac- 
 tices over to Satan. 
 
 *' We are no less zealous than ever in exhorting you to 
 abstain from cursing, swearing, and blaspheming: detest- 
 able vices to which the poorest sort of our people are 
 most unhappily addicted, and which must, at one time or 
 another, bring down the vengeance of Him upon you in 
 some visible punishment, unless you absolutely refrain 
 from them. 
 
 It is probable that from hence some people have taken 
 occasion to brand us with this infamous calumny, that 
 we need not fear to take false oaths, and consequently to 
 perjure ourselves. As if we believed that any power 
 upon earth could authorize such damnable practices, or 
 grant dispensations for this purpose ! 
 
 How unjust and cruel this charge is, you know by 
 our instruction to you both in public and private, in 
 which we have ever condemned such doctrines as false 
 and impious. Others, likewise, may easily know it from 
 the constant behavior of numbers of Roman Catholics, 
 who have given the strongest proofs of their abhorrence 
 of those tenets, by refusing to take oaths, which, however 
 
 V 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
In the Reign of George II. 
 
 533 
 
 conducive to their temporal interest, appeared to them 
 entirely repugnant to the principles of their religion. 
 
 *' We must now entreat you, dear Christians, to offer up 
 your most fervent prayers to the Almightv God who 
 holds in His hands the hearts of kings and princes : beseech 
 Him to direct the counsels of our rulers, to inspire 
 them with sentiments of moderation and compassion 
 toward us. 
 
 " We ought to be more earnest at this juncture in our 
 supplications to heaven, as some very honorable persons 
 have encouraged us to hope for a mitigation of the penal 
 laws. Pray, then, the Almighty to give a blessing to these 
 their generous designs, and to aid their counsels in such 
 a manner that, whilst they intend to assist us, like kind 
 benefactors, they may not, contrary to their intentions, by 
 mistaking the means, most irretrievably destroy us. 
 
 ** To conclude : be just in 3'our dealings, sober in your 
 conduct, religious in your practices, avoid riots, quarrels, 
 and tumults, and thus you will approve yourselves good 
 citizens, peaceable subjects, and pious Christians." 
 
 Instead, however, of a repeal taking place of any of 
 the penal laws, rumors began very generally to prevail 
 of its being the intention of the government to proceed 
 to carry into effect a bill that had been prepared by the 
 former administration for altering the law respecting 
 the registry of the clergy. The existing law, which 
 passed in the reign of Queen Anne, had been found too 
 penal to admit of its being carried into execution, and 
 thus, by an excess of tyranny, was the object of it wholly 
 defeated. In the place of this law, it had been proposed 
 to pass one with such provisions that it should, like the 
 other penal laws, execute itself ; and upon this project 
 being now revived, the Cathol'.cs, for the first time since 
 1704, took measures, as a body, to indicate their religious 
 and civil principles. Mr. Charles O'Connor, the cele- 
 brated Irish scholar and antiquarian, with the assistance 
 
534 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 of Dr. Curry, author of the " Review of the Civil Wars 
 of Ireland," and Mr. Wyse, of Waterford, exerted them 
 selves with good effect in persuading their suffering 
 countrymen of the necessity of coming forward to induce 
 their rulers to admit them into a participation of the 
 Privileges of the constitution. As a groundwork of their 
 iiture labor, Dr. O'Keefe, the titular Bishop of Kildarc, 
 proposed, at a meeting held at Lord Timbleton's, a 
 declaration of the principles of their Church, as far as 
 they could bear upon the civil duties, to be signed by 
 the chiefs of their body, and published as an answer to 
 the misrepresentations and calumnies they had labored 
 under since the reformation of the national religion. This 
 declaration was unanimously adopted ; it was signed by 
 many clergymen and gentlemen of rank and property 
 and sent to Rome as the act and deed of the Irish Cath- 
 olics. It is as follows : — 
 
 Whereas, certain opinions and principles, inimical to 
 good order and government, have been attributed to 
 the Catholics, the existence of which we utterly deny ; 
 and whereas it is at this tmie peculiarly necessary to 
 remove such imputations, and to give the most full and 
 ample satisfaction to our Protestant brethren, that wf 
 hold no principles whatever, incompatible with our dut_y 
 as men or as subjects, or repugnant to liberty, whether 
 political, civil, or religious : 
 
 " Now we, the Catholics of Ireland, for the removal of 
 all such imputations, and in deference to the opinion of 
 many respectable bodies of men and individuals among 
 our Protestant brethren, do hereby, in the face of our 
 country, of all Europe, and before God, make this our 
 deliberate and solemn declaration : — 
 
 " I. We abjure, disavow, and condemn the opinion 
 that princes, excommunicated by the pope and council, or 
 by any ecclesiastical authority whatsoever, may there- 
 fore be deposed or murdered by their subjects or anjr 
 
In the Reign of George II. 
 
 535 
 
 other person. We hold such doctiine in detestation as 
 wicked and impious, and we declare that we do not 
 believe that either the pope, with or without a general 
 council, or any prelate or priest, or any ecclesiastical 
 power whatsoever, can absolve the subjects of this 
 kingdom, or auy of them, from their allegiance to His 
 Majesty, King George III, who is, by authority of par- 
 liament, the lawful king of this realm. 
 
 "2. We abjure, condemn and detest, as unchristian 
 and impious, the principle that it is lawful to murder, 
 destroy, or anyways injure any persons whomsoever, for, 
 or under,the pretence of being heretics ; and we declare 
 solemnly before God that we believe that no act in itself 
 unjust, immoral, or wicked, can be justified or excused 
 by^ or under, pretence or color that it was done either for 
 the good of the Church, or in obedience to any ecclesi- 
 astical power whatsoever. 
 
 " 3. We further declare 'that we hold it as an unchris- 
 tian and impious principle that no faith is to be kept with 
 heretics. The doctrine we detest and reprobate, not 
 only as contrary to our religion, but as destructive of 
 morality, of society, and even of common honesty ; and 
 it is our firm belief that an oath made to any person, not 
 of the Catholic religion, is equally binding as if it were 
 made to any Catholic whomsoever. 
 
 "4. We have been charged with holding, as an article 
 of our belief, that the pope, with,or without, the authority 
 of a general council, or by certain ecclesiastical powers, 
 can acquit and absolve us before God from our oath of 
 allegiance, or even from the just oaths and contracts 
 entered into between man and man. 
 
 " Now we do utterly renounce, abjure, and deny that 
 we hold or maintain any such belief,, as being contrary 
 to the peace and happiness of society, inconsistent with 
 morality, and, above all, repugnant to the true spirit of 
 the Catholic religion. 
 
Penal Laws 
 
 " 5. We do further declare that we do rn)t believe 
 that the Pope of Rome, or any other prince, prelate, 
 state, or potentate, hath, or ought to ha\e, any temporal 
 or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or preeminence, 
 directly or indirectly, within this realm. 
 
 6. After what we have renounced, it is immaterial, in 
 a political light, what may be our opinion of faith on 
 other points respecting the pope; however, for greater 
 satisfaction, w^e declare that it is not an article of the 
 Catholic faith, neither are we hereby required to believe 
 or profess, that the pope is infallible, or that we are 
 bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, 
 though the pope, or any ecclesiastical power, should 
 issue or direct such order, but, on the contrary, we hold 
 that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or 
 obedience thereto. 
 
 *' 7. We further declare that we do not believe that any 
 sin whatsoever committed by us can be forgiven at the 
 mere will of any pope, or of any priest, or of any person 
 or persons whomsoever; but that sincere sorrow for 
 past sins, a firm and sincere resolution, as far as may be 
 m our power, to restore our neighbor's property or 
 character, if we have trespassed, or unjustly injured 
 either ; a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future 
 guilt, and to atone to God, are previous and indispensable 
 requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of 
 forgiveness ; and that any person who receives absolution 
 without these previous requisites, so far from obtaining 
 thereby any remission of his sins, incurs the additional 
 guilt of violating a sacrament. 
 
 ** 8. We do hereby solemnly disclaim and forever 
 renounce all interests in, and title to, all forfeited lands 
 resulting from any rights, or supposed rights, of our 
 ancestors, or any claim, title, or interest therein ; nor do 
 we admit anv title as a foundation of ris^ht, which is not 
 established and acknowledged by the laws of the realm 
 
In the Reign of George II 
 
 537 
 
 as they now stand. We desire^ further, that whenever 
 the patriotism, liberality, and justice of our countrymen 
 shall restore to us a participation in the electiv^e franchise, 
 no Catholic shall be permitted to vote at any election 
 for members to serve in parliament until he shall pre- 
 viously take an oath to defend to the utmost of his power 
 the arrangement of property in this country, as estab- 
 lished by the different acts of attainder and settlement. 
 
 **9. It has been objected to us that -we wish to subvert 
 the present Church establishment, for the purpose of 
 substituting a Catholic establishment in its stead. Now, 
 we do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure 
 any such intention ; and further, if we shall be admitted 
 into any share of the constitution, by our being restored 
 to the right of elective franchise, we are read}^, in the 
 most solemn manner, to declare that we will not exercise- 
 that privilege to disturb and weaken the establishment 
 of the Protestant religion or Protestant government in 
 this country." 
 
 Though this declaration did not produce any change 
 of conduct on the part of the English government at that 
 time, its failure can be attributed only, to the obstinacy 
 with which the principle of governing Ireland, upon the 
 system of separate interests between the Protestants and 
 Catholics, was adhered to. This declaration, though at 
 first ineffectual, was republished in 1792, and may surely 
 be expected at least to open the eyes of mankind to the 
 true character of the Irish Catholics, and to secure to 
 them the reward which it deserves : the unlimited con- 
 fidence of their king and fellow-subjects, and the entire 
 restoration of their constitutional rights. 
 
 In the year 1759, ^vhen it was known that a French 
 force, under the command of Conflans, was collected to 
 invade Ireland, the conduct of the Catholics on this, as it 
 had uniformly been on similar occasions, was loval in the 
 extreme. Mr. O'Connor. Dr. Curry, and Mr. Wyse had, 
 
538 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 some time Vjefore, in 1757, succeeded in establishing a gen- 
 eral committee of the Catholic body, formed by delegates 
 of parishes, and the principal Catholic nobility and gentry. 
 As soon as this invasion was announced in parliament 
 b}' a message from the Duke of Bedford, this committee 
 was summoned to meet ; and Mr. O'Connor having sub- 
 mitted to it the following address to the lord-lieutenant, 
 it was unanimously approved of : — 
 
 May it please your grace : 
 
 " We, his majesty's dutiful and faithful subjects, the 
 Roman Catholic gentlemen, merchants, and citizens of 
 Dublin, do, with the greatest respect, approach the illus- 
 trious representative of the best of kings with our hearty 
 congri* tulations on those glorious successes, by sea and 
 land, which have attended his majesty's arms, in the 
 prosecution of this just and necessary war. 
 
 " We gratefully acknowledge the lenity extended to 
 us by his most sacred majesty, and by his royal father, 
 of happy memory. Our allegiance, may it please your 
 grace, is confirmed by affection and gratitude, our relig- 
 ion commands it, and it shall be our invariable rule 
 firmly and inviolably to adhere to it. 
 
 We are called to this duty at the present time in 
 particular, when a foreign enemy is meditating des- 
 perate attempts to interrupt the happiness and disturb 
 the repose which these kingdoms have so long enjoyed 
 under a monarch who places his chief glory in proving 
 himself the common father of all his people; and we 
 sincerely assure your grace that we are ready and 
 willing, to the utmost of our abilities, to assist in 
 supporting his majesty's government against all hostile 
 attempts whatsoev^er. 
 
 " Whenever, my lord, it shall please the Almighty 
 that the legislative power of this realm shall deem the 
 peaceable conduct of his majesty's Catholic subjects in 
 
« 
 
 In the Reign of George II, ^33 
 
 Ireland, for many 3'ears past, an object worthy of its 
 favorable attention, we humbly hope means may be 
 devised to render so numerous a bod}^ more useful 
 members to the community, and more strengthening 
 friends to the state, than they possibly could have hither- 
 to been under the restraint of the many penal laws 
 against them. We most humbly beseech your grace to 
 represent to his majesty these sentiments and resolutions 
 of his majesty's faithful subjects, the Roman Catholics of 
 this metropolis, who sincerely wish that a peace honor- 
 able to his majesty, and advantageous to his kingdom, 
 may be the issue of the present war, and that the people 
 of Ireland may be long governed by your grace, a viceroy 
 in whom wisdom, moderation, and justice are so emi- 
 nently conspicuous." 
 
 On that occasion, also, wealthy individual members ol 
 the Catholic body offered to accommodate the govern- 
 ment with large sums of money in case of necessity, to 
 support the Protestant Establishment against all its 
 enemies; and the Catholics of the city of Cork, in a 
 body, presented an address to the lord-lieutenant, 
 expressing their loyalty in the warmest terms of assur- 
 ance. They professed the warmest indignation at the 
 threatened invasion of the kingdom by an enemy vainly 
 flattered with the imaginary hope of assistance in Ire- 
 land from the former attachment of their predecessors. 
 Th^y assured his grace that such schemes were altogether 
 inconsistent with their principles and intentions, and 
 that they would, to the utmost exertion of their abilities, 
 with their lives and fortunes, join in the defence and 
 support of his majesty's royal person and government 
 against all invaders whatsoever.* 
 
 These circumstances are proof of no ordinar}'- fidelity 
 in the Irish Catholics to the house of Brunswick. They 
 
 *Sinoilelt's " Hislury of England," vol. iv, p. 69, 
 
540 Penal Laws in iJu Reign of Georgf II, 
 
 were, however, of no avail in mitigating the rigor 
 of the magistracy in the execution of the prnal laws, or 
 in inducing the British government to repeal any part 
 of them, for the reign of George II closed, wkhout any 
 grateful acknowledgments being made to them fo. the 
 steadiness, the moderation, and the loyalty wLkH thp.f 
 had displayed on so many trying occasions. 
 
PENAL LAWS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 Reign of George III. 
 
 1 760-1 820. 
 
 Though the first measure of this reign, the royal 
 recommendation to Parliament to make the judges inde- 
 pendent of the crown, bespoke the determination of his 
 majesty to respect the feehngs and confirm the rights 
 and liberties of his subjects, still the unfortunate Cath- 
 olics of Ireland were doomed to suffer under new pains 
 and penalties. 
 
 In the year 1776 an act of parliament was passed,* by 
 which one or more justices of the peace, and all sheriffs 
 and chief magistrates of cities and towns corporate, with- 
 in their respective jurisdictions may, from time to time, 
 as well by night as by day, search for and seize all 
 arms and ammunition belonging to any Papist not en- 
 titled to keep the same, or in the hands of any person in 
 trust for a Papist ; and for that purpose enter any dwell- 
 ing-house, out-houses, office, field, or other place belong- 
 ing to a Papist, or to any other person where such 
 magistrate has reasonable cause to suspect any such arms 
 ♦r Lunniunition to be concealed, and on suspicion, after 
 senich, may summon and exam.ine on oath the person 
 suspected of such concealment. 
 
 13 V the seventeenth clause of this act, Papists refusing 
 
 * i!;anil i6 George TIT, c. il, sec 15. 
 
512 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 to deliver up or declare such arms as they, or any with 
 their privity, have in their possession, or hindering' their 
 deUvery, or refusing to discover on oath, or, without 
 cause, neglecting to appear on summons to be examined 
 before a magistrate concerning the same, shall, on con- 
 viction, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or such 
 corporal punishment of pillory or whipping as the court 
 shall, i^i their discretion, think proper. 
 
 In the year 1782 a clause was introduced into an act* 
 by which no person shall be admitted into the society of 
 King's Inns as a student, who shall not, at the time of 
 his admission, be a Protestant. 
 
 In the same year an act was passed, by the third 
 clause of which all statutes in England or Great Britain, 
 and all such clauses and provisions contained in any 
 statute there made as relate to the taking of any oath or 
 oaths, or making or subscribing any declaration in Ire- 
 land, or to an}^ penalty or disability of omitting the 
 same, shall be accepted, used, and executed in Ireland. 
 
 This act referred to : first, the English f act of 3 Wil- 
 liam and Mary, c. 2, sees, i, 4, 5, 6, 7, by which the oath 
 of supremac)' mentioned in 2 Elizabeth, i, c. i, is abro- 
 gated, and a new oath of supremacy is required to be 
 taken by all persons admitted into Ireland to hold an}^ 
 civil or military office, and by members of both houses 
 of parliament ; second, to the English act of I Anne, 
 Stat. 2, c. 17, requiring all persons to take the oath of 
 abjuration prescribed by the English acts of 13 William 
 III, c. 6, and i Anne, stat. i, c. 22 ; third, to the English 
 act of 6 George III, c. 53, sec. 2, declaring that from the 
 1st August, 1776, the oath of abjuration, by this act ap- 
 pointed to be taken in Great Britain, shall be the oath of 
 abjuration to be taken in Ireland. 
 
 Though this clause of the 21 and 22 George III, 
 
 • 21 and 22 George III, c 32, sec. 2. 
 
 f lb., c. 48, sec 3. ' 
 
In tJie Reign of George III. 
 
 c. 48, has attracted very little public attention, it was 
 of no less import than that of being the first lega. ex- 
 clusion of Catholics from sitting in the Irish parliament. 
 They had been excluded de facto by their voluntary 
 submission to the English act of 3 William and Mary, but 
 not de jure till this act of 21 and 22 George III, which 
 made the act of 3 William and Mary, just mentioned, 
 bindinof in Ireland.* • 
 
 This circumstance, which has always been overlooked, 
 even by the Catholics themselves, proves how readily they 
 have been inclined, at all times, to submit to the autliority 
 of government ; and it also proves how unfounded those 
 arg-uments are which maintain that the exclusion of the 
 Catholics of Ireland from parliament is a principle on 
 which the family of his majesty was placed upon the 
 throne. It completely overturns the system of erroneous 
 reasoning concerning the coronation oath, which of 
 late had been so common; it reduces the question to 
 this simple point: whether the king can conscientiously 
 place the Catholics of Ireland in the same condition, 
 with respect to sitting in parliament, in which they had 
 continued till the twenty-second year of his own reign. 
 
 In 1785 an act was passed* for granting ;^4,ooo, to be 
 expended in apprentice fees, to such tradesmen or manu- 
 
 • The first Irish parliament summoned by William ha\-ing met on ihe 5th 
 October, 1692, immediately after the election of a speaker, and his being seated, 
 *' A motion 'was made for the reading of a late act of parliament, made in ^ 
 England in the third year of their majesties' reign, entitled 'An act for abro- 
 gating the oath of supremacy in Ireland, and appointing other oaths ;' upon 
 reading whereof the house immediately proceeded to the swearing of their 
 members, and. they being sworn, the house adjourned." (Irish Com. Jour., vol. 2, 
 p. 9.) *' It does not appear by the journals that any objection was made to this 
 motion, or that any Catholic had been elected to serve in this parliament, 
 notwithstanding this English act was not binding in Ireland ; nor is any 
 mention made by the historians of that day concerning the grounds upon 
 which the Catholics submitted to it. The submissive'forbearance of tiiem un- 
 rcr a most severe extension of the penal code is the only point relating to 
 them which has arrested their notice." — Plowden, vol. I, p. 198. 
 
 ♦ 25 George IIJ, c. 48, sees. Ii, 12, 
 
544 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 iacturers, as should take children from charter schools 
 or the Foundling Hospital ; but it was expressly pj^o- 
 vided that the children should be bound to none but 
 Protestant tradesmen and manufacturers. 
 
 The whole code of the penal statutes against the 
 Catholics of Ireland is now laid before the view of the 
 reader, under which they so long and so patiently 
 languished, — statutes unexampled for their inhumanity, 
 their unwarrantableness and their impcflicy, which were 
 adopted to exterminate a race of men already crushed 
 and broken by the longest series of calamities which 
 one nation had ever the opportunity of inflicting upon 
 another. 
 
 They were framed against Christians under the 
 pretence of securing religion • they were the work of 
 Protestants, than whom no sect has cried out more 
 loudly against persecution when Protestants were the 
 martyrs; they were sanctioned by a nation who owed 
 its liberties, and by monarchs who owed their throne, to 
 a solemn covenant that such penal disabilities should 
 never exist.* Here, may we not inquire if the English 
 nation, legislature and king, have not a duty to fulfil 
 toward the Irish Catholics even greater than that of 
 justice, — a duty of compunction, of repentance, and 
 atonement? The faith of a solemn treaty made with 
 them has been broken : it is not enough that it has been 
 in part reestablished, it ought to be religiously fulfilled. 
 They have been ruled with tyranny : it is not enough 
 that the tyranny should be relaxed, it should cease 
 altogether. They have been driven from the pale of the 
 constitution : it is not enough that they should be allowed 
 to pass its barriers, they should range free and uncon- 
 trolled through all its rights. 
 
 lhat this system of slow political torture was not 
 warranted by any alleged delinquency on their part, is 
 
 • See tlxe articles of the Treaty of Limerick. 
 
MASSACRE AT DROGHEDA, 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 5:5 
 
 notorious; for it was devised and perfected in times of 
 profound tranquillity. That they were not deservinof 
 even of the suspicion of being disloyal subjects, is proved 
 by their signal forbearance, which has preserved the 
 empire from the calamitous consequences of such flagi- 
 tious misgovernment ; and that, on the contrary, they 
 fully merited the confidence and protection of the 
 legislature, no fair and candid mind can deny, when it 
 gives to their conduct, in strictly adhering to the 
 stipulations of the Treaty of Limerick, and to their 
 allegiance to the house of Brunswick, the just value to 
 which it is entitled. • 
 
 Having now reached the utmost point to which the 
 penal statutes extended, which seems to be as far as 
 human invention, quickened by mixed feelings of alarm, 
 of bigotry, and of pride, could go, we should not be 
 excusable on general grounds if wc neglect to record 
 their effects. 
 
 But there is even a nearer interest in this examination. 
 At a period when the state of Ireland so much occupies 
 the attention of the legislature and of the public ; when 
 it is admitted on all sides that the prosperity and 
 security of England herself must rise or fall with the 
 prosperity and security of Ireland, and when the events 
 of each succeeding day prove the absolute necessity of 
 som.e measures to ameliorate her condition, and show that 
 things cannot go on as they are, without the inevitable 
 destruction of the British empire, it will be of great 
 importance to be able to form an accurate opinion upon 
 the effects which were the result of the penal statutes. 
 
 It appears from unquestionable authority that, during 
 the interval that elapsed between the surrender of Lim- 
 erick and the total infraction of the treaty of 1704, by 
 the ** act to prevent the further growth of Popery," the 
 toleration which the Catholics experienced by virtue oi 
 that treaty, produced its natural consequences. The 
 
54G 
 
 Pciial Laws 
 
 security they enjoyed restored industry, and plentv of 
 all things; useful arts were introduced: the land was 
 cultivated, and a fine island, reduced to a desert by the 
 late war, soon assumed a new face. In fact Ireland was 
 never happier than during this interval of religious tolera- 
 tion.* Of the effects of the penal laws, in entirely revers- 
 ing the order of things. Lord Taffe, in his valuable tract 
 on Irish affairs, gives the following description : " Those 
 penalties and niterdicts (by the laws of Anne) had their 
 natural effects in the dispeopling greatly the three fine 
 provinces wherein the bulk of Catholics reside. They 
 took their effect in putting a^stop to the cultivation began 
 in Kins: William's reiscn. No sooner were the Catholics 
 excluded from durable and profitable tenures, than they 
 commenced graziers, and laid aside agriculture; they 
 ceased from draininsr and enclosing- their farms and build- 
 ing good houses, as occupations unsuited to the new part 
 assigned them in our national economy. They fell to 
 wasting the lands they were virtually forbid to cultivate, 
 the business of pasturage being compatible with such a 
 conduct, and requiring, also, little industry and less labor 
 in the manaorement." 
 
 In the year 1723 the wretchedness of the people of 
 Ireland was so great, that the Duke of Grafton, in a 
 speech from the throne, recommended parliament to 
 take measures for reheving them. The' distress, how- 
 ever, continued ; and in a petition presented to the House 
 of Commons, in the same year, by the woollen manu- 
 facturers, they say that the woollen manufacture of 
 this kingdom, which is confined to our own consumption, 
 has of late been so considerably lessened that several 
 thousand families have been forced to besT alms and char- 
 ity of good Christians, and that a collection had lately 
 
 been made throughout the whole city to relieve them/'f 
 
 . . — ■ 1 . 
 
 • "Observations on the affairs of Ireland," by Lord Taffe, p. 4. 
 \ " Com. Jour.," vol. iii, p. 24. 
 
In the Reign of George III, 547 
 
 Primate Boulter, in a letter of the 25th of March, 1732, 
 to the Duke of Newcastle, bears testimony to this 
 wretched state of Ireland. He says: Since I came here 
 in the year 1725, there was almost a famine amongst the 
 poor; last year the dearness of corn was such, that thou- 
 sands of families quitted their habitations to seek bread 
 elsewhere, and many hundreds perished."^ 
 
 Again, on the 23d of November, 1728, he says, in 
 writing- to the duke:*'l am sorry I am obliged to give 
 your grace so melancholy an account of the state of the 
 kingdom as I shall in this letter.' 
 
 But one of the most pernicious effects of these penal 
 laws was the emigration of the principal Catholic fami- 
 lies to the continent. They carried with them what 
 would otherwise have been the materials of the civili- 
 zation, tranquillity and prosperity of their own country ; 
 they left the mass of the Catholic population without 
 the influence of men of education and property to direct 
 and control their conduct; and in the place of serving 
 their own native land, they filled, with the highest credit 
 to themselves, the situation of statesmen and generals 
 in those nations which were hostile to the interests of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Of the visible effect these laws had produced in their 
 avowed objects of propagating the Protestant religion, 
 and promoting the national prosperity, it is impossible to 
 give a more able or a more accurate description than 
 the following, by Mr. Arthur Young, who was in Ire- 
 land at the period we now treat of : + 
 
 " While property lay exposed to the practices of power, 
 the great body of the people, who had been stripped of 
 their all, were more enraged than converted ; they 
 adhered to the persuasion of their forefathers, with the 
 steadiest and most determined zeal, while the priests, 
 actuated by the spirit of a thousand inducements, made 
 
 • Letters, p. 226. 
 
 t 1778. 
 
PtJial Laws 
 
 pn:)selytes among the common Protestants, in defiance of 
 every danger. And the great, glaring fact yet remains, 
 and is even admitted by the warmest advocates for the 
 laws of discovery, that the established religion has not 
 gained upon the Catholic in point of numbers ; on the 
 contrary, that the latter has been rather on the increase. 
 Public lists have been returned from the several dio- 
 ceses which confirm this fact, and the intelligence I re- 
 ceived on my journey spoke the same language. 
 
 As it is the great body of the common people that 
 form the strength of a country Avhen willing subjects, 
 and its weakness when ill-affected, this fact is a decision 
 of the question : after seventy years' undisturbed oper- 
 ation, the system adopted in Queen Anne's reign has 
 failed in this great aim, and meets at this day with a more 
 numerous and equailjr determined body of Catholics 
 than it had to oppose when first promulgated. Has not 
 the experience of every age and every nation proved 
 that the effect is invariable and universal ? 
 
 " Let a religion be what it may, and under whatever 
 circumstances, no system of persecution ever yet had 
 any other effect than to confirm its professors in their 
 tenets, and spread their doctrines, instead of restraining 
 them. The great plea of the Roman Catholic priests, 
 and their merit with their congregations, are the dan- 
 gers they hazard and the persecutions they suffer for the 
 sake of their faith, — arguments that have and ever will 
 have w^eight, while human nature continues formed of 
 its present materials. 
 
 " But if these exertions of a succession of ignorant legis- 
 lators have failed continually in propagating the religion 
 of government, much more have they failed in the great 
 object of natural prosperity. The only considerable 
 manufacture in Ireland, which carries in all parts the 
 ippearance of industry, is the linen ; and it ought never 
 to be forgotten that this is solelv confined to the Protcs- 
 
In tJu Reign of George III. 
 
 549 
 
 tant parts of the kingdom. The poor Catholics in the 
 south of Ireland spin wool generally, but the purchase 
 of their labor, and the whole worsted trade, is in the 
 hands of the Quakers of Clonmel, Carrick, Bandon, etc. 
 The fact is, the professors of that religion are under 
 such discouragements that they cannot engage in any 
 trade which requires both industry and capital. If they 
 succeed and make a fortune, what are they to do with 
 it ? They can neither buy land, nor take a. mortgage, nor 
 even fine down the rent of a lease. Where is there a 
 people in the world to be found industrious under such 
 circumstances ? 
 
 " It is no superficial view I have taken of this matter 
 in Ireland ; and being at Dublin at the time a very 
 trifling part of these laws was agitated in parliament, I 
 attended the debate, with my mind open to conviction, 
 and an auditor for the mere purpose of information. I 
 have conversed on the subject with most distinguished 
 characters of the kingdom, and I cannot, after all, but de- 
 clare that the scope, purport, and aim of the laws of dis- 
 covery, as executed, are not against the Catholic religion, 
 which increases under them, but against the industry and 
 property of whosoever professes that religion. 
 
 " In vain has it been said that consequence and power 
 follow poverty, and that the attack is made in order to 
 wound the doctrine through its property. If such was 
 the intention, I reply, that seventy years' experience 
 proves the folly and futility of it. Those laws have 
 crushed all the industry and wrested most of the prop- 
 erty from the Catholics, but the religion triumphs: it 
 ' is thought to increase. Those who have handed about 
 calculations to prove a decrease, admit, on the face of 
 them, that it will require four thousand years to make 
 converts of the whole, supposing the work to go on 
 ill future as it has in the past time. But the whole pre- 
 tence is an affront to common-sense, for it implies that 
 
550 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 you will lessen a religion by persecuting it. All history 
 and experience condemn such a proposition. 
 
 '* The system pursued in Ireland has had no other 
 tendency but that of driving out of the kingdom all the 
 personal wealth of -the Catholics, and prohibiting their 
 industry within it. The face of the country, — every object, 
 in short, which presents itself to the eye of a traveller, 
 tells him how efifectually this has been done. 1 urge it, 
 not as an argument — the whole kingdom speaks it as a fact. 
 We have seen that this conduct has not converted the 
 people to the religion of government, and instead of 
 adding to the internal security, it has endangered it. 
 If, therefore, it does not add to the national prosperity, 
 for what purpose but that of private tyranny could it 
 have been embraced and persisted in? Mistaken ideas of 
 • private interest account for the actions of individuals; 
 but what could have influenced the British government 
 to permit a system which must inevitably prevent the 
 island from even becoming of the importance which nature 
 intended?"* 
 
 Of the state of the agriculture of Ireland at this period 
 a tolerably accurate idea may be formed from the words 
 of the same author : ** I have reason to believe that five 
 pounds sterling per English acre, expended all over 
 Ireland, which amounts to ;^S8,34i,i36, would not more 
 than build, fence, plant, drain and improve that country, 
 to be upon a par, in those respects, with England." f 
 ^ The prices also of the produce of land afford proof 
 of. the general poverty of the kingdom. In 1778 butter 
 sold for 5jd. per lb., mutton 23d., beef 2id.. pork 2jd., 
 veal 3jd., a fat turkey for lofd., a goose for S^d., and 
 a chicken for 2^d.t 
 
 From these several authorities upon the state of Ireland 
 m 1778, much information may be collected concernmg 
 
 • "Young's Tour," vol. ii, p. 135. English Ed. 
 
 t Il»., A pp. I lb-, 
 
/;/ the Reign of George IIL 551 
 
 the causes of many of those peculiar circumstances which, 
 at this day, belong to that country. If it be asked why 
 the people of Ireland are so illiterate, the answer that 
 presents itself is : Look to the penal laws that deprived 
 them, till a late period, of education. If it be asked, why 
 they are poor, the same answer must be given : Look to 
 the penal laws. If it be asked why the lower orders eat 
 vegetables onl}^ and live in hovels, still the same answer : 
 Look to the penal laws. If it be asked why there is no 
 class of yeomanry in Ireland like that in England, the 
 answer is : Because the penal laws prohibited industry, 
 and prevented the small land-owner from acquiring 
 either property or consequence in the one country, as he 
 might do in the other. If it be asked why the people 
 are discontented, and dislike England, this answer alone 
 can be given : Because from England they received 
 this penal code, under which they have endured, for 
 above a century, every species of calamity, contrary to 
 the positive stipulations of a sacred and solemn treaty. 
 
 It w^as in the year 1774 that the Irish legislature passed 
 the first act toward conciliating the Catholics : An act 
 to enable his majesty's subjects, of whatever persuasion, 
 to testify their allegiance to him,""*^ which is as follows : — 
 Whereas many of his majesty's subjects in this king- 
 dom are desirous to testify their loyalty and allegiance 
 to his majesty, and their abhorrence of certain doctrines 
 imputed to them, and to remove jealousies which hereby 
 have for a length of time subsisted between them and 
 others of his majesty's loyal subjects ; but upon account of 
 their religious tenets are, by the laws now in being, pre- 
 vented from giving public assurances of such allegiance, 
 and of their real principles, and good-wnll and affection 
 toward their fellow-subjects : in order, therefore, to give 
 such persons an opportunity of testifying their allegiance 
 to his majesty, and good-will toward the present const itu- 
 
 * 13 and 14 George III, c. 35. 
 
552 Penal Laws 
 
 tioii of this kingdom, and to promote peace and industry 
 amongst the inhabitants thereof, be it enacted by the 
 king's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal and 
 commons, in this present p.irHament assembled, and by 
 the authority of the same, that, from and after the 
 first day of June, 1774, it shall and may be lawful for 
 any person professing the Popish religion to go before 
 the judges of his majesty's Court of King's Bench, any 
 justice of the peace for the county in which he does or 
 shall reside, or before any magistrate of any city or town 
 corporate wherein he does or shall reside, and there take 
 and subscribe the oath of allegiance and declaration here- 
 inafter mentioned, which oath and declaration such judges 
 of the King's Bench, justices of the peace and mag*i«^trates, 
 are hereby enabled and required to administer :- 
 
 " ' I, A. B., do take Almighty God and His only Son, 
 Jesus Christ, my Redeemer, to witness that I will be 
 faithful and bear true allegiance to our most gracious 
 sovereign lord, King George III, and him will defend 
 to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and 
 attempts whatever, that shall be made against his 
 person, crown and dignity; and I will do. my utmost 
 endeavor to disclose and make known to his majesty and 
 his heirs all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which 
 may be formed against him or them ; and I do faithfully 
 promise to maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost 
 of my power, the succession of the crown in his majesty's 
 family against any person or persons whatsoever, here- 
 by utter.y renouncing and abjuring any obedience or 
 allegiance unto the person taking upon himself the style 
 and title of Prince of Wales, in the lifetime of his father, 
 and who, since his death, is said to have assumed the 
 style and title of King of G''eat Britain and Ireland by 
 the name of Charles III, and to any other person claiming 
 01 pretending a right to the crown of these realms ; and 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 553 
 
 1 do swear that I do reject and detest as unchristian 
 and impious to believe that it is lawful to murder or de- 
 stroy any person or persons whatsoever, for or under 
 pretence of their being heretics, and also that unchris- 
 tian and impious principle, that no faith is to be kept with 
 heretics. I further declare that it is no article of my 
 faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure, the 
 opinion that princes excommunicated by the pope and 
 council, or by any authority of the See of Rome, or by 
 any authority whatsoever, may be deposed and murdered 
 by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever ; and I 
 do promise that I will not hold, maintain, or abet any 
 such opinion, or any other opinion contrary to what is 
 expressed in this declaration ; and I do declare that I do 
 not believe that the Pope of Rome, or an}^ other foreign 
 prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have 
 any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or 
 preeminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm; 
 and I do solemnly, in the presence of God, and His only 
 Son, Jesus Christ, my Redeemer, profess, testify, and 
 declare that I do make this declaration, and every part 
 thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words of 
 this oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental 
 reservation whatsoever, and without any dispensation 
 already granted by the pope, or any authority of the 
 See of Rome, or any person whatever, and without 
 thinking that I am or can be acquitted before God or 
 man, or absolved of this declaration, or any part thereof, 
 although the pope, or any other person or persons, 
 or authority whatsoever, shall dispense with or annul 
 the same, or declare that it was null and void from the 
 beginning. So help me God.' 
 
 '* And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the 
 officers of the Court of King's Bench, justices of peace 
 and magistrates of the cities and towns corporate, shall 
 yearly, within twenty-one days after the istof December, 
 
554 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 return lo the clerk of ihe Privy Council of tLis kingdom, 
 u\- his deputy, a true and perfect list, under his or their 
 liand, of every such Papist as shall, in the course of the 
 preceding year, have taken and subscribed such oath, in 
 which list the quaUty, condition, title, and place of such 
 Papist shall be specified." 
 
 About the ^ame time, fearing that their grievances were 
 not known to his majesty, the Catholics prepared a 
 petition, which was presented to Lord Buckinghamshire 
 by Lord Fingal, Mr. Preston, and Mr. Dermot, in order 
 that it might be transmitted by him to the king: — 
 
 " To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, the 
 
 HUMBLE address AND PETITION OF THE ROMAN 
 
 Catholics of Ireland : 
 " Most Gracious Sovereign : — 
 
 We, your majesty's most dutiful subjects, the Roman 
 Catholics of your kingdom of Ireland, with hearts full 
 of loyalt}', but overwhelmed with affliction, and de- 
 pressed by our calamitous and ruined circumstances, beg 
 leave to lay at your majesty's feet some small part of 
 those numerous and insupportable grievances under 
 which we have long groaned, not only without anv act 
 of disobedience, but even without murmur or complaint, 
 in hopes that our inviolable submission and unaltered 
 patience under those severe pressures would fully con- 
 fute the accusation of seditious principles, with which we 
 have been unfortunately and unjustly charged. 
 
 " We are deeply sensible of your majesty's clemency in 
 moderating the rigorous execution of some of the laws 
 against us, but we humbly beg leave to represent that 
 several, and those the most severe and distressing of 
 those laws, execute themselves with the most fatal 
 certainty, and that your majesty's clemency cannot, in 
 the smallest degree, interpose for their mitigation ; other- 
 wise your Roman Catholic subjects would most cheer 
 
J/f the Reign of George III. 
 
 fuli_y acquiesce in that resource, and rest with an absolute 
 and unbounded assurance on your majesty's princely 
 generosity, and your pious regard to the rights of pri\ ate 
 conscience. 
 
 " We are, may it please your majesty, a numerous and 
 very industrious part of your majesty's subjects ; and yet 
 by no industry, by no honest endeavors on our part, is it 
 in our power to acquire or to hold almost any secure or 
 permanent property whatsoever. We are not only dis- 
 qualified to purchase, but are disabled from occupying any 
 land, even in farm, except on a tenure extremely scanted 
 both in profit and in time; and if we should venture tSo 
 expend anything on the melioration of land thus held, by 
 building, by enclosure, by draining, or b}^ any other species 
 of improvement so very necessary in this countr}', so far 
 would our services be from bettering our fortunes, that 
 these are precisely the very circumstances which, as the 
 law stands, must necessarily disqualify us from continuing 
 those farms for any time in our possession. 
 
 " Whilst the endeavors of our industry are thus dis- 
 couraged, — no less, we humbly apprehend, to the detri- 
 ment of the national prosperity, and the diminution of your 
 majesty's revenue, and to our particular ruin, — there are 
 a set of men who, instead of exercising any honest 
 occupation in the commonwealth, make it their employ- 
 ment to pry into our miserable poverty, to drag us into 
 the courts, and to compel us to confess, on our oaths, 
 and under the penalties of perjury, whether we have, in 
 any instance, acquired a property in the smallest degree 
 exceeding what the rigor of the law has admitted ; and 
 in such cases the informers, without anv other merit than 
 that of their discovery, are invested, to the daily ruin of 
 several innocent, industrious families, not only with the 
 surplus in which the law is exceeded, but in the whole 
 body of the estate and interest so discovered ; and it is 
 our grief that this evil is likely to continue and increase. 
 
556 Penal Laws 
 
 as informers have, in this country, almost worn off the 
 infamy which, in all ages and in all other countries, has 
 attended their character, and have grown into some 
 rejmte by the frequency and success of their practices. 
 
 '*And this, most gracious sovereign, though extremely 
 grievous, is far from being the only or most oppressive 
 particular in which our distress is connected with the 
 breach of the rules of honor and morality. By the 
 laws now in force in this kingdom, a son, however un- 
 dutiful or profligate, shall, merely by the merit of con- 
 forming to the established religion, not only deprive the 
 Roman Catholic father of that free and full possession of 
 his estate, that power to mortgage or otherwise dis- 
 pose of it which the exigencies of his affairs may require, 
 but shall himself have full liberty immediately to mort- 
 gage or otherwise alienate the reversion of that estate 
 from his family forever: a regulation by which a father, 
 contrary to the order of nature, is put under the power 
 of his son, and through which an early dissoluteness is 
 not only suffered, but encouraged, by giving a pernicious 
 privilege, the frequent use of which has broken the hearts 
 of many deserving parents, and entailed poverty and de- 
 spair on some of the most ancient and opulent families in 
 this kingdom. 
 
 Even when the parent has the good fortune to escape 
 this calamity in his lifetime, yet he has, at his death, the 
 melancholy and almbst certain prospect of leaving neither 
 peace nor fortune to his children ; for, by that law, which 
 bestows the whole fortune on the first conformist, or, 
 on non-conformity, disperses it among the children, in- 
 curable jealousies and animosities have arisen, a total 
 extinction of principle and of a natural benevolence has 
 ensued, whilst we are obliged to consider our own off- 
 spring and the brothers of our own blood as our most 
 dangerous enemies; the blessing of Providence on our 
 families, in a numerous issue, is converted into the most 
 
4 
 
 In the Reign of George III, ^57 
 
 certain means of their ruin and depravation; we are, 
 most gracious sovereign, permitted neither to enjoy the 
 few broken remains of our oatrimonial inheritance, nor 
 
 A. 
 
 by our industry to acquire any secure establishment to 
 our famiHes. 
 
 In this deplorable situation let it not be considered, 
 we earnestly beseech your majesty, as an instance of 
 presumption or discontent, that we thus adventure to lay 
 open to your majesty's mercy a very small part of our 
 uncommon sufferings: what we have concealed under a 
 respectful silence would form a far longer and full as 
 melancholy a recital. We speak with reluctance, though 
 we feel with anguish ; v\^e respect from the bottom of our 
 hearts that legislation under which we suffer, but we 
 himibly conceive it is impossible to procure redress with- 
 out complaint, or to make a complaint that by some 
 construction may not appear to convey blame. And noth- 
 ing, we assure your majesty, should have extorted from us 
 even these complaints but the strong necessity v.^e find 
 ourselves under, of employing every lawful, humble en 
 deavor, lest the whole purpose of our lives and labors 
 should prove only the means of confirming to ourselves, 
 and entailing on our posterity, inevitable beggary and the 
 most abject servitude, — a servitude the more intolerable 
 as it is suffered amidst that liberty, that peace, and that 
 security, which, under your majesty's benign influence, 
 is spread all around us, and which -we alone, of all your 
 majesty's subjects, are rendered incapable of partaking. 
 
 " In all humihty we implore that our principles mav 
 not be estimated bv the inflamed charcre of controversial 
 writers, nor our practices measured by the events of 
 those troubled periods when parties have run high 
 (though these have been often misrepresented, and always 
 cruelly exaggerated to our prejudice), Lvit that we may 
 be judged by our own actions, and in c ir own t'nics. 
 And we humbl}^ offer it to your most ec^r.itablc and 
 
558 
 
 Penal Laivs 
 
 princely consideration, that we do not rest the proof of 
 our sincerity on words, but on things: on our dutiful, 
 peaceable, submissive behavior for more than fourscore 
 years ; and though it will be considered as too severe to 
 form any opinion of great bodies by the practice of 
 indiviuals, yet if, in all that time^ amongst all our people^ 
 in the daily increase of severe laws against us^ one treasonable 
 insurrection, or one treasonable conspiracy can be proved, if, 
 amongst our clcrgy^one seditious sermoji can be shown to have 
 been preached, we will readily admit that there is good 
 reason for continuing the present laws in all their force 
 against us. But if, on the contrary (we speak in full 
 confidence), it can be shown that our clergy have ever 
 exerted their utmost endeavors to enforce submission to 
 your majesty's government, and obedience to your laws ; 
 if it can be shown that these endeavors have always 
 been most strenuous in times of public danger, or when 
 any accident tended to create a ferment amongst the 
 people ; if our laity have frequently offered (what we are 
 always ready to fulfil) to hazard their lives and fortunes 
 for your majesty's service ; if we have willingly bound 
 up the fruits of our discouraged industry with the for- 
 tunes of your majesty's government in the public loans, 
 then we humbly hope we may be admitted to a small 
 portion of merc}^ and that that behavior, which your 
 majesty's benignity and condescension will esteem a merit 
 in our circumstances, may entitle us, not to reward, but 
 to such toleration as may enable us to become useful 
 citizens to our country, and subjects as profitable as we 
 are loyal to your majesty. 
 
 •* Permit us, most gracious sovereign, on this occasion 
 to reiterate the assurances of our unshaken loyalty, 
 which all our sufferings have not been able to abate; of 
 our sincere zeal for your majestj^'s service, of our 
 attachment to the constitution of our countrv, and of our 
 warmest gratitude for your majesty's continual indul- 
 
Ill the Rcign of George II L 
 
 5C9 
 
 gcnce, and for the late instance of favor we have experi- 
 enced from parliament, in enabling us, consistent with 
 our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our sentiments 
 upon these points. And we humbly hope that the 
 alacrity and eagerness with which we have seized *his 
 first, though long-wished-for opportunity of testifying in 
 the most solemn and public manner our inviolable 
 fidelity to your majesty, our real principles, and our good- 
 will and affection toward our fellow-subjects, will 
 extinguish all jealousies, and remove those imputations 
 which alone have hitherto held us forth in the light of 
 enemies to your majesty and to the state. And if any- 
 thing further can be suggested or devised, whereby we 
 can, by our actions, more fully evince our sincerity, we 
 shall consider such an opportunity of demonstrating 
 our real loyalty as a high favor, and shall be deficient 
 in no act whatever which does not amount to a renun- 
 ciation of that religious profession which we value more 
 than our lives, and which it cannot be suspected we hold 
 from obstinacy or a contempt of the laws, since it has 
 been taken up by ourselves, but has, from time imme- 
 morial, been handed down to us from our ancestors. 
 
 " We derive no small consolation, most gracious sover 
 eisrn, from considerinof that the most severe and ri^for- 
 ous of the iavV^s against us had been enacted before the 
 accession of your majesty's most illustrious house to 
 the throne of these kingdoms ; we, therefore, indulge the 
 more sanguine hopes that the mitigation of them, and 
 the establishment of peace, industry, and universal hap- 
 piness amongst all your loyal subjects, may be one of 
 the blessings of your majesty's reign. 
 
 " And though we might plead in favor of such relaxa- 
 tion, the express words of a solemn treaty, entered into 
 with us by your majesty's royal predecessor, King Wil- 
 liam (which has been forfeited bv no disobedience on our 
 part), yet we neither wish nor desire to receive anything 
 
560 
 
 Penal Laivs 
 
 but as a mere act of jour majesty's clemency, and of the 
 indulgence and equity of your parliament. 
 
 **That this act of truly loyal beneficence and justice may 
 De added to the other instances of your majesty's august 
 virtue^, and that the deliverance of a faithful and dis- 
 tressed people may be one of those distinguishing acts of 
 your reign, which shall transmit its memory to the love, 
 gratitude and veneration of your latest posterit}', is the 
 humble prayer of," * etc., etc. 
 
 In the year 1778,! an act was passed for the relief of 
 his majesty's subjects of this kingdom professing the 
 Popish religion," the preamble of which contains a con- 
 firmation of everything that has been already advanced 
 concerning the lo3^alty of the Catholics, and a declara- 
 tion oil the part of the king and parliament res[Tecting 
 the policy of admitting the Catholics into a. full partici- 
 pation of the blessings of the constitution, which is a 
 complete recognition of their right to enjoy them. It 
 states : " And whereas, from their uniform peaceable 
 behavior for a long series of years, it appears reasonable 
 and expedient to relax the same [the laws of Anne], and 
 it must tend not only to the cultivation and improvement 
 of this kingdom, but to the prosperity and strength of all 
 his majesty's dominions, that his subjects of all denomina- 
 tions should enjoy the blessings of a free constitution, 
 and should be bound to each other by mutual interest 
 and mutual affection," etc. 
 
 By this act, Papists, provided they take the oa.th and 
 declaration of 13 and 14 George III, c. 35, are admitted 
 to the following privileges : — 
 
 They may take land on leases not exceeding nine hun- 
 dred and ninety-nine years, or determinable upon any 
 number of lives not exceeding five. 
 
 * This petition is from the pen of Mr. Burke, 
 t 17 and 18 George III, c. 49. 
 
In the Reign of George III, 5G1 
 
 The lands of Papists are to be descendible, devisable, 
 and transferable, as fully as if the same were in the 
 seizure of any other of his majesty's subjects. 
 
 Papists are rendered capable to hold and enjoy all 
 estates which may descend, be devised or transferred to 
 them. 
 
 No maintenance is to be hereafter granted to a con- 
 forming child of a Papist out of the personal property 
 of such Papist, except out of such leases as may be 
 taken under this act. 
 
 And the conformity of the eldest son is not to alter, 
 hereafter, the Popish parent's estate. 
 
 In the year 1782 another act was passed " for the 
 further relief of his majesty's subjects of this kingdom 
 professing the Popish religion."* 
 
 The preamble of this act : " Whereas all such of his 
 majesty's subjects in this kingdom, of whatever .per- 
 suasion, as have heretofore taken and subscribed, or shall 
 hereafter take and subscribe, the oath of allegiance and 
 declaration prescribed by an act passed in the thirteenth 
 and fourteenth years of his present majesty's reign, entitled 
 * An act to enable his majesty's subjects, of whatever per- 
 suasion, to testify their allegiance to him,' ought to be 
 considered as good and loyal subjects to his majesty, 
 his crown and government: and whereas a continuance 
 of several of the laws formerly enacted, and still in force 
 in this kingdom, against persons professing the Popish 
 religion, is therefore unnecessary in respect to those 
 who have taken or shall take the said oath, and is in- 
 jurious to the real wealth and prosperity of Ireland, 
 therefore," etc. 
 
 By this act. Catholics, provided they take this oath, 
 may purchase or take lands, or any interest therein, ex- 
 cept ad vowsons or boroughs, returning members of parlia- 
 ment, and dispose of the same by will or otherwise ; and 
 
 * 21 and 22 George III, c 24. 
 
Penal Laws 
 
 Popish ecclesiastics, on the same condition, and regis- 
 tering their names and abode with the register of the 
 diocese, are discharged from all penalties. 
 
 This act repeals so much of 8 Anne as subjects a 
 Papist to fine and imprisonment on his refusal to testify 
 on oath, before two justices of the peace, when and where 
 he heard the Popish Mass celebrated, and the name of the 
 person celebrating it; and so much of 7 William III, c. 
 5, as subjects any Papist, who shall have in his possession 
 any horse of the value of £^ or more, to the penalties 
 therein mentioned ; and so much of 8 Anne as enables 
 the lord-lieutenant to seize any horse belonging to a 
 Papist, upon a prospect of invasion or rebellion. It also 
 repeals so much of 9 George II, c. 6, as enables grand 
 juries to reimburse such persons as have been robbed by 
 privateers in time of war for their losses, and to levy 
 the same on the goods of Papists only ; and so much of 
 6 George I, c. 10, as subjects Papists who shall not 
 provide a Protestant watchman to watch in their turn, to 
 certain penalties ; and so much of 2 Anne, c. 6, as sub- 
 jects Papists who took any house, or came to dwell in 
 Limerick after the year 1703, or within the town of 
 Galwa}^ to certain penalties. 
 
 In the same year was likewise passed an act to allow 
 persons professing the Popish religion to teach school 
 in this kingdom, and for regulating the education of 
 Papists, and also to repeal parts of certain laws relative 
 to the guardianship of their children.* 
 
 The preamble states : "Whereas several of the laws 
 made in this kingdom relative to the education of 
 Papists, or persons professing the Popish religion, are 
 considered as too severe, and have not answered the 
 desired effect." 
 
 This act repeals so much of 7 William III, c. 4, and 
 of 8 Anne, c. 3, as subjects Catholics who shall publicly 
 
 • 21 and 22 George HI, c. 62. 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 563 
 
 teach school, or privately instruct youths, to the like 
 penalties as any Popish regular convict, provided they 
 take the oaths of 13 and 14 George III, c. 35 ; and it 
 enables Catholics, except ecclesiastics, to be guardians. 
 
 Of the numerous individuals who at this time distin- 
 guished themselves for their exertions in favor of Cath- 
 olics, there was no one to whom they were under greater 
 obligations than to the late Mr. Burke. He wrote for 
 them the petition which was presented to the king in 
 1774. In the English House of Commons, in 1778, he was 
 the first to declare the necessity of concessions being 
 made to them. He said that ''Ireland was now the 
 chief dependence of the British crown, and it particu- 
 larl}^ behoved that country to admit the Irish nation 
 to the privileges of British citizens * and in the year 
 1782 he wrote his celebrated letter to Lord Kenmare, 
 in which he so ably exposed the folly, injustice, and 
 tyranny of the penal laws. 
 
 It certainly is a fact of no small importance in favor of 
 the wisdom of unlimited concession to the Catholics, that 
 this great statesman, the advocate of existing establish- 
 ments, and who was the first and most formidable 
 opponent to the progress of the Jacobinical principles of 
 France, should have advised it, and incessantly forwarded 
 it by his powerful talents and extensive influence. 
 
 But the Catholics were indebted, not only to the 
 labors of their friends, but also to the great revoKition 
 which was going on at that period in America, for the 
 success of the first concessions that were made to them. 
 This soon appeared very evident. An attempt was made 
 by Mr. James Fitzgerald, a few months before the intro- 
 duction of the act of 17 and 18 George III, to obtain 
 for them a power to take leases of lands for sixty-one 
 years: and this attempt failed. But soon afterward, 
 when the intelligence arrived of the defeat of the British 
 
 • 8 Eng. Deb. 9, 185, ist April, 1778. 
 
5C4 
 
 Paial Laws 
 
 forces in America, the same parliament, on the recom- 
 mendation of the government, passed an act for enabUng 
 them to take land on leases for nine hundred and ninety- 
 nine years. 
 
 It was not, however, till the British government were 
 obliged to transport the whole of the British army from 
 Ireland to America, and thus leave it exposed to the in- 
 vasion of France, that the Catholics became of sufficient 
 importance, in the eyes either of their own Protestant 
 countrymen or of the British government, to be attended 
 to and caressed by them. 
 
 The only alternative, then, left for the Protestants to 
 adopt was, either to promote a union of sects in the com- 
 mon defence of the kingdom, or to make up their minds 
 to fall an easy prey to the arms of France. Upon this 
 principle of preservation, by an oblivion of all past ani- 
 mosities, the volunteers were embodied, and composed 
 indiscriminatel}' of Catholics and Protestants. But, in 
 proportion as the danger of invasion diminished, they 
 natarally turned their attention to the grievances that 
 both sects experienced at the hands of the British govern- 
 ment, and soon became an armed association for the 
 attainment of political rights. 
 
 In this appeal to arms, in open resistance to the power 
 of Great Britain, for the purpose of compelling her to 
 grant to Ireland the independence of her legislature, 
 and a reform of her parliament, the Protestants took 
 the lead. But the contention between them and the 
 British government was not one of arms, because Great 
 
 * "In the year T782, when the treasury had no supply, but was, in fact, bank- 
 rupt, when a French fleet appeared off Cork, when the army was only 4,000 
 men, and unprovided, it was evidently owing to the wealth of the Roman 
 Catholics that the country was put into a posture of defence, and saved from 
 the invasion of the enemy; whereas, had they been disposed to be disloyal 
 upon that occasion, and to have made use of that power which they actually 
 possessed, they might have completely separated Ireland from the government 
 of this country. " — Speech of Lord Buckinc^ham, June 22, 1808. 
 
In the Reij^n of George III, 
 
 Brilaiii had no troops with which to dispute with the 
 Volunteers, but one of pohtical manoeuvring. It was 
 plain that, to whichever party the Cathohcs attach/jd 
 themselves, victory would belong. The government, 
 therefore, in order to secure them, passed the acts of 
 1778 and 1782, while the Protestants, on the other hand, 
 endeavored to conciliate them by public resolutions and 
 declarations in favor of their complete emancipation. 
 
 The Dungannon Convention, which met in February, 
 1782, and was composed of the representatives of one 
 hundred and forty-three Protestant corps of volunteers, 
 resolved, with two dissenting voices only : That they 
 held the right of private judgment, in matters of religion, 
 to be equally sacred in others as themselves; therefore, 
 that, as Christians and Protestants, they were rejoiced in 
 the relaxation of the penal laws against their Roman 
 Catholic fellow-subjects, and that they conceived the 
 measure to be fraught with the happiest consequences to 
 the union and prosperity of Ireland." 
 
 These liberal declarations on the part of this meeting 
 and the general tenor of the conduct of the Protestants 
 throughout Ireland toward the Catholics, secured their 
 cordial concurrence; and the British government were 
 at length reluctantly obliged to concede the favorite 
 object of an independent Irish legislature. 
 
 The Protestants now proceeded to attempt to carry 
 their other great object, a parliamentary reform ; and after 
 the sense of the kingdom had been expressed, at various 
 public meetings, to be decidedly in favor of it, they deter- 
 mined to hold a convention in Dublin for the purpose of 
 impressing upon government and parliament the neces- 
 sity of acceding to their demands. In the meantime a 
 division of opinion had manifested itself ampng some 
 of the Northern corps of volunteers on the Catholic 
 question, and Lord Charlemont and other persons had 
 declared themselves hostile to further concessions. This 
 
5G6 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 circumstance affjrdei the government an easy oppor- 
 tunity of defeating the object of the convention. They 
 contrived to have a motion made for connecting the 
 emancipation of the Catholics with the question of par- 
 liamentary reform ; and upon its being rejected by the 
 convention, knowing that its power was not to be 
 dreaded, if unsupported by the Catholic population, they 
 despised its threats, and by a manly opposition to their 
 demands, they secured their dispersion without tumult, 
 and certainly without the regret of the advocates of 
 such a reform in parliament as the general circumstances 
 of the countr}' absolutely required. 
 
 From this period to the year 1790 the Catholic ques- 
 tion was not once agitated, either by the Catholics or by 
 parliament. In this year the attorney-general brought 
 in a bill to explain and amend the act of 22 George 111, 
 c'. 62. 
 
 The intention of this act was to give to Catholics the 
 power of appointing guardians to their children; but it 
 was so carelessly drawn that, upon consulting it in the 
 case of the will of the late Lord Gormanstown, by which 
 he had appointed guardians to his son, it was discovered 
 that they were not competent to act. The present bill 
 was therefore introduced to remedy this defect. 
 
 A circumstance which took place this summer shows 
 that this act of common justice was not in any degree 
 the result of an inclination on the part of the govern- 
 ment to treat the Catholics with more than customary 
 liberality. Lord Westmoreland, then lord-lieutenant, 
 had visited the south ot Ireland, and, on his arrival at 
 Cork, it was intimated to the Catholics there that an 
 expression of their loyalty would be acceptable. Accord- 
 ingly an address of that nature was prepared, which, 
 however, concluded with a hope that their loyalty would 
 entitle them to some relaxation of the penal code. 
 Before its being formally presented, it was submitted to 
 
/;/ the Reign of George III. 
 
 his excelleiic\% and was returned to them to strike out 
 the clause which expressed hope. With a feeling rather 
 natural to men not perfectly broken down by oppression, 
 they refused to strike it out, and declined presenting the 
 address. 
 
 A century of pains and penalties had now elapsed, in 
 which period the most severe and minute investigation 
 had not been able to ascribe to the Catholics one instance 
 of disloyalty, when they at length determined to make 
 a vigorous exertion to obtain a restoration of their con- 
 stitutional rights. In the course of the year 1790, violent 
 resolutions had been entered into by the magistrates of 
 the county of Armagh against them. Those of Dublin, 
 and of the other principal cities and towns of Ireland, 
 were, in consequence, roused to adopt resolutions on their 
 part, expressive of the necessity of petitioning parlia- 
 ment. These had been transmitted to the general com- 
 mittee of Catholics, who, thereupon, held a meeting to 
 consider them, on the nth February, 1791. Th(? general 
 committee referred these resolutions to a sub-committee, 
 who made upon them the following report : — 
 
 '* Your committee having, in obedience to your direc- 
 tions, carefully perused the resolutions of the Catholics 
 of Ireland, report that said resolutions contain the most 
 unequivocal sentiments of loyalty to our most gracious 
 sovereign, George III, of love for our country, and 
 obedience to its laws, and the most humble hope of 
 being restored to some participation of its excellent 
 constitution. 
 
 " That your Catholic brethren refer, with confidence, 
 to the numberless proofs they have given of fidelity, in 
 times most perilous, when rebellion raged in the bosom 
 of Britain, and when foreign invasion threatened our 
 coast, and to that alacrity with which all descriptions of 
 our people took the oath of allegiance ; and they rely on 
 the fact that their scrupulous observance of such peered 
 
568 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 obligation will nowhere be doubted, when it is considered 
 that, if they took those oaths required by law, they would 
 thereby become entitled to all the rights of citizens. 
 
 That with all humility they confide in the justice, 
 liberality and wisdom of parliament, and the benignity 
 of our most gracious sovereign, to relieve them from their 
 degraded situation, and no longer to suffer them to con- 
 tinue like strangers in their native land, but thus have 
 the glory of showing all Europe that, in the plenitude 
 of power, strength, and riches of the British empire, 
 when nothing they grant can be imputed to any motives 
 but those of justice and toleration, — that at such a period 
 they deign to hear and relieve the oppressed and faith- 
 ful subjects, and to unite them forever to their country 
 by every tie of gratitude and interest ; and that they 
 will show all Europe that humble and peaceful conduct 
 and dutiful application are the only true and effectual 
 methods for good subjects to obtain relief from a wise 
 and good government. 
 
 That our Catholic brethren, therefore, desire that 
 application may be made for such rehef as the wisdom 
 and justice of parliament may grant ; and they hope to 
 be restored at least to some of the rights and privileges 
 which have been wisely granted to others who dissent 
 from the Established Church, that they may be thus 
 enabled to promote, in conjunction with the rest of their 
 fellow-subjects, the present and future happiness and 
 strength of their country. 
 
 " That our said Catholic brethren direct that such 
 application be immediately made and continued in the 
 most submissive and constitutional manner for a mitiga- 
 tion of the restrictions and disqualifications under which 
 they labor." 
 
 The sfeneral committee havinof agfreed with and 
 adopted this report, a petition was prepared, in order to 
 be laid before parliament in the ensuing session. 
 
/;/ the Reign of George III, 
 
 5C9 
 
 With this petition a deputation of the general com- 
 mittee waited upon the chief secretary, Lord Hobart, to 
 solicit the countenance and protection of government: 
 but in vain. This was not only refused them, but the 
 Catholics of Ireland, constituting, at the lowest calcula- 
 tion, a very large majori4:y of the inhabitants of the 
 kingdom, had not' even sufficient influence to induce any 
 one member of parliament to present it. 
 
 A second deputation having failed to obtain even an 
 answer from government to a renewed application for 
 its support, it was determined to send Mr. Keogh to 
 London, to lay before his majesty's ministers the state of 
 his Catholic subjects. 
 
 Mr. Keogh, on his arrival in London, instituted a nego^ 
 tiation 'with Mr. Pitt and the cabinet, at the close of 
 which the Catholics were given to understand that they 
 might hope for four objects : grand juries, county magis- 
 trates, high sheriffs, and the bar. Admission to the right 
 of suffrage was also mentioned and taken under consid- 
 eration. 
 
 The spirit of religious liberty having, at this time, 
 made great progress among the Protestant dissenters in 
 Ulster, the first Belfast volunteer company, in July, 1791, 
 passed a resolution in favor of admitting the Catholics 
 to a full enjoyment of the constitution ; and in October 
 the great Northern Association of United Irishmen'-* 
 pledged themselves " to endeavor, by all due means, to 
 procure a cornplete and radical reform of the people in 
 parhament, including Irishmen of every religious per- 
 suasion." 
 
 In the meantime, whilst Mr. Keogh was in London, the 
 Irish administration had been endeavoring: to counteract 
 the views of the Catholic body, by a negotiation with 
 the principal nobility and gentry belonging to it ; and in 
 
 * It was not till 1 794 that a new society under this name embarked in an 
 attempt to separate Great Britain from Ireland. 
 
570 
 
 Ptiial Laws 
 
 some degree their exertions were successful. For, at a 
 meeting of the general committee, held in December, 
 1791, for the purpose of consideri.ig the policy of petition- 
 ing parliament in the ensuing session, some of the meet- 
 ing wished to adopt a resolution of seeking no removal 
 of the existing disabilities but in such a manner and to 
 such an extent as the wisdom of the legislature deemed 
 expedient. This was resisted by others, and on a division 
 upon the question of petitioning, the nobility were left in 
 a minority of ninety to seventeen. ' 
 
 Pursuant to this decision, the following petition was 
 drawn up, and introduced into the House of Commons 
 by Mr. O'Hara, on the 28th January, 1792 : — 
 
 " We, your petitioners, being appointed, by sundry ot 
 his majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic 
 religion, to be agents for conducting applications to the 
 legislature for their relief, in our own and their names 
 beg leave to approach this high court of parliament 
 with an unfeigned respect for its wisdom and authority, 
 and at the same time with a deep and heartfelt sensation 
 of our singular and deplorable situation. And, first of 
 all, we implore (and for this we throw ourselves on the 
 indulgence of parliament) that no irregularity or defect 
 in form of language should obstruct the success of these 
 our most ardent supplications. The circumstances in 
 which we stand deserve consideration. For near a hun- 
 dred years we, and our fathers and our grandfathers, have 
 groaned under a code of laws (in some parts already 
 purged from the statutes), the like' of which no age, 
 no nation, no climate, ever saw. Yet sore, as it were, 
 from the scourge of active persecution, scarce yet con- 
 firmed in our minds, and but lately secure in our persons 
 and in our houses from the daily alarms of search-war- 
 rants and informers, we come before parliament for the 
 first time, and we come to ask alleviation of burdens under 
 which we can find consolation only in the melancholy 
 
In tJu Reign of George III, 
 
 571 
 
 comparison of former times. In this state of recent, 
 apprehension and troubled, anxious hope, with minds un- 
 adapted to the precise observances of decorum, we rest 
 upon the simple merits of our case. It is a part of our ^ 
 calamities that we do not know how to tell them with 
 propriety ; and if our complaints should deviate into 
 remonstrance, and we should seem to upbraid when we 
 mean to supplicate, we trust a due allowance will be 
 made for expressions extorted by our anguish, or pro 
 ceeding from an inevitable ignorance of form. Excluded 
 from the constitution in all its parts, and, in many 
 respects, aliens to the law, how should we have learned 
 the forms of parliament ? 
 
 "The hardships we suffer proceed from the law ; it is, 
 therefore, only to the fountain of the law that we can look 
 for relief. You are the great council of our sovereign lord 
 the king ; but you are also subjects like ourselves. The 
 bar of majesty, by the law of the land and by the benignity 
 of that sovereign whom it is your glory to imitate, is 
 ever open to the petitions of his people. As far as we are 
 able to discern the great outlines of a constitution which 
 we know only in speculation, we conceive that it is the 
 boast of the constitution of these kingdoms to have asso- 
 ciated a portion of the people into the sovereign power, in 
 order that, not dazzled by the awe of supreme majesty, 
 the subject may find a happy mediatorial institution, an 
 asylum wherein to deposit the burden of his grief, to ex- 
 pose the nakedness of his oppressions, and indulge com- 
 plaint even to exaggeration. There were, indeed, those 
 who would have made us believe that parliament was only 
 to be approached with circumspect and timid steps, at 
 most, in general terms ; and that, wrapped in proud and 
 inexorable slate, you would consider a specification of 
 the wants of the people as an insult, and a reason for not 
 supplying them. • But we knew it could not be ; we knew 
 that no senate, no king no tvrant, had ever professed to 
 
572 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 turn his ear from detailed supplication. The majesty of 
 God Himself is willing to receive and demands the in- 
 cense of particular prayer: and shall we, who speak 
 from man to man, from subject to subject, not dare to 
 specify the measure and extent of our crying necessities? 
 
 " Despising that base and hypocritical affectation, we 
 are sure it is far more congenial to the nature and to 
 the temper of parliament, with a firm and generous con- 
 iidence to say, as we say : Here is the evil, there is the 
 remedy ; to you we look for relief. 
 
 ** Behold us, then, before you, three millions of the 
 people of Ireland, subjects of the same king, inhabitants 
 of the same land, bound together by the same social con- 
 tract, contributing to the same revenues, defended by the 
 same armies, declared by the authentic words of an act of 
 parliament to be good and loyal subjects to his majesty, 
 his crown and government, and yet doomed to one 
 general, unqualified incapacity, and universal exclusion, 
 and universal civil proscription. We are excluded from 
 the state ; we are excluded from the revenues ; we are 
 excluded from ever}^ distinction, every privilege, every 
 office, every emolument, every civil trust, every cor- 
 porate right ; we are excluded from the navy, from the 
 army, from the magistrature, from the professions ; we 
 are excluded from the palladium of life, liberty, and 
 property : the juries and inquests of our country. From 
 what are we not excluded ? We are excluded from the 
 constitution ; we stand a strange anomaly in the law ; 
 not acknowledged, not disavowed, not slaves, not free- 
 men ; an exception to the principles of jurisprudence; a 
 prodigy in the system of civil institution. We incui 
 no small part of the penalties of a general outlawry • 
 and a general excommunication. Disability meets us 
 at every hour, and in every walk of life. It cramps 
 our industry, it shackles our property, it depresses our 
 genius, it debilitates our minds. Why are we disiian 
 
In tJie Reign of George III. 
 
 chised, and why are we degraded? Or rather, why 
 do these evils afflict our country, of which we are no 
 inconsiderable part ? 
 
 ** We most humbly and earnestly supplicate and implore 
 parliament to call this law of universal exclusion to a 
 severe account, and now, at last, to demand of it upon 
 what principle it stands of equity, of morality, of justice, 
 or of policy ; and while we request this scrutiny into 
 the law, we demand, also, the severest scrutiny into our 
 principles, our actions, our words, and our thoughts. 
 Wherein have we failed as loyal and affectionate subjects 
 to the best of sovereigns ; or as sober, peaceable, and 
 useful members of society? Where is that people who 
 can offer the testimony of a hundred years' patient sub- 
 mission to a code of laws of which no man living is now 
 an advocate, without sedition, without murmur, without 
 complaint? Our loyalt}' has undergone a century of 
 severe persecution for the sake of our religion, and we 
 have come out of the ordeal with our religion and with 
 our loyalty. 
 
 " Why, then, are we still left under the ban of our 
 country ? We differ, it is true, from the national church 
 in some points of doctrinal faith. Whether it is our 
 blessing or our misfortune, He only knows to whom all 
 things are known. For this, our rehgion, we offer no 
 apology. After ages of learned and critical discussion, 
 we cannot expect to throw further light upon it. We 
 have only to say that it is founded on revelation, as well 
 as the religion established by law. Both you and we 
 are regenerated in the same baptism, and profess our 
 belief in the same Christ: you, according to the Church 
 of England ; we, according to the Church of Rome. We 
 do not exercise an abject or obscure superstition. If we 
 err, our errors have been, and still are, sanctioned bv 
 the examples of many flourishing, learned, and civilized 
 nations. We do not enter, we disdain to enter, into the 
 
574: Penal Laws 
 
 cavils of antiquated sophistry, and to insult the under- 
 standing of parliament, by supposing it necessary to 
 prove that a religion is not incompatible with civil 
 government which has subsisted for so many hundred 
 years under every possible form of government, in some 
 tolerated, in some established, even to this day. 
 
 " With regard to our civil principles, we are unalter- 
 ably, deeply and zealously attached to his majesty's 
 Derson and government. Good and loyal subjects we 
 are, and we are declared by law to be. 
 
 " With regard to the constitution of the state, we are as 
 much attached to it as it is possible for men to be attached 
 to a constitution by which they are not avowed. With 
 regard to the constitution of the Church, we are, indeed, 
 inviolably attached to our own: first, because we 
 believe it to be true ; and next, because, beyond belief, 
 we know that its principles are calculated to make us 
 good men and good citizens. But, as we find it answers 
 to us, individuall}^ all the* useful ends of religion, wc 
 solemnly and conscientiously declare that we are satisfied 
 with the present condition of our ecclesiastical policy. 
 
 " With satisfaction we acquiesce m the establishment o' 
 the national church ; we neither repine at its possessions, 
 nor envy its dignities. We are ready, upon this point, to 
 give every assurance that is binding upon man. 
 
 With regard to every other subject, and to every 
 other calumny, we have no disavowals, we have no 
 declarations, to make. Conscious of the innocence of 
 our lives, and the purity of our intentions, we are justi- 
 fied in asking what reason of state exists (and we deny 
 that any does exist) for leaving us still in tne bondage 
 of the law, and under the protracted restriction of penal 
 statutes? 
 
 Penalties suppose, if not crimes, at least a cause of 
 reasonable suspicion. Criminal imputations like those 
 (for, to be adequate to the effect, they must be great 
 
In the Reign of George IIL 575 
 
 indeed) aie, to a generous mind, more grievous than 
 the penalties themselves. They incontrovertibly imply 
 that we are considered by the legislature as standing in 
 a doubtful light of fidelity or loyalty to the king or 
 to the constitution of our country, and perhaps both. 
 • While on these unjust suppositions we are deprived of 
 the common rights and privileges of British and Irish 
 subjects, it is impossible for us to say we are contented, 
 while we endure a relentless civil proscription, for which 
 no cause is alleged, and for \vhich no reason can be 
 assigned. 
 
 " Because we now come, with a clear, open and manly 
 voice, to insist upon the grievances under which we 
 still labor, it is not to be inferred that we have forgot 
 the benignant justice of parliament, which has relieved 
 us from the more oppressive, but not the most extensive, 
 part of the penal system. In those da3^s of affliction, 
 when we lay prostrate under the iron rod, and, as it 
 were, entranced in a gulf of persecution, it was necessary 
 for parliament to go the whole way, and to stretch out 
 a saving hand to relieve us. We had not the courage to 
 ook up for hope, to know our condition, or even to 
 conceive a remed}'. It is because the former relaxations 
 were not thrown away upon us ; it is because we 
 begin to feel the influence of somewhat more equal laws, 
 and to revive from our former inanition, that we now 
 presume to stand erect before you. Conceiving that 
 parliament has a right to expect, as a test of our grati- 
 tude, that we should no longer lie a dead weight upon 
 our country, but come forward in our turn to assist, witli 
 our voice, our exertions and our councils, in a work to 
 which the wisdom and power of parliament is incompe- 
 tent without our cooperation : the application of a policy, 
 wholly new, to the pressing wants and to the intimate 
 necessities of a people long forgotten, out of the sight 
 and the knowledge of a superintending legislature:— 
 
576 Ptnal Laws 
 
 accordingly we arc come; and we claim no small merit 
 that we have found our way to the door of parliament. 
 
 "it has not been made easy for us ; every art and indus- 
 try has been exerted to obstruct us. Attempts have 
 been made to divide us into factions, and to throw us 
 into confusion. We ha,ve stood firm and united. We. 
 have received hints and cautions, obscure intimations 
 and public warnings, to guard our supplications against 
 intimidation. We have resisted that species of disguised 
 and artful threat. We have been traduced, calumniated, 
 and libelled. We have witnessed sinister endeavors 
 again to blow the flame of religious animosity, and awake 
 the slumbering spirit of popular terrors and popular 
 fury ; but we have remained unmoved. 
 
 "We are, indeed, accustomed to this tumid agitation 
 and ferment in the public mind. In former times it was 
 the constant precursor of more intense persecution, but 
 It has also attended every later and happier return of 
 letrislative mercv. But whether it betokens us evil or 
 good, to parliament vv-e come, to seek at that shrine a 
 safeguard from impending danger, or a communication 
 of new benefits. 
 
 "What, then, do we ask of parliament? To be thor- 
 oughly united and made one with the rest of our fellow- 
 subjects. That, alas! would be our first, our dearest 
 wish ; but if this is denied us, if sacrifices are to be made, 
 if an example of rare moderation, we do not aspire to the 
 condition of a fair equality, we are not at a loss to find, 
 in the range of social benefits (which is nearly that of our 
 present exclusions) an object which is and ought to be 
 the scope and resting-place of our wishes and our hopes. 
 That which we do not ask, we are not worthy to obtain. 
 We knock that it may be opened unto us. We have 
 learned by tradition from our ancestors, we have heard bv 
 fame in foreign lands, where we have been driven to seek 
 education in youth and bread in manhood, and by the 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 577 
 
 contemplation of our own mind we are filled with a deep 
 and unalterable opinion, that the Irish, formed upon the 
 nfiodel of the British constitution, is a blessing of inestim- 
 able value ; that it contributes, and is even essentially 
 necessary for national and individual happiness. Of this 
 constitution we feel ourselves worthy, and, though noi 
 t^practicall}^ we know the benefits of its franchises. Nor 
 can we, without a criminal dissimulation, conceal from 
 parliament the painful inquietude which is felt by our 
 whole persuasion, and the danger to which we do not 
 cease to be exposed by this our total and unmerited 
 exclusion from the common rights, privileges, and fran- 
 chises conceded by our king for the protection of the 
 subject. This exclusion is indeed the root of every evil. 
 It is that which makes property insecure, and industry 
 precarious; it pollutes the stream of justice; it is the 
 cause of daily humiliation; it is the insurmountable 
 barrier, the impassable line of separation which divides 
 the nation, and which, keeping animosity alive, prevents 
 the entire and cordial intermixture of the people ; and 
 therefore inevitably it is that some share, some portion, 
 some participation, in the liberties and franchises of our 
 country becomes the primary and essential object of our 
 ardent and common solicitation. It is a blessing for 
 which there is no price, and can be no compensation. With' 
 it every evil is tolerable; without it no advantage is 
 desirable. In this, as in all things, we submit ourselves to 
 the paramount authority of parliament, and we shall ac- 
 quiesce in what is given, as we do in what is taken away ; 
 but this is the boon we ask : we hunsrer and we thirst 
 for the constitution of our country. If it shall be deemed' 
 otherwise, and shall be determined that we are qualified, 
 perhaps, ior the base and lucrative tenures of professional 
 occupation, but unworthy to perform the free and noble 
 services of the constitution, we submit indeed, but we- 
 solemnly protest against the distinction for ourselves and"^ 
 
578 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 our children. It is no act of ours. Whatever judgment 
 may await our merits or our failings, we cannot conclude 
 ourselves, by recognizing for a consideration the princi- 
 ple of servility and perpetual degradation. These are the 
 sentiments which we feel from the bottom of our hearts, 
 and we disclose them to the free parliament of a monarch 
 whose glory it is to reign over a free people ; to you w'e. 
 commit our supplications and our cause. We have indeed 
 little to apprehend, in this benigner age, from the malig- 
 nant aspirations of former times ; and not more irom 
 the obsolete calumnies of former strife, although we see 
 them endeavoring again to collect the remnants of their 
 exhausted venom, before the}^ die forever, in a last and 
 feeble effort to traduce our religion and our principles. 
 
 " Bat, as oppression is ever fertile in pretexts, we find 
 the objections started against us more dangerous because 
 they are new, or new at least in the novelty of a shameless 
 avowal. They are principally three : first, it is contended 
 that we are a people originally and fundamentally differ- 
 ent from yourselves, and that our interests are forever 
 irreconcilable, because some hundred years ago our 
 ancestors were conquered by yours. We deny the con- 
 clusion, we deny the fact ; it is false. In addressing our- 
 selves to you, we speak to the children of our ancestors, 
 as we are also the children of your forefathers. Nature 
 has triumphed over law ; we are intermixed in blood ; we 
 are blended in connection ; we are one race ; we are all 
 Irishmen, subjects'of the imperial crown of Ireland. The 
 honor of parliament is concerned to repress the audacity 
 of those who tell us that you are a foreign colony, and 
 consequently ought to govern according to the princi- 
 ples of invaders, and the policy of recent usurpation. 
 At least we confide that you will not suffer the walls of 
 parliament to be contaminated with that libel upon the 
 government of Ireland. The shaft which was aimed at 
 us.has struck yourselves, — a memorable, but, at the same 
 
In the Reign of George III. 570 
 
 time, we trust, a most auspicious example to teach both 
 you and us, and our common posterity, that our interests 
 are one, and that whatever affects the welUbeing and 
 honor of the Roman Catholics is also injurious to the 
 Protestant interests. Of the same complexion and tend- 
 ency are the two objections : one, that our advancement 
 in property and privilege would lead to a repeal of the 
 act of settlement; the other, that our participation in the 
 liberties and franchises of our country would endanger 
 the existence of the constitution into which we are ad- 
 rpitted. 
 
 " A resumption of the lands forfeited by our and your 
 ancestors (for they are the same), after the lapse of so 
 many years (near three returns of the longest period of 
 legal limitation), after the dispersion and extiiK:tion of so 
 many families, after so many transitions and divisions, 
 repartitions and reconsolidations of propert}^ so many 
 sales, judgments, mortgages, and settlements, and after 
 all the various processes of voluntary and legal operation, 
 to conceive the revival of titles dormant for one hundred 
 and fifty years is an idea so perfectly chimerical, so con- 
 trary to the experience of all ages and all countries, so 
 repugnant to the principles of jurisprudence, and so 
 utterly impossible in point of fact, that the Roman 
 Catholics of Ireland, once for all, make it their earnest 
 request to have that question thoroughly investigated, 
 in the assured hope that so idle, vain and absurd an object 
 of public apprehension, being exposed and laid open to 
 the eye of reason, may sleep in oblivion forever. 
 
 **As to the other subject of apprehension, we have but 
 one answer to make : we desire to partake of the constitu- 
 tion, and therefore we do not desire to destroy it. Par- 
 liament is now in possession of our case, our grievances, 
 our sorrows, our obstructions, our solicitudes, our hopes. 
 We have told you the desire of our hearts. We do not 
 ask to be relieved from this or that incapacity, nor the 
 
Penal Laws 
 
 abolition of this or that odious distinction ; not even, 
 I)crhnps, to be, in the fulness of time, and in the accom- 
 plishment of the great comprehensive scheme of legisla- 
 tion, finally incorporated with you in the enjoyment of 
 the same constitution. Even beyond that mark we have 
 an ultimate and, if possible, an object of more inferior 
 desire. We look for a union of affections, a gradual and 
 therefore a total obliteration of all the animosities (on 
 our part they are long extinct), and all prejudices which 
 have kept us disjoined. 
 
 " We come to you a great accession to the Protestant 
 interest, with hearts and minds suitable to such an end. 
 We do not come, as jealous and suspicious rivals, to 
 gavel the constitution, but, with fraternal minds, to parti- 
 cipate in the great incorporeal inheritance of freedom, to 
 be held according to the laws and customs of the realm, 
 and by our immediate fealty and' allegiance to the king, 
 and so may you receive us. 
 
 And we shall ever pray," etc. 
 
 Objections having been made to this petition, upon 
 Mr. O'Hara's presenting it, as being informal, he with- 
 drew it; and the general committee, finding that so bold 
 and explicit a statement of their case had given offence, 
 prepared another petition, merely praying that the house 
 would take into consideration whether the removal of 
 some of the grievances of the petitioners might not be 
 compatible with Protestant security. This petition was 
 presented by Mr. Egan on the i8th of February, and 
 on the 20th was afterward rejected, on a division of two 
 hundred to twenty-three. 
 
 On the same day was also rejected a petition from 
 the Protestant inhabitants of Belfast, which went much 
 further than the petition of the Catholics, as it required 
 that the)^ should be placed on the same footmg with 
 their Protestant fellow-subjects. 
 
 It was on the 3d of January of this year that Mr. Burke 
 
the Reign of George III. 
 
 581 
 
 published his letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe^ in which 
 he gave that learned and liberal opinion upon the sub- 
 ject of the electiv^e franchise Avhich, it is said, obtained 
 the royal assent to the measure that afterward was 
 adopted for conceding it. This letter was admirably 
 well adapted to meet every species of objection, moral, 
 local and constitutional. It was calculated to remove 
 the prejudices of the Church of England, and every sect 
 of Protestant dissenters ; and, above all, it was quite 
 conclusive as a demonstration of the compatibility of 
 ' Catholic emancipation with the coronation oath. 
 
 At a meeting of the general committee, on the 4th of 
 February, the following resolutions were agreed to, and 
 afterward published, with an address to the Protestants, 
 written by jNIr. R. Burke, and corrected by his father. 
 To this address were added the answers of the foreign 
 Catholic universities to questions that had been put to 
 them in 1789, at the desire of Mr. Pitt, concerning the 
 existence and extent of the Popish dispensing-power: — 
 '■''Resolved^ That this committee has been informed that 
 reports have been circulated that the application of the 
 Catholics for relief extends to unlimited and total eman- 
 cipation, and that attempts have been made, wickedly 
 and falsely, to instil into the minds of the Protestants of 
 this kingdom an opinion that our applications were pre- 
 ferred in a tone of menace. 
 
 Resolved, That several Protestant orentlemen have ex 
 pressed great satisfaction on being individually informed 
 of the real extent and respectful manner of the applica- 
 tions for relief, and have assured us that nothing could 
 have excited jealousy or apparent opposition to us from 
 our Protestant countr3^men, but the above-mentioned 
 misapprehension. 
 
 Resolved, That we therefore deem it necessarv to 
 declare that the whole of our late applications, whether 
 to his majesty's ministers, to men in power, or to private 
 
582 Penal Lazvs 
 
 'rnembers of the legislature, as well as our intended peti 
 tion, neither did nor does contain anything, or extend 
 further, either in substance or in principle, than the four 
 following objects : — 
 
 " I. Admission to the profession and practice of the law. 
 
 " 2. Capacity to serve as county magistrates. 
 
 " 3. A right to be summoned and to serve on grand 
 and petty juries. 
 
 "4. The right of voting in counties only for Protestant 
 members of parliament, in such a manner, however, as 
 that a Roman Catholic freeholder should not vote unless 
 he either rented or cultivated a farm of twenty pounds 
 per annum, in addition to his forty shilhng freehold, or 
 else possessed a freehold to the amount of twenty pounds 
 a year. 
 
 Resolved, That in our opinion these applications, not 
 extending to any other objects than the above, are 
 moderate, and absolutely necessary for our general allevi- 
 ation, and more particularly for the protection of the 
 Catholic farmers and the peasantry of Ireland ; and that 
 they do not, in any degree, endanger either Church or 
 state, or endanger the security of the Protestant interest. 
 
 " Resolved^ That we never had an idea or thought so 
 extravagant as that of menacing or intimidating our Pro- 
 testant brethren, much less the legislature ; and that we 
 disclaim the violent and turbulent intentions imputed to 
 us in some of the public prints, and circulated in private 
 conversation. 
 
 ''Resolved, That we refer to the known disposition of 
 the Roman Catholics of this kingdom, to our dutiful 
 Dehavior during a long series of years, and particularly 
 to the whole tenor of our late proceedings, for the full 
 refutation of every charge of sedition and disloyalty. 
 
 Resolved, That, for the rnorc ample and detailed ex- 
 posure of all the evil reports and calumnies circulated 
 against us, an address to our Protestant fellow-subjects, 
 
/// the Reign of George III. 
 
 583 
 
 and to the public in general, be printed Dy the order 
 and in the name of the general committee.** 
 
 The queries and answers concerning the Popish dis-. 
 pensing-power are as follows : — 
 
 ** 1st. Has the pope, or cardinals, or any body of men, 
 or any individual of the Church of Rome, any civil 
 authority, power, or jurisdiction, or preeminence what- 
 soever, within the realm of England? 
 
 " .2d. Can the pope, or cardinals, or any body of men, 
 or any individual of the Church of Rome, absolve or 
 dispense his majesty's subjects from their oath of alle- 
 giance upon any pretext whatsoever? 
 
 3d. Is there any principle in the tenets of the Catholic 
 faith by which Catholics are justified in not keeping 
 faith with heretics, or other persons differing from them 
 in religious opinions, in any transaction either of a public 
 or a private nature ? " 
 
 Abstract from the answer of the Sacred Faculty of 
 Divinity of Paris to the above queries. 
 
 After an introduction according to the usual forms of 
 the universit}^ they answer the first query by declaring : — 
 Neither the pope, nor the cardinals, nor any body of 
 men, nor any other person of the Church of Rome, hath 
 any civil authority, civil power, civil jurisdiction or civil 
 preeminence whatever, in any kingdom, consequently, 
 none in the kingdom of England, by reason of virtue ot 
 any authority, power, jurisdiction, or preeminence by 
 divine institution inherent in or granted, or by any other 
 means belonging, to the pope or the Church of Rome. 
 This doctrine the Sacred Faculty of Divinity of Paris 
 nas always held, and upon every occasion maintained, 
 and has rigidly proscribed the contrary doctrines from 
 her schools." 
 
 Answer to the second query : — 
 
 *• Neither the pope, nor the cardinals, nor any body of 
 men, nor any person of the Church of Rome, can, by 
 
5S4 
 
 Pt Jial Laws 
 
 virtue of the keys, absolve or release the subjects of .he 
 King of England from their oath of allegiance." 
 
 This and the first query are so intimately connected, 
 that the answer of the firs^ immediately and naturally 
 applies to the second, etc. 
 
 Answer to the third quer\'' : — 
 There is no tenet in the Catholic Church by which 
 Catholics are justified in not keeping ^aith with heretics 
 or those who differ from them in matters of religion. 
 The tenet, that it is lawful to break faith with heretics, is 
 so repugnant to common honesty, and the opinions of 
 Catholics, that there is nothing of which thos'e who have 
 defended the Catholic faith against Protestants have 
 complained more heavily than the malice and calumny 
 of their adversaries in imputing this tenet to them," etc., 
 etc. 
 
 " Given at Paris, in the General Assembly of the 
 Sorbonne, held on Thursday, the eleventh day before the 
 Calends of March, 1789." (Signed in due form.) . 
 
 *' University of Louvain. 
 
 " The Faculty of Divinity at Louvain, having been 
 requested to give her opinion upon the questions above 
 stated, does it with readiness; but struck with astonish- 
 ment that such questions should, at the end of this 
 eighteenth century, be proposed to any learned body by 
 inhabitants of a kingdom that glories in the talents and 
 discernment of its natives. The Facultv beins: assembled 
 for the above purpose, it is agreed, with the unanimous 
 assent of all voices, to answer the first and second 
 queries absolutely in the negative. 
 
 The Faculty does not think it incumbent upon her, in 
 this place, to enter upon the proof of her opinion, or to 
 show how it is supported by passages in the Holy Scrip- 
 tui^es or the writings of antiquity. That has already 
 been done by Bossuet, De Marca, the two Barclays, 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 5^5 
 
 Goldastus, the Pithasuses, Argentre, Widrini^tori, and his 
 majesty, King" James I, in -his Dissertation against Bel- 
 larmine and Du Perron, and by many others," etc., etc. 
 
 The Faculty then proceeds to declare that the sover- 
 eign power of the state is in nowise (not even indirectly, 
 as it is termed) subject to, or dependent upon, any other 
 power, thougn it be a spiritual power, or even though 
 it be instituted for eternal salvation, etc., etc. 
 
 That no man, or any assembly of men, however 
 eminent in dignity and power, nor even the whole body 
 of the Catholic Church, though assembled in general 
 council, can, upon any ground of pretence whatsoever, 
 weaken the bond of union between the sovereign and 
 the people, still less can they absolve or free the subiects 
 from their oath of allegiance. 
 
 Proceeding to the third question, the said Faculty ot 
 Divinity, in perfect wonder that such a question should 
 be proposed, most positively and unequivocally answers 
 that there is not, and there never has been, among the 
 Catholics, or in the doctrines of the Church of Rome, 
 any law or principle which makes it lawful for Catholics 
 to break their faith with heretics or others of a different 
 persuasion from themselves, in matters of religion, either 
 hi public or private concerns. 
 
 " The Faculty declares the doctrine of the Catholics to 
 be, that the divine and natural law, which makes it a 
 duty to keep faith and promises, is the same, and is 
 neither shaken or diminished even if those with whom* the 
 engagement is made hold erroneous opinions in mat- 
 ters of religion," etc., etc. 
 
 (Signed in due form on the i8th November, 178S.) 
 
 " University of Valladolid. 
 " To the first question it is answered, that neither 
 pope, cardinals, or even a general council, have any civil 
 ;iuthorit3', power, jurisdiction or preeminence, directly 
 
5S6 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 or indirectly, in the kingdom o\ Great Britain, or over 
 any other kingdom or province in which they possess 
 no temporal dominion. 
 
 ** To the second it is answered, that neither pope nor 
 cardinals, nor even a general council, can absolve the 
 subjects of Great Britain from their oaths of allegiance, 
 or dispense with their obligation. 
 
 To the third it is answered, that the obligation of 
 keeping faith is grounded on the law of nature, which 
 binds all men equally, without respect to their religious 
 opinions ; and with regard to Catholics, it is still more 
 cogent, as it is confirmed by the principles of their 
 rehgion." 
 
 (Signed in the usual form, February 17th, 1789.) 
 
 While the general committee were occupied in carry- 
 ing these measures into effect, parliament had passed a 
 law* for removing part of the restraints and disabili- 
 ties, to which the Catholics were liable. It was intro- 
 duced into the House of Commons by Sir H. Langrishe, 
 and being suppo-rted by governmicnt, it met with little 
 opposition. 
 
 But the conduct of government on this occasion was 
 so suspicious, and its favors conferred with so bad a 
 grace,t that it did not in the least degree contribute to 
 appease the irritation which its former conduct, in 1791, 
 had so justly given rise to. 
 
 By this aCt, Catholics may be called to the bar, and 
 may be admitted as students into the King's Inns. Attor- 
 neys may take Catholic apprentices, and are relieved 
 from the necessity of educating their children Protestants, 
 and barristers may marry Catholics. Catholic barristers 
 and apprentices to attorneys must, nevertheless, qualify 
 
 • 32 George III. c 21. 
 
 t This measure was introduced into the House of Commons without an^ 
 communication with the general committee. 
 
In the Reign of George III. 5S7 
 
 themselves for the benefits of this act by taking the oath 
 of the 13th and 14th George III, c. 35. 
 
 By this act, so much of 9 William III, c. 3, and 2 
 Anne, c. 6, as prevents Protestants from intermarrying 
 with Papists, is repealed ; but Protestants married to 
 Catholics are not to vote at elections ; and the law is 
 not altered which makes it a capital felony for a priest 
 to celebrate the marriage of a Protestant and a Catholic, 
 though the very next act in the statute-book enables a 
 Presbyterian clergyman to celebrate the marriage of a 
 Protestant and a Presbyterian. 
 
 By this act, also, the 7 William III, for restraining 
 foreign education, is repealed, and Catholics are per- 
 mitted to teach school without taking out a license from 
 the ordinary ; and so much, likewise, of 8 Anne, c. 3, is 
 repealed which enacts that no Papists shall take more 
 than two apprentices. 
 
 In the course of the debates upon this act, the Cath- 
 olics were accused of professing tenets inimical to good 
 order and government, and with harboring pretensions 
 to the forfeited estates of their forefathers, and with wish- 
 ing to subvert the existing establishment, that they 
 might reinstate a Popish one instead. The general com- 
 mittee were also accused of being turbulent and seditious 
 agitators. It was asserted that the petition which they 
 presented this year to parliament was the act of an 
 obscure faction, confined merely to the capital, and dis- 
 avowed by the great mass of the Catholics. 
 
 In order to repel the first of these accusations, the 
 declaration of 1774, which has already been introduced 
 into this work, was republished, and signed by Dr. Tory 
 and the principal Catholic clergy and laity of the kingdom. 
 The second charge was not easy to be contradicted. It 
 was one of most serious importance to the interests of the 
 whole body, and, if suffered to pass without the fallacy of 
 it being exposed, would have contributed to defeat all 
 
588 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 the exertions which had been made to obtain redress. 
 Urged by these considerations, and also by a communi- 
 cation which, about this time, was made from the first 
 authority, that a further apphcation for rehef would have 
 great weight with his majesty and with parliament, if 
 the committee were qualified to declare that it was the 
 measure of every Catholic in the kingdom,* the committee 
 devised a plan by which a convention of delegates should 
 be held, elected by the whole Catholic body. A circular 
 letter was immediately written, directing that each parish 
 should proceed to choose one or two electors, and that 
 these electors should then elect from one to four dele- 
 gates, as it might appear most expedient to them. Their 
 directions were obeyed, and carried into effect with so 
 much promptitude and good order, that the convention 
 were able to meet on the 3d of December, without the 
 smallest degree of tumult or agitation having occurred 
 in any part of the kingdom. 
 
 In the meantime, this circular-letter had been laid hold 
 of by the government, as a proper instrument with which 
 to rekindle the embers of religious animosities. Where 
 the partisans of government were sufficiently strong, 
 corporate and county meetings were held to reprobate 
 the plan of the general committee ; but if defeat, or even 
 formidable resistance, was apprehended, similar resolu- 
 tions were enterod into by the grand juries, where 
 success could easily be secured from the influence of 
 government in tneir appointment. 
 
 In order to counteract the effect of these resolutions, 
 thx)se Protestants who had the virtue and the goqd sense 
 neither to become the toolsnor thedupes of government, 
 held a great number of meetings in different towns and 
 districts. 
 
 Some few, with Londonderry, at tneir head, expressed 
 
 * See the plan for conducting the election of delegates, published 1793. 
 r louden, vol. ii, Ap. 89. 
 
/;/ the Reign of George III. 
 
 589 
 
 ^themselves favorable to a gradual admission of the 
 Catholics; but the great majority followed the example 
 of an immense body of volunteers who, when assemb ed 
 together at their commemoration meeting, declared their 
 sentiments in favor of the immediate and unqualified 
 extension of the right of suffrage to the whole Catholic 
 body. 
 
 When the convention met in December, their proceed- 
 ings were wise, temperate, and decisive, and conducted 
 without any violation of the laws of the land, or of the 
 good order of society. At the first meeting the follow- 
 ing petition to the king was unanimously agreed to, 
 pursuant to instructions which had been given to each 
 delegate by his respective electors : — 
 
 To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, the hum- 
 ble .PETITION OF THE UNDERSIGNED CATHOLICS, ON 
 BEHALF OF THEMSELVES AND THE REST OF HIS CaTF 
 OLIC SUBJECTS OF THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND. 
 
 Most Gracious Sovereign : — 
 
 " We, your majesty *5 most dutiful and loyal subjects 
 of your kingdom of Ireland, professing the Catholic 
 religion, presume to approach your majesty, who are 
 the common father of ail your pet)ple, and humbly to 
 submit to your consideration the manifold incapacities 
 and oppressive disqualifications under which we labor. 
 
 " For, may it please your majesty, after a century oi 
 uninterrupted loyalty, in which time five* foreign wars 
 and two domestic rebellions have occurred : after havins: 
 taken every oath of allegiance and fidelity to your 
 majcst}^ and given, and being still readv to give, every 
 pledge which can be devised for their peaceable 
 demeanor and unconditional submission to the laws, the 
 Catholics of Ireland stand obnoxious to a lonsr catalosrue 
 ot statutes, inflictins: on dutiful and meritorious sub- 
 jects pains and penalties of an extent and seventy which 
 
590 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 scarce any degree of delinquency can warrant, and pro- 
 longed to a period when no necessity can be alleged 
 to justify their continuance. 
 
 In the first place we beg leave, with all humility, to 
 represent to your majesty that, notwithstanding the 
 lowest departments in your majesty's fleets and armies 
 are largely supplied by our numbers, and your revenue 
 in this country to a great degree supported by our con- 
 tributions, we are disabled from serving your majesty in 
 any office of trust and emolument whatsoever, civil or 
 military, — a proscription which disregards capacity or 
 merit, admits of neither qualification nor degree, and rests 
 as an universal stigma of distrust upon the whole body 
 of your Catholic subjects. 
 
 " We are interdicted from all municipal stations, and 
 the franchise of all guilds and corporations ; and our 
 exclusion from the benefits annexed to those situations 
 is not an evil terminating in itself, for, by giving an 
 advantage over us to those in whom they are exclusively 
 vested, they establish throughout the kingdom a species 
 of qualified monopolv, uniformly operating in our dis- 
 favor, contrary to the spirit, and highly detrimental to 
 the freedom, of trade. 
 
 We may not found nor endow any university, college 
 or school for the education of our children, and wc 
 are interdicted from obtaining degrees in the University 
 of Dublin by the several charters and statutes now in 
 force therein. 
 
 We are totally prohibited from keeping or using 
 weapons for the defence of our houses, families or 
 persons, whereby we are exposed to the violence of 
 burglary, robbery and assassination ; and to enforce 
 this prohibition, contravening that great original law 
 of nature which enjoins us to self-defence, a variety of 
 statutes exist, not less grievous and oppressive in theii 
 provisions than unjust in their object; b\" one of which, 
 
In the Reign of George IIL 591 
 
 enacted so latel_y as within these sixteen years, every 
 one of your majesty's Catholic subjects, of whatever 
 rank or degree, peer or peasant, is compellable b}'- any 
 magistrate to come forward and convict hin^self of what 
 may be thought a singular offence in a country profess- 
 ing to be free : keeping arms for his defence ; or, if he 
 shall refuse so to , do, may incur not only fine and im- 
 prisonment, but the vile and ignominious punishments 
 of the pillory and whipping, — penalties appropriated to 
 the most infamous malefactors, and more terrible to a 
 liberal mind than death itself. No Catholic whatsoever, 
 as we apprehend, has his personal property secure. The 
 law allows and encourages -the disobedient and unnatural 
 child to conform, and deprive him of it; the unhappy 
 father does not, even by the surrender of his all, purchase 
 his repose: he may be attacked by new bills, if his 
 future industry be successful, and again be plundered by 
 due process of law.. 
 
 " We are excluded, or may be excluded, from all 
 petit juries in civil actions, where one of the parties is a 
 Protestant ; and that we are further excluded from all 
 petit juries in trials, by information or indictment, founded 
 oa any of the Popery laws, by which la\v we most 
 humbly submit to your majesty that your loyal subjects, 
 the Catholics of Ireland, are in this, their native land, in a 
 worse situation than that of aliens, for they ma}^ demand 
 an equitable privilege denied to us : of having half their 
 jury aliens like themselves. 
 
 " We may not serve on grand juries unless, — which it 
 is scarcely possible can ever happen, — there sliould not be 
 found a sufficiency of Protestants to complete the panel, 
 contrary to that humane and equitable principle of the 
 law w^hich says that no man shall be convicted of any 
 capital offence, unless by the concurring verdicts of two 
 juries of his neighbors and equals, whereby (and to this 
 we humbly presume more particularly to iii^plore your 
 
592 . Paial Lan'S 
 
 * 
 
 royal attention) we are deprived of the great palladium 
 of the constitution : trial by our peers, independent of the 
 manifest injustice of our property being taxed in assess- 
 ments of a body from which we are formally excluded. 
 
 '* We avoid a further enumeration of inferior griev- 
 ances; but, may it please your majesty, there remains 
 one mcapacity which your loyal subjects, the Catholics 
 of Ireland, feel with most poignant anguish of mind, as 
 being the badge of unmerited disgrace and ignominy, 
 and the cause and bitter aggravation of all our other 
 calamities : we are deprived of the elective franchise, to 
 the manifest perversion of the spirit of the constitution, 
 inasmuch as your faithful subjects are thereby taxed 
 where they are not represented actually or virtually, 
 and bound by laws, in the framing of which they have no 
 power to give or withhold their assent. And we most 
 humbly implore ybur majesty to believe that this, our 
 prime and heavy grievance, is not an evil merely specu- 
 lative, but is attended with great distress to all ranks, and, 
 in many instances, with the total ruin and destruction 
 of the lower orders of your majesty's faithful and loyal 
 subjects, the Catholics of Ireland ; for, may it please your 
 majesty, — not to mention the infinite variety of advan- 
 tages, in point of protection and otherwise, which the 
 enjoyment of the elective franchise gives to those who 
 possess it, nor the consequent inconveniences to which 
 those who are deprived thereof a :e liable ; not to mention 
 the disgrace to ihree-fourths of your loyal subjects of 
 Ireland, of living, the only body of men incapable of fran- 
 chise, in a nation possessing a free constitution, — it con- 
 tinually happens, and of necessity, from the malignant 
 nature of the law, must happen, that multitudes of the 
 Catholic tenantry in divers counties in this kingdom are, 
 at the expiration of their leases, expelled from their tene- 
 ments and farms to make room for Protestant freeholders, 
 who, by their votes, may contribute to the weight and 
 
In the Reign of George III, 593 
 
 importance of their landlords : a circumstance wliich 
 renders the recurrence of a general election, that period 
 which is the boast and laudable triumph of our Protestant 
 brethren, a visitation and heavy curse to us, your majesty's 
 dutiful and loyal subjects. And, may it please your 
 majesty, this uncertainty of possession to your majesty's 
 Catholic subjects operates as a perpetual restraint and 
 discouragement on industr}?- and the spirit of cultivation, 
 whereby it happens that this, your majesty's kingdom of 
 Ireland, possessing many and great natural advantages 
 of soil and climate, so as to be exceeded therein by few, 
 if any, countries on the earth, is yet prevented from 
 availing herself* thereof so fully as she otherwise might, 
 to the furtherance of your majesty's honor, and the more 
 effectual support of your service. 
 
 " And, may it please your majesty, the evil does not 
 even rest here ; for many of your majesty's Catholic 
 subjects, to preserve their families from total destruction, 
 submit to a nominal conformity, against their conviction 
 and their conscience, and preferring perjury to famine, 
 take oaths which they utterly disbelieve : a circumstance 
 which, we doubt not, will shock 3^our majesty's well- 
 known and exemplary piety, not less than the misery 
 which drives those unhappy wretches to so desperate a 
 measure, must distress and wound your royal clemency 
 and commiseration. 
 
 *' And may it please 3'our majesty, though we might 
 here rest "our case on its own merits, justice and 
 expediency, yet we further presume humbly to submit to 
 your majesty that the right of franchise was, with divers 
 other rights, enjoyed by the Catholics of this kingdom, 
 from the first adoption of the English constitution by 
 our forefathers, was secured to at least a great part of 
 our body by the Treaty of Limerick, 1691, guaranteed 
 by your majesty's loyal predecessors. King Willinm 
 and Queen Mary, and finally confirmed and ratihcd by 
 
594 
 
 Peyial Laws 
 
 parliament; notwithstanding which, and breach of the 
 public faith of the nation, thus solemnly pledged, for 
 which our ancestors paid a valuable consideration, in the 
 surrender of their arms and a great part of this kingdom, 
 and notwithstanding the most scrupulous adherence, 
 on our part, to the terms of the said treaty, and our 
 unremitting loyalty from that day to the present, the 
 said right of elective franchise was finally and universally 
 taken away from the Catholics of Ireland so lately as the 
 first year of his majesty, King George II. 
 
 "And when we thus presume to submit this infraction 
 of the Treaty of Limerick to your majesty's royal notice, 
 it is not that we ourselves consider it to be the strong 
 part of our case, for, though our rights were recognized, 
 they were by no means created by that treaty ; and we 
 do with all humility conceive that, if no such event as 
 the said treaty had ever taken place, your majest3^*s 
 Catholic subjects, from their unvarying loyalty and 
 dutiful submission to the laws, and from the' great 
 support afforded by them to your majesty's government 
 in this country, as well as in their personal service in 
 your majesty's fleets and armies, as from the taxes and 
 revenues levied on their property, are fully competent 
 and justly entitled to participate and enjoy the blessings 
 of the constitution of their countr3\ 
 
 " And now that we have, with all humility, submitted 
 our grievances to your majesty, permit us, most gracious 
 sovereign, again to represent our sincere attachment to 
 the constitution, as established in the three estates of 
 king, lords, and commons ; our uninterrupted loyalty, 
 peaceful demeanor, and submission to the laws for one 
 hundred years, and our determination to persevere in the 
 same dutiful conduct, which has, under your majesty's 
 happy auspices, procured us those relaxations of the 
 penal statutes which the wisdom of the legislature has, 
 from time to time, thought proper to grant. We humbly 
 
/// the Reign of George TIL 
 
 595 
 
 presume to hope that your majest}', in your paternal 
 goodness and affection toward a numerous and oppressed 
 body of your loyal subjects, may be graciously pleased 
 to recommend to your parliament in Ireland to take 
 into their consideration the whole of our situation, our 
 numbers, our merits, and our sufferings; and as we do 
 not give place to any of your majesty's subjects in loyalty 
 and attachment to your sacred person, we cannot sup- 
 press our wishes of being restored to the rights and 
 privileges of the constitution of our country, and there- 
 by becoming more worthy, as well as more capable, of 
 rendering your majesty that service which it is not less 
 our duty than our inclination to afford. 
 
 So may your majesty transmit to your latest pos- 
 terity a crown secured by public advantage and public 
 affection, and so may your royal person become, if pos- 
 sible, more dear to your grateful people." 
 
 On the 2d January, 1793, the gentlemen who had been 
 deputed to present this petition, were introduced to his 
 majesty by Mr. Dundas, and on the loth of the same 
 month Lord Westmoreland, in a speech from the throne 
 to both houses of parliament, said : " I have it in particu- 
 lar command from his majesty to recommend it to you 
 to apply yourselves to the consideration of such measures 
 as may be most likely to strengthen and cement a general 
 union of sentiment, among all classes of his majesty's 
 subjects, in support of the established constitution. With 
 this view his majesty trusts that the situation of his 
 majesty's Catholic subjects will engage your serious 
 attention, and in consideration of this subject he relies 
 on the wisdom and liberality of parliament." 
 
 In a few days afterward Major Hobart, the chief sec- 
 retary of the lord-lieutenant, presented to the House of 
 Commons a petition from the Catholics, and soon after 
 the royal assent was given to the following " act for 
 
596 
 
 Penal Laws, 
 
 affording relief to his majesty's Popish, or Roman Cath. 
 olic, subjects of Ireland :" — 
 
 ''Whereas various acts of parliament have been passed 
 imposing on his majesty's subjects professing the Popish, 
 or Roman Catholic religion, many restraints and dis- 
 abilities to which other subjects of this realm are not lia- 
 ble, and from the peaceable and loyal demeanor of his 
 majesty's Popish, or Roman Catholic subjects it is fit that 
 such restraints and disabilities shall be discontinued : 
 
 "I. Be it therefore enacted by the king's most excellent 
 majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords 
 spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present 
 parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, 
 that his majesty's subjects being Papists, or persons 
 professing the Popish, or Roman Catholic religion, or 
 married to Papists, or persons professing the Popish, or 
 Roman Catholic religion, or educating any of their chil- 
 dren in that religion, shall not be liable or subject to any 
 penalties, forfeitures, disabilities or incapacities, or to 
 any laws for the limitation, charging or discovering of 
 their estates and property, real or personal, or touching 
 the acquiring of property, or securities affecting property, 
 save such as his majesty's subjects of the Protestant 
 religion are liable and subject to; and that such parts of 
 all oaths as arc required to be taken by persons, in order 
 to qualify themselves for votinor at elections for menibers 
 to serve in parliament ; and also such parts of all oaths 
 required to be taken by persons voting at elections for 
 members to serve in parliament as import to deny that 
 the said person taking the same is a Papist, or married to 
 a Papist, or educaies his children in the Popish religion, 
 shall not hereafter be required to be taken by any voter, 
 but shall be omitted by the person administering the 
 same ; and that it shall not be necessary, in order to en- 
 title a Papist, or person professing the Popish, or Roman 
 Catholic religion, to vote at an election for memoers to 
 
/;/ the Reign of George III. 
 
 507 
 
 serve in parliament, that he should at, or previous to his 
 voting, take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, any 
 statute now in force to the contrary of any of the said 
 matters in anywise notwithstanding. 
 
 2. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that 
 all Papists, or persons professing the Popish, or Roman 
 Catholic, religion, who may claim to have a right of 
 voting for members to serve in parliament, or of voting 
 for magistrates in any city, town corporate, or borough, 
 within this kingdom, be hereby required to perform all 
 qualifications, registries, and other requisites, which arc 
 now required of his maj.esty's Protestant subjects in like 
 cases by any law or laws now in force in this kingdom, 
 save and except such oaths and parts of oaths as are 
 hereinbefore excepted. 
 
 " 3. And provided always, that nothing hereinbefore 
 contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to 
 repeal or alter any law or act of parliament now in force, 
 by which certain qualifications are required to be per- 
 formed by persons enjoyin'g any offices or places of 
 trust under his majesty, his heirs and successors, other 
 than as hereinafter is enacted. 
 
 4. Provided also, that nothing herein contained shall 
 extend, or be construed to extend, to give Papists, or 
 persons professing the Popish religion, a right to vote at 
 any parish vestry for levying money to rebuild or repair 
 any parish church, or respecting the devising or dis- 
 posal of the income of anv estate belonging to any 
 church or parish, or for the salary of the parish clerk, or 
 at the selection of any churchwarden. 
 
 " 5. Provided always, that nothing contained in tins 
 act shall extend to, or be construed to affect, any action 
 'or suit now pending, which shall have been brought or 
 instituted previous to the commencement of this session 
 ol parliament. 
 
 Provided also, that nothing herein contained shall 
 
598 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 exteiiQ to iiutliorize any Papist, or person professing the 
 Popish, or R( man Catholic religion, to have or keep in 
 his hands or possession any arms, armor, ammunition, 
 or any warlike stores, sword-blades, barrels, locks, or 
 stocks of guns or firv;-arms, or to exempt such persons 
 from any forfeiture or penalty inflicted by any act re- 
 specting arms, armor or ammunition, in the hands or 
 possession of any Papist, or respecting Papists having or 
 Keeping su^h warlike stores, save and except Papists, or 
 persons of the Popish, or Roman Catholic religion seized 
 of a freehold estate of ;^ioo a year, or possessed of a 
 personal estate of £\,ooo or upw'ard, who are hereby 
 authorized to keep arms and ammunition as Protestants 
 now' by law may; and also save and except Papists, or 
 Roman Catholics, possessing a freehold estate of;^io 
 yearly value and less than £\oo^ or a personal estate of 
 £'}po and less than ii"i,ooo, who shall have, at the session 
 of the peace in the county in which they reside, taken the 
 oath of allegiance prescribed to be taken by an act passed 
 in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of his present 
 majesty's reign, entitled * an act to enable his majest3'*s 
 subjects, of whatever persuasion, to testify their allegiance 
 to him,' and also, in open court, swear and subscribe an 
 affidavit that they are possessed of a freehold estate, yield- 
 ing a clear yearly profit to the person making the same 
 of £\o. or a personal property of ;^300 above his just debts, 
 specifying therein the name and nature of such freehold, 
 and nature of such personal property, which affidavits 
 shall be carefully preserved by the clerk of the peace, who 
 shall have for his trouble a fee of sixpence, and no more, 
 for every such affidavit ; and the persons making such 
 affidavits, and possessing such property, may keep and use 
 arms and ammunition as Protestants may, so long as they 
 shall respectively possess a property of the annual value 
 of ;^io and upward, if freehold, or the value of ;^300 if 
 personal, any statute to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
/// the Reign of George III, 
 
 599 
 
 J. And be it enacted that it shall and may be lawful 
 for Papists, or persons professing the Popish, or Roman 
 Catholic religion, to hold, exercise, and enjoy all civil 
 and military offices, or places of trust or profit, under his 
 majesty, his heirs and successors, in this kingdom, and 
 to hold, to take degrees, or any professorship in, or to 
 be masters in, or fellows of any college to be hereafter 
 founded in this kingdom, provided that such college shall 
 be a member of the University of Dublin, and shall not 
 be founded exclusively for the education of Papists, or 
 persons professing the Popish, or Roman Catholic re^ 
 iigion, or to hold any office or place of trust in, and to be 
 a member of any lay body corporate, except the College 
 of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Queen Elizabeth, 
 near Dublin, without taking and subscribing the oath of 
 allegiance, supremacy or abjuration, or making or sub- 
 scribing the declaration required to be taken, made; and 
 subscribed, to enable any person to hold and enjoy any 
 of such places, and without receiving the sacrament of 
 the Lord's Supper according to the rites and ceremonies 
 of the Church of Ireland, any law, statute, or by-law of 
 any corporation to the contrary notwithstanding; pro- 
 vided that every such person shall take and subscribe the 
 oath appointed by the act passed in the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth years of his majesty's reign, entitled ' an act 
 to enable his majesty's subjects, of whatever persuasion, 
 to testify their allegiance to him;' and also the oath and 
 declaration following, that is to say : — 
 
 " ' I, A. B., do hereby declare that I do profess the 
 Roman Catholic religion. 
 
 " * I, A. B., do swear that I do abjure, condemn, and 
 detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle that it is 
 lawful to murder, destroy, or any way injure any person 
 whatsoever, for or under the pretence of being a heretic ; 
 and 1 do declare solemnly, before God. that I believe 
 that no act, in itself unjust, immoral or wicked, can ever 
 
600 
 
 Pinal Laws 
 
 be justified or excused by or under preterce or color 
 that it was done either for the good of the Church, or 
 in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever. I 
 also declare that it is not an article of the Catholic 
 faith, neither am I thereby required to believe or profess 
 that the pope is infallible,* or that I am bound to obey any 
 .order in its own nature immoral, though the pope or any 
 ecclesiastical power should issue or direct such order; 
 but, on the contrary, I hold that it would be sinful in me 
 to pay any respect or obedience thereto. I further 
 declare that I do not believe that any sin whatsoever 
 committed by me can be forgiven at the mere w^ill of any 
 pope, or of any priest, or from any person or persons 
 whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow for past sins, a firm 
 and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt and to atone 
 to God, are previous and indispensable requisites to estab- 
 lish a well-founded expectation of forgiveness ; and thai 
 any person who receives absolution without these pre- 
 vious requisites, so far from obtaining thereby any remis- 
 sion of his sins, incurs the additional guilt of violating a 
 sacrament; and I dosw^earthat I will defend, to the utmost 
 of my power, the settlement and arrangement of property 
 in this country as established by the laws now in b'^ing. 1 
 do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnlv abjure any 
 intention to subvert the present Church establishipcnt, for 
 the purpose of substituting a Catholic establich'iient in 
 its stead ; and I do solemnly swear that I will not exercise 
 any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to 
 disturb and weaken the Protestant religion 3ad Protestani 
 government of this kingdom. So help mc God.* 
 
 "8. And be it enacted that Papists, or rersons pro- 
 fessing the Popish, or Roman Catholic re>^.on may be 
 capable of being elected professcn of ir,edicme up(^r. 
 the foundation of Sir Patrick Dunu,aay »3 W^ or r.tatute !c 
 the contrary notwithstanding 
 
 • Papal Infallibility not having thc» t<-,ui 3 di^fn^ tftide of faith- 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 COl 
 
 ** 9. Provided always, and be it enacted, thai nothing 
 herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, 
 to enable any person to sit or vote in either house of par 
 liament, or to hold, exercise, or enjoy the office of Lord 
 Lieutenant, Lord-Deputy, or other Chief Governor or 
 Governors of this kingdom, Lord High Chancellor or 
 Keeper, or Commissioner of the Great Seal of this king- 
 dom. Lord High Treasurer, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench or Common 
 Pleas, Lord Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer, 
 Justice of the Court of King's Bench or Common Pleas, 
 or Baron of the Court of Exchequer, Judge of the High 
 Court of Admiralty, Master or Keeper of the Rolls, 
 Secretary of State, Keeper of the Privy Seal, Vice-Treas- 
 urer, Teller and Cashier of the Exchequer, or Auditor- 
 General, Lieutenant, or Governor, or Custos Rotulorum 
 of Counties, Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, Lord- 
 Deputy, or other Chief Governor or Governors of this 
 kingdom, Member of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy 
 Council, Prime Sergeant, Attorne3'-General, Solicitor- 
 General, Second and Third Sergeants-at-Law, or King's 
 Counsel, Masters in Chancery, Provost, or Fellow of the 
 College of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Queen 
 Elizabeth, near Dublin, Postmaster-General, ^L^ster and 
 Lieutenant-General of His Majesty's Forces, Generals on 
 the Staff, and Sheriffs and Sub-sheriffs of any county in 
 t+iis kingdom, or any office contrary to the rules, orders 
 and directions made and established by the Lord-Lieu- 
 tenant and Council, in pursuance of the act passed in the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth years of the reign of King 
 Charles H, entitled * an act for the explaining of some 
 doubts arising upon an act entitled " an act for the better 
 execution of his majesty's gracious declaration for the 
 settlement of his kingdom of Irekmd, and satisfaction oi 
 the several interests of adventurers, soldiers, and other 
 n»s majesty's subjects there, and for making some altera- 
 
602 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 tion of, and additions unto the said act, for the more 
 speedy and effectual settlement of this kingdom," unless 
 he shall have taken, made, and subscribed the oaths and 
 declaration, and performed the several requisites which 
 by any law heretofore made, and now of force, are 
 required to enable any person to sit or vote, or to hold, 
 exercise, and enjoy the said offices respectively.* 
 
 10. Provided also, and be it enacted, that nothing 
 in this act contained shall enable any Papist, or person 
 professing the Popish, or Roman Catholic rehgion, to 
 exercise any right of presentation to any ecclesiastical 
 benefice whatsoever. 
 
 "II. And be it enacted that no Papist, or person pro- 
 fessing the Popish, or Roman Catholic religion, shall be 
 liable or subject to any penalty for not attending divine 
 service on the Sabbath-day, called Sunda}^, in his or her 
 parish church. 
 
 " 12. Provided, also, and be it enacted, that nothing 
 herein contained shall be construed to extend to authorize 
 any Popish priest, or reputed Popish priest, to celebrate 
 marriage between Protestant and Protestant, or between 
 any person who hath been, or professed himself or her- 
 self to be, a Protestant at any time within twelve months 
 before such celebration of marriage, and a Papist, unless 
 such Protestant and Papist should have been first married 
 by a clergyman of the Protestant religion ; and that every 
 Popish priest, or reputed Popish priest, who shall cele- 
 brate any marriage between two Protestants, or between 
 any such Protestant or Papist, unless such Protestant and 
 Papist shall have been first married by a clergyman of 
 the Protestant religion, shall forfeit the sum of ;^5oo to 
 his majesty, upon conviction thereof.* 
 
 13. And whereas it may be expedient, in case his 
 
 • In England the celebration of divine service in Catholic chapels is pro- 
 tected by an act of parliament C31 George III, c. 32 ) imposing a penalty of £20 
 upon any jerson disturbing it. No such protection exists in Ireland. 
 
the Rc'igii of George III. 
 
 603 
 
 majesty, his heirs and successors shall be pleased to 
 alter the statutes of the College of the Holy and Undi- 
 vided Trinity, near Dublin, and of the University of 
 Dublin, as to enable persons professing the Roman Cath- 
 olic religion to enter into, or take degrees in the said 
 university, to remove any obstacle which now exists by 
 statute law, be it enacted : 
 
 That from, and after the first day of June, 1793, it 
 shall not be necessary for any person, upon taking any 
 of the degrees usually conferred by the said university, 
 to make or subscribe any declaration, or to take any 
 oath save the oath of allegiance and abjuration, any law 
 or statute to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 " 14. Provided always, that no Papist or Roman 
 Catholic, or person professing the Roman Catholic, or 
 Popish religion, shall take any benefit by or under this 
 act, unless he shall have first taken and subscribed the 
 oath and declaration in this act contained and set forth, 
 and also the said oath appointed by the said act, passed 
 in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of his majesty's 
 reign, entitled * an act to enable his majesty's subjects, 
 of whatever persuasion, to testify their allegiance to 
 him,' in some one of his majesty's Four Courts of Dublin, 
 or at the General Sessions of the Peace, or at any adjourn- 
 ment thereof, to be holden for the county, city or borough, 
 wherein such Papist or Roman Catholic, or person pro- 
 fessing the Roman Catholic, or Popish rehgion, doth 
 inhabit or dwell, or before the going judge or judges of 
 assize, in the county wherein such Papist or Roman 
 Catholic, or person professing the lloman Catholic, or 
 J^opish, religion, doth inhabit and dwell, in open court. 
 
 "15. Provided always, and be it enacted, that the 
 names of such persons as so shall take and subscribe 
 the said oaths and declarations, with their titles and 
 additions, shall be entered upon the rolls for that purpose, 
 to be appointed by said respective courts; and that 
 
C04 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 the said rolls, once in every year, shall be transmitted to, 
 and deposited in the rolls office, in this kingdom, to 
 remain amongst the records thereof; and the masteis 
 or keepers of the rolls in this kingdom, or their lawful 
 deputy or deputies, are hereby empowered and required 
 to give and deliver to such person or persons, so taking 
 and subscribing the said oaths and declarations, a certifi- 
 cate or certificates of such person or persons having 
 taken and subscribed the said oaths and declarations, 
 for each of which certificate the sum of one shilling, and 
 no more, shall be paid.* 
 
 " i6. And be it further provided and enacted that, 
 from and after the first day of April, 1793, no freeholder, 
 burgess, freeman, or inhabitant of this kingdom, being 
 a Papist or Roman Catholic, or person professing the 
 Roman Catholic, or Popish religion, shall at any time be 
 capable of giving his vote for the electing of any knight 
 or knights of any shire or county within this kingdom, 
 or citizen or burgess to serve in any parliament, until 
 he shall have first produced and shown to the high sheriff 
 of the said county, or his deputy or deputies, at any elec- 
 tion of a knight or knights of the said shire, and to the 
 respective chief officer or officers of any city, borough 
 or town corporate to whom the return ol any citizen or 
 burgess to serve in parliament, such certificate of his 
 having taken and subscribed the said oaths and declara. 
 tion, either from the rolls of office, or from the proper 
 officer of the court in which the said oath's and declara- 
 tion shall be taken and subscribed ; and such person being 
 a freeholder, freeman, burgess, or inhabitant, producing 
 and showing such certificate, shall be then permitted to 
 vote as amply and fully as any Protestant freeholder, free- 
 man, burgess, or inhabitant of such county, city, borough, 
 or town corporate, but not otherwise."* 
 
 • As admission into the army and navy, and the privilege to hold revenue 
 offices in Great Britain, are the only concessions that have been made to the 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 605 
 
 The general committee, in testimony of their gi atitude 
 to the king for this most important concession, presented 
 the following address to the lord-lieutenant, to be by him 
 transmitted to his majesty : — 
 
 ■ " Most Gracious Sovereign : 
 
 " We, your majesty's most dutiful and lo3'al subjects, 
 the Catholics of Ireland, animated with sentiments of 
 the most lively gratitude, beg leave to approach your 
 majesty with our sincere and heartfelt thanks for tne sub- 
 stantial benefits which, through*your majesty's gracious 
 recommendations, we have received from the wisdom and 
 liberality of parliament. 
 
 " Impressed with a deep sense of 3'our majesty's 
 goodness, we reflect that, in consequence of this .last 
 and signal instance of your royal favor, the disabilities 
 under which we and our ancestors so long labored, have, 
 
 Catholics since 1793, it may be as well to enumerate here, as in any other 
 place, the various disabilities to which they are still liable : — 
 
 Education. — They cannot teach school, unless they take the oaths of 13 and 
 14 George III, c. 35. They cannot take Protestant scholars, or be ushers to 
 Protestant schoolmasters, by 32 George III, c. 20. , 
 
 Guardianship. — They cannot be guardians, unless they take the oaths of 13 
 and 14 George III, c, 35. If ecclesiastics, they cannot, under any circumstance, 
 be guardians; nor can any Catholic be guardian to a child of a Protestant, l>y 30 
 George III, c. 29. 
 
 Marriage. — If a Catholic clergyman marries a Protestant and a Catholic, 
 unless the marriage has been previously solemnized by a Protestant clergyman, 
 the marriage is null and void, and he is liable to a penalty of £,^00, by 33 
 George III, c. 21, $ 12. 
 
 Self-defence.-«-No Catholic can Iceep arms unless he possesses a freehold 
 estate of ;^io per annum, or a personal estate of /"300. If so qualified, he must 
 further qualify himself by taking the oaths of 13 and 14 George III, c. 35 (unless 
 lie has a freehold estate of /"too per annum, or a personal estate of /"i.ooo, by 33 
 George III, c. 21). 
 
 Exercise of Religion.— The Catholic clergy must take the oaths of 13 and 
 14 George III, c. 35, and register their place of abode, age and parish. No 
 chapei can have a steeple or l)ell, and no rites or ceremonies of the religion or 
 habits of their order are permitted, except within their several places of worship, 
 or in private houses, by 21 and 22 George III, c. 24, $ 6. 
 
 Property. — The penal laws are in full force in respect to landed property 
 
COG 
 
 Penal Laius 
 
 in a considerable degree, been removed, the constitutional 
 energy of three-fourths of your loyal subjects restored 
 to their country, and themselves enabled to testify, in a 
 manner more useful to your majesty's service, their 
 devoted attachment to your person, family and govern- 
 ment. Restored, as we now are, to such valuable 
 privileges, it shall be our duty, as it is our inclination, t«. 
 unite in support of our excellent constitution, as 
 established in kmg, lords, and commons, — a constitution 
 revered by us for its excellence, even when secluded 
 from its blessings, and from which every advantage we 
 derive becomes a new tie of fidelity and attachment. 
 
 Permit us, most gracious sovereign, to express our 
 unfeigned satisfaction that, to a monarch endeared to us 
 by so many proofs of clemency, belongs the glorious 
 distinction of bein^: the first to beo:in that work of 
 emancipation, in accomplishment of which we humbly 
 
 against all Catholics, and all Protestant purchasers from Catholics, when the 
 Catholic proprietor has omitted to take the qualifying oaths of 13 and 14 GeoTge 
 III, c— . 
 
 '* The Catholic guilty of such omission not merely risks the total loss of his 
 landed property^ but is immersed in fomenting litigation. His lands and 
 tenements, and all collateral securities made and entered into for covering 
 or protecting them, become discoverable, and may be sued for and recovered 
 from him by any Protestant discoverer. The discoverer, so vested wiih this 
 property, is enabled to find it out by every mode of inquisition, and to sue foi 
 it with every kind of privilege (8 Anne, c 3, 27 and 30). 
 
 "Not only are the courts of law open to him, but he may enter [and this is 
 the usual method] into either of the courts of equity. He may file his bills against 
 those whom he suspects to be possessed of this forbidden property, against 
 those whom he suspects to be their trustees, and against those whom he suspects 
 to be privy to such ownership, and oblige them, under the guilt of penal t'es for 
 perjury, to discover, upon oath, the exact nature and just value of their estates 
 and trusts, in all particulars necessary to affect their forfeiture. In such suits 
 the informer is not liable to the delays which the ordinary procedure of tl:ose 
 courlF throws in the way of the most equitable claimant, nor has the Catholic 
 tlie indulgence allowed to the most fraudulent defendant: that of pica and demur, 
 rer. He is obliged to answer the whole directly, upon his oath, and the old 
 rule of 'extending benefit and restraining penalty is, by this law, struck out ot 
 the ancient jurispnidence.' " ("Statement of the Penal Laws," p. 307.) 
 
 Franchises. — No Catholic can hold any office enumerated in $ 9 of the 
 
/// tJie Reign of George III. 
 
 GOT 
 
 hope your majesty will enjoy the gratification of seeing 
 your whole people united in the bonds of equal laws and 
 equal liberty. 
 
 " May your majesty long continue to reign in the 
 hearts of your faithful subjects, dispensing, as common 
 father to all your people, the inestimable blessings of 
 freedom, peace and union." 
 
 Although this act declared that Catholics might hold 
 any military office or employment, as its powers could 
 not extend out of Ireland, and as all Irish Catholic 
 soldiers, sailors and officers \yere uniformly employed 
 on services out of Ireland, it was represented to the 
 govemmxcnt that, in order to give it any useful effect 
 in this respect, the English act of i George I, which 
 prohibits Catholics from filling any military situation, 
 should be repealed. In answer to their application, the 
 Catholics were informed by Lord Hobart that such a 
 measure would be immediately adopted, and the letter 
 of the secretary of state was shown to them, containing 
 the- promise of the English government. In the House 
 
 act here inserted, of 33 George III, c. 21. Catholics cannot sit in parliament. 
 They cannot vote at elections for members, without taking the oaths of 13 
 and 14 George III, c. 35, and of 33 George III, c. 21. They cannot vote at 
 ▼estries, where the question relates to building or repairing churches, the salary 
 of the clerk, or the election of churchvrarden, by ^$ 4-33 George III, c. 21. 
 They cannot be barristers, attorneys or professors of medicine on Sir P. Dunn's 
 foundation, without taking the oaths of 13 and 14 George III, c. 35, and of 33 
 Gorge III, c, 21. 
 
 Catholic Soldiers. — By the Mutiny Act, if they refuse to frequent the 
 Church of England worship, when ordered to do so by their commanding 
 officer, shall, for the first offence, forfeit twelvepence, and for the second not 
 only forfeit twelvepence, but be laid in irons for twelve hours ; and by the 
 2d section, act 5, of the Articles of War, the punishment extends even to that of 
 death. 
 
 No part scarcely, in fact, of the penal code is repealed, but all of it is now 
 the law of the land, and in full force against those Catholics who have not 
 qualified themselves for relief from its violence, by taking the oaths of 13 and 
 14 George III, c 35, and of 33 George III, c. 21. 
 
608 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 of Lords, when, upon the debate of tliis act, Lord 
 Farnham proposed an amendment to the clause rehiting 
 to the mihtary officers, by rendering its operation con- 
 ditional, until England should pass a similar law, the 
 Chancellor, Lord Clare, opposed it: " For," said he, it 
 could not be supposed that his majesty would appoint a 
 man to such a post until the laws of the empire should 
 qualify him to act in every part of it. It was more than 
 probable a similar law to this would be adopted in 
 England before the lapse of two months, and on this 
 ground the amendment would be wholly unnecessary." * 
 Fourteen years, however, were allowed to pass by 
 without any attempt being made to pass such a law in 
 England; and when the cabinet, in 1807, sought to 
 rescue the plighted faith of their predecessors from 
 well-merited reproach, they were accused of an attempt 
 to subvert the Established Church, and were driven from 
 the councils of his majesty. 
 
 In the course of this year a most unequivocal proof 
 was given to the liberal sentiments which prevailed 
 throughout among the Protestants of the north • of 
 Ireland, in regard to their Catholic fellow-countrymen. 
 At the meeting of the convention of delegates, which 
 was held, in February, at Dungannon, and in which 
 the counties of Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Tyrone, 
 Donegal and Monaghan, were fully represented, they 
 passed resolutions in favor of the absolute necessity of a 
 reform in parliament, including the unqualified admission 
 of Catholics. The Synod of Ulster also (a body consist- 
 ing of the whole dissenting clergy of the North, and the 
 Presbytery of Dublin, together with a lay delegate from 
 each parish) presented an address to the lord-lieute-nant, 
 in which they expressed their satisfaction at the admission 
 of the Catholics to the privileges of the constitution. 
 
 • "Plowden's Ilist. of Br. Empire, during 1792 and 1739." 
 
In the Reign of George III, 609 
 
 These occurrences are of vast importance m forming a 
 correct view of the opinion of the Irish Protestants upon 
 this question, because the Presbyterians being- in numbers 
 fully equal to the Protestants of the Church of England, 
 it leaves but a small number of the whole people adverse 
 to the Catholic claims, even if all these Protestants were, 
 as they certainly are not, hostile to emancipation. 
 
 During this session another subject occupied the seri- 
 ous attention of the upper house of parliament. Dis- 
 turbances had broken out, and outrages were committed 
 in the county of Louth, and the neighboring counties of 
 Meath, Cavan and Monaghan, by persons of the very low- 
 est rank in life, associated under the name of Defenders. 
 This body had its origin in religious persecution, and 
 was an almost inevitable consequence of the system ac- 
 cording to which Ulster had been colonized and settled, 
 and Ireland ruled since the Reformation. In that pro- 
 vince English and Scotch planters had been established 
 on the forfeited lands of the native Catholics. 
 
 These last were, for the most part, obliged to retire to 
 the bogs and mountains ; but, even there, they were not 
 permitted to lose the remembrance of their forefathers, 
 their power and their opulence, in the tranquil enjoyment 
 of security and content. 
 
 The bogs and mountains afforded them no refuge 
 against the acts of uniformity and supremacy, or the ac- 
 cumulating oppressions ot the Popery laws. Nor were 
 ^he wretched inhabitants exempted by their defenceless 
 condition from the hatred, contempt and persecution of 
 their privileged and arrogant neighbors. Hence arose 
 a mutual rancorous animosity between the new settlers 
 and natives, or, in other words, between the Protestants 
 and Catholics, transmitted from generation to genera- 
 tion, until at last it became more violent and intolerant 
 than in any other part of Ireland. 
 
 The Volunteers, by the benign influence of their institu- 
 
c:o 
 
 PiUUt Laws 
 
 tion, had, for the first time, considerably abated this spirit, 
 and by their successful activity, as military men, in keep- 
 ing the peace, had prevented its receiving fresh provo- 
 cation by outrage and insult. But in proportion as this 
 body declined or was discouraged, prejudices and hatred 
 revived, especially in districts remote from the princi- 
 pal Presbyterian towns, where the growing liberality ol 
 the most enlightened dissenters could scarcely operate. 
 These prejudices which, chiefly prevailing in the county 
 of Armagh,* extended, more or less, into the adjoining 
 districts of the counties of Down and Tyrone, began to 
 break out in the year 1791. About that period several 
 associations among the lower order of the Protestants 
 were formed, under the appellation of Peep-o'-Da}^ Boys, 
 whose object v/as to scour the Catholic districts about 
 the break of da)^ and strip the inhabitants of fire- 
 arms, alleging that they were warranted in so doing by 
 the Popery laws, which had, indeed, for a long period, 
 forbidden to the members of that communion the use 
 of arms, even for self-defence. 
 
 * Lord Viscount Gosford's address to the magistrates of the county of Armagh: 
 Gentlemen : — Having requested your attendance here this day, it becomes my 
 duty to state the grounds upon which I thought it advisable to propose this 
 meeting, and, at the sam.e time, to submit to your consideration a plan which 
 occurs to me as most likely to check the enormities that have already brought 
 disgrace upon this country, and may soon reduce it into deep distress. It is no 
 secret that a persecution, accompanied with all the circumstances of ferocious 
 cruelty which have, in all ages, distinguished that dreadful calamity, is now 
 raging in this county. Neither age nor sex, nor even acknowledged innocence 
 as to any guilt in the late disturbances, is sufficient to excite mercy, much less 
 to afford protection. 
 
 *' The only crime which the wretched objects of this ruthless persecution are 
 charged with, is a crime, indeed, of easy proof: it is simply profession of 
 the Roman Catholic faiih, or an intimate connection with a person professing 
 that faiih. A lawless banditti have constituted themselves judges of this new 
 species of delinquency, and the sentence they have denounced is equally con- 
 cise and terrible. It is nothing less than a confiscation of all property, and 
 an immediate banishment. It would be extremely painful, and surely unneces- 
 sary, to detail the horrors that attend the execution of so rude and tremendous 
 a proscription, — a proscription that certainly exceeds, in the comparative numbt-r 
 
hi the Reign of George III. 
 
 611 
 
 The Catholics, thus exposed and attacked, entered into 
 a counter association, called Defenders, which derived its 
 name from the necessity of their situation, and its excuse 
 from the difficulty, or, as they stated, the impossibility of 
 obtaining justice against their aggressors. This associa- 
 tion, at first local, and confined, as much as mutual hatred 
 would allow, to actual self-defence, began, in 1792, to 
 spread through other parts of the kingdom, and not a 
 little to connect itself with more general politics. 
 
 In proportion as this association extended itself into 
 districts where no Protestants of inferior rank of life were 
 to be found, and therefore no outrages like those com- 
 mitted by the Peep-o'-Day Boys to be apprehended, it 
 gradual!}' lost its characteristic of being a religious feud, 
 and became, in fact, an association of the very worst char- 
 acters, particularly for procuring a redress of the griev- 
 ances of the very humbler classes. Even in the counties 
 where it originated, it ceased to be actuated by religious 
 animosity before the end of 1792, in consequence of 
 the exertions of the earlv United Irishmen, whose chief 
 
 of those it consigns to ruin and misery, every example that ancient and modern 
 history can supply : for, where have we heard, or in what story of human cruel- 
 ties have we read of more than half the inhabitants of a populous country 
 deprived at one blow of the means, as well as the fruits of their industry, and 
 driven, in the midst of an inclement season, to seek a shelter for themselves 
 and their helpless families where chance may guide them ? This is no ex- 
 aggerated picture of the horrid scenes now acting in this country, yet surely it 
 is sufficient to awaken sentiments of indignation and compassion in the coldest 
 bosoms. Those horrors are now acting with impunity. The spirit of impartial 
 justice (without which law is nothing better than an instrument of tyranny ) has 
 for a time disappeared in this country, and the supineness of the magistracy, 
 of Armagh is become a common topic of conversation in every corner of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 ••It is said, in reply, the Catholics are dangerous. They may be so — they 
 may be dangerous from their numbers, and still more dangerous from the un- 
 bounded views they hdve been encouraged to enjertain ; but I would venture to 
 assert, without fear of contradiction, that these proceedings are not moi e contrary 
 to humanity than they are to sound policy. It is to be lamented that no civil 
 magistrate happened to be [)resent with the military detachment on the niglit of 
 the 21st instant; but I trust the suddenness of the occasion, the unexpected 
 
612 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 endeavors were always directed to reconcile the Protes- 
 tants and Catholics. 
 
 These disturbances having attracted the attention ol 
 the House of Lords early in 1793, a secret committee was 
 appointed to inquire into these causes, to endeavor to 
 discover their promoters, and to prevent their extension. 
 
 In their report they exculpate the Catholics as a body 
 from all criminalit)^ with respect to their proceedmgs. 
 They say that nothing appeared before them which 
 could lead them to oelieve that the body of the Roman 
 Catholics in this kingdom were concerned in promoting or 
 countenancing such disturbances;" and then they even 
 acquit the lower order of Catholics of being to blame, 
 by saying that, if all the magistrates in the disturbed 
 counties had followed the spirited example of the few 
 who, much to their honor, exerted themselves with 
 vigor and courage to support the laws, the committee 
 are persuaded that these disturbances might have been 
 suppressed ; but, instead of doing so, they remained 
 inactive." 
 
 and instantaneous aggression on the part of the delinquents, \riil be universally 
 admitted as a full vindication of the conduct of the officer, and the party acting 
 under his command. Gentlemen, I have the honor to hold a situation in this 
 country which calls upon me to deliver my sentiments, and I do it without fear 
 and without disguise. I am as true a Protestant as any gentleman in this 
 room ; I inherit a property which my family claimed under a Protestant title, and, 
 with the blessing of God, I will maintain that title to the utmost of my power. I 
 will never consent to make a sacrifice of Protestant ascendancy to Catholic 
 claims, with whatever menace they may be urged, or however speciously or 
 invidiously supported. Conscious of my sincerity in this public declaration, 
 which I do not make unadvisedly, but as the result of mature deliberation, I 
 defy fhe paltry insinuations that malice or party spirit may suggest. 
 
 " I know my own heart, and I would despise myself if, under intimidation, I 
 could close my eyes against such scenes as present themselves on every side> 
 01 my ears against the complaints of a persecuted people. 
 
 " I should be guilty of an unpardonable injustice to the feelings of gentlemtn 
 here present, were I to say more on this subject. I have now acquitted my- 
 self to my conscience and my country, and take the liberty of proposing the 
 following resolutions: — 
 
 1st. That it appears to this meeting thnt the county of Armagh is at thif 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 G13 
 
 In further corroboration of the innocence of tne Cath- 
 olics, there is the following- declaration of one of the 
 members of the committee, in the debate on the Catholic 
 bill. Lord Portarlington said that, ** if he was not fully 
 convinced that the Catholic body had no connection 
 whatever in the disturbances created by some of their 
 communion in the North, he should never give this bill 
 his support." 
 
 The Catholic clergy, w^ho had been uniformly ready 
 to promote tranquillity, and to inculcate the obligation 
 of a strict submission to the laws, were not backward; 
 on this occasion, in assisti. ig government to suppress the 
 outrages of the Defenders. 
 
 Dr. Troy, Dr. O'Reilly, Dr. Bray, Dr. Bellew and 
 Dr. Cruise, all of them titular bishops, happening- to be 
 in Dublin when the business was first taken up to the 
 House of Lords, published the following admonition' to 
 those of their communion, and directed the priests of 
 their dioceses to read it in their respective chapels : — 
 
 moment in a state of uncommon disorder ; that the Roman Catholic inhabitants 
 are grievously oppressed by lawless persons unknown, who attack and plunder 
 their houses by night, and threaten them with instant destruction, unless they 
 immediately abandon their lands and habitations. 
 
 "2d. That a committee of magistrates be appointed to sit on Tuesdays and 
 Saturdays in the chapter-room, in the town of Armagh, to receive information 
 against all persons of whatever description, who disturb the peace of this 
 county. 
 
 " 3d. That the instruction of the whole body of magistrates to their committee 
 sha^l be to use every legal means within their power to stop the progress of 
 the persecution now carried on by an ungovernable mob against the Roman 
 Catholic inhabitants of this county. 
 
 "4th. That said committee, or any three of them, be empwwered to expend 
 any sum or sums of money, for information or secret service, out of the fum 
 f ubicribed by the gentlemen of this county. 
 
 " 5th. That a meeting of the whole body of the magistracy be held every second 
 Monday, at the house of Mr. Charles McReynolds, in the town of Armagh, to 
 hear the report of the committee, and to give such further instructions as the 
 exigency of the case may require. 
 
 " 6*h. That offenders of every description in the present disturbances shall be 
 prosecuted out of the fund subscribed by the gentlemen of this county." 
 
611 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 Dublin, January 25th, T793 
 
 ** Dear Christians :— 
 
 It has been our constant practice, as it is our indis- 
 pensable duty, to exhort you to manifest, on all occasions, 
 that unshaken loyalty to his majesty and obedience to 
 the laws which the principles of our holy religion inspire 
 and command. This loyalty and obedience have ever 
 peculiarly distinguished the Roman Catholics of Ireland. 
 We do not conceive a doubt of their being actuated at 
 present by the same sentiments, but thinlc it necessary 
 to observe that a most lively gratitude to our beloved 
 sovereign should render their loyalty and love of order, 
 if possible, more conspicuous. Our gracious king, the 
 common father of all his people, has, with peculiar energy, 
 recommended his faithful Roman Catholic subjects of this 
 kingdom to the wisdom and liberalit}^ of our enlightened 
 parliament. How can we, dear Christians, express our 
 heartfelt acknowledgments for this signal and unprece- 
 dented instance of royal benevolence and condescension ? 
 Words are insufficient ; but your continued and peaceable 
 conduct will more effectually proclaim them, and in a man- 
 ner equally, if not more, satisfactory and pleasing to his 
 majesty and his parliament. Avoid, then, we conjure you, 
 dearest brethren, every appearance of riot; attend to 
 your industrious pursuits for the support and comfort of 
 your families; fly from idle assemblies; abstain from the 
 intemperate use of spirituous and intoxicating liquors; 
 practise the duties of our holy religion. This conduct, so 
 pleasing to heaven, will also prove the most powerful 
 recommendation of your present clamis to our amiable 
 sovereign, to both houses of parliament, to the magis- 
 trates, and to all our well-meaning fellow-subjects of 
 every description. None but the evil-minded can rejoice 
 in 3^our being concerned in any disturbance. 
 
 *' We cannot but declare our utmost and con:.icicn- 
 

 
 In the Reign of George III Glo 
 
 tious detestation and abhorrence of the enormities lately 
 committed by seditious and misguided wretches of every 
 religious denomination in some counties ot this king- 
 dom ; they are enemies of God and man, the outcasts of 
 society, and a disgrace to Christianity. We consider the 
 Roman Catholics amongst them unworthy the appella- 
 tion, whether acting from themselves, or seduced to out 
 rage by arts of designing enemies to us and to nationa. 
 prosperity, intimately connected with our emancipation. 
 
 Offer your prayers, dearest brethren, to the Father of 
 mercy, that He may inspire these deluded people with 
 sentiments becoming Christians and good subjects ; sup- 
 plicate the Almighty Ruler and Disposer of em.pires, by 
 whom kings rule, and legislators determine what is just, to 
 direct his majesty's councils, and forward his benevolent 
 intentions to unite all his Irish subjects in bonds of com- 
 mon interest, and common endeavors for the preservation 
 of peace and good order, and for every purpose tending 
 to increase and secure national prosperity. 
 
 " Beseech the throne of mercy, also, to assist both 
 houses of parliament in their important deliberations, 
 that they may be distinguished by consummate wisdom 
 and liberality, for the advantage of the kingdom, and 
 the relief and happiness of his majesty's subjects. 
 
 Under the pleasing expectations of your cheerful 
 compliance with these our earnest solicitations, we most 
 sincerely wish you every blessing in this life, and ever- 
 lasting happiness in the next, through our Lord Jesus 
 Christ. Amen." 
 
 In the summer of 1794, Mr. Pitt formed his memorable 
 coalition with the Rockingham party ; and though the 
 ground of this transaction was a concurrence of opinion 
 concerning the war with France, "'if the general man- 
 agement and superintendence of Ireland had x\o\. been 
 offered to the Duke of Portland, that coalition could 
 
CIG 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 not have taken place. The sentiments he had enter- 
 tained, and the language he had held so publicly for 
 years back on the subject, rendered the superintendence 
 of Irish affairs a point that could not bo dispensed with 
 by him." 
 
 It having thus become a point that could not be 
 dispensed with by the Duke of Portland, to grant the 
 Catholics of Ireland complete emancipation, the first 
 measure of his grace, immediately upon the coalition 
 being arranged, was to solicit Lord Fitzwilliam to 
 accept of his office of lord-lieutenant, and to propose 
 to him to carry this measure instantly into effect, f 
 This measure was decided upon by the cabinet on the 
 day the Duke of Portland kissed hands, after frequent 
 consultations between Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Portland, 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, Mr. Grattan and Mr. Ponsonby. % 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, having acceded to the pressing 
 solicitations of the Duke of Portland to undertake to 
 carry this favorite and indispensable measure into effect, 
 landed in Dublin on the 2d January. He had consented 
 not to bring the question forward on the part of gov- 
 ernment, but rather to endeavor to keep it back until a 
 period of more general tranquillity ; " but it had been re- 
 solved by the cabinet that if the Catholics should appear 
 determined to stir the business, and bring it before par- 
 liament, then he was to give it a handsome support on 
 the part of government." But no sooner was Lord Fitz- 
 william landed than he found this determination had 
 been taken by the Catholics. 
 
 The Catholics of Dublin had held a meeting on the 23d 
 December, and agreed to a petition to parliament, claim- 
 ing the repeal of all the penal laws. Similar petitions 
 had been agreed to throughout the kingdom, — the natu- 
 ral consequences of its being known for some months 
 
 • Letter of Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlisle. 
 
 t Ibid. 
 
 \ Ibid 
 
In thr Rc i^/i of George IIL 617 
 
 that so steady and itrenuous a friend to emancipation 
 as the Duke of Portland had become one of his majesty's 
 ministers. Lord Fitzwilliam, finding, therefore, that the 
 question would force itself upon his immediate consider- 
 ation, communicated his opinion and intentions to the 
 Engliih government on the third day after his arrival, 
 in the following terms: "That, not to grant cheerfully, 
 on the part of government, all the Catholics wished for, 
 would not :>nly be exceedingly impolitic, but perhaps 
 dangerous ; that, in doing this, no time was to be lost ; that 
 the buziinecs would presently be at hand ; and that, if he 
 received no very peremptory directions to the contrary, 
 he would acquiesce to the wishes of the Catholics." * 
 
 Parliament met on the 22d January, and on the I2th 
 February, " nj peremptory directions to the contrary 
 having arrived," ' hough so much time had elapsed since 
 Lord Fitzwilliam had communicated his intentions to the 
 English governir.ent, Mr. Grattan, with the consent of 
 Lord Fitzwilliar.1, moved for leave to bring in a bill for 
 the further relief of the Catholics. 
 
 Meanwhile the English cabinet forgot the stipulations 
 which they liad entered into with Lord Fitzwilliam, 
 ** that, if the Catholics should appear determined to stir 
 the business, and bring it before parliament, he was to 
 give it a handsome support on the part of government ;" 
 and the Duke of Portland was directed by Mr. Pitt to 
 inform Lord Fitzwilliam that, notwithstanding the length 
 to svhich the Irish government had gone, it must retrace 
 its steps. 
 
 " Then," says Lord Fitzwilliam, in his letter to Lore 
 Carlisle, " it appears to have been discovered that the 
 deferring of it would be not merely an expediency, or 
 thing to be desired for the present, but the means o\ 
 doing a greater good to the British empire than it has 
 
 • Letter of Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Caxlislc 
 
CIS Penal Laws 
 
 been capable of receiving since the Revolution, or at least 
 since the Union." 
 
 Lord F'itzwiliiam having refused to become a part)/ 
 to the inconsistency of iNIr. Pitt and the Duke of Port- 
 land, that fatal measure of his recall was determined 
 upon, — a measure which has involved Ireland in thirty 
 years of suffering, under military tyranny, insurrection 
 and rebellion, and which, at times, has shaken the stability 
 of the empire to its centre. 
 
 Upon a debate in the House of Lords, which took 
 place soon after Lord Fitzwilliam's return to England, 
 on the subject of his conduct in Ireland, Lord West- 
 moreland said, by the direction of Mr. Pitt, " that he 
 had no authority whatever from ministers in'this country 
 for taking the steps which he had done on the Catholic 
 question." The incorrectness, however, of this assertion 
 it is no very difficult matter to expose. In the first place 
 the measure of emancipation to the Catholics was origi- 
 nall}^ the measure of Mr. Pitt and the Westmoreland ad- 
 ministration.* " The most strenuous and zealous friends," 
 says Lord Filzwilliam, of my predecessor claimed the 
 credit of it for their patron in terms of the highest com- 
 pliment. They did it in the House of Commons, they 
 did it in the House of Lords last night. The person 
 whom Lord Westmoreland then principally consulted, 
 opposed it; but the open interference of Lord Hobart, 
 the avowed determination of the British cabinet, com- 
 municated as such to the Catholic agents on the spot, 
 through the medium of confidential persons sent over to 
 England for that purpose, bore down the opposition. 
 The declarations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas are well 
 known in this countr}^ and are often quoted : they would 
 not risk a rebellion in Ireland on such a question." 
 
 Pere, tnen, is evidence which has never been contro- 
 
 • Letter of Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlisle. 
 
In tJic Reign of George III. 
 
 619 
 
 verlcd, that, even before Lord Fitzwilliam went to Ireland, 
 the measure had been determined upon by Mr. Pitt, 
 The only question, therefore, to be decided in judging 
 of the correctness of Lord Westmoreland's assertion is, . 
 whether or not Mr. Pitt had consented that the proper 
 time for adopting this measure was arrived when Lord 
 Fitzwilliam was sent to Ireland. That he had so consented, 
 there is in proof the language which the Duke of 
 Portland had held so publicly for years back," that the 
 emancipation of the Catholics was indispensably neces- 
 sary ; there is the fact of his refusing to coalesce with 
 Mr. Pitt unless this measure was conceded ; there are 
 the frequent consultations that took place concerning 
 it between Mr. Pitt, Lord Fitzwilliam, Mr. Grattan and 
 Mr. Ponsonby ; the acceptance, also, of the ofSce of 
 lord-lieutenant by Lord Fitzwilliam ; and, finally, the 
 word and honor of Lord Fitzwilliam that Mr. Pitt's con- 
 sent was absolutely given. 
 
 No event in our history has ever happened that has 
 been attended with miore pernicious consequences than 
 the decision that Mr. Pitt at this time made to recall Lord 
 Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Had he allowed the Catholics to be restored to their 
 constitutional rights, they would have secured the peace 
 of Ireland, and have afforded every support in their power 
 to the government. The contrary policy threw the mass 
 of the poorer Catholics into the hands of the United Irish- 
 men, involved the country in a civil war, and established 
 that succession of disturbances and insurrections which 
 nave prevailed in Ireland, with little interruption, from 
 the year 1795 to the present time. 
 
 When the differences that existed between the lord- 
 lieutenant and the English cabinet were known, grief 
 and consternation seized all who had flattered themselves 
 that the measures of his excellency's administration were 
 to redress the grievances, remove the discontents, and 
 
620 • Ptiial LazL's 
 
 work the salvation of Ireland. In the House of Commong 
 Sir Lawrence Parsons moved to limit the money bills to 
 two months ; but Lord Milton and Mr. George Ponsonby 
 deprecated the measure, and it was rejected. The House 
 of Commons, however, unanimously resolved that his 
 excellency had, by his conduct since his arrival, merited 
 (he thanks of the house, and the confidence of the people. 
 
 Out of parliament the discontent was more manifest. 
 The Catholics, who had now for six months felt secure 
 of being- at length relieved from the execrable system of 
 pains and penalties, as the Duke of Portland himself was 
 accustomed to call it, now saw the cup dashed from their 
 lips, and could not but despair of ever seeing any termina- 
 tion to the duplicity of English cabinets. The Catholics 
 of Dublin, impelled by these feelings, assembled on the 
 27th February, and voted a petition to the king for the 
 continuance of Lord Fitzwilliam as their chief governor; 
 and those of the whole kingdom followed their example, 
 by adopting resolutions and addresses expressive of the 
 same sentiments. 
 
 The Protestants, too, assembled extensively, and as 
 loudly spoke their indignation at what they condemned 
 as ministerial treachery, and considered as a great public 
 calamity. The freemen and freeholders of the cit}^ of 
 Dublin, like the Catholics, agreed to a petition to the 
 king. The merchants and traders of the city expressed 
 iheir sorrow at the rumored recall of his excellency, and 
 their entire concurrence in the removal of all religious 
 disabilities. 
 
 The counties of Kildare, Wexford, Antrim and Lon- 
 donderry, followed the example of the freemen and free- 
 holders of the capital, and the same sentiments seemed 
 to pervade every part of the kingdom. The active 
 republicans and the United Irishmen alone were not 
 sorrv at the ao:itation and controversies vvhich were 
 Qow springing up. 
 
hi the Reign of George III. 
 
 621 
 
 These expressions, however, of dissatisfaction on the 
 part of the Irish people were of no avail. Ireland was 
 doomed to see a system of burning and torture succeed 
 a system of conciliation, and Lord Camden was selected 
 as a fit person to succeed Lord Fitzwilliam as lord- 
 lieutenant. 
 
 The measure of union comes the next in the course of 
 events in which the Catholics, as a body, were concerned : 
 and, in strict propriety, it would be right now to proceed 
 to show how the Catholics were affected by it. But 
 as tliere have been, ^md still are, those who, either 
 through ignorance or in defiance of all regard for truth, 
 assert that the rebellion of 1798 was a Catholic rebellion, 
 and that the conduct of the Catholics on that occasion 
 afforded a justification for refusing to grant to them such, 
 concessions, it will contribute to promote a more just 
 view of the subject if those facts are referred to, which 
 exist, to refute the supposition that the Catholics, as a 
 body, were concerned in the rebellion. 
 
 Fortunately for the cause of truth and justice, there 
 do exist documents the authority of which no sophistry 
 or calumny can impeach. These are the reports of the 
 committee of the Irish parliament. They so minutely 
 explain the cause, the conduct, and the character of this 
 rebellion, and give such accurate information respecting 
 those who are concerned in it, that it is impossible foi 
 any one to affix to it any other character than that which 
 they have given to it. The justification, therefore, of the 
 Catholics by these reports rests upon this circumstance, 
 that to maintain that the rebellion was a Catholic rebellion 
 is to dispute the authority of these reports, which make 
 no such charge, and account for it by other means. 
 
 The following extracts from the report of the commitee 
 of the House of Commons, appointed in 1798 to examine 
 the evidence, contain a faithful description of the origin 
 and object of this transaction : — 
 
622 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 ** The society, under the name of United Irishmen, il 
 appears, was established in 1791 ; its founders held forth 
 what they termed Catholic emancipation and parliamen- 
 tary reform as the ostensible objects of their union ; hut 
 it clearly appeared from the letter of Theobald Wolfe 
 Tone, accompan3'ing their original constitution, as trans- 
 nitted to Belfast for their adoption, that, from its com- 
 mencement, the real purpose of those who wxre at the 
 head of the institution was to separate Ireland from Great 
 Britain, and to subvert the established constitution of 
 this kingdom. In corroboration of which your committee 
 have annexed to this report several of their earl}' publica- 
 tions, particularly a prospectus of the society, which 
 appeared in the beginning of the year 1791, as also the 
 .plan of reform they recommended to the people. 
 
 " For the first three years their attention was entirely 
 directed to the engaging in their society persons of 
 activity and talents, in every quarter of the kingdom, 
 and in preparing the public mind for their future pur- 
 poses, by the circulation of the most seditious publi- 
 cations, particularly the w^orks of Mr. Thomas Paine. 
 At this time, however, the leaders were rather cautious 
 of alarming minds not sufficiently ripe for the adoption 
 of their principles, by the too open disclosure of the real 
 objects which they had in view. In 1795 the text of the 
 society underwent a striking revision ; the words in the 
 amended text stand, * A full representation of the people,' 
 omitting the words, * In the Commons House of Par- 
 liament.' the reason for which has been admitted by 
 three members of the executive, examined before 3'our 
 committee, to be the better to reconcile reformers and 
 republicans in a common exertion to overthrow the 
 state. 
 
 "In the summer of 1796 great numbers of persons, 
 principally in the province of Ulster, had enrolled tbem- 
 cclves in this society. About the same period, as will be 
 
/;/ the Reign of George IIL 
 
 623 
 
 more fully explained hereafter, a direct commiinicalion 
 had been opened by the heads of the party with the enemy, 
 and French assistance was solicited, and promised to be 
 specdil}^ sent in aid of the disaffected in this kingdom. 
 
 ** With a view of being prepared as much as possible to 
 cooperate with the enemy then expected, and in order 
 to counteract the effect of the armed associations of 
 yeomanry, established in October, 1796, directions were 
 issued by the leaders to the societies to form themselves 
 into military bodies, and to be provided with arms and 
 ammunition. 
 
 " These directions were speedily obeyed ; the societies 
 assumed a new military form, and it appears by the 
 original papers seized at Belfast in the month of April, 
 179/, that their numbers at that period, in the province 
 of Ulster alone, were stated to amount to nearly one hun- 
 dred thousand men ; that they were largely supplied 
 with fire-arms and pikes ; that they had some cannon and 
 ammunition, and were diligently employed in the study 
 of military tactics; in short, that nothing was neglected 
 by the party which could enable them to take the field 
 on the arrival of the enemy, or whenever they might 
 receive orders to that effect from their superior officers, 
 whom they were bound by oath to obey." 
 
 In the report of the committee of 1797, it appears that 
 no part of the kingdom in which the, Catholic popula- 
 tion prevails was organized, except the counties of West- 
 meath and Kildare, and the city of Dublin. These ex- 
 tracts establisii the following facts : — 
 
 1. That the persons who were the founders of the 
 rebellion were those who formed the societies of United 
 Irishmen, and who were all Protestants. 
 
 2. That the object of the rebellion was a republican 
 form of government and separation from England, and 
 not Catholic emancipation, or the estaolisnment of tne 
 Catholic religion. 
 
624 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 3. That in May, 1797, no Catholic whatever was con- 
 cerned in the rebellion, except some of the lowest orders 
 in Dublin, and in the counties of Westmeath and Kil- 
 dare ; and, 
 
 4. That one hundred thousand Protestants were, in 
 May, 1797, completely organized for open rebellion, and 
 well supplied- with arms. 
 
 Now, as we learn from the evidence of Mr. McNevm, 
 before the committee of the House of Lords, in 1798, 
 that the leaders of the measure had determined to com- 
 mence operations in 1797, let us suppose the rebellion had 
 then broken out, and ask this question, Would it have 
 been a Catholic rebellion ? Certainly not. No man could 
 venture to maintain an opinion so utterly untenable. 
 Then, if the reJbellion, had it broken out in 1797, would 
 have been a rebellion of Protestants, and not one of 
 Catholics, how could it become a Catholic rebellion in 
 1798? Let us again refer to the report of the secret 
 committee. This gives an accurate account of the pro- 
 gress of the rebellion during the year 1797, and shows 
 by what means, and by whom, the deluded Catholic 
 peasantry of the South were made parties to the treason : 
 
 '* It appears to your committee that the leaders of 
 the treason, apprehensive lest the enemy might be dis- 
 couraged from any further plan of invasion by the loyal 
 disposition manifested throughout Munster and Con- 
 naught (the two great Catholic provinces) on their for- 
 mer attempt (by Hoche, in December, 1796), determined 
 to direct all their exertions to the propagation of the 
 system in those provinces which had hitherto been but 
 partially infected. With this view, emissaries were sent 
 into tne South and West in great numbers, of whose 
 success in forming new societies, and administering the 
 oaths of the union, there were, in the course of a few 
 months, but too evident proofs, in the introduction of 
 the same disturbances and enormities into ^lunster 
 
hi the Reign df George IIL 
 
 625 
 
 with which the northern province had been so severely 
 visited. 
 
 " In order to engage the peasantry in the southern 
 counties, particularly in the counties of Waterford and 
 Cork, the more eagerly to their cause, the United Irish- 
 men found it expedient, in urging their general principles, 
 to dwell with peculiar energy on the supposed oppres- 
 siveness of tithes (which had been the pretext for the 
 old Whiteboy insurrections) ; and it is observable that, 
 in addition to the acts of violence usually resorted to by 
 the party for the furtherance of their purposes, the 
 ancient practice of burning the corn and houghing the 
 cattle of those against whom their resentment was 
 directed, was revived, and very generally practised in 
 those counties. 
 
 " With a view to excite the resentment of the Cath- 
 olics, and to turn their resentment to the purpose of the 
 party, fabricated and false texts were presented, as having 
 been taken to exterminate Catholics, and were industri- 
 ously disseminated by emissaries of the treason through- 
 out the provinces of Leinster, Munster and Connaught. 
 Reports were frequently circulated amongst the ignorant 
 of the Catholic persuasion, that large bodies of men 
 were coming to put them to death. This fabrication, 
 however extravagant, was one among the many wicked 
 means by which the deluded peasantry were engaged 
 the more readily in the treason. 
 
 " The measures thus adopted by the party * completely 
 succeeded in detaching the minds of the lower classes 
 from their usual habits and pursuits, insomuch that, in 
 the course of the autumn and winter, 1797, the peasantry, 
 in the midland and southern counties, were swo? n and 
 ripe for insurrection." 
 
 From this account ot the progress of the treason in 
 1797, in the South of Ireland, the following inferences 
 
 • The Protestant United Irishmen. 
 
G26 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 may be deduced: ist, that the Catholics of Ireland 
 were unconnected with the system of rebellion which 
 had extended over the whole of the Protestant province 
 of Ulster; 2d, that the peasantry of the South were cor- 
 rupted by emissaries sent amongst them by the leaders 
 of the treason in the North, and not by the Catholic 
 clergy or Catholic aristocracy; and, 3d, that the organi- 
 zation of the South was not a distinct effort of a distinct 
 body of people, but a measure subsidiary to the original 
 organization of the Protestants of the North, conducted 
 by the same party, and having the same object in con- 
 templation. 
 
 Then it follows that the leaders of the rebellion, being 
 the same in 1798 as they were in 1797, the object of it 
 the same in 1798 as it was in 1797, the means for carry- 
 ing it into effect in 1798 the same as the means for carry- 
 mg it into effect in 1797, there can be no more grounds 
 for calling it a Catholic rebellion in 1798 than there w^erc 
 for calling it a Catholic rebellion in 1797 ; and, therefore, 
 as there were no grounds for affixing this character to it 
 in 1797, neither are there any for calling it a Catholic 
 rebellion in 1798. 
 
 In direct contradiction, however, of such a conclusion, 
 and of the statements of the secret committee, it has been 
 asserted b}' those who are interested in calumniating the 
 character of the Irish rebellion, and believed by those 
 who are ignorant of its true nature, that it was a Catholic 
 rebellion ; that the designs of the Catholic body went 
 to the massacre and destruction of every Protestant in 
 Ireland, and that all their other plans were wholly sub- 
 seivient to that of establishing the Catholic religion.* 
 
 • These are tlie propositions which Sir Richard Musgrave has labored to 
 maintain. His work professes to do that which the secret committee of the 
 House of Commons was appointed to do, namely : to give a faithful account of 
 this rebellion. A discerning public will at once see to which authority they 
 ought to give a preference Sir Richard dedicated his first edition to Lord 
 
/// the Reign of George III. 
 
 627 
 
 As to the conduct of the Catholic clergy of the county 
 of Wexford, it is well known '* that not one of them who 
 had a flock, not one parish priest was implicated, or had 
 any concern in fomenting, encouraging or aiding the 
 rebellion ; nay, it is certain that they abhorred and 
 detested and shuddered at it as the most wicked, 
 scandalous, and abominable event that they had ever 
 witnessed."* 
 
 The supposition that the establishment of the Cath- 
 olic religion was one of the objects of this rebellion, is 
 proved to be unfounded by the evidence of the princi- 
 pal leaders, Emmett and McNeiven. 
 
 The following are their answers, given before the 
 committee, to the question, Whether or not they w^ould 
 set up the Catholic religion ?" 
 
 McNeiven. — I would no more consent to that than to 
 the establishment of Mahometanism." 
 
 Emmett. — " I do not think the Catholics would wish to 
 set up a Catholic establishment, even at the present day. 
 Perhaps some old priests, who have long groaned under 
 the penal laws, might wish for a retribution to them- 
 selves, but I do not think the young priests wish for 
 it; and I am convinced the laity would not submit to it, 
 
 Comwallis. Upon heading it, however, Lord Cornwallis directed his secretary 
 to write the following letter to him : 
 
 "DUBLIX, March 24, 1 801. 
 " Sir : — I am directed by the lord-lieutenant to express to you his concern 
 at its appearing that your late publication of the * History of the Rebellions 
 of Ireland* has been dedicated to him by permission. 
 
 • * Had his excellency been apprised of the contents and nature of the work, he 
 would never have lent the sanction of his name to a book which tends so 
 Etrongly to revive the dreadful animosities which have so long distracted this 
 country, and which it is the duty of every good subject to endeavor to compose. 
 
 •* His excellency, therefore, desires me to request that, in any future edition 
 of the book, the permission ^o dedicate it to him may be omitted. 
 
 " I have, etc, 
 
 " E. LITTLEHALE.S." 
 
 • See "Dr. Caulfield's Reply to Sir R. Musgrave," sold by Keatinjj & Col- 
 Duke Street 
 
G28 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 and that the objections to it will be every dav j^ainin^: 
 strength. ' 
 
 Only two circumstances more remain to be taken notice 
 of regarding the conduct of the Catholics, as a body, in 
 this rebellion. One of them, the indisputable fact, that 
 of the twenty-four leaders of the rebellion who were 
 banished to Fort St. George, only four of them were 
 Catholics, twelve were of the Church of England, and 
 the remaining eight were Dissenters. Well indeed, then, 
 might Mr. Pitt say, in the House of Commons, in 1805, 
 whose opinion is the other circumstance alluded to : "I 
 do not consider the late rebellion in Ireland to have been 
 a Catholic rebellion."* 
 
 Facts, reason and authority, therefore, it appears, all 
 coincide in the condemnation Of the calumny which 
 a few blind and mistaken men have had just talent 
 enough to propagate amongst the ignorant and pre- 
 judiced. The magjia vis veritatis will, however, prevail 
 on this, as well as upon all other occasions, and sooner 
 or later bring forward the unfortunate and much-injured 
 Catholics of Ireland to the view of their English fellow- 
 subjects as highly deserving of their confidence and 
 their affection. 
 
 The next great event belonging to the Catholic ques- 
 tion is the measure of' Union, not as having, in any way, 
 altered the political condition of the Catholics in respect 
 to the penal laws, but as <\ measure concerning which a 
 compact was virtually entered into between them and 
 the English government. For, though it is true that no 
 regular articles like those of Limerick can be produced 
 to prove this compact, still there is circumstantial evi 
 dence of such a natuie as is sufficient to bring conviction 
 to every candid mind that, on the one hand, the Cath- 
 olics did agree to support the Union, and, on the others 
 that the English government, on their part, did indi- 
 
 • •'Debates on the Cathchc Petition." 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 rectly agree to secure to them, in consideration of that 
 support, the measure of emancipation. 
 
 This evidence is to be collected, ist, from the speech 
 of Mr. Pitt, on proposing the Union articles to the House 
 
 Commons ; 2dly, from the act of Union ; 3dly, from Mr. 
 r ict s speech, and bis letters and those of Lord Cornwalhs 
 concerning the change of administration in i8oi. 
 
 First, Mr. Pitt's speech : — I am well aware," says 
 Mr. Pitt, *' that the subject of religious distinction is a 
 dangerous and delicate topic, especially when applied to 
 a country such as Ireland, the situation of which, in this 
 respect, is different from ever}^ other. When the estab- 
 lished religion of the state is the same as the general 
 religion of the empire, and where the property of the 
 country is in the hands of a comparatively small number 
 of persons professing that religion, while the religion of 
 a great majority of the people is different, it is not easy 
 to say, on general principles, what system of church 
 establishment, in such a country, would be free from dif- 
 ficulty and inconvenience. By many I know it will be 
 contended that the religion professed by the majority of 
 the people would at least be entitled to an equality of 
 privileges. I have heard such an argument urged in this 
 house ; but those who apply it, without qualification, 
 to the case of Ireland, forget, surely, the principles on 
 which English interest and Englishconnection have been 
 established in that country, and its present legislature 
 IS formed. No man can say that, in the present state of 
 things, and while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, 
 full concessions could be made to the Catholics without 
 endangering the state, and shaking the constitution t<. 
 its centre." 
 
 Is not this as much as to say that, after an incorpo- 
 rate union shall have taken place, these full concessions 
 could be made without endan2:erinsc Ireland? Could 
 these words be understood in any other way by tlic 
 
630 
 
 Filial Lazi's 
 
 Catholics? Are they not an indirect offer, on the part of 
 Mr. Pitt, to the CathoHcs, to make these lull concessions, 
 provided they would enable him to make them with- 
 out endangering the state? But the language which he 
 next employs is stronger and still more in point. He im- 
 mediately proceeds : " On the other hand, without anti- 
 cipating the discussion, or the propriety of agitating the 
 question, or saying how soon or how late it may be fit to 
 discuss it, two propositions are indisputable: ist. When 
 the conduct of the Catholics shall be such as to make it 
 safe for the government to admit them to the participa- 
 tion of the privileges granted to those of the established 
 religion, and when the temper of the times shall be 
 favorable to such a measure, — when those events take 
 place, it is obvious that such a question may be agitated 
 in an united imperial parliament with greater safety than 
 it could be in a separate legislature. In the second place, 
 I think it certain that, even for whatever period it may 
 be thought necessary, after the Union, to withhold from 
 the Catholics the enjoyment of those advantages, many of 
 the objections which at present arise out of their situation 
 would be removed if the Protestant legislature were no 
 longer separate and local, but general and impartial." 
 
 The speech from which the foregoing is extracted was 
 circulated gratis, by government, throughout Ireland. 
 It was considered by the Catholics as a tender of eman- 
 cipation ; it was anxiously read by all who could read ; 
 at the Castle it was explained to those who sought for 
 explanation, as an unequivocal offer of every conces- 
 sion and, in the result, the Catholics opposed their own 
 parliament, and gave their support to Mr. Pitt, and, by 
 the aid of this support, he was enabled to contend with 
 a majority in the House of Commons, and finally to carry 
 the measure. 
 
 We come now to the evidence to be collected from the 
 act of Union. 
 
 « 
 
Tn the Reign of George III, 
 
 G31 
 
 Many of the leading Catholics have not hesitated 
 to declare that the oath prescribed by this act » to 
 qualify members of parliament to take their seats, was 
 framed under an arrangement that, immediately after the 
 measure was passed, they were to enjoy the privilege of 
 sitting in parliament. The act runs thus : That every 
 one of the Lords and Commons of parliament of the 
 United Kingdom, and every member of the House of 
 Commons of the United Kingdom, in the first and every 
 succeeding parliament shall, until the parliament of the 
 United Kingdom shall otherwise provide, take the oath 
 as now enjoined to be taken." Do not quibble with us," 
 the Catholics say, concerning terms and formalities ; 
 it was clearly understood between us that, il we cooper- 
 ated to bring about the Union, as we actually did, you 
 would effect the emancipation. To give a coloring to 
 this engagement, you inserted in the articles of union 
 an intimation of a proposed change of the oaths in our 
 favor, when, behold I now you roundly tell us that this 
 alteration never shall take place, and that we must make 
 up our minds to wear our shackles till the end of time." 
 
 The third head of evidence is Mr. Pitt's speech, on ex- 
 plaining the cause of his resignation, in 1801 : " As to the 
 merits," Mr. Pitt said, of the question which led to my 
 resignation, 1 am willing to submit them to the house. 
 I and some of my colleagues in office did feel it an in- 
 cumbe-nt duty upon us to propose a measure on the part 
 of government which, under the circumstances of the 
 union so happily effected between the two countries, we 
 thought of great public importance, and necessary to 
 complete the benefits likely to result from that measure. 
 We felt this opinion so strongly that, when we met with 
 circumstances which rendered it impossible for us to 
 propose it as a measure of government, we felt it equally 
 inconsistent with our duty and our honor any longer to 
 remain a part of that government. What may be the 
 
632 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 opinion of others, I know not; but 1 beg to have it un- 
 derstood to be a measure which, if I had remained in 
 government, I must have proposed." * 
 
 Why must Mr. Pitt have proposed this measure ? * To 
 this question one answer alone can be given : because 
 his honor, as a statesman, was substantially engaged to 
 the Catholics that, if they supported the Union, he would 
 propose emancipation. 
 
 We now come to the written communications which, 
 at this time, were made to the Catholics by Mr. Pitt 
 and Lord Cornwallis, and which were given by Lord 
 • Castlereagh to Dr. Troy. 
 
 Mr. Pitt to Lord Cornwallis: — 
 
 " The leading part of his majesty's ministers, find- 
 ing insurmountable obstacles to the bringing forward 
 measures of concession to the Catholic body whilst in 
 office, have felt it impossible to continue in administra- 
 tion under the inabihty to propose it, with the circum- 
 stances necessary to carrying the measure with all its 
 advantages, and they have retired from his majesty's 
 service, considering this line of conduct as most likely 
 to contribute to its ultimate success. 
 
 " The Catholic body will therefore see how much 
 their future hopes must depend upon strengthening 
 their cause by good conduct in the meantime ; they will 
 prudently consider their prospects as arising from the 
 persons who now espouse their interests, and compare 
 them with those which they could look to from any 
 other quarter; they may with confidence rely on the 
 ;?ealous support of all those who retire, and of many 
 who remain in office, when it can be given with a pros- 
 pect of success. They may be assured that Mr. Pitt 
 will do his utmost to establish their cause in the public 
 favor, and prepare the way for their finally attaining 
 their objects ; and the Catholics will feel that, as Mr. Pitt 
 
 * Debrett's Debates," 14 and 161. 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 C33 
 
 could not concur in a hopeless attempt to force it now, 
 ne must at all times repress, with the same decision 
 as if he held an adverse opinion, any unconstitutional 
 conduct in the Catholic body. 
 
 *' Under these circumstances, it cannot be doubted that 
 the Catholics will take the most loyal, dutiful and patient 
 line of conduct ; that they will not suffer themselves to be 
 led into measures which can, by any construction, give 
 a handle to the opposers of their wishes either to mis- 
 interpret their principles, or to raise an argument for 
 resisting their claims ; but that, by their prudent and ex- 
 V emplary demeanor, they will afford additional grounds to 
 the growing number of their advocates to enforce their 
 claims on proper occasions, until their objects can be 
 finally and advantageously attained." 
 
 The sentiments of a sincere friend e.; Marquis of 
 Cornwallis) to the Catholic claims : — 
 
 " If the Catholics should now proceed to violence, or 
 entertain any ideas of gaining their object by conclusive 
 measures, or forming associations v^^ith men of Jacobinical 
 principles, they must of course lose the support and aid 
 of those who have sacrificed their own situations in their 
 cause, but who would, at the same time, feel it to be 
 their indispensable duty to oppose everything tending to 
 confusion. 
 
 On the other hand, should the Catholics be sensible 
 of the benefit they possess by having so many characters 
 of eminence pledged not to embark in the service of 
 government except on the terms of the Catholic privi- 
 leges being obtained, it is to be hoped that, on balancing 
 the advantages and disadvantages of their situation, they 
 would prefer a quiet and peaceable demeanor to any line 
 of conduct of an opposite description." 
 
 The originals of these two declarations were handed 
 . to Dr. Troy, and afterward to Lord Fingal, by the Mar 
 quis of Cornwallis. His excellency desired they should 
 
634 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 be discreetly communicated to the bishops and principal 
 Catholics, but not inserted in the newspapers. Thej 
 appear&d, nevertheless, in the English prints soon after- 
 ward, and were copied into the Irish papers. 
 
 Under circumstances such as these, is it surprising that 
 the Catholics should now feel that faith has been broken 
 with them by the government of England? 
 
 Mr. Pitt, so long ago as in Lord Westmoreland's admin- 
 istration, had made no hesitation to say, in such a manner 
 that his sentiments might be known to the Catholics, that 
 he would not risk a rebellion by withholding emancipa- 
 tion. In 1795 he sent Lord Fitzwilliam Vd Ireland, to carry 
 this measure into effect; and in 1799 he held forth, in 
 language not to be misunderstood, this measure as the 
 reward which he would give the Catholics for their sup- 
 port to the Union. 
 
 At this time he had governed England for fourteen 
 years ; he was supported by great majorities in parlia- 
 ment, and he possessed the unbounded confidence of the 
 king and of the people. What other construction could 
 his language on the Union bear among the Catholics than 
 that of a positive engagement, on the part of England, to 
 give them emancipation, provided they gave the Union, 
 in the first instant, their support.'^ No one can say that 
 they formed their expectations that this measure would 
 be conceded to them, without good grounds for doing 
 so ; and there being good grounds, no correct moraUst 
 can maintain that England made no such engagement. 
 
 Having now traced the history of the penal laws and 
 the Catholics from the Treaty of Limerick down to the 
 Union, it remains only to make a conclusion of this work, 
 by collecting the several inferences which may be drawn 
 from the facts contained in it. 
 
 In the first place, the Catholics have to complain of 
 two distinct breaches of faith by the government of 
 England : ist, in the violation of the Treaty of Limerick ; 
 
/// the Reign of George IIL 
 
 635 
 
 and, 2dly, in the treatment which they have received 
 since the Union. 
 
 Secondly. — They have to complain of having endured 
 a greater share of insult and of oppression than it ever . 
 was the lot of any people, in any other country, to be 
 exposed to. 
 
 Thirdly. — They have it in their power to repel all 
 those charges that have been made against them of being 
 disloyal to the House of Brunswick: ist, b}^ their con- 
 duct in 1715; 2dly, by their conduct in 1745; sdly, by 
 their conduct in 1798. 
 
 Fourthly. — They have it in their power to show that 
 their clergy have at all times inculcated sound doctrines 
 of morality, of peace and submission to the government, 
 and of brotherly affection for their Protestant fellow- 
 countrymen. 
 
 Fifthly. — They can prove that their religious principles 
 nave been wholly misunderstood, and that these prin- 
 ciples are not, in any degree, repugnant to their duty 
 as loyal subjects.* 
 
 Sixthly. — This very important inference may be drawn 
 from what has already been stated, namely : that for a 
 long period of time there has prevailed amongst the 
 Protestants of Ireland a very general inclination to 
 concede to the Catholics a participation with them in 
 constitutional privileges. 
 
 And lastly. — When we consider the effects, direct and 
 collateral, of such a penal code as has existed in Ireland, 
 it is not too much to say that it may be laid down as 
 incontrovertibly proved that it is to the penal code 
 England has to look as the source of all the alarm she 
 now entertains for the safety of Ireland ; and to England 
 Ireland has to look for the cause of all the misery and 
 degradation which, at this day even, peculiarly mark her 
 character among the nations of the world. 
 
 * Is'oie c. 
 
 I 
 
G3G 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 We shall conclude this history of the penal laws with 
 stating what the opinions are, concerning them and the 
 Catholic religion, of men entitled to the highest public 
 veneration for their great authority as divines and 
 statesmen. 
 
 The following is the testimony of an Irish Protestant 
 Bishop of Down, in 1647 
 
 ** To this antiquity of doctrine," he says, " is annexed 
 an uninterrupted succession of their bishops from the 
 apostles, and particularly of their supreme bishop, St. 
 Peter, whose personal prerogatives were so great ; and 
 the advantageous manner in which many eminent prelates 
 of other sees have expressed themselves with regard to 
 the Church of Rome. This prerogative includes the 
 advantages of monarchy, and the constant benefits which 
 are derived from that form of government. 
 
 Nor does the multitude and variety of people who 
 are of this persuasion, their apparent consent with elder 
 ages, and their agreement with one another, form a less 
 presumption in their favor. The same conclusion must 
 be inferred from the differences which have arisen 
 amongst their adversaries; the casualties which have 
 happened to many of them ; the oblique and sinister 
 proceedings of some who have left their communion. 
 
 " To these negative arguments the Catholics add those 
 of a more positive kind : the beauty and splendor of the 
 Church of Rome, her solemn service, the stateHness and 
 magnificence of her hierarchy, and the name of' Catholic,* 
 which she claims as her own due, and to concern no 
 other sect of Christianity. It has been their happiness to 
 be instrumental to the conversion of many nations. The 
 world is witness to the piety and austerity of their 
 religious ordei"S, to the single life of their priests and 
 bishops, the severity of their fasts and observances, the 
 great reputation of many of their clergy for faith and 
 
 * Dr Jeremy Taylor. 
 
In the Reign of George III. 
 
 G37 
 
 sanctity, and the known holiness of some of those per- 
 sons whose institutes the religious orders follow."* 
 
 Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, perhaps the most emi- 
 nent lawyer of modern times, treated the incapacities 
 and disabilities which affected Catholics as penalties of 
 the severest nature. 
 
 In the memorable conference between the Houses of 
 Peers and Commons of England respecting the occa- 
 sional conformity bill, the managers of the former house 
 (amongst whom was the great Lord Soraers) solemnly 
 declared *' that an honest man cannot be reduced to a 
 more unhappy condition than to be put, by law, under 
 an incapacity of serving his prince and his country, and 
 that, therefore, nothing but a crime of the most detest- 
 able nature ought to put him under such a disability." 
 
 The Irish," says Dr. Johnson, " are in a most unnatural 
 state, for there we see the minority prevailing over the 
 majority. There is no instance, even in the ten persecu- 
 tions, of such severity as that which has been exercised 
 over the Catholics of Ireland." 
 
 Dr. Law, Bishop of Elphin, in his speech in the Irish 
 House of Lords on the Catholic Bill of 1793, delivered 
 the following opinion : " He felt it his duty to declare 
 fully his sentiments on these points, because he looked 
 upon his Roman Catholic brethren as fellow-subjects and 
 fellow-Christians, believers in the same God, and part 
 ners in the same redemption. Speculative differences ii 
 some points of faith from him were of no account ; they 
 and he had but one rehgion, — the religion of Christianity. 
 Therefore, as children of the same Father, as travellers 
 on the same road, and seekers of the same salvation, why 
 not love each other as brothers? It was no part of Pro- 
 testantism to persecute Catholics ; and without justice 
 to the Catholics, there could be no securit}' for the Pro- 
 testant establishment." 
 
 • " Statement of Penal Laws," p. 136. 
 
6S8 
 
 Penal Laws 
 
 Dj . Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, in a publication entitled 
 "A Speech Intended to be Spoken," dated November 
 23d, 1803, says : — 
 
 " If any one should contend that this is not the time 
 for government to make concessions to Ireland, I wish 
 him to consider whether there is any time in which it is 
 improper for either individuals or nations to do justice; 
 any season improper for extinguishing animosity ; any 
 occasion more suitable than the present for putting an 
 end to heartburninsfs and internal discontent." 
 
 " It has been asserted," says Archdeacon Paley, "that 
 discordancy of religions is enough to render men unfit 
 to act together in public stations. But upon what argu- 
 ment or upon what experience is this assertion founded ? 
 I perceive no reason why men of different religious 
 persuas:.ons may not sit upon the same bench, deliberate 
 in the same council, or fight in the same ranks, as well as 
 men of various or opposite opinions upon any contro- 
 verted topic of natural philosophy, history, or ethics. 
 
 " Why should not the legislator direct his text against 
 political principles which he wishes to exclude, rather 
 than encounter them through the medium of religioui 
 tenets? Why should a man, for example, be required tc 
 renounce Transubstantiation before he is admitted to an 
 office in the state, when it might seem to be suflficient 
 that he abjures the Pretender?" 
 
 '* Vrhen, in addition to these great authorities, the 
 names of Wyndham, Sheridan, Burke, Pitt and Fox can be 
 added as strenuous advocates for the repeal of these 
 penal laws, can any man be warranted in entertaining ? 
 doubt of the policy of admitting the Catholic subjects of 
 the je countries into a full enjoyment of the rights and 
 privileges of the constitution? Can any man be justified 
 in believing that the constitution will be changed, or that 
 the Protestant Church and Protestant succession to the 
 crown will be exposed to danger ? The constitution rests 
 
In the Reign of George III, 
 
 6.39 
 
 upon the foundation of every subject of the ^\ng having 
 an interest in protecting it, in every subject being in 
 possession of full security for his person, and his property 
 and his liberty, against all invasions, whether of arbitrary 
 power or popular outrage. This principle oi universal 
 admission into the rights of the constitution makes the 
 principle of its preservation universal ; and every excep- 
 tion of it, in place of securing a safeguard, creates a real 
 danger. And for any man at this time gravely to say 
 that the oath of supremacy, the declaration against Tran- 
 substantiation and the sacramental test, are the bulwarks 
 of the constitution, is a matter to excite surprise, and can 
 only be accounted for, either by an unpardonable igno- 
 rance of those things that every one may easily learn, 
 or by the sinister influence of some private interest." * 
 
 * ParaelL 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 TO 
 
 PARNELL'S HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PENAL LAWS. 
 
 NOTE A. 
 
 The following extract is taken from 
 •* Tracts on tlje Popery Li*.w3 " in the 
 ninth volume of Mr. B>'rke's works, 
 which was first puhU-^hed in 1812, 
 four years after the fi^»\. edition of this 
 history v/as published. It is here in- 
 serted as be^'ng a most conclusive 
 corroboration of the opinion given 
 in his b'story upon the Treaty of 
 Limeri'^k ; and as also being an un- 
 answ^.rable refutation of the arguments 
 contained in the pamphlets of the late 
 Arthur Browne, Esq., and Doctor 
 Duigenan: — 
 
 " It will now be seen that, even if 
 tlicse Popery laws could be supposed 
 agreeable to those of nature in these 
 particulars, on another and almost as 
 strong a principle they are yet unjust, 
 as being contrary to positive compact, 
 and the public faith most solemnly 
 piiglited. On the surrender of Lime- 
 rick, and some other Irish garrisons, 
 in the war of the revolution, the lords- 
 
 justices of Ireland, and the cqm* 
 mander-in-chief of the king's forces, 
 signed a capitulation with the Irish, 
 which was afterward ratified by tha 
 king himself, by Inspcximus, under 
 the great seal of England. It contains 
 some public articles relative to the 
 whole body of the Roman Catholics 
 in that kingdom, and some with regard 
 to the security of the greater part of 
 the inhab.'tonts of five counties: what 
 the latter were, or in what manner 
 they were observed, is at this day of 
 much less public concern. The former 
 are two, the first and ninth. The 
 first is of this tenor : * The Roman 
 Catholics of this kingdom ( Ireland ) 
 shall enjoy such privileges, in the ex- 
 ercise of their religion, as are consist- 
 ent with the laws of Ireland, or as 
 they did enjoy in the reign of King 
 Charles II ; and their majesties, as 
 soon as their affairs will permit them 
 to summon a parliament in ih:s king- 
 dom, will endeavor to [jrocure ihc 
 said Roman Catholics &uc!i furi'it-r 
 
G42 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 security ia that particular as may pre- 
 serve them from any disturbance on 
 account of their rehgion. The ninth 
 article is to this effect • ' The oath to 
 be administered to such Roman Cath- 
 olics as submit to their majesties' 
 government shall be the oaih afore- 
 said, and no other, viz. : the oath of 
 allegiance made by act of parliament 
 in England, in the first year of their 
 majesties, as required by the second 
 of the Articles of Limerick.' Com- 
 pare this latter article with the penal 
 laws, as they are stated in the second 
 chapter, and judge whether they seem 
 to be the public acts of the same 
 power, and observe whether other 
 oaths are tendered to them, and under 
 wJiat penalties. 
 
 "Compare the former with the 
 same laws, from the beginning to the 
 end, and judge whether the Roman 
 Ca;holics have been preserved, agree- 
 ably to the sense of the article, from 
 any disturbance upon account of their 
 religion ; or, rather, whether on that 
 account there is a single right of 
 nature, or benefit of society, which 
 has not been either totally taken 
 away, or considerably impaired. 
 
 But it is said that the legislature 
 was not bound by lliis article, as it 
 has never been ratified in parliament. 
 I do admit that it never Imd that sanc- 
 tion, and that the parliament was 
 under no obligation to ratify these 
 articles by any express act ol theirs, 
 liut still I am at a loss how they came 
 to be the less valid, on the principles 
 of our constitution, by being with- 
 out that sanction. They certainly 
 bound the king and his successors. 
 The words of il»e article do this, or 
 they do noihmg ; and so far as the 
 crown had a share in passing those 
 acts, the public foiih was unquestion- 
 
 ably broken. But the constitution 
 will warrant us in going a great deal 
 further, and in affirming that a treaty 
 executed by the crown, and contra- 
 dictory of no preceding law, is full 
 as binding on the whole body of the 
 nation as if it had twenty times re- 
 ceived the sanction of parliament; 
 because, the very same constitution 
 which has given to the houses of 
 parliament their definite authority, 
 has also left in the crown the trust 
 of making peace, as a consequence, 
 and much the best consequence, of 
 the prerogative of making war. \i 
 the peace was ill-made, my Lord Gal- 
 way, Coningsby and Porter, who 
 signed it, were responsible because 
 they were subject to the community. 
 But its own contracts are now subject 
 to it. It is subject to tiiera, and the 
 compact of the king acting constitu- 
 tionally was the compact of the 
 nation. 
 
 '* Observe what monstrous conse- 
 quences would result from a contrary 
 position. A foreign enemy has en- 
 tered, or a strong domestic one has 
 arisen in the nation. In such events 
 the circumstances may be, and often 
 have been, such that a parliament 
 cannot siL This was precisely the 
 case in that rebellion of Ireland. It 
 will be admitted, also, that their 
 power may be so great as to make it 
 very prudent to treat with them, iu 
 order to save effusion of blood ; per- 
 haps, to save the nation. Now, could 
 such a treaty be at ail made, if your 
 enemies, or rebels, were fully per- 
 suaded that, in these times of con- 
 fusion, there was no authority in tlie 
 State which could hold out to them 
 an inviolable pledge for their future 
 secunty : but that there lurked in the 
 constituucn a dormant but irresist- 
 
Appendix. 
 
 G43 
 
 Ible power, vhich wcmld not *.hink 
 itself bound by the ordinary subsist- 
 ing and contracting authority, but 
 might rescind its acts and obligations 
 at pleasure? 
 
 " This would be a doctrine made to 
 perpetuate and exasperate war ; and, 
 on that principle, it directly impugns 
 the laws of nations, which are built 
 upon this principle, that war should 
 be softened as much as possible, and 
 that it should cease as soon as possi- 
 ble between contending parties and 
 communities. The king has a power 
 to pardon individuals. If the king 
 holds out his faith to a robber to 
 come in on a promise of pardon of 
 life and estate, and, in all respects, of 
 a full idemnity, shall the parliament 
 say that he mnst, nevertheless, be 
 executed; th-.t his estate must be 
 forfeited, or that he shall be abridged 
 of any of the privileges which he 
 • before held as a subject? Nobody 
 will affirm it. In such a case, the 
 breach of faith would not only be on 
 the part of the king who assented 
 to such an act, but on the part of the 
 parliament who made it. As the king 
 represents the whole contracting ca- 
 pacity of the nation, so far as his 
 prerogative (unlimited, as 1 said be- 
 fore, by any precedent law) can ex- 
 tend, he acts as the national procu- 
 rator on all sucli occasions. What is 
 true of one robber or rebel is as true, 
 and it is a much more important truth, 
 of one hundred thousand. To urge 
 tliis part (. f the argument further is, I 
 fear, not necessary, for two reasons : 
 First, that it seems tolerably evident 
 in itself; and, next, that there is but 
 too much ground to apprehend that 
 the actual ratification of parliament 
 would, in the then temper of parties, 
 have proved but a very slight and 
 
 trivial security. Of tl.is theie is a very 
 strong example in the history of those 
 very articles.* For, though the parlia- 
 ment omitted, in the reign of King 
 William, to ratify the first and most 
 general of them, they did actually con- 
 firm the second and more limited, — 
 that which related to the security of 
 the inhabitants of those five counties 
 which were in arms when the treaty 
 was made."* 
 
 NOTE B. 
 
 Proportion of Catholics to 
 Protestants. 
 
 The following statement has been 
 made f«"om materials, the result of 
 actual enumeration, and contained in 
 Mr. Newenham's View of Ireland," 
 published in 1809. 
 
 Catholics to Protestants, in 
 
 
 
 
 the diocese of Ross, 
 
 
 
 
 72,265 to 2,292 
 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in eight parishes of the 
 
 
 
 
 diocese of Cork, houses 
 
 II 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the City of Cork, 
 
 
 
 
 numbers . _ _ 
 
 7 
 
 to 
 
 a 
 
 Ditto, in the parish of Ardagh, 
 
 
 
 
 houses - - - - 
 
 70 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the town of Clonmel, 
 
 
 
 
 houses . . - 
 
 3 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the parish of Kil- 
 
 
 
 
 larney . . - 
 
 35 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the parish of Blarney, 
 
 
 
 
 houses - . - 
 
 19 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the parish of Cove, 
 
 
 
 
 houses - 
 
 20 
 
 to 
 
 1 
 
 Ditto,in eleven parishes of the 
 
 
 
 
 diocese of Tuam, num- 
 
 
 
 
 bers . - . - 
 
 54 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto, in the town of Graigna- 
 
 
 
 
 mana, houses 
 
 IOC 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 Catholics to Protestants in the 
 
 
 
 
 parish of Aries, families 
 
 100 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 * Uurk.«'> Wurks, ix, \k lul. 
 
GU 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 D'.tto, in the parish of Tul- 
 low, the most Protestant 
 parish in the diocese of 
 Leighlin, - - 12 to I 
 
 No Protestants in the following 
 parishes : — 
 
 Kilcummin, St. Mullin's, Allen, 
 Kilbegnot, Newport, Abbey feale. 
 
 Only eleven Protestant families in 
 the following parishes : — * 
 
 Castle Blakeny, Killyglass, Shankill 
 and Lusk. 
 
 Catholics to Protestants in 
 
 the county of Kilkenny t 17 to I 
 Ditto, in the counties of Clare, 
 Kerry, Limerick, Water- 
 ford, Leitrim, Mayo, 
 Roscommon, according 
 to general opinion - 50 to I 
 Ditto, in the counties of Kil- 
 dare, Meath, West Meath, 
 Gal way, Sligo, according 
 to general opinion - - 20 to I 
 In the counties of Antrim and 
 Dunn the two sects are supposed to 
 be equal. 
 
 The Catholics are to the Protes- 
 tants, according to general opinion, 
 in the county of Londonderry, as 
 two to one ; in the counties of 
 . Armagh and Fermanagh, as three to 
 one; in the other counties of Ulster, 
 * as four and five to one. 
 
 These statements are inserted, not 
 f:r the purpose of drawing an infer- 
 ence making the Catholics to bear a 
 very high ratio to the Protestants, but 
 to show that there can be nothing 
 very extravagant, or very far from 
 the truth, in assuming as the data 
 of the following calculation that, in 
 three provinces of Leinster, Munster 
 
 " See Newenbam'f " View of Ireland," Ap., p. 
 nxrlU. 
 t 8*e lIciM'i Stirray. 
 
 and Connaught, the Catholics are Ic 
 the Protestants as twelve to one; and 
 that, in the province of Ulster, the 
 Catholics are to the Protestants as 
 three to two. 
 
 Taking, then, the parliamentary 
 returns as the basis of the calculation 
 in these proportions, — 
 It appears from these, 
 that the population of 
 the three provinces 
 amounts to 4,803,333 
 (p. viij, at twelve 
 Catholics to one Pro- 
 testant; -ff of this num- 
 ber are Catholics, viz. : 4,433,84 ' 
 It also appears that the 
 population of Ulster 
 amounts to 1,998,494 
 (p. vii), at three Cath- 
 olics to two Protes- 
 tants ; I of this number 
 are Catholics, viz. - 1,199,094 
 Thus it appears that the 
 total number of Cath- 
 olics, out of a popula- 
 tion of 6,801,821, is - 5,632,938 
 According to the above 
 numbers and propor- 
 tions, the Protestants 
 in three provinces are 
 +3 of 4,803.333. viz. - 369,487 
 Ditto, in Ulster, \ of 
 
 1,998,494, viz.: - - 799.396 
 Thus it appears that the 
 total number of Pro- 
 testants, out ot a 
 population of 6,801 - 
 821, is - . - I,i68,88j 
 These gross relative numbers make 
 the ratio of Catholics to Protestants 
 very nearly indeed as five to one. 
 
 Supposing, then, the number of both 
 Catholics and Protestants to have 
 gone on increasmg in this ratio since 
 
Appendix. 
 
 C45 
 
 1821, the number of Catholics to 
 Protestatits, out of the present 
 population of 7,70o,(XX), will be as 
 five to one, and in whole numbers as 
 6,416,667, to 1,283,333. 
 
 If the population actually is now 
 at least 8,000,000, which abundant 
 reason exists to show to be the case, 
 then the Catholics will be to the Pro- 
 testants according to the ratio of five 
 to one, in number 6,666,666 to 1,333, 
 
 333- 
 
 The general rule in respect of the 
 rate at which the population of a 
 country hicreases, a rule founded upon 
 constant and uniform facts, is, that 
 "population, when unchecked, goes 
 on doubling itself every twenty-five 
 years, or increases in a geometrical 
 ratio." (Malthus' Essay, vol. I, p. 8.) 
 
 This has taken place for about a 
 century and a half, successively, in 
 •North America; and as the means of 
 subsistence in Ireland are more ample, 
 the manners of the people more 
 pure, and the checks to early marriages 
 fewer than in any of the modern states 
 of Europe, there exists no reason to 
 doubt that the population of Ireland 
 is now increasing at the rate of doub- 
 ling itself in twenty-five years. 
 Although the numbers computed by 
 Dr. Beaufort, antl those returned by 
 the census of 1821, may, so far as 
 they are worth anything, show a slower 
 rate of increase, the difference may be 
 explained, first, by the acknowledged 
 fact that the census of 1821 is ex- 
 ceedingly incorrect; secondly, by 
 mentioning another fact, that the 
 circumstances of the last fifteen years 
 have been much more favorable to 
 a rapid increase of population, than 
 those were of the preceding fifteen 
 
 If a comparison could be made of 
 the births and burials of the whole 
 kingdom, at different periods, it 
 would decide the question, for then 
 it would be necessary only to adopt 
 the rule laid down by Dr. Price (vol. 
 ii, p. 51), to find out the actual rate 
 of increase. He says: "The rate of 
 increase, supposing the procreative 
 powers the same, depends upon two 
 causes: *The encouragement to mar- 
 riage, and the expectation of a child 
 just born.' " When one of tiiese 
 is given, the increase will be always 
 in proportion to the other ; that is, 
 as much greater or less as the ratio 
 is of the numbers who reach maturity, 
 and of those who marry, to the 
 number born, so much quicker or 
 slower will be the increase. Let us 
 suppose the operation of tliese causes 
 such as to produce an annual excess 
 of the births above the burials, equal 
 to a thirty-sixth part of the whole 
 number of inhabitants. It may seeia 
 to follow from hence that the in- 
 habitants would double their own 
 number in thirty-six years, and thus 
 some have calculated. But the truth 
 is, that they would double their own 
 number in much less time. 
 
 Every addition to the number of 
 inhabitants from the births produces 
 a proportionably greater number of 
 births, and a greater excess of thes« 
 above the burials; and, if we suppose 
 the excess to increase annually at the 
 same rate with the inhabitants, or so 
 as to preserve the ratio of it to the 
 number of inhabitants always the 
 same, the period of doubling will be 
 twenty-five years.* 
 
 * For iba formula of ninkinK Ui« calculaiion, Ma 
 nou^ ToL U, U, of I>r. i rioa on " AiiiiuiUti*-" 
 
646 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 NOTE C. 
 
 ["The Principles of Roman Cath- 
 olics," from the prayer-book which is 
 in general use amongst the Catholics 
 of Ireland, and which was published 
 by Dr. Coppinger, Titular Bishop of 
 Cloyne.] 
 
 Section J, 
 
 1. Tlie fruition of God and the re- 
 mission of sin are not attainable by 
 rr.-'.n, otherwise than in and by the 
 merits of Jesus Christ, who gratui- 
 loasly purchased them for us. 
 
 ,1. These merits of Christ arc not 
 applied to us, otherwise than by a 
 right faith in Him. 
 
 3. This faith is but one, entire 
 and conformable to its object, which 
 is divine revelation, and to which 
 faith gives an undoubting assenL 
 
 4. This revelation contains many 
 mysteries transcending the natural 
 reach of human understanding: where- 
 fore, 
 
 5. It becomes the Divine wisdom 
 and goodness to provide some way or 
 means whereby man might arrive at 
 the knowledge of these mysteries, — 
 means visible and apparent to all ; 
 means proportioned to the capacities 
 of all ; means sure and certain to all. 
 
 6. This way or means is not the 
 reading of the Scripture, interpreted 
 accoiding to the private reason or 
 judgn"kent of each particular person or 
 nation ; but, 
 
 7. It is an attention and submission 
 to the voice of the Catholic, or Univer- 
 jial, Church, established hy Christ for 
 the instruction of all, spread for that 
 end through all nations, and visibly 
 continued in the succession of pastors 
 and people through all ages. From 
 Uiis Church, guided in truth, and 
 
 secured from error in matters of faith< 
 by the promised assistance of the 
 Holy Ghost, every one may learn the 
 right sense of the Scriptures, and 
 such Christian mysteries and duties 
 as are necessary to salvation. 
 
 8. This Church, thus established, 
 thus spread, thus continued, thus 
 guided in one uniform faith and sub- 
 ordination of government, is that which 
 is termed the Roman Catholic Church, 
 the qualities just mentioned, unity, 
 indeficiency, visibility, succession, and 
 universality, being evidently applica- 
 ble to her. 
 
 9. It is from the testimony and 
 authority of this Church that we re- 
 ceive the Scriptures, and believe them 
 to be the word of God; and as she 
 can assuredly tell us what particular 
 book is the word of God, so can she, 
 *vith the like assurance, tell us also 
 the true sense and meaning of it 
 in controverted pohits of faith ; the 
 same Spirit that wrote the Scriptures, 
 directs her to understand both them 
 and all matters necessary to salva- 
 tion. From these grounds it follows, 
 
 10. Only truths revealed byAlmight) 
 God, and proposed by the Church to 
 be believed as such, are and ought 
 to be esteemed articles of Catholic 
 faith. 
 
 11. As an obstinate separation from 
 the unity of the Church in known mat- 
 ters of fnith is heresy, so a wilful 
 separation from the visible unity of the 
 same Church in matters of subordina- 
 tion and government is schism. 
 
 12. The Church proposes unto 
 us matters of faith, first and chiefly 
 by the Holy Scripture, in points 
 plain ai.d intelligible in it ; secondly, 
 
 I by definitions of General Councils, in 
 1 points not sufficiently plain in Scrip 
 
Appendix, 
 
 647 
 
 tare; iIjirJl\, by apostolical traditions 
 derived from Christ and His apostles 
 to all succeeding ages. 
 
 Section II, 
 
 1. The pastors of the Churcn, who 
 are the body representative, either dis- 
 persed, or convened in council, have 
 received no commission from Christ 
 to frame new articles of faith, these 
 being solely divine revelation, but 
 only to explain and to ascertain to 
 us what anciently was and is received 
 and retained as of faith in the Church, 
 when debates and controversies arise 
 about them. These definitions in mat- 
 ters of faith only, and pr^osed as 
 such, oblige all the faitiiful to an 
 interior assent ; but, 
 
 2. It is no ariicle of faith thai the 
 Church cannot err either in matters 
 of fact, or in matters of speculation 
 or civil policy, depending on mere 
 human reason, these not being divine 
 revelations deposited in the Catholic 
 Church; hence is reduced, 
 
 3. If a General Council, much less 
 a Papal Consistory, should presume 
 to depose a king, and to absolve his 
 subjects from their allegiance, no 
 Catholic could be bound to submit to 
 such a decree ; hence it follows that, 
 
 4- The subjects of the King of 
 England lawfully may, without the 
 least breach of any Catholic principle, 
 renounce, upon oath, the teaching or 
 practising the doctrine of deposing 
 Vings excommunicated for heresy, 
 I y any authority whatsoever, as re- 
 pugnant to the fundamental laws of 
 the nation, as injurious to sovereign 
 power, and as destructive to peace 
 and government. 
 
 5. Catholics believe that the Bishop 
 Rome, successor to St. Peter, is 
 
 at the head of the whole Caiiiolic 
 Church, in which sense this Church 
 may, therefore, be styled Roman Cath- 
 olic, Ijecause an universal body under 
 one visible head; nevertheless, 
 
 6. It is no matter of faith to 
 believe that the Pope is in him-elf 
 infallible, separated from the Church, 
 even in expounding the faith; by 
 consequence, Papal definitions or de- 
 crees, taken exclusively from a General 
 Council, or universal acceptance of the 
 Church, oblige none, under the pain 
 of heresy, to an interior assent. 
 
 7. Nor do Catholics, as Catholics, 
 believe that the Pope has any direct 
 or indirect authority over the temporal 
 power and jurisdiction of princes. 
 Hence, if the Pope should pietend 
 to absolve or dispense with his 
 majesty's subjects from their allegi- 
 ance, on account of heresy or schism, 
 such disf)ensati()n would be vair- 
 and null; and all Catholic subjects 
 notwithstanding such dispensation cr 
 absolution, would be still bound in 
 conscience to defend their king and 
 country, at the hazard of their livis 
 and fortunes (as far as Protestants 
 would be bound), even against the 
 Pope himself, should he invade the 
 nation. 
 
 8. As for the problematical dis- 
 putes or errors of particular divines, 
 in this or any other matter whatso- 
 ever, we are in no wise respwnsible 
 for them; nor are Catholics, as such, 
 justly punishable on their account; 
 but, 
 
 9. As for the king-kiliing doctnne, 
 or murder of princes excommunicated 
 for heresy, it is universally admitted 
 in the Catholic Church, and expressly 
 so declared in the Council of Con- 
 stance, that such doctrine is impiou* 
 
648 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 and execrable, being contrary to the 
 known laws of God and nature. 
 
 10. Personal misdemeanors, of what 
 nature soever, ought not to be imputed 
 to the body of Catholics, when not 
 justifiable by the tenets of their faith 
 and doctrine ; for which reason, though 
 the stories of the Irish cruelties or 
 po\*der-plot had been exactly true 
 (which yet, for the most part, are 
 notoriously misrelated), nevertheless 
 Catholics, as such, ought not to suffer 
 for such offences any more than the 
 eleven apostles ought to have suffered 
 for the treacht~Y of Judas. 
 
 11. It is a r ndamental truth in 
 our religion that no TX)wer on earth 
 can license men to lie, to forswear 
 or perjure themselves, to massacre 
 their neighbors, to destroy their 
 native country, on pretence of pro- 
 moting the Catholic cause or religion. 
 Furthermore, all pardons or dispensa- 
 tions granted, or pretended to be 
 granted, in order to accomplish any 
 such ends or designs, could have 
 no other validity or effect than to 
 add sacrilege and blasphemy to the 
 above-mentioned crimes. 
 
 12. The doctrine of equivocation, 
 or mental reservation, however wrong- 
 fully imputed to the Catholic rehg- 
 ion, was never taught or approved 
 by the Church as any part of her 
 belief; on the contrary, simplicity and 
 godly sincerity are constantly in- 
 culcated by her as truly Christian 
 virtues, necessary to the conservation 
 of justice, truth, and common security. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 I. Every Catliolic believes that 
 when a sinner rei)ents of his sins 
 from the bottom of his heart, and 
 acknowledcres his transfrressions to 
 
 God and His ministers, the dispensers 
 of the mysteries of Christ resolving 
 to turn from his e\'il wav?, and bring 
 forth fruits worthy of repentance, 
 there is then, and not othci wise, any 
 authority left by Ctrist to absolve 
 such a penitent sinner frcra his fins, 
 which authority Christ gave to II's 
 apostles and their successors, the 
 bishops and priests of His Church, in 
 these words, when He said : *' Receive 
 ye the Holy Ghost ; whose sins yoi 
 shall forgive, they are forgiven unto 
 them." 
 
 2. Thourrh no creature whatsoever 
 can make condign satisfaction, either 
 for the guilt of sin or the pain 
 eternal due to it, this satisfaction 
 being proper to Christ our Saviour 
 only, yet penitent sinners, redeemed 
 by Christ, may, as members of Christ, 
 in some measure satisfy by prayer, 
 fasting, almsdeeds, and other works 
 of piety, for temporal pain, which, in 
 the order of Di\'ine justice, sometimes 
 remains due, after the guilt of sin 
 and pain eternal have been remitted- 
 Such penitential works are, notwith- 
 standing, not otherwise satisfactory 
 than as joined and applied to that 
 I satisfaction which Jesus made upon 
 ' the cross, and in virtue of which all our 
 good works find a grateful acceptance 
 in the sight of God. 
 ! 3. The guilt of sin, or pain eternal 
 ; due to it, is never remitted by what 
 Catholics call indulgences, but only 
 : such temporal punishments as remain 
 due after the guilt is remitted, those 
 indulgences being nothing else than 
 a mitigation or relaxation of canonical 
 penances enjoined by the pastors 
 of the Church on penitent sinners, 
 according to their several degrees of 
 demerit ; and if abuses and mistakes 
 
Appendix. 
 
 ha\'e been someiimes committed, 
 either in point of granting or gaining 
 indulgences, through the remissness 
 or ignorance of particular persons, 
 contrary to the ancient customs and 
 discipline of the Church, such abuses 
 or mistakes cannot reasonably be 
 charged on the Church, or. rendered 
 matters of derision, in prejudice to 
 her faith and discipline. 
 
 4. Catholics hold there is a purga- 
 tory, that is to say, a place or state 
 where souls departing this life, with 
 r-emission of their sins as to the eternal 
 guilt or pain, but yet obnoxious to 
 some temporal punishment still re- 
 maining due, or not perfectly freed 
 from the blemish of some defects or 
 deordimations, are purged before their 
 admittance into heaven, where nothing 
 that is defiled can enter. 
 
 5. Catholics also hold that such 
 souls so detained in purgatory, being 
 the living members of Jesus Christ, 
 are relieved by the prayers and suf- 
 frages of their fellow-members here On 
 earth ; but where this placQ is, or of 
 what nature or quality the pains are, 
 how long souls may be there detained, 
 in what manner the suffrages made in 
 their behalf applied, whether by way 
 of satisfaction or intercession, etc., are 
 questions superfluous and imperti- 
 nent as to faith. 
 
 6. No man, though just, can merit 
 either an increase of sanctity in this 
 life, or eternal glory in the next, 
 independently of the merits and pas- 
 sion of Christ Jesus ; but the good 
 works of a just man, proceeding from 
 grace and charity, are so far accept- 
 able to God as to be, through His 
 goodness and sacred promises, truly 
 meritorious of eternal life. 
 
 7. It is an article of the Catholic 
 
 , faith that, in the most holy sacr.iment 
 j of the Eucharist, there is truly and 
 really contained the body of Christ, 
 which was delivered for us, -iJid His 
 blood, which was shed for the remis- 
 sion of sins; the substance of bread 
 and wine being, by the power of 
 Christ, changed into the substance 
 of His blessed body and blood, the 
 species or appearances of bread and 
 wine still remaining; but, 
 
 8. Christ is not present in this 
 sacrament according to His natural 
 way of existence, that is, with exten- 
 sion of parts, etc., but in a super- 
 natural manner, one and the same in 
 many places; His presence, therefore, 
 is real and substantial, but sacra- 
 mental, not exposed to the external 
 senses, or obnoxious to corporal con- 
 tingencies. 
 
 9. Neither is the body of Christ in 
 this holy sacrament separated from 
 His blood, or His blood from His body, 
 or either of them disunited from His 
 soul and divinity, but all and whole 
 living Jesus is entirely contained un- 
 der each species ; so that whosoever 
 receives under one kind is truly par- 
 taker of the whole sacrament, and no- 
 wise deprived either of the kody or 
 blood of Christ. True it is, 
 
 10. Our Saviour Jesus Christ left 
 unto us His body and blood under two 
 distinct species or kinds, in the aoing 
 of which. He instituted not only a 
 sacrament, but also a sacrifice, — a com- 
 memorative sacrifice distinctly show- 
 ing His death and bloody passion 
 until He come; for, as the sacrifice of 
 the cross was performed by a distinct 
 effusion of blood, so is that sacrifice 
 commemorated in that of the altar 
 by a distinction of the symbols. Jesus, 
 therefore, is here given not only to 
 
650 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 but for us, i:r.d ihe Clmich is thereby 
 r:u iched with a true, proper and pro- 
 pitiatory sacrifke, usually termed the 
 Mass. 
 
 II. Catholics renounce all divine 
 worship and adoration of images or 
 pictures. God alone we worship and 
 adore; nevertheless, we place pictures 
 in churches, to reduce our wandering 
 thoughts, and enliven our memories 
 toward heavenly things. Further, 
 we allow a certain honor to be 
 shown to the images of Christ and 
 His saints beyond what is due to 
 every profane figure ; not that we 
 believe any divinity or virtue to reside 
 in them, for which they ought to be 
 honored, but because the honor 
 given to pictures is referred to the 
 prototype or thing represented. In 
 like manner, 
 
 12. There is a kind of honor and 
 respect due to the Bible, to the cross, 
 to the name of Jesus, to churches, to 
 the sacraments, etc., as things peculi- 
 arly appertaining to God; also to the 
 glorious saints in heaven, as the 
 friends of God ; and to kings, mcjgis- 
 trates and superiors on earth, to 
 whom honor is due, honor may be 
 given, without any derogation to the 
 
 majesty of God, or that divine wor- 
 ship which is appropriate to Him. 
 Moreover, 
 
 13. Catholics believe that the blessed 
 saints in heaven, replenished with 
 charity, pray for us, their fellow-mem- 
 bers here on earth; that they rejoice 
 at our conversion ; that, seeing God, 
 they see and know Him in all things 
 suitable to their happy state. But God 
 may be inclined to hear their requests 
 made in our behalf, and for their sakes 
 may grant us many favors : therefore, 
 we believe it is good and profitable 
 to desire their intercession, and that 
 this manner of invocation is no more 
 injurious to Christ, our Mediator, 
 than it is for one Christian to beg the 
 prayers of another in this world. 
 Notwithstanding which, Catholics are 
 not taught so to rely on the prayers 
 of others as to neglect their own duty 
 to God : in imploring His divine mercy 
 and goodness ; in mortifying the deeds 
 of the flesh ; in despising the world ; 
 in loving and serving God and their 
 neighbor;, in following the footstep? 
 of Christ our Lord, who is the way 
 the truth, and the life, to whom b« 
 honor and glory for ever and ever. 
 Ametu 
 
FATHER NICHOLAS SHEEHY. 
 
 1766 
 
 From the petty tyranny which had at all times driven 
 whe peasantry to band together in illegal associations, from 
 the rack-rent and the persecution of the tithe-proctors — in 
 short, from that spirit of natural and universal resistance 
 to injustice and oppression, sprang the terrible organiza- 
 tion known as the Whiteboys, which caused such terror 
 in Tipperary and Limerick, and the south of Ireland 
 generally, in the course of the last and present centuries. 
 They fairly overran the country at night, dressed in 
 white shirts, from which* they took their name; levelled 
 the fences with which the landlords had enclosed the 
 public commons for their own use; dug up the fields 
 which had been sown in grass, and from which, most 
 likely, some of the Whiteboys had been themselves 
 ejected ; cut down trees, and carried on such an inces- 
 sant, harrassing war of destruction, that the landlords 
 were encouraged to increase their already abundant 
 means of persecution, and this they did with terrible 
 effect. 
 
 In order, in thi5 first place, to secure the aid of govern- 
 ment and the sympathy of those in high places, the 
 landlords sought and found a host of witnesses ready at 
 any time to swear to the existence of a treasonable con- 
 spiracy for the restoration of the Stuarts and the Catholic 
 religion. In the next place, they proposed tqstrike terror 
 at once to the hearts of the disaffected people, by wreak- 
 ing desperate vengeance on some of the faithful, self-sacri- 
 ficmg clergy. 
 
C52 
 
 Father Nicholas Shcchy. 
 
 Their plots succeeded admirably well ; for the Earl 
 of Drogheda, with the forces under his command, 'A'as 
 ordered to Clogheen, county Tipperary, to act m con- 
 junction with the Protestant magistrates and gentlemen, 
 who, thus strengthened and encouraged, proceeded to 
 carry out their programme, selecting as their victim the 
 Rev. Nicholas Sheehy. 
 
 This good priest was just such a man as wins the 
 utmost respect and love of the true Irish heart. He w^as 
 warm and generous in disposition, destitute of every 
 thought of self; full of sympathetic charity for the flock 
 of over-awed, poverty-stricken, down-trodden people 
 among whom he had chosen to cast his lot, pitying their 
 affliction, relieving by every means in his power their 
 actual distress, while fatigue and time, huniiliation and 
 insult, were of no account in his estimation, when it was a 
 question of softening the wrath or staying the persecu- 
 tion of their oppressors. He was a man of bold heart, 
 one to whom the sense of fear seemed unknown, as the 
 petty tyrants themselves seemed to acknowledge by their 
 combined and inhuman thirst for his death. Yet in his 
 case, as in that of every true Catholic priest persecuted 
 under one or anotlier political pretext, the blindness of 
 those who fic^ht ascainst the Lord is most manifest. Had 
 it not been for the noble and incessant exertions of the 
 Catholic clergy, who made use of their vast influence 
 over their flocks to curb and control, or at least restram, 
 the unhappy inclination to rebellion which seems inherent 
 in human nature, especially against illegal and ill-used 
 authority, there is but little doubt that the whole fair 
 island would have become one vast arena of violence 
 and anarchy : for the Catholic people were fairly driven 
 to understand that they had absolutely naught to hope 
 from their heartless rulers. They saw their priests 
 accused of rebellion and treasonable teachings, when, time 
 and again, they well knew how strenuously those same 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 G53 
 
 priests had not only coaxed and urged, but threatened 
 with the terrible judgments of the Church all those who 
 were inclined to take the vengeance of the Lord into 
 their own hands against their oppressors. They had 
 heard their fathers tell, the memories of their own infancy 
 recalled, and now their own manhood witnessed, the 
 scorn, the ignominy, the diabolical treatment to which 
 priest after priest and bishop after bishop were exposed, 
 and from which, for their sake, these martyrs of the 
 living God never flinched. 
 
 Such a man was Father Sheehy, a native of Tipperary, 
 but educated in France, because the laws of Christian 
 England forbade a Catholic gentleman to educate his 
 children in the faith of his fathers. Even after his return 
 to his native land, he was for a tim.e compelled to oflfei: 
 the Holy Sacrifice and administer the consolations of 
 religion secretly, because the number of priests who 
 began to be tolerated was limited by law, and could not 
 be increased without certain punishment. Already had 
 he been several times within the grasp of the law, yet 
 managed each time to escape conviction, when his ap- 
 pointment to the regular mission at Clogheen, and, later, 
 to the united parishes of Shandraghan, Ballysheehan and 
 Templeheny, brought mm somewhat under the protec- 
 tion of the law, but still more under the eye of his bitter 
 enemies, the Orange magistrates and landowners of the 
 county. These men, among whom were Sir Thomas 
 Maude, John and William Bagwell, Bumbury, Toler 
 (worth) ancestor of the notorious Lord Norbury), and 
 John Hewitson, Rector of Clogheen, irritated by his undis- 
 guised opposition to their unjust taxation and crushing 
 intolerance, formed a close alliance for his destruction or, 
 rather, viurder. 
 
 After one or another trumped-up charge against him 
 had been in vain essayed, they succeeded in having liim 
 indicted on the charge of aiding and abetting in the 
 
G54 
 
 Father Nicholas Shcchy, 
 
 murder of one John Bridge, a poor half-simpleton, whom 
 intimidation had induced to turn informer as^ainst the 
 Whiteboys. Bound over to appear for their prosecution 
 at the coming assizes, Bridge suddenly disappeared, and 
 the enemies of Father Sheehy seized the opportunity 
 to accuse him of complicity in the supposed or pretended 
 murder of John Bridge. Here was a rare chance ; and 
 no trouble was spared, nor expense, in manufacturing a 
 body of witnesses who would swear away the priest's 
 life for a few paltry guineas, or to gratify some personal 
 spite. Parson Hewitson was eminently successful in 
 getting such ; and by promises and bribes succeeded in 
 enlisting in his service a disreputable woman named 
 Mary Bradly, alias Moll Dunlea," whom Father Sheehy 
 had expelled from his chapel for her wicked, immoral life; 
 one Toohey, a noted horse-thief, who was brought out 
 of the jail of Kilkenny for this purpose; and a vagabond 
 strolling boy, named Lonergan. On the information of 
 these immaculate witnesses, a warrant was issued for the 
 arrest of the priest, and .^300 offered for his apprehension. 
 
 Father Sheehy, knowing full well that, if he were 
 brought to trial at Clonmel, he had not the least chance 
 of escape from his relentless enemies, concealed himself 
 for several months, and was even sheltered by several 
 Protestants, particularly by a farmer named Griffith, at 
 Shandraghan. After much suffering and many escapes, 
 Father Sheehy wrote a letter to Secretary Waite at 
 Dublin Castle, offering to surrender, on condition mat 
 he should be tried in Dublin ; stating that, so bitter were 
 the Tip})crary magistrates against him, he could riot have 
 a fair trial at Clonmel. 
 
 His offer was accepted. Father Sheeh}^ at once deliv- 
 ered himself up to Mr. O'Callaghan, a just magistrate, 
 and ancestor of the present Lord Donoghmore, who not 
 only received him kindly, but sent to Clogheen for a 
 troop of horse to escort him to Dublin, fearing to deliver 
 
/ 
 
 Martyrs and Confessors, 655 
 
 him to the Orange constables, whom his brother magis- 
 trates had in their service. 
 
 Once escaped from the clutches of his enemies, his 
 natural goodness of heart and his frank affability of man- 
 ner failed not to produce their effect on those about him. 
 He was first lodged with the provost, in the lower castle- 
 yard ; but, after a cursory examination, his innocence was 
 so apparent to Mr. Secretary Waite (already prepos- 
 sessed in his favor by his letter of capitulation, so to 
 speak) and to Town-Major Sirr,* that he was at once 
 freed from ail restraint, and permitted to go anywhere 
 within the city limits. Major Sirr went so far as to 
 become security for his appearance at the approaching 
 trial. 
 
 " I will never believe," said the good-natured town- 
 major, that such a man as he is guilty of the crimes laid to 
 his charge. I have had some experience of those over- 
 zealous worthies in the South, who trump up plots thick 
 and fast to keep their hands full of business ; and I swear 
 to you (of course it goes no further) that in nine cases out 
 of ten it is they who deserve trial, and not the poor 
 miserable devils of countrymen whom they goad to mad- 
 ness with their oppressions and exactions. But that is 
 not our affair ; it is for the judges to look after that. 
 This priest, how^ever, must not be kept in prison, for I 
 see his innocence as plain as I see your face. So I'll be 
 his security for appearing when called on ; let him out 
 on my responsibility." 
 
 "Agreed!" was Waite's answer; and Father Sheehy 
 was speedil}^ informed that, until such time as his trial 
 came on, he was at liberty to go where he pleased, pro- 
 vided he did not quit the precincts of Dublin city. 
 
 His word of honor was then taken that he would 
 
 • This Mnjor Sirr was father to him who exercised such wanton cruelty on 
 the noble but unfortunate Lord Edward Fitzgerald, — a striking verification, 
 surely, of the old proverb that many a good father has a bad son. 
 
65G 
 
 Fatlur Nicholas Slieehy* 
 
 appear when called, and, with many expressions of heart- 
 felt gratitude to the high-minded gentlemen who had dealt 
 so generously by him, he withdrew, almost a free man. 
 
 Nearly eleven months had passed away before Father 
 Sheehy was brought up for trial, the case being put back 
 from time to time under one pretence or another. During 
 all that long period he had been supplied with funds by 
 his friends in the country, whom he had the comfort* 
 moreover, of seeing from time to time, and especially his 
 favorite cousin, Martin O'Brien, who, in fact, remained 
 almost constantly with him. 
 
 On the loth of February, 1766, he was arraigned at the 
 bar of the Court of Queen's Bench, before Chief-Justice 
 Gore and Judges Robinson and Scott. 
 
 It is remarkable that in this trial he was accused of 
 only treasonable practices, and not for the murder of 
 Bridge. The charge was a serious one, no doubt, and 
 even the stoutest heart might well have quailed under 
 the circumstances, but Father Sheehy looked with a smil- 
 ing countenance on the imposing array of white-wigged 
 lawyers, the earnest-looking occupants of the jury-box, 
 as they crowded forward'to see the prisoner; nay, even 
 the grave and awful dignity of the three judges failed to 
 blanch his cheek or to dim his eye. That cheek had 
 much of the freshness of youth, and that clear, blue eye 
 was full of life and spirit, while his fine aquiline nose 
 gave token of the decision w^hich marked his character. 
 The trial went on, evidence on both sides was sifted to 
 the bottom, and it is but fair to say (what respectable 
 historians have already said) that the whole proceedings 
 were marked by the strictest impartiality. Several hours 
 were occupied in the examination of the witnesses, and 
 very often, as some glaring inconsistency was discovered 
 in the evidence for the prosecution, or some shameless 
 bribery was brought to light, Town- Major Sirr, v/ho sat 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 near the judges, would address a whispered remark to 
 the srentleman who sat next to him. Throug-hout the 
 whole trial the judges treated the Tipperary dignitaries 
 with something very like contempt, to the great discom- 
 fiture of those ultra-loyal persons ; and when, at seven 
 o'clock in the evening, Chief-Justice Gore rose to ad- 
 dress the jury, he said it gave him no ordinary pleasure 
 to assure them that the court was unanimous in declaring 
 Mr. Sheehy innocent of the charge brought against him. 
 The jury retired, and very soon returned to their box with 
 a verdict of Not guilty/* No sooner was the word pro- 
 nounced than one wild, enthusiastic cheer rang out from 
 hall and gallery, and was caught up by the multitude 
 without. Father Sheehy manifested not the smallest 
 change of countenance, but stood leaning against the 
 railing of the dock, with folded arms and head slightly 
 raised in the attitude of listening. 
 
 But the drama was not yet concluded — the chief-jus- 
 tice arose, to address the prisoner. 
 
 At that moment Father Sheehy looked toward one of 
 his chief opponents, w^ho had come all the way from 
 the neighborhood of Clogheen to be present at the trial, 
 and he saw on his face an exulting smile which boded 
 him no good. His 6)^6 wandered on to the chief-justice, 
 and he was convinced that there was something more to 
 come, for the face of the judge had undergone a serious 
 change. After a momentary pause he said : *' The jury, as 
 I expected, has acquitted you of the charges contained 
 in the indictment, and by this time you should have 
 been free, had not a fresh obstacle presented itself, — one, 
 too, involving the most serious consequences." He 
 paused a moment, and then exchanged a few words in a 
 low voice with the other two judges : a deathlike quiet 
 pervaded the court, — the silence of intense anxiety and 
 expectation. All eyes were turned on the priest; his 
 head had fallen on his chest, and he seemed lost in thought 
 
C58 
 
 FaiJier Nicholas Sheeny, 
 
 but no shadow of fear was seen on his face. The judge 
 spoke again, and Father Sheehy raised his head to listen : 
 " Nicholas Sheehy, it is now my painful duty to remand 
 you to prison : you are charged with being accessory to 
 the willul and deliberate murder of John Bridge I" At 
 these words a shudder ran through the assembly, whilst 
 a cry of horror escaped from almost every individual 
 present. All eyes were now turned on the unfortu- 
 nate prisoner, who was evidently doomed to undergo 
 every species of persecution, and to be deprived of all 
 chance of escape. He was pale, but his eye was still un- 
 dimmed, though a tear was evidently forcing its way. 
 After a moment of silence he bowed low to the chief- 
 justice, and then to each of the other two judges, and 
 laitly to the jury. 
 
 My Lord Chief-Justice," he said at length, this 
 new accusation, terrible as it is, does not at all surprise 
 me. Knowing the men from whom it comes, and their 
 persevering enmity toward me, I had every reason to 
 expect that they would be prepared to follow up my ac- 
 quittal here — if acquitted I should be — with some other 
 charge. Such a charge as this, no one who knows me 
 could have anticipated; but God's will be done! I 
 accept this grievous humiliation as coming from His 
 paternal hand, and will onl}^ pi"ay Him to turn the hearts 
 of those who persecute me. I am thankful to this 
 worshipful court, my lord, and to the gentlemen of the 
 jury, for the impartiality with which my trial has been 
 conducted, and will ever pray that the righteous Judge 
 of all may deal mercifully by those who have not. shrunk 
 from doing justice to an oppressed and persecuted man. 
 I am now ready to suomit to whatever fate awaits me, 
 always declaring that, if John Bridge were indeed mur- 
 dered- — which God forbid ! — 1 have had neither act or part 
 m, nor knowledge of, that execrable deed. I am well 
 aware that this declaration avails nothing before a court 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 659 
 
 of justice, bul I owe it to 'my reputation as a man, and 
 still more as a priest of the Most High God : and that 
 God, who seeth the heart, knoweth I do not prevaricate. 
 I have done, my lords !" 
 
 "Mr. Sheehy," replied the humane chief-justice "it 
 is not for me to express an opinion of any sort in this 
 matter ; but this I will say, that I have seldom performed 
 a more painful duty than that of remanding you to prison. 
 Mr. Sheriff," he added, addressing that functionary, ''you 
 will take the prisoner at the bar again into custody, until 
 such time as he may be brought up for trial." 
 
 The officer bowed, so did the prisoner; but a shout ot 
 execration arose from the multitude within and without 
 the building. " A plot ! a plot !" was the general cry, and 
 a violent commotion was seen to agitate the crowd. 
 Father Sheehy, before leaving the dock, turned toward 
 the multitude and made a warning gesture with his hand. 
 Speech was not allowed him, but the people understood 
 his desires, and showed their respect for him by the pro- 
 found silence which followed, — a silence which was only 
 broken by a murmur of pity and indignation. If any 
 were present who believed him guilty of this new crime, 
 they took good care to conceal their opinion, for not one 
 dissenting voice was heard in the place. 
 
 Hardly had the prisoner quitted the dock, and the 
 judges withdrawn from the bench, when the fierce shout 
 was heard : "A groan for Maude, Hewitson and Bagwell, 
 the priest-hunting, bloodthirsty magistrates of Clogheen ! 
 There goes one of them, boys : let him hear how well the 
 Dublin lads can hoot such rascals!" The groan, or rLther 
 series of groans and hisses which followed, made Bag- 
 well right glad to escape to nis carriage, wnich was in 
 waiting, while his black heart overflowed with venom 
 to hear the wild and oft-renewed cheer which ascended 
 from many thousand voices at the mention of Father 
 Sheehy's name. And again and again the cry arose of. 
 
Gr>0 Father Nicholas Sheehy, 
 
 *• Sheehy forever! down with the Tipperary magis- 
 trates! " until Bagwell thought it would never cease, or 
 that he could never get fast enough out of hearing 
 " But we'll have our revenge for this," was his con- 
 soling reflection, — by the soul of King William, but 
 we'll have our day, and a black day it will be for him, 
 the Popish villain ; that's as sure as my name is John 
 Bagwell. His Dublin mob shan't save him ; no, by 
 
 h , nor this white-livered Gore, if he was again sitting 
 
 in judgment ; but he shan't, for we'll lose a fall for it, or 
 we'll have him brought to Clonmel. This trying the 
 fellow in Dublin will never do, and 1 knew that all along." 
 
 Bagwell had his revenge, for he succeeded in having 
 Father Sheehy sent back to Clonmel for trial ; and in 
 order to heap indignities upon him, on his way back, his 
 hands were manacled, and his feet tied under the horse's 
 body, so that the cords sank into the very flesh to the 
 bones. 
 
 It was night when he entered Clonmel, and it was by 
 torchlight that he passed those gloomy gates which 
 were to him the portals of fate. They closed behind 
 him, and as the echo died away along the dreary walls, a 
 cold shiver darted through all his body, and for the first 
 time in his life his heart sank within him, for he felt as 
 though the icy hand of death were already grasping 
 him, and the warm, living world was shut out forever. 
 But his depression was only momentary. " Why should 
 1 despair ? " he said to himself. " They cannot deprive me 
 of heaven unless through my own fault ; and the greater 
 my sufferings and humiliations here, the greater will be 
 my reward hereafter, provided God gives me the grace 
 to sanctify them by consecrating all entirely to Him. 
 Courage, njy soul ! heaven lies beyond the dark portals 
 of death ; let us not shrink from the passage, since Christ 
 Himself has set us the example. He died, then why 
 should we fear to die?" 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 6G1 
 
 His reflections were cut short by the jailer, wlio 
 roughly bade nim follow ; and he was very soon the ten- 
 ant of a cold, damp cell, on the first floor of the prison. 
 Again did his heart sink; but he quickly shook off his 
 despondency, and betook himself to prayer. 
 
 No sooner was his arrival in Clonmel made known 
 than the whole country was thrown into a feverish ex- 
 citement. Some were rejoiced, — that is to say, the few 
 who lived in the hopes of seeing the Catholic party 
 entirely prostrated, and the Protestant ascendancy per- 
 manently established ; out by the great mass of the 
 people the event was hailed with all the wildness of lam- 
 entation. It is very questionable if any one individual there 
 really believed Father Sheehy cognizant of Bridge's 
 murder, if murdered he indeed was ; but it is quite certain 
 that many affected to believ^e it. 
 
 But the priest was not alone in this new misfortune, 
 for it was the policy of the ruling party to get rid of the 
 most influential Catholics, either by fair or foul means; 
 and the disappearance of Bridge, the crown witness, was 
 a glorious opportunity for involving many of them in one 
 common ruin. 
 
 On the 1 2th of March, 1766, he was brought to trial at 
 Clonmel, with Edward Meehan, or Meighan, of Grange, 
 charged with the murder of John Bridge, at Shanbally, on 
 the 28th of October, 1764. So great was the terror in 
 which the Tipperary magistrates were held, that he 
 could not get a lawyer to take up his case, except a 
 Dublin attorney named Sparrow, who knew little of its 
 merits, or of the character of the priest's enemies, and 
 who had to steal out of town at night, owin^- -lo the threats 
 of the Orange faction. 
 
 Toohey, who had been brought out of jail to swear 
 away the life of the priest, stated that he was present 
 with a party of Whiteboys when Sheehy tendered an oath 
 
6G2 Father Nicholas Sheehy. 
 
 to Bridge, binding him to deny his information al the 
 coming trial ; that Bridge refused to take it, and then one 
 Fierce Byrne struck at him with a stone, and Edmund 
 Meehan struck him with a billhook on the head, killing 
 him instantly ; that Father Sheehy then swore all present 
 10 keep the murder secret, and to be true to the King of 
 France; that the body was then removed two miles from 
 ihe scene of the murder, and interred in a -lonely place. 
 
 The boy Lonergan swore that he met the party on 
 their way to bury the body, and that Father Sheehy 
 gave him three half-crowns not to inform on them. 
 
 Moll Dunlea was the next witness, and, as she had an 
 old spite against the priest for hunting her out of the 
 parish on account of her debauchery, she did some strong 
 swearing. 
 
 She swore that she lived with her mother at Clogheen ; 
 that Michael Kearney was at their house, and that, the 
 night of the murder. Father Sheehy called for him ; that 
 she followed them to Shanbally, when she saw them 
 and Ned Meehan, Thomas Magrath, and others, carrying 
 the dead body of Bridge, which they buried at a place 
 called Baron ; that she was also present when the body 
 was removed from there, and buried at Ballysheehan ; 
 that on both occasions the priest swore all present to 
 secrecy. 
 
 The above is the leading testimony upon which sev- 
 eral persons were hanged. Is there anything more im- 
 probable than that a body of men contemplating murder 
 would let a notorious thief and scoundrel, a strolling boy 
 and an unprincipled prostitute, into the secret? 
 
 Ann Hullan, Moll Dunlea's mother, swoi-e that Moll 
 slept in the same bed with her the night of the murder 
 and several nights before and after ; and that Michael 
 Kearney was not in their house that year at all. 
 
 George Flannery, Thomas Gorman, Harry Keating 
 and others, proved that Michael Kearney had left the 
 
Martyrs and Confessors. 
 
 6G3 
 
 country before the time of the murder ; and a farmer 
 named Hendrekin swore that Edmund Meehan spent, in 
 his house, the entire night on which it was said Bridge 
 was killed. 
 
 In any other country but Ireland such an impeach- 
 ment of the prosecutors would immediately acquit the 
 prisoners, but the ascendancy party had the judge and 
 jury in their hands, and were resolved to hang their vic- 
 tims. Father Sheehy had several respectable witnesses 
 to testify in his behalf ; but his relentless enemies laid 
 snares for them, and had some arrested as Whiteboys, 
 and others for murder. 
 
 A Mr. Herbert, a respectable farmer, was arrested on 
 the charge of being a Whiteboy, on his way to court, and 
 was so terrified by threats of execution, that he subse- 
 quently turned a witness for the prosecution. 
 
 Mr. Keating, of Tubrid, a highly respectable Catholic 
 gentleman, testified that, during the entire night of the 
 supposed murder. Father Sheehy was in his house at 
 Tubrid, and could not have left it without his knowledge. 
 At this stage of the proceedings. Parson Hewitson arose 
 in court, with a paper in his hand, and said : I find in 
 this list Mr. Keatinor's name among- those concerned in the 
 late murder of a serjeant and a corporal at Newmarket." 
 Mr. Keating was at once removed and committed to jail, 
 and his testimon}^ expunged.* 
 
 This ruse showed how well the masfistrates had laid 
 their devilish plots, and struck terror into several i'l 
 court who might ha^ve given important evidence, but 
 who saw that, by so doing, they would get themselves 
 flung into jail, without doing any good to the doomed 
 priest. 
 
 • Mr. Keating succeeded in having his trial removed to Kilkenny, out of 
 reach of the Tipperary Orange magistrates, and was honorably acquitted. The 
 jury scouted the evidence brought against him« which was partly the »aaie as 
 convicted Father Sheehy. 
 
Failwr Nicholas Sheehy, 
 
 The high-sheriff of the county, Daniel Toler, ancesT ir 
 of the notorious and bloody Lord Norbury, made himself 
 very active in intimidating witnesses from appearing on 
 behalf of the prisoners. 
 
 Father Sheehy saw how deeply the plot had been laid 
 for his ruin, and as he saw Mr. Keating removed a 
 prisoner from the witness-stand, he knew that his fate 
 was sealed. 
 
 It availed little that several witnesses proved that they 
 had seen Bridge after the night on which it was said he 
 had been murdered, and that he stated to them that he 
 was about leaving the country for good, in order to avoid 
 swearing at the trials of some Whiteboys.* 
 
 All this availed little, for the jury found Edmund 
 Meehan guilty of the murder of John Bridge, and the 
 same jury found Nicholas Sheehy guilty of the murder 
 of John Bridge ; that is to say, as having aided and 
 abetted Edmund Meehan therein. f 
 
 * " Tt is strange that there was nothing said about the body of Bridge during 
 the trial. The impression at the time, and which still exists in Tipperary, 
 was. that Bridge had fled the country to avoid both the Orange faction, who 
 were using him as an informer, and the Whiteboys, whom he feared on 
 account of his testimony against them. It is also stated that he was after- 
 ward identified by several parties in St. John, Newfoundland. On the 
 Other hand, Major Sirr of Dublin Castle, father of the notorious Major Sirr of 
 1798, held a letter purporting to be from Father Sheehy, in whi_h he >tated that 
 Bridge had been killed, but that he knew nothing of the murder until a dying 
 n^an accused himself of the crime. Though Dr. Curry, Dr. Egan, and other 
 eminent authorities, accept this letter as genuine, we doubt it, and look on it 
 a.- a forgery, for, if the witnesses saw Bridge murdered, and saw the body 
 buried, as they testified, they could have pointed^out the place to the authorities, 
 who would, most certainly, have made the most of such strong proof in theii 
 tivor; but the fact is, neither the body nor the grave was ever found, 
 furthermore. Father Sheehy's reply to the judge confirms the belief that the 
 document was a forgery, concocted to mitigate the atrocity of Father Sheehy's 
 foul murder." 
 
 t It is a remarkable fact that not one of the jurors who tried Father Sheehy 
 died by a natural death. Sir Thomas Maude died a raving maniac, crying out 
 that Father Sheehy was shagging him down to hell. BagAvell, of Kilmore, 
 b_canie an idiot ; and his eldest son shot himself in a packet, on his way to 
 
Martyrs and Confessors. CG5 
 
 Agsu was the voice of wailing, loud and deep, heard 
 echoing dirough the building ; sighs and loud groans 
 gave no^e that many a heart, even in that packed assem- 
 blage, sympathized with the unfortunate victim of injus- 
 tice. Bat the prisoner himself only raised his eyes to 
 heaven and said : " Even this, my God ! even this can I 
 bear — all things whatsoever Thou wilt, whether they bt 
 good or evil. So long as Thou keep me in the state of 
 grace, I can cheerfully submit to Thy holy will." 
 
 On the following morning the prisoners were brought 
 up for s-entence. Poor Meehan received his death-sen- 
 tence with great composure, but the sobs and cries of 
 his aged father and distracted wife were pitiful to hear. 
 Father Sheehy was then brought forward. 
 
 *' Nit holas Sheehy," said the judge, " have you any 
 reason to offer why sentence of death should not be 
 passed upon you ?" 
 
 "My good lord," said the priest, with a simple earnest- 
 ness ol manner that touched every heart not steeled by 
 prejudice, — " my good lord, I am aware that your ques- 
 tion is a mere form, and anything I could say would have 
 no effect ; still, as the opportunity is afforded me, I must 
 say that I am entirely innocent of the crime — the heinous 
 crime — of which I have been convicted. Not only am I 
 
 England, anid that branch of the family soon became extinct. Jacob was 
 seized with fits, in which he birked like a dog, and could scaicely be kept from 
 eating the flesh off himself. Cork, of Kiltinan, was drowned. Parson 
 llewitson died suddenly. Barker had no heir, and died in fits. Tuthill cut 
 his throat. Another juror, named Shaw, was choked to death. Alexander 
 Hoops was drowned. Ferris disd mad. Another dropped dead at his own door. 
 Another died in a privy. Dunviil was killed by his horse. Minchin died in 
 beggary. The Pennefeather family was reduced to poverty, and many of them 
 died idiots. The Barker and Jacob families are also extinct, in a direct line 
 The same might be said of the families of nearly all the jurors who triea 
 Father Sheehy. Though I cannot give the fate of each of the jurors, it it 
 remarkable that a curse seemed to blight each and every one of them, and 
 even their descendants. 
 
 To finish the catalogue : Moll Dunlea was killed by falling into a cellar, in 
 Cork, while drunk ; Lonergan died of a loathsome disease, in Dublin ; anU 
 
Father Nklwlas Sheehy. 
 
 innocent thereof, but, to the best of my belief, no such 
 murder has been committed. 1 am almost fully persuaded 
 that this very John Bridge is still living, for we have the 
 clearest evidence that, some days subsequent to the date 
 of the supposed murder, the man was seen alive and in 
 good health, and took leave of his friends, to go either to 
 Cork or Kinsale, to embark for some foreign country." 
 Here he was interrupted by the judge, who desired him 
 to confine himself to his own case. My Lord, it appears 
 to me that I speak to the purpose ; surely I do when my- 
 self and another are to be put to death for a crime which 
 never was committed by an}^ one. Knowing, or at least 
 believing, this to be the case, I protest against the entire 
 proceedings, as regards Meehan and myself, and will pro- 
 test until my latest moment against the shameful injustice, 
 the gross perjury, the deadly malice, of which we are 
 the victims. In conclusion, I must declare that, notwith- 
 standing all this, I bear these unhappy men who perse- 
 cute me even to death, not the slightest ill-will : I leave 
 them in the hands of a just God, knowing that He will 
 deal with them according to their deserts. That is all I 
 have to say. I leave God to distinguish between the 
 innocent and the guilty. " 
 
 Toohey died of the leprosy. On the other, hand, the descendants of Mr. 
 Callaghan, who showed justice and mercy to the poor, persecuted priest, have 
 become nobles in the land. 
 
 The following verses, taken from an old Irish song, allude to the fate of 
 Father Sheehy's jury, and were attributed to his sister, who went half crazy, 
 jind watched his head for twenty years, until it was given up to her:— 
 
 •* And where are they, dear head, that once reviled thee ? 
 Who spiked thee high, and with filthy pitch defiled thee? 
 All prayers for pity spurn'd, scoflPd and slighted, 
 They crushed my head, and left me old and blighted. 
 Sure of their doom, some died in madness, yelling 
 Of Sheehy's quartered corpse, of hell's dark dwelling ; 
 And some, O righteous God ! impious and daring, 
 Pour'd forth the* cursed lives, and died despairing.*' 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 6C7 
 
 The judge, after a few remarks, passed sentence in the 
 following words : — 
 
 " You shall be hanged, drawn and quartered, on Satur- 
 day next, the 15th inst.; and may God have mercy on 
 your soul, and grant you a sight of the enormity of your 
 crime ! " 
 
 " I thank your lordship for your good wishes," replied 
 the poor priest. " Doubtless I have much to answer for 
 before God, since we are all sinful creatures at the very 
 best ; but He knows that of this crime, or aught like unto 
 it, 1 am wholly innocent. To His justice I fearlessly and 
 with all confidence give myself up. Praise, however, 
 and glory to His holy name, now and for evermore ; and 
 may His will be done on earth as it is in heaven! " 
 
 Here the long-restrained feelings of Father Sheehy's 
 friends burst forth anew. Sighs and groans, and half- 
 stifled exclamations of horror and pity were heard on 
 every side, and it required all the authority of the judge 
 to restore anything like order. In the midst of the 
 tumult the prisoner w^as removed, and, very soon after, the 
 court adjourned till the following day. 
 
 During the short interval between the sentence and 
 its execution, nothing could equal the excitement of the 
 public mind. People of all classes felt themselves deeply 
 interested. The Catholics, of course, were filled with in- 
 dignation ; for the trial and conviction of Father Sheehy 
 and Meehan had outraged every sense of justice, being 
 the very climax of shameless corruption, and a direct 
 violation of all law, human and divine. There were few 
 men of his day so popular as Father Sheehy, and the 
 people seemed everywhere to regard him as the victim 
 of his high-souled generosity and undisguised sympathy 
 with them in their sufferings. It required, indeed, all the 
 influence of the priests to keep them from pouring into 
 Clonmel and attacking the jail. 
 
 In their ardent attachment to Father Sheehy thev 
 
668 
 
 Father Nicholas Sheehy, 
 
 utterly lost sight of their own safet}^ and would have 
 rushed on certain destruction, without even a chance of 
 saving the doomed victim of religious intolerance and 
 political hatred. The jail was constantly surrounded by 
 a strong military force ; some of Lord Drogheda's troops 
 having been brought from Clogheen to reenforce the 
 garrison. 
 
 By a great stretch of favor, his own immediate family 
 were permitted to see him, and also Father Doyle, as his 
 spiritual director. His demeanor was calm during all 
 those mournful davs, and he even succeeded in cheer- 
 ing and consoling his afflicted relatives by his glowing 
 descriptions of the joy which awaits the blessed in the 
 other world, — in that world whither he was hastening. 
 He studiously diverted their minds from the violent 
 death which awaited him, and dwelt on the joy of being 
 released from the miseries of this life, and of putting on 
 the robes of imm.ortality : And then," said he, '* as for 
 the dark stain which will rest on mv character, even that 
 need not distress you, my kind friends ; for I feel assured 
 that the all-righteous God will clear up this fearful 
 mystery and show forth my innocence and that of poor 
 Meehan. On this head I have no fears." 
 
 It was the day before that appointed for his execution, 
 and Father Sheehy had just parted with his two sisters 
 and some other dear friends, of whom he begged that 
 they would not ask to see him on the following day : 
 *' For," said he, as I am to-morrow to appear before my 
 God, I would rather be left to undisturbed preparation. 
 Let none of you come near me, then, for I would fain 
 break asunder, of my own free will, those bonds of 
 earthly affection, — those * cords of Adam * which death 
 will rend to-morrow. Go now, my sisters ; and may God 
 bless you and yours, and guide you safe into the port 
 of salvation I For shame, for shame! why weep so bit- 
 terly? Why one would think you had but little ol the 
 
Martyrs and Confessors. 
 
 6G9 
 
 Christian's hope. Do you not know and feel that we 
 will meet again, probably very soon, in that heaven where 
 our divine Master lives to welcome our coming ? Only 
 keep your last end continually in view, so as to avoid 
 sin, as much as in you lies, and 1 will venture to predict 
 a happy meeting for us all ; knowing that the God whom 
 we serve delights in showing mercy to the contrite 
 sinner. Farewell ; be of good cheer, and forget not to 
 pray for me when I am gone hence." So sa3'ing, he took 
 the hand of each, and held them a moment, while, with 
 eyes raised to heaven, he invoked a blessing on their 
 heads, and again exhorted them to be of good heart: to 
 which they replied only by a doleful shake of the head 
 and a fresh burst of tears. 
 
 Martin O'Brien just then came in, and Father Sheehy 
 said to him : " When I shall have suffered the extreme 
 penalty of the law, you will bury all of this poor body 
 that you may obtain, in the old churchyard of Shan- 
 draghan. It is not, to be sure, where you would wish to 
 lay my remains, but I bespoke my lodging there some 
 months ago. You will make my grave close to that old 
 vault, under the shade of a gnarled elm which overhangs 
 the spot. Tell Billy Griffith that his noble protection 
 of a poor persecuted priest will be remembered, even in 
 heaven, if I am so happy as to reach there, and that my 
 blessing rests, and shall re^t, upon him and his children. 
 You will also give him this watch (it was a large, old- 
 fashioned silver one) : it is the only treasure I possess on 
 earth, and I would fain send that excellent friend a token 
 of my gratitude. Tell him to keep it for my sake : .it is 
 all I have to give him. To you, Thomas Burke, I give 
 this silver snuff-box : and do you, Terence, keep this little 
 ivory crucifix," drawing forth one which he wore on his 
 neck; "but your legacy is only reversional, my dear 
 fellow," he added with a melancholy smile, " for you 
 are not to have*it until after my death. Then you are to 
 
GTO 
 
 Father NicJiolas Sheehv, 
 
 take possession ; but \ have worn it for many a year, and 
 1 cannot part with it while hfe remains. For . you, 
 Martin, 1 have reserved my beads, which I value very 
 highly, for they were given me, when life was warm and 
 young within me, by one of the professors in Louvain. 
 My breviary, and a few other books, I have given to 
 Father Doyle ; and so 1 have already bequeathed all my 
 effects : my body to Shandraghan, and my soul to God, 
 if He will deign to accept the offering. Not a word 
 now, not a word now ! " he said, seeing that some of 
 his listeners were about to speak. *' I'll not have a word 
 spoken with such a doleful face as that. O'Brien," he 
 suddenly added, we little thought of this as we walked 
 along, looking down on the black, muddy Liffey. 1 
 know not what you may have thought, but for myself 
 1 can safely say that I never dreamed of such an end." 
 
 "Truly I must say, Father Nicholas," interrupted 
 Martin, " that I have always had a misgiving on my 
 mind, ever since 1 heard the report of Bridge's murder. 
 That report is the unfortunate cause of this dreadful 
 catastrophe." 
 
 " Not at all, Martin, not at all," replied the priest, 
 briskly ; " the cause lies farther back, and may be traced 
 to the active part I took in getting the church-rates 
 knocked off in a parish where they ought never to have 
 been paid, seeing that it contained not a single Protestant, 
 and then in encouraging my people to resist that novel 
 and most unjust marriage-tax. These are the first causes ; 
 this pretended murder of Bridge is but an adjunct of the 
 main scheme, for, if his disappearance had not furnished 
 a weapon against me, the}' would have found another. 
 Mv only grief is for poor Keating. God knows what is 
 to become of him and this unfortunate Meehan, who 
 leaves so many helpless mourners behind him ; but I 
 trust God will provide for them, since He sees fit to 
 deprive them of their main support." 
 
Martyrs and Coii/tssoi s. 
 
 GTl 
 
 *' With regard to Mr. Keating," interposed Burke, " 1 
 hear he has been sent to Kilkenny jail, so that he will 
 not be tried here. " 
 
 Thank God for that same ! " exclaimed Father Shechy, 
 with fervor. " He has, then, a much better chance ol 
 escape : I am truly rejoiced to hear that he is not to be 
 tried in Clonmel. Should any of you ever see him again 
 tell him how anxious I was about him, and that my 
 prayers were continually offered up in his behalf, that 
 (xod might reward his goodness, even in this life, by 
 delivering him from the hands of his enemies. You 
 Martin O'Brien, will pay a visit, as soon as possible after 
 to-morrow^ to Mr. Cornelius. O'Callaghan, and thank him 
 for his kind and respectful treatment of me. Tell him 
 how deeply grateful I was, and that I remembei-ed his 
 disinterested kindness to the last moment of my exist- 
 ence. I believe this is all," and he looked around with 
 a pleased expression of countenance. " My worldly affairs 
 are now arranged ; and I am at full liberty to attend to 
 * the one thing needful : ' my final preparation for eternity. 
 Father Doyle promised to come back this evening, and I 
 hope to receive the adorable sacrament to-morrow morn- 
 ing for my viaticum. So now, my dear friends, you will 
 icave me to myself awhile ; my soul must needs prepare 
 to meet the Bridegroom, and secure His approbation 
 before He ascends the tribunal of judgment. God be 
 with you till we meet again ! " He then shook the hand 
 of each in turn, and they quitted the prison in silent 
 anguish. 
 
 On Saturday, the fifteenth of the month. Father Sheehy 
 was brought out from his cell to undergo the murderous 
 punishment. He was attended by his faithful friend and 
 spiritual director. Father Doyle ; and of the two, the latter 
 showed far more dejection than the prisoner — the felon. 
 They came out on the platform in front of Clonmel jail, 
 and there stood side by side, while one loud, long siiout 
 
672 
 
 Father Nicholas Shechy, 
 
 of sorrowful greeting arose from the assembled niiilti 
 tude. Sighs and groans were heard on every side, and 
 many a convulsive sob from the bosom of brave and 
 stout-hearted men. 
 
 Father Sheehy's eyes filled with tears as he advanced 
 to the front of the platform, and raising his right hand, he 
 made the sio;^n of the cross over the heads of the crowd 
 below. "May the Almighty God, before whose judg- 
 ment-seat I am about to appear, bless and protect you all, 
 and may He grant to each of you the graces of which you 
 stand most in need ! May He preserve you steadfastly 
 in the true faith, by which alone salvation is to be ob- 
 tained ! I need scarcely tell you, my good people, that 1 die 
 entirely innocent of the foul crime laid to my charge. As 
 for those v^ho have persecuted me, even to death, and the 
 jury who condemned me on such evidence, I forgive and 
 pity them all, and would not change places with any of 
 them for all the riches of the earth. The care of my repu- 
 tation I leave to my God: He will reestablish it in His 
 own good time. In conclusion, I pray you all to retire 
 quietly to your homes, and make no disturbance, for that 
 would only give a pretext for fresh persecution." 
 
 He then shook hands with the priest, and begged to 
 be remembered in his prayers; then calmly turned and 
 made a signal to the hangman. That functionary was 
 prompt in his obedience : a moment, and the body of 
 Father Sheehy swung in the air: another, and he had 
 ceased to breathe. The pain of death was passed : 
 heaven in mercy had made it but momentary ; and the 
 wild scream that arose from the multitude below, loud 
 and heart-piercing as it was, rolled away unheard b\ 
 him, and mingled with the boisterous w^ind that filled 
 the air around. 
 
 " May the Lord God of hosts have mercy on your 
 soul, Nicholas Sheehy!" exclaimed Father Doyle, loud 
 enough to be heard by the people in the street ; " He 
 
Martyrs and Confessors, 
 
 G73 
 
 will not refuse you that justice which your fellow-men 
 withheld from you. A melancholy death was yours, but 
 your soul has, I trust, found favor before God, for you 
 were, indeed, free from guile." 
 
 All, however, -was not yet over. The body of the 
 martyred priest was cut down, and taken away to under- 
 go the remainder of the sentence. Hanging was not enough 
 for the brutal spirit of the Protestant ascendancy ; the 
 poor, lifeless frame was to be draivn and quartered, and, 
 while the task was being accomplished, Edward Meehan 
 was brought out on the platform. He, too, declared his 
 innocence in the most positive terms, and offered up an 
 affecting prayer for those who had sworn away his life, 
 for the jur}^ who had condemned him on their false 
 testimony, and for the judge who had passed sentence 
 upon him. He also repeated his solemn declaration of 
 Father Sheehy's innocence. 
 
 Though I know, " said he, that he is alread}^ gone 
 where I am soon to follow, but still it is right to speak 
 the truth to the very last. That good priest has been put 
 to death wrongfully ; and when they did it to him, that 
 was God's own servant, the}^ may well do it to me, poor 
 sinful man that I am. though, thanks to the great God, 
 I am as innocent of this murder as the child unborn. 
 That is ail I have to say, only that I freely forgive all 
 my enemies, and pray God to have mercy on my soul, 
 and the Blessed Virgin and all the saints to pra}^ for rne, 
 and for them I leave behind." 
 
 He was launched into eternity almost before the words 
 were uttered : ho, not quite so soon, for his sufferings 
 were somewhat longer than those of the priest ; lor two 
 or three minutes he struggled in the agony of his violent 
 death, and then all was still. 
 
 The Catholics who had occasion to pass that way 
 about an hour before sunset, hurried on with a shudder, 
 and murmured, " Lord, have mercy on him ! " as they 
 
67 i FatJwr NicJiolas Shcchy. 
 
 glanced at the stran^^e and ghastly spectacle over the 
 arched porch of the old jail, where was hoisted, on a 
 pole, the severed head ot the ill-fated priest, the well- 
 known features little changed, were it not for the un- 
 natural purple hue diffused over all : the natural effect of 
 the iearlul death which had parted soul and body. 
 
 The murder of Father Sheehy did not appease the 
 Orange landlords. In the following month his cousin, 
 Ned Sheehy ; a respectable farmer, James Buxton, and 
 James Farrell, were also tried for the murder of Bridge, 
 for swearing Toohey to be true to SJiaun Meskill (a name 
 given to the Whiteboys, after one of their leaders) and 
 his children, and other c*harges. The swearing against 
 them was reckless and savage, being the sanie as hung 
 the priest. They were, of course, sentenced to death, and 
 executed at Clogheen. When their heads were chopped 
 off, a young girl, named Ann Mary Butler, snatched up 
 the head of Ned Sheehy, and made off with it. 
 
 The sympathizing soldiers made way for her and closea 
 upon the hangman, who pursued her. The head was 
 decently interred with the body, while the other tw^o 
 were spiked at Clonmel. These men declared, just be- 
 fore their execution, that they were offered their liberty 
 bv the Rev. Lawrence-Broderick, Rev. John Hewitson, 
 Sir William Barker's son, Matthew Bumbury, Bagnell, 
 Toler, and Bagnall, if they would swear against Bishop 
 Creagh, Lord Dunboyne's brother, Robert Keating, 
 several other gentlemen, and some priests, charging them 
 with being engaged in a conspiracy with the French 
 government to raise an insurrection in Ireland ; but., 
 above all, if they would declare that Father Sheehy 
 was guilty, and that he *' had died with a lie in his 
 mouth." These brave men withstood all, and died with 
 remarkable fortitude, declaring their innocence to the 
 Inst. Ned Sheehv was the grandfather of the cele- 
 brated Countess of Blessington, one of his daughters 
 
Martyrs: and Confessors, 
 
 being married to Edmund Power of Curragheen. Just 
 twenty years afterward, in 1786, Father Sheehy's sister 
 was allowed to take away his head, and inter it with his 
 body in Shandraghan graveyard. 
 
 Beside the 'ruins of the old church repose the remains 
 of Father Sheehy. A beaten path leads to the grave, 
 lor many a pilgrim has trod over it. The white head- 
 stone that marks this hallowed spot bears the following 
 inscription : — 
 
 *' Here lieth the remains of the Rev. Nicholas Sheehy, 
 parish priest of Shandraghan, Ballysheehan and Tera- 
 pleheny. He died March 15th, 1766, aged 38 years. 
 Erected by his sister, Catherine Burke, alias Sheehy." 
 
lEELANDj PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 677 
 
 THE PRIEST'S LEAP. 
 
 A Legend of the Penal Times. 
 
 BY T. D. SULLIVAN. 
 
 The priest is out upon the hill before the dawn of day; 
 Through shadows deep, o'er rugged ground, he treads his painful way. 
 A peasant's homely garb he wears, that none but friendly eyes 
 May know who dares to walk abroad, beneath that rough disguise. 
 Inside his coat, and near his heart, lies what he treasures most, 
 For there a tiny silver shrine contains the Sacred Host. 
 Adoring as he goes, he seeks a cabin low and rude. 
 To nourish there a fainting soul with God's appointed food; 
 For so it is, within the land whose brave and faithful race 
 In other days made all the isle a bright and holy place. 
 Its temples are in ruins now, its altars overthrown, 
 Its hermits' cells in cliff and cave are tenantless and lone: 
 The ancient race are broken down, their power is passed away. 
 Poor helots, plundered and despised, they tread the soil to-day. 
 But yet, though fallen their fortunes be, through want, and woe, and ill, 
 Close hid, and fondly loved, they keep their priests amongst them still — 
 Their faithful priests, who, though by law condemned, denounced and 
 banned. 
 
 Will not forsake their suffering flocks, or quit the stricken land. 
 The morning brightens as he goes, the little hut is near. 
 When runs a peasant to his side, and speaks into his ear. 
 "Fly, Father, fly! the spies are out: they've watched you on your way: 
 They've brought the soldiers on your track, to seize you or to slay ! 
 Quick, Father, dear! here stands your horse; no whip or spur he'll 
 need; 
 
 Mount you at once upon his back, and put him to his speed, 
 And then, what course you'd better take 'tis God alone that knows — 
 Before you spreads a stormy sea, behind you come your foes; 
 But mount at once and dash away; take chance for field or flood. 
 And God may raise His hand to-day to foil those men of blood." 
 
 Up sprang the priest; away he rode, but ere a mile was run, 
 Bight in his path he saw the flash of bayonets in the sun; 
 He turned his horse's head, and sped along tlie way he came. 
 But oh! there too his hunters were, fast closing on their game 1 
 
GTS 
 
 IRELAXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 Straight forward then he faced his steed, and urged him with his hand. 
 To Where the cliff stood high and sheer above the sea-beat strand. 
 Then from the soldiers and the spies arose a joyful cheer, 
 Their toilsome chase was weil-uigh o'er, the wished-for end was near; 
 The}' stretched their eager hands to pluck the ricer from his seat — 
 A few more lusty strides and they might swing him to their feet: 
 For now betwixt him and the verge are scarce ten feet of ground — 
 But stay! — good God! — out o'er the cliff the horse is seen to boundl 
 The soldiers hasten to the spot, they gaze around, below, 
 Iso splash disturbs the waves that keep their smooth and even flow; 
 From their green depths no form of man or horge is seen to rise. 
 Far down upon the stony strand no mangled body lies: 
 "Look up! look up!" a soldier shouts, " oh! what a sight is there! 
 Behold the priest, on horseback still, is speeding through the air!" 
 They look, and lo ! the words were true, and, trembling with affright. 
 They saw the vision pierce the blue, and vanish from their sight. 
 
 Three miles away across the bay a group with wondering eyes 
 Saw some strange speck come rushing fast towards them from the skies, 
 A bird they deemed it first to bo; they watched its course, and soon 
 They deemed it some black burning mass flung from the sun or moon. 
 ]t ncared the earth — their hearts beat fast — they held their breath with 
 awe. 
 
 As clear, and clearer still — the horse — and then — the man — they saw; 
 They shut their eyes, the}' stopped their ears, to spare their hearts the 
 shock 
 
 As steed and rider both came down and struck the solid rock; 
 
 Ay, on the solid rock they struck, but never made a sound; 
 
 Ko horrid mass of flesh and blood was scattered all around; 
 
 For when the horse fell on his knees, and when the priest was thrown 
 
 A little forward, and his hands came down upon the stone, 
 
 That instant, by God's potent will, the flinty face became 
 
 Like moistened clay, or wax that yields before a gloAving flame. 
 
 Unhurt, unharmed, the priest arose, and with a jnyful stnrt 
 
 lie pressed his hand upon his breast — the Host was near his heart. 
 
 Long years have passed away since then, in sun, and wind, and rain. 
 
 But still of that terrific leap the wondrous marks remain. 
 
 On the high cliff from which he sprang — now deemed a sacred place— 
 
 The prints left by the horse's hoofs arc plain for all to trace; 
 
 And still the stone where he alit whoever likes may view, 
 
 And see the signs and tokens there that prove the story true. 
 
 May feel and count each notch and line, may measure, if he please, 
 
 The dint made by the horse's head, the grooves sunk by his knees. 
 
 And place his fingers in the holes — for there they are to-day- 
 
 !Made by the fingers of the priest who leaped across the bay. 
 
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 UJ 
 X 
 
 CO 
 
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 O 
 
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 Q 
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RETROSPECT. 
 
 ► ^ 
 
 Though, from the year 1744, Catholic blood flowed 
 ^ess profusely in Ireland, persecution was not discon- 
 tinued. From time to time, bigoted zealots and intoler- 
 ant fanatics reminded the proscribed Catholics that the 
 penal laws still stood upon the statute books. In their 
 insatiable thirst for Papist blood, and in order to gratify 
 their hatred for Popery, these misguided heretics con- 
 tinued to devise new plots in which to entrap their 
 unsuspecting brethren. The same unfounded and un- 
 proven charges of high treason that sent the martyr 
 Plunket to the gibbet in 168 1, consigned the saintly 
 Father Nicholas Sheehy to the gallows in 1766. 
 
 Before entering into any further specific cases of the 
 martyrdom, physical and civil, to which the Irish race 
 was subjected by the government of England, we would 
 do well to give a hasty retrospective glance at the 
 various stages of English policy, and its results, in the 
 unhappy island. 
 
 The broad, fertile lands of Tipperary had become the 
 spoil of Cromwellian planters and soldiers, while 
 nearly all the Catholic people of Ireland who owned 
 any portion of the land, were driven out of Munster, 
 r^einster and Ulster, and on the first of May, 1654, they 
 were lorced across the Shannon into Connaught. The 
 phrase used by the Cromwellians on the occasion was, 
 •* that they were to go to hell or Connaught." To the for- 
 mer place, however, as being no part of the inheritance 
 of St. Patrick, they did not go, but they were obliged 
 
GCO 
 
 Retrospect. 
 
 to go to Connaught. Lest, even there, they might main- 
 tain any hope of relief by sea, or enjoy the sight of those 
 fair provinces and that beautiful country once their own, 
 a law was established that no Irishman, transplanted 
 into Connaught, was to come within four miles of the 
 river Shannon, on the one side, or within four miles of 
 the sea, on the other. There was a cordon of English 
 soldiery and English forts drawn about them, and there 
 they were to live in the bogs, in the fastnesses, and in the 
 wild wastes of the most desolate region in Ireland ; there 
 they were to pine and expire by famine and by every 
 form of suffering that their Heavenly Father might per- 
 mit to fall upon them. The fond hope, however, that 
 they would yet have their own,— a hope which has never 
 died out in an Irishman's bosom, — kept alive their natural 
 antagonism to the Cromwellian settlers. The rough 
 Puritan soldiers who came over to Ireland with the Bible 
 in one hand and the sword in the other, and who had 
 settled in the desolated plains of fair Munster, and the 
 beautiful valleys of Leinster, were men of pluck, who 
 would not tamely endure the restless spirit of these old 
 outlawed proprietors, backed by the daring peasantry, 
 who for generations had ever been the faithful clansmen 
 or retainers of the ancient families. Having the adminis- 
 tration of the civil laws and the disposal of the military 
 m their hands, they proved themselves more than a match 
 lor their dispossessed and hereditary foes, while every 
 means in their power was mercilessly brought into use to 
 accomplish their purposes. 
 
 When Cromwell died, in 1658, Ireland lay void as a 
 wilderness ; five-sixths of her people had perished ; men, 
 women and children were found daily perishing in ditches, 
 starved ; the bodies of many wandering orphans, whose 
 fathers had embarked for Spain, and whose mothers had 
 died of famine, were fed upon by wolves. In the years 
 1652 and 1653, the plague and famine had swept away 
 
Retrospect. 
 
 G81 
 
 the inhabitints of whole counties, so that a man might 
 travel twenty or thirty miles, and not see a living creature : 
 man, beast or bird, — they were all dead^ or had quit 
 these desolate places. The troopers would tell stories of 
 places where they saw smoke — it was so rare to see fire 
 or smoke, either by day or night. In two or three cabins 
 where they went, they found none but aged men, with 
 women and children, and, in the words of the prophet, 
 " they became as a bottle in the smoke ;" their skin was 
 black, like an oven, because of the terrible famine ; they 
 were seen to eat filthy carrion out of the ditch, black 
 and rotten, and were said to have even taken corpses 
 out of the graves to eat. 
 
 Within a twelvemonth after the Marquis of Clanri- 
 carde left Ireland," says Borlase, " Mortagh O'Brien, the 
 last of the Irish commanders, submitted to the parliament, 
 on the usual terms of transportation, by the favor of 
 which, twenty-seven thousand men had been that year 
 sent away." "Cromwell," says Dalrymple ("Men of 
 Great Britain," voL i, part 2, page 267), " in order to get 
 free of his enemies, did not scruple to transport forty 
 thousand Irish from their own country, to fill all the 
 armies in Europe with complaints of his crueky, and 
 admiration of their own valor." 
 
 The design of the English Protestant party was 
 totally to exterminate the Irish people. For the pur- 
 pose of effectually clearing the country of the native 
 Irish, it was, of course, expedient to get rid of as many 
 persons of the military age as possible. In this way 
 several other detachments, comprising from one to four 
 thousand men each, under the command of Irish officers, 
 were disposed of, by Cromwell and his government, to 
 foreign princes. 
 
 But the enormities of the ruling tyrants did not stop 
 here. Those of military age who were spared from the 
 slaughter, to the amount, b}- a safe calculation, of more 
 
682 Retrospect. 
 
 than forty thousand, were sent into foreign service, on 
 'he continent of Europe, especially to Spain and Belgium. 
 ?he following note will be found in Dr. Lingard's 
 
 * History of England," vol. x, page 306: "According to 
 Pettv, six thousand boys and men were sent away. Lynch 
 {^Cavtbreiisis Eversus) says that they were sold for slaves. 
 Broudin, in his 'Propiignaculuin {Pragcz, 1669), numbers the 
 exiles at one hundred thousand. * Ultra centum millia 
 omnis sexus et cstatis, e qiiibiis aliquot millia in diver sas 
 AmericcB tabacarias insnlas relegata sunt' (page 692).* In 
 a letter in my possession, written in 1656, it is said: 
 
 * Catholicos pauperes plenis ?tavibus mittunt in Barbados et 
 insnlas American. Credo jam sexaginta millia abivisse. 
 Expulsis enim ab initio in Hispajiiam et Belgium maritis^ 
 jam uxores et proles in Aniericam destinantur' " 
 
 It would, indeed, be idle to exclaim at any cruelty com- 
 mitted at that time. Those unhappy exiles perished in 
 hundreds and thousands. Of the myriads thus trans- 
 ported, not a single one survived at the end of twentj 
 years. 
 
 Was there any species of crime which was not per- 
 petrated against the Irish by the barbarians of the Eng- 
 lish government? 
 
 In Thurlow's correspondence the formation of press- 
 gangs, to collect the male and female youths for trans- 
 portation, is stated at length. " Some have thought," says 
 the great O'Connell, " that the system adopted by the 
 monster who now rules in Russia, of collectinsf vounor 
 women from his Polish subjects to send to his military 
 colonies, was an invention of his own. But there is no 
 
 * " Beyond one hundred thousand of either sex and every age, cf whom 
 »ome thousands were sent to the tobacco-growing islands of America.'^ 
 
 t'* They are sending vessels, filled with poor Irish, to Barbadoes and the islands 
 of America- I believe upward of sixty-thousand have already g:me, it being 
 intended to send to America the wives and children of those men who have 
 been already exiled to Spain and Belgium." 
 
Retrospect, 
 
 683 
 
 atrocity so great as to not have its prototype in the 
 brutalities inflicted upon the people of Ireland by some 
 of their English rulers. It is melancholy to read such 
 a statement as the following : — 
 
 * After the conquest of Jamaica, in 1655, the Protector, 
 that he might people it, proposed to transport a thousand 
 Irish boys and a thousand Irish girls to the island. A 
 lust only the young women were demanded, to which it 
 is replied : * Although we must use force in taking them 
 up, yet it being so much for their own good, and likely 
 to be of so great advantage to the public, it is not in the 
 least doubted that you may have such number of them 
 as you shall think fit.' (Thurlow, iv, 23.) 
 
 "In the next letter, H. Cromwell says: *I think it 
 might be of like advantage to your affairs there, and 
 ours here, if you should think fit to send one thousand 
 five hundred or two thousand young boys, of twelve or 
 fourteen years of age, to the place afore- mentioned. We 
 could well spare them, and they would be of use to you ; 
 and who knows but it misrht be a means to make them 
 Englishmen, I mean, rather, Christians?' (Page 40.) Thur- 
 low answers: * The committee of the council have voted 
 one thousand girls, and as many youths, to be taken up 
 for that purpose.' (Page 75.) 
 
 Sacred heaven ! Thus it is that the English * diet 
 good' to the people of Ireland ! The young women were 
 to be taken by force from their mothers, their sisters, 
 their homes, and to be transported to a foreign and 
 unhealthy clime. ' O but,' said the English rulers, * it is 
 ^11 for their own good ! ' Then, again, look at the cold 
 blooded manner in which Henry Cromwell proposes tc 
 make them ' English and Christians.* 
 
 " * Englishmen and Christians/' But no ! Comment is use- 
 less. All these things appear like a hideous dream. Thcv 
 would be utterly incredible, only that they are quite 
 certain. 
 
684 
 
 Retrospect, 
 
 ** Tnere remained, however, too many to render pos- 
 sible the horrible cruelty of cutting all their throats. The 
 Irish government, constituted as it was of the superior 
 officers of the regicide force, resorted to a different plan. 
 Here is the account given by Lord Clarendon of their 
 conduct: — 
 
 " ' They found the utter EXTIRPATION of the nation 
 {ivJiicJi they had intended) to be in itself very difficult, and 
 to carry in it somewhat of horror, that made some 
 impression on the stone-hardness of their own hearts. 
 After so many thousands destroyed by the plague which 
 raged over the kingdom, by fire, sword and famine, and 
 after so many thousands transported into foreign parts, 
 there remained still such a numerous people that they 
 knew not how to dispose of ; and though they were 
 declared to be all forfeited, and so to have no title to 
 anything, yet they must remain somewhere. They, 
 therefore, found this expedient, which they called an act 
 of grace : there was a large tract of land, even to the half 
 of the province of Connaught, that was separated from 
 the rest b}^ a long and large river, and which, by the 
 plague and MANY MASSACRES, remained almost 
 desolate. Into this space the}^ required all the Irish to 
 retire by such a day, under the penalty of death; and all 
 ivho sJmild after that time be found in any other part of the 
 kingdom^ man, woman or child, SHOULD BE KILLED 
 BY ANYBODY WHO SAW OR MET THEM. The 
 land within this circuit, the most barren in the king- 
 dom, was, out of the grace and mercy of the conquerors, 
 assigned to those of the nation as were enclosed, in such 
 proportions as might, with great industry, preserve their 
 Jives.'" Clarendon's Life," vol. ii, page ii6.) 
 
 A year before Cromwell died, in 1657, w^e find a mem- 
 ber of the Irish parliament. Major Morgan, declaring 
 that the whole land of Ireland was in ruin ; for, besides 
 the cost of rebuilding the churches, court-hot scs and 
 
Retrospect. 
 
 685 
 
 market-houses, which were very heavy, they were under 
 a very heavy charge for public rewards, paid for the 
 destruction of three burdensome beasts. And what, 
 think you, were these three beasts ? The wolf, the priest, 
 and the tory ! The wolf, because, at that very time, there 
 was made a grant of land within nine miles of Dublin, 
 on the north, that is the most cultivated side of the city, 
 on the condition of keeping a pack of wolf-hounds to 
 hunt and destroy the wolves. These animals had in- 
 creased with the desolation of the country, so that they 
 came, famishing, to the very gates of Dublin, whence 
 they had to be driven. The priest, because his head had 
 the same value in court as that of a wolf, namely, five 
 pounds; and the law of the English parliament wnich 
 offered such a price, aye and twice as much, for the head 
 of a Jesuit or a bishop, was obliged to be enforced by 
 the magistrates, under most severe penalties. We find 
 the country filled with informers ; we find priest-hunting 
 actually reduced to a profession in Ireland, and, strange 
 enough, we find the Portuguese Jews coming all the 
 way from Portugal, in order to hunt priests in Ire- 
 land. When, in 1698, under William III, the religious 
 were shipped off into banishment and slavery, as we 
 have already mentioned (folio 438), not one of the eight 
 hundred and odd secular priests that remained in the 
 land would be allowed to say Mass in public or private, 
 nor indeed remain in the country until he first took the 
 oath to renounce the supremacy of the pope — of papal 
 abjuration ; in other words, until he became a Protestant. 
 
 The third troublesome beast of Major Morgan's cate 
 gory was the tory, under which name are included the 
 desperate men who, under some dispossessed gentleman 
 either aboriginal Irish or old English, had retired into 
 the wilds, on the surrender of the army, or who had run 
 out again, after submitting, and resumed arms rather 
 than remain in Connaught. The country was infested 
 
Retrospect, 
 
 with them, and all the great regions, left waste by war 
 and transplantations,gave them ample room for conceal- 
 ment, while the inadequate numbers of the forces of the 
 commonwealth, unequal to the full control of so extensive 
 a country as Ireland, lett them at liberty to plan their 
 surprises. These outlaws, who were, at a later day, 
 known as Rappa^ees, and as such are described by Eng- 
 lish historians in fearful terms, continued long to infest 
 and desolate the country, and we find accounts of them 
 in state papers, down even to the last years of the reign 
 of George IV. 
 
 Before passing from the commonwealth to the restora- 
 tion of the English monarchy, in 1660, we give an ex- 
 tract from the rare and curious tract of Father Morison, 
 published in 1659, containing a summary of many of the 
 Irish chiefs and nobles who suffered for their faith, but 
 whose names are not eisewhere given in our pages: — 
 
 " I do not," sa^^s the reverend chronicler (of whose 
 personal sufferings see mentiononpage 328 of this present 
 work), " here enumerate any person slain in battle, 
 although he might have fallen in the cause of his religion, 
 nor do I give the tenth oart of the persons of quality who 
 were murdered, but only the more illustrious, being 
 chiefly those who were received into allegiance by the 
 Protestants after the amnest}^ had been made and actually 
 entered on : a treactiery which barbarians and infidels 
 themselves would abhor and deem detestable. 
 
 ** I. Lord Hugh McMahon, the chief of his illustrious 
 race, a brave and noDie military leader, was, after two 
 years' imprisonment m London, half hanged, and, ere life 
 was extinct, ouarterea ; his head was then placed on an 
 iron spike on Lonaon Bridge, to feed the ravenous fowls 
 of the air ; his four quarters were placed over four of the 
 gates of London. 
 
 •* II. Cornelius Majjuire, Lord Viscount Enniskillen, a 
 most devout and holy man, sole conpanion in captivity 
 
Retrospect. 
 
 687 
 
 ol the aforesaid Hugh McMahon, underwent the same 
 butchery about two months after the execution of Mc- 
 Mahon. 
 
 " 111. The illustrious Felix O'Neill (captured by Pro- 
 testant device) was half hanged in Dublin, A. D. 1652, 
 and, while yet alive, was quartered. His head was stuck 
 on a great spike, at the western gate of Dublin, and his 
 quarters were sent to be stuck on spikes in four different 
 parts of the kingdom. 
 
 "IV". Henry O'Neill, son of Eugene O'Neill, taken 
 prisoner in battle, and, notzvitJistanding plighted faithj 
 slaughtered in Ulster, A. D. 1651. 
 
 " V. Thaddeus O'Connor (Sligo), descended from the 
 royal race of the last and most powerful monarchs of 
 Ireland, a man of great goodness and innocence, hung 
 m the town of Boyle, in Connaught, A. D. 1652, after the 
 general amnesty had been made. 
 
 " VI. Constantine O'Ruairk, taken prisoner in battle, 
 murdered in 1652, notivithstanding pligJited faith. 
 
 *'VII. Theobald de Burg, Lord Viscount Mayo, after 
 a truce had been made with all such persons in the 
 kingdom as were not actually in arms against the Pro- 
 lestants, and a general amnesty promised, was shot in 
 Gal way, in 1651. 
 
 "VIII. Charles O'Dowd, of a most high and noble 
 race, was hanged A. D. 1651. 
 
 " IX. James O'Brien, of illustrious lineage, maternal 
 nephew of the brave Donatus O'Brien (of whom see 
 account, page 309), a youth of high hopes and prospects, 
 was murdered at Nenagh, in the Ormonds. They cut his 
 head off, and sent it to his brother, Moriarty O'Brien, 
 then their prisoner. 
 
 " X. Bernard O'Brien, of the same noble family, a 
 youth of equally fair prospects, was hanged in 1651. 
 
 *• XI. Daniel O'Brien, first cousin of the said Bernard, 
 was hanged, and his head cutoff at Nenagh, 1651. 
 
688 
 
 Retrospect, 
 
 "XII. The illustrious Colonel John O'Kenedy a man 
 of the utmost integrity, was slain by the swords of the 
 Protestants, after their faith had been pledged to him in 
 battle. His head was then cut off, and fastened on a 
 spike in the town of Nenagh, A. D. 165 1. 
 
 "XIII. James O'Kenedy, son of the aforesaid illus- 
 trious gentleman, a youth of great hopes, being deluded 
 with a similar pledge of good faith, was hanged also at 
 Nenagh, A. D. 165 1. 
 
 " XIV. The illustrious Sir Patrick Purcell, Vice-gen- 
 eral of all Munster, noble-hearted and a most accom- 
 plished warrior (renowned for his services in Germany, 
 against Sweden and France, under Ferdinand III, of 
 august memory), was hanged after the kiking of Limerick, 
 his head cut off, and exposed on a stake over the southern 
 gate (called John's Gate) of the city of Limerick, A. D. 
 1651. 
 
 " XV. The illustrious and most generous Sir Godfrey 
 Barron, a sincere Catholic, of the highest fidelity, and 
 of singular eloquence, who had been deputed by the 
 confederated Catholics of Ireland as their envoy to his 
 most Christian majesty, Louis XIV, was also hanged at 
 Limerick. 
 
 *' XVI. The noble Sir Godfrey Galway was likewise 
 hanged at Limerick, 165 1. 
 
 "XVII. The noble Thomas Stritch, Mayor of Lim- 
 erick, and alderman, was, with the like cruelty, hanged 
 at the same time with the rest. His head was then cut 
 off and fastened to the city gate. 
 
 ••XVIII. The noble Dominic Fanning, ex-Mayor of 
 Limerick, and alderman, a well-known man, and of the 
 hignest integrity, who had been of great service to the 
 confederated Catholics, and had laudably conferred ijiuch 
 benefit on the kingdom, as well as on the city, was hanged 
 at Limerick along with the rest, A. D. 165 1. His head 
 was cut off and affixed to the gate. 
 
Rcirospcc t. 
 
 68J 
 
 XIX. Daniel O'Higgins, medical doctor, a wise and 
 pious man, was hanged at the same time at Limerick. 
 1651. 
 
 " XX. The illustrious John O'Connor, Lord of Kerrv 
 and Tracht, on account of his adhesion to the Catholic 
 party, and his efforts to draw to it not only his personal 
 followers, but all with whom he had friendship, was, after 
 Having been seized upon by stratagem by Protestants, 
 brought to Tralee, in that county, and there half hanged 
 and then beheaded, A. D. 1652. 
 
 "XXI. The illustrious Lord Edward Butler, son of 
 Lord Mountgarret, an innocent man, who had never 
 taken arms, was hanged at Dublin after the tripce had 
 been commenced and amnesty proclaimed throughout 
 the whole kingdom, A. D. 1652." 
 
 That no mistake may be made as to the real sentiment 
 which animated the English race in their relentless fury 
 against the Irish Catholics, we add an extract from a 
 pamphlet entitled, " The Simple Cobbler of Aggavam 
 in America," by Theodore de La Guard, which was first 
 published in London in 1647, and passed through several 
 editions : — 
 
 A word of Ireland : not of the nation universally, nor 
 of any man in it, that hath as much as one haire of 
 Christianity or humanity growing on his head or beard ; 
 but only of the truculent cutthroats, and such as shall 
 take up arms in their defence. 
 
 "These Irish, anciently called Anthropophagi, man- 
 eaters, have a tradition among them, that when the devil 
 showed our Saviour all the kinsfdomes of the earth and 
 their glory, that he would not show Him Ireland, but 
 reserved it for himself. It is most probably true, for he 
 hath kept it ever since for his own peculiar ; the old '"ox 
 foresaw that it would eclipse the glory of all the rest ; he 
 thought it wisdom to keep it for a bog-gard for himself 
 and all his unclean spirits employed in this hemisphere, 
 
GOO 
 
 Retrospect. 
 
 and the people to do his son and heire, I mean the Pope, 
 that service for which Lewis II kept his barber, Oliver, 
 which makes them to be so bloodthirsty. They are the 
 very off al of men, dreggcs of mankind ; reproach of Christen^ 
 dome ; the bots that crawl on the beastes tail. I wonder 
 Rome itself is not ashamed of them. 
 
 '•I beg, upon my hands and knees, that the expedition 
 against them may be undertaken while the hearts and 
 hands of our soldiers are hot, to whome I will be bold to say 
 briefly : Happy is he that shall reward e them as they have 
 served us, and cursed is he that shall do the work of the 
 Lord neghgently. CURSED BE HE THAT HOLD- 
 ETH BACK HIS SWORD FROM BLOOD; YEA, 
 CURSED BE HE THAT MAKETH NOT HIS 
 SWORD STARKE DRUNK WITH IRISH BLOOD ; 
 that doth not recompense them double for their hellish 
 treachery to the English; that maketh them not heaps 
 upon heaps, and their country a dwelling-place for drag- 
 ons, an astonishment to nations ! Let not that eye look 
 lor pity, nor that hand be spared, that pities or spares 
 them, and LET HIM BE ACCURSED THAT CURS- 
 ETH THEM NOT BITTERLY." 
 
 In 1659 came the Restoration, and Charles II was safely 
 seated on the throne of England. Of all who had sup- 
 ported the caus^ of his father, none had fought harder 
 or bled more freely than the natives of Ireland, whom 
 his advent found in worse thai, captivity, amid the wilds 
 of Connaught. What more natural than the anticipation 
 that they, who had been so true and so faithful, would 
 share part and parcel in the restoration of rights? 
 Aside from all thoughts of honors and titles, were they not 
 authorized at least to expect their own estates and pos- 
 sessions ? And yet Charles II, by a direct act of settle- 
 ment, confirmed the Cromwellians in the lands they had 
 seized, in the very wealth and influence which they had 
 used against their lawful possessors, and by means of 
 
Retrospect, 
 
 691 
 
 which they had labored so successfully to destroy his 
 own father's life aiid kingdom. 
 
 There was, indeed, a court of claims organized, but it 
 was only intended for the benefit of such Englishmen as 
 had suffered from the revolution : and as soon as it was 
 perceived that Irish gentlemen also were advancing their 
 claims likewise, and opening their cases, the court was at 
 once closed, leaving, as Nugent writes, over five thousand 
 parties who, although never outlawed, had been deprived 
 of their property, and were now prevented from even 
 legally seeking to recover it. 
 
 The negation of rights was not all the evil that Charles 
 II inflicted on the unhappy race, for, beginning in 1673, 
 he repeatedly affixed his signature to most infamous laws, 
 framed for the very purpose of aboHshhng and rooting 
 out every vestige of Catholicity frorr Irish soil. Bishops 
 and priests were denied all right of residence, and even 
 the laity had to obtain a license in order to breathe freely 
 their native air. Edmond O'Riley, the Primate, was ban- 
 ished ; Archbishop Talbot, to whom permission had been 
 given to return home to die, was seized at Maynooth, and 
 ended his days in a dungeon. In 1679 Bishop Plunket 
 was seized by Ormond, carried to London, away from 
 all danger of a possibly honest jury in Ireland, and exe- 
 cuted at Tyburn, in t68i. 
 
 Four years later came James II; and when, but three 
 years later, his own daughter, Mary, and her husband, 
 William of Orange, landed to establish a Protestant 
 succession, James was very glad to have the loyal Irish to 
 fall back upon as his supporters, and the only supporters 
 of the legitimate king of England. The Irish parliament oi 
 1689, summoned by James, declared that there should 
 be no more religious persecution in Ireland, and that 
 no man, from thai day forward, should suffer for his con- 
 science or his faith." The only bill of attainder thcv 
 passed was against the enemies of the crown, against 
 
002 
 
 Retrospect. 
 
 the upholders of the rebellion, and the unfilial children 
 ot their king. 
 
 It is not our purpose here to recount the days when 
 those two armed forces of James and William went up 
 and down the land, rich already v/ith the blood of so 
 many thousands of her sons, slain for conscience' sake, 
 and by the sword of England, and now again to be satu 
 rated with that of another generation, ever faithful to theii 
 Church, and obedient to the command of the unworthy 
 ruler who claimed their services. From the Boyne to 
 the Shannon, and Athlone to Limerick, spite the lack of 
 discipline and want of equipments, short of artillcrv, 
 their best leaders discouraged by the blundering faint- 
 heartedness of the king, the brave Irish -never for a mo- 
 ment tarnished their name for heroism and undaunted 
 braverv. 
 
 The second siege of Limerick closed the public career 
 of the last Catholic king of England, in 1691, with the 
 surrender of the gallant Sarsfield, and then began another 
 period of niartyrdom for the children of the saints. 
 The depths of infamy to which the English government 
 sank from the day of the Treaty of Limerick can only 
 be conceived by those who read, as w^e here give them, the 
 particulars of the treaty, and then consider the manner 
 in which each and all of its provisions were so outrage- 
 ously trampled on by that nation whose leaders, having 
 deliberately denied their fealty to God, felt doubly sure 
 in denying it to their fellow-subjects. 
 
A "NUTSHELL'' HISTORY OF IRELAND 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 BY A. M. SULLIVAN, M P. 
 
 Ireland, an island on the western extremity of 
 Europe, constituting a 2')ortion of the state known as 
 the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, .lies 
 between the parallels of 51 deg. 26 miu. and 55 deg. 21 
 min. north latitude, and between 5 deg. 20 min. and 
 10 deg. 26 min. west longitude, Greenwich meridian. 
 It is 306 miles long and 182 broad ; its superficial area 
 being about 32,713 square miles, or 20,808,320 British 
 statute acres. The interior of the island is in the main 
 a fertile plateau, but towards the shore on the south, 
 west and north, rugged mountains rise irregularly to a 
 height in some places of over 3,000 feet. The coast, on 
 the west especially, is bold, and in many places precipi- 
 tous ; but is, on every side, except the southern portion 
 of the eastern shore, deeply indented vvith bays, fiords, 
 and estuaries, affording natural harbors of great ca- 
 pacity. The scenery is strikingly picturesque ; in some 
 parts of nnsui'passed beauty. The southern and west- 
 ern counties, however, contain many tracts of bleak 
 and desolate country. In the low-lvimi; i)arts of the 
 island there are vast areas of peat-moors or ''bogs,'' 
 embedded in or beneath which are found the remains 
 of primeval forests. (693) 
 
CO-i HlELA^'D, PAST AXD PKrSEITT. 
 
 Tliere is historical certainty that more than a thon- 
 sand years ago the island was richly timbered from sea 
 to sea ; but the destruction of the woods bv the En^i:lish 
 power in the course of its five centuries of warfare with 
 the natives, has left Irish landscape on the wjjole excep- 
 tionally bare of trees. There are numerous lakes ; some 
 of considerable size. The principal river, the Sliannon, 
 Hows into the Atlantic on the western side of the Island ; 
 the Lee, the Blackwater, and the combined Suir, Bar- 
 row, and Nore, reach the sea on the south coast ; the 
 Bann and the Foyle on the north ; and the Slaney, the 
 Lilfev, and the Bovne on the east. 
 
 Of the cities and towns of Ireland, few can be deemed 
 important as to size or commercial activity ; the princi- 
 l)al of them being Dublin, Cork, Belfast, Waterford, 
 Limerick, and Derry. The first-named city is, as it has 
 been since the reign of King John, in the thirteenth 
 century, the national metropolis and seat of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The country is politically divided into four provinces ; 
 these beino; subdivided into thirtv-two counties. The 
 climate throughout is mfldand genial ; more moist than 
 that of France or Britain, but much less rigorous than 
 that of either in winter. Although coal, iron, copper, 
 lead, silver, and gold, have, at one period or another, 
 been mined in Ireland, shafts and adits of long-forgot- 
 ten times being occasionally discovered, the mineral 
 resources of the country, judged bv ])iactical experi- 
 ence, are poor. Manufacturing industries, unless on a 
 very insignificant scale, are almost uiikiiown, outside 
 of the province of Ulster ; the great bulk of the inhabit- 
 ants being engaged in agricultural pursuits. The 
 population was, at the last census, 5,159,889 ; exhibit- 
 ing a serious and steady decrease since 1847, when ic 
 was 9.500,000. 
 
 Ireland is governed by a viceroy, subject to the im- . 
 
A "nutshell" history of IllELAI^D. C95 
 
 perial cabinet ia London, and is represented in the 
 imperial Parliament by 103 membeis in tlie House of 
 Commons, out of the 652 who constitute that body. 
 Out of 494 princes, peers, and bisiiops, who sit in the 
 House of Lords, 28 are titularly Irish. 
 
 Few European countries are possessed of authentic 
 historical data reaching to an age so remote as that to 
 which the ancient records or memorials of Ireland iu 
 one shape or another extend. Like all old countries it 
 has its fabulous and legendary periods ; but reasonable 
 certainty is attainable at a much earlier period in Irish 
 history than it is in most other cases. 
 
 The inhabitants of Irehmd, of what may be called the 
 native race, belong to the great Celtic famih'. For two 
 thousand years past they have claimed to be pre- 
 eminently Milesians," that is to say, descended from 
 an expedition of conquerors, led by the three sons of a 
 military chief named Milesius, who, according to well- 
 received tradition, landed and subdued the country 
 some ten or twelve centuries before the birth of Christ. 
 But inasmuch as at least two distinct colonizations had 
 j)reviously been effected, and as the Milesians simply 
 reduced their predecessors into subjection, and did not 
 extir23ate them, it is clear the general po]3ulation in the 
 course of time became more or less a combination of the 
 new elements and the old. The Milesians originally 
 came from a birthplace variously fixed in Persia, Syria, 
 and Phoenicia, and indisputably were of eastern origin. 
 They were a race of soldiers and statesmen, conquerois 
 and lawgivers. It wa3 they who virtually organized 
 and constituted the Ireland known to history for the 
 last 1,500 vears. 
 
 The political system they established was a strange 
 mixture of a republican monarchy and a niilitar}^ aris- 
 tocracy. The country was divided into five sub king- 
 doms, an Ard-Ri (literally, high- king) being supreme 
 
C36 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 sovereign. This chief-king was elected from the reign- 
 ing fiimily or dj'nast}^ ; rhe electors being the claii- 
 cliiefs, these latter in their own sphere being elected by 
 the clans. A parliament or *• feis" assembled triennially 
 at Tara, in which sat the princes, chiefs, judges, high 
 priests, brehons, and bards of the whole nation. This 
 legislative body, one of the earliest known in history, 
 revised the old laws and enacted new ones, very much 
 as modern senates and assemblies do. On the intro- 
 duction of Christianity bv St. Patricius or Patrick in 
 the fifth century, the existing code of law^s was referred 
 to a commission, consisting of one chief, one brehon, 
 and one Christian bishop, with a view of purging it of 
 pagan ideas and adapting the statutes of Eiin to Chris- 
 tian principles. The body of laws thus revised and 
 codilied are now, by order of the British Government, 
 being translated and published, as a rare and valuable 
 treasury of ancient jurisprudence, parliament making 
 an annual grant for the purpose ever since 18.52. 
 
 Such w^as the constitution and policy which prevailed 
 in Ireland down to the sixteenth century, a period of 
 more than 2,000 years. 
 
 From about the year 200 B. C. to A. D. 800, the Ire- 
 land of ancient history may be said to have attained 
 its zenith of power and reputation. In the three cen- 
 turies which followed the introduction of Christianity, 
 the country was pre-eminently the great centre of 
 scholastic and missionary enterprise in Western Europe. 
 To its free schools and universities flocked students 
 from every part of Christendom, and Irish missionaries 
 and teachers spread throughout the known world. 
 AVith the incursions of the fierce and savage Northmen 
 or Danes, plundering and desolating hordes of pagan 
 marauders, which began abonr the close of the eighth 
 century, commenced the disorganization and wreck of 
 the Milesian nation. These hordes, just then the scourge 
 
A ^^TsTUTSnELL" HISTORY OF IRELAND. 607 
 
 of Western Europe, never were able to conquer the# 
 country as tliey did the neighboring island of Britain ; 
 but an intermittent war of utter barbarism, prolonged 
 through 300 years, utterly demoralized it, and almost 
 extinguished a civilization that had been the light of 
 Western Euroi')e in its time. From A. D. 900 to A. D. 
 1170, with the exception of a brilliant interval of a few 
 years under Brian I., who broke forever the Danish 
 power, disintegration rapidly made way. The idea of a 
 common national interest or a central national authority 
 was almost totally discarded. Each sub-king fought 
 for his own hand, and the post of Ard-Ri was claimed 
 by various com^^etitors in reckless and exhausting con- 
 tests that bathed the land in blood. 
 
 Meanwhile, England, that had yielded more or less 
 easily to every invader, Saxon, Dane, and Roman, once 
 more received a new yoke. Its new conquerors were 
 the Norm.ans; who, fortunately for its future welfare, 
 Avere strong enough to weld, albeit by ruthless process, 
 the Danish, Saxon, and British kingships and com- 
 munities of England into a single pdlitical system. By 
 the middle of the twelfth centurv the Normans had 
 well consolidated their new kingdom, while Ireland had 
 been steadily breaking into fragments. One of the 
 Irish sub-kings, MacMurrough, prince of the Leinster 
 or Lagenia, revolting against the Ard-Ri, who liad in- 
 deed deposed him, applied to Henry 11. of England for 
 lielp in his quarrel. Henry gave him permission to 
 seek auxiliaries or mercenaries among the ^sorman- 
 English knights and free-lances. One of these, surnanied 
 Stn.ngbow, accepted MacMurrough's terms, and swiftly 
 landing a powerful force on the Leinster shore, suc- 
 ceeded in restoring him to his principality. These 
 Norman adventurers, brave, skilful, and highly dis- 
 ciplined, saw a splendid opportunity for pushing their 
 fortunes in the distracted and faction torn condition of 
 
63S 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PKESEXT. 
 
 Ireland, They lielped now one chief, now another, 
 always on terms of payment highly advantageous to 
 themselves, and soon rheir marvellous success and their 
 daring ambition excited the jealousy and anger of King 
 Henrv. He called on them to reiurn to England. 
 Stronsibow made various excuses for disobevino:, and 
 Henry, to the great satisfaction of the Irish princes, an- 
 nounced that he would proceed to Ireland in person to 
 investigate the conduct of the Xorman adventurers. 
 He did so come to Ireland, and at once assumed the 
 role of arbitrator or authoritative regulator of affairs, 
 civil and ecclesiastical, pretending, as to the latter es- 
 pecially, that he had got a bull from his countryman, 
 Pope Adrian, commissioning him to restore order in 
 Ireland. The Irish princes did not quite realize all that 
 tliis exercise of quasi-friendly offices involved, until 
 lom^ after Henrv had returned to Enirland. When 
 thev did, that is to sav, when tliev found the Xornian 
 auxiliaries of one of their own bodv, converted into the 
 garrison of a foreign king, they were dismayed. Some 
 at once resisted ; others diplomatized ; a few submitted. 
 Some felt the reality of the change; others did not. 
 For centuries after the so-called conquest' ' by Henry 
 II., most of the native cliiefs ruled their principalities 
 or made war on one another, just as they did before a 
 Korman had set foot on the Irish shore. Fitfully but 
 gradually the Anglo-Xormans pushed their power ; yet 
 it was not until the close of the sixteenth century, or 
 more than four hundred years after Henry's landing:, 
 that the struirccle of native Irish sovereisrnty acainst 
 English rule closed in the tacit surrender of Ireland to 
 James I. 
 
 During thelatter half of the last century of theabove 
 period, a new element of antagonism was imported into 
 the conflict. Kelisrious animosity was added to race- 
 hatred and national hostility. The Englisli peers and 
 
A nutshell" iiiSTonY of iiielain-d. 
 
 039 
 
 people followed Henry YIIL, into tlie Reformation ; 
 followed Queen Mary out of it, and Queen Elizabeth, 
 into it again. The Irish, on the other hand, clung more 
 devotedly than ever to the Catholic faith ; a circum- 
 stance of contrast whicli lias largely contributed ever 
 since to keep the two peoples distinct, and which, allied 
 with race influences and national traditions, marks each 
 with a separate individuality. 
 
 With the reign of James I., began the political 
 system which, with little variation, still exists in the 
 union of Ireland under one crown with Scotland and 
 England. England came in by succession to the Scot- 
 tish king, and by a remarkable coincidence or concur- 
 rence, Ireland at the same moment virtually surrendered 
 to the sovereignty of a Gaelic prince, sprung from a 
 race kindred to its own. Throughout the whole Stuart 
 period, from 1600 to 1700, the national feeling and 
 action of Ireland, with a lo^'alty fatal to Irish welfare, 
 were displayed on the side of the dynasty thus accepted. 
 In the victorious rebellion of the English republicans 
 against the duplicity of Charles L, as well as in the 
 still more successful English revolt against the despot- 
 ism of James II., the Irish remained steadfast to the 
 royalist cause ; and, in the result, paid a dreadful 
 penalty for such disastrous fidelity. The soil of the 
 country was declared forfeit by the existing owners, 
 and was parcelled out as spoil among the soldiery of 
 the Cromwellian and Williamite armies ; hundreds of 
 thousands of acres were bestowed on tlie mistresses, 
 court favorites, and natural offspring of William and 
 the early Hanoverian princes : while the native gentry, 
 beggared and homeless, were banished and proscribed, 
 and the general body of the people reduced to a condi- 
 tion little short of outlawry. 
 
 Under what is known as the "penal code'' fi'om 1700 
 to 1775, the bulk of the population were forbidden to 
 
700 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 educate their cliildren. to attend religions worship, to 
 carry arms, to learn a trade, or to hold jDropertv. The 
 schoolmaster and the priest had each a price on his 
 liead; and statutes of George I. and George II. went so 
 far as to make it felony to send an Irish child abroad 
 to receive the education forbidden at home. 
 
 There was one circumstance, which, aj)art from the 
 shocking barbarity of the "penal code,'' has made it 
 rankle in the breasts of the Irish to the present hour ; 
 namely, that it was laid ujion them in flagrant violation 
 of a solemn treaty signed between the English and 
 Irish commanders, duly countersigned by royal com- 
 missioners on King William's part, at the close of the 
 AVilliamite struggle in 1691. Although the si)lendid 
 army of Scandinavians, Dutch, Swiss, Prussians, Hugue- 
 not-French, and English, which the Prince of Orange 
 led into Ireland, had defeated the raw levies of the 
 Irish royalists at the Boyne, and, more by happy ac- 
 cident than generalship, driven them from their posi- 
 tion at Aughrim, he was again and again defeated be- 
 fore the walls of Limerick, which city was defended by 
 General Sarsfield, in command of the Irish armies of 
 - King James. At length, AVilliam, who was a brave 
 soldier and a statesman, saw the wisdom of arranging 
 terms with such a foe ; and accordingly, on October 3, 
 1691, articles of capitulation were negotiated whereby 
 the Irish army, retaining its arms, colors, bands and 
 transport-stores, marched out wirh tiie honors of war, 
 free to enter the service of King William or to sail for 
 France, where King James now resided as guest and ally 
 of Louis Xiy. 
 
 The '-civil articles" of the treatv of Limerick stipu- 
 lated. in substance, that there was to be no proscription, 
 no confiscation, no disarmament, and that the exercise 
 of the Catholic religion should be as free as it had been 
 in the reign of King Charles II. After the rough draft- 
 
A nutshell" IILSTORY of IRELAND. 701 
 
 had been agreed iii^oii, but before the fair copy was 
 signed by Sarsfield, the arrival of a French fleet with 
 considerable aid in men, money and stores was an- 
 nounced to the Irisli comiuander, and he was entreated 
 not to sign the treaty ; he replied sorrowfully, that the 
 news reached him an hour too late, that his honor and 
 the honor of Ireland were pledged and should not be 
 broken. 
 
 No sooner, however, had the Irish army sailed away 
 to France than the treat}^ covenants, despite the pro- 
 tests and endeavors of King William, were cast to the 
 winds. Angered at the idea of having no spoil by con- 
 fiscation to divide, the anti- Stuart faction, now domi- 
 nant in the Irish parliament, refused to approve the 
 king's treaty, and, by stopping the supplies, com^Delled 
 William to yield. Thereupon commenced the proscrip- 
 tive legislation, known as the "penal code." The 
 more severe these enactments grew, the more alarmed 
 the dominant partly became lest the Irish masses should 
 rebel against them; and thus further and further se- 
 verity was deemed necessary, as repression and alarm 
 acted and reacted on one another. As a matter of fact, 
 not even during the memorable Scottish risings of 1715 
 and 1745, which so nearly restored the Stuart line, did 
 the Irish at home give pretext or justification for such 
 a policy. 
 
 The self-expatriated Irish battalions, however, now 
 serving as an Irisli brigade in the service of France, took 
 heav}^ reprisals on the Englisli power, confronting it on 
 every battle-field, and deciding by tlieir impetuous valor 
 the fortunes of manv an eventful dav. At Fontenov, 
 fought May 11, 1742, by a French ainiy of 45,000 men 
 under Marshal Saxe, in presence of the king and the 
 dauphin, against an English force of 65,000 men under 
 the Duke of Cumberland, victory was snatched from 
 the British commander at the close of the day by a de- 
 
702 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 cisive charge of the Irish regiments. It was on the ar- 
 rival of the despatches which announced the fate of 
 Fontenoy, that George- IL, nuich of a soldier and little 
 of a bigot, is said to have exclaimed, Curse upon the 
 laws that deprive me of such subjects." 
 
 In the minds of many besides King George, a reac- 
 tion against the terrible rigor of the "penal code" had, - 
 by this time, set in; and events Avere drawing near which 
 rendered its continuance impossible. According to the 
 political constitution which the Anglo-]S"orman sover- 
 eigns conferred on their colony in Ireland, that country 
 was annexed to the British crown, but not j^laced under 
 the legislative action of the English parliament. On 
 the contrary, it had a parliament of its own, supreme 
 as to Irish affairs. When Henry VII. was strengthen- 
 ing his royal prerogative and generally centralizing his 
 government, he had a statute passed by a subservient 
 Anglo-Irish parliament at Drogheda, known as "Poyn- 
 ings Law," rendering the Irish parliament subject to 
 the control of the English legislature. The unconstitu- 
 tionality of this law was always asserted and " Poyn- 
 ings Act" was disregarded by Irish parliaments in the 
 reigns of Charles I., Charles II. and James II. The 
 Williamite parliament in London, however, from the 
 first claimed the power to bind Ireland ; a claim from 
 time to time contested by jurists and public writers on 
 the Irish side, who, though thoroughly Protestant, and 
 attached to the new dynasty and the English connec- 
 tion, vehemently repudiated the idea of such subjection 
 in legislative matters. The dispute was embittered by 
 the manner in which the London government repressed 
 Irish trade and manufactures. An address to William 
 III., from English manufacturers, complaining of too 
 successful Irish competition, elicited from that monarch 
 a remarkable promise that he would do all that in 
 him lay to discourage manufactures in Ireland." This 
 
A "nutshell" IIISTOHY of UiELAT^D. 703 
 
 roynl pledge, nnliappily, was only too well fulfilled. 
 The Irish parliament of 1719, in the midst of its penal 
 legislation against the conquered Catholics, openly re- 
 sisted the doctrine of subordination. The Irish House 
 of Lords forbade the sheiiff of Kildare to execute a 
 decree'of the English peers; whereupon the latter body 
 retaliated by reaffirming Poynings Law" in still more 
 galling terms. 
 
 The controvers}^, with little respite, went on up to 
 1775, when there rolled across the Atlantic a tocsin of 
 liberty in the echoes of Bunker Hill. By this time a 
 patriot party had appeared in the Irish parliament, a 
 parliament in which no Catholic was allowed to sit, led 
 by Lord Charlemont, Lord Kildare, Flood, Hussey- 
 Burgh, Sir Lucius O'Brien, and Ponsonby ; later on b}^ 
 the man, the splendor of whose fame truly illumines 
 this page of Ireland's history, the illustrious Henry 
 Grattan. Encouraged bv the conduct of the American 
 colonists, they grappled boldly with the oppressions 
 and corruptions of the government ; their earliest efforts 
 being devoted successfully to the liberation of Irish 
 trade from the fetters that had crippled and well-nigh 
 destroyed it. They next claimed the restoi ation of the 
 ancieut freedom of the Irish Parliament. King George 
 and his cabinet resisted wdiile they could, but the con- 
 cession was inevitable. Sorely straitened by the effort 
 to subjugate Washington and his colonial levies, the 
 London government had to withdraw the troops from 
 Ireland, which was now garrisoned and guarded by a 
 national volunteer army of 150.000 men. The volunteers, 
 wdio were citizens as well as soldiers, enthusiastically 
 sustained the movements of Grattan. A thoroughly 
 national spirit was aroused throughout the island. 
 The long-oppressed Catholic millions clasped hands 
 with*the long-dominant Protestant colony or a'ariison. 
 With the capitulation of the British armies to Washing- 
 
704 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AKD PRESENT. 
 
 ton, and the recognition of American independence, 
 vanished the last hope of successfully combating the 
 Irish demand for a free parliament. A solemn treaty, 
 in the form of a statute of the British parliament. 22 
 Geo. III., chap. 28, renounced 'Morever" the usurpation 
 of ''Povnins-s Law," and covenanted that the ancient 
 constitutional right of Ireland to be bound only by laws 
 of a free Irish parliament should henceforth be "un- 
 questioned and unquestionable." 
 
 The effect of this measure of national liberty seemed 
 to be magicaL In the ten years that followed. Irish 
 trade and commerce expanded in a degree never known 
 before or since. The spirit of tolerance also for a mo- 
 ment prevailed, and some of the most grievous of the 
 penal laws were repealed. The country seemed to go 
 forward on the road to progress, by leaps and bounds, 
 under the guardianship of the fi'ee parliament won by 
 Grattan and the volunteers. 
 
 This great victory, as well as the previous recoveiy 
 of commercial freedom, was long retarded bv the re- 
 stricted franchise and anomalous usages under which 
 the parliament of the period was returned. The repre- 
 sentation of many boroifghs was literall}' owned by 
 aristocratic proprietors ; and presentation to a seat in 
 the House of Commons was bought and sold like any 
 other marketable title or commodity. The national 
 party, under Grattan, now directed their attention to a 
 reform of a system so fatal to public liberty. The 
 British minister, on the other hand, the American war 
 being over, had his hands free, and he determined to 
 maintain a svstem which would enable him in a few 
 years, by the expenditure of money in purchase of 
 seats, to subvert all that Grattan had accomplished, 
 and overturn the treaty arrangement of 22 Geo. III., 
 chap. 28. 
 
 The struggle progressed for seven years with increas- 
 
A nutshell" IIISTOllY OF lilELAND. 705 
 
 ing earnestness on each side, when suddenly an event 
 occurred which tlirew the great game totally into the 
 liands of the British minister, and swept the Irish 
 popular party into a situation that proved disastrous. 
 The French revohition of 1789 burst I'orth like the blaze 
 of a tremendous conflagration. The governing classes 
 all over Europe were otunned with horror and dismay. 
 The friends of popular liberty hailed the event with 
 joy. In Ireland, the property-classes, flinging all other 
 considerations aside, rallied to the side of governmental 
 authority, so as to strengthen the bulwark against re- 
 publican principles. The government, thus reinfoj'ced, 
 at once assumed a stern and haughty attitude towards 
 anything in the nature of popular discontent or 
 democratic manifestations. The Irish national reform 
 movement, after struggling for a few j'ears with such a 
 state of things, eventually broke to j^ieces ; its leaders 
 differing widely on the new doctrines or principles 
 launched in Paris. Some sided witli, the government 
 rather than embarrass the arm of authority at such a 
 moment; others were for pushing the movement for- 
 ward on still broader lines ; while many, Grattan him- 
 self included, retired from Mie scene, as if foreseeing 
 what was about to happen. 
 
 The advanced section, driven from their open move- 
 ment, all aflame with the new gospel of liberty, equality 
 and fraternity, and infuriated by the English minister's 
 design of betraying or subverting the settlement of 
 1782, enrolled themselves in a secret revolutionary con- 
 spiracy for the overthrow of British rule in Ireland. 
 Although their main reliance was naturally -on the bulk 
 of the population, who were Catholics, the original 
 founders and earliest adherents of the enterprise were 
 Protestants, chiefly Ulster Presbyterians. Later on, 
 men of all religious creeds, and unquestionably men of 
 the purest motives and loftiest character, embraced the 
 
706 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 design. Lord Edward Fitzgerald, son of the duke of 
 Leinster, was at the head of affairs ; its ablest organizer, 
 Theobald Wolfe Tone, being stationed in Paris as ac- 
 credited agent or ambassador to the French directory. 
 
 The government early discerned the advantage which 
 an abortive insurrection would give them in persuad- 
 ing the property-classes to draw closer to the centre 
 of power and authority" by consolidating the parlia- 
 meiits; and for a time the proceedirgs of the revolu- 
 tionists w^ere view-ed with secret satisfaction. By the 
 end of 179G, however, this feeling gave place to alarm 
 Avhen it was found that the French directory had de- 
 termined seriously to assist the Irish party. This de- 
 termination was made plain by the dispatch of a 
 IDOwerful expedition under General Hoche toward the 
 close of the year. A storm dispersed Hoclie's flotilla, 
 only a few vessels of which reached the bay of Ban try, 
 on the south-west coast of Ireland. 
 
 The government now sought to force the hand of Lord 
 Edward, by compelling him to take the field before 
 another expedition could be prepared. To this end 
 
 martial law" was proclaimed, and shocking means 
 ■were used to goad the i^opulace quickly into a rising. 
 
 While it was yet uncertain how far these tactics 
 would succeed, an overwhelming blow^ fell on the revo- 
 lutionary party. Their central council or directory 
 Avere surprised and seized in the very act of deliberat- 
 ing on the question of immediate operations; and a 
 few days subsequently Lord Edward was captured, 
 after a desperate struggle, in which he was mortally 
 wounded. " Less by concerted action than as an impulse 
 of desperation, the insurrection now broke forth in four 
 or five of the Irish counties — Antrim, Wexford, Wick- 
 low, Kildare and Carlow. In Wexford the outburst was 
 almost entirely the result of the forcing process above re- 
 ferred to. The people, half armed and wholly undis- 
 
A '^]SUTSHELL'' IIISTOKY of IIIELAND. 707 
 
 ciplined, took the field in rude array. Destitute as 
 they were of military leaders, equijmient or resources, 
 they, nevertheless, tlirougli several months, fought a 
 tierce campaign, which the entire available strength of 
 the government forces barely sufficed eventually to 
 subdue. 
 
 Like all other bursts of popular passion this rising 
 was marked by some lamentable excesses; or ratLer, 
 in a struggle in wdiich no quarter for rebels'' was the 
 watchword on the one side, and in which discipline in 
 the popular camp could be but slender, episodes of 
 savage vengeance were in a sense inevitable. 
 
 The rising in Ulster had been quickly and easily 
 suppressed, and all the other counties of Ireland lay 
 quiescent during the Wexford revolt. Disaffection and 
 desire to rebel was intense; but a conviction prevailed 
 that insurrection single-handed against Great Britain 
 must absolutely fail, and another French expedition 
 was expected. When it did arrive, under General 
 Humbert, who landed at Killala, in the north-west of 
 Ireland, in August, 1798, with a force of a little over 
 1,000 men, the government was flushed with victory 
 and the populace utterly overawed. Humbert defeated 
 a force of nearly 5,000 opposing British troops at 
 Castlebar; but eventually had to surrender to an over- 
 whelming force under Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 The after scenes of this insurrection were barely less 
 tragic than the struggle in the field. The scaffold and 
 the executioner long plied their dreadful work, com- 
 pleting what the fusillade began. 
 
 It was at such a moment Pitt produced his long-medi- 
 tated scheme for breaking the treaty ol* 1782, and abolish- 
 ing the Irish parliament. Even amid the gloomy horrors 
 of 1799 his proposal was at tirst defeated in the Irish 
 parliament; the constitutional nationalists, underGrat- 
 tan, Curran, Charlemont, Parnell, Ponsonby, and 
 
70S 
 
 IRELAXD, PAST AXD PP.ESEXT. 
 
 Plnnkett, raaking a Inst desperate effort of resistnnce. 
 By the next year, however, Pitt had expended nearly 
 £2,000,000 in buying np wliat were called proprietary 
 boroughs," and otherwise purchasing votes sufficient 
 to secure a majority, and in 1800 his scheme of union" 
 was carried through. 
 
 B}^ til is time Bonaparte had become the terror, as he 
 subsequently very nearly became the conqueror, of 
 Europe. England alone sitccessfully defied and vic- 
 toriously encountered him. On English soil alone, it 
 it may be said, constitutional government for the time 
 dared to exist in the old hemisphere. For fifteen years 
 all other political issues seemed abandoned or forgotten 
 in view of the titanic struggle which culminated and 
 closed at Waterloo. 
 
 Beyond a madly lioi^eless attempt of the youthful 
 enthusiast, Robert Emmett, in 1803, to renew the insur- 
 rectionary enterprise of 1798, Ireland may be said to 
 have lain sullenly dormant through the eventful years 
 that saw the meteoric course of Napoleon. 
 
 "When next an Irish question challenged public at- 
 tention, new elements of political power, new leaders, 
 new tactics, came into view. 
 
 Hitherto the Irish Catholics, nine-tenths of the popula- 
 tion, being forbidden the rights of citizenship, had to 
 'Impend for public advocacy on those noble-minded 
 Pro'estants, like Grattanand Ciirran and Parnell, who, 
 from a pure love of justice, espoused their cause, 
 'riie Ireland which had legal or political existence in 
 I he eifjrhteenth centurv, was merelv the handful of 
 Anglo-Irish -Protestants settled in the country. The 
 njillions of Celtic bondsmen around them counted for 
 nothing in the state, except as material for taxation. 
 The bondsmen now arose and strode into the political 
 arena, to determine their fuvn fortunes. The political 
 Ireland that appeared with the nineteenth century was 
 
A nutshell"' inSTOUY OF IPwELAXD. 
 
 709 
 
 a Celtic Ireland ; or, rather, an Ireland that excluded 
 none and embraced all Irish- born men of whatever race 
 or class or creed. The question of Catholic emancipa- 
 tion had early enlisted the efforts of Grattan and other 
 of the Protestant patriot leaders in Ireland, and even 
 in 1799 liad made such way in England that Pitt pledged 
 himself to make it one of the first measui es the united 
 pax'liament would pass. George 111. absolutely re- 
 fused, however, to entertain the question, and it was 
 put aside. Forth from the ranks of the Irish Catholics 
 there came a leader of their own race and faith, destined 
 to make king and cabinet alike feel his power. This 
 was Daniel O'Connell, who, for nearly half a century, 
 was the foremost political tigure in Irish history. He 
 aroused and combined the njasses of the people ; he 
 covered the country with the network of a vast organiza- 
 tion, and soon five millions of people, fired with en- 
 thusiasm and determined to be free, were disciplined to 
 obey liis will. 
 
 The government sternly combated the movement ; 
 forbade it, proclaimed it, prosecuted it, punished it — • 
 all in vain. O'Connell was no sooner suppressed in one 
 shape than he reappeared in another. Again and again 
 the king and the government declared that no conces- 
 sion could be made to demagogues and agitators ; that 
 the law would be vindicated, and established institu- 
 tions in church and state upheld. Although no actual 
 outbreak occurred, the state of affairs in Ireland was 
 critical in the extreme. In 1829 the Dnke of Welling- 
 ton, who had taken office expiessh^ on a pledge of o}> 
 position to emancipation, announced to the king tliat it 
 was a choice between its concession or civil war — civil 
 war in which a vast ))ody of English popular opinion 
 would side with the Irish i^eople, and in which tlie 
 Irish regiments of the army dare not be called upon to 
 act against their countrymen. King, cabinet, and 
 
710 
 
 IKEL'AXD, PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 IDai'liament forthwith saw the question in a new light, 
 and the penal code was in effect ex^junged from the 
 statute-book. 
 
 From this period may be said to date a series of 
 efforts on tlie part of British statesmen to grajjple with 
 the more prominent or pressing of Irish grievances ; 
 seldom or never, however, until popular complaint of 
 them, long neglected or resisted, had developed into 
 disorder, disaff'ecrion and violence. 
 
 Between 1829 and 1835 the country was convulsed 
 with a struggle against "tithes." The Protestant 
 clergy were authorized to levy on the agricultural in- 
 habitants, nearly all of them Catholics, a tenth of the 
 produce of the land. After three or four years of 
 stormy agitation, disfigured by deplorable outrage and 
 violence, the people at length combined in a national 
 
 strike" against tithes. This proved effectual. A law 
 was passed abolishing tithes in form ; that is to say, 
 adding them to the landlord's rent, and compelling the 
 landlord, to whom the amount was paid in ]-ent, to pay 
 it over to the clergy minus twenty-live per cent for the 
 trouble of collection. 
 
 These victories encouraged O'Connell to undertake 
 an enterprise more serious and more formidable than 
 any he had yet attempted, namely, an endeavor to re- 
 cover the separate parliamentary constitution of Ire- 
 land, subverted by Pitt in 1800, or, as it was called, to 
 ''repeal the union." The Irish masses were now full 
 of confidence in the ability of their leader to accom- 
 plisli anything he took in hand. Their social and 
 physical condition was still painfully low. The grind- 
 ing exactions of exorbitant land-rent left the agricul- 
 tural population, as a royal commission of inquiry 
 under Lord Devon declared them to be, " the worst 
 housed, the worst fed, and the worst clad peasantry in 
 Europe." They retained, however, the hoi)eful buoy- 
 
A '^nutshell" iiistoky of Iceland. 
 
 711 
 
 aiicv of their Celtic nature, and the marvellous success 
 of the total abstinence or " temperance" movement 
 under Father Matthew (a Catholic priest of Cork city) 
 had enormously elevated their morale. The abolition 
 of. the Irish parliament in 1800 had at the time been 
 vehemently resisted by the ultra-Protestant party in 
 Ireland; but when, in 1840, O'Connell, the Catholic 
 leader, took up the question of its recovery, it was 
 found that their attitude had totally changed. The 
 parliament and the nation which they had contended 
 for was one from which Papists were excluded. So far 
 from favoring legislative restoration now that the Catho- 
 lics had been emancipated, they ardently implored the 
 government to maintain the union, and not deliver them 
 up to ''popish ascendancy," 
 
 O'Connell's movement, therefore, though it was sus- 
 tained by more than three-fourths of the people of Ire- 
 land, encountered from the outset the mistrust, the 
 dread or the hostility of the Irish Protestants. Thti 
 full power of England was pledged to oppose it as an 
 attempt to dismember the empire. The Irish leader 
 found himself in a critical position. The government, 
 so far from yielding to the popular demand, plainly 
 meant to encounter it by force. Were England en- . 
 gaged at that moment in any serious foreign complica- 
 tion, concession would have been inevitable. But never 
 in her history was she more great, more powerful, or 
 more strong. She was at peace with all foreign nations, 
 and, possessed of a giant's strength, was ready to use 
 it in stamping out onceand forever this dangerous Irish 
 idea of national autonomy. O'Connell's embarrass- 
 ment was all the greater because there had now grown 
 up around him a race of young men who scorned his 
 exaggerated love of peaceful ways of moral suasion, 
 and who held the lawfulness of Ireland recovering the 
 right she claimed by armed resort if practicable. 
 
712 
 
 IRELAXD, PAST AND PKESENT. 
 
 This conflict between the ''moral force" and phy- 
 sical force'' principles of wliat were callt^d resj^ectively 
 the "Old Ireland" and ''Young Ireland" parties, rent 
 the great Irish movement in twain. 
 
 In the midst of the controversy there fell on the 
 conntry a calamity that buried all political thought or 
 effort for the time. This was the Irish famine of 1847- 
 49, In the autumn of 1846 the potato crop, which 
 formed almost the sole suy^port of the population, was 
 struck with blight and rotted in thegronnd. All could 
 see the awful consequences that were at hand ; yet the 
 action of the government was disastrously tardy, cir- 
 cumlocutory, blundering and impotent. The people 
 perished in hundreds of thousands amid scenes of an- 
 guish and horror beyond hnman power adequately to 
 portray. Howsoever culpable the inefficient action of 
 the government in coping with the difficulty, the con- 
 duct of the English people was truly noble. Thej'' 
 poured princely subscriptions into the treasuries of 
 various relief-associations, and did the best that private 
 effort could achieve to mitio:ate the dreadful affliction. 
 Nearly every country in the world joined in the Samari- 
 tan endeavor ; but foremost and first — far outstripping 
 all the rest, England included — was the land that long 
 had been the free asylum and happy home of expatriated 
 Irishmen, the United States of America. 
 
 O'Coiinell died, aged and heart-broken, in May, 1847. 
 
 In Februarv. 1848, revolution in Paris once more sent 
 the impulse of insurrection through Europe; and once 
 more Ireland yielded to its influence. The young Ire- 
 land party took "the field, or rather vainly attemj^ted 
 to do so, under William Smith O'Brien. The leaders 
 of this abortive movement w^ere anything but good revo- 
 lutionists. They were men of genius, poets, scholars, 
 artists, orators; men of purest and. loftiest aims, fired 
 with the generous enthusiasm of youth, maddened by • 
 
JAMES CAREY. The Informer. 
 
 PATRICK O DONNELL. 
 
 Executed at Lonclon D 17U, 1883. for Shooti. 
 ^aiey, tlie Informer. 
 
 or 
 
 Oh! may that noble spirit 
 
 Soon each Iri^hhearrpossess, 
 
 To iiivr'' 1*' escape 
 1 o leave a traitor less. 
 
A NUTSHELL IIISTORY 07 ir.ELAXB. 713 
 
 the famine scenes around them. But thev were Uiterlv 
 incompetent as military consj)irators, and their attempt 
 broke down on tlie threshokl. It cost Ireland, how- 
 ever, a heavy penalty in the dispersion of a school of 
 intellectual culture and activit3\ even the early-checked 
 literary labors of which have left a deep imprint on the 
 literature and the politics of that country. 
 
 There followed upon the famine of 1847 and the abor- 
 tive insurrection of 1848, a period of utter prostration. 
 To the dreadful havoc of the famine there was now 
 added wholesale eviction and expatriation of the ruined 
 tenantry. In many parts of the island "clearances," 
 as they were called, swept away the entire human 
 population of the district, in order that vast bullock- 
 ranges, sheep-runs, or grouse-moors, might take the 
 place of homesteads and villages. The human suffering 
 involved in this policy can only be estimated by those 
 who know how passionately the Irish peasant clings to 
 the spot, however humble, which has been the birth- 
 lilace and the home of his forefathers. In truth, the 
 eviction-scenes of that period, 1849 to 1860, rendered 
 inevitable the events that have convulsed Irish society 
 for the last twenty vears. Hundreds of thousands of 
 the evicrion-victims perished by the roadsides or in the 
 pauper barracks. Other hundreds of thousands fled or 
 were deported to America. They went with bursting 
 hearts, ready to embrace any enterprise, no matter how 
 wild and hopeless, that promised vengeance on the 
 power that had driven them forth. 
 
 As early as 1858 some of the exiled Young Ireland 
 leaders conceived the idea of utilizini^ for revolutionarv 
 purposes this feeling on the part of the American Irish. 
 The result was the organization of the Feninn conspir- 
 acy by Mr. Jame-^ Stephens and Col. John O'Mnhoney. 
 Keenly alive to the cause of failure in 1848. the Fenian 
 leaders aimed at careful preparation and extensive 
 
714 
 
 lEELAXD, PAST AND PPwESENT. 
 
 military organization. Notwithstanding the strong 
 opposition of the Catholic clergy, and the dissuasions 
 or protests of those nationalists who believed insurrec- 
 tion impracticai)le and mischievous, they pushed their 
 enrolment with intense ardor and earnestness, and suc- 
 ceeded in establishing the most wide-spread and for- 
 midable revohitionarv movement known in Irisli history 
 since 1798. In armament they were utterly deiicient, 
 but their organization and discipline were on the whole 
 remarkabh' perfect. The government throughout was 
 kei)t well-informed by its spies in the conspiracy, and 
 in 1865 swooped suddenly down on the leaders in 
 Dublin, seizino: the subordinates simultaneously all 
 over the c(»untrv. 
 
 The oriraiiizarion never recovered from this fatal blow, 
 although for fully two years subsequently ic made 
 desperate and peisistent efforts to reconstitute itself; 
 and at length, in March, 1867, gave the signal for a 
 national uprising. The moment the long formidable 
 secret society came out into the open, its great speW was 
 shattered. It was found to be just as deficient as the 
 much-blamed Young Ireland movement of 1848, in the 
 most elementary conditions of militarv existence. The 
 fortitude, devotion and heroism, exhibited by its mem- 
 bers in the dock and in the dungeon, enlisted for them 
 the sympathy of thousands who had condemned that 
 enterprise ; and even among English statesmen the feel- 
 ing spread that the Irish question must be dealt with 
 by remedial, not by repressive, measures. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, as leader of the liberal party of Eng- 
 land, gave eloquent expressi{m to this conviction ; and 
 announced that, to begin with, the Irish state church, 
 as a badge of conquest and an oppressive burden, must 
 be swept away. In the general election of 1868 he was 
 returned to office with an enormous majority, and well 
 fulfilling his promise, he forthwith carried through 
 
A '^nutshell'* iiistoky of ieeland. 
 
 715 
 
 parliament an act for disendowing and disestablishing 
 the Irish Protestant state church. Practically th(^ 
 measure was one of disestablishment alone, for as to 
 endowment, he was able so skilfully to arrange the 
 financial portion of his scheme that not a shilling less 
 income than before was secured to the church. 
 
 This reform he followed up in 1870 by an act which 
 aimed at settling the still more important and much 
 more exigent question of land tenure in Ireland. The 
 latter attempt fell lamentably short of the real neces- 
 sities of the situation ; a shortcoming which occasioned 
 great disappointment. 
 
 Meanwhile, in the twelvemonth that followed on the 
 disestablishment of the church, there ensued the most 
 remarkable transformation ever witnessed in Irish 
 politics. The Protestant "conservative" party — peers 
 and commoners, landlords, merchants, and aristocrats 
 — reached out hands to the Catholic millions, and 
 openly offered to join them in a national movement for 
 the restoration of Irish parliamentary index:)endence. 
 This, no doubt, was in some degree through resentment 
 on their part against England for selfishly throwing 
 them over aud repealing the union between the 
 churches. But it was also largel}^ through genuine 
 conviction that a wise compromise between total separa- 
 tion b}^ rebellion, and national extinction by the domina- 
 tion of tiie London parliament, ought to be presented 
 to the people so plainly determined not to acquiesce in 
 the existing state of things. 
 
 Mr. Isaac Butt, an Irish Protestant barrister of 
 great eminence, may be said to liave negotiated the re- 
 markable alliance or fusion of parties, creeds, and 
 sections, which, under the name of the "Irish Home 
 Rule Association," made its ai)pearance in 1870. The 
 programme of this movement was, on the one hand, 
 reconciliation between Catholic and Protestant Irish- 
 
71G 
 
 IRELAND, PAST AXD PRESENT. 
 
 men, between peers and pensanfs, liberals and con- 
 servatives; and, on the other, reconciliation between 
 Ireland and England, on the basis of a federal union, 
 whereby Ireland should enjoy such legislative and ad- 
 ministrative autonomy as is possessed by a state in the 
 American republic. 
 
 Even among the Fenian or separatist party this ex- 
 periment was favorably regarded as presenting the 
 minimum of a satisfactory compromise, and in a few 
 years the movement took such hold on Irish public 
 opinion that, tried by every test known to constitu- 
 tional countries — parliamentary, municiiDal, and town- 
 ship elections — the national will has, ever since, jenT 
 by year, with more and more determination declared 
 itself for "Home Rule,'' as the scheme is called. 
 
 In 1872 the old system of election procedure was re- 
 X^laced by ballot-voting, whereby for the fiist time the 
 Irish people were enabled freely to manifest their views 
 in the election of representatives. In the next follow- 
 ing general election of members to the imperial parlia- 
 ment in 1874. the home-rule partj^ carried fifty-seven 
 out of one hundred and three Irish seats. In the 
 elections of 1880, they carried sixtj^-five ; and it is com- 
 puted that on the next occasion they will return at least 
 seventv-five or eighty members. 
 
 Despite the strong parliamentary mnjority from Ire- 
 land in favor of national autonomy, the cabinet of Mr. 
 Disraeli in 1874, and down to 1880, backed by their 
 j)owerful following in parliament, impeiiously refused 
 every measure of reform or amelioration which the 
 Irish part}'' demanded. With especial earnestness and 
 perseverance the Irish members, year by year, besought 
 the government to deal with the land-question as one 
 which might any day lead to a catastroj^he. Their 
 warnings were disregarded ; their efforts at remedial 
 legislation were haughtily overborne by enormous ma- • 
 
A ''nutshell" IILSTORY of IRELAND. 
 
 717 
 
 jorities of British and Scotch votes. In 1878 the harvest 
 was a failure in Ireland and in England. In 1879 it was 
 almost a total loss in the former country; and a gloom 
 of terror darkened the land. A rej^itition of 1847 
 seemed at hand. Now, however, there was seen a 
 startling change in the spirit and action of the people, 
 as compared with their conduct in that year. In stern 
 and resolute toues they announced that the subsistence 
 of a toiling population was a first charge on the land ; 
 and on the earliest whisper of landlord preparations for 
 a gigantic eviction campaign, the whole island sprang 
 to action, with a cry that the hour had come when feudal 
 landlordism must fall. 
 
 Throughout 1880 and 1881 there raged in Ireland a 
 fierce and implacable sopial war, with such evil con- 
 comitants of incidental disorder, violence, and outrage, 
 as usually attend upon popular convulsions. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone and the liberal party were restored once 
 more to power by the general election of 1880. In 1881 
 the great English statesman took the Irish question in 
 hand ; bringing in a coercion bill in January, and a 
 land bill in April of that year. The former added fuel 
 to the flame in Ireland, by its Draconian severity, ex- 
 ceeding anything known outside of Russia. The land 
 bill, on the other hand, was a measure of noble and 
 comprehensive character. It did not "disendow and 
 disestablish" Irish landlordism, but it stripped it of 
 the despotic power it had so mercilessly and disastrously 
 nsed in the past. Justlj'' irritated by the coercion act, 
 and bitterly disappointed that the new land law did not 
 wliollv abolish landlordism, the Irisli tenant-farmers 
 at first received the latter measure in a sullen and 
 almost hostile temper. The disposition manifested by- 
 Mr. Gladstone, however, in 1882, to supplement its 
 beneficent provisions wherever needful, so that the 
 measure might accomplish before many years the 
 
718 lEELAT^D, PAST AKD PEESENT. 
 
 establisliment of a '* peasant ]Droprietnry'' — as originally 
 proposed by Mr. Parnell and the Irish Land League — 
 may be 3aid to have brought the iieoi)le ol' Ireland to 
 recognize in the land act of 1881 a cliarter of liberty 
 and a guarantee of a peaceful and happj^ future. 
 
 The cliaracter, temperament, and habits ol the Irish 
 people have naturally been influenced by vicissitudes 
 of their stormy history. Among the peasantry the 
 regretable effects of their furtive life in the penal times 
 can even still be discovered in various ways. It is only 
 within the past half-century that the two races — the 
 Anglo-Irish and Celtic-Irish — have fused in any marked 
 degree. The people are brave, naturally quick-witted 
 and intelligent, hardy, laborious, inured to toil, patient 
 in privation, hospitable, warm in their afl'ections, 
 devoted in their fidelity to friends; but dangerously 
 fierce and quick in anger, easily aroused and quickly 
 allayed. Their deepl}^ religious, fervor, and tbeir pas- 
 sionate love of country, are, perhaps, the most promi- 
 nent traits in their character. In public life they are 
 capable of great achievements under the influence of 
 enthusiasm, hope, or confidence ; but are impatient of 
 results, and exhibit a lack of plodding perseverance 
 and cool methodical action. In fine, the buoyant and 
 volatile temperament of the Celt largely prevails ; yet 
 their more extensive intercourse with other peoples of 
 late has considerably developed in them a steadiness 
 and seriousness of purpose which has attracted general 
 attention. 
 
 Since 1830 education has made great progress among 
 the Irish people ; and their material condition has on 
 the whole been vastly improved ; but the start was 
 from a point painfully low. It must be long before 
 they can fully recover from the dreadful effects of those 
 not-remote centuries during which education was 
 *' felony by law." Throughout the period that gave to 
 
A '^NUTSHELL'' IIISTOKY OF IKELAND. 719 
 
 English literature tlie works of Spenser, Shakespeare, 
 Milton, Bacon, and "rare Ben Jonson," of Dry den. 
 Pope and Addison — the period during which it may be 
 said the intellect of the modern English, nation was 
 beins: formed and cultivated, and its civilization moulded 
 and refined — Ireland was having the eves of the mind 
 imfc out, and intellectual blindness and habits and tastes 
 of barbarism forced upon her by law. 
 
 That dreadful policy has been abandoned, and at 
 length the Irish race are being allowed access to the 
 blessings of education. Between 1S31 and 1840 a system 
 of 23rimary schools was established by the government, 
 which, althougli ill recommended in many respects to 
 popular confidence and favor, has been almost univer- 
 sally availed of : it may now be said that in every cot- 
 tage in Ireland the school and the jjrinting-press have 
 wrought or are working a marvellous revolution. 
 
 Despite all disadvantages, Ireland makes a goodly 
 show on the roll of scholars, poets, authors, savants, 
 soldiers and statesmen of the world. Swift, Goldsmith, 
 Sheridan, Moore, Banim, Griffin, Charleton and Lever, 
 in literature ; Burke, Grattan, Curran, Plunkett, 
 nichard Lalor Shiel, O'Connell, Dulfy, Magee (bishop 
 of Peterborough), Butt and Lord Dulferin, in oratory, 
 statesmanship and jjolitics — are familiar names. In 
 the last generation Wellington, and in the present the 
 only two capable generals England has in command, 
 Sir Garnet Wolseley and General Roberts, have been 
 contributed by Ireland. Hogan, Foley, McDowell and 
 Farrell, as sculptors ; Maclise and O'Connor, as 
 painters ; Balfe and Wallace, as musical composers ; 
 Prof. Tyndall and Dr. Haughton, as scientists — all 
 Irishmen, are honorably known. The two most com- 
 petent historians of our own times in the English lan- 
 guage, Mr. Lecky and Mr. Justin McCarthy, are Irish- 
 men. ^ In the camps and courts and cabinets of friendly 
 
lUELAI^D, PAST AiS'D PErSE^'T. 
 
 foreign states, from Vienna to Madrid, and from Paris 
 to St. Petersburg, men of Irish race iiave long been 
 marked to eminence and fame. 
 
 Finally, it may be said tliat the labor, industry and 
 enterprise of Irishmen have largely contributed to the 
 prosperity and power of those comparatively new states 
 in the western and southern hemispheres that promise 
 to exercise potential influence on the future of the 
 world. 
 
T^alks About Ireland. 
 
 By James Redpath. 
 
 ■3 
 
"DEDICATION. 
 — ♦ — 
 
 TO 
 
 THE ILLUSTRIOUS IRISH STATESMAN WHO FOUNDED THE 
 IRISH NATIONAL LAND LEAGUE; 
 
 TO 
 
 THE CLEAR-EYED IRISH PATRIOT WHO FIRST SHOWED HOW 
 IRELAND MAY BE SOCIALLY EMANCIPATED; 
 
 TO 
 
 THE PURE-HEARTED IRISH HERO WHOM THE HEATHEN POWER 
 
 THAT ARRAYS VICTORIA 
 IN PURPLE ATTIRES IN A CONVICT's GARB; 
 
 TO 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT, 
 
 NOW IN A BRITISH DUNGEON, WITH AFFECTIONATE ADMIRATION, 
 
 I DEDICATE THIS BOOK. 
 
 James Redpath. 
 
 New- York, May io, i88i. 
 
 Copyright, 1881, by James Redfath. 
 All rights reser\ed. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 I. Famine and the Landlords. 9 
 
 II. Famine and the Priests. 31 
 
 III. A Welcome to an Irish Statesman 34 
 
 IV. A Souper-Jew's Irish Policy 37 
 
 V. Confiscation and Excommunication 39 
 
 VI. "A Most Treasonable Speech." .44 
 
 VII. Harvesting for the Land League 50 
 
 VIII. " Between Two Lords Slain." 52 
 
 IX. St. Bridget and Bridget , , 61 
 
 X. " Parnell and his Associates." 65 
 
 XI. William Bence Jones, Martyr. 76 
 
 XII. Irish Crimes and Outrages .71 
 
 XIII. "An Exile of Erin." 75 
 
 XIV. Landlords and Land Leaguers 9° 
 
 XV. The True Remedy. . . . . ^ . . . • 94 
 
9 
 
 TALKS ABOUT IRELAND. 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 Mr. Chairman^ Ladies, and Gentlemen : 
 
 ONE day, about three months ago, 
 I was riding in an Irish jaunting- 
 car in the parish of Islaneady, in the 
 County Mayo. My companion was the 
 Rev. Thomas O'Malley. He had been 
 the parish priest of Islaneady for more 
 than twenty years. It was one of my 
 first rides in the country and everything 
 was new to me. As we drove out, we 
 met large numbers of the country 
 women — comely maidens, sturdy ma- 
 trons, wrinkled grandmothers — trudging 
 along with bare feet in the cold mud 
 on their way to the market, at West- 
 port. Nine women out of every ten go 
 barefooted in the rural districts of the 
 West of Ireland. Here and there, on 
 both sides of the road, I saw, as you 
 see everywhere in the County Mayo, 
 the ruins of little cabins that had once 
 been the homes of a hardy and hard- 
 working and hospitable peasantry. 
 
 I turned to Father O'Malley and 
 asked him : 
 
 " Have there been many evictions in 
 your parish ? " 
 
 "Yes ! " said the old man; " when I 
 was a young priest, there were i,8oo 
 
 families in this parish, but " his 
 
 face grew sad and his voice quivered 
 with emotion as he added, " there are 
 only six hundred families now." 
 
 " Well," I said, " what has become 
 of the missing twelve hundred fami- 
 lies?'* 
 
 "They were driven out," he answered, 
 "by famine and the landlords." 
 
 " Famine and the landlords !" 
 
 Now, if this answer had been made 
 by one of the Irish Land Reformers — 
 by Mr. Parnell [applause] for example, 
 or Michael Davitt [renewed applause], 
 I should have regarded the phrase as 
 an excellent "bit" of rhetorical art — 
 as a skillful coupling of two evils not 
 necessarily mates — and I should have 
 smiled at the forced marriage, and then 
 thought no more about it. 
 
 But the words impressed me pro- 
 foundly when they came from the lips 
 of an old priest, a cadet of an ancient 
 Irish family, a man of the most con- 
 servative temperament, whose training 
 and whose office might have been ex- 
 pected to intensify his natural bias in 
 favor of existing institutions and estab- 
 lished authority. For the Catholic 
 Church, as you know, is the most po- 
 tent conservative force in our modern 
 society. It teaches its adherents to 
 render unto Ccesar the things that are 
 Caesar's, and it rarely arrays itself 
 against the civil authority. 
 
 Yet I found that in Ireland wherever 
 there was famine, there the Catholic 
 priests did not hesitate to declare, both 
 in private and in print, that the pri- 
 mary causes of Irish destitution were 
 the exactions of the landlords. 
 
 So I shall take for the text of my 
 talk to you to-night the words of the 
 
10 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS, 
 
 old priest — " Famine and the Land- 
 lords " — the twin curses of Ireland. 
 
 Everybody knows that there is a 
 famine in Ireland. But the extent of 
 it, and its severity, have been so per- 
 sistendy understated, and the statistics 
 that I shall give you so greatly exceed 
 the estimates that have been published, 
 that before I begin to tell you what I 
 know about the famine — and espe- 
 cially what I know about it not from 
 personal observation but from evi- 
 dence — I feel that I owe it as a duty 
 to the sufterers from the famine, for 
 whom I shall plead to-night, to present 
 the credentials, so to speak, that entitle 
 me to represent the distressful districts 
 of Ireland. 
 
 During my. recent visit to Ireland I 
 gave both my days and nights to the 
 study of the famine. I interviewed the 
 reoresentaiive manac^ers of the Duchess 
 
 L O 
 
 of Marlboro's fund, the Mansion House 
 fund, the Philadelphia fund, the Herald 
 fund, and the National Irish Land 
 League fund. I interviewed Catholic 
 priests and Protestant clergymen, Brit- 
 ish officials and American Consuls, Irish 
 journalists and Irish drummers, Irish 
 lords and Irish peasants — everybody I 
 met, everywhere, who knew anything 
 about the famine from personal obser- 
 vation. I never had to tell where I came 
 from, because I asked so many ques- 
 tions that nobody ever doubted for a 
 single moment that I was what Father 
 O'Farrell called me the other dav — " A 
 pure, unadulterated Yankee." [Laugh- 
 ter] 
 
 I read all the published reports and 
 records and correspondence of the three 
 great relief committees of Dublin. I 
 read every letter that appeared in the 
 leadmg Irish and London journals 
 about the famine for more than six 
 weeks. I read every letter that the 
 Land League received for a week — 
 more than five hundred letters from 
 more than five hundred diffc;rent dis- 
 tricts of Ireland. I received over 
 eighty long letters from prominent 
 Catholic priests, each one of them 
 describing the present condition of his 
 
 1 own parish. I received also, from nine 
 1 of the Catholic bishops in the distressed 
 I districts, letters in which their lordships 
 I described more briefly than their priests, 
 I but more comprehensively, the existing 
 destitution in their dioceses. 
 
 I succeeded in obtaining abstracts 
 from the latest reports of the local 
 committees of the Mansion House. 
 Tliere are six hundred and ninety local 
 committees. Each committee repre- 
 sents a different district of destitution. 
 Now listen to the composition of these 
 local committees. There are on them 
 one thousand three hundred and thirty- 
 one CathoHc curates and priests; five 
 hundred and sixty-eight Protestant 
 clergymen ; seven hundred and twenty- 
 two justices of the peace ; five hundred 
 and thirty-one medical officers; eight 
 hundred and twenty-four poor-law- 
 guardians, and more than six thousand 
 other lay members; in all, over ten 
 thousand of the most respectable per- 
 sons, both as to personal character and 
 social standing, and all of them living 
 in the distressful districts. 
 
 Now, whenever I do not quote from 
 the letters of my own correspondents, 
 or whenever I do not state the results 
 of my own observation, I shall re- 
 port the words and statistics of the 
 Mansion House committees, because 
 ever)' one will see that the controlling 
 members of these committees — all of 
 their laymen loyal subjects of the 
 queen, and friends or lackeys of the 
 ; landlords — have the strongest political 
 reasons for underestimating the num- 
 bers of persons in distress in their re- 
 spective districts, and not a single 
 motive, except the motive of humanity, 
 for stating the exact number of the suf- 
 ferers in their neighborhood. 
 
 In order to impeach or to discredit 
 the statistics derived from the reports 
 of the Mansion House committees, it 
 will be essential, as you see, to show 
 first that it is possible, and then that it 
 is credible, that more than io,ooo gen- 
 tlemen of Ireland, of both creeds and 
 of every calling, should have conspired 
 to deceive the world about the Irish 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 distress. I shall not call witnesses from 
 the committees of the Land League, 
 because they might be suspected of ex- 
 aggerating the distress in order to 
 demonstrate the evils of a government 
 by landlords. I shall show the imper- 
 ative need of the Irish Land League 
 by the evidence of its enemies and the 
 friends of the landlords. 
 
 From six hundred and ninety districts 
 six hundred and ninety reports made 
 to the Mansion House demonstrate the 
 appalling fact that there are: 
 
 In the Province of Leinster. . . 28,000 
 
 In the Province of Ulstet 180,000 
 
 In the Province of Munster 233,000 
 
 In the Province of Connaught.422,000 
 
 In all Ireland 863,000 
 
 persons at this very hour whose strong- 
 est hope of seeing the next harvest 
 moon rise as they stand at their own cab- 
 in doors, rests, and almost solely rests, 
 on the bounty of the stranger and of tl>e 
 exiles of Erin. I have not a shadow of 
 a shade of doubt that there are to-day 
 in Ireland one million of people hun- 
 gry and in rags — and by and by I may 
 show you why — but I can point out 
 province by province, county by county, 
 and parish by parish, where eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-three thousand of them 
 are praying, and begging, and clamor- 
 ing for a chance to live in the land of 
 their birth. Eight hundred and sixty- 
 three thousand! Do you grasp this 
 number? If you were to sit twelve 
 hours a day to see this gaunt army of 
 hunger pass in review before you, in 
 single file, and one person was to pass 
 every minute, do you know how long it 
 would be before you saw the last man 
 pass ? Three years and four months ! 
 [Sensation.] 
 
 Remember and note well that these 
 statistics are not cstiniaics. They are 
 the returns^ carefully verified, of the 
 actual numbers on the relief rolls, oroi 
 the numbers reported by the local com- 
 mittees as in real distress. 
 
 You all know that statements and 
 
 tabulated statistics have little influence 
 on public opinion. So, to show to you 
 how great the famine is, and to help 
 you to gauge it, I shall ask you to go 
 with me rapidly from province to prov- 
 ince, and from county to county, to 
 locate and distribute the destitution. I 
 shall not try to entertain you. I should 
 despise any audience that expected to 
 be entertained in listening to the story 
 of a famine. I shall be satisfied if I 
 succeed in stimulating you to continue 
 to act the part of the Good Samaritan 
 to this poor people, that lie wounded 
 and bleeding — having fallen among 
 thieves; while the part of the priest 
 and the Levite in the parable is played 
 by the British Government and the 
 Irish landlords — from the miserly 
 Queen on the throne down to the crafty 
 Earl of Dunraven — [hisses] — who not 
 only have passed by on the other side, 
 but who have justified and eulogized, 
 and who uphold the thieves. [Hisses.] 
 
 Mr. Redpath here stepped forward 
 and asked : 
 
 " Whom are you hissing ? Are you 
 hissing me ?" 
 
 Voices.—" No ! " " No ! " " The 
 Queen!" "Not you!" "The Queen!" 
 " The Queen ! " 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — Oh! Thank you! 
 You do well to Jiiss her. She deserves 
 to be hissed in America. Do you know 
 that Queen Victoria even after she 
 knew from the Duchess of Marlboro, 
 that there was universal and terrible 
 distress in the West of Ireland, con- 
 tributed only one day's wages to relieve 
 it ? Why, a poor working girl of Bos- 
 ton, a seamstress, after she listened to 
 my lecture here last Sunday, gave fifty 
 dollars for the relief of the distress I had 
 so inadequately described. She would 
 not tell her name. She said : " God 
 knowsmv name — that's enoudi." That 
 fifty dollars represented her savings for 
 six months. Yet she gave it freely and 
 without hope of the reward even of 
 thanks or reputation in this world ! In 
 the Roll of the Hereafter, when the list 
 of the " Royal Personages " of this 
 earth is called, surely the name of 
 
12 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 that poor seamstress will stand high 
 above the name of the queen of Eng- 
 land. [Applause.] 
 
 But I ought to say that I was not 
 satisfied with the vast volume of docu- 
 mentary and vicarious evidence that I 
 had accumulated, I personally visited 
 several of the districts blighted by the 
 famine, and saw with my own eyes 
 the destitution of the peasantry, and 
 with my own ears heard the sighs of 
 their unhappy wives and children. 
 They were the saddest days 1 ever 
 passed on earth, for never before had I 
 seen human misery so hopeless and 
 undeserved and so profound. I went 
 to Ireland because a crowd of calami- 
 ties had overtaken me that made my 
 own life a burden too heavy to be 
 borne. But in the ghastly cabins of 
 the Irish peasantry, without fuel, 
 without blankets, and without food — 
 among half-naked and blue-lipped 
 children, shivering from cold, and cry- 
 ing from hunger — among women who 
 Mere weeping because their little ones 
 were starving — among men of a race 
 to whom a fight is better than a feast, 
 but whose faces now bore the fam.ine's 
 fearful stamp of terror — in the West of 
 Ireland, I soon forgot every trouble 
 of my own life in the dread presence 
 of the great tidal wave of sorrow that 
 had overwhelmed an unhappy and un- 
 fortunate and innocent people. 
 
 I must call w'itnesses less sensitive 
 than I am to Irish sorrow to describe 
 it to you — no, not to describe it, but 
 to give you a faint and far-away out- 
 line of it. Or, rather, I shall call wit- 
 nesses who feel, as keenly as I feel, the 
 misery they depict, but who write of it, 
 as they wept over it, alone and unseen. 
 
 But before I summon them, let us 
 make a rapid review of the immediate 
 or physical causes of the famine. 
 
 You will see when I come to distrib- 
 ute the destitution by counties that 
 the further we go west the denser be- 
 som es the misery. 
 
 The famine line follows neither the 
 division lines of creeds nor the bound- 
 ary lines of provinces. It runs from 
 
 north to south — from a little east of 
 the city of Cork in the south, to Lon- 
 donderry in the north — and it divides 
 Ireland into two nearly equal parts. 
 The nearer the Western coast the hun- 
 grier the people. 
 
 The western half of Ireland — from 
 Donegal to Cork — is mountainous and 
 beautiful. But its climate is inclem- 
 ent. It is scourged by the Atlantic 
 storms. It is wet in summer and bleak 
 in winter. The larger part of the soil 
 is either barren and spewy bogs or 
 stony and sterile hills. 
 
 The best lands, in nearly every 
 county, have been leased to Scotch 
 and English graziers. For, after the 
 terrible famine of '47, v.'hen the Irish 
 people staggered and fainted with 
 hunger and fever into their graves — by 
 tens of thousands, and by hundreds of 
 thousands ; when the poor tenants, too 
 far gone to have the strength to shout 
 for food, faintly whispered for the dear 
 Lord's sake for a little bread, — the 
 landlords of the West answered these 
 piteous moans by sending processes of 
 ejectment to turn them out into the 
 road-side or the poor-house to die, and 
 by hiring crow-bar brigades to pull 
 down the roof that still sheltered the 
 gasping people. [Hisses.] As fast as 
 the homeless peasants died or were 
 driven into exile, their little farms were 
 rented out to British graziers. [Hisses.] 
 The people who could not escape were 
 forced to take the wettest bogs and 
 driest hill-slopes. These swamps and 
 slopes were absolutely worthless. 
 Tliey could not raise enough to feed 
 a snipe. By the patient toil of the 
 people they were redeemed. Sea- 
 weed was brought on the backs of the 
 farmers for miles to reclaim these 
 lands. 
 
 The landlord did not spend one 
 shilling to help the tenant. He did 
 not build the cabin. He did not fence 
 the holding. He did not drain the 
 bog. In the West of Ireland the land- 
 lord does nothing but take rent. I 
 beg the landlord's pardon ; I want to 
 be perfectly just. The landlord does 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 two things beside taking the rent. He 
 makes the tenant pay the larger part 
 of the taxes, and as fast as the farmer 
 improves the land the landlord raises 
 the rent. And whenever, from any 
 cause, the tenant fails to pay the rent, 
 the landlord turns him out and con- 
 fiscates his improvements. [Hisses.] 
 
 The writers who combat commun- 
 ism say that communism means taking 
 the property of other people without 
 paying for it. From this point of view 
 Ireland is a shocking example of the 
 evils of communism, for the Irish land- 
 lords of the West are communists and 
 the lineal descendants of a line of 
 communists. JCheers.] 
 
 The landlords charge so high a rent 
 for these lands that even in the best of 
 seasons the tenants can save nothing. 
 To hide their own exactions from the 
 execration of the human race, the land- 
 lords and their parasites have added 
 insult to injury by charging the woes 
 of Ireland to the improvidence of the 
 people. Stretched on the rack of the 
 landlord's avarice, one bad season 
 brings serious distress to the tenant ; a 
 second bad season takes away the help- 
 ing hand of credit at the merchant's ; 
 and the third bad season beckons fam- 
 ine and fever to the cabin door. 
 
 Now the summer of 1879 was the 
 third successive bad season. When it 
 opened, it found the people deeply in 
 debt. Credit was stopped. But for the 
 confidence of the shop-keepers in the 
 honesty of the peasant, the distress 
 would have come a year ago. It was 
 stayed by the kind heart of the humble 
 merchant. Therefore, the landlords 
 have charged the distress to the system 
 of credit! 
 
 There was a heavy fall of rain all 
 last summer. The turf was ruined. 
 Two-thirds of the potato crop was lost, 
 on an average, of the crop of all 
 Ireland ; but, in many large districts 
 of the West, not a single sound 
 potato was dug. One-half of the tur- 
 nip crop perished. The cereal crop 
 suffered, although not to so great an 
 extent. There was a rot in sheep in 
 
 some places, and in other places an 
 epidemic among the pigs. The fisher- 
 ies failed. The iron mines in the 
 South were closed. Everything in 
 Ireland seemed to have conspired to 
 invite a famine. 
 
 But the British and American farm- 
 ers were also the innocent causes of 
 intensifying Irish distress. 
 
 In Donegal, Mayo, Galway, and the 
 Western Islands, the small holders for 
 generations have never been able to 
 raise enough from their little farms to 
 pay their big rents. They go over 
 every spring, by tens of thousands, to 
 England and Scotland, and hire out to 
 the farmers for wages. They stay there 
 till the crops are harvested. But the 
 great American competition is lowering 
 the prices of farm produce in Great 
 Britain and the prices of farm stock ; 
 and, therefore, the English and Scotch 
 farmers, for two or three years past, 
 have not been able to pay the old 
 wages to these Irish laborers. Last 
 summer, instead of sending back wages 
 to pay the rent, hosts of Irish farm- 
 hands had to send for money to get 
 back again. 
 
 These complex combinations of mis- 
 fortune resulted in universal distress. 
 Everywhere, in the strictly agricultural 
 regions of the West, the farmers, and 
 especially the small holders, suffered 
 first, and then the distress spread out 
 its ghoul-like wings until they over- 
 shadowed the shop-keepers, the artisans, 
 the fishermen, the miners, and more 
 than all, the laborers who had no land 
 but who had worked for the more com- 
 fortable class of farmers. 
 
 These malignant influences blighted 
 every county in the West of Ireland, 
 and these mournful facts are true of 
 almost every parish in all that region. 
 
 Looking at the physical causes of 
 the distress, every honest and intelligent 
 spectator will say that they are cowards 
 and libelers who assert that the vic- 
 tims of che famine are in any way re- 
 sponsible for it. [Cheers.] 
 
 Looking at the exactions of the 
 landlords, none but a blasphemer will 
 
14 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 pretend that the distress is an act of 
 Providence. [Applause.] 
 
 I shall not attempt to point out the 
 locality and density of distress in the 
 different districts of the counties of Ire- 
 land. I could talk for two hours on 
 each province, and never repeat a sin- 
 gle figure or fact. I must content 
 myself by summoning to my aid the 
 stem and passionless eloquence of sta- 
 tistics, and, by showing you the num- 
 bers of the distressed in each county, 
 enable you to judge, each of you for 
 yourself, how wide-spread is the misery 
 and how deep. 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF LEIXSTER. 
 
 Let us run rapidly over Ireland. We 
 will begin with the least distressful 
 province — the beautiful province of 
 Leinster. Leinster is the garden of 
 Ireland. There is no finer country in 
 the temperate zone. There is no 
 natural reason why poverty should 
 ever throw its blighting shadows 
 athwart the green and fertile fields 
 of Leinster. 
 
 There are resident landlords in the 
 rural districts of Leinster ; and wher- 
 ever in Ireland the owners of the soil 
 live on their own estates, the peasantry, 
 as a rule, are more justly dealt with 
 than when they are left to the tiger- 
 mercy of the agent of the absentee. 
 But it is not the fertile soil only, nor the 
 presence of resident proprietors only, 
 nor the proximity of markets only — 
 nOT is it these three causes jointly — 
 that account for the absence of such a 
 long procession of distress as the other 
 provinces present. 
 
 In some of the fairest counties of 
 Leinster, eviction has done its perfect 
 work. Instead of toiling peasants you 
 find fat bullocks ; instead of bright- 
 eyed girls you find bleating sheep. 
 After the famine of 1847, the men 
 were turned out and the beasts were 
 turned in. The British Government 
 cheered this infamy, for Irishmen are 
 rebels — sometimes: but heifers are 
 loyal — always. There is less distress in 
 
 the rural districts of Leinster because 
 there are fewer people there. 
 
 In the 12 counties of Leinster, there 
 are 38,000 persons in distress — in Dub- 
 lin, 250; in Wexford, 870; in King's 
 County, 1,047 \ Meath and in West- 
 meath, 1,550 each; in Kildare, 1.567 ; 
 in Kilkenny, 1,979; in Carlow, 2,000; 
 in Louth, 3,050 ; in Queen's County^ 
 4,743; in Wicklow, 5,450; in Long- 
 ford, 9,557. 
 
 1 In Carlow, in Westmeath, in Louth,. 
 
 , and in one district of the Queen's 
 County, the distress is expected to in- 
 crease. In Kildare and in King's 
 County, it is. not expected to increase. 
 
 You see by this list how moderate 
 the returns are — how strictly they are 
 confined to famine or exceptional dis- 
 tress, as distinguished from chronic or 
 ordinary poverty ; because there are 
 thousands of ver}' poor persons in the 
 city of Dublin, and yet there are only 
 two hundred and fifty reported as in 
 distress in the entire county. They 
 belong to the rural district of Glen- 
 cullen. 
 
 Longford leads the list of distressed 
 j counties in Leinster. There are no 
 resident proprietors in Longford. Up 
 to the I St of March not one of them 
 had given a single shilling for the relief 
 of the destitute on their estates. 
 [Hisses.] The same report comes from 
 Kilkenny. [Hisses.] 
 
 The distress in Leinster is among the 
 fishermen and small farmers and labor 
 ers. In Wicklow the fishers are kept 
 poor because the Goveri>ment refuses- 
 to build harbors for their protection. 
 In Westmeath " the laboring class and 
 the small farmers are in great distress." 
 That is the report of the local com- 
 mittee, and I can confirm it by my 
 personal observation. 
 
 The province of Leinster contains 
 one-fourth of the population of Ireland, 
 but it does not contain more than one- 
 thirtieth part of the prevailing distress. 
 So I shall take you to one parish only 
 — to Stradbally in the Queen's County. 
 It is not included in the reports of the 
 Mansion House Committee. 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH, 
 
 15 
 
 Dr. John Magee, P. P., of Strad- 
 bally, wrote to me quite recently : 
 
 " In this parish, one of the most 
 favorably circumstanced in Leinster, 
 such has been their misery that for the 
 last three months I have been doling 
 out charities to one hundred and twenty 
 families. Some of them I found in a 
 state of utter starvation, — an entire 
 day, sometimes, without a morsel of 
 food in the cabin. 
 
 " But most miserable of all, and 
 what makes the case so affecting, very 
 many of our small farmers (whose 
 pride would hide their poverty) are 
 now reduced to the same plight, — the 
 rack-rent (or excessive rent) having 
 robbed them of every available sala- 
 ble chattel they possessed. 
 
 " I had missed for some time one of 
 our farmers, holding about thirty-five 
 acres. On inquiry, I found that he 
 was confined to his house for want of 
 clothing, and that he had eaten his 
 last potatoes and the only fowl left on 
 the place. To add to his misery, the 
 rack-warner had waited on him the 
 day before to come in with his rent. 
 
 " In the past week, I gave stealthily 
 to one of our farmers — holding over 
 sixty acres of land, and who used to 
 have a stock of eighteen or twenty 
 milch-cows~a bag of Indian meal, to 
 save his family from starvation. The 
 man, with tears in his eyes, told me 
 that ' his children had not eaten a 
 morsel for the last twenty-four hours,' 
 and I believed him. 
 
 " Of the two hundred and forty 
 families in my parish, one-fifth of them 
 are in the same miserable condition, — 
 without food, without stock, without 
 seed for the land, without credit, and 
 without any possible hope from the 
 justice or the sympathy of the English 
 Government." 
 
 Father Magee is not only a good 
 Irish priest but a profound student of 
 Irish history. Will you let me read to 
 you what he wrote to me about the 
 causes of Irish famines ? 
 
 " If I were asked," he wrote, " why 
 is it that Ireland is so poor, with abun- 
 
 dance of foreign grain and food in our 
 ports, whence this famine that alarms 
 even the stranger, my answer would 
 be 
 
 Now listen : 
 
 " Speak as we may of short and ^ 
 scanty harvests, the real cause is land- • 
 lords' exactions, which drain the land 
 of money, and which leave nothing * 
 to buy corn. 
 
 " Landlord absolutism and unre- 
 strained rack-rents have always been, 
 and are at present, the bane and the 
 curse of Ireland. If the harvest be 
 good, landlordism luxuriates and ab- 
 stracts all ; if scanty or bad, landlord- 
 ism seizes on the rood or cattle for th^ 
 rack-rent." 
 
 This is the learned priest's accusation. 
 Now let us listen to his speculations: 
 
 " I have in my own ])arish," he says,- 
 " five or six landlords — not the worst 
 type of their class — two of them of 
 Cromvvellian descent, a third an Eliza- 
 bethan, all enjoying the confiscated 
 estates of the O'Moores, O'Lalors, and 
 O'Kellys, whose sons are now the 
 miserable tenants of these estates- 
 tenants who are paying, or trying to 
 pay, forty, eighty, and, in some cases, 
 one hundred and twenty per cent, 
 over the Government valuation of the 
 land. Tenants who are treated as 
 slaves and starved as beggars. If 
 these tenants dare gainsay the will of 
 the lord "— 
 
 Father Magee doesn't mean the will 
 of Heaven, but the caprice of the land- 
 lord. [Laughter,] 
 
 "If they gainsay the will of the 
 landlord, or even complain, they are 
 victimized on the spot. 
 
 " This land system pays over, from 
 the sweat and toil of our inhabitants, 
 ninety million dollars yearly to six or 
 seven thousand landlords, • who do 
 nothing but hunt a fox or hunt the 
 tenantry." [Cries of "Shame!" and 
 hisses.] 
 
 These good landlords, you know, 
 have a " wicked partner" ; and I want 
 you to hear what Father Magee knows 
 about the " wicked partner." 
 
i6 
 
 FAMIXE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 " The [British] Government, that 
 upholds this cruel system, abstracts 
 thirty-five millions more from the land 
 in imperial taxation, while there is left 
 for the food, clothing, and subsistence 
 of five millions of people not more 
 than fifty million dollars, or about ten 
 dollars per head yearly." [Sensation.] 
 
 Isn't that just damnable ? [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 " This is the system," says Father 
 Magee, that produces our periodical 
 famines ; which shames and degrades 
 us before Europe; which presents us, 
 periodically, before the world as men- 
 dicants and beggars before the na- 
 tions. * * * And will any one 
 blame us, cost what it may, if we are 
 resolved to get rid of a system that 
 has so long enslaved our people ? " 
 
 Blame you! Blame you! Faith, 
 no matter what you do to get rid of 
 such a system, devil a bit will I blame 
 you. Father Magee! [Laughter and 
 applause.] 
 
 It was in this province that I gained 
 my first personal knowledge of the 
 fierce celerity with which the Irish 
 landlords, in years of distress, rally to 
 the assistance — twt of their tenants but 
 the famine. I went down from Dub- 
 lin to attend an indignation meeting 
 over an eviction in the parish of Bally- 
 brophy, near Knockaroo, in the Queen's 
 County. 
 
 As we drove fi:om the railway station 
 I noticed that three men jumped into 
 a jaunting-car and followed us. I 
 asked my companion if he knew who 
 they were " Oh, yes," he said, " it is 
 a magistrate and two short-hand 
 writers paid by the Government; they 
 follow us wherever we go to get evi- 
 dence of seditious language to try and 
 convict us; they have constabulary 
 with loaded muskets at all our meet- 
 ings ; they think they can overawe me 
 but they only exasperate me." It was 
 Michael Davitt. [Cheers.] 
 
 Sure enough, when we got to the 
 meeting, there was a platoon of armed 
 constabulary at it. Xo one pretended 
 that there was any risk of a riot at 
 
 j Ballybrophy, for everybody there be- 
 1 longed to the same party. Next week 
 i a party of Orangemen threatened — in 
 ! advance — to break up a meeting of 
 I the Land League in a county in Ul- 
 ster. Not a constable was sent there, 
 ' and the Orange rioters were allowed 
 ! to disperse the audience and shed the 
 blood of peaceful citizens. [Hisses.] 
 
 Why was this meeting called at 
 Ballybrophy? Malachi Kelly, a de- 
 cent old man, with a wife and five 
 children, had been turned out of his 
 house into the road by his landlord — a 
 person of the name of Erasmus Dick- 
 son Barrows. Mr. Kelly had paid his 
 rent, without failing once, for thirty 
 consecutive years. All his life long he 
 had borne the reputation of an honest 
 I and temperate and industrious man. 
 I His rent at fij^t was five hundred 
 and thirty-five dollars a year. He 
 made improvements at his own cost. 
 The rent was instantly raised to six 
 hundred and forty dollars. The^ land- 
 lord solemnly promised not to raise 
 the rent again, and to make some im- 
 provements that were needed. Rely- 
 ing on this pledge, Mr. Kelly spent 
 fifteen hundred dollars in erecting per- 
 manent buildings in 1873. The land- 
 lord instandy raised the rent again 
 — this time to seven hundmd and 
 : seventy-five dollars. In otlier words 
 ' he fined Mr. Kelly one hundred and 
 , ten dollars a year for the folly of be- 
 1 lieving a landlord's pledge and for the 
 I offense of increasing the value of his 
 landlord's estate. Last season Mr. 
 Kelly's crop was a total failure, and 
 the old man could not pay the rent 
 for the first time in his life. So he was 
 turned out in his old age, homeless and 
 penniless; and the buildings that he had 
 erected at his own cost became the 
 I propert}' of his landlord. [" Shame ! "] 
 I Michael Da\itt made a speech on 
 ' this eviction, and I did not notice that 
 the loaded muskets of the constabulary 
 overawed him. [Applause.] All the 
 time he was talking I kept wondering 
 to myself : How is it that Mr. Davitt 
 1 knows what I wanted to say? He 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES RE DEATH. 
 
 17 
 
 uttered my opinions, for he denounced 
 the l:indlord. [Applause.] 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF ULSTER. 
 
 English writers and their American 
 echoers have so persistently asserted 
 that Ulster is always prosperous — and 
 they have so unanimously attributed 
 this prosperity to the superior fertiUzing 
 qualities of the Presbyterian faith ; 
 [laughter] — that some of you will be i 
 surprised, perhaps, when I assert, as 
 ray beHef^ that there are probably two 
 hundred thousand persons in distress 
 at the present moment in this "pros- 
 perous " province. 
 
 Thrusting aside for a moment the 
 Presbyterian political pretenses, it is 
 of vital importance, on entering this ' 
 province, to emphasize the fact that | 
 the system of land-tenure in Ulster, or ; 
 rather in the Protestant counties of , 
 Ulster, was and still is as different from | 
 the system of land-tenure in the ; 
 Cathohc jirovinces as the American 
 freedom of to-day is different from the 
 Southern slavery of the past. I weigh 
 my words. And it should be stated, 
 with an equal emphasis, that the ten- 
 ant-at-will system that blights the 
 Catholic counties of Ireland to-day is 
 one of the sad legacies of that long 
 reign of terror known in Irish history 
 as the era of " Protestant Ascen- 
 dency." 
 
 Ever since the days when the old 
 Irish were driven by English conquest 
 — to use a famous phrase — into " Hell 
 or Connaught," the tillers of the soil 
 in the Ulster Plantation have been 
 protected — by an unwritten law called 
 the " Ulster Custom " — in the rights 
 that they earned by their labor on 
 their farms. 
 
 The English and Scotch emigrants 
 brought over with them their English 
 and Scotch theories and usages. It 
 was not usual for the landlords to give 
 formal leases, but the Ulster Custom 
 gave the tenant not only a legal right 
 to the value of his improvements, not 
 only substantial perpetuity of tenure. 
 
 but also the good-will of his farm — that 
 is to say, a prior right to his tenancy 
 from which he could not be arbitrarily 
 evicted without compensation. This 
 tenant-right was justly regarded as a 
 valuable property. It was marketable. 
 The good-will of a farm was often more 
 valuable than the tenant's improve- 
 ments on it. 
 
 In the Catholic provinces of Con- 
 naught and Munster there was no such 
 custom as the Ulster custom. There 
 was no such stability of tenure. There 
 was no such right to the good-will of 
 the farm. There was no such recosfni- 
 tion of the tenant's rights of property 
 in improvements that had been made 
 by his own labor and capital. The 
 tenants in the Catholic provinces have 
 always been tenants-at-will — and a 
 tenant-at-will is merely a serf of the 
 soil. But it is not everywhere in 
 Ulster that tenants' rights are re- 
 spjected. It is only in the strictly 
 Protestant parts of Ulster, and even 
 there the small farmers are besfinnincr 
 to see and to feel that they have no 
 adequate protection against the pitiless 
 exactions of the landlords as exhibited 
 in an excessive increase of rent. 
 
 Pharaoh is hardening his heart up 
 in Ulster; and Aaron and Moses — or, 
 in modern language, Parnell and Dav- 
 itt — will soon sound the timbrel o'er 
 Egypt's dark seas." [Applause.] 
 
 And now allow me to expose the 
 hypocritical pretext that it is owing 
 to Protestantism that Ulster is pros- 
 perous. 
 
 The face of oppression is so hideous 
 even to its own eyes that it always 
 wears the mask of some power that th'* 
 human race respects. Legree posed 
 as Moses. The auction-block of the 
 slave-trader was built behind the altar 
 of the Christian church. In Ireland 
 the pitiless persecutions of the Catho- 
 lics have been ])alliated by the pretext 
 that they were needed to maintain 
 Protestant ascendency, which was 
 identified with Christian civilization. 
 
 With the doctnne of the right of 
 private j udgment in its mouth, political 
 
i8 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 Protestantism in Ireland has persecuted 
 the Catholics for conscience' sake for 
 nearly three centuries. 
 
 The American Protestant youth are 
 taught, that the Roman Cathohc 
 Church has been the only religious 
 persecutor in modem times. When I 
 Avas a little boy I was taught that the 
 Church of Rome and the Church of 
 England were the only religious per- 
 secutors — for my father was a Scotch 
 Presbyterian, and he never forgot to 
 inculcate the lesson taught by the 
 history of the Lowland Covenanters. 
 Yankee boys, and Scotch boys, and 
 English boys are never told the sad 
 and blood-red story of the persecu- 
 tions of the Catholics of Ireland. 
 
 The history of the persecutions of 
 the Irish Catholics bv the Protestant 
 political power in Ireland, is one of 
 the saddest chapters in the annals 
 of modern Europe. It is a history 
 of penal laws framed in Hell and exe- 
 cuted by fiends in the name of Jesus 
 Christ. [Applause.] It swept the 
 entire gamut of crime. Its seven 
 notes were proscriptions, perjuries, 
 confiscations, priest-huntings, hang- 
 ings, massacres, and calumnies. 
 
 Landlordism and Protestantism piay 
 the part in Irish history that the two 
 chained giants whom John Bunyan 
 called Popery and Paganism play- in 
 that famous Puritan story — " Pilgrim's 
 Progress." They curse and howl at 
 the victims whom they can no longer 
 torture. For, when the progress of 
 civilization rendered it imperative for 
 England to extract the fangs of Prot- 
 estant hate in Ireland, it began that 
 career of calumniation that has not yet 
 closed. 
 
 One reason why the Protestant prov- 
 ince of Ulster is more prosperous in 
 parts than the Cathohc provinces of Ire- 
 land is, because Protestant estates were 
 never confiscated there — for Protest- 
 ants were the receivers of the stolen 
 estates of Catholics ; because their 
 clergymen (unlike the Catholic 
 priests) were never hunted and hanged 
 or banished : because it was never a 
 
 capital offense to teach their children 
 to read — as it was a death penalty to 
 teach the Catholic youth ; because the 
 Protestants of the North were pro- 
 tected by the English Government, 
 while the Catholics of the South were 
 persecuted by it. [Applause.] 
 
 It is true that these crimes belong to 
 the past, but it is also true that the 
 results of these crimes remain. 
 
 It was Macaulay who gave the 
 widest circulation to the theory that it 
 was Protestantism that had fertilized 
 Ulster, and Catholicism that had 
 blighted Connaught. Well, although 
 "what I know about farming" does 
 not exhaust the science of agriculture, 
 it does seem to me that one ton of 
 guano is better for a crop — especially 
 a crop of potatoes in Connaught — 
 than all the thirty-nine articles of the 
 Church of England, with the five 
 points of Calvinism thrown in. — 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 And, ladies and gentlemen, one ray 
 of common sense by any common man 
 is vastly more valuable to the intellect 
 than the most dazzling calcium-light 
 brilliancy even of a Macaulay. 
 
 If it was the Catholic religion that 
 blighted the Catholic provinces of 
 Ireland, why was it that the French 
 Catholic peasants ive7'e as wretched 
 before they owned their lands as the 
 Irish Catholic peasants are to-day ? 
 
 It is not a question of spiritual 
 theses, but of temporal leases; it is 
 not what faith we hold about our home 
 in the next world, but what hold we 
 have on our home in this world. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Macaulay knew these facts. Ma- 
 caulay professed to believe in the 
 mysteries of the Christian religion. 
 Macaulay was familiar with the history 
 of Protestant rule in Ireland. Do yo" 
 know that I have sometimes wondered, 
 when Macaulay sat down to write this 
 indictment of Irish Catholicism, that a 
 terrible vision of the Day of Judgment 
 on a background of hell-flan-ies, did not 
 rise up before him and paralyze hif 
 hand ? [Loud and prolonged applause.. 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 I am not a Catholic, and I do not 
 recall these crimes to condemn Protest- 
 antism, nor to seek Catholic applause. 
 I am a Protestant of Protestantism. I 
 conciliate nobody, and I ask favors of 
 no man; but I hate with a hatred in- 
 extinguishable every form of oppres- 
 sion, and I shall strike at it in the future 
 as I have done in the past, without 
 waiting to inquire its name, or to look 
 at its flag. Protestantism in Irish 
 history has only been another name for 
 the spirit of caste. [Applause.] 
 
 In the province of Ulster, on the 
 first day of March last, the local com- 
 mittees of the Mansion House, 131 in 
 number, reported that there were in 
 distress, in eight counties, 160,880 
 persons — in Antrim, 220; in Down, 
 800; in Armagh, 10,455; Mon- 
 aghan, 7,447; in Cavan, 34,709^ 
 Fermanagh, 12,768; in Tyrone, 7,447; 
 in Donegal, 87,034. Fourteen of the 
 Ulster committees report that the dis- 
 tress is likely or certain to increase. 
 The most moderate estimate, therefore, 
 of the army of hunger in the province of 
 Ulster — including the county of Lon- 
 donderry — would put the figures at 
 180,000. It is more probably 200,000. 
 
 Yet this vast aggregation of human 
 misery exists in a province in which 
 the Belfast manufactories employ large 
 numbers of boys and girls, and so to a 
 considerable extent relieve the agri- 
 cultural classes, both by sending back 
 wages to the cabins in the country, 
 and by affording a home market for 
 their produce. And, in justice to the 
 Catholic provinces, let it be remem- 
 bered that the reason why there are no 
 manufactories in Connaught and Mun- 
 ster, is because the English Parliament 
 for several generations, by positive 
 legislation, prevented their establish- 
 ment, and because, since these infa- 
 mous laws were repealed, their disas- 
 trous results have been conserved by 
 combinations among the English man- 
 ufacturers. 
 
 In Antrim, in Down, in Armagh, 
 in Monaghan, in Cavan, in Tyrone, 
 and in Donegal, the committees report 
 
 19 
 
 that the distress is increasing, or certain 
 to increase. 
 
 'J'he Catholic Bishop of Clogher 
 wrote to me about the distress m his 
 great diocese. Nearly all of his dio- 
 cese is in Ulster. It comprises the 
 County of Monaghan, most of the 
 County Fermanagh, a large tract of 
 Tyrone, with portions of Donegal and 
 Louth. It has a population of 235,- 
 000 souls. The diocese is divided 
 into forty parishes. He writes that in 
 ten of these parishes there is consider- 
 able distress, going much beyond the 
 state of things in ordinary years, but 
 nothing to excite grave alarm. But 
 in the remaining thirty parishes there 
 exists grievous disti'ess, varying in 
 amount and extending over 100 to 
 200 families in some parishes, 300 to 
 500 in others. Ten per cent, of these 
 families have no food at all — 7iot a 
 7noiithfuI — except" what they receive 
 from charity, and all the rest "are suffer- 
 ing more or less severely from want of 
 food and clothing and seeds. The 
 laborers evervwhere, who have no 
 farms, were suffering more than in 
 ordinary times, because the farmers 
 can no longer afford to pay them. His 
 Lordship added that it is hard to see 
 why our destitution in food and cloth- 
 ing must not continue, and even go on 
 increasing, until the arrival of the next 
 harvest. 
 
 Now, let us rapidly glance at the 
 different counties of Ulster as they are 
 described by the local committees of 
 the Mansion House : 
 
 In the County Antrim, the Mansion 
 House committees report that "the 
 people are impoverished to an extent 
 unknown since '47, and the clergy and 
 gentry are besieged by the people for 
 aid." 
 
 There is only one report from the 
 County Down — from Kilcoo, where 
 there are eight hundred persons in 
 distress, whose numbers it is stated, 
 " must increase," and where " the dis- 
 tress is decidedly grave." 
 
 In the County Armagh, in five dis- 
 tricts, the first local estimate of the 
 
20 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 number of persons in distress was ten 
 thousand. Later reports show that 
 the numbers are increasing. At Creg- 
 gan, in tins county, the poverty is so 
 general that the county court judges 
 expressed their astonishment at the 
 vast number of civil decrees, and in 
 many cases stayed execution. 
 
 In these three counties there are two 
 Catholic dioceses, and I received let- 
 ters from the bishops of both of 
 them. 
 
 Bishop Dorrian, of Down and Con- 
 nor, wrote that in his diocese : 
 
 " We have much distress in many 
 parts, but hunger and want in some 
 three or four parishes, in the mountain- 
 ous and glen districts. ... I fear 
 many small holders cannot labor or 
 seed their lands but shall have to give 
 up their farms and become homeless." 
 
 The Bishop adds : 
 If remunerative employment had 
 been started at first, all might have 
 gone on well ; for the wages of one 
 would have, in a sense, supported the 
 entire family, and upheld self-respect 
 without idleness and degradation 
 supervening. It is now too late, I fear. 
 It is a dark page on which we read of 
 distress, and yet nothing but the de- 
 grading sympathy of process-servers, or 
 sending round the hat for alms, as if 
 we were unwilling or unable to earn 
 our bread — resources of industrious 
 work by land and sea on every side 
 around us." 
 
 The diocese of Dromore includes 
 part of the County Down, the County 
 Armagh, and a small portion of 
 Antrim. 
 
 Bisliop Leahy wrote to me : 
 
 *• In four or five parishes of this 
 diocese there prevails a fearful amount 
 of distress, and unless relieved it will 
 probably become more terrible before 
 the ripening of the potatoes. . . . The 
 poor who hitherto were able, though 
 with difficulty, to support their families 
 from the produce of their scanty hold- 
 ings, are ashamed to solicit alms and 
 go, under cover of night, to the parish 
 priest to make known their wants." 
 
 From the County Monaghan there 
 are reports from twelve districts, in 
 which there are seven thousand four 
 hundred and forty-seven persons in 
 distress. Four districts report that the 
 distress will increase. At Emyvale the 
 people are " without food and fuel " — 
 one thousand of them. At Killeevin, 
 there is " no corn, no seed potatoes, 
 no credit ; they are living on half the 
 necessary amount of food." From 
 Trydavnet they write : " Every shil- 
 ling from every source exhausted ; 
 thirty families to-day, with not even 
 meal to help them." At Castleblay- 
 ney the people are " in dire distress ; 
 suffering every hardship that poverty 
 and destitution can inflict." At 
 Drum, " fever of a violent type has 
 broken out from sheer want." 
 
 In County Cavan there are reports 
 from thirty-six districts. The first 
 local estimates reported over twenty- 
 six thousand (26,185), latest re- 
 turns thirty-five thousand, with six 
 predictions of the probability or cer- 
 tainty of an increase. I have not the 
 time to quote even a single sentence 
 from each of these thirty-six reports. 
 I can only select a sentence or two 
 from half a dozen of them. In Arva 
 " very many have not wherewith to 
 purchase a day's provisions. They 
 are so deeply sunk in debt, their credit 
 gone, they are now reluctantly obliged 
 to seek the bread of charity. Farmers 
 who were accustomed to employing 
 laborers are wow themselves pressing 
 for relief" In Ballinagh there are 
 over one thousand four hundred 
 persons in distress, the " distress in 
 many cases amounting to absolute 
 destitution." In Ballymachugh and 
 Drumlummon eight hundred and 
 eleven persons are " in need of the 
 first necessaries of life." From Bailie- 
 borough (where there are eight hundred 
 and fifty destitute persons) comes the 
 sad report : " Last week a man who 
 held six acres died of want;' if no 
 relief, many struggling farmers will be 
 driven to the Avork-house." Frora 
 Glengevlin comes the cry : " Very 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 21 
 
 many are actually starving ; others on 
 the brink of starvation. For God's 
 sake, send something at once." In 
 Killeshandra the " poor farmers are 
 now eating their seed potatoes and 
 last store of meal ; will have nothing 
 to maintain themselves till next crop." 
 From Templeport comes the report : 
 Distress has been borne in silence till 
 they reached the very point of starva- 
 tion." 
 
 These are not isolated instances ; it 
 is everywhere the same sad story of 
 want heroically borne by a peasantry 
 who would never beg if they could get 
 work to do. 
 
 From the County Fermanagh, I 
 have reports from eighteen districts. 
 The reports show that there were 
 nearly thirteen thousand in Ennis- 
 killen. The distress is characterized as 
 " deep " and universal " ; in Ballag- 
 hameehan, as "deepest"; in Tallaghy, 
 as "great"; in Blackbog, as "ex- 
 treme"; in Clenish, as " terrible." In 
 Derrygonnelly, the people are " in 
 great want ; no food ; no fuel ; starva- 
 tion facing them." At Alaguires- 
 bridge, nearly four hundred arc in a 
 starving condition. From Tempo, the 
 report is one six words long: "No 
 food, no fuel, no work." At Mulleek, 
 six hundred and thirty-four persons are 
 in distress — mostly small farmers, who 
 get a meager living by turf-making. 
 The committee write from Mulleek: 
 
 " It is sad to see hundreds crowded 
 at the committee-door, waiting from 
 twelve o'clock, noon, till eight at 
 night,- under a drenching rain. Sev- 
 eral poor men and women came to the 
 priest's house and fainted with hunger 
 and exhaustion. The appearance of 
 the poor is appalling." 
 
 From the County Tyrone there are 
 returns from eleven districts. Thev 
 report eleven thousand four hundred 
 and ninety persons in distress, and 
 that the distress is increasing in three 
 districts. In Dromore, " The distress 
 is very general : no potatoes, no seed, 
 or such as, if planted, will produce 
 famine next year." In Fintona, " Un- 
 
 less prompt and generous assistance 
 arrives, numbers will die of hunger." 
 In Egorten, " Great distress : no fuel, 
 no potatoes." In Kildren, " Many 
 small farmers in sore distress, without 
 even the necessaries of life." In Pom- 
 eroy, " No money, no credit, scarcity 
 of food and fuel." And so on ! 
 
 Donegal is the north-western county 
 of Ireland. I have a large number of 
 letters and forty-eight official reports 
 from Donegal. 
 
 In every part of this county the 
 destitution is appalling, — not a parish 
 escapes, — and the distress is every- 
 where increasing. The whole county 
 is a-hungered and in tatters. Entire 
 parishes of families have absolutely no 
 means of subsistence. The popula- 
 tion of the county is two hundred and 
 thirty-seven thousand. The number 
 of persons on the Relief lists is eighty- 
 seven thousand — more than one-third 
 of the population of Donegal. 
 
 Major Gaskill is one of the inspec- 
 tors of the Duchess of Marlboro's 
 Committee. I found that he invaria- 
 bly underestimated the distress; yet 
 he admitted that he was astounded by 
 the scenes of misery that he witnessed 
 in Donegal, even after he had visited 
 Galway and Mayo. 
 
 The aggregate of eighty-seven thou- 
 sand persons in distress includes those 
 unfortunate people only who depend 
 almost solely on charity for their sup- 
 port. It does not count those to 
 whom every purse in America would 
 open if Donegal were an American 
 State, instead of an Irish county. 
 
 In the parish of Donegal, for ex- 
 ample, " two hundred families are 
 really in need who are left unattended 
 to from want of funds." In Culdaff 
 "four hundred and twenty-five families 
 are in great destitution." In Fannet 
 "very many people are in actual starva- 
 tion." From Kilcor, the committee 
 writes : " If we fail one week in reliev- 
 ing, the consequences would be fear- 
 ful." In Lower Templecrone and 
 Arranmore Island, " the poverty of the 
 people is such that if immediate step^ 
 
22 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 be not taken to relieve the distress, 
 deaths from hunger must be the imme- 
 diate result." From Killaghter comes 
 the report : " The whole of the popu- 
 lation of St. John's Point are on the 
 very verge of starvation, depending 
 upon a chance fish for support." At 
 Glencolumbkill, the Mansion House 
 Committee report : " Some aie eating 
 the black sea-weed.'' 
 
 Father Logree, of Kilcor, wrote to 
 me : 
 
 " I can safely declare that along the 
 sea-coast there are over one hundred 
 families who have no bedclothes." 
 
 He means in his own parish only. 
 
 Father James Stephens, of Killybegs, 
 describes one family in his parish : 
 
 " Thomas Gallagher, of Correan : 
 eleven of a family ; five of them with 
 bass-mats tied around them for cloth- 
 ing. No fire ; no bed, but straw." 
 
 Father J. Maguire, of Cloumany, 
 wrote to me : 
 
 " I was called to attend a man 
 who the doctor declared was dying 
 from a disease brought on from want 
 of nourishment. The man was rolled 
 up in what once had been a shawl. 
 This and an old sheet were the only 
 covering he had on him. The house 
 was destitute of every kind of furni- 
 ture. The children were literally naked 
 and gathered around a few smolder- 
 ing sods." 
 
 The seas that lash the stormy coast 
 of Donegal are full of fish, and yet the 
 dwellers by the sea-shore are fam.ish- 
 ing for food. Why ? The English 
 organs of the Irish landlords say be- 
 cause the people are improvident and 
 lazy. It is a lie. [Loud applause.] 
 Deep-sea fishing requires strong boats. 
 These people have been plundered by 
 their absentee landlords so mercilessly 
 and long that very few of the fisher- 
 men can afford to build strong boats. 
 But deep-sea fishing along this coast 
 cannot be carried on at all until piers 
 and sheltered landing-places are built 
 by the Government to protect the 
 fishermen. The Government refuses 
 to build them unless the people of the 
 
 district contribute one-fourth of the 
 amount. The starving tenants cannot 
 contribute that proportion; and the 
 landed gentry who could afford it re- 
 fuse to contribute a single shilling. 
 [Hisses.] 
 
 Do you ask me as Americans have 
 often asked me — Are the landlords 
 doing nothing amidst all this distress ? 
 Certainly, they are doing something 
 in the province of Ulster. Listen to a 
 report of how one landlord, " a noble 
 lord," helped the distress on his" own 
 estates in the County Cavan. 
 
 It is the Rev. Father Joseph Flood 
 who speaks : 
 
 " In the midst of cries of distress 
 around me, while Protestants and 
 Catholics, here as elsewhere, are strug- 
 gling to keep together the bodies and 
 souls of this year's visitation, I was 
 hurried off to witness the heartless 
 eviction of five whole families — thirty 
 souls in all — of ages varying from 
 eiglity years to two years. [Cries of 
 "Shame!"] 
 
 " At twelve o'clock to-day — in the 
 midst of a drenching rain — when every 
 man's lips are busy discussing how 
 relief can be carried to this home and 
 that, an imposing spectacle presented 
 itself through a quiet part of the parish 
 of King's Court. 
 
 " A carriage containing Mr. Hussey, 
 jr., son of the agent of Lord Gorman- 
 ston; behind and before it, about a 
 dozen outside cars — with a resident 
 magistrate, an inspector of police, 
 about forty of her majesty's force, the 
 sheriff, and some dozens of as rapacious- 
 looking drivers and grippers as I ever 
 laid my eyes upon. 
 
 " There is a dead silence at the halt 
 before the firsc doomed door. That 
 silence was broken by myself, craving 
 to let the poor people in again after 
 the vindication of the law. 
 
 "The sheriff formally asks — 'Have 
 you the rent ? ' 
 
 " The trembling answer is : 
 
 " ' My God ! how could I have the 
 whole rent — and such a rent — on such 
 a soil — in such a year as this ? ' 
 
LlI 
 > 
 
 O 
 
 >- 
 
 UJ 
 < 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH, 
 
 23 
 
 " ' Get out ! ' is the word, and right 
 heartily the grippers set to work. 
 [" Shame ! " and hisses.] On the dung- 
 heap is flung the scanty furniture, bed 
 and bedding. The door is nailed. 
 The imposing army marches on to the 
 next holding, till every house has been 
 visited and every soul turned out. 
 
 " At this moment there is a down- 
 pour of rain on that poor bed and 
 bedding, and on that miserable furni- 
 ture; and an old man, whose genera- 
 lions have passed their simple lives in 
 that house, is sitting on a stone outside 
 with his head buried in his hands, 
 thinking of the eighty-three years gone 
 by. [Sobs.] And are these tenants to 
 blame"? No ! It is on the records of 
 this parish that they were the most 
 simple-minded, hard-working, honest 
 and virtuous people in it." [Sensation.] 
 
 This is the sort of contribution that 
 the landlords have made to the distress 
 in the province of Ulster. [Hisses.] 
 
 THE WEST OF IRELAND. 
 
 Let us now^ in spirit, take the shoes 
 from off our ftet as we draw nigh the 
 holy ground of Connaught and Mun- 
 ster. There is nothing on this earth 
 more sacred than human sorrow. 
 Christianity itself has been called the 
 Worship of Sorrow. If this definition 
 be a true one, then the Holy Land of 
 our day is the W^est of Ireland. Every 
 sod there has been wet with human 
 tears. The murmurs of every rii)pling 
 brook there, from time out of mind, 
 have been accompanied by an invisi- 
 ble chorus of sighs from breaking 
 human hearts. Every breeze that has 
 swept across her barren moors has car- 
 ried with it to the summits of her 
 bleak mountain slopes (and I trust far 
 beyond them) the groans and the 
 prayers of a brave, but a despairing, 
 people. The sun has never set on her 
 sorrows, excepting to give place to the 
 pitying stars that have looked down 
 on human woes that excel in numbers 
 their own constellated hosts. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 I have heard so much and I have 
 seen so much of the sorrows of the 
 West, that when the memory of them 
 rises up before me, I stand appalled at 
 the vision. Again and again, since I 
 came back from Ireland, I have tried 
 to paint a picture of Western misery; 
 but again and again, and as often as I 
 have tried, — even in the solitude of 
 my own chamber, where no human 
 eye could see me, — I have broken 
 down, and I have wept like a woman. 
 If I could put the picture into words, 
 I could not utter the words. For I 
 cannot look on human sorrow with 
 the cold and aesthetic eye of an artist. 
 To me a once stalwart peasant — shiv- 
 ering in rags, and gaunt, and hollow- 
 voiced, and staggering with hunger — 
 to me he is not a mere picture of Irish 
 life ; to me he is a brother to be 
 helped ; to me he is a Christian pris- 
 oner to be rescued from the pitiless 
 power of those infidel Saracens of the 
 nineteenth century — the Irish landlords 
 and the British Government. [Pro- 
 longed applause.] 
 
 I know Tiot where to begin nor 
 what county to select in either of these 
 unhappy provinces. 
 
 Let us first glance at 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF MUNSTER. 
 
 There are six counties in the prov- 
 ince of Munster. The Mansion House 
 has two hundred and. fifty local com- 
 mittees there. Their reports show that 
 there are in distress two hundred and 
 thirty-two thousand seven hundred 
 and fifty-nine persons in this prov- 
 ince — in 
 
 Waterford (in round numbers) . . 8, too 
 
 Tip])erary " 
 
 Limerick " 
 
 Clare " 
 Cork 
 
 Kerry " 
 
 <( 
 <( 
 
 u 
 
 . 17,000 
 . 17,000 
 
 .43,000 
 
 . 70,000 
 
 .75,000 
 
 In Waterford, in Limerick, and in 
 Tipperary — with their aggregate of 
 forty-two thousand persons on the re- 
 
24 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 lief lists — the distress is quite severe in 
 some districts, but it is neither so gen- 
 eral nor so extreme as on the coast. 
 The miners, the mechanics, the labor- 
 ers, the turf-makers, the fishermen, the 
 cottiers, and the small fanners with 
 " long families," are the chief sufferers 
 in these counties. 
 
 In the County Cork there are less 
 than one-eighth of the population in 
 distress. Eastern Cork is a fertile 
 county. It contains the great city 
 and port of the South of Ireland. 
 There is no unusual poverty in the 
 east of it; but in South-western Cork, 
 and in Kerry, the same scenes that I 
 called local eye-witnesses to describe 
 in Donegal, and that I shall summon 
 other eye-witnesses to describe in Con- 
 naught, are common in every barony 
 and in every parish. I met several 
 Catholic priests from South-western 
 Cork in Dublin, and* I received more 
 than a dozen letters from as many 
 <3ifferient districts of it. Their stories 
 •were all alike, — only the scene differed, 
 —always the same cries of distress. 
 I could talk an hour about,the suffering 
 in tiiese counties alone. 
 
 County Clare is not so destitute as 
 Kerry or South-western Cork, for the 
 famine broods everywhere along the 
 coast, and in some places it has called 
 .on fever to assist her — and the land- 
 lords — to crush the spirit or to exter- 
 minate the Irish race. But even from 
 Clare we hear .of " little children and 
 infants crying in vain for food"; of 
 whole districts-=^I quote the words of 
 the committee-^" actually starving, or 
 threatened in the near future with star- 
 vation"; and at one parish — Cool- 
 meen — of '''a crowd of a hundred 
 people ready to fall from hunger." 
 More than one-fourth of the people 
 of the County Clare depend for their 
 daily food on foreign benevolence. 
 What need of words in presence of 
 this one fact ? 
 
 Out of every hundred persons in 
 County Keny, thirty-eight depend on 
 charity to keep them from death by 
 starvation. From every part of the 
 
 county comes the same sad message : 
 " No work, no food, no fuel, no cloth- 
 ing." In Valencia Island, last winter, 
 there were families of children literally 
 naked, — with not a rag to shield their 
 little bodies from the cold Atlantic 
 winds. Father Lawler wrote that, out 
 of one hundred and twenty families he 
 visited, one hundred were without a 
 blanket of any shape or description. 
 
 Hunger haunted the coast. Father 
 Maurice O'Flnherty wrote: "No 
 amount of word-painting at my com- 
 mand will be able to convey to you 
 the impoverished and wretched state 
 in which th-crse poor creatures, livin? 
 along the sea-coast, are steeped. I 
 know, as a fact, that many — very 
 many — among them have been living 
 on turnips once, and sometimes twice 
 a day for the last three weeks. I am 
 aware that several, especially heads of 
 families, have gone to bed fasting, in 
 order to spare something for their 
 starving children, who were crying for 
 food. Some of these poor creatures 
 have to do with one meal of "stir- 
 about " for twenty-four hours. (" Stir- 
 about " is Indian meal boiled with 
 water and a little salt.) In all, or 
 nearly all, the cases we visited, two 
 hundred in number, not one had a 
 cow, or pig, or sheep, or seed potatoes, 
 or credit, or anything else, except 
 the few stones of meal they have got 
 from our Relief Committee." 
 
 I will just give one short extract 
 from one report out of fifty reports to 
 the Mansion House. It occurred in a 
 letter from Fcrreter Dingle : 
 
 " The word ' distress ' very inade- 
 quately describes the situation and 
 suffering of many and many a family 
 here. They are suffering from that 
 most brutalizing of feelings to which 
 humanity is subject — the gnawing of 
 hunger. Fancy fathers and mothers 
 going to bed supperless that their 
 children may have something left to 
 stay the pangs of hunger, and, after 
 all this self-sacrifice, these children 
 without any food for twenty-four 
 hours ! " 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 25 
 
 I said that in the three inland coun- 
 ties of Munster — Waterford, Limerick, 
 andTipperary — the distress is not so ex- 
 treme as in the coast counties. Yet you 
 will err if you think that the poverty 
 there is of the same type as we find 
 in our American cities. What we call 
 distress in America, the Irish peasants 
 would thank God for as comfort. 
 
 Dean Quirke. of Tipperary, for exam- 
 ple, wrote to me that, although in his 
 vicinity nobody had actually died 
 from hunger, yet he personally knew 
 men in his own parish whose lives had 
 been shortened by the famine. And 
 the committee at Clopjher wrote to the 
 Mansion House that " farmers hold- 
 ing twenty to thirty acres of mountain 
 land, come down to the Chairman, 
 under cover of night, to get a little 
 Indian meal to keep their families from 
 starvation." 
 
 But now I must do my duty to the 
 landlords, and tell you what they are 
 doing in this year of distress in the 
 Province of Munster. 
 
 When I wrote to Dean Quirke, of 
 Tipperary, and asked him the cause 
 of the distress, he promptly answered: 
 " Rack-rents, bad land laws, insecurity 
 of tenure.*' After he described the 
 poverty in his own neighborhood, he 
 added : " The farmers throughout the 
 whole county of Tipperary, seeing they 
 had no means of i)aying their rents and 
 their debts, held public meetings — gen- 
 erally attended by the clergy — at which 
 they showed the impossibility of pay- 
 ing the amount of rent that they had 
 paid in prosperous years. I presided 
 at one of these meetings. Not one 
 disrespectful word was said of any 
 landlord." 
 
 I hope you understand that it is 
 Dean Quirke who is speaking, and who 
 was chairman. If I had been chair- 
 man, I think there would have been 
 disrespectful remarks made of the land- 
 lords. [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 The farmers," continued Dean 
 Quirke, " requested an abatement of 
 rent for the present year of distress, on 
 account of the failure of the crops and 
 
 the low price of produce. . . . Only 
 
 some six or seven paid any attention to 
 this reasonable appeal, . . . while the 
 bulk of the landlords treated the whole 
 proceeding as Commwiisin l''^ [Hisses. J 
 
 They seem to have the same breed 
 of landlords in County Clare. Father 
 Kenney, the parish priest of Scarife, 
 wrote to me : 
 
 There are two hundred and ten 
 families now in want in my parish. 
 When I have appealed to the landlords 
 to take into account the depression of 
 the times, that answer has been that 
 political agitators have raised the cry 
 for their own political purposes." 
 
 Of course, it is always the lamb that 
 dirties the water away down the stream 
 when the wolf is drinking at its source ! 
 [Applause.] 
 
 When I was in Dublin, I had along 
 'talk with Lord Randolph Churchill, 
 the son of the Duchess df Marlboro. 
 [Hisses.] 
 
 Oh ! don't hiss him. He 's a pretty 
 good fellow — -for a lord. [Laughter.] 
 We can't all be born in the upper 
 ranks, you know — it was n't his blame 
 that he was not bom an American citi- 
 zen. [Laughter.] 
 
 Well, 1 am going to tell you what 
 Lord Churchill said, in illustration of 
 the folly of the reforms that are advo- 
 cated by the Land League. I am vio- 
 lating no confidence in repeating his 
 conversation, because he knew that I 
 would report it. I wrote down his 
 remarks in stenographic notes, and 
 submitted the manuscript for his correc- 
 tion before I printed it. 
 
 In talking about Cork, Lord Church- 
 ill said that there were six thousand 
 cases of " absolute want " — those were 
 his words — out of a population of 
 thirty-one thousand persons at Skib- 
 bereen. The Committee of the Man- 
 sion House, at Skibbereen, at a later 
 date, report that : 
 
 " The poor people are coming to us, 
 starvation depicted in their looks, with 
 the bitterest tales of woe. We are 
 hearing hourly enough to melt the 
 hardest hearts." 
 
26 
 
 FAMINE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 Father Davis, the parish priest of 
 Skibbereen, wrote to me: 
 
 " Fotir-fijths of the entire population 
 are at this moment destitute and beg- 
 ging for aid." 
 
 This is a very much larger estimate, 
 you see, than Lord Churchill's. The 
 lord said one-fifth ; the priest said 
 four-fifths. 
 
 '•In Castletown," said Lord Church- 
 ill, " out of a population of 14,000 
 there are 1,600 cases of distress." 
 
 The Mansion House reports show 
 that there are now 2,232 persons in 
 distress in Castletown ; " in the most 
 abject state of destitution," they say, 
 
 without food, without clothing, with- 
 out seed." 
 
 " In Castletown," continued Lord 
 Churchill, there are 600 occupiers of 
 land rated under ^^^4, and there are 
 700 more who rate at under ;,^io. 
 Here we have a Union, with 1.300 
 persons, the annual value of whose 
 holdings does not exceed ;£"io. This 
 raises an interesting question of peas- 
 ant proprietorship. There are poli- 
 ticians who want to convert these 
 tenants into owners. These unfortu- 
 nate people have not got — at the 
 present moment — any available means 
 of subsistence, any capital with which 
 to cultivate the land, any stock, or any 
 credit ; and yet it is proposed to make 
 them owners of the soil. When they 
 are in such distress, even when they 
 hare landlords to rely on in some degree 
 to alleviate it — for, of course, it is for 
 the interest of the landlord to stand 
 by his tenants — what would be their 
 condition if they had no one to fall 
 back on ? " 
 
 Well, let us see how the landlords 
 stand by their tenants in this very dis- 
 trict that Lord Churchill selected, 
 vv-hen he made this challenge for 
 them. 
 
 At Drumbogue, where there are 
 1,300 persons in distress, there is "not 
 a single resident landlord in the dis- 
 trict, and only one of them is giving 
 work." 
 
 At Goleen, the Mansion House 
 
 Committee say that exorbitant rents are 
 the cause of the distress there. 
 
 At Kilcaskin, the distress is attrib- 
 uted to bad land laws. 
 
 At King V\' illiam's Town, high rents 
 are linked with bad crops as the causes 
 of the poverty of the farmers. 
 
 At Cloyne, excessive rents " are 
 named as the cause of the distress — 
 and it is added, " the landlords of the 
 farmers in distress are absentees." 
 
 Bear in mind that the Mansion 
 House has no sympathy with the Land 
 League, and that this is the evidence 
 of their local committees. 
 
 Now let me quote from my own 
 correspondents : 
 
 Good okl Canon Brosnan, in writing 
 from his parish in Kerry, near by, after 
 describing the homes of his people, 
 adds : 
 
 "These miserable holdings are let 
 at double and treble the Government 
 valuation — frequent instances not 
 being wanted in which such crushing 
 amounts are exceeded." 
 
 Father Davis, the parish priest of 
 Skibbereen, writes to me: 
 
 "This entire district is held under 
 two landlords — Sir Henry Beecher, 
 Baronet, and the trustees of Lord Cran- 
 berry. These two proprietors have 
 exacted the rents without the reduc- 
 tion of one cent — and^ they have not 
 contributed one penny to the meagre 
 funds of our committee." [Cries of 
 " Shame ! " and hisses.] 
 
 This is the way, my Lord Randolph 
 Churchill, in which the tenants can 
 rely on their landlords. [Applause.] 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF CON- 
 NAUGHT. 
 
 And now let us enter Connaught — 
 the land of human desolation. 
 
 Connaught has a population of nine 
 hundred and eleven thousand three 
 hundred and thirty-nine souls. Out of 
 this vast multitude of people, nearly 
 one-half — or, to be statistically exact, 
 four hundred and twenty-one thousand 
 seven hundred and fifty persons — are 
 
A LECTURE BY 
 
 JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 27 
 
 reported to be in extreme distress by 
 the local committees of the Mansion 
 House. From every county come 
 official announcements that the destitu- 
 tion is increasing. 
 
 A geographical allocation of the 
 distress gives to the County 
 
 Leitrim (in round numbers) 47,000 
 Roscommon *' " 46,000 
 
 Sligo " " . 58,000 
 
 Galway " " 124,000 
 
 Mayo " " 143,000 
 
 These round numbers are thirty- 
 seven hundred and fifty under the 
 exact figures. What need of verbal 
 evidence to sustain figures so appalling ? 
 
 From each of these counties on the 
 western coast, and from every parish 
 of them, the reports of the committees 
 give out the same dirge-like notes : 
 " No food," " no clothing," " bed- 
 clothing pawned," " children half- 
 naked," " women clad in unwomanly 
 rags," " no fuel," " destitution appall- 
 ing," "privation beyond description,'* 
 " many are . suffering from hunger," 
 "seed potatoes and oats are being 
 consumed by the people," " their 
 famine-stricken appearance would 
 make the stoniest heart feel for them," 
 " some families are actually starving, 
 and even should works be started the 
 people are too weak now to work." 
 [Sensation.] These saddening phrases 
 are not a bunch of rhetorical expres- 
 sions : each one of them is a literal 
 quotation from the business-like re- 
 ports of the local committees of the 
 Mansion House! ["Shame!"] 
 
 In the province of Connaught, the 
 destitution is so general and profound 
 that I could not tell you what I myself 
 saw there, within the limits of a lecture. 
 I shall select one of the least distress- 
 ful counties — the County Sligo — and 
 call again eye-witnesses of its misery. 
 
 And my first witness shall be a dis- 
 tinguished bishop, at that time un- 
 friendly to Mr. Parnell — Bishop Mc- 
 Cormack. 
 
 The Bishop wrote to me that in 
 
 each of the twenty-two parishes of his 
 diocese there prevails " real and un- 
 doubted distress " ; and that, from the 
 returns made to him by his priests, he 
 finds that the number on the parochial 
 relief lists is from seventy to seventy- 
 five per cent, of the whole population 
 of the diocese. His Lordship adds 
 that this state of destitution must last 
 till August. 
 
 Good words are like good coins — 
 they lose their value if they are 
 uttered too freely. I have used the 
 word distress so often that I fear it 
 may pall on you. Let us test it in the 
 fire of the sorrow of Sligo. 
 
 Dr. Canon Finn, of Ballymote, wrote 
 to me that the priests in his parish tell 
 him that the little children often come 
 to school without having had a mouth- 
 ful of breakfast to eat, and that vomit- 
 ing and stomach sickness is common 
 among them. 
 
 Why ? 
 
 " I know whole families," writes the 
 Canon, " that have to supplement v/hat 
 our committee gives by eating rotten 
 potatoes which they dig out, day by 
 day." [Sobs.] 
 
 Father John O'Keene, of Dramore 
 West, wrote to me that " there are four 
 hundred families in his parish depend- 
 ent on the relief committees, and one 
 hundred almost entirely in want of 
 clothing, and the children in a state of 
 semi-nudity." [" Shame I "] 
 
 Four hundred families ! Let us 
 look at the mother of just one of these 
 four hundred families. 
 
 Listen to Father O'Keene : 
 
 " On Sunday last, as I was about 
 going to church, a poor young woman, 
 prematurely aged by poverty, came up 
 and spoke to me. Being in a hurry, I 
 said : ' I have no time to speak to 
 you, Mrs. Calpin. Are you not on 
 the relief list ' ' No, Father,' she 
 said, ' and we are starving.* Her ap- 
 pearance caused me to stop. She had 
 no shoes, and her wretched clothing 
 made her a picture of misery. 
 
 " I asked her why her husband had 
 not come to speak to me. 
 
28 
 
 FAMIXE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 " She said : ' He has not had a coat 
 for the last two years, and as this is 
 Sunday, he did not wish to trouble 
 Thomas Feeney for the loan of one, as 
 he sometimes lends one to him.' 
 
 * Have you any other clothes be- 
 sides what I see on you ? * 
 
 ' Father, I am ashamed,' was the 
 reply ; ' I have not even a stitch of 
 underclothing.' 
 
 *• * How many children have you ? ' 
 
 *' ' Four, Father,' 
 ' What are their ages ? ' 
 ' The oldest, a boy, eight years ; a 
 girl, seven ; another, four, and a little 
 one on the breast.' 
 
 " ' Have they any clothes ? ' 
 
 " ' No, Father. You may remem- 
 ber that, when you were passing last 
 September, you called into the house, 
 and I had to put the children aside 
 for their nakedness.' 
 
 *• • Have you any bed-clothes ? ' 
 
 " * A couple of guano-bags.' 
 
 " ' How could you live for the past 
 week ? ' 
 
 " ' I went to my brother, Martin 
 MacGee, of Farrelinfarrel, and he gave 
 me a couple of porringers of Indian 
 meal each day, from which I made 
 Indian gruel. I gave my husband the 
 biggest part, as he is working in the 
 fields.' 
 
 " ' Had you anvthing for the chil- 
 dren ? ' 
 
 "'Oh, Father,' she said, 'the first 
 question they put me in the morning 
 is : ' Mother ! Have we any meal 
 this day?' [Sobs and groans.] If I 
 say I have, they are happy ; if not, 
 they are sad, and begin to cn'.' 
 
 '* At these words she shov/ed great 
 emotion, and 1 could not remain un- 
 moved. 
 
 '•This," adds Father^O'Keene, "is 
 one of the many cases I could adduce 
 in proof of the miser)- of my people." 
 
 Arc the landlords doing nothing for 
 these people ? Certainly. There are 
 nine hundred families in the parish of 
 Bruninadden, in the countv of Cork. 
 Canon McDermott is the priest there. 
 Hear what he wrote to me : 
 
 ' " The lands are in part good ; but 
 the good lands are chiefly in the hands 
 of landlords and graziers. You can 
 travel miles over rich lands and meet 
 only the herds or laborers of some ab- 
 sentee landlord. Thirty landlords own 
 this parish ; twenty-seven of them are 
 absentees. The three resident pro- 
 prietors are poor and needy themselves. 
 You can judge of the condition of the 
 tenant-farmers and of their relations 
 with their landlords by a statement of 
 facts. 
 
 "There are in my parisli two iron 
 huts, — one to protect the bailiff of an 
 absentee landlord, the other to protect 
 a resident landlord. 
 
 '• Again, in a district containing one 
 hundred and sixty families, eighty-nine 
 processes of ejectment were ordered 
 ; to be served by the landlords ; but, in 
 some, cases, the process-servers de- 
 clined to act ; and, in others, the 
 processes were forcibly taken from 
 them." 
 
 It is not always a pasrimc to serve 
 processes of ejectment on a starving 
 and desperate peasantry. [Applause.] 
 
 The good Canon continues : " Allov>- 
 me to state the condition of some of 
 those on whom processes were to have 
 been served : 
 
 " Pat Grady, of Lugmore, has four- 
 teen children, thirteen of them liv- 
 ing with him in a small hut. He 
 holds about five acres of unreclaimed 
 land, for which he pays at the 
 rate of jr\ 12s. ($8) an acre. He 
 owns neither a cow nor a calf 
 He has not a morsel to feed his 
 children except the twent}--five pounds 
 of Indian meal I dole out to him each 
 week. To-day I saw his ticket from 
 a pawnbroker for his ver\- bedclothes. 
 His children sleep on straw, or on the 
 bare floor." 
 
 But the landlord wanted his rent for 
 all that. [Hisses.] 
 
 '• Pat Gormanly," ^^Tites the Canon, 
 " with five in a family, is precisely" in 
 the same destitute condition. He is 
 threatened with an ejectment for non- 
 payment of rent, while his family arti 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 29 
 
 rcarving for want of the commonest 
 food. [ Hisses, j 
 
 " I could adduce," he concludes, 
 " hundreds of cases quite as bad. 
 
 " Matthew Dasey came three times 
 for his meal. His mother had been 
 two days without food. He himself 
 staggered and fell twice from hunger, 
 on his way home." [Groans and sobs.] 
 
 These starving and staggering peas- 
 ants, when they ask for food, receive 
 from their landlords processes of eject- 
 ment. [Hisses and sobs.] 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : — I shall 
 call no more witnesses, although I 
 could summon hundreds, of character 
 unimpeached and unimpeachable, who 
 would tell you tales of wTetchedness 
 quite as harrowing, from every barony 
 and parish of the West of Ireland. I 
 have chosen to quote local testimony 
 rather than to give my own evidence, 
 because some hearers might have 
 thought, if I had described only v/hat 
 I saw myself, that the truth of my re- 
 ports of Irish destitution had been 
 warped in the fires of my indignation 
 against oppression ; and because, as I 
 have always, I trust, preferred to fight 
 on the side of the falling man, that 
 the wrongs I saw had been unduly 
 magnified by the lenses of my sympa- 
 thy for their victims. At another time 
 I - may tell what I saw in Ireland. 
 To-night I must sum up my evidence 
 in the fewest words. 
 
 I have seen sights as sad as most of 
 my witnesses have described. 
 
 I have seen hundreds of barefooted 
 and bareheaded mothers standing for 
 an hour in the rain and the chilly 
 wind, patiently and anxiously waiting 
 to get an order for Indian meal to 
 feed their famishing; children at home. 
 
 I have seen a family of five boys 
 dressed like girls, in garments rudely 
 fashioned fi-om potato-bags, because 
 their parents were too poor to buy 
 boys' clothing. 
 
 I have visited a dozen populous 
 parishes where four-fifths of the entire 
 population depended for their daily 
 bread on foreign charity. 
 
 i I have been in several villages where 
 every man, woman, and child in them 
 would have died from hunger within one 
 I month, or perhaps one week, from the 
 hour in which the rehef that they now 
 solelv relv on should be refused, be- 
 cause the men have neither a mouthful 
 of food nor any chance of earning a 
 sliilling, nor any other way of getting 
 provisions for their families until the 
 ripening of the crops in autumn. 
 
 I have entered hundreds of Irish 
 cabins in districts where the relief is 
 distributed. These cabins are more 
 . wretched than the cabins of the negroes 
 were in the darkest days of slavery. 
 The Irish peasant can neither dress as 
 ! v.ell, nor is he fed as well, as the 
 I Southern slave was fed, and dressed, 
 and lodged. Donkeys, and cows, and 
 I pigs, and hens live in the same ^\Tetched 
 room with the family. Many of these 
 j cabins nad not a single article of 
 ! bedclothing, except guano-sacks or 
 I potato-bags, and when the old folks 
 I had a blanket it was tattered and 
 ; filthy. 
 
 I I saw onlv one woman in all these 
 ; cabins whose face did not look sad 
 and care-racked, and she was dumb 
 I and idiotic. [Sensation.] 
 
 The Irish have been described by 
 : novelists and travelers ns a light- 
 I hearted.and rollicking people — full of 
 I fun and quick in repartee — equally 
 I ready to dance or to fight. I did not 
 find them so. I found them in the 
 West of Ireland a sad and despondent 
 I people; care-worn, broken-hearted, and 
 j shrouded in gloom. Never once in 
 I the hundreds of cabins that I' entered 
 I — never once, even — did I catch the 
 I thrill of a merry voice nor the light of 
 ! a joyous eye. Old men and boys, old 
 I women and girls, young men and 
 maidens — all of them, without a soli- 
 tary exception — were grave or haggard, 
 i and every household looked as if the 
 I plague of the first-bom had smitten 
 I them that hour. Rachael. weeping for 
 her children, would have passed unno- 
 ; ticed among these wann-hearted peas- 
 i . ants ; or, if she had been noticed, they 
 
30 
 
 FAAflNE AND THE LANDLORDS. 
 
 would only have said : " She is one of 
 us." [Sobs.] A home without a child 
 is cheerless enough — but here is a 
 whole land without a child's laugh in 
 it. Cabins full of children and no 
 boisterous glee ! No need to tell these 
 youngsters to be quiet. The famine has 
 tamed their restless spirits, and they 
 crouch around the bit of ])eat-fire 
 out uttering a word. Often they do 
 not look a second time at the stranger 
 who comes into their desolate cabin. 
 
 My personal investigations proved 
 that the misery that my witnesses have 
 outlined is not exceptional but repre- 
 sentative; that the Irish peasant is 
 neither indolent nor improvident, but 
 that he is the victim of laws without 
 Anercy,that v/ithout mercy are enforced; 
 and my studies, furthermore, forced me 
 to believe that the poverty I saw, and 
 the sorrow, and the wretchedness, are 
 the predetermined results of the pre- 
 meditated policy of the British Govern- 
 ment in Ireland, to drive her people 
 into exile. [Hisses.] 
 
 This, also, I believe and say — that 
 Ireland does not suffer because of over- 
 ])opulaLion, but because of over- 
 spoliation ; because she has too many 
 landlords and not enough land-owners. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Irish landlordism is in the dock to- 
 day charged with the high crime and 
 misdemeanor of starving a great people. 
 I am one of the jury that has sat and 
 taken evidence. "Guilty or not guilty ?" 
 My verdict is — guilty. [Tremendous 
 applause.] The Irish people will never 
 be prosperous until Irish landlord- 
 ism is abolished. [Long continued 
 applause.] 
 
 Let me say a few words to my 
 auditors of American birth. 
 
 Americans believe that it is Eng- 
 land that rules Ireland ; and that the 
 Irish in Ireland enjoy the same rights 
 that the English enjoy in England. 
 The belief is an error. England dele- 
 gates the most important of all legis- 
 lative powers — the power of taxation — 
 to the absentee landlord ; and he as- 
 signs the odious task of impoverishing 
 
 the people to his irresponsible agents. 
 Every Irish landlord is a little local 
 Plantagenet with no salutar}-- fear of a 
 veto by strangulation ; and the British 
 Government is only his vassal and his 
 executioner. 
 
 The Irish landlord has no more pity 
 for his tenant than the shark has for 
 the children of the sailor who falls be- 
 tween his jaws. [Applause.] If Amer- 
 ican landlords, even in law-abiding New 
 England, were to act as the Irish land- 
 lords act, they would perish by the 
 eager hands of vigilance committees. 
 [Applause.] If Shakespeare had 
 kno\\-n them, he would have made 
 Shylock an Irish landlord. [Applause.] 
 If Dante had seen the misery that 
 these miscreants have wrought, as my 
 own eyes have seen it in the West of 
 Ireland, he would have gone there to 
 paint more lurid pictures of human 
 wretchedness than he conceived in his 
 Infcnio. [Applause.] 
 
 From 1847 to 185 1, one million and 
 a half of the Irish people perished 
 from famine and the fevers that it 
 spawned. [Sensation.] This appalling 
 crime has been demonstrated by a man 
 whose love of Ireland no man ques- 
 tioned, and whose knowledge of her 
 history no man doubted — John Mit- 
 chell. [Applause.] These victims of 
 landlord greed and British power were 
 as deliberately put to death as if each 
 one of them had been forced to mount 
 the steps of a scaffold. And why ? 
 To save a vv^orse than feudal system of 
 land-tenure — for it is the feudal sys- 
 tem stripped of every duty tliat feu- 
 dalism recognized [applause] — the 
 corpse that breeds pestilence after the 
 spirit that gave protection has fled-^a 
 feudal system that every Chrisrian na- 
 tion, excepting England only, has been 
 compelled to abolish in the interests of 
 civilization. [Applause.] 
 
 Now, what are the duties of the 
 friends of Ireland ? Our first duty is 
 to feed the people who are starvin'g. 
 If I have opened your hearts, I beg 
 of you that you will not say, " God 
 help them ! " Just help them yourself. 
 
A LECTURE BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 31 
 
 They don't need more prayers. They 
 need more meal. [Applause.] 
 
 I trust that I have shown you to- 
 night, by the testimony of more than 
 ten thousand witnesses, that the ac- 
 counts of the Irish famine have not 
 been exaggerated in America. I know 
 that not one-tenth of the sad truths 
 have been told about it. It is true, I 
 hope, that not more than a score or 
 more of peasants have died from hun- 
 ger. The organs of the landlords say 
 so: and it is almost the cnlv truth that 
 they have told. No thanks to the 
 landlords for this mercy ! If the peas- 
 ants had depended on the landlords 
 for help in this their time of need, one 
 hundred thousand of them would lie 
 moldering in the graves from which 
 the charity of Australia, and Canada, 
 and America has rescued them. 
 
 My statistics were brought down to 
 the I St of March. But the latest dis- 
 patches from Ireland by cable show- 
 that the distress is 'not decreasing, but 
 increasing. The bishops and the priests 
 whom I met or who wrote to me be- 
 fore I left Ireland, and the Lord Mayor 
 of Dublin, within a week, agree in 
 sanctioning the declaration of the 
 Mansion House Committee that, " if 
 the experience of former famints be a 
 guide, the greatest distress will be found 
 in the months of June, July, and Au- 
 gust," and that " it is to be appre- 
 hended that, whilst the crops are 
 ripening, the people will perish." 
 
 A few days ago, the London Times 
 said either that the " distress was 
 diminishing," or that it " was likely 
 to decrease now." Don't believe it ! 
 The London Times rejoiced when the 
 famine of '47 swept the Irish peasantry 
 by thousands into their graves, f Hisses.] 
 It has had no change of heart. The 
 landlords would like to see the Irish 
 expelled, even by famine or by death. 
 It is no longer tlie old cry of — " To 
 Hell or Connaught ! " The landlords 
 have got Connaught now, and by and ] 
 
 by I believe that they will get . 
 
 [Roars of laughter.] You seem to 
 nisunderstand me. [Laughter.] What 
 
 I meant to say was that, whereas, once 
 the British Government drove the Irish 
 into Connaught, now it wants to drive 
 them out of it. [Laughter.] 
 
 What is the next duty of the friends 
 of Ireland ? After you have fed the 
 hungry peasant, how can you help to 
 improve his condition, permanently, 
 without acting in violation of your 
 duty as citizens of the United States ? 
 
 I answer without hesitation, and 
 with the emphasis that profound con- 
 viction alone can justify, you can help 
 him by holding up the hands of the 
 Irish National Land League in the 
 irrepressible conflict now begun be- 
 tween the people and the aristocracy 
 for peasant proprietorship. [Prolonged 
 applause.] 
 
 The English themselves established 
 the precedent of giving international 
 aid to foreign agitation for the abolition 
 of social wrongs in other lands. They 
 gave money to our antislaver/ socie- 
 ties. Let us pay it back with com- 
 pound interest. [Applause.] 
 
 They cast their bread on the Ameri- 
 can waters, and now I hope it will 
 return to them before many days. [Re- 
 newed applause.] 
 
 There are honest Americans, true 
 friends of the Irish race, who sincerely 
 believe that your duty should begin and 
 end with alms-giving. I di) not agree 
 with them. I honor the good Samari- 
 tan for binding up the wounds of the 
 traveler, but I also believe that the 
 thieves who waylaid him should have 
 been brought to the scaffold. [Ap- 
 plause.] As long as the landlords have 
 the power to rob, the peasant will be 
 his victim. His power must be broken. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 And now, with all my heart, I con- 
 gratulate the Irish people that they 
 have thrown out a banner, beneath 
 whose folds beneficent every man of 
 every creed of the Irish race can do 
 battle — the Banner of Peasant Propri- 
 etorship. [.Applause.] A banner that 
 the Home Ruler may carr)- without ab- 
 juring his just aspirations for legislative 
 independence. [Applause.] A banner 
 
32 
 
 FAMIXE AXD THE PRIESTS, 
 
 that the Separatist may adopt without 
 abandoning the other, and 1 hope the 
 coming flag of a Republican Nation- 
 ahty. [Loud applause.] 
 
 It is a banner of peace and of prog- 
 ress. For what- was statesmanship in 
 Germany and France cannot be C-om- 
 munisra in Connaught and Munster. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Archimedes said that if he could 
 find, outside of this planet, a fulcrum 
 for his lever, he could overturn the 
 world. The fulcrum that is needed to 
 overthrow Bntish tyranny in Ireland 
 is the homestead of the peasant. [Ap- 
 plause.] The man who owns his farm 
 
 is a social rock; the tenant-at-will is 
 a thistle-down. 
 
 Plant a race of peasant proprietors, 
 and by and by a crop of armed men 
 will spring up [applause] — a race of 
 men who will not beg for justice, but 
 demand it; a race of men who will 
 not agitate for independence, but de- 
 clare it. [Applause.] 
 
 The flag that will yet lead to Irish 
 nationality was first unfurled by the 
 son of an evicted tenant — Michael 
 Davitt [applause] ; and it is now up- 
 held by that rarest of all rare men in 
 Ireland, a decent landlord — Charles 
 Stewart Pamell. [Applause.] 
 
 n. 
 
 FAMINE AND THE PRIESTS. 
 
 [At a farewell banquet given in Boston, Massachusetts, to the Rev. Father Fulton, S. 
 J., Mr. Redpath made a speech on the " Irish Famine and the Irish Priests." The subjoined 
 passage of it, pubhshed ori^nally in the New York Irish- Anuruan, has been translated into 
 nearly every language of Europe:] 
 
 T DISCOVERED a new character 
 i- in Ireland — not new to Ireland, for 
 he has been a thousand years there — 
 but new to me; for, although I had 
 heard enough and had read enough 
 about him, I found that I had never 
 kno\^■n him. It was the Irish Priest 
 
 My father was a Scotch Presb}-terian, 
 and I was reared in the strictest tradi- 
 tions of that faith. No undue influ- 
 ence was ever brought to bear on my 
 youthful mind to prejudice me in favor 
 of the CathoHc Church. [Laughter.] 
 I can recall that I once heard read, 
 with a somewhat tempered approval, 
 certain kind and conciliatory remarks 
 about the de\il — written by a famous 
 Scotchman of the name of Robert 
 Bums; but I cannot remember a sin- 
 gle generous or brotherly expression of 
 regard for the Roman Catholics or for 
 their faith. They were never called 
 Catholics. They were "Papists" al- 
 ways. The Catholic Church was com- 
 
 monly referred to in my boyhood under 
 the symbolic figiu-e of a famous lady 
 — and not an estimable lady— who had 
 a peculiar fancy for scarlet garmeEts, 
 and who lived and sinned in the ancient 
 cit>- of Babylon. [Laughter.] 
 
 I believed that I had put away these 
 uncomely prejudices of my early edu- 
 carion — but the roots of them, I found, 
 must stiU have remained in my mind ; 
 for how else ceuld I explain the surprise 
 I felt — even the gratified surprise — that 
 these Irish priests were generous and 
 hospitable, and warm-hearted and culti- 
 vated gentlemen ? For so I found 
 them always ; and I met them often and 
 everj where. I believe that I have no 
 more cordial fiiends anywhere in Ire- 
 land than among the Irish priests ; and 
 I am sure that in America there is no 
 man — the words of whose creed do riot 
 keep time to the solemn music of the 
 centuries-coronated anthems of the 
 Ancient Church — who has for them a 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH, 
 
 53 
 
 more fraternal feeling or a sincerer ad- 
 miration. [Applause.] 
 
 The Irish priest is the tongue of the 
 dumb Samson of Ireland. But for the 
 Irish priest thousands of Irish peasants 
 would have been dead to-day, even 
 after ample stores of food had been 
 sent from America to save them. Many 
 a lonely village, hidden among the 
 bleak mountains of the West, would 
 have been decimated by famine if the 
 priest had not been there to tell of the 
 distress and to plead for the peasant. 
 
 The Irish priest justifies his title of 
 Father by his fatherly care of his 
 people. He toils for them from dawn 
 till midnight. 
 
 It is a vulsrar and a cruel slander to 
 represent the Irish priests as living in 
 idle luxury when Irish peasants are 
 famishing around them. I have en- 
 tered too many of their lowly homes — 
 as a stranger unexpected — but, as a 
 stranger from America, never unwel- 
 comed — I have seen too often and too 
 near their humble surroundings to listen 
 with indifference or without indignation 
 to aspersions, so unworthy and untrue. 
 I can hardly conceive of a severer test 
 to which sincerity and self-sacrifice can 
 be put than these Irish priests endure 
 without seeming to be conscious that 
 they are exhibiting uncommon courage 
 or proving that they have renounced 
 the world and its ambitions ; for — edu- 
 cated men with cultivated tastes — they 
 live in an intellectual isolation among 
 illiterate peasants, in poverty and ob- 
 scurity ; and they neither repine at their 
 fate nor mdulge in the subtile pride of 
 self-conscious self-consecration. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 For one — and, albeit, one of this 
 world only — I profoundly honor self- 
 sacrifice and self-renunciation — what- 
 ever banner they carry, whatever em- 
 blem they cherish, or whatever. tongue 
 they speak. [Applause.] 
 
 I saw one scene in Ireland that 
 lingers lovingly in my memor}\ It 
 was at a meeting, in the West, of a local 
 committee of the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough's Fund. An Irish " lord " was 
 
 the chairman, not a bad man, either — 
 for a lord; but every lord has the 
 spirit of an upstart, and this lord, at 
 times, was insolent to his betters — the 
 toilers — and a little arrogant to his 
 equals — the tradesmen of the district. 
 
 There was a deputation in the 
 room of dejected peasants from one 
 of the islands in the bay near by. 
 
 It had been reported to this com- 
 mittee that, at a sub-committee meet- 
 ing, where the orders for Indian meal 
 were distributed, the tattered and hun- 
 gry crowd had been somewhat dis- 
 1 orderly ; that is to say, they were 
 I starving, and had clamored impatiently 
 i for food, instead of waiting with pa- 
 ' tience for their petty allocations. " My 
 I lord " rebuked their ragged representa- 
 ; tives, harshly, and in a domineering 
 tone; and, without asking leave of his as- 
 sociates on the committee, he told them 
 i that if such a scene should occur again 
 j their supply of food would' be stopped. 
 ' I was astonished that he should pre- 
 ' sume to talk in such tones before any 
 American citizen — he, who ought, I 
 thought, to have his hand on his 
 mouth and his mouth in the dust, in 
 presence of the damnatory facts that 
 he lived on an estate from which peas- 
 ants, now exiles in America, had been 
 evicted by hundreds, and that neither 
 he, nor his brother, a marquis, whom 
 he represented, had given a shilling for 
 the relief of the wretched tenants on 
 his wide domains, nor reduced his 
 Shylock rental, although thousands of 
 these tenants, at that very hour, were 
 living on provisions bought by the 
 bounty of citizens of the United States 
 and of other foreign lands. 
 
 One of the ragged committee 
 I pressed the claims of his famishing 
 constituency with an eloquence that 
 I was poor in words, but rich in pathos. 
 I " My lord " said that he would try to do 
 I something for them ; but he added, 
 and again in a dictatorial tone, " that 
 although her Grace, the Duchess of 
 I Marlborough, might consent to reheve 
 them, they had no right to expect it; 
 ! that the funds were hers not theirs; 
 
34 
 
 A WELCOME TO AN IRISH STATESMAN. 
 
 that the noble lady was under no ob- 
 ligations to relieve them." 
 
 The poor man, hat in hand, was 
 going away, sorrowful. 
 
 I sat, a heretic, beside a priest, a 
 republican beside a lord ; and I thought, 
 with no little inward indignation, that I 
 was the only person in the room, and 
 I a stranger, whose heart throbbed 
 witii pity tor the stricken man. For 
 my hands were gnawing with hunger — 
 just famishing — for a taste of his lord- 
 ship's throat. [Laughter.] 
 
 But, as I looked around the room, 
 I saw a sudden flash in the priest's eye 
 that told of a power before which the 
 pride of ancestral rank is but as grass 
 before a prairie fire. 
 
 *' I beg your lordship's pardon ! " 
 said the priest, with a sublime haughti- 
 ness ; I do not agree with you. The 
 money does 7wt belong to * Her 
 Grace.' She holds the money in trust 
 only. We have a right to it. It be- 
 longs to the poor!" [Applause.] 
 
 The lord was cowed; the peasant 
 won. [Applause.] 
 
 No man but a priest, at that table, 
 would have dared to talk in that style 
 to a lord. 
 
 More than eighteen centuries have 
 passed since a Roman judge said to a 
 Missionary of the Cross : '* Almost, 
 thou persuadest me to become a 
 Christian." I do not believe that 
 
 there has lived a man since then who 
 felt more profoundly than I did at 
 that moment the spirit that prompted 
 that immortal declaration. As long as 
 that priest was in that room. I think 
 I was a loyal son of the Church. [Ap- 
 
 I plause.] 
 
 I started as if I had been in a 
 dream. Was this the nineteenth cent- 
 ury or the fifteenth ? For, again, I 
 
 j saw the arm of the lordling raised to 
 smite the poor man ; again I saw rise 
 between them the august form of the 
 
 j Mother Church; and again I saw the 
 weapon of the oppressor broken into 
 fragm.ents against the bosses of her in- 
 
 ; ^cible shield. [Applause.] And, as 
 
 I I looked at these fragments, I saw, 
 among them, the shattered relics of the 
 Pharisaical conceit that I had been the 
 sohtar}^ sympathizer with the poor man. 
 I did not pick them up. I shall have 
 
 I no use for them m this world again. 
 
 i I had throv.-n down an in\-isible gage 
 
 I of battle ; the priest had taken it up, 
 
 : and I had been defeated. The Cross 
 had conquered me. [Applause.] And 
 henceforth, — under what flag soever I 
 
 • may fight, — whenever I see the white 
 banner of the Irish priest pass by, I 
 shall dip my own colors in salutation 
 to it, in memory and in honor of his 
 beneficent devotion to the famishing 
 Irish peasant during the famine of 
 
 , 1880. [Long-continued applause.] 
 
 m. 
 
 A WELCOME TO AN IRISH STATES:\IAN. 
 
 [On the 22d of May, the Irish- Americans of New York gave a great out-of-door reception in 
 Jones's Woods in honor of Michael Davitt. After speeches by Mr. Davitt, Mr. John Dillon, and 
 Mr. Mooney, editor of the New York Star, Mr. Redpath was introduced and received with 
 great enthusiasm. He said : ] 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : 1 ance is a truth, then the men whom the 
 
 ONE of the great poets of the olden ; gods most admire are the peasantry of 
 time has said that the gods look Ireland. [Cheers.] For they have 
 down in admiration on every brave man bravely struggled with adversity for 
 struggling with adversity. If this utter- seven hundred years. [CheersJ 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 35 
 
 'The truest test of human greatness is 
 not to be found in the power to rise in 
 the world — for sometimes, you know, 
 both in American society and Ameri- 
 can poUtics, the buzzards rise as well 
 as the eagles. [Laughter.] The touch- 
 stone of character is not what a man 
 does when he is standing and strong, 
 but v.'hat he does when he is weak and 
 on his back. Weak men and weak 
 races are conquered when . they are 
 once overthrown ; but great men and 
 great races spring to their feet again 
 and fight. [Cheers.] The Irish peo- 
 ple have been overwhelmed, the Irish 
 people have been prostrated, again 
 and again, but the Irish people have 
 never yet surrendered — the Irish peo- 
 ple have never failed to strike back 
 whenever they have had the oppor- 
 tunity, and they have never failed to 
 make the opportunity. [Cheers.] . . . 
 
 You all know that the history of 
 Ireland is rich in dramatic episodes. 
 Let me tell you one of them that her 
 coming historians, I think, will chronicle, 
 and her poets of the coming time will 
 sing. During that long reign of terror 
 in Ireland — from 1847 to 1852 — when 
 the Irish people fainted and staggered, 
 from hunger and fever, into their graves 
 by tens of thousands and by hundreds 
 of thousands, the landlords of Ireland, 
 pitiless as death, unpitying as famine, 
 armed crowbar brigades to pull down 
 the roofs that still sheltered these gaunt 
 and gasping peasants. [Hisses.] Dur- 
 ing one of those black years, the crow- 
 bar brigade came to the cabin of a 
 farmer in Mayo. He was an honest 
 man and honored by his neighbors, 
 and he had never failed to pay every 
 debt. But the failure of the crops had 
 ruined him. The landlord, deaf to 
 pleas for tmie, turned this farmer and 
 his wife and their children into the road- 
 side. Down came the roof that had 
 sheltered them, down came the cabin 
 that they had built. [Hisses.] Among 
 he children thus flung into the world 
 penniless, unsheltered, was one bright- 
 eyed boy. He looked on in silence at 
 work of destruction. This boy had 
 
 been brought up (as all the boys in the 
 West of Ireland had been brought 
 up) in the belief that the lords of the 
 soil were not the social only but the 
 moral and intellectual superiors of the 
 "common people," and that it was 
 right and proper to respect and even 
 reverence them. But this demonry 
 caused this boy to begin to doubt and 
 think ; and when the sons of the peo- 
 ple begin to doubt and think it is time 
 for tyrants to begin to pray and trem- 
 ble. [Cheers. J By and by, that boy's 
 thoughts ripened into aspirations and 
 his aspirations into actions. He soon 
 saw — to use an illustration from recent 
 histor)' — that if to pull down the Ven- 
 dome Column was an act of vandal- 
 ism, it was equally an act, and a 
 greater act, of vandalism to puU down 
 the cabin of a peasant. [Cheers.] He 
 saw that if to take property without 
 recompense from the owner of prop- 
 erty is communism, then • the great 
 landlords of the Weit of Ireland are the 
 wickedest communists now livins:. 
 [ Cheers.] That boy, when a young man, 
 was arrested and by perjured witnesses 
 he was sent for seven years to prison. In 
 the English house of bondage he sen-ed 
 a full apprenticeship to liberty, and he 
 left it a master mechanic in the noble 
 art of destroying despotism. [ Cheers. ] 
 Last spring, that boy — now a 
 bearded man — went down to visit the 
 ruins of his father's house. His friends 
 had been there before him. They 
 had built over the ruined walls of his 
 father's cabin a platfonn, and on that 
 platform, fearless and incorruptible and 
 unconquerable — time's latest incarna- 
 tion of the indomitable spirit of 
 the Irish peasantry — Michael Davitt 
 stepped forth to unfurl the banner of 
 peasant proprietor}- ! [Cheers.] I do 
 not know in our own American history 
 a more dramatic episode, save one only 
 — and that was when our boys in blue 
 tramped tlirough Virginia and sang, ten 
 thousand voices strong, as they passed 
 the spot where the martyr of Harper's 
 Ferry died for a race oppressed, 
 "John Brown's body lies a-niolder- 
 
36 A WELCOME TO AiV IRISH STATESMAN. 
 
 ing in the grave, but his soul goes 
 marching on 1 " [Cheers.] Thatruined 
 cabin where Michael Davitt threw out 
 the flag of the Irish Land War will be 
 pointed out in time to come as the 
 Runnymede of the Irish people. For 
 a greater victory than Magna Charta 
 was won there. The English barons 
 wrested from King John a compact 
 that has been praised for centuries, and 
 yet it is the charter not of English 
 liberty but of English bondage. It 
 granted privileges to the aristocracy — 
 but not a single right to the people. 
 The barons demanded everything for 
 themselves and granted nothing to 
 their followers. I^iichael Davitt asked 
 nothing for himself, but everything for 
 the people. [Cheers.] That meeting at 
 Irishtown, in the County Mayo, was the 
 ceremony of the coronation of liberty in 
 Ireland. On that platform, for the first 
 time in Irish histor}', the Irish people 
 themselves came to the front — no 
 longer looking up to leaders or cham- 
 pions, no longer following men of a 
 higher social order, but marching 
 breast to breast, as if in military array, 
 and receiving the words of command 
 from a man in their own ranks. 
 [Cheers.] It was no longer the Irish 
 patrician claiming rights for his cHcnts. 
 It was the dumb Samson of Ireland 
 himself who had found his voice and 
 was uttering his demands for justice. 
 I congratulate Ireland for having given 
 birth to a man who has taught in lib- 
 erty what he learned in bondage. 
 He has broken the Irish Samson's 
 fetters and they can never be riveted 
 again ! [Cheers.] 
 
 But he has a higher claim on yolir 
 support and admiration. I think he is 
 the greatest statesman that Ireland has 
 ever produced. [Cheers from the audi- 
 
 ; ence. Mr. Davitt blushed, and said, 
 pleadingly, " Oh don't, don't ! "] 
 
 I mean no blarney — I didn't kiss 
 
 i the stone. [Laughter.] I mean exactly 
 what I say. What is statesmanship ? 
 It is not the power to see and to de- 
 nounce a national evil. That is the 
 function of the reformer or agitator. 
 The statesman is he who has the gift 
 to see a wrong and the cause of it, 
 and to apply a remedy that will 
 cure it. Among all Irish leaders, 
 Michael Davitt, and he only, has 
 
 I clearly seen the cause of Irish mis- 
 ery, and he only has had the cour- 
 age to prescribe the true remedy. 
 [Cheers.] If you think that I am extol- 
 ling our honored guest extravagantly, I 
 ask you, when you go to your own 
 homes, to review the history of Ire- 
 land, and you will find that while 
 one leader urged that this branch, 
 and another leader urc;ed that another 
 branch of the upas-tree of English mis- 
 government should be lopped off, 
 Michael Davitt was the first man whose 
 clear eyes saw, and whose brave tongue 
 said : " Cut down the whole tree — trunk 
 and branches [cheers], and then dig up 
 
 j the roots." [Cheers.] L'ntil the power of 
 the Irish landlords is utterly destroyed ; 
 until there is not a landlord — good, 
 bad, or indifferent — in all Ireland ; 
 until every farmer owns his own land, 
 and tills it — Ireland will never cease to 
 be a rebel at home and a beggar abroad. 
 
 I [Cheers.] 
 
 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATII. 
 
 37 
 
 IV. 
 
 A SOUPER-JEW'S IRISH POLICY. 
 
 [Mr. Redpath was a guest at the banquet given to Mr. Parnell, at Cork, on his return from 
 the United States. He was invited to respond to the toast of "America." Mr. Redpath said:] 
 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 IF I had been called on to respond to 
 the loyal toast that usually opens 
 British festivities, I should have per- 
 emptorily refused to do so, for the rea- 
 sons that I was a man before I was a 
 guest, and that I am too old a man to 
 become a flunkey. [Applause.] But 
 for a very different reason I must de- 
 cline with equal peremptoriness to re- 
 spond to the toast of America. [Cries 
 of" Why? Why?"] 
 
 Mr. Redpath.: — Because America is 
 so great and so good a country that 
 there is no man either great or good 
 enough to represent her. [Cheers.] 
 So, I must speak, if I speak at all, not 
 for America, but as an American. 
 [Applause and cries of" Go on!"] 
 
 I am going home. [Cries of" No, 
 no."] British politics are too much for 
 me. In my own country — in the IMark 
 Lane Express of the mind market — I 
 think I would have been quoted as 
 ranging " from fair to middling " in 
 intelligence ; but here, I confess, I can- 
 not understand even the alpha and 
 omega, the first and the last verbal 
 symbols of British philosophy. I re- 
 fer to Jingo and Decomposition. 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 After a humorous account of the 
 origin of the word Jingo, Mr. Redpath 
 continued : 
 
 And now comes that word of direct 
 import — the philological specter, 
 evoked from the tomb of a dead lan- 
 guage to frighten Anglo-Saxon men 
 withal, by the distinguished country- 
 man of the Witch of Endor — Beacons- 
 field's Decomposition ! Heavens ! what 
 a fright it gave England! Irishmen 
 do not get scared quite so easily as Eng- 
 lishmen ; for where banshees are as com- 
 mon as good landlords are rare it 
 
 needs a more terrible ghost than Bea- 
 consfield can raise to frighten them. 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 But, gentlemen, I cannot talk with 
 levity about this man Beaconsfield. 1 
 have no respect for any man who does 
 not love liberty, and who would not 
 fight for liberty — not for himself only, 
 or his own race only, but for all men 
 and for all races. I especially despise 
 men, members of races that have been 
 oppressed, who aid in the oppression 
 of other races. I never met an Irish- 
 man in the United States, v;hen slavery 
 existed there, for whom, if he supported 
 the oppression of the black man, I had 
 ever more than two words : Damn 
 him! [Loud cheers. Here a priest 
 rose and drank Mr. Redpath's health.] 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — I bej^ the reverend 
 Father's pardon. [Shouts of laughter.] 
 I did not mean to swear, and I did 
 not swear — I only used an American 
 expression to show my contempt for a 
 recreant Irishman, and every Irishman 
 who does not love liberty for all men 
 is a recreant to his race and faith! 
 [Cheers.] But with all my heart and 
 soul and strength I especially despise 
 that man who, by his genius, his fame 
 and his high rank, is entitled to be re- 
 garded as the representative Flebrew 
 of our times — the representative of a 
 race that for nineteen centuries has 
 been persecuted for religion's sake — 
 who, false to his adopted creed, and 
 false to the grand traditions of his 
 people, within a few days has sought 
 (as Beaconsfield sought by his letter to 
 the Duke of Marlborough) to arouse 
 against the Irish people, for partisan 
 purposes, the religious animosities of 
 the English nation. [Cheers.] For 
 that is what he vried to do. [Cheers.] 
 
 Ireland demands Home Rule. 
 
38 
 
 A SOUPER-JEW 
 
 S IRISH POLICY. 
 
 Beaconsfield asserts that Home Rule 
 means the Decomposition of the 
 British Empire. All Jingodom re- 
 plies : " I thank thee, Jev/, for teaching 
 us that word," and truly they seem to 
 roll it as a sweet morsel under their 
 tongues. « 
 
 What does it mean ? I have trav- 
 eled in every province of British North 
 America from the ocean to the lakes — 
 in Newfoundland, in Prince Edward's 
 Island, in Nova Scotia, in New Bruns- 
 wick, in Quebec, and in Ontario. Each 
 of these provinces has an independent 
 legislature, and an independent exec- 
 utive, and five of them have clubbed 
 together to support a sub-imperial 
 Parliament. Newfoundland, with about 
 half the population of Dublin, has not 
 only a legislature and executive for 
 the Island, but a city government for 
 St. John — with such privileges as 
 Dublin never yet has secured — and 
 she refused to join in the New Domin- 
 ion Confederation, although all the 
 moral and social influence of the 
 Imperial Government was brought to 
 bear to induce her to join it. Is not 
 this Decomposition? Six Home Rule 
 Governments and one Home Rule 
 sub-Imperial Parliament for a popula- 
 tion about one-third less than the pop- 
 ulation of Ireland ! And what is the 
 result of this Decomposition policy ? 
 The Dominion is largely settled by 
 Frencli Catholics whom England con- 
 quered. These original colonists have 
 kept themselves aloof both in social life, 
 in religion, and in politics from British 
 society, British churchianity and British 
 politics. But they never rebel. The 
 Dominion is largely populated by 
 Irishmen from Connaught and Mun- 
 ster. They hate England as cordially 
 as they hated her at home. But they 
 never rebel. Why? They can't in- 
 vent an excuse. [Laughter.] They 
 have Home Rule. [Applause.] British 
 soldiers and Irish constables are as 
 thick in Ireland as lice and flies were 
 in Egypt during the land agitation 
 there. Ireland is disloyal. There is 
 not a British soldier from the Atlantic 
 
 to the Pacific — not one; the Canadians 
 know that if they wanted to rebel, men 
 by thousands and money by millions 
 would pour over to their aid; yet 
 Canada and her sisters are loyal. Now, 
 if this is the work of Decomposition, 
 wouldn't it be a v/ise policy to try the 
 effect of that sort of manure in Ireland 
 [laughter], where the crop of loyalty is 
 a greater failure than the potato crop 
 ever was ? [Applause.] 
 
 Now, take an aerial trip around the 
 world in forty seconds, and you will 
 find in Van Dieman's Land, in New 
 Zealand, and in Australia, again, 
 independent legislatures and indepen- 
 dent executives : Home Rule every- 
 where and loyalty everywhere, al- 
 though there are Irishmen everywhere. 
 [Laughter.] There are tens of thou- 
 sands of men in those colonies who 
 hate the British monarchy, and yet you 
 could not kick the newest world out of 
 the British Empire. Why ? Decom 
 position ! 
 
 I have been in two disaflected 
 countries under British rule — Ja- 
 maica and Ireland. There is no Home 
 Rule in Jamaica and no Home Rule 
 in Ireland. The principle of the In- 
 tegrity of the Empire (as this souper- 
 Jew calls imperial misgovcrnment) is 
 enforced in the tropics as well as in 
 this island of yours. No race ever 
 owed so deep a debt of gratitude to 
 a foreign government as the black and 
 brown men of Jamaica owe to the 
 people of England. The people of 
 England forced their Government to 
 stretch its strong right hand across 
 the Atlantic and break the shackles of 
 the Jamaica slave. But the blacks 
 are poor and discontented; and the 
 browns are poor and disaffected ; and 
 the whites growl whether they are 
 really discontented or not. Why are 
 the people discontented ? Because 
 they do not govern themselves. Why 
 are they poor ? Why is Ireland poor ? 
 The toiling and hard-fisted absentee 
 landlords and their organs say because 
 you are lazy, and because the soil is 
 poor and overpeopled. Well, the laziest 
 
J SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 39 
 
 man might make a good living in the 
 tropics, and the negroes are not lazy. 
 It cannot be said that Jamaica is over- 
 peopled or that her soil is poor. If 
 God ever made a more beautiful or a 
 more fertile island than Jamaica, He 
 did not put it on this planet. It is the 
 brightest gem of ocean that ever 
 dropped here from the coronet of the 
 Creator. [Applause.] Jamaica is 
 poor as Ireland is poor, because Eng- 
 land maintains there, as she supports 
 here, the power of the absentee land- 
 lord,and delegates to him, unquestioned 
 and unchecked, the power of arbitrary 
 taxation in the form of rent. And Ja- 
 maica, like Ireland, will never prosper 
 until the absentee is made a permanent 
 absentee; until no man is permitted, 
 under any pretext, to possess land that 
 he does not dwell on and till. [Ap- 
 plause.] • 
 
 I thought statesmanship was a prac- 
 tical science — to be judged by its 
 
 fruits; and yet I hear your Prime 
 Minister applauding a policy that 
 everywhere produces poverty and dis- 
 affection, and denouncing as Decom- 
 position a policy that yields abundant 
 mcrease of loyalty and prosperity. I 
 hear great statesmen, so called, extoll- 
 ing his utterances. 
 
 I cannot understand it. I am going 
 home. [Laughter.] I am too old to 
 comprehend such statesmanship. 
 [Laughter.] I am going home — to a 
 land where no appeals are made to 
 arouse religious animosities, because 
 even toleration is not tolerated where 
 all men are free and all men are equal; 
 to a land where every poor man can 
 have a home that neither crown nor 
 landlord can confiscate or disturb ; to a 
 land — I say it with the profoundest rev- 
 erence — after God's own heart [cheers], 
 because its government is a govern- 
 ment of the people, and ^pr the people, 
 and by the people. [Cheers.] 
 
 CONFISCATION AND EXCOMMUNICATION. 
 
 [Mr. Redpath was at the village of Leenane, in Conneniara, on August 28, 1S80. It was a fair 
 day. He was called on to make a speech. " 1 saw before me," he said in a recent letter, "a road- 
 side full of barefooted women and frieze-coated men ; I knew that there was a fierce spirit 
 brooding among them at the exactions of the landlords, and that if some bloodless, but pitiless, 
 policy was not advocated, there would soon be killings of landlords and land agents all over the 
 West ; and so I made up my mind to advocate a thorough system of social ostracism — I called 
 it social excommunication — it is now called Boycotting— for the protection of the tenants, whom 
 American charity had kept alive since the preceding autumn. I did not know that there was a 
 short-hand writer present until a full report of my talk appeared in the Dublin papers. This 
 report was immediately telegraphed to all the leading journals of England and Scotland, and 
 if I didn't * wake up and find myself famous,' it was because I woke them up and found myself 
 famous. Even down to the Coercion debate this speech and the Clare Morris speech were 
 represented in England as an appeal to incite an insurrection in Ireland I" The report sub- 
 joined is from the Dublin A'ation. Mr. Redpath, after the cheering had s>ubsrded, putting 
 on his hat, after having lifted it to the audience, said : ] 
 
 YOU will excuse me if I keep on my 
 hat. We Americans never speak 
 with uncovered heads to any one, and 
 never lift our hats except to return a 
 salutation. [Cheers.] . There is too 
 much hat-lifting in Ireland. I want 
 you to promise me that you will never 
 lift your hat to any man because he 
 
 owns land or because he is rich. [-Vp- 
 plause.J Never do honor to men who 
 do no honor to human nature. 
 
 This is the second time I have visited 
 the West of Ireland. I came over here 
 last winter to find out whether the Irish 
 people were starving, and if they were 
 s^^arving why they were starving. When 
 
CONFISCATION AND EXCOMMUNICATION 
 
 I went back, the AmericaRs asked me 
 what was the cause of the misery I 
 described. Was it the potato-blight ? 
 No, I said, it is the landlord-blight. 
 [Cheers.] I told the Americans, and I 
 say here to-day, that the exactions of 
 the landlords have done more to ruin 
 the Irish people than the potato-blight 
 and the famine-fever combined. 
 [Cheers.] I do not come to Ireland 
 to make speeches, but to hear them. 
 But now that I'm here 
 
 A Voice. — "You're welcome." 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — I will tell you how 
 Irish politics look to an American. 
 The first meeting of this kind that I 
 attended in Ireland vras in the Queen's 
 County. I saw there, as I see here, a 
 number of constables in attendance, 
 armed and equipped as soldiers. I 
 asked Michael Davitt 
 
 A Voice. — " Three cheers for Davitt." 
 [Cheers.] ^ 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — Whether there was 
 likely to be a riot. No, he said, the 
 consiables were there to try and ovcr- 
 .awe the people. But, he added, they 
 -can't do it. [Cheers.] When I described 
 that meeting in the American papers, I 
 think nothing I wrote created more 
 indignation against the British Govem- 
 nient than the fact that the people of 
 Ireland cannot assemble peaceably to 
 discuss their wrongs without having a 
 squad of constabulary on the spot to 
 overawe them. I lectured in America 
 .about the famine here, and I was the 
 means, simply by telling the truth, of 
 raising money for the starving people 
 of the ^^'est. The organ of the Arch- 
 bishop of Boston said I raised ^20,000. 
 Now, I think we Americans have a 
 mortgage on your crops, and I have 
 .come over to look after our mortgages. 
 I didn't raise that money for the land- 
 lords; and I am here to-day to find out 
 whether you're going to give it to the 
 landlords? [Cries of"Nol No!"] 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — Faith, I think that 
 if the Irish people pay over American 
 money to the landlords, the best thing 
 that could happen to Ireland woiild be 
 a blight of the men and let the ould 
 
 i seed die out and wait till the young 
 crop of champions get ripe. [ Laughter 
 and cheers.] I know that the young 
 Irish children — the new crop — arc go- 
 ing to assert their rights. 
 
 At the house where I board in Dub- 
 lin I heard the ladv laucrhins; the other 
 day, and I asked her why she was 
 laughing. She said she had just come 
 from the back-yard where her children, 
 two girls and a boy, were playing. The 
 boy was marching up and down with a 
 broomstick on his shoulder like a gun, 
 and the girls v/ere pretending to be 
 
 I weeping beside a lot of boards that 
 were thrown down. 
 
 ; The lady asked what was the matter. 
 
 ; The boy said : " We're playing at 
 
 I evictions, and the constables have torn 
 
 : down our house, and I'm waiting till 
 the landlord comes to shoot him." 
 [" Hear, hear," and cheers.] 
 
 The young crop is all right and I've 
 faith in the ould seed too. [Laughter.] 
 
 I A Voice. — " Down with the con- 
 stables." 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — No ; let them alone. 
 Most of them are right good fellows 
 with Irish hearts ; they sympathize 
 with their people ; they know they are 
 doing mean work, but it is their duty, 
 and they are not the men to blame. 
 [Applause.] Now, I'll tell you how the 
 Irish land agitation looks to an Ameri- 
 can. When any one asks for money 
 from an American he never gets it un- 
 less there is a good reason for giving it. 
 . Before we would pay rent we would 
 j ask a landlord for his title. Suppose 
 the Irish people were to do that, what 
 would be the result ? 
 I There are three good and valid titles 
 ; to land, and only three. The best title 
 j would be a title from the Creator. The 
 j Bible tells us that Moses gave that tide. 
 Nobody could dispute such a title. But, 
 then, Moses never was in Ireland, and 
 so we needn't discuss this supreme title 
 to land. The next best title to land is 
 founded on the truth that the land of 
 I a country belongs to all the people of 
 ] the countr}'. Now if all the people, by 
 their representatives, give titles to pri' 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 41 
 
 vate property in land, that title is abso- 
 lutely good, subject to whatever subse- 
 quent modifications may be needed for 
 the promotion of the general welfare. 
 That is the title by which private prop- 
 erty in land is held in the United States. 
 But there is no such title to land in 
 Ireland. The Irish people never agreed 
 to sell their lands to the stranger. 
 A Voice. — " Never." [Applause.] 
 Mr. Redpath. — Before the English 
 invasion the land belonged neither to 
 the Irish kings nor chiefs, but to the 
 sept; and the legal heirs to the old 
 Irish septs are the whole people of Ire- 
 land of to-day. The third good title to 
 land is the title conferred by military 
 conquest. That is an absolutely vahd 
 title in law — but it is good only until 
 the conquered people re-assert their 
 rights [cheers] — not a day longer ! 
 Now, this is not a philosophical the- 
 ory — it is international law. Two 
 or three hundred years ago, the Ger- 
 mans were at war with France, and 
 France seized and held two German 
 provinces. A few years ago, France 
 and Germany went to war again, and 
 Germany seized and kept its old prov- 
 inces of Alsace and Lorraine, and every 
 Government in Europe, including the 
 EngUsh Government, recognized the 
 right of Gemiany to hold those prov- 
 inces. Well, that shuts their mouths 
 when you say that the lands that Crom- 
 well stole are yours, and that the de- 
 scendants of the psalm-singing savages 
 who butchered men and women and 
 unborn babes and stole their lands have 
 no legal claim either to rent or pur- 
 chase-money. No man should be paid 
 for property until he can show that he 
 has a just title to it. I have no respect 
 for the Irishman who talks of fair rents 
 and fixity of tenure as a solution of 
 Irish distress. No rent can be fair un- 
 less the man who claims it has a valid 
 title to the land. 
 
 Fixity of tenure is only a pretext 
 for legalizing and perpetuating the 
 curse of Cromwell. The larger part of 
 the soil of Ireland is held by tides 
 given by Elizabeth, Cromwell, or, viler 
 
 still, by William of Orange — titles ren- 
 dered possible only by the shameless 
 violation of the treaty of Limerick. 
 Why, the descendants of the men who 
 now hold these lands ought to be 
 right glad to give up their land without 
 money and without price. They should 
 be grateful that you do not insist 
 that they shall pay back all the rent 
 that they have collected for the last 
 two hundred years. [Cheers.] They 
 ought to be made to pay you compen- 
 sation for disturbance to your ances- 
 tors ! I suppose there are Fenians 
 here ? [Cries of '-Yes," and cheers.] 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — Well, now, let me 
 talk very plainly about two tender 
 topics. I honor every man who sheds 
 his blood for his country, or who 
 is willing to do it. But there is no 
 need of bloodshed. You can get all 
 your rights without violence. Don't 
 play into the hands of the English 
 Government or the landlords by doing 
 acts of violence. They would like to 
 get you into trouble. They have ruled 
 you for centuries by playing off one 
 party against another — Orangeman 
 against Catholic, and now Catholic 
 against Atheist. Don't be fooled ! It 
 is of no sort of consequence to you 
 VN'hether a man goes to the Catholic 
 church, or the Protestant church, or to 
 no church at all — it is none of your bus- 
 iness — but no matter what he believes 
 or does not believe, if he fights for Ire- 
 land, stand by him. [Cheers.] I de- 
 spise, from the bottom of my heart, 
 every Irish M. P. who denounced 
 Bradlaugh, who has always been the 
 friend of Ireland, and then supported 
 the souper-Jew, Bc'aconsfield, who has 
 always been your enemy. Denounce . 
 both or neither ; but if you must de- 
 nounce one, curse the man whom 
 O'Connell called the lineal descendant 
 of the impenitent thief. [Cheers.] 
 
 Now, 1 s'hall talk very plainly about 
 another thin 5. I understand that an 
 attempt was made to disorganize this 
 meeting or prevent it, because a priest 
 somewhere here did not approve of it. 
 If that is the truth I can afford to speak 
 
42 
 
 CONFISCATION AND 
 
 EXCOMMUNICA TION. 
 
 my mind, and I shall do it. No man 
 in America, has uttered such eulogistic 
 words about the Irisli priests — words 
 of sincere and heartfelt admiration for 
 their conduct during the famine — as I 
 have written and spoken. But if any 
 priest tells you that it is your religious 
 duty to pay rack-rents, or if he defends 
 the landlords in their exactions — then 
 tell him that you will pay him the duty 
 you owe to him as a Catholic in spirit- 
 ual affairs, but that you will mind your 
 own business in wordly affairs without 
 his help. I honor the Irish priests be- 
 cause they are Irish patriots, and be- 
 cause, with all the wealth of England 
 and the landlords to bribe them, so very 
 few of them have been muzzled by 
 money or cheap pasturage. But be- 
 cause you must shed no blood and do 
 no violence, you must be men and not 
 allow any human being to dictate to 
 you. If an Irish priest is a patriot also 
 — only a handful of them are not both 
 — then honor him both as a priest and 
 patriot ; but if he is not a patriot, obey 
 as a priest only. I have been told that 
 there are in some parts of Mayo priests 
 who say you should pay rents in order 
 to obey the injunction, " Render unto 
 Caesar the things that are Caesar's." 
 Why, Caesar is dead. [Laughter.] He 
 never was in Ireland, and a man of the 
 name of Brutus once rendered unto 
 Caesar the only tribute justly due to a 
 tyrant — a dagger through his heart. 
 Now, don't render unto any sort of Irish 
 Caesar such a tribute. There was no 
 sort of need of violence at all. Will any 
 good Catholic tell you that you rightfully 
 owe tribute to the men who hold lands 
 that were stolen from your forefathers 
 because they refused to give up the 
 Catholic faith — because they refused 
 to swear that the Mass was an abom- 
 ination ? You dishonor your martyred 
 sires by advancing such a plea. Was 
 Cromwell — the demon of Drogheda — 
 a second Moses, empowered for ages 
 to tax this people, and dispose of their 
 lands ? Englishmen will not grant the 
 Crown supplies for more than one year 
 at a time— they know they can't trust 
 
 the aristocracy — and yet it is claimed 
 that it is right for the dead Cromwell's 
 'taxes to be levied in Ireland for two 
 hundred years after his death for the 
 
 I benefit of the descendants of the sol- 
 diers who massacred your forefathers — 
 not in battle only, but in cold blood. 
 If any priest teaches such doctrine tell 
 him to go to church and mind his own 
 business — that there, and there only, 
 you will obey him. [Cheers.J It is 
 time for plain talk all round ! 
 
 We Americans, without regard to 
 Cromwellian theories, do not believe 
 that any class of men, and especially 
 the Irish landlords, have any right to 
 drive the native population off in order 
 to put sheep .and bullocks on their 
 homesteads. There will be no pros- 
 perity in, Ireland until every tenant is 
 his own landlord, and every landlord 
 his own tenant. [Cheers.] How 
 are you going to conquer? I told you 
 not by bloodshed. Don't play into 
 the hands of the landlords in that way. 
 Do nothing that the constables or mili- 
 tary can arrest you for doing. If you do 
 England can throw fifty to one against 
 you, and that is what the landlords 
 want. [Cheers.] Organize! If every 
 tenant-farmer in Ireland stood shoulder 
 to shoulder the English Government 
 w'ould be powerless to help the land- 
 lords. They could never evict a v/hole 
 people. Be united, do no violence, and 
 by the operation of the law and the 
 result of your union, the landlords will 
 soon be thrown into the courts of 
 bankruptcy. [Great cheers.] 
 
 Call up the terrible power of social 
 excommunicadon ! If any man is 
 evicted from his holding let no man 
 take it. If any man is mean enough 
 to take it don't shoot him, but treat 
 him as a leper. Encircle him with 
 scorn and silence. Let no man or 
 
 • woman talk to him, or to his wife or 
 children. If his children appear in the 
 streets, don't let your children speak 
 to them. If they go to school take- 
 your children away. If the man goes 
 to buy goods in a shop, tell the shop- 
 keeper that if he deals with him you 
 
A SPEECH' BY JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 43 
 
 will never trade with him again. If the 
 man or his folks go to church leave it 
 as they enter. If even death comes, 
 let the man die unattended, save by 
 the priest, and let him be buried un- 
 pitied. The sooner such men die the 
 better for Ireland! If the landlord 
 takes the land himself let no man work 
 for him. Let his potatoes remain un- 
 dug, his grass uncut, his crop wither 
 in the field. This dreadful power, more 
 potent than armies — the power of social 
 excommunication — has only been used 
 in our- time by despots in the interests 
 of despotism. Use it, you, for justice! 
 No man can stand up against it except 
 heroes, and heroes don't take the land 
 from which a man has been evicted. 
 In such a war, the only hope of success 
 is to wage it without a blow — but 
 without pity. 
 
 You must act as one man. Bayonets 
 shrivel up like dry grass in presence of 
 a people who will neither fight them nor 
 submit to tyranny. 
 
 Americans will never give money 
 again to the Irish tenants if they take 
 it to pay landlords. If the landlords 
 are poor let them work as we do. If 
 some one must starve in Ireland let the 
 landlords starve. [Cheers.] Turnabout 
 is fair play, and it is their turn now. 
 But be united; don't quarrel among 
 yourselves. The landlords have ruled 
 you long enough by stimulating dissen- 
 sion in your own ranks. They are 
 united. Every quarrel among patriots 
 is worse than a hundred evictions. 
 
 [Cheers.] Act as one man ! [Cheers.] 
 [Mr. Redpath subsequently found 
 that the parish curate at Leenane 
 (although he did not name him) had 
 been unjustly accused of hostility to 
 the Land League ; that he was absent 
 on clerical duty in the islands at the 
 time of thejneeting; and that he was 
 not only friendly to the movement but 
 president of a local branch. The un- 
 pleasantness originated in some hered- 
 itary feud between two prominent 
 famihes in the neighborhood. Mr. 
 Redpath, on being invited by Father 
 Ganly to speak at his meeting at 
 Maam, replied as fellows : 
 
 Clonbur, September 25. 
 My Dear Sir : I regret that my 
 duties will not permit me to accept 
 your invitation to attend the land meet- 
 ing at Maam on the 3d of October 
 next, and the more especially as I am 
 convinced that I did you an uninten- 
 tional injustice in believing that you 
 were hostile to the great and beneficent 
 movement that seeks without violence 
 to restore the land of Ireland to the 
 people of Ireland. If priests and peo- 
 ple will cooperate and work with a 
 hearty zeal for this noble end, the land- 
 lords of Ireland will soon be made to 
 feel that it is impossible to impoverish 
 a race without their consent, and that 
 in the presence of a united people con- 
 stables are impotent and armies una- 
 vailing. Very truly yours, 
 
 James Redpath.] 
 
44 
 
 MOST TREASOXABLE SPEECH^ 
 
 VI. 
 
 "A MOST TREASONABLE SPEECH/' 
 
 [Mr. Redpath was at Clare Morris, County Mayo, in September, 1880. During his stay, 
 he was told that the more fiery spirits among the Fenians, or "advanced Nationalists," angry 
 at the refusal of the Dublin LS.nd League to appropriate money for the purchase of rifles, had 
 sworn that they would break up the next Land League meetings in that neighborhood. Mr. 
 Redpath was urged by a leading member of the Land League to make a speech at a meeting to 
 which the leading Fenians would be invilcd, in order to show them that, in his judgment, ihc 
 only hope for the Irish peasantry lay in the adoption of a bloodless policy, and that to oppose 
 any sincere effort to lighten the burdens of the people would be as disastrous to the hopes of the 
 Separatists as to the methods of the Agitators. The speech had the effect of producing harmony 
 among tlie people. It was telegraphed quite fully to the English and Scotch journals, and 
 aroused a whirlwind of abuse. It was pronounced a most treasonable speech." This report is 
 from the Castlebar Telegraph, with the passages that had to be suppressed as seditious restored. "I 
 
 League 
 
 A LARGE meeting of the Clare Mor 
 ris branch of the Land 
 Avas held on Sunday. 
 
 The Rev. James Corbett, C. C, 
 was called to the chair. He spoke in 
 very flattering terms of the services of 
 Mr. Redpath, both in arousing Ameri- 
 can sympathy for the starving ten- 
 antry of Ireland during last winter in 
 America, and thereby sending large 
 sums of money to save them from 
 starvation, and also by his vindication 
 of the character of the Irish peasantry 
 against the persistent and mahgnant 
 aspersions of the English press. [Ap- 
 plause.] No man in Ireland or out of 
 it had done more than Mr. Redpath to 
 expose the iniquities of Irish landlord- 
 ism, and to bring the Irish land ques- 
 tion in its true light before the civilized 
 world, and thereby force a just settle- 
 ment of it before the English Parlia- 
 ment. [Loud applause.] His name 
 was a household word in every cabin 
 in Ireland, and his tribute to the Irish 
 priests one of the most touching and 
 eloquent vindications of their spiritual 
 guides that had ever appeared in the 
 English language. 
 
 Mr. Redpath, on rising, was re- 
 ceived with loud cheers, and cries of 
 "A thousand welcomes, and long life 
 to you," and " Three cheers for the 
 Stars and Stripes." He said : 
 
 Reverend Father and Gentlemen : — 
 This is my second visit to Clare Morris. 
 
 I was here last winter to see and to 
 describe the distress that then existed 
 here, and one of the sunniest memories 
 of my life will be the knowledge that 
 my reports of the misery I witnessed in 
 this county were the means of increas- 
 ing the American contributions for the 
 relief of the starving peasantry of Con- 
 naught. I am here now not at the invi- 
 tation exactly, but at the suggestion of 
 one of your ]\Iayo landlords — a person 
 who carries the double-barreled name of 
 Lord Oranmore and Browne. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 A few weeks since I made a way- 
 side talk to the people of Leenane. I 
 told them that after I went back to 
 America, whenever I was asked wheth- 
 er it was the potato-blight that had 
 brought on the famine, I said, " No; 
 it was the landlord-bhght," and I 
 showed them how these landlords who 
 shouted out so fiercely against confis- 
 cation owed their property to titles 
 founded on the foulest confiscation, and 
 I told them that not in justice only, 
 but in law, these titles were good only 
 until the Irish people could re-assert 
 their rights and take back their lands. 
 Every lawyer in Christendom knows 
 that this is good law. 
 
 Your Lord Oranmore and Browne 
 denounced this argument in the House 
 of Lords. He ended his brainless if not 
 brayless speech by advising me to 
 " attend to my own business." That 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 45 
 
 is why I am here. My business in Ire- 
 land, this time, is to explain to the 
 American people why the Irish are so 
 poor, although they are, as I say they 
 are, one of the most frugal, and thrifty, 
 and industrious races on the face of this 
 earth to-day. Then why is Ireland the 
 Lazarus Nation of our age — ever show- 
 ing its wounds, and ever begging at 
 the gates of the world's banqueting 
 halls ? I say it is because,- under Eng- 
 lish rule, just as fast as the Irish toiler 
 makes money, he is robbed of it by the 
 lords of the soil, backed by British law. 
 [Applause, and cries of " That's so ! "] 
 My business in Ireland is to expose the 
 crimes of the Irish landlords, in order 
 to vindicate the Irish people. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 Now, I don't like to be lectured by 
 a social inferior, and every king, queen, 
 and lord in Europe is the inferior in 
 rank of every republican on this globe. 
 [Cheers.] No man is entitled to any 
 respect who lives on the toil of others 
 and renders no service to society. [Ap- 
 plause.] Kings and lords are the human 
 vermin of society, who lurk and feed in 
 its festering sores. [Applause.] I 
 think Lord Oranmore and Browne 
 — one or either or both of them | laugh- 
 ter] — was guilty of gross discourtesy in 
 attacking me in the House of Lords, 
 which no American would degrade him- 
 self by entering. [Laugliter.] He 
 might have sent me his advice by a 
 half-rate message, or a postal-card that 
 I could have answered without self- 
 abasement. [Laughter.] But, as a cat 
 may look at a king, so even a less 
 worthy creature — an English lord — 
 may give good advice to an American 
 citizen, and therefore I overlooked the 
 impertinence of this person, and came 
 down here to investigate his pretensions 
 to be regarded as the good landlord 
 that he claims to be. 
 
 Here I am, in a room so near to Lord 
 Oranmore's castle that the report of a 
 rifle fired at the door could be heard in 
 his bedroom — if he were in it. He 
 said in the House of Lords that he 
 never evicted, a tenant. Men of Clare 
 
 Morris, don't you all know that this is a 
 falsehood ? {Cries of " Yes."] Don't 
 you know that, although he has never 
 had the courage to run the risk of for- 
 cible evictions, yet he raised the rent so 
 often and so much that he drove out 
 from his estates all the more enterpris- 
 ing tenants ? [Cries, " We do, we do."] 
 Don't you know that as fast as the ten- 
 ants between this village and his de- 
 mesne improved their land, that he 
 forced them from it, under the torture 
 of the rack-rent, until they were all 
 banished ? [Cries of " Yes," and " We 
 all know it."] Don't you know that his 
 estate once supported hundreds of peo- 
 ple, where it now supports only a few 
 families ? [Cries of" Yes."] Don't you 
 all know that he never paid a shilling for 
 the improvements made by his tenants 
 that he confiscated ? [Cries of " Yes."] 
 Don't you know that every acre of 
 his fine grazing farms was reclaimed 
 from the wet bog at the expense of his 
 tenants, and by their own unassisted 
 toil? [Cries of " Yes."] Don't you know 
 that as fast as he drove out men and 
 women and children, he put in cattle and 
 sheep and game ? [Cries of " Yes."] 
 Don't you all know how he induced 
 his tenants who had good holdings to 
 remove to the edges of a bog, under 
 the pretext that he would give them fif- 
 teen acres of good land ; and that he 
 never redeemed his promise, but has 
 reduced the people who were there 
 then and the people who removed 
 there, to one dead level of pauperism ? 
 [Cries of " We all know it."] Don't you 
 all know one man \\A\o was driven in- 
 sane, and is mad to-day, by these con- 
 stant robberies and persecutions? 
 [Cries of" Yes."] Don't you know that 
 he broke all his pledges about cheap 
 pasturage to the people whom he trans- 
 planted, and, instead of giving them fif- 
 teen acres, took not onlv half the land 
 of tenants who had ten acres before, 
 but even took half of the cabins, that 
 they had built themselves, and jnit these 
 " transplanted " tenants into them, with- 
 out consent of their owners, or compen- 
 sation ? [Cries of " Yes, yes."] Don't 
 
46 
 
 MOST TREASONABLE SPEECH. 
 
 you know that he is not content with 
 robbing his tenants under the protection 
 of the law, but that he is constantly an- 
 noying them about their religion, al- 
 though he owes his title to the services 
 of the Catholic clergy rendered to his 
 father ? [Cries of " Yes."] .\nd don't 
 you know that, although his tenants 
 were all starving last winter, he never 
 gave a single shilling to relieve them ? 
 [Cries of " Yes."] 
 
 Well, so do I know these things ; 
 and when I get time to attend to my 
 own business I shall tell them to the 
 whole world. [Applause.] 
 
 [Mr. Redpath here described some 
 scenes that he had witnessed in the 
 County Mayo a few months before.] 
 
 Some of these scenes moved me so 
 profoundly last -winter that I could not 
 see them, nor speak of them, nor even 
 think of them, in America — three thou- 
 sand miles away — without tears rushing 
 to my eyes. I have not done so much 
 crying this time. If his reverence 
 wasn't here I might confess that I had 
 done a good deal of private swearing 
 this time [laughter], and if your good 
 priest called me to account for it I 
 would tell him that a Yankee chaplain 
 once saw an act of cruelty in the anny 
 and swore at it, and then defended 
 himself at mess next morning by say- 
 ing that no man could be a good 
 Christian who would not swear in such 
 circumstances. [Laughter and ap- 
 plause.] I can't look on with a pulse- 
 less indifterence when I see a race of 
 noble women, the wives of hard-working 
 men, the mother^ of splendid boys and 
 of comely girls, trudging along without 
 bonnets, without shoes, and thinly clad 
 •in all weathers, instead ofbeing dressed 
 as they ought to be dressed — warmly 
 and in good attire all the time — and in 
 purple and fine linen on Sunday and 
 holidays. [Applause.] 
 
 Queens have had these feminine 
 trappings quite long enough. I don't 
 begrudge them such luxuries, not be- 
 cause they are queens and ladies, but 
 because they are women, for no woman, 
 1 think, ever yet was dressed as well as 
 
 every good woman ought to be. 
 [ Cheers and laughter. ] But it is a high 
 crime and misdemeanor for queens or 
 the wives of lordlings to be sumptu- 
 ously dressed by the robbery of the 
 poor. [Cheers.] It is not the will of 
 
 I God that such things should be. 
 
 i [Cheers.] God tolerates such things 
 as He tolerates other crimes, but it is 
 
 j blasphemy to say that God decrees one 
 
 j class of His creatures — and the mean- 
 est class — to live in riotous luxury, while 
 
 I the true nobles — the class who work — 
 
 i go naked and inhabit foul cabins and 
 sleep beneath dirty rags, and live on 
 potatoes and Indian meal all the year 
 round. [Cheers.] Down with the 
 blasphemers who say so ! [Long con- 
 tinued cheering.] 
 
 It has been asked: ''What is the 
 remedy ? " Ireland will never be as 
 prosperous as the character and industry 
 of her people entitle her to be until the 
 land is owned by the tillers of the land 
 [cheers] and by nobody else [cheers] 
 ■ — until there is not a man in Ireland 
 who has the right to levy a tax unless he 
 is a member of Parliament. [Cheers.] 
 Rent in the West of Ireland is a sys- 
 tem of taxation by hereditary and irre- 
 sponsible tax-masters. ['' Hear ! "] Rent 
 in England, and elsewhere, for the most 
 part is simply an interest on investments. 
 
 j If a landlord in England has a farm to 
 let he improves it, he fences it, he 
 drains it, he builds houses and offices 
 on it at his own expense. The tenant 
 only furnishes the stock in trade to work 
 it. Here the tenant gets a bog that 
 would not raise enough to feed a snipe, 
 and he improves it himself at his own 
 expense, and just as fast as he improves 
 it up goes the rent. Isn't that true ? 
 [Cries of " Indeed, it is," from nearly 
 all the audience.] 
 
 Talk of compensation to these heredi- 
 tary robbers of the poor ! One day 
 Michael Davitt was listening in America 
 to some talk about compensation to 
 landlords. He asked my opinion. 
 " Well," I said, the landlords ought to 
 be made to pay back every shilling 
 that diey ever took for rent for 200 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 47 
 
 years, unless they and their ancestors 
 bought the land, and then they ought 
 to be sent to work at hard labor for 
 life to make up the balance due if they 
 had not enough to pay the whole of it" ; 
 but as a compromise measure I sug- 
 gested : " Suppose you sent them to 
 the penitentiary for ten years a head." 
 [Cheers.] If ever they get a shilling, 
 — these men who hold estates by con- 
 fiscation, — it should be paid, not as 
 their right, for they have no equitable 
 right, but as you would give ransom 
 money for a brother who has fallen into 
 the hands of bandits. [•'•Hear, hear."] 
 Landlords who bought land or whose 
 ancestors bought land should be paid 
 for it by the state, but no man should 
 be allowed to hold an acre in all Ire- 
 land that he does not live on and till. 
 [Cheers.] 
 
 Land for the people is not enough ; 
 you ought never to cease to insist that 
 Ireland must be ruled by the Irish. 
 [Cheers.] After you have got the land 
 and an Irish ParHament, then, if the 
 people of Ireland demand nationality — 
 a separate nationality — they have the 
 right and it is their duty to work for it. 
 [Cheers.] But this last right should be 
 discussed apart from the other rights 
 of Home Rule and of land for the peo- 
 ple. I cannot understand how any 
 Irishman would be satisfied even with 
 the land for the people and Home 
 Rule. If I were an Irishman I should 
 never cease to work for the independ- 
 ence of Ireland. [Cheers.] Yet to 
 me it seems self-evident that you will 
 never achieve independence except by 
 the sword ; and if you believe that I am 
 a friend of Ireland I shall tell you why. 
 [Cries of " Go on ! " and applause.] 
 You should never allow anv one but a 
 friend even to discuss this question 
 with you ; for it is an insult to ever)' 
 Irishman to assume, as all arguments 
 against Irish nationality assume, that 
 Ireland has not the right of self-gov- 
 ernment, in the sense of independence, 
 and that she could not govern herself 
 as well as Switzerland, or France, or 
 Belgium or any other nation. [Cheers.] 
 
 As for England, she never has governed 
 herself — a small class has ruled her 
 people always.* 
 I But first let me sav that there is a 
 power before which all nations and 
 legislatures now must bow — a power 
 ! that as Irishmen you ought especially 
 to respect, for it was first called into 
 political action by an Irishman and the • 
 ; greatest of all Irish leaders — Daniel 
 j O'Connell. [Cheers.] It is organized 
 j public opinion. I think that by that 
 power alone you can secure the land 
 for the people, and secure Home Rule. 
 ! Let me tell you how. 
 i How has England kept its hold 
 i over Ireland for seven hundred years? 
 
 Just as it got it at the beginning — by 
 ; the quarrels of the Irish among them- 
 i selves. How have the landlords been 
 ' able to keep you all in rags and wretch- 
 • edness ? By your quarrels among 
 yourselves. If Ireland had ever been 
 1 united, England would have been 
 I forced to do justice to her. The 
 remedy for Ireland's ills is so simple 
 that, like the prophet's order — "Go wash 
 , in the Jordan and be clean" — I fear it 
 may seem less attractive than learned 
 disquisitions about the Brehon law or 
 Portadown leases, or those quack pre- 
 scriptions that never cure— commis- 
 sions of inquiry. Ufiiic ! Ireland will 
 never secure her full rights unless and 
 ; until all tlie great classes and factions 
 I of the "common people" are united 
 in one purpose, bloodless in its method, 
 but inflexible in its spirit, until Catholic 
 , and Protestant, saint and sinner, Ulster 
 I as well as Connaught, are fused into one 
 ! resistless body to demand that the 
 I land of Ireland shall become the 
 ! property of the people of Ireland, and 
 I that the laws of Ireland shall be 
 framed by the people of Ireland in an 
 I Irish Parliament. [Applause.] 
 
 The toilers of Ireland must do as the 
 j English mechanics have done; they 
 I . 
 
 ; *" English liberty," said >fr. Redpath, at 
 
 I Chicago, is the right that the ruling classes 
 of England enjoy of robbing the toiling classes 
 I under the forms of law." 
 
48 
 
 ''A MOST TREASONABLE SPEECH: 
 
 must form an organization that can be 
 wielded as if it were a single body, 
 each member of it loyally protecting 
 every other member, so that the poor- 
 est fisherman in Donegal, the hungriest 
 conacre man in Connaught, and the 
 most ragged tenant in Kerry may be- 
 lieve and know that before a rapacious 
 absentee landlord can bring the crow- 
 bar to destroy his humble cabin, he 
 must first pass through the solid pha- 
 lanx of the people of Ireland. [Ap- 
 plause.] You have all heard the 
 trades-unions of England denounced, 
 but whoever has studied their history 
 will tell you that they saved the Eng- 
 lish mechanic from the condition of a 
 serf. 
 
 When an honest tenant, unable to 
 pay his rent on account of bad crops, 
 is evicted from Lis farm, let no man 
 take it ; but if any man does take it, 
 do not speak to him, or buy from him, 
 or sell to him, or work for him, or 
 stand at the same altar with him — let 
 him feel that he is accursed and cast 
 out from all your sympathies, he and 
 every member of his family. Unless 
 you do so, there is no hope for you, 
 because as long as tenants will hire 
 landlords will evict. [Applause.] Un- 
 til this is done, until you have a solid 
 Ireland, it is idle to believe that the 
 absentee landlords will consent to sell 
 their estates in Ireland. But as soon 
 as this union is made perfect, as soon 
 as all Ireland is a " United Irishman," 
 the landlords will be powerless ; for a 
 universal strike against rent will at 
 once force the EngHsh Parliament to 
 act, and the world to listen and in- 
 quire into the causes of this national 
 action. Irish landlordism is so mon- 
 strous an iniquity that it can live only 
 in darkness ; drag it to the blazing bar 
 of the world's public opinion, and no 
 plea except the plea of guilty would 
 be entered against it. [Applause.] 
 Suppose, for example, that every peas- 
 ant in the West of Ireland was moved 
 by one spirit, what could Lord Oran- 
 more and Browne, or the Earl of 
 Lucan, or the Marquis of Sligo do if 
 
 every man refused to work for him, as 
 a herd, or a laborer, or a gamekeeper ? 
 They could not bring in strangers ? 
 [Cries of " Oh ! no ! "] They would 
 be obliged to sell their estates, or re- 
 store the tenants to the rich lands from 
 which they were so pitilessly evicted 
 after the famine of 1847! [Applause.] 
 This great reform, as you see, can be 
 achieved without shedding a drop of 
 blood, without violence, without break- 
 ing any law — English, human, or 
 divine (and they are three separate 
 I and distinct codes over here !) — and by 
 I thus accomplishing your object you 
 will do more to prove to the world 
 that England has slandered you for 
 generations than if you were to wade 
 to it through a lough of blood and over 
 a causeway of corpses. 
 
 [Mr. Redpath then showed the value 
 of resolute Parliamentary action illus- 
 trated in the earnest methods of 
 Mr. Parnell and Mr. Biggar as con- 
 trasted with the mock-fight tactics of 
 Mr. Shaw and Mr. Mitchell-Henry. 
 " Most of the Home Rule Irish Mem- 
 bers," he said, " are mere dress-parade 
 soldiers — there is no fight in them." 
 This part of the speech was not re- 
 ported.] 
 
 Do I tell you in thus speaking to aban- 
 don your aspirations for nationality ? 
 I would rather that my tongue should 
 wither; for I hope to live long enough 
 to see Ireland an independent republic. 
 [Cheers.] But if you think that inde- 
 pendence can be secured by the sword 
 only, then — as I have seen a little war 
 myself — I advise you to deliberate 
 gravely before you act, and to remem- 
 ber that war is a science needing vast 
 supplies and drilled soldiers, experi- 
 enced generals and a complex and ex- 
 pensive oi;ganization, and that steam 
 and the telegraph have annilrilated 
 distance — that Kerry is nearer London 
 to-day for military purposes than Liv- 
 ' erpool was in the days of the illustrious 
 I Wolfe Tone. [Cheers.] My friends, 
 I it is impossible for Ireland at this time 
 I to successfully fight England. The 
 1 odds are too great against her. Strike 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 out of the list of fighting men in Ireland 
 all the Orangemen, all the landlords and 
 their henchmen, all the well-to-do 
 farmers and the vast majority of the 
 Eastern and Northern tradesmen — 
 the loyalists, the pacific and the indif- 
 ferent — everybody whom love, or fear, 
 or trade, or religion could influence — 
 and England and Scotland, which 
 would be a military unit against you, 
 would have a terrible advantage, even 
 if it were to be a hand-to-hand fight. 
 But you are unarmed, undi'illed, and 
 poor; and P^ngland has unequaled 
 facilities to hire men and to impress 
 men, as well as absolutely illimitable 
 resources in the machinery and mate- 
 rial of war. Father John, brave as he 
 was, and skillful as he was, could not 
 repeat his career to-day, — nor could 
 W olfe Tone, — because this is the age 
 of the steam cannon and the 7?iiirailleuse, 
 and of vast disciphned armies, and, 
 above all, of the steamer and the loco- 
 motive. On Napoleon's estimate of 
 the difference made by machinery in 
 the fighting capacity of nations, you 
 would have to overcome a disparity of 
 eighteen agaii:^st one. This is not my 
 dictum; it is the dictum of the greatest 
 soldier of modern times. 
 
 Be patient ! Patience is not cow- 
 ardice. It needs the highest courage. 
 Seven hundred years of tyranny cannot 
 be overthrown in a day in Ireland. 
 Until the people are planted firmly on 
 their lands, I can see no hope of a suc- 
 cessful miUtary revolt against English 
 misrule. For that reason, and that 
 reason only, if I were an Irishman, I 
 
 might prepare for war, but I would 
 certainly postpone any revolutionary 
 efforts until the men on v/hom such a 
 movement must rely for success could 
 go forth to do battle consoled by the 
 thought that, if they died for their 
 country in the field, they did not leave 
 their families in the power of petty 
 landed despots, who would be glad to 
 fling them out into the road-side to die. 
 [Cheers.] All great men and all great 
 races have succeeded by obeying the 
 golden rule of success — do one thing 
 at a time. 
 
 But, I beg of you, don't fight among 
 yourselves. There is no need of it, 
 and no sense in it. Land Leaguer, 
 Home Ruler, and Nationalist, each in 
 his own way is struggling for the wel- 
 fare of Ireland, and each of them can 
 have fight enough to satisfy even an 
 Irishman [laughter] by striking at the 
 landlords and the British Government. 
 The land system of Ireland is the key- 
 stone of the house of tyranny. Kick it 
 out, and then I hope and I believe that 
 on a free soil, and with a people free, 
 the blood of Ireland's myriads of politi- 
 cal martyrs will quicken and blossom 
 into a resplendent Irish nationality. 
 [Cheers.] 
 
 ['' Mr. Redpath," said the report of 
 the Freeman's Journal^ " spoke rapidly 
 for an hour and a quarter, and his 
 speech was most enthusiastically re- 
 ceived by all present. The conclusion 
 especially, in which he urged unity of 
 action between the three parties, many 
 of whom were present, was most 
 warmly applauded."] 
 
 4 
 
50 HARVESTING FOR THE LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 vn. 
 
 HARVESTING FOR THE LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 [Under the head of "An Extraordinary Scene," the following special dispatch appeared 
 in the Freeman'' s Journaly a few days after the report of the foregoing speech : ] 
 
 {Special Telegram from our Correspondent.) 
 
 Clare Morris, Tuesday Xight. 
 
 FOR the last week the following 
 placard has been posted in Clare 
 Morris and some adjoining parishes: 
 
 Hold the harvest ! Last spring 2,000 
 men collected at Ballin taffy to sow 
 the Land League farms. The crops 
 are now ripe, and again the same men 
 are called on to reap them. At his 
 post then, every man ! Come without 
 fear and show your pluck, and that 
 you are determined to keep your crops. 
 Bring your scythes and hooks, and let 
 every man vs ho has a horse and cart 
 bring them also to carry away in 
 triumph the fruits of labor free of rent 
 and taxes. The day is coming when 
 every man's crop shall be free. To the 
 front, then, on next Tuesday, the 14th 
 inst. Men of Clare Morris and Gallen ! 
 Noble women and brave peasant girls, 
 come you also and help to bind up 
 the first sheaves of com free of rent 
 and taxes that have ever been reaped 
 in Ireland. The land for the people I 
 The crops for the people 1 Hold the 
 harvest I (rod save Ireland !" 
 
 About eleven o'clock this morning a 
 brake, in which were seated the mem- 
 bers of the Clare Morris brass band, 
 stopped at the presbytery for the Rev. 
 James Corbett, C. C, and then at 
 Ansborough hotel for Mr. Redpath, 
 the American journalist, and Mr. J. P. 
 Quinn, the Land League representative. 
 The brake was driven through the 
 streets of the town, the band playing 
 " God Save Ireland." A large number 
 of cars followed, and as the cavalcade 
 went through the streets toward Ballin- 
 taffy, women, men, and children 
 rushed to the doors shouting, " God 
 
 bless you. Father Corbett 1 " Ballin- 
 taffy is four miles from Clare Morris. 
 On the way the party overtook dozens 
 of carts and large numbers of men on 
 foot carrvins: scvthes and sickles. I 
 arrived at Ballintaffy about noon. 
 More than an acre of the Land 
 League oats," as they are called here, 
 had already been cut. About one hun- 
 dred men, women, and young children 
 were employed cutting and binding the 
 oats. The arrival of the Rev. Mr. 
 Corbett was received with loud and 
 long-continued cheering by the reapers 
 and binders. Men and women arrived 
 until there were five or six hundred 
 persons present, each of whom worked. 
 Women apologized for the absence of 
 their husbands by saying they were in 
 England " earning the rint." Men and 
 women were present from Clare Morris 
 and the surrounding parishes, includ- 
 ing Kiltrinagh, Bohola, Balla, Face- 
 field, Barnacarroll, Lagatample, Cloon- 
 connor, P'utagh, Drumkeen, Killeen, 
 Ballyknave, Facefield Bries, Castlegar, 
 Irishtown, Ballindine, Crossboyne, 
 Mayfield, Augherv'illa, Drimineen, etc. 
 Quite a delegation of ladies from Clare 
 Morris, Westport, and Balla, elegantly 
 attired, were present to witness and take 
 part in the work. I noticed some ladies 
 dressed in the highest of fashion taking 
 off their kid gloves, going down among 
 the barefooted peasant women, and 
 binding the sheaves. 
 
 Mr. Redpath assisted in carrying 
 the sheaves to the carts. Five or six 
 acres of oats were cut and carried to the 
 carts, which conveyed them to Clare 
 Morris in a few hours. 
 
 After the work was completed a 
 meeting was held. 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES RE DEATH. 
 
 51 
 
 The Rev. James Corbett was moved 
 to the chair, which was composed of a 
 stook of oats. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Corbett praised the | 
 people for having exhibited such a 1 
 spirit of independence in coming to | 
 the defense of the rights of their own I 
 class. He explained some circum- 
 stances connected with the holdings, 
 and then introduced Mr. James Red- 
 path, who was received with loud j 
 cheers for " the Stars and Stripes," l 
 " The land of the free and the home 
 of the brave," etc. 
 
 Mr. Redpath praised the patriot ■ 
 priest who had brought out his people 
 last spring and planted these oats under 
 the very shadow of British bayonets — 1 
 for the constabulary, angry and armed, j 
 were there that day. Where were they ! 
 to-day ? Conquered by an unarmed 
 and heroic priest and people. [Cheers.] 
 This should teach the Irish nation a 
 lesson — the irresistible force of moral 
 courage and determination. Mr. Red- 
 path then made an appeal for union of 
 action and harmony among Irishmen 
 of all classes. He reviewed briefly 
 the history of Ireland, and showed that 
 although the Irish were the "fighting- 
 est " race on this planet, England had 
 been able to conquer them and main- 
 tain its conquest by making Irishmen 
 fight among themselves. Mr. Redpath 
 spoke in eulogistic terms of the noble 
 conduct of the " barefooted ladies " 
 who had shown that, whenever they 
 were called on to do duty-work for 
 Ireland, they would rally, but he hoped 
 they would never do " duty-work, 
 here"* for the landlords again. Mr. 
 Redpath described British rule in Ire- 
 land as " the most tyrannical Govern- | 
 ment on the face of the earth." | 
 [Loud cheers.] Why, England could 
 
 *" Duty- work " is a relic of feudal serf 
 labor still enforced in the West of Ireland. 
 
 its terms, in addition to exorbitant rents, 
 ilie hapless and helpless tenants are obliged to 
 viOxV for from one week to one month for 
 ^heir landlord every year without wages, and 
 
 feed themselves while working. 
 
 not endure a heptarchy, the rule of 
 seven despots, and yet she insists on 
 putting the Irish under the absolute 
 control, not of seven, but of seven 
 thousand irresponsible despots called 
 landlords ! He contrasted in sarcastic 
 terms the conduct of the barefooted 
 ladies before him, who cheerfully 
 worked for their country, with the 
 conduct of the Queen, who gave only 
 one day's wages to the starving poor 
 of Ireland. Landlordism in Ireland 
 must die, if the Irish were ever to be 
 a happy, contented, and prosperous 
 people. [Cheers.] Irish landlordism 
 had better tell its heirs and executors 
 what sized coffin it wore ; for the 
 horologe of time had given warning 
 that its hour of doom had come. But 
 Ireland's liberation must come from 
 Irish unity and courage, and not from 
 English justice or patronage. He did 
 not join in the eulogiums of Bright 
 and Forster that some Irishmen ut- 
 tered. He called them " buck-shot 
 Quakers," and earnestly urged the 
 tenantry to refuse to listen to pleas for 
 fair rents and long leases, but to insist 
 on a peasant proprietary. Half a loaf 
 was not better than nothing if they 
 could get the whole loaf — and the loaf 
 was theirs. At the conclusion of Mr. 
 Redpath's speech three cheers were 
 given for him, and three more for the 
 American republic. 
 
 A large number of carts were em- 
 ployed all day in carrying the oats to 
 Clare Morris. WHien the work was 
 done the largest brake, containing the 
 band, followed by a long string of out- 
 side cars and a number of carts loaded 
 with oats, moved back to Clare Morris. 
 On passing the residence of a landlord, 
 some one shouted out : " Death to 
 landlordism ! " and Mr. Redpath re- 
 quested the band to play a funeral 
 dirge. The band struck up the " Dead 
 March in Saul," amid great applause. 
 On the scat of the brake was a presi- 
 dent of a branch of the Land League, 
 carrying in his arms a sheaf of the oats. 
 Every man in the cars wore an ear of 
 the com in his hat, and the ladies and 
 
52 
 
 ''BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAIN. 
 
 children were similarly decorated. On 
 arriving at the outskirts of the town the 
 band struck up " See, the conquering 
 hero comes," and the streets were 
 
 thickly lined with men, women, and 
 children, who cheered for the Rev. 
 Mr. Corbett and the Irish National 
 League. 
 
 YIII. 
 
 "BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAIN." 
 
 [Writing to a friend in America from Clonbur, County Galway, on Monday, September 26, 
 1880, Mr. Redpath told of an exceptional experience as a speaker in the West of Ireland.] 
 
 I MADE a speech here yesterday that 
 I intended to be my last speech in 
 Ireland. I was never in a position that 
 needed so much tact and nerve. My 
 friend. Father Conway, the Catholic 
 curate here, had coaxed me to promise 
 to make a speech at a Land Meeting 
 to be held yesterday. I was wretched 
 after I had agreed to speak, because I 
 knew that many of the same people 
 would be here who heard me at Lee- 
 nane and Claremorris, and I could not 
 think of any speech that it would be 
 proper for a stranger to make, and I 
 would not repeat myself As I was 
 walking up and down the lane near 
 the church, I noticed the image of St. 
 Patrick and that gave me an idea for 
 a speech. As I was working it out in 
 my mind, a citizen of the place joined 
 me. One after another, seven or eight 
 " outside cars " passed me on their 
 way to the constabulary head-quarters. 
 Each jaunting-car had four armed con- 
 stables on it. I asked why they were 
 coming? 
 
 " Oh ! " said my companion, " don't 
 you know the Government has sent 
 down a short-hand writer to report your 
 speech to-morrow, and these constables 
 are here to protect him ? " 
 
 That information inspired me. As 
 these cars reached the head of the lane, 
 a gentleman dressed in light clothing 
 stopped each of them and spoke to the 
 constables. 
 
 " Who is that man ? " I asked. 
 
 " Lord Montmorris." 
 
 " And who is he ? " 
 A landlord near here," was the 
 answer. 
 
 As Father Conway drove up, — he 
 had been at Ballinrobe, — I looked at 
 my watch. It was a quarter before 
 six. 
 
 W"e staid 'up rather late, as the 
 curate was waiting for a friend. A little 
 after ten o'clock a parishioner came in 
 and announced that Lord Montmorris 
 had been murdered, and his body found 
 on the road-side about a mile from 
 Clonbur ! 
 
 Next morning, — yesterday, — thou- 
 sands of . people came to Clonbur to 
 attend the Land Meeting. I mingled 
 among them, but heard no expressions 
 of sympathy for the slain lord. The 
 nearest approach to pity was the re- 
 mark of an old woman, " Sure, he wasn't 
 worth killing ! " Lord Montmorris 
 died unwept as he had lived unloved — 
 a corrupt magistrate and a profligate 
 man. He had long since been hated 
 and despised by all classes. Still, I 
 knew how this murder would bd re- 
 garded in England, and I suggested 
 that the Land Meeting should be post- 
 poned. No one agreed with me that 
 it would be wise to postpone it. So, I 
 must speak and denounce the murder 
 among a people indifferent to it, 
 and advocate social excommunication 
 after I had been told that this sort of 
 advice might possibly be construed as 
 sedition — and there was the Govern- 
 ment reporter to take down my words ! 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 53 
 
 The platform was built inside the 
 church-grounds, and against the walls 
 of the church. Right opposite, on the 
 other side of the lane, were the high 
 walls that inclosed a lawn that had 
 once been Lord I.eitrim's estate. 
 Imagine my position — ^behind me, two 
 miles away. Lord Montmorris, slain; at 
 my .back, a reporter, who came as a 
 spy and informer ; around me a crowd 
 of people who had hated the mur- 
 dered lord, and some of whom had 
 just cause to hate him ; in front of me, 
 a detachment of the Irish constabulary, 
 and behind them the estate of Lord 
 Leitrim ! I stood between two slain 
 lords, and I thought, as I rose to 
 speak, I wonder if the man or men 
 who killed Lord Montmorris are cheer- 
 ing me ? Talk about inspiration from 
 audiences — here was the regular poteen 
 of oratory ! 
 
 [This report is reprinted from the 
 Castlebar Telegraph, with one or two 
 " seditious " passages supplied from 
 memory within a few days after the 
 delivery of the speech.] 
 
 Rev. Chairman, Rev. Fathers, Ladies 
 and Gentlemen : 
 
 I have noticed that it is the custom 
 of Irish audiences, in a good-natured 
 way, to interrupt a speaker — sometimes 
 by asking questions, and sometimes by 
 interjecting remarks, not always quite 
 in consonance with the views of the 
 speaker. This custom has a tendency 
 to divert the current of a speaker's 
 thought, especially'if he is not accus- 
 tomed (as I am not accustomed) to 
 address public audiences. I ask of you 
 the favor to listen to me in silence. 
 For every man who addresses you 
 should weigh well his words this day. 
 Whatever he says, or may refrain from 
 saying, if a single word he utters, or 
 even if his silence, can be distorted by 
 malice, your enemies will seize on it to 
 seek to injure your cause. He will be 
 charged with inciting a spirit that he 
 reprobates, and approving crimes that 
 he abhors. The dark deed of an indi- 
 vidual, or of individuals, will be charged 
 on this community, and whoever is re- 
 
 garded as your friend will be held 
 responsible for offenses of which you 
 are as innocent as your calumniators. 
 
 On the other side of that wall in 
 front of us lies one of the estates of the 
 late Lord Leitrim, who was slain in 
 Donegal. Two miles behind us lies 
 the body of Lord Montmorris, who 
 was slain last night. Around us are 
 representatives of the armed constabu- 
 lary by whom the town is garrisoned. 
 At my side is a reporter, paid by the 
 Government to write down every word 
 we utter here. It is a time to be brave, 
 but to be wise as well ; to proclaim the 
 truth, but to give no weapons to your 
 enemies. 
 
 Let me congratulate John Bright 
 that at last I see a peaceful audience 
 assembled in Ireland to discuss their 
 grievances without having detachments 
 of constabulary, with loaded muskets, 
 among them ; that the time has come 
 when the constabulary, although they 
 are here, attend your meetings as pri- 
 vate gentlemen. [Applause.] 
 
 It was time that these outrages on 
 the right of free speech should cease, 
 or that John Bright should withdraw 
 from a Government that practiced 
 them, or that Americans should blot 
 out the name of that man, as a lost 
 leader, from the roll of Englishmen 
 whom they have been taught to love. 
 
 I hope when next I visit Ireland, I 
 shall be able to report that not only 
 have the constabulary been removed, 
 but that John Bright no longer sullies 
 his once noble record by consenting to 
 belong to a Government that still em- 
 ploys stenographic spies ! 
 
 The tragic death of the unhappy 
 lord who lies dead to-day will be 
 charged by your enemies to the land 
 agitation. I never heard the name of 
 the dead lord until a day or two ago, 
 and I had already forgotten it when 
 the dreadful crime of last night brought 
 it to every man's lips. But this I do 
 know — that wherever in Ireland the 
 Land League is strong, there not one 
 drop of the blood of sheep or cattle 
 or of man has been shed. Here, as 
 
54 
 
 ''BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAIXr 
 
 you all know, the Land League was 
 weak, and you know how the landlords 
 in this neighborhood tried to suppress 
 it. 
 
 Lord Montmorris dead is a stronger 
 ally of Irish landlordism than Lord 
 Montmorris living. The man or the 
 men who slew him have not injured 
 Irish landlordism. They have injured 
 the cause of the Irish tenantry — for 
 although you are innocent, the land- 
 lords have still the ear of Europe and 
 your defense will not be heard there. 
 O'Connell said that whoever commits a 
 crime strengthens the enemy. The 
 crimes of the Irish landlords have 
 strengthened your cause in America. 
 Europe is beginning to listen to the 
 story of your wrongs, and, if you avoid 
 crimes and sternly repress them, the 
 verdict of Christendom will soon be 
 rendered in your favor. Every crime 
 delays the day of justice to Ireland. 
 Give violence no countenance, but re- 
 gard every criminal as your enemy. 
 
 But do not submit in silence to slan- 
 ders! Give blow for blow, and spare 
 no man who libels you ! Let me set 
 you an example! In the last num- 
 ber of the Nineteenth Ce?iturj, James 
 Anthony Froude, the most malig- 
 nant enemy of the Irish race, charac- 
 terizes the assassination of Lord 
 Leitrim as an agrarian outrage, and 
 then dares, I am told, to call the noble 
 patriots who surround Mr. Parnell 
 " the patrons of anarchy and defenders 
 of assassination." I am talking now, 
 am I not, to hundreds of men and wo- 
 men who knew Lord Leitrim and were 
 his tenants ? [Shouts of " Yes I " from 
 the audience.] Did Lord Leitrim not 
 bear the reputation of being one of the 
 vilest lepers in social life ? [Shouts of 
 " Yes ! " j Don't his tenants say that he 
 flung a score at least of young girls into 
 the brothels of Liverpool and New York? 
 ["Yes I"] Was not that his reputa- 
 tion ? [" Yes ! "] Is it not believed 
 by every one that he was killed on ac- 
 count of his personal offenses ? ["Yes ! "] 
 Yes ; these facts are as well known in 
 Galway and Donegal as the similar 
 
 offenses of Nero and of Henry the 
 Eighth. Yet Froude dares to charge 
 the Irish political leaders with being 
 " patrons of assassination," because this 
 leprous Lord Leitrim was slain. I 
 denounce James Anthony Froude be- 
 fore Christendom as the patron of seduc- 
 tion and the defender of debauchery. 
 [Loud cheers.] It is time to talk 
 plainly, and to brand the slanderers of 
 your race as they deserve. [Cheers.] 
 I dare James Anthony Froude to say 
 that he would have introduced his wife 
 or daughter to Lord Leitrim. [Cheers.] 
 [Turning to the Government reporter :J 
 Has John Bright's spy got that down ? 
 [Cheers from the audience.] 
 
 I am not defending the slayer of 
 Lord Leitrim : I am only vindicating 
 the Irish character. Assassination 
 helps no good cause. Napoleon said 
 that in war a blunder is worse than a 
 crime ; and assassination is not only a 
 crime, but a blunder. I will tell you 
 how to obtain your just rights without 
 a crime, without shedding one drop of 
 blood, without doing anything that the 
 Queen of England does not do, that 
 the aristocracy of England have not 
 done for generations, that the Irish 
 landlords do not countenance at this 
 hour, and that the Catholic Church has 
 not sanctioned and practiced for cent- 
 uries. I will not tell you to do any- 
 thing in conflict with British laws and 
 the British Constitution. Now, don't 
 frown when I say British Constitution! 
 My fnends, it is true of the British Con- 
 stitution what the old lady said of the 
 doctrine of total depravity : " It's a 
 very good thing if it's only lived up 
 to!" [Laughter.] The trouble in Ire- 
 land has been that only the landlords 
 have been able to take advantage of 
 the British Constitution ! 
 
 Why have the landlords so much 
 greater power in Ireland then in any 
 other civiHzed country ? You know, 
 but the world does not know, and, 
 therefore, it is so hard for foreign na- 
 tions to understand your wrongs. The 
 despotic power of the Irish landlords 
 comes from the fact that there is no 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 55 
 
 diversity of industry in Ireland — that 
 in this western country every one must 
 live by the soil, or die. Why are there 
 no manufactures here ? Because Eng- 
 land destroyed the woolen manu- 
 factures in William of Orange's 
 time, and then prohibited the estab- 
 lishment of other industries for long 
 generations. She has given the soil 
 of Ireland to aliens ; her laws have 
 imperiously jjrevented the transfer of 
 the soil ; and she has thus made it 
 impossible to develop the mineral and 
 even the fishing resources of the West. 
 Her evil eye has blighted every in- 
 dustry, excepting agriculture only, 
 and that industry she suffers to exist at 
 the price of the serfdom of the tillers 
 of the soil. She makes the landlord 
 the absolute master of the lives and 
 fortunes of her people. He can drive 
 them into the road-side, or into the 
 poor-house, or into exile, or into the 
 grave ; leaving the land a desert, or a 
 game-cover, or a grazing farm; destroy- 
 ing every village trade, and every call- 
 ing, and every profession at his sover- 
 eign will and pleasure, and then blas- 
 pheming the^ God v/ho made this 
 earth for the people thereof by calling 
 this heartless, this heathen system, the 
 enforcement of the rights of property.' 
 The landlord confiscates not the 
 wages of toil only, -but the visible re- 
 sults of it ; and this is not defended 
 by English opinion only, but enforced 
 by English law. Whoever dares to 
 deny the right of any man to drive an 
 innocent people into exile is called 
 a communist by these brawling par- 
 asites of the greatest communists on 
 earth ! 
 
 To destroy the power of the land- 
 lord you must refuse to help him in 
 his cruel work of eviction and confis- 
 cation. If a landlord evicts a poor 
 tenant, do not take that farm, nor 
 work on it for any one ; you violate no 
 law in refusing to take or to labor on 
 such a farm, but you do rivet the 
 chains of your people if you do not 
 refuse to take it, or do not refuse to 
 work on it. [To the reporter:] Has 
 
 John Bright's spy got that down ? 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 But if a man docs take a farm from 
 which a poor tenant has been evicted, 
 I conjure you to do him no bodily 
 harm. [To the reporter:] Get ready, 
 John Bright's spy ! Act toward him 
 as the Queen of England would act to 
 you if she lived in Clonbur! Act 
 toward his wife as the Queen of Eng- 
 land would act toward your good wife 
 if she lived in Clonbur ! Act toward 
 his children as the Queen of England 
 would act toward your children ! The 
 Queen of England would not speak to 
 you, she would not speak to your 
 wife, she would not speak to your 
 children. She would not regard you, 
 your wife, nor your children as her 
 equals. Now, imitate the Queen of 
 England, and don't speak to a land- 
 grabber, nor to a land-grabber's wife, 
 nor to a land-grabber's children. 
 [Cheers.] They are not your equals! 
 Do as the Queen of England does, 
 and you will violate no law of England! 
 [To the reporter:] Has John Bright's 
 spy got that down ? [Laughter.] Oh! 
 my friends, be loyal ! [Laughter.] 
 
 If a land-grabber comes to town, 
 and wants to sell anything, don't do 
 him any bodily harm ; only act as the 
 rich landlords in Mayo and Galway 
 have acted toward my friend from 
 Clare Morris here [pointing to Mr. 
 Gordon, Who stood on the platform]. 
 You all know that Mr. Gordon is the 
 best boot-maker in Connaughi [cries 
 of " Sure we do !" " He is, indeed" , and 
 that he once employed about a dozen 
 workmen. He made all the boots and 
 shoes for the gentry in this part of the 
 country. Just as soon as he addressed 
 a Land League meeting, his custom 
 fell off, the landlords wouldn't buy 
 shoes from him, and my friend Gordon 
 was almost ruined. Now, imitate these 
 landlords. If you see a land-grabber 
 going to a shop to buy bread, or cloth- 
 ing, or even whisky, go you to the 
 shop-keeper at once; don't threaten 
 him; it is illegal to threaten any one, 
 you know; just say to him that undei 
 
56 
 
 ''BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAIN: 
 
 British law he has the undoubted right, 
 that you wont dispute, to sell his 
 goods to any one, — don't forget to say 
 all that, — ^but that there is no British 
 law to compel you to buy another 
 penny's worth from him, and that you 
 will never again do it as long as you 
 live, if he sells anytfting to a land-grab- 
 ber. The landlords wont buy their 
 boots from Mr. Gordon because he is 
 your friend ; now, don't you buy your 
 goods from any shop-keeper who is 
 their friend. [Cheers.] [To the re- 
 porter :j Has John Bright's spy got 
 that down ? 
 
 Don't buy anything from a land- 
 grabber. This policy is truly loyal 
 and conservative British policy. The 
 British laws make it almost impossible 
 for you to buy a lot of ground from a 
 landlord — so don't buy anything from 
 his friends until they repeal their laws. 
 Imitate the landlords ! [To the re- 
 porter:] Has John Bright's spy got 
 that down ? [Laughter.] 
 
 If the land-grabber sends his children 
 to school, don't drive them away. They 
 have the right to go there. Act as the 
 Queen of England would act if your 
 children forced their way to the same 
 school with her children. Take your 
 children away. [Applause.] You have 
 a right to do so, and if you did so it 
 would soon cause some of the teach- 
 ers who have been muzzled by the 
 landlords to become advocates of your 
 rights. [Cheers.] [To the reporter :] 
 Has John Bright's spy got that down ? 
 ^Laughter.] 
 
 If the land-grabber goes to the Mass, 
 don't drive him away. One by one, 
 quietly and decently, without disturb- 
 ing the services, go out pf the church, 
 and leave him and his family alone with 
 the priest. They need praying for. 
 [Laughter.] If a noisy and drunken 
 man entered the church, the priest 
 would tell you to withdraw, so that 
 there might be no disturbance in the 
 chapel. Act in the same way when 
 the land-grabber enters it— for he is 
 worse than a drunkard and a brawler. 
 
 For centuries the royal families and 
 
 the aristocracies of Europe and the 
 landed gentry of Ireland have socially 
 excommunicated — they call it os- 
 tracized — whole classes and profes- 
 sions, and even races. Follow their 
 example, not in the interests of social 
 pride, but in the interests of sacred 
 principle — and they will find that this 
 sword is two-edged, and that they have 
 no longer a monopoly of the hilt! 
 [Cheers.] Surely, my friends, if kings 
 can do no wrong, and if aristocracies 
 are the nobility, and if the gentry are in 
 fact, as well as pretense, a superior 
 class — you would not only violate no 
 law, but you would be entitled to great 
 praise for imitating their illustrious ex- 
 ample. [Cheers.] [To the reporter:] 
 Has John Bright's spy got that down ? 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 This is no new policy. I am advo- 
 cating only a new application of an 
 ancient policy. Once Europe was a 
 vast camp of armed men. And yet we 
 read that the haughtiest emperor of 
 Europe was once forced to kneel in 
 the snow, a suppliant, for three days 
 and nights at the door of a priest who 
 had not an armed soldier to obey his 
 orders. What power brought the ar- 
 mored prince to the feet of the unarmed 
 • Pope ? It was the terrible weapon of 
 religious excommunication. That weap- 
 on you cannot wield in defense of your 
 rights ; but the next keenest weapon — 
 the power of social excommunication 
 — is yours, and no law of the state nor 
 of the church forbids you to draw it. 
 [To the reporter:] Has John Bright's 
 spy got that down ? 
 
 [Pointing to the statue of St. Patrick 
 over the church door, Mr. Redpath 
 continued :] 
 
 Since the sandals of St. Patrick first 
 pressed the soil of pagan Ireland — since 
 he planted here, never more to be over- 
 thrown, the radiant banner of the 
 Christian faith, there, never yet has 
 sprung from the illumined heart of any 
 Irish patriot a project so worthy of that 
 flag and that faith as the movement 
 that the Land League is now sending 
 forth its heralds to summon you to joia 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 57 
 
 Its creed is pure ; its ways are wise ; ' 
 its aim is divine. It is the latest and ! 
 the ripest fruit of the sacred seeds that 
 St. Patrick sowed. [Applause.] 
 
 The saints and heroes of a century 
 that has been dead for centuries de- 
 voutly prayed and bravely fought for 
 the recovery of the Holy Sepulcher and 
 the rescue of the Holy Land from the 
 " infidel Saracens." You are called to 
 a kindred crusade — to rescue the holy 
 land of Ireland from the infidel Sara- 
 cens of the nineteenth centur}- — the 
 Irish landlords ! Never has " The Isle 
 of Saints " given birth to a man so 
 saintly that his white robes would have 
 been sullied by figliting the battles 
 of this new crusade. Ah, no I they 
 would have shone with a more lu- 
 minous purity thereby. [Cheers and 
 applause.] 
 
 And in this holy land there is a prize 
 more precious than even that empty 
 sepulcher, forever sacred, in which once 
 lay buried the Holy Body. You know 
 Who it was Who said that whoso feeds 
 the hungry, and clothes the naked, and 
 breaks the chains of the captive, gives 
 bread to, and raiment, and liberates, 
 not the earthly disciple needy, but the 
 Heavenlv Master in want. This sub- 
 lime and sacred utterance consecrates 
 and sanctifies the West of Ireland — 
 this old home of wrinkled sorrow — as 
 the Holy Land of our day, the Holy 
 Land in which, ragged and hungry, and 
 at die mercy of men without mercy, 
 the living Lord Himself inhabits every* 
 wretched hovel in these sterile hill- 
 foots and these stony mountain-slopes. 
 [Loud cheers.] 
 
 It is a heroic Christian crusade — 
 this bloodless warfare that you are 
 waging — for the recovery of the holy 
 land of Ireland for the people of Ire- 
 land. 
 
 The Saracens were called robbers 
 because they held a Holy Land by 
 virtue of a military conquest. The 
 Saracens were called infidels because 
 they did not believe in the truths of 
 the Christian religion. For the same 
 reasons, and by the same token, are 
 
 I not the great landlords of the West of 
 ! Ireland the infidel Saracens of our day ? 
 You can tell a man's real religion in 
 one way only — not by listening to what 
 he says, but by looking at what he 
 does. By a cuttle-fish ihetoric a man 
 may hide the truth, but his acts will 
 betray him. [C^ieers.] 
 
 What is the real religion of the great 
 landlords of the West of Ireland ? 
 Translated into words — not by their 
 lips, but by their deeds — the religion of 
 these landlords is the most purely 
 pagan religion of any age or of any 
 race on this planet to-day. [Loud 
 applause.] 
 
 I shall notsully my lips by repeating 
 every article of the landlord's creed, 
 but 1 shall quote two or three of the 
 more fundamental dogmas of it. 
 
 The first article of the landlord's 
 creed is this: " I believe that the 
 Creator intended that the land of a 
 country should be owned, not by the 
 native inhabitants of the countr}-, but 
 by any accidental conqueror of the 
 countr}-, and that it should be di\'ided, 
 not even among the soldiers who made 
 that confiscation possible, but exclu- 
 sively among a few favorite officers 
 who strengthened and extended the 
 power of a foreign king, or among the 
 parasites of a regal court, who served 
 his selfish purposes, or flattered his 
 vanity, or yielded to his lust." On 
 these two dead branches of a upas- 
 tree hang most of the titles of the 
 great landed prourietors of Ireland 
 to-day. 
 
 The second article of the landlord's 
 creed is like unto the first article. It 
 reads : " I believe that the land of Ire- 
 land and the people of Ireland were 
 created for the sole purpose of admin- 
 istering to the comfort and conven- 
 ience of the Irish landlords." [Loud 
 applause.] You all know, men of 
 Galway, with how remorseless a thor- 
 oughness the great landlords of the 
 West of Ireland have enforced this 
 article of their heathen creed. Thou- 
 sands of schools, and churches, and 
 villages in tlie West of Ireland ; tens 
 
''BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAIN. 
 
 of thousands of the cabins of the 
 toilers of the soil and of the sea ; and 
 hundreds of thousands of laborers, and 
 mechanics, and artisans, and teachers, 
 and scholars, and priests — by indi\ id- 
 uals, and by districts — have been 
 swept away as if a pestilence had 
 passed over them, throughout all this 
 Land of Sighs, by these hereditary 
 " Huns and Vandals," who use not 
 the flaming sword of a " scourge of 
 God," but the civil decree of the proc- 
 ess-server — Huns who hide their 
 cowardly heads in foreign gambling 
 hells; Vandals who hire a native 
 constabulaiy to destroy the homes 
 of the people of Ireland. [Loud 
 cheers.] 
 
 The third article of the landlord's 
 creed is that the Irish family has no 
 rights that the Irish gamekeeper is 
 bound to respect ; that whenever the 
 little holding of the farmer, by his 
 own toil, or by the toil of his fore- 
 fathers, reclaimed from barrenness, is 
 necessary for the welfare of his hares 
 and rabbits and grouse, the fathers, 
 and mothers, and little ones must be 
 driven out that the ground game and 
 wild fowl may fatten. [Applause.] 
 Every one of you can testify 
 that the tourist traveling from the 
 sea m any direction in this county must 
 pass through a wild and deserted 
 country, desolated not by conquerors 
 in the interest of their race, but by 
 landlords in the interest of their 
 rabbits. 
 
 Americans regard their Government 
 as an organization for the protection 
 of the rights of men. The Irish land- 
 lords regard the British Government 
 as an institution, not for the protection 
 of human rights, but for the more per- 
 fect conservation of feudal preroga- 
 tives — prerogatives everywhere, else- 
 where, even in England, either so 
 tempered by usage that they have lost 
 their ancient power to oppress, or 
 abohshed by law, or abrogated by 
 custom or contempt. 
 
 The people of England and Scot- 
 land are governed by the laws of Eng- 
 
 land. If the people of Ireland were 
 governed by the laws of England, then 
 their grievances might be justly, how- 
 ever ungenerously, classified as senti- 
 mental grievances. 
 
 But the West of Ireland is not gov- 
 erned by the people nor by the laws 
 of England, excepting as they are 
 auxiliaries to the despotic government 
 of the landlords. The people of 
 England would not endure the wrongs 
 you suffer from the tyranny of the 
 landlords; nor, I believe, would they 
 permit you to endure them if they 
 knew the true story of your wrongs. 
 But, breathing the moral malaria of 
 London social life, that so soon poi- 
 sons even Irish Parliamentar}^ patriots, 
 the leaders of the British parties and 
 the British press — and especially the 
 self-named " Liberal" journals — papers 
 like the Daily News, for example, and 
 the London Times, edited by intellect- 
 ual eunuchs for intellectual serfs — cne 
 and all persistently refuse to report the 
 whole truth about Ireland, or to listen 
 with patience to her story. 
 
 And yet, there is no more important 
 question for England than the Irish 
 question, whether it is regarded from a 
 national or an international point of 
 view. The Irish landlords have made 
 a tool of the British Government and 
 a fool of the British people for genera- 
 tions. When I go back to America, I 
 shall say, and I shall prove by exam- 
 ples — giving names and dates, and fig- 
 ures and estates — that there is no par- 
 allel to the oppression that the Irish 
 peasantry endure in all Europe to-day, 
 excepting in the Christian provinces of 
 Turkey, where the taxes are farmed 
 out to Mohammedans. [Loud cheers.] 
 These landlords have escaped exposure 
 before Christendom, because by their 
 law of libel they can ruin any editor 
 who tells of their cmelties. [Applause. ) 
 Standing at my side is a Mayo editor 
 who received a threatening letter from 
 the great landlord in this parish, warn- 
 ing him of the consequences if he did 
 not publish a paragraph that the state- 
 ments of your honored and heroic 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES RED PATH. 59 
 
 curate were false.* That letter was a 
 legal letter, written in legal terms ; not 
 in a disguised hand, but by a solicitor. 
 The laws of England protect Lord 
 Ardilaun in sending it. But the law 
 of English libel does not run in Amer- 
 ica, and my Lord Double X will find 
 that journalists are an international fra- 
 ternity, and will stand by each other 
 against any invader of their rights. 
 [Cheers.] 
 
 What would England have said if 
 three millions of Christians had been 
 expelled from Turkey, or starved into 
 the grave, for no offense except that 
 for a single famine year they could not 
 pay extortionate taxation ? England 
 would have flung the Sultan and his 
 hosts out of Europe headlong into 
 Asia. But the Irish landlords have 
 driven three millions of Irish Christians 
 into their graves and from native 
 country, and England has looked on 
 and helped them, and sternly punished 
 every effort of the people to resist this 
 expulsion. [Cheers.] For three cent- 
 uries, the rule of the landlord has been 
 one long record of ruin and disaster ; 
 and yet to-day, as in the days of Crom- 
 well, the only remedy of the lords of 
 the soil is — exile or exterminate the 
 Irish ! Once their cry was, " To hell 
 or Connaught ! " Now it is, " To the 
 poor-house or America ! " 
 
 Do the British statesmen never pause 
 to ask themselves whether, in continu- 
 ing to be the lackeys and executioners 
 of the Irish landlords — whether, in 
 driving away these sore-hearted Irish 
 
 * The editor was Mr. James Daley, of the 
 Castlebar Telegraph, who — Uke Mr. Gordon, 
 previously referred to — is now [May i, 1881] 
 in jail, without trial or accusation, at the in- 
 stance of the recreant Quakers, Mr. Secretary 
 Forster and Mr. John Bright, who act as the 
 pious figure-heads for this infamous suppres- 
 sion of free speech and a free press in Ireland. 
 The Lord Ardilaun is Sir Arthur Guiness, 
 whose family was " ennobled " by Beaconsfield. 
 The Guinesses have always been partisans and 
 parasites of English tyranny in Ireland ; they 
 have grown rich — and "noble" — by selling 
 Dublin porter, and thereby debauching five 
 generations of I/ishmen. 
 
 exiles — they may not be sowing the 
 winds that will ripen into a hurricane 
 of hatred against England ? Where 
 do these peasants go, who have been 
 expelled to give place to pheasants ? 
 I will tell them. They go to a land 
 that has not one cause to love the Brit- 
 ish Government, and many reasons to 
 hate it. Every Irish exile becomes a 
 missionary of hate, to quicken, to keep 
 alive, and to fan every spark of animos- 
 ity against England. .[Cheers.] There 
 are already in America, at the lowest 
 computation, sixteen millions of citizens 
 of Irish birth and Irish descent. Their 
 numbers and their influence are daily 
 increasing. If there vs any man in 
 America of Irish descent v/ho does not 
 hate the British Government — barring 
 here and there a solitary Orangeman — 
 I never met that man, nor ever heard 
 of him. 
 
 How is it Avith the native Americans ? 
 The Americans have a kindly regard for 
 the English people ; but. North and 
 South, they have no good-will to the 
 British Government. American flun- 
 keys in England often fawn on English 
 society, and our embassadors, as in 
 duty bound, prophesy smooth things. 
 Do you know why we send poets to 
 England ? Because poets are of imagi- 
 nation all compact ; and when an 
 American talks in England of Ameri- 
 can friendship for the British Govern- 
 ment, he needs must depend wholly 
 for his facts on his imagination. [Ap- 
 plause.] But Bntish statesmen should 
 know the truth ; and, however distaste- 
 ful the truth may be, it is a fact that 
 the leaders of the South hate the Brit- 
 ish Government, because they believe 
 that they would have succeeded if 
 England had recognized their Con- 
 federacy, and that the people of the 
 N orth have neither forgotten nor for- 
 given the destruction of our commerce 
 and the hostile spirit of British states- 
 men and the British press during our 
 long years of national agony. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 Is it wise to drive missionaries of 
 hatred by the millions to America ? 
 
6o 
 
 ''BETWEEN TWO LORDS SLAINr 
 
 Would it not be better, looking to the 
 long future, to abolish the system that 
 furnishes fresh fuel to such a smolder- 
 ing fire ? 
 
 But what care the Irish landlords ? 
 What care they for an American 
 alliance ? They must keep their rab- 
 bits and get their rents, even should 
 races perish or empires grapple in the 
 strife. 
 
 The creed of the landlord is pagan- 
 ism. The fruit of his rule is serfdom. 
 
 Don't be afraid of hard names. 
 These pagans call you communists, 
 because you demand peasant proprie- 
 tar}-. Why, all the great minds of 
 modern political science have advo- 
 cated the institution of peasant pro- 
 prietary; and, what is better even than 
 their approval, the example of a pros- 
 perity unparalleled before, wherever 
 peasant proprietary has been estab- 
 lished, is the conclusive and irrefutable 
 answer to these brawlmg inanities. 
 What was statesmanship with Harden- 
 burg and Stein in Germany cannot be 
 communism with Pamell and Davitt 
 in Connaught. [Cheers.] 
 
 Who opposes the landlords ? The 
 Land League. [Cheers for the Land 
 League.] 
 
 What is its creed ? The Land 
 League teaches that God endowed all 
 men with equal rights to the soil ; that 
 the land of a country is the property 
 of the whole people of the country, 
 which they alone can alienate, and 
 then only in perpetual trust, always 
 subject to such laws as shall promote, 
 not the selfish interests of a class, 
 but the general prosperity : that the 
 system that breeds, and for centuries has 
 bred, hunger in hovels, wretchedness 
 in rags, indigence and ignorance — 
 empty stomachs and empty heads — to 
 the end that rich brewers may hunt 
 over the sites of ancestral homesteads, 
 and rich brokers * may mock Heaven 
 by attempting to revive feudalism in 
 
 * Many of Mr. Mitchell-Henry's tenants 
 were at this meeting. 
 
 the nmeteenth century — that pheasants 
 ■ may fatten and peasants grow gaunt — 
 I that the existing system of feudal land 
 ; tenure in the West of Ireland is in its 
 origin immoral, despotic in its govem- 
 I ment, and by its influence destructive 
 j alike of material prosperity and intel- 
 1 lectual development — and that, there- 
 fore, having being weighed in the 
 balances of time and found wanting, it 
 shall be thrown down and destroyed 
 utterly and forever. [Cheers.] The 
 triumph of the Land League will be a 
 ; triumph of civilization over barbarism 
 — a triumph of democracy over feudal- 
 ism — a triumph of human rights over 
 , blood-rusted prerogatives. 
 
 Again, men of Galway, it is the old 
 battle with new banners and new war- 
 cries, but waged against the same old 
 foe. 
 
 Again, it is the auroral dawn of a 
 : civilization of liberty and light that is 
 dispelling the Egyptian darkness of an 
 ancient despotism. 
 
 Again, it is the people against the 
 aristocracy. 
 
 Again, it is the spirit of St. Patrick, 
 with unliftcd hands, invoking the aid 
 of Heaven against the oppressors of 
 God's poor. 
 
 Under which banner, men of Gal- 
 way, will you fight — under the green 
 banner of the Irish saint, or under the 
 black flag of the Irish lord ? [Cries of 
 "St. Patrick," and cheers.] "Choose 
 ye this day whom ye will serve," and 
 having chosen, stand firm, listening to 
 the voice of no channer, charm he 
 ever so wisely; and, ere long, without 
 a crime, but without a doubt, Ireland 
 will be held by her people and tilled 
 for her people, and, once thus held, 
 I this prayer-perfumed Isle of Saints, the 
 home and altar of the Virgin Mother 
 of the Nations, who has wept for cent- 
 uries in grief, but never once blushed 
 in shame, at the slaughter of her first- 
 born, slain for the sweet love of her — 
 this Holy Land of Ireland, for a thou- 
 sand generations to come, liberated 
 from tyranny and luminous ^rith vir- 
 tue, will be the chosen heritage and 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 6i 
 
 perpetual inheritance of the Irish 
 race. [Loud and long-continued 
 cheering.] 
 
 " Mr. Redpath," says the DubHn 
 NaHo7t, " was serenaded at the resi- 
 
 dence of Father Conway in the evening 
 by two bands and a great concourse of 
 people. He made a second speech, 
 which he announced would be his fare- 
 well speech in Ireland." 
 
 IX. 
 
 ST. BRIDGET AND BRIDGET. 
 
 [This speech, published in the Boston Pilot, is preceded by a letter from Mr. Redpath, 
 dated New York, December 3, 1880, in which he writes: "My dear Boyle O'Reilly: As 
 you have published the speeches that I delivered in Ireland, I send you a speech that I wrote io 
 be delivered in America, but which must remain an unspoken speech, because I cannot read 
 it aloud. Yotc liked my other speeches, but this is the speech /like. I intended to make it 
 in response to the toast of St. Bridget and Bridget,' at the little supper you and my other Irish 
 friends promised me at my next visit to Boston. I wrote it one day in Dublin, about three 
 months ago, after I had come back from Mayo, and had again seen the agonies of separation at 
 the railway stations — scenes that nearly drove me wild last winter, and that I can never recall 
 without keen suffering. The thoughts these scenes give rise to I noted down, intending, by and 
 by, to put them into a more perfect form. But I send them as I wrote them, with only two or 
 three slight alterations. I can never deliver the speech, because when I come to tell of the 
 partings I do not see the words I wrote, but the agonies I witnessed, and my heart chokes. If 
 you care to publish it, you can do so and welcome. Ever your friend, James Redpath."] 
 
 THERE was once a saint in Ireland 
 who bore the name of Bridget. 
 From the ^ nature of the discussions, 
 largely carried on by American ladies, 
 that appear Irom time to time in the 
 Boston dailies, I long ago came to the 
 conclusion that, if a consensus of Yan- 
 kee opinion could be obtained, it would 
 be found to be a quite common belief 
 in our beloved land that St. Bridget left 
 no successor of her own name. 
 
 " One-half of the world does not 
 know how the other half lives." This 
 famous utterance is the dim shadow of 
 a finger-post that shows how far away 
 yet is the good time coming, foreseen 
 by the poets and the prophets. A cent- 
 ury often separates our kitchens and 
 our parlors. The struggle that is going 
 on in Europe to-day between the Com- 
 ing and the Past, between Democracy 
 and Feudalism, is felt, in another form, 
 in almost every wealthy household in 
 America. There, in the Old World, 
 Feudal Oppression still strives to 
 conserve its power to dominate and 
 debase ; here, in the New World, the 
 
 homes of the nineteenth century are 
 often made unhappy by the mischief 
 that it has already wrought. There, 
 the oppression of the feudal classes has 
 driven millions into hovels so wretched, 
 and has kept them in squalor so foul ; 
 it has forced them to lodge in cabins, 
 without other floors than the damp 
 earth, without stoves, without grates, 
 without mirrors, without wash-stands, 
 without wash-tubs, without towels, with- 
 out sheets, without blankets, often 
 without windows and without chim- 
 neys ; it has doomed the young Irish 
 peasant girls and Irish peasant mothers, 
 and the gray-haired Irish grandmothers, 
 and even the great-grandmothers, to go 
 for months, and sometimes for years, 
 without shoes and stockings, without 
 decent underclothing, without any sin- 
 gle article of feminine adornment or 
 luxury ; it has fed them for generations 
 on a diet fit only for the beasts that 
 perish — on potatoes or Indian meal and 
 skim-milk thrice a day, with meat only 
 once or twice a year ; it has kept them 
 in compulsory ignorance for so many 
 
62 
 
 ST. BRIDGET AND BRIDGET. 
 
 centuries past, and up to a period 
 within the memory of men still living, 
 by every device that selfishness could 
 devise and cruelty could enforce, feudal 
 England has so pitilessly suppressed the 
 Irish intellect and oppressed the Irish 
 heart that, when it coronates its crimes 
 by expelling the Irish poor by city-fulls 
 from the land of their birth, her cham- 
 pions have found it easy to convert 
 other nations, and especially our peo- 
 ple, to their own infamous creed that 
 the sufferings of the Irish people are 
 the natural result of their own vices 
 and faults of character. England, by 
 her policy in Ireland, — not for this or 
 any one generation only, but for seven 
 red centuries, — has fed and lodged the 
 Irish peasantry as we feed our pigs — 
 although American farmers house their 
 pigs in greater comfort. England has 
 sternly and remorselessly, for seven 
 hundred years, kept the Irish peasantry 
 outside the pale of European civiliza- 
 tion, by a wall made of bayonets ; and 
 now, when she hurls them by the mill- 
 ion into our complex and affluent civil- 
 ization, when we find their children 
 awkward in the handling of utensils 
 that they had never even heard of at 
 home, careless as to a cleanliness that 
 it was impossible to cultivate in their 
 dark and smoky cabins, and apt — 
 as all newly emancipated people are 
 apt — to forget that discipline is not only 
 not incompatible with social democ- 
 racy, but essential to an order based on 
 liberty, — England, by her hirelings and 
 parasites, pointing to poor " Patrick's " 
 and " Bridget's " short-comings, plays 
 tlie part of " Dick Deadeye" with the 
 pomp of a " Turv^eydrop," and says : 
 " I told you so ! I told you so ! " 
 
 When I was in Ireland I found that 
 whatever the British tourists said 
 about the Irish peasants, as a general 
 rule, was the exact opposite of the 
 truth. When ihe Southern " Ku- 
 Klux " shouted tiiat the negroes were 
 committing outrages, everybody knew, 
 if he had studied the history of the 
 ten years after Appomattox, that the 
 haters of the blacks had been doing 
 
 i some mischief, and were trjdng to 
 I conceal it. It is the same in Ireland. 
 1 The methods and the apologies for 
 j tyranny are essentially the same in 
 ! every country. It is always the rich 
 j robber who shouts " Stop thief." In 
 I Ireland, it is the landed class who 
 commit agrarian outrages — who ac- 
 cuse ihe landless toilers of agrarian 
 j outrages. And, in the case of Bridget, 
 j it is the class who have kept her in 
 enforced ignorance at home, and in 
 compulsory penury, who should be 
 held responsible for her ignorance of 
 the machinery of opulence in America. 
 She is not to blame, and she ought not 
 to be blamed for it. When our Amer- 
 ican ladies suffer annoyance at Brid- 
 get's want of skill, they should not be 
 angry at their servant, but at feudal 
 England, for it. And, if they would 
 take the trouble to try and learn from 
 their " Irish serv^ant-girls " the true 
 story of their life at home, they would 
 sometimes make a discovery that 
 would surely astound them — that St. 
 Bridget had left successors who bore 
 her name; that many of these Irish 
 servant-girls, who so often " try " 
 American patience by their ignorance, 
 and provoke American petulance by 
 their awkwardness, have braved dan- 
 gers of the sea and perils of the un- 
 known lands that the Puritan saints 
 have been almost canonized for con- 
 fronting ; and that they have faced 
 and overthrown temptations which 
 Catholic saints have been canonized 
 for resisting. They might discover at 
 the same moment that some of the 
 traits that American ladies most 
 strongly condemn in the character of 
 their " hired girls " are neither vices 
 nor faults, but only the reverse sides of 
 the medals of the heart that bear on 
 the other sides the sacred figures of 
 self-sacrifice and filial affection. 
 
 New England, on its " Forefathers' 
 Day," celebrates the heroism of the 
 Puritans who crossed unknown seas 
 to a land unknown — who faced the 
 known terrors of the ocean and the 
 I unknown terrors of the wilderness — ' 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 63 
 
 " that they might worship God accord- 
 ing to the dictates of their conscience." 
 I honor New England for honoring 
 these heroes, and I do not condemn 
 New England for forgetting to re- 
 member that these Puritans had their 
 faults ; that they, too — these fugitives 
 from religious oppression — became in 
 their turn the oppressors of other men 
 who sought to worship God according 
 to the dictates of their consciences. 
 But, if ever the Irish race in America 
 estabhsh a " Foremothers' Day," I 
 shall regard them as cowards if they 
 do not place side by side with the 
 Pilgrim fathers of the seventeenth 
 century the Irish servant-girls of the 
 nineteenth century. Heroism is hero- 
 ism, whether it sings psalms or says 
 its beads ; whether it lands on 
 Plymouth Rock or at Castle Garden ; 
 whether the motive that inspires it is 
 love of God or love of man, of 
 Heaven or home. 
 
 We have all seen the " Departure of 
 the Pilgrims from Holland." New- 
 England genius has drawn aside the 
 thick ciurtain, woven by the jealous 
 spirit of three centuries to conceal it ; 
 and, throwing on that immortal scene 
 the tender lights of poetry and paint- 
 ing, it has exhibited that kneeling 
 group, with bended knees and hands 
 clasped in prayer, as they were ready 
 to embark on a stormy sea for an in- 
 hospitable shore. 
 
 In the West of Ireland, this very 
 year, I have witnessed many scenes 
 more pathetic and as noble : groups 
 of young Irish maidens clinging to 
 their sobbing mothers, and weeping, 
 and shrieking, and quivering in an- 
 guish, and tearing themselves away ; 
 and then trying to enter the cars, but 
 instantly rushing back again, and 
 wildly clasping the desolate old women 
 to their bursting hearts once more. 
 Suddenly, the whisde of the engine 
 sounded ; and then arose such a 
 chorus of sobs and shrieks and moans ; 
 there was such a frantic flinging up of 
 trembling and wrinkled arms to 
 Heaven ; there were such tumultuous 
 
 i outbursts of passionate despair in that 
 I ancient tongue that centuries of sorrow 
 have consecrated to the holy sacrament 
 of human suffering, that I have been 
 forced again and again to rush away 
 and hide from the appalling spectacle 
 of hopeless anguish. And yet I was 
 only a looker-on ; and yet I knew 
 that these young girls were going from 
 ; a worse than an Egyptian house of 
 ; bondage to a better than a Hebrew 
 1 Land of Promise. 
 
 i Why did they go ? Not to escape 
 ; religious persecution, nor even tO ad- 
 vance their worldly ambition ; not 
 from the love of adventure, nor from a 
 hatred of home; for no Irish girl 
 would ever leave her native land if 
 she could live in comfort in it. They 
 I went, these young girls, unguarded 
 ! and untaught in the ways of the world, 
 into the dread unknown of earthly 
 life, most of them never having seen 
 a steamer, nor the sea ; some of them 
 without a friend to welcome them on 
 the foreign shores on which they 
 would be landed almost penniless. 
 Why did they go ? Often it is to save 
 their aged parents from the terrors of 
 impending eviction — that the white- 
 haired woman who bore them might 
 die in peace beneath the old cabin 
 roof. 
 
 The Pilgrims were men of tough 
 fiber, and inured to hardship. They 
 went with their families. They emi- 
 grated in colonies. They preferred 
 exile to oppression. They acted fi*om 
 principle. I honor them for it. I 
 ; recognize their courage. But I honor 
 I still more these Irish girls who go 
 ! alone from the land they love — not at 
 the dictation of the manly intellect, 
 but from the promptings of the womanly 
 heart. 
 
 I have heard it said that Bridget, 
 fresh from tlie bogs of Connemara, is 
 more of a Yankee than the Yankees 
 themselves in driving a shaq) bargain • 
 for her services. I have always re- 
 garded this charge as a compliment to 
 the Irish girl. I have looked on it as 
 I an augury of good omen to "our re- 
 
64 
 
 57: BRIDGET AND BRIDGET. 
 
 public, for it seemed to me to show 
 that she was quick to adapt herself to 
 the spirit of American institutions. It 
 appeared to me a guarantee that her 
 children would be sure to assimilate 
 themselves with American nationality. 
 But in Ireland I discovered the true 
 reason for this prompritude, so to 
 speak, of financial naturalization ; that 
 it came not from her intellect, but her 
 memory ; because she knew, what the 
 American lady did not know, that the 
 old folks at home were at the mercy 
 of a class without pity, but with 
 despotic power. No American who 
 has ever come in contact with landlord 
 power in Ireland will blame Bridget 
 for her dread of it, even if it is shown, 
 as he may think, at his own expense. 
 Let it teach us tliat no race can be op- 
 pressed anywhere without ever}- race 
 being forced to sutler from it. We are 
 taxed in America to-day by the same 
 class that oppresses the Irish at home. 
 The Irish in America pay the rents of 
 thousands of farms in the West of 
 Ireland. Every dollar that is sent 
 there is abstracted from our national 
 wealth, and hence we Americans have 
 a \-ital interest in the liberation of Ire- 
 land from landlord tyranny. Having 
 driven the old Irish from all the fertile 
 lands of Ireland into the once desolate 
 Connaught, and then driven them by 
 thousands out of Connemara beyond 
 the sea, the landlords still pursue them 
 across the Atlantic, and tax them be- 
 neath the Stars and Stripes." Taxa- 
 tion without representation is t}Tanny," 
 and as we are not represented in Parlia- 
 ment we owe it to our great national 
 principle to help to destroy the land- 
 lord tyranny of Ireland. 
 
 If I did not know that Bridget 
 would forgive me without the asking, I 
 should beg her pardon for keeping her 
 waiting during this political digression, 
 but I know that she hates the Irish 
 landlords with such a hearty Irish ha- 
 
 tred that she would be willing to stand 
 for hours and hear them denounced, 
 j There is a class of women in Ireland 
 whose purity of life and self-sacrificing 
 devotion to the poor have evoked the 
 I admiration of every honest heart that 
 ever beat in their presence. St. Bridget 
 is their representative in the past, and 
 my saindy friend, the Nun of Kenmare. 
 is their representative to-day. I mean 
 the Irish nuns. Not a Catholic nor 
 Irishman among you honors them 
 more than I do, although I am neither 
 ' Irishman nor Catholic. Not one of 
 you would more quickly or more indig- 
 nantly resent any imputation on their 
 saindy fame. Not by the millionth 
 degree of a hair's breadth would I lower 
 the lofty pedestal on which Irish piety 
 and Irish gratitude have placed their 
 images. But I ask you to remember 
 — if there is one among you who needs 
 public recognition as a standard by 
 which you must measure human worthi- 
 ness — that there is another and a larger 
 class of Irish women, not secluded 
 1 from the world, and enveloped by 
 reverence and guarded by traditional 
 \ sancnty, but fighting in the thickest 
 j and murkiest smoke of the batde of 
 I life,— solitary, often tempted, always 
 , poor. — who, in ever)- land and among 
 \ ever}- class, have done an equal credit 
 to Irish character and to womanly vir- 
 tue and to their religious faith; I mean 
 : the Irish ser\-ant-girls." Now, if I 
 were a Catholic, I should still be a 
 . republican, and I should insist, if I 
 were placed where my voice had au- 
 I thority, that there should be a democ- 
 racy in canonization ; that if any one 
 i man — St. Anthony, for example — was 
 ; entitled to have his name enrolled on 
 I the list of saints for his resistance to 
 I one temptation, then, that Ireland 
 , should be known in the calendar of 
 { the Church, not as the Island of St 
 ; Bridget, but the Island of the saints 
 I called Bridget. 
 
 i 
 
A SPEECH BY JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 6S 
 
 X. 
 
 "PARNELL AND HIS ASSOCIATES." 
 
 [Mr. Redpath responded to the toast of " Parnell and his Associates," at the banquet on 
 St. Patrick's Day, i88i, at Brooklyn, N. Y. The report is from the Brooklyn Daily Eagle.~\ 
 
 Mr. Chairi7ia)i afid Gentlemen : 
 
 THERE could be no more appro- 
 priate day than St. Patrick^s Day, 
 save one — ^the sacred day of the Nativ- 
 ity — on which to send a message of 
 thanks and of clieer to Mr. Parnell and 
 his associates, for they are carrying on 
 the work of St. Patrick in the spirit of 
 St. Patrick, as he carried forward the 
 work of his Master in the spirit of the 
 Master. 
 
 What is the Irish struggle ? It is 
 not a mere squeaking squabble about 
 rent ; it is hot a selfish contest for self- 
 ish ends between classes or between 
 creeds. It is a noble crusade for hu- 
 man rights ; it is a holy war to break 
 the chains of the oppressed, to feed 
 the hungry, to clothe the naked, and to 
 uplift the down-trodden people of Ire- 
 land. Never in our time has there 
 been a grander fight for a grander 
 cause. 
 
 The spirit of the leaders in this war 
 is worthy of its lofty aim. They do 
 not seek to array class against class, 
 or race against race, or religion against 
 religion. They issue no appeals to 
 the baser instincts of men. They 
 make no uniighteous demands. They 
 ask only for justice and for equality of 
 rights. 
 
 Their creed is a bouquet gathered 
 from the gardens qf modern thought, 
 containing not a single flower that 
 liberty has not planted, and philosophy 
 watered, and the love of mankind 
 wooed into beauty. [Applause.] 
 
 It is rarely that any honest Ameri- 
 can citizen can give an unstinted ap- 
 proval of the principles and the lead- 
 ers of his party. He often feels forced 
 to make a choice of evils — to strike an 
 average — and to cast his ballots, not 
 from his heart, but from his head. 
 
 5 
 
 There is no such necessity in Ireland 
 to-day. The leaders and the princi- 
 ples of the Land League are alike and 
 equally worthy of approval and ac- 
 ceptance. I respond with all my 
 heart to the toast of " Mr. Parnell and 
 his associates." I went to Ireland 
 prejudiced against them, but I soon 
 learned there to honor and admire 
 them. They are the advance-guard 
 of American liberty on its conquering 
 tour around the world. [Applause.] 
 It is idle now to question Mr. Parnell's 
 capacity for such leadership as these 
 times demand — which is not the in- 
 tellectual autocracy of an O'Connell, 
 but the organizing intuitions "of a Lin- 
 coln. " New times demand new 
 measures and new men " ; and the era 
 of autocrats has vanished, or is rapidly 
 vanishing. The new leaders must be 
 content to organize existing forces, and 
 to obey the will of the people — not to 
 create parties and to command them. 
 That nation is not fit for liberty which 
 depends for victory on any one leader. 
 During our war, general after general 
 failed, and our President was slain, but 
 the republic, although it wept, never 
 fixltered for an hour. My hope of 
 Ireland to-day is chiefly founded on 
 the belief that if Mr. Parnell and all of 
 his associates in leadership were to 
 die or to be imprisoned to-night, the 
 Irish nation would arise sadder, but as 
 resolute as now, to renew the fight to- 
 morrow morning. [Applause.] No 
 living man is entitled to the credit of 
 organizing the mighty moral forces of 
 Ireland to-day. The Irish people or- 
 ganized themselves. [Applause.] I had 
 the happiness to be a spectator of their 
 work. For the first time in hundreds 
 of years, from the day of Brian 
 Boroihme, the victor, to the day of 
 
66 
 
 ''PARNELL AND 
 
 HIS associates:' 
 
 Victoria, the evictor [laughter], the 
 Irish people themselves have come to 
 the front. The Land League is the 
 organization of the Irish Democracy. 
 Yet even in a democracy, although 
 leaders are no longer kings, they can 
 largely influence for a time the jorog- 
 ress of the popular aspirations, Mr. 
 Parnell and his associates, thus far, 
 have shown great skill and wisdom 
 and courage. They have not yet made 
 a single mistake. The frantic efforts 
 of the monarchical press to proclaim 
 errors only serve to point out where 
 another saber-thrust has penetrated 
 the royal coat of armor. [Applause.] 
 1 have watched every movement in 
 Parliament and in Ireland, and I re- 
 peat that the Land League leaders, 
 up to the present hour, have not com- 
 mitted a solitary blunder. 
 
 Obstruction has not only delayed 
 the triumph of despotism in Ireland, 
 but it has torn off its mask and drawn 
 out most of its fangs. England to- 
 day stands, not arraigned ouly, but 
 convicted, of tyranny and hypocrisy. 
 When last the coercion laws \yere en- 
 acted, Irish patriots were swept by 
 thousands into the prisons, if not un- 
 wept, unchronicled. To-day they can 
 be counted by units, and the British 
 Government has declared that less 
 than one hundred shall be arrested. 
 Only one of the great Irish leaders has 
 been sacrificed — a man so pure, so 
 noble, so self-sacrificing, so patriotic, 
 that the British (jovernment docs not 
 dare to leave him at large — a man 
 who loves Ireland and Hberty so fer- 
 vently that he would kiss the scaffold 
 with more than the rapture of a lover if 
 he thought that by doing so he could 
 marry liberty to Ireland — Michael 
 Davitt. [Enthiisiastic cheering.] 
 
 Boycotting has brought the land- 
 
 lords to bay, almost to reason — the 
 first time that either event has occurred 
 in their history. [Applause.] 
 
 I have no time to speak of the more 
 conspicuous leaders associated with 
 Mr. Parnell. It must suffice to say 
 that, knowing them well, I regard 
 them as the most noteworthy and the 
 noblest group of public men on this 
 planet to-day. 
 
 But, gendemen, Mr. Parnell has 
 other associates greater than they. 
 When I think of his associates I see 
 behind him the united Irish nation — 
 the center of his army — of which the 
 right and left wings are the Irish race 
 of two hemispheres, while away at the 
 antipodes there is an Irish reserve, 
 eager, liberal, and alert, ready to sus- 
 tain him if his main army should 
 waver. England cannot evict a whole 
 nation ; England cannot imprison a 
 whole race; England cannot coerce 
 the lovers of liberty among every race, 
 and, therefore, if we shall keep step, 
 refusing to quarrel among ourselves, I 
 believe that we shall all live to see 
 the dawn of liberty in Ireland. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 I praise the present leaders of 
 Ireland because they are men of our 
 day, with modern ideas — they look 
 ahead, not behind ; they do not waste 
 their lives in eulogizmg the old chiefs 
 and kings of Ireland, but in preparing 
 the way for the good time coming, 
 when there shall be neither chiefs nor 
 kings on this earth. The man who 
 follows a ghost lands at last in a grave- 
 yard. The Irish leaders of to-day 
 have their faces set toward the Zion 
 of republicanism. They are looking 
 forward, and leadifig their people to 
 the promised land, foretold by so many 
 Irish poets and prophets — the free re- 
 public of Ireland. [Applause.] 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 67 
 
 XI. 
 
 WILLIAM BENCE JONES, MARTYR. 
 
 [" Mr. James Redpath," says the Boston Globe, " whose letters from Ireland to the 
 New York Tribune during the late famine ia that unhappy country were read by so many per- 
 sons in America, and created such a practical sympathy in behalf of the grief and hunger 
 stricken people of that unfortunate isle, is staying at the Parker House, where he arrived after 
 lecturing in Portland, Maine. In view of the Queen's speech to the British Parhament, and its 
 references to Irish affairs, and also in view of several newspaper articles which have recently 
 appeared in this city on tlie Irish question, the Globs desired to lay before its readers some 
 accurate information upon this important subject. Not knowing any person more competent to 
 speak upon it with authority and without prejudice, both from personal observation and from 
 extensive reading, — as all who heard that gentleman's recent lecture in Music Hall in defense of 
 the Irish Land League will admit, — a representative of the C7/i?/v called upon Mr. Redpath yester- 
 day, and found him conversing upon Irish affairs with the genial editor of the Boston Pilot, John 
 Boyle O'Reilly. Receiving a cordial greeting from the h9st, the reporter explained the object 
 of his call, when the followmg interesting conversation ensued : ' ] 
 
 REPORTER.—" Mr. Redpath, 
 what do you think of the Queen's 
 speech ? " 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — "Well, it shows 
 that although his intentions toward Ire- 
 land may be as good as any of the good 
 intentions with which Hell is said to be 
 paved, yet Mr. Gladstone thoroughly 
 misconceives the situation in Ireland, 
 and is incapable of conferring on it any 
 lasting benefit: For example : She, 
 that is, he, says that the act of 1870 
 has conferred great benefits on Ireland, 
 or words to that effect. I quote from 
 memory. Now, the truth is that the 
 law of 1870, which was honestly 
 .intended by its author, Gladstone, and 
 its improver, John Bright, to benefit 
 the tenants outside of Ulster, was of 
 no service whatever to them. The 
 reason for this is, that in the West of 
 Ireland the people were too poor to 
 fight before the landlord courts for the 
 rights it conferred on them, while in 
 the east of the. island the great land- 
 lords, followmg the Duke of Leinster's 
 example, compelled their tenants to 
 take leases in which they were forced 
 to waive their rights under that act." 
 
 Rep. — " Was that custom really 
 general ? " 
 
 J. R. — " Yes, it was almost universal. 
 Take, for example, the case of William 
 Bencc Jones, on whom two Boston 
 journals have had editorials within a 
 
 week. He never granted a lease until 
 1870; but since that time he has in- 
 sisted that those tenants v»ho had 
 largely improved their farms should 
 take leases for thirty-one years. The 
 reason why he granted leases on those 
 terms was that his rents were excess- 
 ively high, and therefore he could easily 
 i evict his tenants if a bad season came. 
 By eviction for non-payment of rent, he 
 confiscated all the tenant's improve- 
 ments, and was not liable under the 
 Gladstone act for any compensation to 
 be paid the tenant. In this way, ' he 
 unjustly contrived,' to use the language 
 of Father O'Leary, a priest in one of 
 the parishes in which Jones's estates 
 are located, ^ to make the act of 1S70 
 a dead letter.' " 
 
 Rep. — " You say that Mr. Jones 
 compelled his tenants to take out leases 
 for a term of thirty-one years. Am I 
 to understand you to m.ean that the 
 Gladstone act of 1870 only applied 
 to leases drawn for certain ])eriods, 
 and not to those drawn for other 
 periods, as, for instance, the leases 
 drawn for thirty-one years ? " 
 
 J. R. — " No. It was intended to 
 extend a fraction of the Ulster custom 
 over the Catholic counties of Ireland. 
 It provided that if a tenant was capri- 
 ciously evicted by his landlord, that 
 the landlord should pay him seven 
 years' rent ; that is to say, if the rent 
 
68 
 
 WILLIAM BENCE 
 
 JONES, MARTYR. 
 
 was jC^\o per annum, the tenant should 
 receive ^£"70, wjth a reasonable com- 
 pensation for improvements made \\-ith- 
 in twenty-one years, and that he should 
 also be recompensed for unexhausted 
 manures : but if he was e\ncted for 
 non-payment of rent, he got no com- 
 pensation whatever. Under the Ulster 
 custom a tenant gets compensation 
 under any circumstances, and for im- 
 provements made both by himself and 
 predecessors, and he could not be 
 evicted at all as long as he paid his 
 rent. Now, by these leases, the v.ealthy 
 tenants v. aived their rights under that 
 law, and, therefore, Jones and the 
 others insisted upon their tenants, to 
 whom formerly they v.ould give no 
 leases, taking them out" 
 
 Rep. — "Mr. Jones seems to be praised 
 as a model landlord, and Xha Herald savs 
 that * he is beyond question one of the 
 ablest and most authoritative exponents 
 of the \-iews of his class, and that his 
 opinion on agrarian issues carries 
 whatever weight should be granted to 
 an experience of forty years both as a 
 land-owner and as a farmer in Ireland." 
 
 J. R. — For more than thirty years 
 Mr.Jones has maintained the reputation 
 in the County Cork of being one of the 
 worst landlords in the South of Ireland. 
 It was said of him that he had raised 
 rack-renting to the level of a science. 
 More than twenty years ago. his life 
 was threatened, and he v/ould have 
 been killed but for the interference of 
 the parish priest. Mr. Jones, in his 
 essays, speaks about his own farm and 
 how much money he has spent on it. 
 He forgot to mention, doubtless in the 
 haste of composition, that his own 
 thousand acres were made into one 
 farm by evicting, \;'ithout compensation, 
 scores of .families ^whose children are 
 now in exile. His tenants pay the 
 highest rents of any in the County Cork, • 
 and, I have heard it said by responsi- 
 ble men, the highest in the South of 
 Ireland. He savs in his article in 
 Mat/;iil/afi\ ' I never raised anv man's 
 rent except at long interv als, or thirty- 
 one years, or his hfe.' Note that 
 
 phrase — 'or his life.' Whenever one 
 of his tenants dies, his successor, son, 
 wife, or brother must pay an increase 
 of rent, sometimes to the extent of 
 nearly one hundred per cent. Take 
 two or three examples : ^\^len Michael 
 
 I White of Cloheen died, a few years 
 ago, Jones raised the rent on White's 
 vridov," from jQ^o to jQ^o. When 
 Patriclc Hayes died, Jones raised the 
 rent on the farm from twenty-five 
 shillings to ^2 an acre, and compelled 
 the nev/ tenant, under threat of eviction, 
 
 i to take a lease of twenty-one years, 
 v/hich confiscated the improvements 
 that his father had made, although 
 those improvements included a dwell- 
 ing-house and out-buildings costing 
 fifteen hundred dollars. Only two or 
 three months ago, when a widov/ 
 named Walsh died, he caused her son 
 to consent to an increase of ^15 per 
 annum. Some of his farms were held 
 at such high rates that one after 
 another tenant was ruined. As an illus- 
 tration, take the Dempsey farm. The 
 Government valuation was ten shillings 
 per acre. Remember that was estimated 
 on the farm as it had been improved 
 by the tenant. Remember that when 
 a tenant in Ireland pays 'Griffith's 
 [that is the Government] valuation,' he 
 IS paying a tax on his own industry, 
 improvements, and capital — because 
 the tenant has reclaimed the land at 
 his own sole expense from barren bog 
 or sterile hill-slopes, and ' Griffith's 
 valuation' was based in ever}- case, not 
 on the land as the tenant received it 
 from the landlord, but as the assessor 
 found it when improved at the tenant's 
 cost. Grifiith's valuation is a Shylock 
 rental, and yet last winter every land- 
 lord who charged fifty per cent, 
 over Grifiith's valuation was regarded 
 by his impoverished tenants as a good 
 landlord I On Dempsey's death Jones 
 raised the rent to^2 per acre,and now it 
 is \ acant and growing weeds. Three 
 different tenants were ruined bv it. 
 Why, a gentleman of Cork recentiy told 
 a priest, a friend of mine, that he had 
 asked one of Mr. Jones's tenants the 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 69 
 
 name of his landlord, and the peas- 
 ant replied, ' Un Diabhoil ' — a devil. 
 As to the HerahVs statement that Mr. 
 Jones is an authority, the Herald^ 
 among the rest of its vast and varied 
 misinformation on Irish affairs, does not 
 seem to know that the most eminent 
 solicitor in the County Cork, Mr. 
 Wright, in open court more than once, 
 to the entire satisfaction of the magis- 
 trates, denounced William Bence Jones 
 as a liar. Jones has always been thor- 
 oughly unpopular, not only with the 
 peasantry but with the magistrates also. 
 He has taken so much pleasure in de- 
 nouncing the Irish people that, when he 
 was asked to subscribe toward the 
 erection of a Protestant cathedral in 
 Cork, he promised a subscription of 
 ^500, on the condition that '-no Irish 
 architect should be employed." Every 
 magistrate in that district, Catholic and 
 Protestant, denounces him as a dog- 
 matic, insolent snob. A correspondent 
 of the London Standard, a. Tory paper, 
 who went down to Cork to defend 
 Jones, wrote : ' In Cork I have met, at 
 different times, at least half a dozen 
 magistrates, of Protestant and Catholic, 
 Conservative and Liberal views, who 
 are in accord as to one point only, 
 viz., that Mr. Bence Jones, because of 
 certain peremptory behavior, intention- 
 al or constitutional, as the case may 
 be, is not beloved by them.' This is a 
 very mild way of stating that he is uni- 
 versally execrated by the gentry as well 
 as by the common people of Cork. 
 Jones says that, under his administra- 
 tion, whenever there were no leases the 
 rents were considerably raised. ' I was 
 under no engagement, expressed or 
 implied, with these tenants, and there- 
 fore felt at liberty to make my own 
 terms with them. I accordingly let 
 them the land at the highest rent it 
 was in my opinion worth to them. 
 This was very often a very considerable 
 advance on* the former i*ent, but it was 
 still less than in my judgment the land 
 was intrinsically worth.' That is cool, 
 but he was still more frank in his con- 
 versations in Ireland. said to a well- 
 
 known Protestant clergyman in County 
 Cork : ' I can deal with my farms as with 
 any other chattels.' This remark was 
 made in a conversation about the farm 
 held by Edward Lucy in Castle Liskey, 
 County Cork. This farm fell into 
 Jones's possession, and the first thing he 
 did was to demand an increase in the 
 rent of six shillings per acre, and to tell 
 the old man, Edward Lucy, who had 
 lived all his life on that farm, that he 
 would add at least another six shillings 
 per acre. What was the result of this 
 action of Jones ? It is pathetically 
 told in a few simple words by Father 
 O'Leary : ' Lucy gave up the farm and 
 died of a broken heart.' Not only as a 
 landlord but as a magistrate also, Mr. 
 Jones has made himself excessively un- 
 popular by his harsh and despotic 
 decisions. Instances are given in which 
 his arbitrary and excessive findings 
 were appealed from and overruled. 
 Last winter, he made himself especially 
 obnoxious by first denying in England 
 that there was any distress in the dis- 
 trict, and by seeking, on his return 
 home, ' to put a stop to the relief works 
 which had kept many families in the 
 town from either dying of starvation or 
 being thrown on the rates.' This is 
 the expression of a resident of the dis- 
 trict. He himself did not contribute 
 one shilling to the relief fund." 
 
 Rep. — " Why should a landlord do 
 those things ? " 
 
 J. R. — " Lord Lansdowne's agent, 
 Mr. Trench, did precisely the same 
 thing. The landlords do those things 
 bec:mse they want to drive out large 
 numbers of poor tenants and confis- 
 cate their improvements without com- 
 pensation, and add them to their grazing 
 farms. This Jones is the sort of man 
 who is held up as a model landlord. 
 Now, the Journal states, if I remem- 
 ber correctly, that this man's life was 
 threatened, and that a grave was dug 
 opposite his door, and at the close of 
 its article that paper charges those 
 threats and outrages on the leaders of 
 the Land League. The Journal seems 
 not to have known a meeting of the 
 
70 
 
 WILLIAM BENCE JONES, MARTYR. 
 
 Land League was promptly called and 
 that it publicly denounced a threatening 
 letter, or notice, which had been served 
 on Jones. The Journal also charges 
 on the leaders of the Land League 
 the maiming of cattle and other 
 agrarian outrages. Why, Mr. Pamell 
 is just as incapable of giving any such 
 advice, direct or indirect, as Mr. 
 Stockwell himself. Mr. Dillon is a 
 man as sensitive and refined as the 
 editor of the Advertiser, and Davitt is 
 quite as incapable of any such action 
 as Mr. Haskell of the Herald. The 
 truth is that not a soHtary outrage has 
 occurred in Ireland, except where the 
 Land League was weak." 
 
 Rep. — " I see, Mr. Redpath, that the 
 Jourfial last week said : ' Mr. Smalley, 
 of the New York Tribime^ for which 
 you wrote so many interesting letters 
 on this Land question, ' a corres^x^nd- 
 ent of exceptional information, declares 
 that since the beginning of the dis- 
 turbance no week has witnessed great- 
 er political excitement or more fla- 
 grant instances of lawlessness than the 
 week before last.' " 
 
 J. R. — " No man who knows Mr. 
 Smalley would doubt any statement 
 made on his personal authority, but, 
 instead of being in a position where he 
 can procure ' exceptional information,' 
 he is in precisely the worst place in 
 Europe to learn the truth about Ire- 
 land — London. I know myself, of my 
 own knowledge, that some of the 
 statements telegraphed to the Ncv,' 
 York Tribune by Mr. Smalley when I 
 was in Ireland were false. He simply 
 took his ' exceptional information ' 
 from the London press, and nine out 
 of every ten of their accounts of 
 outrages in Ireland were utterly un- 
 true." 
 
 Rep. — " Mr. Redpath, it has been 
 reported that the Fenians are joining 
 the Land League in great numbers. 
 What do you think of those rumors ? " 
 
 J. R. — " I think it is quite likely 
 that they are correct. The Fenians, 
 or Nationalists, frequently belong, as 
 individuals, to the Land League, al- 
 
 though some of the old leaders are 
 what we call ' sore-heads.' The young 
 men of Ireland, as a class, believe 
 not only in peasant proprietorship, but 
 in independence, and they are only 
 working for the Land League with the 
 hope that it will prove a sort of base 
 of supplies. They not only are not 
 hostile to it, but they are cooperating 
 with it heartily. But they do not 
 mean to be satisfied with its triumphs 
 when they come, as come they will. 
 They will be accepted only as a 
 part of what justice to Ireland de- 
 mands." 
 
 Rep. — " The Journal, in one of its 
 articles on this movement, says that 
 ' the Land League leaders have dis- 
 claimed the intention of precipitating 
 a collision, and admit that the people 
 are not prepared for such a movement; 
 and yet, with a fatuity which is incom- 
 prehensible, they have persisted in a 
 i course which promises to bring upon 
 I Ireland the curse of an unorganized 
 and abortive revolt.' What do you 
 say about those statements ? " 
 
 J. R. — " I say that that statement is 
 untrue. The Land League leaders 
 have held the people in check. They 
 have permitted no outbreak, and each 
 and every statement that there was an 
 outbreak, and every prediction that 
 there would be one, came from the 
 hopes of the English press, and not 
 from the intentions of the Land League 
 leaders." 
 
 Rep. — " But, after all, Mr. Redpath, 
 would it not be better, as a practical 
 measure, for the leaders of the Land 
 League to accept a modified system 
 of reform, such as Gladstone and Bright 
 propose ? " 
 
 J. R.— " No, it would not. The radi- 
 cal wrong of Irish landlordism — a wrong 
 that cannot be overcome by any com- 
 I promise — lies in the facts that the land- 
 lords are absentees ; that whether they 
 get rack-rents or more reasonable rents, 
 the money is always drained out of the 
 country, and that the machinery for 
 the enforcement of those laws is in the 
 hands of the landlords. It is not a 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDFATH. 71 
 
 question of whether rack-rents or mod- ! 
 
 erate rents shall continue. The ques- ; 
 
 tionis: Shall Ireland bleed at every pore | 
 
 or only at half of them, or not be bled | 
 
 at all? English legislation is always | 
 
 founded on a firm faith in phlebotomy. 
 Now Ireland can never prosper until 
 this wound is stopped — until absentee 
 landlordism abdicates in favor of peas- 
 ant proprietorship." 
 
 XII. 
 
 IRISH CRIMES AND OUTRAGES. 
 
 [From an interview published in the Chicago Tribune of February 7, 1881, the subjoined 
 passages on Irish outrages are quoted. " In the course of the conversation," says the Tribune, 
 " the reporter asked for Mr. Redpatli's opinion as to the probable effect of Michael Davitt's 
 arrest and the suspension of the Irish Obstructionists. Mr. Redpath said:"] 
 
 THE arrest of Mr. Davitt, I think, 
 will result in a solid Ireland. It 
 will drive thousands of the Protestant 
 farmers of Ulster into the Land League. 
 Of late the Land League has been 
 making rapid progress in Ulster, be- 
 cause the farmers find that they have 
 no adequate protection under the Ul- 
 ster custom against a constant increase 
 of rent, and they have come to see that 
 their only security lies in a peasant 
 proprietary. They have enjoyed, many 
 of them for over two hundred years, 
 greater rights than Gladstone proposes 
 to extend to the rest of Ireland, and 
 yet they find these rights powerless to 
 protect them against the exactions of 
 the landlords. 
 
 Reporter. — " Is Davitt still as pop- 
 ular as ever ? " 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — " He has a stronger 
 hold on the hearts of the people than 
 any man in Ireland. His arrest will 
 produce a belligerent animosity against 
 the Gladstone Government, because 
 everybody in Ireland knows that, while 
 Mr. Davitt has maintained the right of 
 free speech, he has never uttered a word 
 urging violence. On the contrary, he 
 has done more to restrain the people 
 from committing violence than all the 
 British troops and constabulary put to- 
 gether. He is the idol of the peasantry. 
 But, even if the British Government 
 should arrest ev^ery leader, the move- 
 , ment would go on, because the rising 
 
 generation in Ireland are as well edu- 
 cated as the people of Illinois. The 
 national schools there are quite as 
 good as our public schools, and the 
 people are all repubHcans. This is 
 emphatically a people's movement. It 
 is not the result of agitation by the 
 leaders. This is shown by the fact 
 that the Land League made its most 
 rapid strides while Davitt, Parnell, and 
 Dillon were not directing its move- 
 ments, — while some of them were in 
 America and others in London." 
 
 Rep. — " What is your view as to the 
 obstructive tactics adopted by Parnell 
 and his associates in Parliament, which 
 resulted in their suspension ? " 
 
 J. R. — "The Speaker himself, I was 
 told, has often expressed the opinion 
 that Parnell is one of the ablest Par- 
 hamentarians in the House of Com- 
 mons, and it is certain that he has 
 never been at fault in his motions and 
 objections: This is an English opinion 
 of Parnell, you understand. His ac- 
 tion was simply what is known among 
 us as * filibustering.' By this system 
 of obstruction, the Irish members com- 
 pelled all Europe to listen to the story 
 of their wrongs, instead of submitting, 
 as they had done before, to be voted 
 down with the silent insolence of a 
 sneering majority of English members. 
 It was a masterly system of advertising 
 the wrongs of Ireland." 
 
 Rep. — " Have you seen the state- 
 
72 
 
 IRISH CRIMES AXD OUTRAGES. 
 
 ment made in the correspondence of 
 one of the Chicago papers relative to 
 the alleged increase of outrages in Ire- 
 land of late years ? " 
 
 J. R. — Yes ; and I have carefully- 
 analyzed it. The best answer to it is a 
 telegraphic dispatch by the London 
 correspondent of the Dublin Freeman's 
 Journal, published in November last. 
 I sometimes read it at my lectures. 
 Here it is : ' The outer}- against crime 
 in Ireland ought to be pretty consider- 
 ably checked by the results of a return 
 just issued. The proportion of the 
 criminal classes, in and out of prison, 
 taken together, is about half as large 
 in Ireland as in England and Scotland. 
 The proportion of convicts is consid- 
 erably below one-half and persons in 
 places of punishment not more than 
 one-half As regards peculiar classes 
 of crime, I find that, under the heads of 
 offenses against property with violence, 
 Scotland is about six times, and England 
 and Wales about two and one-half 
 times, as criminal as Ireland ; and that, 
 under the head of ' offenses against 
 morality,' the proportion is as twelve to 
 five against Scotland. Yet they tell us 
 that we are the most criminal race on 
 the face of the globe ! ' This is the 
 xmswer furnished by the British Gov- 
 ernment itself to its slanders on the 
 Irish people — slanders now translated 
 into coercion acts. 
 
 Now, as regards the Government 
 report, published in the Chicago paper, 
 official comparative statistics — also 
 gathered and published by the British 
 Government — show that in 1S45 there 
 were 2,477 niore outrages than were re- 
 ported last year; that in 1846, 12,374 
 crimes were committed, as against 
 5,609 crimes last year ; that in 1847 
 there were four times as many outrages 
 — that is, nearly 21,000 — recorded 
 against the Irish people as there were 
 last year : that the crimes committed 
 were, in 1848, 18,080 ; in 1849, 14,908; 
 in 1850,10,039: in 1851,9,144; and 
 in 1852, 7,824. So you see that, ac- 
 cording to British official returns, the 
 crime reported in Ireland is far below 
 
 I what it used to be, although the papers 
 i report in general terms more crimes 
 last year than were ever known before, 
 j and they attribute these crimes to the 
 j influence of the Land League. Thir- 
 I ty-five years ago, when these returns 
 began, there were 21,000 crimes com- 
 mitted. Last year there were about 
 one-fourth of that number. 
 
 " That is the final answer furnished 
 by the British Government to its own 
 impeachment of the Land League." 
 
 Rep. — "Are these crimes specially 
 attributable to the land agitation ? " 
 I J. R. — " If you will analyze the re- 
 port of the crimes of last year, you will 
 i find that one-half of the cases of out- 
 rage reported in L'lster are threatening 
 letters, in the proportion of seventy- 
 seven to one hundred and forty-nine ; 
 and that the next highest item in 
 I the catalogue is published under the 
 marvelous heading of ' othen^-ise.' 
 Now, it is notorious to ever\- one who 
 has studied modem Irish histor}-, and 
 it has been proved again and again, 
 ' that the most of these threatening 
 letters are written bv land-ao^ents and 
 I bailifls, in order to keep the landlords 
 I out of the countr)', so that they may 
 ' have a better chance to steal from the 
 ! tenants. There is no pretense that 
 these threatening letters were written 
 I by the Land League. 
 I " Take the next province. The num- 
 ber of outrages reported is two hun- 
 dred and twenty-eight, and of these 
 one hundred and fifty-one were threat- 
 1 ening letters. So much for Leinster. 
 " Take Munster next. There six 
 hundred and fort}--three outrages were 
 reported, and of these, three hundred 
 I and fifty-six were threatening letters. 
 I " In Connaus:ht, under the head of 
 I * letters and other\\-ise,' there are 
 1 three hundred and fifty-seven outrage? 
 I out of six hundred and ninety-eight re- 
 ported. 
 
 '•This is the best showing that the 
 I British Government has ever been 
 ! able to make. The authorities for 
 these reports of outrages are the 
 magistrates, and the magistracy of 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 73 
 
 Ireland, from Lord Chief Justice May- 
 down to the lowest stipendiary magis- 
 trate, are all landlords and their par- 
 tisans. The English- Irish bench is the 
 most corrupt judiciary in Europe. 
 Even the moderate Freeman'' s Journal^ 
 which was hostile to Parnell while he 
 was in America*, and which is owned 
 by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, says 
 that whatever little confidence the peo- 
 ple of Ireland might have had in the 
 magistracy of the country as a body, is 
 being rapidly undermined by the course 
 which mem.bers of that institution are 
 now taking by gi\ ing exaggerated ideas 
 as to the condition of their localities. 
 
 " Take the County Cavan, for exam- 
 ple. The statements of the magis- 
 > tracy there are emphatically denied by 
 the town commissioners, and by lead- 
 ing citizens who are not members of 
 the Land League. The bishop of the 
 diocese publicly challenged Mr. Forster 
 to name the localities in which out- 
 rages had occurred. All unite in say- 
 ing that the count}^ was enjoying 
 absolute peace. My experience of 
 last summer convinced me that there 
 were fewer crimes in Ireland than 
 among any similar population in 
 Europe. That correspondent who 
 sends these stories to the Chicago paper 
 is an ultra-Orangeman. That is to say, 
 he' is a religious Ku-klux, and his state- 
 ments about Irish outrages are about as 
 reliable as those of a Cyclops of the 
 Ku-klux Klan would be in relation to 
 outrages by negroes in our own South." 
 
 Rep. — " Yet the London papers 
 often report outrages." 
 
 J. R. — " Yes, and never correct them. 
 Here is a specimen of their lies about 
 Ireland, a paragraph from a recent 
 number of the Dublin Nation : 
 
 " ' We have this week a fresh crop 
 of bogus agrarian outrages exposed in 
 a manner which the landlord party 
 will, no doubt, think extremely incon- 
 siderate. Thus, a Parsonstown corre- 
 ^ spondent telegraphed some days since 
 that a Galway landlord, named Gar- 
 diner, had been tarred and feathered by 
 a body of masked men in his own 
 
 house. It was a capital story from the 
 coercionist point of view, but Mr. 
 Gardiner has stupidly spoiled the 
 , effect of it by asserting that it does 
 ! not contain a w'brd of truth ! Another 
 i Galway landlord, Mr. Edward Ken- 
 ' nedy, Abbey Lodge, Loughrea, was 
 said to have been fired at as he was 
 walking in his garden. Another good 
 story : but then Mr. Kennedy, follow- 
 ' ing the example of Mr. Gardiner, coV?- 
 ; tradicts it. He even adds that he had 
 no difference with his tenantry, and 
 j that he is himself a member of the 
 Land League! Again, on Saturday 
 ! last it was reported that " a bailift', 
 ! named John McManus, on Lord 
 Greville's property, near Drumsham- 
 bo," had been fired at ; but Mr. Philip 
 O'Reilly, agent to Lord Greville, writes 
 ' from Colamber, Rathowen,Westmead"i, 
 that that nobleman has no property 
 near Drumshambo, and no bailiff of 
 the name of McManus in his eni- 
 ' ployment I One more : The Fi'ee- 
 man of Tuesday announces with refer- 
 I ence to an alleged slitting of a man's 
 ears at Doon, County Clare, be- 
 cause he paid his rent, th'at it is en- 
 i abled authoritively to say that the out- 
 rage never took place. Now, this is 
 too bad. Contradicting " outrage " 
 stories may serve the cause of the 
 tenantry and their friends, but how is 
 ' it likely to serve that of the landlords ? 
 There is, however, one consolation 
 left for the lords. The English pub- 
 lic, for whom chiefly the manufactured 
 outrages are prepared, are not allowed 
 to* hear of the exposures. The Eng- 
 lish newspapers, so far as we can find 
 out, have not dared to "spoil trade " by 
 j correcting any one of the four false- 
 I hoods to which we have referred I' " 
 I Rep. — "Then there are few agrarian 
 I outrages in Ireland ? " 
 ! J. R. — " No, sir ; there are many 
 ! agrarian outrages in Ireland. Let me 
 give you a specimen of the real agra- 
 rian outrages, as reported in a late letter 
 from Michael Davitt, just before he 
 was flung into jail. He writes : 
 
 " ' The following particulars of the 
 
74 
 
 IRISH CRIMES AND OUTRAGES, 
 
 estate of Ballinamore, County Mayo, 
 the property of Mr. Anthony Ormsby, 
 which were pubHshed by the League 
 yesterday, will show what an industri- 
 ous people have to bear under this 
 infamous system of landlordism, and 
 explaip the determined stand which 
 they are now taking against its acts 
 and supporters : In seventy-three hold- 
 ings upon this estate (numbering five 
 hundred and four persons) the Govern- 
 ment valuation is ;£"595 19s., w^hile the 
 present rent is ;£'924 5s., or close upon 
 double the rent which should be legally 
 exacted. Almost the entire of these 
 lands consist of ??io7mtai?i slopes, and 
 were all reclaimed by the te?iants 7vith- 
 out afiy aid from the landlo?'d / They 
 are also compelled to do duty-work — 
 that is, employ their families and horses 
 for a certain number of days per annum 
 in gratuitous labor for the landlord. 
 Tenants must obtain consent from him 
 ere any of their children are married, 
 under penalty of a fine being added to 
 the rent. J. Casey was fined ten shil- 
 lings for a stone on the top of a gate 
 not being whitewashed to the landlord's 
 liking. John Ruane was compelled to 
 remove from where he lived and to 
 build a new house on some w-aste land 
 in Order to have it reclaimed. When 
 the house was finished, the landlord 
 made him pull it down again and 
 erect it te?t yards farther away. When 
 the land was reclaimed Ruane was 
 again removed higher up the mountain, 
 where he shortly afterward died. Pat 
 Walsh, a mason, worked at a building 
 for thirty-five days, but would only be 
 paid for twenty, and upon protesting 
 against this treatment, Mr. Ormsby 
 made him throw dow^n the wall, and 
 then evicted him from his holding with- 
 out compensation. Thomas Cavanagh 
 was compelled to throw^ down his cabin 
 and build a new one. After a few 
 years' time he was forced to change to 
 a bog, where he had to build again. 
 When the bog was reclaimed he was 
 changed again, and, upon remonstrating 
 against a fourth removal, he was evicted 
 without compensation, and had to 
 
 enter the work-house, where himself 
 and wife soon after died. Other 
 instances of similar treatment were also 
 given and published, the truth of which 
 I can vouch for, as I have had the 
 same statements repeated to me on 
 my visit to that part of the W^est of 
 Ireland during the recent famine.' 
 
 " I discovered many similar outrages 
 in the West of Ireland — quite as bad as 
 the cases reported by Mr. Davitt. The 
 London press rarely tell the truth about 
 Ireland. I never read but one true 
 statement about Ireland in the London 
 Times — in the number for March 12, 
 1847. It was exasperated because the 
 Irish famine was taxing the English 
 exchequer, and it rose for a moment 
 to the level of truth. It said : 
 
 " ' Ireland, then, is at the same time 
 rich and poor. It produces a vast 
 superabundance of food, but that food 
 is drained from its shores. It is not, 
 however, drained by the state. It is 
 drained in a great measure by the 
 landlords and their creditors, who, the 
 more they get, the more they will drain. 
 Now what does mercy to Ireland re- 
 quire under these circumstances ? Is it 
 mercy to let the landlords go on, drain, 
 drain, drain, forever ? Is it mercy to let 
 him go on squeezing the hapless peasant 
 down to the skin of his potato ? Is it of 
 any use — has it been of any use — to re- 
 mit rates and taxes and lend money to 
 the landlords ? No ! the only mercy is 
 to keep in the island and upon the 
 spot the gracious gifts of Providence 
 and rewards of human toil, and to com- 
 pel the land-owner to spend them in 
 the employment of the laborer and the 
 relief of the poor.' 
 
 " That is sound sense. But there is 
 only one way to carry out that policy — 
 by abolishing Irish landlordism ; by 
 making every farmer the owner of the 
 soil he tills; and yet, because Davitt 
 and Parnell and his associates advo- 
 cated that wise measure of statesman- 
 ship, the London Ti??ies howled until 
 Davitt was im.prisoned, and Parnell 
 and his associates brought into court, 
 and the coercion law enacted ! " 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 75 
 
 xm. 
 
 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 • 
 
 [There will be few names more famous in the history of Ireland in iS8o than the name 
 of" Capt. " Boycott, a land-agent of the County Mayo, against whom the terrible power of ostra- 
 cism, or social excommunication, was evoked by the peasantry whom he had pitilessly 
 oppressed. "Capt." Boycott, as he called himself, landed in New-York in April, 1881. He 
 was interviewed by the reporters of the New- York Sun, New- York Herald, and New-York 
 Tribune. Mr. Redpath was interviewed about these Boycott interviews by the Chicago Inter- 
 Ocean, and from that journal of April 14 the subjoined report is taken. It is somewhat elabo- 
 rated by extracts from Mr. Redpath's lecture on "What I know about Boycotting."] 
 
 MR. JAMES REDPATH, the well- 
 known correspondent in Ireland 
 of The Inter- Ocea7i, being tempo- 
 rarily in the city, the opportunity was 
 seized to interview him on the subject 
 of the recent interviews with Captain 
 Boycott, published in the New-York 
 papers, but more particularly in refer- 
 ence to one which appeared in the 
 New- York Herald. The result of the 
 interview with Mr. Redpath will be 
 seen in the following report, which can- 
 not fail to be interesting, both on ac- 
 count of the subject and of the person 
 who granted the interview : 
 
 Reporter. — " Mr. Redpath, have 
 you seen the interviews with Captain 
 Boycott, published in the New- York 
 papers ? " 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — " Yes, I have read 
 the reports in the Sun., Tribune., and 
 Herald:' 
 
 Rep. — " Have you any objection to 
 ma.king comments upon them ? " 
 
 J. R._" No. To begin with, the 
 Tribufie reports Captain Boycott as 
 saying ' the Irish people had been 
 spoiled by being humored. They de- 
 clared that they were determined to 
 get rid of the landlords, but had no 
 idea what they would then do with the 
 land.' 
 
 " My answer to that is, that the 
 Irish people have been humored for 
 seven hundred years by being com- 
 pelled to submit to the most oppressive 
 laws that any civilized people ever en- 
 dured without rebellion, and that there 
 is not in all Europe a system of la,nd i 
 tenure so degrading to the people as the | 
 
 land tenure of Ireland, for which Eng- 
 land is responsible. The Irisli people 
 are determined to get rid of the land- 
 lords, but they have a clear idea of 
 what they will then do with the land. 
 They will cultivate it .' Captain Boy- 
 cott says that the Land League would 
 ruin the people. Now, no popular 
 movement in Ireland has ever done so 
 much before, as has been done by the 
 Land League in two years, to raise the 
 character and relieve the sufferings of 
 the Irish people." 
 
 Rep. — As, for example ? " 
 J. R. — ^' By saving thousands of the 
 Irish people from death by hunger and 
 fevers brought on by hunger. John 
 Mitchell shows that one million and a 
 half of the Irish people perished from 
 hunger, or by the famine fever that was 
 brought on by hunger, from 1847 to 
 1852. Then., in spite of repeated warn- 
 ings and prayers from every part of Ire- 
 land, the British Government did not 
 move until it was too late. Three 
 millions of the Irish people were driven 
 into their graves or out of Ireland, in 
 consequence of that appalling apathy; ' 
 and in England, when one man, listen- 
 ing to a speech by Disraeli, proposed 
 three cheers for the Irish famine, that 
 Jewish miscreant said, ' There are worse 
 things than the Irish famine.' Its hor- 
 rors were welcomed by manv Tories as 
 a Providential solution of the Irish 
 question. There were hundreds of par- 
 ishes in the West of Ireland last year 
 where, if no relief had come, and con- 
 stant relief had not been given, nearly 
 i the whole population would have been 
 
AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 swept away. Before Mr. Pamell sailed 
 for America, the English and Irish land- 
 lord press and every organ of the Brit- 
 ish Government, including Mr. Low- 
 ther, the Home Secretary for Ireland, 
 denied that there was any famine. 
 Famine would have driven the Irish, 
 by hundreds of thousands, into exile, 
 and thereby carried out the English pol- 
 icy in Ireland for two centuries. When 
 Pamell sailed, the British Government 
 saw that it would be disgraced by any 
 further inaction, and so the Duchess of 
 Marlborough issued an appeal for help. 
 Then the Mansion House, offended at 
 the action of the Castle in undertaking 
 a work of charity that precedent had 
 always confided to the Lord Mayor of 
 Dublin, issued another appeal ; and 
 the New-York Herald, to conciliate the 
 Irish- Americans whom its assaults on 
 ]}.Ir. Parneil had alienated, issued an 
 independent American call for aid. 
 Money poured in from every civilized 
 nation, and there were not more than 
 a dozen deaths from hunger in all Ire- 
 land. But I hold that the Land 
 League is entitled to the credit of all 
 the relief, from whatever source it came 
 and through whatever agency it was 
 disbursed ; because, but for its action, 
 no relief would have reached the starv- 
 ing peasantry in time to save them. 
 That's the first great service rendered 
 to the Irish people by the Land League. 
 
 "The second service is, by so unit- 
 ing the Irish tenantry that landlord 
 outrages have been rendered equally 
 difficult and odious — such outrages as 
 exacting rack-rents after two years of 
 bad crops and one year of famine, 
 and then, on the failure of the poor 
 people to pay them, throwing them into 
 the road-side to die, as the landlords 
 did after the great famine of 1847. 
 The more impecunious landlords have 
 been forced to reduce their Shylock 
 rentals, in many cases down to Grif- 
 fith's valuation. The amount of money 
 thus saved to the tenantry is vastly 
 larger than the amount contributed by 
 all the world for the relief of the Irish 
 peasantry last year. I have seen this 
 
 sum estimated at fifteen millions of dol- 
 i lars, but I do not know whether this 
 sum is correct, from any personal 
 study. It is certain that it is quite 
 i large. 
 
 j " The third service that the Land 
 I League rendered the Irish people 'was 
 j in preventing an insurrection or wide- 
 I spread agrarian homicides. The Irish 
 peasantry in 1847, believing that Prov- 
 idence sent the famine, lay down and 
 died without a murmur. But the 
 young generation in Ireland are better 
 educated than their forefathers, and 
 the belief is general that it was th^^- 
 landlords and not Providence who 
 blighted the pQtatoes. And they are 
 right. For, while under any system 
 of land-tenure there would be occa- 
 sional bad seasons, the inevitable result, 
 in every climate and in every soil, of 
 planting the same crop year in and 
 year out in the same field is the final 
 ruin of the crop. Now why do the 
 peasantry plant potatoes only on their 
 little holdings ? Because, after the 
 great famine, the people were driven 
 out of the good lands that they had 
 reclaimed at their own expense and by 
 their own labor, and those who did not 
 die or emigrate were driven to little 
 patches on the edges of bogs or on the 
 sterile slopes of mountains — holdings 
 so small that the poor people could 
 7iot rotate their crops. So, blight be- 
 came inevitable. But even the peas- 
 antry who ne\'er thought of this cause 
 of blight, knowing that they could not 
 pay their rack-rents from extreme pov- 
 erty, but would gladly have done so if 
 they were able, were determined not to 
 be murdered or banished for it even un- 
 der the pretext of the ' enforcement of 
 the rights of property.' They believe 
 that peasants have rights as well as land- 
 lords, and that the men through whose 
 unaided toil the bogs and hill-sides of 
 the West of Ireland were made arable 
 have in justice and in law the first 
 equitable title for support from the so{l. 
 This is not a ' communistic ' doctrine. 
 I Gladstone himself has taught it, and 
 i John Stuart Mill, and John Bright. 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RED PATH. 77 
 
 So, if, last spring, the landlords had en-- 
 forced their Shylock ' rights,' they and 
 their agents would have been killed by 
 hundreds from Donegal to Cork. The 
 Land League taught them a better 
 way, and where fifty thousand British 
 soldiers and Irish constables were 
 unavailing to keep the peace, the 
 leaders of the Land League preserved 
 order in Ireland. 
 
 " If the leaders of the Land League 
 had accomplished nothing more than 
 these three reforms, its leaders would 
 have been entitled to rank side by side 
 in the Pantheon of Irish Gratitude with 
 the greatest Irishman, in my opinion, 
 who ever lived — Daniel O'Connell. 
 
 " Here is a report of a passage in my 
 lecture that gives another reason for 
 my admiration of the action of the 
 Land League : 
 
 " ' You know that, in Ireland, when- 
 ever a Cork man and a Kerry man 
 meet, they quarrel, and sometimes 
 fight. [Laughter.] I heard of a dis- 
 pute between a Cork man and a Kerry 
 man, when I was in Ireland, that illus- 
 trates their traditional antagonisms. 
 The Kerry man advanced a theory 
 which the Cork man repelled by saying 
 that it was contrary to the principles 
 of human nature. The Kerry man 
 wasn't' going to be bluffed in that 
 style by a Cork man, and so he said : 
 
 " ' Human natur' ! Human natur' — 
 human natur's a damned scoundrel, 
 anyhow.' [Laughter.] 
 
 " ' Now, I don't believe in that theory; 
 I think human nature is a pretty good 
 fellow ; at any rate it isn't in my nature 
 to disparage human nature — but, ladies 
 and gentlemen, when I visited the 
 wretched hovels of the West of Ireland 
 last winter, and saw the broken-hearted 
 women and broken-spirited men there, 
 — for the poor people not only did not 
 know where the money was to come 
 from to feed their children till the 
 spring, but they expected to be driven 
 out of their homes into the poor-house 
 when the spring came, — after I had 
 learned how pitiless the landlords were, 
 and how helpless the tenantry, I went 
 
 back to Dublin and said to Michael 
 Davitt: 
 
 " ' I'm afraid it is too late to save 
 your people ; the hunger has crushed 
 their souls, and I believe nothing will 
 restore their manhood except emigra- 
 tion to a land where they will have 
 equal rights.' 
 
 " ' Michael Davitt told me to wait and 
 see. 
 
 " ' I did wait, and I did see. On my 
 second visit to Ireland, I visited the 
 same baronies, the same parishes, the 
 same counties that I had visited last 
 winter, and lo ! there, where I had left 
 a class of cowering serfs, I found a 
 race of resolute freemen! [Cheers.] 
 That resurrection of the manhood 
 of Ireland is the beneficent work of 
 the Irish National Land League. 
 [Cheers.]'" 
 
 Rep. — "In an interview widi the 
 Sim^ Captain Boycott says that he has 
 never had any personal trouble with his 
 neighbors and tenants, and that the 
 charges circulated against him were an 
 after-thought, and that the Earl of 
 Erne, his landlord, refused to believe 
 them and has declined to remove him 
 from the agency." 
 
 J. R. — " That's true. The boot was 
 on the other leg then. The first ac- 
 count of Boycott ever written was my 
 letter to the Intc?--Ocenn, dated Octo- 
 ber 12, 1880. You had better quote a 
 part of it : 
 
 " ' My last letter ended with the story 
 of a "farmer" who was "terrorized" 
 into paying sixty cents a day to men 
 for harvesting, and thirty-two cents to 
 women. Mr. Bennett, the well-dis- 
 posed correspondent of the London 
 Telegraphy from whom I quoted, showed 
 that he regarded the conduct of the 
 peasantry as an interference with " the 
 rights of property." But who was this 
 " peaceful farmer ? " Boycott — one of 
 the most merciless miscreants in th^ 
 County Mayo — a man who never hesi- 
 tated to fling families out of their little 
 farms into the poor-housd if, from any 
 cause, they failed to pay their rents — 
 even although they had themselves re- 
 
78 
 
 AN EXILE OE ERIN. 
 
 claimed the land from absolute sterility, 
 and drained it, and fenced it, and built 
 the houses on it. He held a rod of 
 iron over his tenants always. They 
 were his serfs — not as a figure of 
 speech in Parliament," but as a fact of 
 life in Ireland. If they refused to obey 
 his behests he had the power to ruin 
 them, and he did not falter in using his 
 power.' 
 
 "Captain Boycott came into that 
 country seventeen years ago, but had 
 not lived there five years before he had 
 won the reputation of being the worst 
 land-agent in the County Mayo. He 
 raised the rents of the poor tenants, in 
 many cases, to double Griffith's valua- 
 ation, and when a tenant in Ireland pays 
 * only ' Griffith's valuation he pays a 
 rent not merely on the land as the 
 landlord gave it to him, but also on the 
 houses, fences, offices, and reclamations 
 that he himself has created. 
 
 In addition to charging exorbitant 
 rents, Captain Boycott compelled the 
 tenants of the landlords for whom 
 he was agent to work for him on his 
 own farm at his own terms, and he 
 paid men one shilling and sixpence 
 (about thirty-six cents), and women a 
 shilling (about twenty-four cents) a 
 day. Eighteen pence a day is about 
 two and a quarter dollars per week. 
 But he always managed to fine men for 
 violating the rules of the estate, so that 
 they never actually receive more than 
 a dollar and seventy-five cents a week, 
 on which they are expected to sup- 
 port a large family and ' find them- 
 selves.' 
 
 " These ' rules of the estate ' are a code 
 of laws made by the landlords them- 
 selves, for the violation of which they 
 inflict fines at their own pleasure. For 
 example, Captain Boycott would fine 
 a man sixpence — one-third of his day's 
 wages — for coming five minutes late in 
 ^the morning; sixpence for v/alking on 
 the grass instead of on the gravel; six- 
 pence for putting a wheelbarrow out 
 of its place. He had so many of these 
 arbitrary rules that it was utterly im- 
 possible for any tenant to work a week 
 
 without violating two or three of 
 them. 
 
 " Captain Boycott was one of the 
 most brutal and foul-mouthed ruffians 
 in the West of Ireland. He never ad- 
 dressed a poor man without an oath — 
 
 without calling him a d d Mick. 
 
 Captain Boycott himself is an English- 
 man. He never met one of his tenants 
 without compelling him to stand with 
 : his hat in his hand if he passed him on 
 i the road-side, and as long a3 he talked 
 with him, e^•en if it was raining. This 
 has been the custom for generations in 
 , the West of Ireland; but the Land 
 I League has abolished that degrading 
 : habit. If a poor man went to his office 
 \ he compelled him to stand as far oft" as 
 the room would admit of. He was an 
 Irish Legree, without the lash, but with 
 the equally terrible power of eviction, 
 which Gladstone in Parliament pro- 
 nounced to be equivalent to a sentence 
 of starvation in the West of Ireland. 
 
 The land agitation suddenly aroused 
 the tenantr}' to a sense of their power, 
 : which they could wield without violating 
 any law, if they would combine and act 
 as one man. The first use of this power 
 against Boycott was made when he 
 sent last summer for the tenantry ot ihe 
 estates for which he was agent, to cut 
 the oats on his own farm. He expected 
 them to work, the men for thirty-two 
 cents a day (and feed themselves), and 
 the women for twenty-four cents a day. 
 They asked respectfully that he should 
 pay the ordinary harvest wages — 2S. 6d. 
 for men and is. 6d. for women. He 
 refused with the most brutal insolence 
 to make this reasonable advance. The 
 whole neighborhood declined to work 
 for him. The willful old fellow swore 
 that he would not be dictated to — he 
 j who had always dictated to them. So 
 I he and his nephews and nieces and 
 I three servant-girls and herdsmen and 
 I car-driver went down to the fields and 
 1 began to reap and bind. He held out 
 I three hours, but could not stand 'it. 
 : He was heard to curse Father John 
 O'Malley as the cause of the ' insub- 
 i ordination ' of the peasantry, and to 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATH. • 79 
 
 say that although ' they had got him 
 now he would be even with them 
 soon.' Mrs. Boycott went from cabin 
 to cabin that night to coax the people 
 to come and work for her husband at 
 their own very moderate terms. They 
 came. Mind, these laborers work from 
 ten to twelve hours a day. and yet 
 this strike to get sixty cents mstead of 
 thirty-two cents a day — a demand to 
 be paid only five cents an hour — was 
 heralded even by an honest English 
 journalist as an unwarrantable interfer- 
 ence with the relations of employer and 
 employed, and by others as one of the 
 lawless and treasonable actions of the 
 Land League! The New- York papers 
 speak of Boycott as a ' pleasant- 
 spoken man ' ; but in the County 
 Mayo he is known as a bully. 
 
 " When November came he sent for 
 the tenants. His day of vengeance 
 had dawned — he thought so; but it 
 proved to be his day of doom. The 
 tenants asked a moderate reduction of 
 rents. He refused to abate the Shy- 
 lock rents one farthing ; although near- 
 ly all the tenants of the Earl of Erne 
 had been supported for months by for- 
 eign charity and although the Earl 
 himself had not given a shilling for 
 their relief. The Earl is an old man, 
 — it is said in his dotage, — who lives 
 in the County Fermanagh." 
 
 Rep. — " Could the tenants have 
 paid their rent ? " 
 
 J. R. — " Some of them could have 
 paid it, but if they had done so they 
 would have been at the mercy of the 
 shop-keepers and the gombeen men. 
 Remember, 1879-80 was the third 
 bad season. During the first two 
 years, the peasantry, after paying 
 their rents, managed to get through 
 the summer by their credit at the shop- 
 keepers, but all credit was stopped 
 as soon as it was known that the third 
 season would see another failure of 
 crops. The peasantry then borrowed 
 money from the gombeen men or 
 money-lenders and the pawnbrokers, 
 to pay their rents. They were only in 
 arrears one year. Whoever goes un- 
 
 paid, the landlord insists on his pound 
 of flesh first. Now, some of these tenants 
 had been in England harvesting and 
 had, earned money enough to pay even 
 Boycott's rents, but if they had paid 
 them they could not have paid the 
 gombeen men and shop-keepers, and 
 they would have been prosecuted by 
 them. So they refused to pay the rent 
 if no abatement was made. Boycott 
 threatened them with evictions, but 
 they left his office without paying the 
 rent. 
 
 " Boycott issued the eviction papers, 
 and hired a process-server and got 
 eighteen constables to protect him. In 
 Ireland, a constable is not a policeman 
 but a soldier armed with a musket, 
 buck-shot, and bayonet, and under 
 military drill and orders. There are 
 nearly twelve tnousand of them in Ire- 
 land. The finest cottages and houses 
 in the rural districts of Ireland are the 
 head-quarters of these Irish mercenaries. 
 This process-server served three writs 
 on the women in three different cabins 
 before the purpose of the expedition 
 was known. Note my expression — on 
 the women. In Ireland, if a shop- 
 keeper or any one but a landlord issues 
 a writ for debt, it must be served on 
 the head of the family, but if the land- 
 lord is the creditor, the law says — as 
 the landlords make the laws — that the 
 writ may be served on the women, or 
 if they can't be found or shut the door 
 in the officer's face it may be nailed on 
 the door, and recently, I see, it has 
 been decided that the writ may be 
 sent by mail. When this process- 
 server reached the fourth cabin, the 
 woman, a Mrs. Fitzmorris, told the 
 process-server that she would lose her 
 life before she would allow him to 
 serve a process on her. She shouted 
 and raised the signals." 
 
 Rep. — " What do you mean bv 
 that ? " 
 
 J. R. — " In some parts of the West 
 of Ireland the peasantry have a secret 
 code of signals. By waving a flag (you 
 may call it petticoat if you like) of a 
 certain color, the neighbors come to a 
 
8o 4 
 
 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 cabin to assist the signaling party, 
 who thus signifies that he is in distress. 
 If I remember rightly, the red flag 
 means that the process-server has 
 come. 'Jliese signals caused all the 
 women and girls in the neighborhood 
 to assemble." 
 
 Rep. — "Didn't the men come ?" 
 
 J. R. — " Such of them as had re- 
 turned from England. But the women 
 wont allow the men to resist the proc- 
 ess-server because they are sent to jail 
 so long for doing so, and, besides, these 
 women think they can take care of the 
 process-server themselves. I saw one 
 \/oman near Clare Morris, a pregnant 
 woman, who was defending the hovel 
 that sheltered her little family, who 
 had a bayonet thrust into her breast by 
 these loyal servants of a woman, — the 
 richest woman in Europe, — tlie ' royal 
 lady ' who gave only one day's income 
 to relieve these her starving subjects. 
 Do you remember, when Haynau 
 visited Barclay & Perkins's brewery, in 
 London, about 1850, when the workmen 
 found that he was the man who ordered 
 Austrian women to be whipped for 
 political offenses, that he was kicked 
 out of the brewery, and that all Eng- 
 land applauded ? Is it worse to whip 
 women than to bayonet them ? " 
 
 Rep.—" The men didn't fight ? " 
 
 J. R. — " No; they looked on. The 
 women gave cheers for the Earl of 
 Erne (he had been a decent landlord 
 before Boycott was his agent), and 
 they gave cheers for the constables 
 (who hate this work as a rule), and they 
 gave groans for Boycott and the proc- 
 ess-server. Suddenly they threw mud 
 and manure and stones at him, and he 
 ran off with the crowd of women after 
 him — the constables vainly trying to 
 protect him from the violence of the 
 infuriated women." 
 
 Rep.—" Why didn't they fire ?" 
 
 J. R. — "They had no magistrate 
 with them to read the riot act. The 
 process-server was knocked down sev- 
 eral times. There were a couple of 
 hundred women and girls pursuing 
 him, and they never halted until they 
 
 reached . the boundary line of the 
 parish. 
 
 " Boycott was furious. He went to 
 Ballinrobc and secured a force of one 
 hundred constables to protect the proc- 
 ess-server next day, as it was the last 
 day on which these writs could be 
 issued if the cases were to be brought 
 before the next session of the court. 
 Next day the process-server refused to 
 go, and nobody could be hired to take 
 his place. The reason of his refusal 
 I was a visit from a woman of the parish 
 ' of the Neale to his wife. This friend 
 \ had told his wife that the women had 
 j found out that a process-server had no 
 legal right to nail his writs on a cabin 
 door, unless it was closed against him, 
 nor to take in a constable unless he 
 was -resisted, and that they had deter- 
 mined to leave the doors partly open 
 and not to fight him until he should 
 enter, ' and, then, every woman of 
 them '11 have a kettle of hot water 
 handy, and fling it in his face.' Near 
 Westport, last winter, I saw several 
 cabin doors covered up with manure, 
 and near Balla, last summer, I saw 
 cabins all stoned up so as to prevent 
 the process-server from nailing the writs 
 on them. The family expected a visit 
 from the process-server in the morning 
 — he had been resisted in both instances 
 the day before — and the people had 
 slept out all night to be ready for a 
 renewal of his efforts to evict them. 
 
 " ' Captain ' Boycott was now com- 
 pletely bafl^ed, and he was wild with rage. 
 Rewrote a letter to the London Times, 
 in which he said that his fences were de- 
 stroyed, the gate of his demesne demol- 
 ished, and his own life in danger, and 
 tliat he was thus persecuted because he 
 was a Protestant. 
 
 " Meanwhile, the people at the 
 Neale assembled. Brass bands from 
 Ballinrobe brought together all the 
 people of the parish. There is a priest 
 there greatly beloved by his people, — a 
 man of resolute character and highly 
 educated, — and, although he is natu- 
 rally conservative, he has unbounded 
 influence over every member of his con- 
 
A A' INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 8i 
 
 gregation, from the fact that he neither 
 tolerates outrages by his parishioners on 
 landlords, nor outrages on them by the 
 landlords. He addressed the meeting, 
 praised them for asserting their rights 
 to their homes ; but urged them, if the 
 constables should come again in force, 
 to offer them no resistance. It is 
 Father John O'Mallev. 
 
 I was told by (it would 
 
 ruin him if I were to give his name) 
 that, after Father John had left, he told 
 the people about ray prediction of the 
 cftects of a stnkc against landlords, in 
 my Clare Morris speech, and advised 
 them to try it on Boycott at once, 
 'llie advice was taken. The men ad- 
 \ ised Boycott's herdsmen and car-driv- 
 ers to strike, and the women advised 
 Boycott's ser\ant-girls to strike, and 
 that evening every one of them left his 
 house. 
 
 Next morning, when Mrs. Boycott 
 Y\'ent to buy bread, the shop-keeper 
 told her that, although she was a dacent 
 woman, and they all liked her^ yet the 
 people couldn't stand that ' baste of a 
 husband of hers any longer,' and she 
 really couldn't sell them any more 
 bread ! 
 
 " ITie Boycotts liad to send to Bal- 
 linrobe for provisions. They would 
 not have been ostracized by the shop- 
 keepers there, but for Boycott's letter. 
 Ever)' statement in that letter was a lie. 
 I rode past Boycott's estate shortly after 
 it was published, and his fences and gates 
 were in perfect order, ancf if his life was 
 in danger, it must have been in danger 
 from the armed constables who were pro- 
 tecting his cowardly life night and day. 
 It exasperated the people, and they is- 
 sueda decree of social excommunicarion 
 against him. No shop-keeper in Bal- 
 linrobe now dared to sell him a mouth- 
 ful of anything to eat, nor a yard of 
 anything to wear." 
 
 Rep. — " If the shop-keeper had vent- 
 ured to defy the decree, what would 
 have become of him ? " 
 
 J. R. — He would have been ruined. 
 Nobody would have crossed his thresh- 
 old. Since I left the County Mayo, I 
 
 I heard of one sho{>-keeper so rich that 
 he thought he could defy the peasantrj'. 
 He took a farm from which a poor 
 
 I tenant had been e\-icted- For three 
 months nobody entered his shop. 
 Whether this stor)- is true or not, — I 
 have no personal knowledge of it, — it 
 is certain that this has been done in the 
 West of Ireland. 
 
 '* Boycott v/as isolated. He had to 
 take care of his own cattle. His farm 
 is of four hundred acres. As long ago 
 as October 12, iSSo, I v*Tote to the 
 Inter- Ocean that the people v/ere * de- 
 termined to drive him out of the coun- 
 t)',' and you see they have done it, 
 and that he admitted in New-Yoit 
 that no one could resist such excom- 
 
 ! munication." 
 
 ; Rep. — You call it sometimes iso- 
 I lation, sometimes excommunicarion, 
 and sometimes Bovcottins^. How did 
 the word Boycotting come into use ? " 
 
 J. R. — '• It was invented by Father 
 John O'Malley about three days after 
 the decree of social excommunication 
 was issued against Boycott- Up to 
 that time it had been called sometimes 
 moral and sometimes social excommu- 
 nicarion when ostracism was applied 
 to a ' land-grabber,' as a man is called 
 who takes a farm from which a tenant 
 has been evicted. I was dining with 
 Father John, at the Presbvtery of the 
 Neale, and he asked mo why I was not 
 eating. 
 
 I said, 'I'm bothered about a word.* 
 I " ' What is it ? ' asked Father John. 
 I " ' Well,' I said, * when the people 
 j ostracize a land-grabber we call it social 
 I excommunication, but we ought to 
 j have an entirely different word to sig- 
 I nify ostracism applied to a landlord or 
 a land-agent like Boycott. Ostracism 
 j wont do — the i)easantr}- would not 
 j know the meaning of the word — and I 
 , can't think of any other. 
 
 ' No,' said Father John, - ostracism 
 wouldn't do.' 
 
 " He looked down, tapped his big 
 forehead, and said : 
 
 •• ' How would it do to call it to Boy- 
 cott him ? ' 
 
82 
 
 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 " I was delighted and said, * Tell your 
 people to call it Boycotting, so that 
 when the reporters come down from 
 Dublin and London they will hear the 
 word : use it yourself in the Castlebar 
 Telegraph ; I'm going to Dublin and 
 will ask the young orators of the Land 
 League to give it that name; I will 
 use it in my correspondence, and be- 
 tween us we will make it as famous as 
 the similar word " Lynching " in the 
 United States.' Lynch was the name 
 of a Virginia backwoods 'extra-judicial 
 judge,' you knov/. Father John and I 
 kept our compact ; he was the first man 
 who uttered the word and I the first 
 who wrote it. But Father John is en- 
 titled to more credit than the mere 
 christening of the policy. If he had not 
 had so great an influence with his peo- 
 ple, Boycott's conduct would have — 
 I have not a bit of doubt of it — so ex- 
 asperated the people that he would 
 have met the fate of Feerick and Lord 
 Montmorris, both of whom were killed 
 within three miles of Boycott's farm, 
 and both of them vv^ithin a mile of con- 
 stabulary stations. By his firmness 
 and his popularity he ' held the fort ' 
 until Boycott quietly sneaked out of 
 the parish, and this surrender inspired 
 the people all over the West of Ireland 
 with a faith in the policy of Boycotting 
 that they had never had before and 
 might never have held. To be per- 
 fectly just, Boycott is entitled to some 
 credit himself; for even Father John's 
 influence v/ould have been pov. crless, 
 I think — some compromise might have 
 been made — if Captain Boycott had 
 not been such an insolent tvrant, and 
 hated by every man and woman in the 
 neighborhood v/ho ever had any deal- 
 ings with him." 
 
 Rep. — " Did the Earl of Erne get 
 his rents ? " 
 
 J. R. — " No. He had been popu- 
 lar before Boycott became his agent, 
 and after Boycott was Boy (dotted — on 
 the very next evening — the tenantry of 
 the Earl assembled, every man of them, 
 and sent him a letter, apologizing for 
 their treatment of his agent, but stating 
 
 that they would hold no further com- 
 munication with him, either officially 
 or otherwise, and that they would 
 never pay him a shilling, but that, as 
 soon as they conveniently could do so, 
 they would pay any other person whom 
 the Earl should appoint to receive the 
 rent. They said that they had come 
 to this resolution because they were 
 convinced that his agent had been prej- 
 udicing his lordship against them, and 
 that for their own protection they had 
 detemiined to refuse to have any fur- 
 ther dealings with him. 
 
 " ' The jjiajority of these people^ said 
 Father John, — I am now reading from 
 a letter that I wrote on October 12, 
 and that you published in the Inter- 
 Ocea?i^ — ' these te?ta?its of the Ea?'I, had 
 beeii supported for nine months p7'eviously 
 on charity. They got jio help of any 
 kind fro 771 the la7idlord. They attrib- 
 uted his neglect of them to ' Captain ' 
 Boycott. The Earl stood by his agent, 
 and he has got no rent yet. 
 
 But Boycott's letter to the London 
 TiTues had a great result. The English 
 Government and the Irish landlords 
 were paralyzed by this new policy. 
 Although the London Tizzies, in com- 
 menting on my Leenane speech, sneer- 
 ingly said that the Government would 
 ' know how to deal with this policy of 
 passive resistance with which they were 
 threatened,' it found that it did 7iot 
 know what to do about it — because 
 no laws could force any man to deal 
 with a shop-keeper whom he disliked, 
 nor to speak to a man whom he hated. 
 The blasphemous Boycott's suggestion 
 1 that he was persecuted because he was 
 ' a Protestant, gave the landlords a cue. 
 They thought they could arouse the 
 old feud between the Protestants and 
 Catholics, by which England has been 
 enabled to divide and ruin Ireland for 
 two centuries. So, they called for sub- 
 scriptions to organize what they termed 
 a ' Relief Expedition ' — to dig Boy- 
 cott's potatoes. The Earl of Erne 
 anonymously headed the subscription 
 with ;^5o. Money poured in from 
 landlords. Fifty loafers from Fer-^ 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RED TA TIT. 
 
 83 
 
 managh were hired — these were herald- 
 ed as champions of the Protestant 
 faith. The scheme aroused only ridi- 
 cule in Mayo, because Mayo is the 
 most Catholic county in Ireland, and 
 yet it elected Rev. Mr. Neilson, a Prot- 
 estant preacher from Belfast, as one 
 of its two representatives in Parlia- 
 ment. Erne owns 31,389 acres in 
 Fermanagh, and only 2184 in Mayo. 
 
 " Seven regiments of soldiers were 
 sent to protect the potato. diggers. 
 Nobody would sell them anything to 
 eat. 'i'he landlords had paid these 
 men's expenses and their wages. Tney 
 went to Boycott and asked v/hat they 
 should do for something to eat ? He 
 said, in a surly tone, that he supposed 
 they must eat some of the potatoes 
 they were digging. You've heard of 
 Irish hospitality ? Boycott invented 
 a new variety. lie charged these men, 
 his ' rescuers,' fourpence a stone for 
 all the potatoes that trxCy ate. He in- 
 curred the hatred of the troops and the 
 constabulary by treating them with 
 similar hospitality. 
 
 "It was published that it cost the 
 British Government ;^5,ooo sterling to 
 dig £,^00 worth of potatoes, but I see 
 that Captain Boycott says, preserving 
 the same proportion, that he had only 
 jQz^o sterling worth of potatoes; 
 and that it cost the British Govern- 
 ment ;£^3,5oo sterling to gather them. 
 In fact it taught the people of the West 
 of Ireland that, without bloodshed or 
 outrage, they could successfully resist 
 the aggressions of the landlord. 
 
 " So far from Father John O'Malley 
 encouraging violence, as Boycott 
 charges, he simply sanctioned the 
 scheme of ostracism which is now 
 called Boycottism, in order to secure 
 the rights of the tenants, and prevent 
 them from resorting to violence. 
 
 "The English Government has 
 charged the expense to the County 
 Mayo, — punishing every one alike, 
 those who, in its opinion, were guilty 
 and those who were innocent, — but as 
 the landlords will exact as rent every- 
 thing inside of the skin of the potato if 
 
 the British Government docs not, it 
 makes no practical difference to the 
 people whether the Earl of Erne's 
 agent or John Brigiit's associates vent 
 their Dick I'urpin spleen on the poor 
 tenantry. If it costs the British Gov- 
 ernment ;£^3,5oo to dig ;£^35o of 
 potatoes, how much will it cost it to 
 dig all the potatoes and cut down all 
 the crops belonging to landlords in 
 Ireland next harvest if the Land 
 League advises a strike ? 
 
 Captain Boycott goes on to say that 
 he has been made a scai)e-goat for the 
 uprising against the agents because he 
 was more prominent than the others. 
 Translated into plain English, this 
 means that he was more odious than 
 the others, because he was the greatest 
 tyrant in the West of Ireland, with the 
 possible exception of Trench, tlic agent 
 for Lansdowne, and Mr. Flussey. 
 ' No matter wliat the business of a 
 peasant with Boycott might be,' — I 
 am quoting the words of a gentlcmar, 
 of Ballinrobe as I wrote them down i-i 
 short-hand at the time, — 'the poor 
 man was sure to be cursed and abused 
 by him. He did not treat them as 
 human beings at all : he so exasperated 
 them by his brutal tongue and conduct 
 that when they got a chance they just 
 rose against him as one man. But,' 
 he added, ' Boycott is well tamed 
 now ! ' 
 
 " I see that Captain Boycott says 
 that the tenants have paid more money 
 to their leaders than their rent would 
 cost. The Land League has already 
 reduced the rentals of Ireland, as I 
 have already stated, some $15,000,000 
 per annum. In a large number of 
 cases, it has already brought the rental 
 down to Griffith's valuation, whereas 
 last winter, ^^ hen I was in the West 
 of Ireland, every landlord who ' only ' 
 charged fifty per cent, over GriBith's val- 
 uation was accounted a good landlord. 
 The money contributed by the i)eoplc 
 of Ireland to the support of the Land 
 League docs not amount to probably 
 more than one-thousandth j^art of the 
 reduction made through the iuiluencc 
 
84 
 
 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 of the Land League in the rentals of 
 Ireland. There were not more than 
 half a dozen men paid for their services 
 by the Land League — at least while I 
 was in Ireland — and they were men of 
 education, who were content to receive 
 the salaries of second-class clerks in 
 Chicago. There is not one of them 
 who could not have doubled or quadru- 
 pled his salary by returning to the 
 business in which he was formerly 
 engaged before entering the service 
 of tiic Land League. The expenses 
 of the Land League are occasioned by 
 supporting tenants who have been 
 arbitrarily evicted owmg to an inability 
 to pay rent after a year of famine, 
 during six months of which they were 
 supported by the credit of the shop- 
 keepers, and during the other six 
 months of which they were supported 
 by the charity of America." 
 
 Rep. — Captain Boycott says that 
 the average profits of the landlord at 
 the existing rents have not been four per 
 cent, of the value of the land, and yet 
 he says that he thinks the average 
 abatement of rents has been at least 
 seventeen and a half per cent., and 
 that some of the landlords have abated 
 as much as twenty-five per cent. How 
 do you reconcile these statements ?" 
 
 J. R. — " My answer is that Captain 
 Boycott, himself, was charging as rent 
 more than any American farmer would 
 give for the fee simple to the soil, and 
 that when he says that the profits have 
 been four per cent, on the value of the 
 land, he ingeniously remembers to for- 
 get that ninety-nine-hundredths of the 
 renting value of the land was created 
 by the tenants by their own labor, at 
 tlicir own sole expense. For example, 
 in this very parish of Xeale, the land is 
 mostly lock and the thinnest of thin 
 soil, which can only be cultivated by 
 incessant mianuring and by spade till- 
 age. Such land in Illinois could not 
 be given away. 
 
 *• The Earl of Enie, and other land- 
 lords for v. hom Boycott was agent, never 
 spent any money on the improvement 
 of their estates. They compelled their 
 
 tenants to make all the improvements 
 I themselves, and under Boycott's man- 
 , agement, as fast as they created what 
 j he calls the 'value' of the lands, the 
 rents were raised. The lands, of the 
 I Earl of Erne, as nature made them, 
 i were not worth a shilling an acre, and 
 I the exorbitant rents that he was com- 
 I pelling the tenants to pay for them were 
 I a tax on their own industry. The 
 j best answer to Boycott's statement that 
 I he had never any trouble with his 
 1 neighbors before Father John 0']Mal- 
 , ley's speech, is the fact that he was 
 obliged to be attended by two consta- 
 bles for a long time before that date, 
 and that after one of the rises of 
 rent he speaks of he was very glad to 
 escape with his life. I don't know any 
 communitv in the Western States where 
 he would not have been lynched years 
 ago if he had been guilty of one-tenth 
 part of the insolence and tyranny 
 which were reported to me about him 
 by his own tenants in the County 
 Mayo; and yet the people in that 
 county would die for any decent land- 
 lord. For example, while Boycott 
 dare not return there, while Lord 
 Sligo dare not live there, while Oran- 
 more and Browne does not dare to 
 live there, Thomas Tyghe and one or 
 two landlords who Hve betw'een Clare 
 Morris and Boycott's house, a distance 
 of less than ten miles, could raise a 
 thousand men to protect them. They 
 have no need whatever of police pro- 
 tection, while Rourke, another land- 
 I agent within three miles of Boycott's 
 I place, is obliged to go around with 
 I two constables guarding him whenever 
 ' he leaves his home, and Feerick, 
 another land-agent who imitated Boy- 
 cott, was killed last spring within three 
 miles of Captain Boycott's house. That 
 part of the county is inhabited by 
 Fenians, and, therefore, is not a safe 
 country for a tyrant to live in. Yet 
 nothing can exceed the loyalty and 
 • devotion of the Irish peasantry to any 
 landlord who treats them decently." 
 
 Rep. — " I notice that Captain Boy- 
 cott, says that he is in favor of such a 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RED PATH. 85 
 
 revision of the land Iciws as will secure 
 to the tenant the value of his perma- 
 nent improvements." 
 
 J. R. — " Boycott himself, ever since 
 he was an agent in the West of Ireland, 
 has taxed his tenantry to the full value 
 of all the improvements they have 
 made on them, and he has persistently 
 opposed, as communism, any attempt 
 to vest in the tenant the value of the 
 improvement he has made. This 
 declaration of Boycott is one of the 
 strongest proofs that I have met of 
 the beneficent influence of the Land 
 League." 
 
 Rep. — " Boycott further says in the 
 New- York HeraliVs interview, that ' if 
 the land bill of Gladstone should include 
 the three F's, it would not materially 
 improve the condition of the mass of the 
 Irish people, because if they had the 
 land for nothing it would not support 
 them, as it is the sole ambition of an 
 Irishman to get a portion of the land, 
 or even a cow-house, as a homestead ; 
 that in mountain districts and on the 
 western sea-board there are large popu- 
 lations gathered together in villages, 
 composed of families having houses 
 and from three to five acres of land, 
 mostly of inferior quality, and they are 
 all the time complaining that from the 
 produce of these patches they are un- 
 able to support themselves. Now, how 
 can a man reasonably expect,' he asks, 
 * to feed and clothe a wife, himself, and, 
 perchance, half a dozen children on 
 the produce of three, four, or even half 
 a dozen acres ? The fact is that all the 
 trouble in Ireland is caused by the in- 
 sane desire of the people to farm land 
 at all hazards. The demand is greater 
 than the supply, and that is all about 
 it.' So says Captain Boycott ; what 
 say you, Mr. Redpath, to that ? " 
 
 J. R. — " English writers, statisticians, 
 and agricultural and political econo- 
 mists, have demonstrated that Ireland 
 can support, with comfort, at least fif- 
 teen millions of people, while the pop- 
 ulation of Ireland to-day is, probably, 
 not more than five millions. The 
 County Mayo, for example, could sup- 
 
 port, in comfort, probably five times 
 its present population. But it cannot 
 support the present population, in com- 
 fort, when all the good land in the 
 county — nine-tenths of the good land 
 — is held by men like Lord Lucan 
 and agents like Captain Boycott (by 
 the by, his title of captain is a fraud; 
 he is not a captain) ; by men who 
 take all the good land as grazing farms 
 and throw the poor people into bogs 
 and barren mountain-sides. Remem- 
 bui that all of these good lands were 
 reclaimed from sterility by the people 
 themselves, and that when the famine 
 of 1847 came they were driven from 
 them, either into the grave or the poor- 
 house, or into exile, when they failed to 
 pay a single year's rent. \Vhat Boy- 
 cott calls the insane desire of the peo- 
 ple to farm is simply the instinct of 
 self-preservation, because in the West 
 of Ireland there are no manufactures 
 and no industries, and no means by 
 which the people can live, and it 
 should be borne in mind that the man- 
 ufactures of Ireland were prohibited 
 by the British legislature for genera- 
 tions, and that since the repeal of these 
 laws by the triumph of Catholic eman- 
 cipation, when any companies under- 
 take to carry on a manufactory in Ire- 
 land, outside of Belfast or the Protest- 
 ant counties of Ulster, which are a part 
 of the ' English garrison,' a combination 
 of British manufacturers ruin them. 
 That is the reason why I am urging 
 the Irish in America to Boycott all 
 British manufactures, and especially 
 Irish linen, because these manufact- 
 urers, British and ' West Britons,' are 
 the bitterest enemies of the Irish peo- 
 ple, and leave them the land as their 
 §ole resource ; while, at the same time, 
 they encourage the landlords to confis- 
 cate without compensation all the im- 
 provements t)f this wretched peasantry, 
 and to dri\e them from the firrms. 
 Ireland is too small a country to sup- 
 port three sets of feeders — vampires, 
 namely, the landlords; leeches, namely, 
 the land-agents ; and the toilers, namely, 
 the common people." 
 
86 
 
 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 Rep. — " Boycott was asked by the 
 New- York Herald reporter ' whether 
 the land laws of Ireland will, in all im- 
 portant points, compare unfavorably 
 with those in France, in England, aiid 
 other countries, as affecting the interest 
 of the tenant,' and he answered, 'cer- 
 tainly not; that the Irish tenant enjoys 
 a greater freedom in dealing with his 
 land than does his brother farmer in 
 England ; that, as a rule, no yearly ten- 
 ant in Ireland is bound down as to how 
 he shall crop and dispose of the prod- 
 ucts of his land, and that in England 
 there is a hard and fast rule as to the 
 routine of cropping, and what produce 
 may be sold.' What are your views on 
 this subject, Mr. Redpath ? " 
 
 J. R. — "The system of land tenure in 
 the Protestant counties of Ireland and in 
 England and Scotland is radically differ- 
 ent from the system of land tenure in 
 the West of Ireland. There is no grave 
 injustice in an English landlord evict- 
 ing his tenant when he is unable to 
 pay his rent, because the landlord built 
 the farm-hou^je and the houses of the 
 farm laborers, the barns, stables, fences, 
 and, as a rule, at his own expense sub- 
 soiled and reclaimed the land, or else 
 made an allowance to the tenant for so 
 doing. Properly speaking, there are 
 no peasantry in England. The farm- 
 ers are capitalists, and employ laborers, 
 who are the most degraded class of 
 workingmen in all Europe, excepting, 
 possibly, the serfs of Russia before their 
 emancipation. 
 
 " The English and Scotch landlords 
 live on their estates, and have a per- 
 sonal interest in their tenants, and, as a 
 rule, they are indulgent to them; where- 
 as most of the Irish landlords are either 
 English absentees, or they live in 
 remote parts of Ireland and know' 
 nothing whatever about the condition 
 of thtir tenantry, while the land-agents 
 are paid a percentage of the rents which 
 they collect, and consequently have 
 a selfish interest in squeezing the last 
 penny from them. There is no paral- 
 lel between the land system of Ireland 
 and the rest of Europe to-day. Even 
 
 the late Russian serfs are infinitely 
 better off than the peasantry of Ireland 
 under Queen Victoria. The best proof 
 that the misery of Ireland is caused by 
 the land-tenure system is shown by the 
 fact that since Hardenbcrg and Stein 
 abolished the feudal system of land 
 tenure in Germany, — and the same 
 may be said of France, — the peasantry 
 of those countries are now tlie most 
 prosperous working people in E^urope, 
 whereas formerly they were as wretched 
 as the Irish. Most of the erroneous and 
 unjust judgments passed by the Ameri- 
 can press on the Irish Land League 
 movement come from the belit.'f 
 that the Irish land system resembles 
 the land system of America, Eng- 
 land, and other civilized counrric.;, 
 whereas it is feudalism stripped of all 
 the features that rendered feudalism 
 tolerable. It represents the most 
 grasping form of the commercial 
 spirit. It recognizes no duty whatever 
 on the part of the landlord. Many of 
 the rents were so high that if the little 
 holding raised a big crop of potatoes, 
 and they should be sold at the highest 
 market price, the amount obtained 
 would not pay the rent." 
 
 Rep. — "Then how is the rent paid ?" 
 
 J. R. — The poor men have to 
 leave 'their wives early in the spring 
 and work all summer in England in 
 order to make money enough to pay 
 the landlords. Boycott conveniently 
 forgot to say that those very tenants 
 who Boycotted him were supported for 
 nearly nine months last year by Ameri- 
 can charity." 
 
 Rep. — " Captain Boycott says that 
 the only remedy for the. Irish trouble 
 is emigration. What do you say about 
 that ? " 
 
 J. R. — " I think he is right, and 
 more than that, he is honest, for once, 
 because he has set the example him- 
 self. Ireland will be prosperous just 
 as soon as all the landlords and all the 
 agents are forced to emigrate, and not 
 till then. 
 
 " Captain Boycott's other plan for the 
 regeneration of Ireland is the intrc- 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RED PATH. 
 
 87 
 
 duction of outside capital to carry on 
 manufacturing industries. He says 
 that there is no reason why Ireland 
 should not have her own manufact- 
 ories for glass, wool, and many other 
 articles of domestic consumption. He 
 attributes the fact that there are no 
 such manufactories to the faults of the 
 people, themselves ; because, at the 
 present time, no capitalist could be 
 found to invest money in its disaffected 
 condition. Why are the people dis- 
 affected ? Landlordism is the cause of 
 it, and English hatred of the Irish. 
 The Irish who come to America fill our 
 manufactories, and yet while they are 
 well paid here — paid double what 
 they would ever have expected to re- 
 ceive there — our manufactories flourish. 
 Ireland has coal-beds, marble quarries, 
 and vast mineral resources, but it has 
 been utterly impossible for any capital- 
 ists to work them, owing to the exorbi- 
 tant exactions of the landlords. Irish 
 absentee landlordism blights every in- 
 dustry as well as the country itself." 
 
 Rep. — " Captain Boycott says that 
 he considers that the constabuL'.ry is 
 thoroughly, reliable, and that the Irish 
 element in the British army would 
 never betray their trust in the event of 
 a rising of the people. Do you think 
 so?" 
 
 J. R.— " Yes, I do ! The constabu- 
 lary are not policemen. They are 
 armed and drilled soldiers ; armed with 
 muskets, buck-shot, and bayonets, and 
 under military disci[:linc, and whatever 
 their sympathies may be, they are 
 obliged to obey orders. Last year and 
 this year, they have again and again 
 bayoneted and shot down women, and 
 when soldiers do that, they can be ' im- 
 plicitly relied on ' by any form of des- 
 potism. I, myself, saw a woman into 
 whose breast a constable ran a bayonet 
 for seeking to defend her own home. 
 As far as the regular army goes, of 
 course, they are trustworthy, because 
 the English Government took special 
 care to eliminate all Irish soldiers from 
 the regiments sent into Ireland. They 
 are all English and Scotch." 
 
 Rep. — " Captain Boycott says that 
 Parnell is a very good leading man, but 
 denies that his programme has the ad- 
 herence of the people at large ; that 
 the masses are with him, it is true, but 
 that the intellect of the country is 
 against him. How is that " 
 
 J. R. — " I have always supposed 
 that the masses of the people meant 
 the people at large, and as for the ' in- 
 tellect ' of the country being against 
 him, I never read in history of a single 
 instance in which the owners of des- 
 potic power were not against the masses 
 of the people." 
 
 Rep. — Why did the people cheer 
 the constabulary, and yet maltreat the 
 process-server ? Were they not equally 
 guilty ? " 
 
 J. R. — " Because the people regard 
 the constables as only doing their duty, 
 hovvcvcr degrading that duty may be, 
 while they execrate the process-servers 
 because they are volunteers — they are 
 not obliged by law to s^rve ejectment 
 notices ; tliey are only obliged to serve 
 civil decrees." 
 
 Rep. — What proportion of the 
 landlords in Mayo and Galway are 
 absentees ? " 
 
 J. R._« Father John O'Malley told 
 me that there are more absentees in 
 Mayo than in Galway. ' In Galway,'* 
 he said, ' I should say that one-fourth 
 are absentees ; but in Mayo, fully one- 
 half, on the average. Dillon, Sligo, 
 Lucan, Erne, Cooper, Farmer, Farroll, 
 Jameson, Kilmaine, Dc Clifford, and 
 several others — all large landlords, 
 owners of two-thirds of the County 
 Mayo — are absentees. Nearly one- 
 half of Galway is owned by absentees. 
 Many of them never visit their estates 
 at all, and have never seen them. In 
 the parish of the Neale (where Boycott 
 lived), there is not now, and there has 
 not been for the last half-century, a 
 single resident landlord.' 
 
 " 1 asked Father John whether this 
 
 * These quotations are from short-hand 
 notes taken at the time, and subsequently re- 
 vised by the priest. 
 
88 AN EXILE OF ERIN. 
 
 absenteeism was owing to the reason 
 assigned by the English press, that 
 agrarian outrages made it impossible 
 for the landlords to live on their estates. 
 The priest said : 
 
 " ' For the last twenty-five years 
 there has not been a single agrarian 
 assassination, or an attempt at one, in 
 this parish, either on landlords or their 
 agents. Some of these landlords come 
 over once in a while, for a few days, 
 and never one of them has been, or 
 pretended to be, in any danger.' " 
 
 Rep. — What is the condition of the 
 peasantry of Ireland ? " 
 
 J. R. — " I never yet saw a single 
 cajjin t in the Southern States so 
 wretched ; I never met a slave so 
 badly dressed ; I never saw a slave so 
 poorly fed — as three millions of the in- 
 dustrious people of Ireland are lodged, 
 clothed, and fed to-day. Southern 
 slavery, with the single exception, — and 
 iJwt was a very important exception, — 
 of the right to sell vested in the slave- 
 holder, was a system, infernal as it 
 was, A^astly superior to the system of 
 Jrish tenantry at this very hour. But 
 J have ray notes of a conversation with 
 Pathcr John O'Malley, in Loycott's 
 own parish, and it is specific in its de- 
 tails. I will read them, only omitting 
 my preliminary questions : 
 
 ' As ,to .tlieir indolence,' said Father 
 John, " from ray own experience of 
 them, and from what I have heard 
 from so many high authorities about 
 the peaF.antry in other countries, I 
 consider the Irish peasantry as the 
 most industrious and hard-working 
 race on the face of the earth. What 
 do you think now that you have seen 
 them at home ? * 
 
 ' " ' With the sole .exception of the 
 Chinese,' I answered, * I think they 
 are not excelled in industry by any 
 race in America, and that they are only 
 equaled by the Germans.' 
 
 " ' Not only all over the West,' con- 
 tinued Father John, ' does the head 
 of the family himself work, and his 
 grown boys, and all the women, but 
 even the youngest females, .as soon as 
 
 they are able to do any work — not 
 only in the house, but hard work in 
 
 the fields, as you have seen every- 
 where. They are so industrious in 
 their habits, and so soon are they set 
 to work as children, that unless I make 
 it a point to secure the attendance of 
 the children at school between the 
 ages of five and eleven, I might bid 
 farewell to all hopes of teaching them 
 at all. If the people did not work as 
 incessantly as they do, how could they 
 procure even the commonest suste- 
 nance for their large famifies after pay- 
 ing such exorbitant rents and taxes ? 
 From my experience and observation, 
 all over this West of Ireland (and I 
 have had a large experience, and seen 
 most of it thoroughly), I can truly say • 
 that, in ninety-nine cases out of a hun- 
 dred, whenever you see any Irish peas- 
 ant not at work it is simply because 
 he can find nothing to do. 
 
 " * Now, then, as to his improvi- 
 dence,' continued Father John, ' why, 
 Mr. Redpath, the very idea of charg- 
 ing these struggling peasants of 
 Ireland with improvidence is cruel 
 sarcasm. Let me tell you how the 
 ordinary peasant lives. But, after all, 
 I need not tell you how he Hves — you 
 have seen enough of it; but possibly 
 you have had no opportunity to see 
 how they are fed ? ' 
 
 " ' No, sir.' 
 
 " ' Well,' said the priest, ' let me 
 give you the daily bill of fare of these 
 peasant families : For breakfast, pota- 
 toes. If they are pretty comfortable, 
 they have a little milk and butter with 
 it. But, in the great majority of cases, 
 they have nothing but the potatoes, or 
 possibly a- salt herring. The dinner 
 and the supper are only a repetition of 
 the breakfast. That is their bill of 
 fare all the year round excepting at 
 Easter and Christmas, when even the 
 poorest try hard to get a few pounds 
 of meat — generally "American meat." 
 
 " ' You have seen everywhere that 
 the clothing of the peasantry is made 
 by themselves from the wool. They 
 shear it, spin it, get it woven and dyed 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATII. 
 
 89 
 
 themselves into flannel and frieze. 
 " Frieze ? " Frieze is home-made cloth. 
 How can any people be more prov- 
 ident than people who live on the 
 meanest diet that can support life, and 
 who not only make their own clothing 
 but make and dye the cloth itself? ' 
 
 " Would you like some more ? " 
 
 Rep.—" Go on." 
 
 J. R. — " Well, let me read the rest 
 of my report : 
 
 " ' Well, Father John-, now as to 
 intemperance — I am not asking for my 
 own information, for I know the truth 
 about it — how do you answer the state- 
 ment that in Ireland, with all its pov- 
 erty, there is so much consumption of 
 alcoholic drinks ? ' " 
 
 " ' In the first place,' said Father 
 John, ' the amount consumed in Ire- 
 land is not all drank by the peasantry, 
 which the argument assumes. You 
 must take away, in the first place, all 
 that is consumed by the upper and 
 middle classes, by the Government 
 officials, and in strictl}^ temperate fam- 
 ilies — for drinking in Ireland, as in 
 England, is a universal social usage — 
 and you must remember that the ex- 
 pensive wines and liquors .are con- 
 sumed by these classes. The poorer 
 classes never drink any liquors that 
 are costly. You must also deduct 
 what is consumed by the working 
 classes — by all classes — in the towns 
 and cities, because no complaint has 
 ever been made by Irish reformers 
 about their poverty being specially 
 caused by bad laws. They may be 
 affected by an expensive form of gov- 
 ernment causing heavy taxes — but so 
 are the laboring classes of Elngland; 
 and the Irish worker of the cities has 
 also the additional wrong done him 
 that English legislation destroyed Irish 
 manufactures, while the land laws, by 
 driving out the rural population, ruined 
 all the minor home industries. But to 
 keep strictly to the point, it is against 
 the peasantry that this charge is made 
 — for they are the only class whose 
 grievances at this time are specifically 
 championed. Now I assert, from my 
 
 personal knowledge and from the con- 
 curring testimony of hundreds of 
 priests' in different parts of Ireland — as 
 well as by other trustworthy evidence 
 — that, excepting on very rare occa- 
 sions, such as a fair-di'v, the Irish 
 peasant rarely drinks at all. On fair- 
 days he does drink, because it is the 
 custom of the country for the seller to 
 treat the buyer to a drink after the sale 
 of sheep or a cow. The charge that 
 the Irish peasant is a constant drinker 
 is a gross and cruel calumny. Of ' 
 course, there are a few rash, foolish 
 creatures who are an exception, but as 
 a rule, the Irish peasant is temperate 
 both from necessity and from religious 
 influences. Drunkenness is exceed- 
 ingly rare in rural Ireland.' " 
 
 Rep. — " I see that Boycott says he 
 came to America only on a visit, and 
 he is going down to Virginia to sec a 
 friend in Amelia Countv." 
 
 J. R._"Yes: 'birds of a feather.' I 
 was asked by Father Corbett, of Clare 
 Morris, if I could not have an absen- 
 tee Irish landlord in Amelia County, 
 Virginia, Boycotted! Little did I 
 ever think that Boycott himself would 
 go there ! Father James igave me 
 seven writs of ejectment that this Irish- 
 Virginian had issued against some of 
 the most famished peasants near Clare 
 Morris. I gave them to Major Con- 
 yngham, editor of the New-York 
 Tablet. They are brought by ' Mur- 
 ray Magregor Blacker, of Haw Branch, 
 Amelia Court House, Virginia, U. S. 
 A., against Thomas Mullce, of Kilcol- 
 man, for ^6 6s. rent ; against Michael 
 Prendcrgast, of Kilcolman, for ^7 i os. ; 
 against Patrick Nevin, of Cuilbeg, for 
 ^4 ICS.; against Patrick Clarke, of 
 Cuilbeg, for ^^3; against Martin Mud- 
 lany, of Lisnaborla, for jC^\2 los. ; 
 against Michael Flannigan, of Boher- 
 diiff, for I OS., and against Thomas 
 Mullee, of Boherduff. for los.' 
 
 This man. Blacker, never gave a 
 shilling for the relief of these tenants, 
 who were kept out of their graves by for- 
 eign charity. Their lands are wretched 
 holdings, and the rents are extortion- 
 
90 IRISH lANDLORDS AND IRISH I AND LEAGUERS. 
 
 ate, but ' Captain ' Boycott's friend, 
 Mr. Blacker, is as pitiless as his guest. 
 Since the yellow fever met the 'cholera 
 at New Orleans a few years since, 
 
 there has never been such an illustra- 
 tion of the law that like seeks like, as 
 the meeting of Boycott and Blacker 
 will be ! " 
 
 XIV. 
 
 IRISH LANDLORDS AND IRISH LAND LEAGUERS. 
 
 [The Omaha (Nebraska) Herald of February 15 says: "James Redpath, journalist and the 
 advocate of liberty, lectured at the Academy of Music last night under the auspices of the Irish 
 Land League. The house was fdled in spite of inclement weather with a most intelligent and 
 eager audience. Mayor Chase presided and introduced the speaker, who was enthusiastically 
 received. He is a forcible and magnetic speaker. A brief or hasty outline of his speech, which 
 continued nearly three hours, can give but little idea of the graphic pictures that Mr. Redpath 
 drew of Irish life, purity, and fortitude, as he had seen it last year. At the close of the speech, 
 Mr, John Rush read a series of resolutions which were adopted, thanking Mr. Redpath, whom 
 they termed 'the Lafayette of Irish Land Reform.' Rousing cheers were given for Parnell, 
 I\e'i]:ath, and Davitt. A dispatch was read from the Irish-American members of the Senate 
 and House of Representatives of the State, greeting and welcoming Mr. Redpath to Nebraska. 
 In order to obtain his views more fully, a Herald reporter interviewed Mr. Redpath yesterday 
 afternoon and was accorded a free expression from that gentleman : "] 
 
 REPORTER.— "What, in your 
 opinion, Avill be the result of the 
 present agitation in Ireland ? " 
 
 Mr. Redpath. — "The establishment 
 of peasant proprietorship. Of course I 
 do not expect that this result will be 
 reached 2^ once. The landed proprie- 
 tors will make a desperate struggle — 
 first to resist any change in the present 
 relations of landlord and tenant ; then 
 to make as few changes as possible ; 
 then to defeat peasant proprietorship. 
 The struggle may last two or three 
 years, but if the Irish peasantry stand 
 linn, and are not provoked into insur- 
 rection, I have no doubt that, first, the 
 London companies and all corporations 
 will be forced by Parliament to sell; 
 then that the absentees will have to 
 let go their grip of the soil — and then 
 the rest will be easy. There are only 
 eight thousand landlords of all grades 
 in Ireland, including owners of one 
 acre, and also I believe including the 
 holders of long leases ; but two thou- 
 sand out of these eight thousand hold 
 more land than all the rest put to- 
 gether, and three thousand out of the 
 eight thousand are absentees. They 
 draw — these absentees — $60,000,000 
 
 every year from Ireland, and do abso- 
 lutely no service in return either to 
 their tenants or to the country — except 
 to slander the Irish people throughout 
 the world, and to call for coercion 
 laws." 
 
 Rep. — What do you mean by the 
 London companies and the corpora- 
 tions ? " 
 
 J. R. — " James the First confiscated 
 six out of the thirty-two counties of 
 Ireland and granted them to favorites 
 and corporations. The Protestant 
 Bishop of Ulster got forty-three thou- 
 sand acres. Trinity College got thirty 
 thousand acres, and the Trades-Unions 
 of London got two hundred and ten 
 thousand acres, on condition of plant- 
 ing them with English tenants and 
 driving out the native inhabitants. The 
 city of Derry, in the North, was granted 
 to these companies, rebuilt and called 
 Londonderry. Now these companies 
 are all bad landlords. Corporations 
 have no souls, as Blackstone says, to 
 be damned, nor, he adds, the portion 
 of the body that is kicked, but I think . 
 they will be kicked out of Ireland. I 
 visited the estates of the Trinity College 
 in the island of- Valencia, and at 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES RE DEATH. 
 
 Cahirciveen, in the County Kerry, 
 and I nowhere saw more horrible spec- 
 tacles of human wretchedness." 
 
 Rep. — " You mean their estates will 
 be confiscated ? " 
 
 J. R. — " No; they ought to be. But 
 they may be purchased by the state and 
 then sold to the tenants." 
 
 Rep. — " Would not this be an un- 
 precedented action ? " 
 
 J. R. — " No; it was done in Bel- 
 gium and in Germany within the 
 present century — not from motives of 
 ])hilanthropy, but as a measure of 
 safety to the state. It is only in Ire- 
 land that feudal landlordism exists. It 
 does not exist in England or Scotland. 
 In fact the Irish tenant-at-will is a serf 
 of the soil, and even Russia has abol- 
 ished that svstem. Irish landlordism 
 is worse than feudalism, — I might al- 
 most say it is the opposite, — for a feudal 
 lord had to feed, clothe, lodge, and 
 protect his tenant in return for his serv- 
 ice, while in Ireland the lord of the 
 soil does nothing but starve him, clothe 
 him in rags, pass penal and coercion 
 laws against him, and defame him. 
 These absentees care no more about 
 their tenants than if they were beasts — 
 less, in fact, because they do feed and 
 keep their horses and cattle in prime 
 order." 
 
 Rep. — " Can you give the exact 
 figures of Irish landlordism ?" 
 
 J. R. — " Yes, 6,000 are small pro- 
 prietors; 1,198 own from 2,000 to 
 5,000 acres each — in all one-sixth of 
 the soil of Ireland; 185 own from 
 10,000 to 20,000 acres each; 90 own 
 from 20,000 to 50,000 each ; 24 own 
 from 50,000 to 100,000, while 3 own 
 over 100,000; over 36,000 own only 
 one acre each. The Devon commi.> 
 sion found — in 1844 — 681,000 farms 
 exceeding one acre. In Connaught, 
 * several proprietors had over 100,000 
 acres each; while, out of 155,842 farms 
 in that province, 100,254 had from one 
 to four acres each. In 187 1, the ab- 
 sentee proprietors owned 5,120,169 
 acres of the soil of Ireland." 
 
 Rep. — " What if> a tenant-at-will ? " 
 
 J. R — " A man who can be evicted 
 at the will or caprice of the landlord 
 and htive all of his improvements con- 
 fiscated. There arc 682,237 tenants 
 in Ireland. Now out of these, 626,628, 
 or about 73 per cent., are tenants-at- 
 will." 
 
 Rep. — ^' Did not Gladstone's act of 
 1870 protect these tenants ? " 
 
 J. R. — " It was intended to do so, 
 but it has been a dead letter because 
 the landlords conspired to defeat it, 
 and every case between a landlord and 
 tenant is tried before a court of land- 
 lords, and they always construe every 
 doubt in favor of the landlord. The 
 judiciary of Ireland is more corrapt, 
 from Chief Justice May down, than 
 the judiciary of New- York was under 
 Boss Tweed's rule in New- York. The 
 large farmers of the East v/ere cheated 
 out of their rights under the Gladstone 
 act by being compelled to sign leases 
 under which they waived all the rights 
 intended to be conferred on them by 
 the law of 1870, and in the West the 
 tenants v/ere too poor to fight the 
 landlords, as law proceedings are not 
 only tedious but excessively expensive." 
 
 Rep. — " In the Queen's speech it 
 was said that this law had been of 
 great benefit to Ireland." 
 
 J. R. — " It was never enforced until 
 last summer, when the Land League 
 took up the cases brought before them 
 and had them tried before the courts 
 by their own lawyers." 
 
 Rep. — " What is the quickcr.t way 
 to learn the truth about Ireland on 
 this side of the Big Pond ? " 
 
 J. R. — " Read what the English 
 papers and books say about Ireland, 
 and then believe the exact opposite. 
 In nine cases out of ten, you v/ill hit 
 the mark by adopting this plan. Re- 
 member that all the cable dispatcher, 
 are sent over here by the bitterest ene- 
 mies of the Irish ])eoplo — the mo-^t 
 servile parasites of the Irish landlords 
 and the British Government." 
 
 Rep. — " Why doesn't Parnell go in 
 and support Gladstone and the Ens^- 
 lish liberals ? " 
 
92 IRISH LANDLORDS AND IRISH LAND LEAGUERS. 
 
 J. R. — •* Why, because as far as the 
 Irish are concerned, there is no essen- 
 tial difference between EngHsh tories 
 and EngHsh hberals, or even English 
 republicans. What the Irish want is 
 the abolition of landlordism, that every 
 tenant shall own the soil he tills, and 
 that Ireland shall have home rule — 
 which does not mean independence, 
 but the same right that every State in 
 this Union has, and every province in 
 Canada has, and every colony in the 
 Australian group has — the right to 
 regulate its own local affairs. Glad- 
 stone and Bright believe that the rela- 
 tion of landlord and tenant in Ireland 
 should exist, but be modified — and 
 they equally believe in the right of the 
 English to govern the Irish. The Irish 
 don't want landlordism modified but 
 abolished. The Irish don't want the 
 English to rule them but to rule them- 
 selves. No compromise is possible be- 
 tween these positions. They are in- 
 herently antagonistic. Besides, how do 
 you expect "Parnell and his party to 
 support the so-called ' liberal ' govern- 
 ment when that same government has 
 done its bes,t to put him and his asso- 
 ciates into jail ? Would any party in 
 America support a government that 
 was trying to put its leaders into jail?" 
 
 Rep. — " You don't take any stock, 
 then, in the liberal professions of the 
 British Government ? " 
 
 J. R._" None. The British Gov- 
 ernment is the most cruel, the most 
 corrupt, the most tyrannical government 
 on this globe to-day, among natfons 
 that have even the semblance of lib- 
 erty. When has it ever done justice, 
 except under fear of compulsion ? It 
 grants home rule to Australia, because 
 the Australians are so far away that 
 they could throw off British trammels ; 
 it grants home rule to Canada, because 
 Canada is so near the United States ; 
 and yet, when Ireland asks for home 
 rule, England yells out that such a pol- 
 icy would be the ' decomposition ' of 
 the empire. It was forced by the phi- 
 lanthropic classes of England to abol- 
 ish slavery in Jamaica, but it refused to 
 
 abolish there the curse which renders 
 its amazing fertility of no service to its 
 people — the same curse which blights 
 Ireland — absentee proprietorship. No, 
 England will do nothing for Ireland 
 that is worth doing until it is worried 
 into doing it. Paniell knov/s his peo- 
 ple and his enemy, and he is taking 
 the only course that is likely to succeed." 
 
 Rep. — " Do you think there >vill be 
 an insurrection in Ireland ? " 
 
 J. R. — "No, I hope not; it would 
 only end in disaster at this time. The 
 young Irish arc well educated, and they 
 know that it would please England if 
 there was an insurrection, and they 
 have no intention of gratifying her," 
 
 Rep. — " How often have you lect- 
 ured, since you came from Ireland ? " 
 
 J. R. — " About 60 times in 60 differ- 
 ent cities, east, west, and south." 
 
 Rep. — " What is the feeling about 
 Ireland ? " 
 
 J. R. — " The Irish-Americans every- 
 where are enthusiastic over the Land 
 League programme, and tKe Americans 
 of the West are solid in their sympathy 
 for the Irish people in this struggle ; 
 while in the East the vast majority of 
 the Americans who care anything at all 
 about Irish problems are pleased with 
 it. England imagines that we have 
 forgotten the Alabama and the English 
 sneers against us during the late war; 
 but she will fmd that we have better 
 memories than she gives us the credit 
 of The Americans only v. ant to un- 
 derstand this Irish land question to be, 
 heart and soul, everywhere — as they 
 are nov/ nearly everywhere — in sym- 
 pathy with the Land League move- 
 ment." 
 
 [In a letter describing the famous 
 obstruction debate over the constabu- 
 lary estimates in the English House of 
 Commons, Mr. Redpath elaborates 
 the same opinion expressed in this 
 interview respecting English liberalism 
 that he has everywhere advocated in ^ 
 America. He wrote:] 
 
 " I have lost faith in English Radi- 
 calism. The EngHsh Radical thinks 
 
AN INTERVIEW WITH JAMES REDPATII 
 
 93 
 
 ill English / he seems incapable of dis- 
 cussing Irish questions from the point 
 of view of equahty or even of justice; 
 he .is always arguing whether it is ex- 
 pedient for England to ^concede' this 
 right or that measure ; and, if he has 
 written an article or two in some 
 London weekly or monthly, the Eng- 
 lish Radical regards himself as entitled 
 to distinguished consideration from the 
 Irish race. Jolm Bright's speech was 
 a corruscation of this sentiment. He 
 did not deny, he said, his utterances in 
 behalf of Ireland ; he took not one 
 of them back, but re-afFirmed each one 
 of them; he had been, and he was, a 
 friend of Ireland, and of Irish aspira- 
 tions. And having said all this — not 
 in these words, but with elaborate skill 
 — he asked, what? That the Irish 
 members would kindly offer no obstacle 
 against arming a force of twelve thou- 
 sand constabulary with rifles and buck- 
 shot to shoot down the Irish people ! 
 There is no more need of an armed 
 police in Ireland than in England — 
 because, as every week's criminal calen- 
 dar shows, there are fewer crmies com- 
 mitted, in proportion to population, in 
 Ireland than in England. 
 
 " ' Call me brother! ' said the French 
 Jacobins, ' or I will kill thee! ' 
 
 " ' I have called thee brother, Paddy,* 
 says Quaker Bright, ' and now let me 
 shoot thee.' 
 
 " ' I will not be the instrument of 
 injustice,' quoth Quaker Forster, ' but 
 I refuse to substitute batons for buck- 
 shot ! ' 
 
 " Buckshot Quakers, or British Lib- 
 erals, or English republicans — they 
 are all alike ; there is no sense in trying 
 to conciliate them. They must be 
 fought with their own weapons. I 
 trust that as soon as public opinion is 
 so ripe in Ireland that the present time- 
 serving Home Rulers and Liberals will 
 be compelled to act under Mr. Parnell's 
 lead, that, then, obstruction will be 
 advanced one step further, and that 
 Irish members will ' interfere ' at every 
 stage with every English measure, and 
 introduce every reform bill, one by one, 
 that any class of Englishmen demand — 
 making themselves the organs and 
 exponents of English disaffection, just 
 in order to teach the English Govern- 
 ment and the English ' liberal ' mem- 
 bers to attend to their own business, 
 and let the Irish rule Ireland, or else 
 showing them that the Irish will rule 
 England through the machinery of 
 her own self-enacted parliamentary 
 rules." 
 
94 ' THE TRUE REMEDY, 
 
 XT. 
 
 THE TRUE REMEDY. 
 
 [This is a speech by proxy. It was sent by Mr. Redpath to several Land League meetings, 
 tnd read, in response to large numbers of invitations to speak, after the British press had 
 denounced his addresses at Leenane and Clare Morris. " This letter," says the Kerry Sentinel, 
 **was written in reply to an invitation to speak at a Land meeting, but our readers will find in 
 (t an exposition so thorcJugh and masterly that we have little doubt it will call forth admiration 
 even from many who may differ in some respects from the theories which it propounds. Only 
 a few* months ago, Mr. Redpath came to this country an uUer stranger, having no knowledge 
 of the country save, of course, that which one of his education and attainments must have gath- 
 ered of it in the course of his reading. How prejudiced were the sources from which that 
 information was in most instances derived, he himself has very truly described. But this 
 extensive knowledge, his keen insight, and his long acquaintance with other nations and other 
 peoples, enabled him to see at a glance the enormities of the system of legislation under which 
 the Irish people battle for existence ; and he required but to travel amongst them, to see their 
 homes, and judge for himself of the evil effects of the system, when his most generous sympathies 
 were enlisted on behalf of the people of Erin, and we say — truly say — of him that he is now 
 ipsis Hibernis, Hibeinior — more Irish than the Irish themselves." Here is the letter as read, 
 only two sentences having been added to make the meaning more clear :] 
 
 My dear Sir : 
 
 IT would give me great pleasure 
 to attend your meeting, but my 
 duties elsewhere prevent me from 
 accepting any more invitations to 
 speak for the people — numerous and 
 very cordial as these invitations are. 
 The same duties prevent me from 
 complying with the recommendations 
 of the London and Dublin landlord 
 press to return to America, nor to stand 
 upon the order of my going, but to go 
 at once — many and really sincere as 
 these suggestions are. By priests, and 
 leagues, and audiences in the West of 
 Ireland I have been urged to speak, 
 but in London, in Ulster, and in Dub- 
 lin I find myself charged, both on 
 public platforms and in the press, with 
 " abusing the hospitality of the coun- 
 try " by having yielded to these re- 
 quests. If I spoke again I should 
 answer these toadies and parasites of 
 the landlords ; and perhaps you will 
 read to your friends a summary of my 
 reply to them ? 
 
 What right has an American citizen 
 to talk in Ireland on Irish politics ? Be- 
 . cause Americans believe that taxation 
 without representation is tyranny ] and 
 because America is taxed every year 
 to pay the rack-rents of the West of 
 Ireland landlords; and because Amer- 
 
 ica, whenever there is a famine, is ex- 
 pected to pay the expense of saving 
 tens of thousands of Irish tenants from 
 starvation, although Mr. Gladstone has 
 admitted that the property of the land- 
 lords is legally liable for this charge. 
 As nearly as I can ascertain, more 
 than half of the rents of the small 
 holdings along the Atlantic coast of 
 Ireland are paid by the exiled sons 
 and daughters of their tillers, now in 
 America. That is one reason why the 
 landlords are so anxious to send out 
 the young people — because their earn- 
 ings enable the old folks at home to 
 pay rents out of all proportion to the 
 value of the produce that can be raised 
 on their famis. When the landed 
 Shylocks of Ireland cease to take half 
 of their pound of flesh from America, 
 then (and not till then) Americans Vvill 
 have no right to discuss the character 
 of their exactions. 
 
 But consider the supreme arrogance 
 of these cockneys and landlord para- 
 sites! The free people of Ireland are 
 not to be permitted to invite any gen- 
 tleman, traveling in their country, to 
 address them, unless what he says shall 
 be acceptable to the monarchical flun- 
 keys of London and the religious 
 bigots of Belfast! As if a7iy honest 
 American couid speak pleasant words 
 
I 
 
 A SPEECH BY PROXY 
 
 BY JAMES REDPATH. 
 
 95 
 
 about the petty tyrants called landlords 
 who rule Ireland ! As if every Ameri- 
 can — Protestant, Catholic, Rationalist, 
 Materialist, Spiritualist — without regard 
 to reU^ious belief or non-belief in re- 
 ligion — did not despise every form and 
 phase of religious intolerance ! Oh, 
 yes ! England is the land of the free 
 and the home of the brave"; but if 
 any stranger tells the truth in Ireland 
 — really, you know, " it's outrageous, 
 you knov,'," " pure Socialism, you know," 
 — and Lord Montmorris died of it, — 
 although, to be sure, he lay stark and 
 cold long before the " seditious lan- 
 guage " was uttered ! " Conscience 
 makes cowards of us all," and it is be- 
 cause the landlords know their own 
 crimes that one feeble voice crying in 
 the wilderness thus alarms them. 
 
 If I had the gift of eloquence, and 
 could postpone other duties in Amer- 
 ica, I should never leave Ireland until 
 I had addressed the people wherever 
 they invited me — to pay back to Eng- 
 land the great gift she made us, with 
 the applause of her aristocracy, in 
 sending George Thompson, one of her 
 most brilliant orators, to denounce and 
 help to destroy American slavery, be- 
 fore that twin monster of Irish land- 
 lordism died the death it merited. Our 
 tyrants denounced him, as your tyrants 
 denounced me; but John Bright ap- 
 2)lauded him across the Atlantic, and 
 preached the same doctrine to us that 
 Wendell Phillips preaches to you — 
 " Destroy the evil. No compromise 
 with it." The English aristocracy sent 
 money to help on our anti-slavery 
 movement, and the American democ- 
 racy will pay it back in contributions to 
 help tlie anti-landlordism movement. 
 
 There is a perfect parallel between 
 the development of the anti-slavery 
 movement in America and the growth 
 — albeit the more rapid growth — of the 
 anti-landlordism movement in Ireland. 
 If the parallel shall continue, judging 
 from the past, you are threatened by 
 , three dangers — violence, disunion, and 
 compromise. 
 
 The young men must be taught that 
 
 violence is not criminal only, but stu- 
 pid ; that this great reform must be ac- 
 complished by moral, social, and polit- 
 ical agencies ; and next, that patriotic , 
 projects never hinder, but always help 
 each other; and that, although their 
 methods may, and even must differ, 
 they never can conflict. 
 
 It seems to me, as a friendly and 
 impartial looker-on, that the Land 
 League movement is Ireland's last 
 hope of savin her race and her nation- 
 ality from an absorption which, how- 
 ever it might benefit other races and 
 nations, would enable and force the 
 coming historian to tell her story in one 
 sad word— failed. For, until O'Con- 
 nell rose, and after he fell, every patri^ 
 otic movement failed. Irish hero- 
 worship is the worship of unsuccess. 
 Think of it: in 1,400 years, two men 
 only have succeeded in their efforts 
 until death overtook them — St. Patrick 
 and Daniel O'Connell. I do not 
 mention the military hero who rose on 
 the ruin of the constitution of his 
 country — for successes such as his have 
 always proven to be more disastrous 
 than defeats. 
 
 There is a new element in the Irish 
 problem that makes further quarreling 
 fatal. I mean steam. While Nation- 
 alists, Home Rulers, and Land Leag- 
 uers quarrel, young Ireland is buying 
 tickets for America and Australia. It 
 is union or death for old Ireland now. 
 
 But greater than the dangers from 
 violence and dissensions is the danger 
 of compromise. Already I see symp- 
 toms of this disease of politics. Already ^ 
 I see efforts made to discriminate be- 
 tween good landlords and bad land- 
 lords, and I hear pleas made for 
 " perpetual leases," or leases with 
 security of tenure." 
 
 Let every leader who talks in this 
 fashion suddenly find himself in the 
 center of a silent solitude. Never de- 
 nounce any man who has ever done : 
 even one good act for Ireland — it 
 would be ungracious and ungrateful to 
 do so, and besides time is too precious 
 to be wasted in dissensions; but let 
 
96 
 
 THE TRUE REMEDY. 
 
 every public man know that the one 
 condition he must submit to, in leadmg 
 even a single company of Irish tenants, 
 is to keep afloat the oriflamb of 
 "land for the people," of " free farms 
 for free men," and not the pawn- 
 broker's flag of long leases for peasant 
 serfs, with security of tenure to land- 
 lords. This is not a petty scramble 
 for cheap rents, but a grand crusade for 
 free homes. 
 
 Rent is the whip with which usurers 
 and usurpers have scourged the backs 
 of the Irish people for centuries, and 
 leases is only another name for lashes. 
 No compromise This crusade is not 
 a Donnybrook Fair fight, to break the 
 heads of the landlords, more or fewer, 
 but a democratic uprising for the im- 
 mediate and total abolition of land- 
 lordism in Ireland. It is not a mad 
 riot against men, but a holy war against 
 a system. The men are bad enough, 
 but the system is worse, and the inher- 
 ent and ineradicable fault of the system 
 is that if the landlord is bad he can call 
 on the whole power of the British 
 empire to enforce his tyranny; where- 
 as, if he is good, his kindness depends 
 on personal caprice ; it is not secured 
 by law ; and while his authority is 
 hereditary, his benevolence may die 
 with him. 
 
 Quacks had better leave this ques- 
 tion to be dealt with by competent 
 men. As high as the heavens are I 
 above the earth, it soars above the 
 range of demagogues and politicians. 
 Cromwell was merciless, Cromwell 
 was bloody, but Cromwell was a great 
 statesman as well as a great soldier, 
 and he accomplished, by demoniac 
 methods, his demoniac purpose. He 
 meant to cripple the Irish, and he did 
 cripple them for centuries. 
 
 As I said about social excommuni- 
 cation, I again say about the Crom- 
 wellian settlement : there is no reason 
 why despotism should monopolize all 
 the most effective methods of achieve- 
 ment. Cromwell drove the Irish into 
 Connaught — now the Irish must return 
 to the lands from which he expelled 
 
 them. Landlords and bullocks must 
 go— to Connaught or England, as they 
 please: but the rich midland and 
 eastern counties of Ireland must cease 
 to be grazing farms, and become the 
 homes of the people of Ireland. The 
 landlords have driven the people into 
 the edges of wet bogs and up the 
 slopes of stony mountains, and they 
 have given the best lands to beasts. 
 Now^ the brutes must leave and make 
 way for the people. To leave the 
 people in the lands they now live on 
 would be to perpetuate, not the curse 
 of Cromwell only, but the crimes of 
 the landlords for generations since he 
 died. 
 
 I do not believe that any large pro- 
 portion of the Irish landlords have 
 equitable titles. I advanced this theory 
 at Leenane — ^just to admonish my Lord 
 Shylock that the pound of flesh theory 
 is a dangerous one in law as well as in 
 morals. I talked to a road-side full of 
 peasants, but Shylock's howls were 
 heard in every city of England and 
 Scotland, and they even crossed the 
 Channel to France and were rever- 
 berated in America. Now that this 
 argument has served its purpose, I feel 
 it due to my friends among the ten- 
 antry to say that England, without a 
 revolution, would never accept it as a 
 guide to action. If the people of Ire- 
 land are to be peacefully restored to 
 I their ancestral lands, the revolution 
 must be accomplished by purchase. 
 
 But I do most earnestly protest 
 against some of the propositions that 
 have been advanced regarding pur- 
 chase. Without referring to their au- 
 thors — which might cause needless 
 controversy — I hold that the true 
 theory of purchase must first take cog- 
 nizance only of the landlords' original 
 possession, and carefully credit to the 
 tenants* account all improvements 
 made by him or by his predecessors. 
 Griffith's valuation is often referred to 
 by well-meaning men as a fair estimate, 
 (on the average) of the letting price of 
 farms. While it is quite unequal in 
 certain sections — because Grifiith had 
 
A SPEECH BY PROXY 
 
 BY JAMES REDPATH, 97 
 
 to trust largely to subordinates — on 
 the whole it is approximately correct, 
 if we utterly ignore the right of the 
 workingman to any property in the im- 
 prove /nents and reclamations made at his 
 own sole expc?ise, and if we admit that 
 the landlord is justly entitled to confis- 
 cate the value of these improvements 
 and reclamations. Not otherwise — by 
 the God of Justice, not otherwise ! For 
 Griffith's valuation was made (on the 
 average) at thirty per cent, below " the 
 full " or highest (that is the rack-rent) 
 letting value of the farms ; but this 
 valuation was made on the holdings as 
 they were when the valuator saw them, 
 7iot as they were when the landlord let 
 them. Why, if the tenant is to buy his 
 farms, should he pay the landlord for 
 his owJi improvements ? 
 
 No race and no class of men were 
 ever yet found just enough or good 
 enough to have unchecked control 
 over any other race or any other class. 
 There is safety only in the government 
 of all by all — security only when every 
 man is the guardian of his own prop- 
 erty and rights. The rights of peasants 
 and the rights of landlords — that is to 
 say, the prerogatives or demands of 
 classes — must clear the way for the 
 reign of the equal rights of all the 
 people. 
 
 Quacks talk of the " impossibility " 
 and " impracticability of planting the 
 people on free farms, or of inducing 
 the British Government — a body of 
 landlords — to " consent to a confisca- 
 tion of the estates of the landlords." 
 " The Government of England will 
 never do it," they say, " without a 
 revolution, and a revolution means 
 bloodshed." Well, the British Gov- 
 ernment can do it, and it has done 
 equally " impossible " tasks without 
 bloodshed. When the British Gov- 
 ernment says nevcr^ history shows 
 that (like Sir Joseph Porier of the 
 Pinafore') it means " hardly ever." It 
 once said that it would never grant 
 Catholic Emancipation — but it did 
 grant it. It said — this body of land- 
 lords — that it would never repeal the 
 
 7 
 
 Com Laws — but it did repeal them. 
 And, besides, the official Englishman 
 cares quite as litde for the interests of 
 the Irish landlord as he cares for the 
 demands of the Irish tenant. He did 
 not hesitate to disestablish the Irish 
 Church, although he was told that it 
 would lead to the disestablishment of the 
 English Church ; and he will not hesi- 
 tate to disestablish Irish landlordism, 
 if he sees that it is for his interest to do 
 so, even if it should be argued that it 
 would end in the Nationalization of 
 the Land of England. 
 
 To the average official Englishman, 
 Irish tenants and Irish landlords are 
 only rival nuisances that he would like 
 to abate in any way that would restore 
 quiet. "A plague on both your 
 houses " is his normal opinion of both 
 parties to the Irish Land War. Irish 
 landlords are resting on a broken reed 
 when they fancy that England will 
 support them in their hour of need, if 
 the people of Ireland refuse to yield to 
 state force or to be seduced by state 
 craft, f^ngland begins to see that it 
 does not pay to tax herself to support a 
 class of runaway landlords, to whom 
 she gave the lands originally on con- 
 dition that they should support her. 
 AVhen the English find that anything 
 does not pay, its greatest moral prop 
 is gone. And, of all unprofitable 
 institutions to England, Irish land- 
 lordism is the chief. 
 
 The only " impracticable " and "im- 
 possible " idea in planting and trans- 
 planting the Irish people lies in the 
 insane idea that this sick Ireland 
 can be cured without abolishing her 
 disease. That is impracticable. Land- 
 lordism must go, or Ireland must go. 
 Ireland is going as fast as steam can 
 carry her, and I hope there will be a 
 universal exodus if any attempt is made 
 to save the despicable despots of her 
 soil. Out with them I Better that the 
 whole Irish iac2 should be merged in 
 our comjjosite nationality in America^ 
 than that the Irish race /"// Ireland 
 should continue to remain a race of 
 perpetual tax-payers to men who got 
 
98 
 
 THE TRUE REMEDY. 
 
 their lands by confiscation and by per- 
 jury, or because the forefathers of their 
 present tenants refused to serve man 
 rather than God, and become false to 
 the faith in which they had been reared, 
 and by which alone they hoped for the 
 life everlasting. 
 
 Let it be repeated and repeated, and 
 remembered and remembered, that if 
 the tenant purchased his holding at 
 Griffith's valuation, he would be pay- 
 ing sometimes double, and quite as 
 often quadruple, the price to which the 
 landlord would have been equitably 
 entitled, even if he had originally come 
 honestly into the possession o f his farm. 
 
 Now, 1 often argued last winter, both 
 in public and in private, that when the 
 time came for universal purchase, in 
 order to establish people's proprietor- 
 ship, every landlord should be com- 
 pelled to deduct from the amount to be 
 otherwise paid to him, every shilling 
 that he had received for rent over Grif- 
 fith's valuation. The landlords pay 
 their share of taxes on the basis of 
 Griffith's valuation, and therefore they 
 should be compelled to disgorge every 
 shilling that they exacted from their 
 tenants since that valuation was made. 
 I am glad to see that a distinguished 
 Catholic bisho]) has recendy advocated 
 the same doctrine. Its extreme mod- 
 eration is seen from the fact that his 
 lordship is content to ignore the ten- 
 
 ants' rights in his improvements, at the 
 time when Griffith's valuation was 
 made. 
 
 The next lion in the way of peasant 
 proprietorship is the vast sum that 
 would be needed " to buy out the land- 
 lords and pay them at once." Why 
 should they be " paid at once " ? Are 
 they " paid at once " now ? As soon 
 as the Land League is strong enough, 
 not all the power of England will make 
 it possible for the landlords to be paid 
 at all ! A strike among the tenants in 
 Ireland would be quite as effective as 
 among the English workingmen ; and 
 all the power of the English Govern- 
 ment does not djre to lay one finger 
 on the trades-unions. The Queen 
 might die at St. Helena if such an at- 
 tempt to coerce the British worker 
 should be seriously made. 
 
 If, after a careful examination, it 
 shall be determined to compel the land- 
 lords to sell (I use the word compel for 
 the sake of clearness, nnd because I 
 mean it) at, say ten or fifteen years of 
 Griffith's valuation, then — after the de- 
 ductions of rack-renting shall have 
 been made — the Government should 
 simply guarantee the payment of ten 
 or fifteen annual installments, holding 
 the lands in its own name and absolute 
 sovereignty until the full amount was 
 paid. The installments would probably 
 be about one-third of the present rents. 
 
 THE 
 
 END. 
 
IRELANP AS SHE IS, 
 
IKJiLAND AS SHE OUQHT TO BE. 
 
Ireland : Past and Present. 
 
 THIS latest, coinplctest, and most exhaustive compendium of 
 Irish liit^tory is tlie last contribution towards the literature of 
 his race and country by the late lamented Major David Power 
 Conynghani, LL.D. 
 
 Of a patriotic stock and allied by blood to some of Ireland's 
 noblest sons, including among them the gentle Poet of the Anner, 
 Charles J. Kickham, the gifted author of "Ireland: Past and 
 Present" spent the best and most mature years of his life in the 
 grand task of disseminating valuable reading matter for those of his 
 kith and kin who live in this favored land — the Greater Ireland 
 beyond the Seas. 
 
 Few there are in this busy age who have time to study out a 
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 the mind to draw a vivid and correct picture of Ireland's fate and 
 fortunes from the earliest period to the present diiy. 
 
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 "Ireland: Past and Present" offers a fine addition to the 
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 Country which are the proudest possessions of the Irish people. 
 
 708 PAGES, PJIICE$3,00} GILT EDGES, $3.50. 
 
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IRELAND: PAST AND PRESENT. 
 
 The subjoined headings will enable the intelligent inquirer to 
 form a fair idea of the scope of this great work : 
 
 Pagan Ireland. — Founded by Partholan, B.C. 10G9^ or about 312 
 years after the Deluge. • 
 
 •Christian Ireland. — Arising from the slough of Paganism to 
 glorify St. Patrick's mission, which commenced a.d. 432. 
 
 Ireland, the Island of Saints. — Rivalling Paradise with the vir- 
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 Danes living^ in Ireland finally acknowledged alle<^iance to the Mon- 
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 The Volunteers, a.d. 1782. 
 
 The Union, a.d. 1801. 
 
 Catholic Emancipation, a.d. 1829. 
 
 The Repeal Agitation, a.d. 1840 to 1847. 
 
 The Fenian Movement, a.d. 1860 to 1867. 
 
 The Wretched Condition of the Country — Coercion and oppression. 
 
 The Land War, and The Land League Movement;. 
 
 A Retrospect— 1782 and 1882. 
 
 The Dublin Exhibition, August 15th, 1882. 
 
 The Irish Hierarchy — Their Views on the Land League. 
 
 Chronological Table of Important Events, b.c. 2035 to a.d. 
 1883. This interesting chapter fills 91 pages. Then is given 
 
 Parnell's History of the Penal Laws, filling 168 pages, and 
 
 Talks about Ireland, by James Redpath, filling 96 pages. 
 
 This great work is comprised in one large volume of 768 pages, 
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 This splendid new work is the first attempt ever made to bring within 
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