y-r... I ^ ■ ■ ■ ■ i Hi ■ • Hi y ■1 ■ - MB PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY VOLUME XXVII MURRAY OF BROUGHTON'S MEMORIALS May 1898 OCT 2^ 1971 4650120 ^ ^* Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/memorialsofjohnmOOmurr PRINCE CHARLES in infancy. From a miniature, formerly the property of John Murray of Broughton, now in the possession of Her Majesty the Queen. MEMORIALS OF JOHN MUR RAY OF BROUGHTON SOMETIME SECRETARY TO PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD 1740-1747 Edited, with an Introduction, Notes and an Appendix of Original Documents, by ROBERT FITZROY BELL EDINBURGH Printed at the University Press by T. and A. Constable for the Scottish History Society 1898 DA CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION, ix MEMORIALS : — Part I. — Negotiations with the Adherents of the House of Stuart, 1740-1745, 1 Part II. — The Expedition from the Prince's Landing to his Arrival at Derby, . . . .151 Part III. — Murray's Movements after Culloden, . 251 Part IV. — Two Letters regarding the Earl of Traquair, 317 APPENDIX I. LETTERS FROM THE STUART PAPERS AT WINDSOR :— PAGE 1. From ' Ramsay/ Sept. 10, 1740, . . . .359 2. Anonymous Letter, undated, ..... 360 3. James Edgar to John Murray, April 27, 1741, . . 361 4. Enclosure to the above, ..... 364 5. James Edgar to John Murray, June 7, 1741, . . . 364 6. James Edgar to John Murray, June 29, 1741, . . 366 7. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, April 3, 1744, . . 366 8. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, May 11, 1744, . 367 9. The Chevalier to Prince Charles, Rome, July 3, 1744, . 369 10. The Chevalier to Prince Charles, Rome, Aug. 14, 1744, . 371 11. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, ( Francfort/ Sept. 7, 1744, . 373 12. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, Sept. 14, 1744, . 374 13. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Sept. 18, 1744, . . 375 14. John Murray to Prince Charles, Senlis, Sept. 21, 1744, . 376 enclosing Memorial for Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck : to Mr. James Edgar, ..... 377 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON 15. John Murray to Prince Charles, Senlis, Sept. 21, 1744, . 379 16. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, ' Francfort,' Sept. 31, 1744, . 385 17. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, ' Francfort,' Oct. 12, 1744, . 387 18. The Chevalier to Prince Charles, Rome, Oct. 23, 1744, . 388 19. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, Jan. 3, 1745, . . 389 20. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Fitzjames, Jan. 25, 1745, . 389 21. The Chevalier to Prince Charles, Jan. 26, 1745, . . 390 22. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, March 7, 1745, . 390 23. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, March 14, 1745, . 392 24. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, April 9, 1745, . 394 25. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Fitzjames, April 12, 1745, . 395 26. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Fitzjames, April 26, 1745, . 396 27. Lord Sempill to the Chevalier, June 28, 1745, . . 396 28. Lord John Drummond to the Chevalier, Dunkirk, Nov. 13, 1745, ....... 398 29. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, April 10, ] 747, . 398 30. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, April 17, 1747, . 399 31. The Chevalier to Prince Charles, Rome, April 17, 1747, . 400 32. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, April 24, 1747, . 404 33. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, April 28, 1747, . 404 34. Prince Charles to the Chevalier, Paris, May 1, 1747, . . 404 II. PAPERS FROM THE RECORD OFFICE AND THE BRITISH MUSEUM :— 1. List of Letters and Papers taken at Colonel Cecil's, . . 406 2. Examination of Colonel William Cecil, Feb. 26, 1744, . 408 3. The Lord Justice-Clerk to the Duke of Newcastle, Edin- burgh, June 29, 1746, . . . . .411 4. Lord Elcho to the Lord Justice-Clerk, Paris, June 27, 1746, . 414 5. Sir Everard Fawkener to the Duke of Newcastle, Fort Augustus, July 2, 1746, ..... 414 6. The Duke of Newcastle to the Lord Justice-Clerk, Whitehall, July 3, 1746, .415 7. The Lord Justice-Clerk to the Duke of Newcastle, Edinburgh, July 10, 1746, 416 8. Examination of Charles, Earl of Traquair, Aug. 8, 1746, . 420 9. Examination of John Murray of Broughton, Aug. 13, 1746, . 422 10. John Murray's Examination relating to Sir John Douglas, Aug. 13, 1746, ...... 436 CONTENTS 11. Further Examination of John Murray of Broughton, Aug. 13, 437 12. Account of the Highland Clans by John Murray of Broughton, Aug. 22, 1746, ...... 439 13. John Murray to , Aug. 27, ... 445 14. John Murray to , Oct. 8, . . . . .446 15. John Murray to , Oct. 16, .... 447 16. iEneas Macdonald to the Duke of Newcastle, Oct. 26, . 447 17. Further Examination of John Murray of Broughton, Nov. 11, 448 18. John Murray to Andrew Stone, Nov. 17, . . . 455 19. Enclosure to above, ...... 455 20. The Duke of Newcastle to the Lord Justice-Clerk, Whitehall, Dec. 9, 1746, . . . . . .462 21. Lord Traquair : Mr. Murray's Examination, . . . 464 22. Extract of Mr. Murray's Examination, . . . 467 23. Further Examination of John Murray of Broughton, . . 467 24. Dr. Barry : Mr. Murray's Examination, . . . 469 25. Murray's Examination relating to Lord Traquair, Sir J. Douglas, and Dr. Barry, ..... 470 26. Jno. Sharpe to Thomas Ramsden, Whitehall, Feb. 10, 1746/7, 472 27. Sir D. Ryder to the Duke of Newcastle, Feb. 10, 1746/7, . 473 28. Jno. Sharpe to Thomas Ramsden, Feb. 10, . . . 473 29. Examination of John Murray of Broughton, Feb. 14, 1746/7, 474 30. Further Examination of John Murray of Broughton, Feb. 8, 1746/7, ....... 483 31. John Murray to the Duke of Newcastle, Oct. 13, 1747, . 484 32. Lord Traquair to the Duke of Newcastle, Oct. 13, 1747, . 484 33. John Murray to , Nov. 17, 1747, . . . .485 34. John Murray to , London, Jan. 20, 1747/8, . . 486 35. The Examination of jEneas Macdonald, Jan. 12, 1747/8, . 487 36. Earl of Traquair to the Duke of Newcastle, Jan. 21, 1747/8, . 491 37. John Murray to , March 25, 1748, . . .491 38. John Murray to , Jan. 6, 1748/9, . . . .492 III. LETTERS AND MINUTES FROM THE ARCHIVES OF THE FRENCH FOREIGN OFFICE :— 1. The Chevalier to Amelot, Rome, 23 Dec. 1743, . . 493 2. The Chevalier to the King of France, Rome, 23 Dec. 1743, . 493 3. Villeneuve to Amelot, Antibes, 23 Jan. 1744, . . .495 4. Foreign Office Minute, 29 Jan. 1744, . . . .496 vi JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON PAGE 5. Villeneuve to Amelot, 1 Feb. 1744, .... 497 6. Villeneuve to Amelot, 5 Feb. 1744, . . .497 7. Note by Lord Sempill, 15 Feb. 1744, . . . . 498 8. Marshal Saxe to Amelot, Calais, 26 Feb. 1744, . . 498 9. Earl Marischal to D'Argenson, Dunkirk, 7 March 1744, . 499 10. D'Argenson to Marshal Saxe, Versailles, 15 March 1744, . 500 11. Foreign Office Minute, 25 March 1744, . . .501 12. Foreign Office Minute, April 1744, . . . .501 13. Prince Charles to the King of France, Paris, 24 July 1744, . 501 14. The Chevalier to D'Argenson, Rome, 11 Aug. 1744, . . 503 15. Foreign Office Minute, Dec. 1744, .... 504 16. Prince Charles to D'Argenson, Paris, 17 Dec. 1744, . . 504 17. Foreign Office Minute, 30 Dec. 1744, . . . .505 18. Prince Charles to D'Argenson, Navarre, 12 June 1745, . 505 19. Prince Charles to O'Bryen, 12 June 1745, . . .506 20. Prince Charles to the King of France, Navarre, 12 June 1745, 507 21. Prince Charles to the King of France, 6 Aug. 1745, . . 507 22. The Chevalier to King Louis xv., Rome, 11 Aug 1745, . 508 23. Memoire by the Earl Marischal, 20 Aug. 1745, . . 510 24. D'Eguilles to D'Argenson, Dunkirk, 1 Oct. 1745, . . 511 26. Memoire by Maurepas, 13 Oct. 1745, . . . .511 26. Prince Charles to the King of France, Edinburgh, 15 Oct. 1745, 513 27. Earl Marischal to D'Argenson, Paris, 23 Oct. 1745, . . 513 28. Sheridan to , Edinburgh, 25 Oct. 1745, . . .514 29. Prince Charles to the King of France, Stirling, 21 Jan. 1746, 515 30. O'Heguerty to D'Argenson, Paris, 13 June 1746, . . 516 31. Foreign Office Minute, 18 May 1746, . . . .516 32. Projet de Lettre, Versailles, 30 Sept. 1746, . . .516 33. D'Argenson to his Brother, Fontainebleau, 6 Nov. 1746, . 517 34. Memorial to D'Argenson, 9 Oct. 1746, . . 518 86. Prince Charles to D'Argenson, Clichy, 4 Nov. 1746, . . 518 36. O'Bryen to , Paris, 14 Nov. 1746, . . . .518 37. D'Argenson to O'Bryen, Versailles, 20 Nov. 1746, . . 520 38. Foreign Office Minute, 1746, . . . . .520 39. Foreign Office Minute, 1746, . . . . .521 40. O'Heguerty to D'Argenson, Paris, 13 March 1747, . . 521 CONTENTS vii IV.— ADDITIONAL NOTES. PAGE 1. Macgregor of Balhaldie, ..... 522 2. The Earl of Traquair, . . . . . .524 GENEALOGY of the MURRAYS of STANHOPE, . 526 INDEX,. .... . . . .529 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Prince Charles in Infancy, . . . Frontispiece. From a miniature, formerly the property of John Murray of Broughton, now in the possession of Her Majesty the Queen. Prince Charles in Boyhood, . . . at page 1 From a miniature, formerly the property of J ohn Murray of Broughton, now in the possession of Mr. Andrew Lang. Prince Charles, Mt. 24, . . . . ,,151 From a miniature painted in Paris for James Edgar, secre- tary to the Chevalier de St. George, now in the posses- sion of the Hon. J. D. Edgar, Speaker of the Canadian House of Commons. Facsimile of Minute of Lodge Canongate Kil- winning, No. 2, . Showing the erasures of Murray's name. N.B. — The Notes printed in the larger type belong to the original Manuscripts, and are indicated with the signs *, t, {, etc. The present Editor's Notes are in the smaller type, and are indicated by figures, l , 2 , :{ , etc. CORRIGENDA Page 182, delete first note beginning 'The Ord.' ,, 207, Note l ,for Purton House read Preston House. >> 377. heading to Memorial, for Mr. Edgar Douglas read Mr. James Edgar. , , 380, last line, for Temple read Semple. ,, 373, 385, 387, in headings to letters Nos. 11, 16, 17, after the word ' Francfort' insert [i.e. Paris]. INTRODUCTION John Murray, the writer of the Memorials here printed for the first time, was a member of a family of respectable antiquity even in Scotland. In the reign of James iv., William, the second son of Murray of Philiphaugh, married the heiress of the ancient house of Romanno of that Ilk. Their great-grandson acquired the lands of Stanhope, and was knighted by Charles I. He was also proprietor of the lands and barony of Broughton in Peeblesshire (charter dated 21st December 1635). His son William, a staunch loyalist, was fined £%000 by Cromwell, and was rewarded with a baronetcy by Charles 11. The estate of Broughton was sold by him, possibly to meet Cromwell's exactions. His son Sir David married first the Lady Anne Bruce, daughter of the second Earl of Kincardine, who died leaving five sons and three daughters ; second, Margaret, daughter of Sir John Scott of Ancrum and widow of Thomas Scott of Whitside. John Murray was the second of seven children by this marriage, and was born in 1715. 1 Murray's father is described by Lockhart of Carnwath as 4 a person of great worth and honour.'' In 1726 he had acquired from Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell the 1 The Genuine Memoirs, followed by the writer in the Dictionary of National Biography, state that Murray was born in 1718, but his own statement in the register of the University of Leyden, that he was twenty in 1735, seems con- clusive evidence that the Genuine Memoirs are wrong. It is also improbable that he was initiated into the Roman Lodge before he was twenty-one : in fact it is almost certain that he was ' of full age' before August 1737. I have there- fore accepted the Leyden statement, and accordingly placed his birth in the year of the Fifteen. A genealogy of the family given in the appendix to this volume shows the extensive connections of the Murrays with well-known Scots families. X JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON estate of Ardnamurchan, with the lead mines of Strontian, which he was intent on developing, and for this purpose travelled frequently from Peeblesshire through the Highlands to the West Coast. Lockhart thought this peripatetic life marked him as most suitable for a Jacobite agent, and broached the subject to him. Murray of Stanhope, however, while professing continued affection and loyalty to the Stuarts, and promising to draw his sword whenever there was to be 6 a general effort for restoring the king and kingdom of Scotland,"' demurred to undertaking any plotting. He would think upon and undertake no other business save the improvement of his estate, and he adds, fi Besides, when I got my life after the last affair [the Fifteen] I entered into engagements that will not allow me to be active in contriving or carrying on measures against the Government, tho 1 when there 's a push to be made I ""11 venture all with the first.' He was not, however, tempted to break his engagements in this way, as he died before the Forty-Five. The writer in the Dictionary of National Bio- graphy seems to have confounded this prudent landlord with his grandson, Sir David, who, though only a youth of twenty in 1745, did take his part with his uncle of Broughton. John Murray was educated at the University of Edinburgh, where, in March 1732, he entered the class of Professor Adam Watt, and in the following year he again attended Professor Watt's lectures and also those of Professor John Stevenson. Watt was Professor of Humanity from 1728 to 1734, and Stevenson of Logic and Metaphysics from 1730 to 1774. On 1st October 1735, Joannes Murray, Scoto-Britannicus, matriculated at Leyden as studiosus juris: his age is given as twenty. He spent about two years at Leyden, and then, full of the principles of his father, who had been ' out in the Fifteen, 1 he went to Rome. On August 20th, 1737, he was initiated into the mysteries of Freemasonry in the Roman Lodge. This Lodge was instituted in 1735, and when Murray joined it the Earl of Win ton was Master ('Great Master, 1 as INTRODUCTION xi he signs himself in the minute-book, now in possession of the Grand Lodge of Scotland) ; while among the members present were Allan Ramsay the painter, and John Stuart, Lord Traquair's brother. Murray's initiation took place at the last meeting of the Lodge, which had its room first at 4 Joseppie's in the Corso, 1 and latterly at 4 The Three Kings, Strada Paolina."' Clement xn. was, like his successors, opposed to Freemasonry. He suppressed the Lodge, and sent the Tyler to the prison of the Inquisition for a brief period 4 as a warning to others.'' A pamphlet entitled The Genuine Memoirs of John Murray late Secretary to the Young Pretender, published in 1747, and accepted by many later writers, is not trustworthy. 1 It states, for example, that Murray was not in Rome till 1741, and then proceeds to give an account of his introduction to the royal exiles, which may or may not be true. Murray himself gives us little information as to this part of his life. In his examination (p. 480) he states that in 1738 he was frequently with Prince Charles' in Rome, but was never introduced to the Chevalier. From the fact he records, that when he saw Prince Charles in Paris in 1744, the Prince did not know him by name, but remembered having previously seen him at Rome, two things may be inferred, that Prince Charles had the royal gift of remembering faces, and that Murray's relations with the little Court at Rome could not have been intimate. On leaving Rome, Murray 4 returned through Germany to Holland,'* and then to Scotland via Rotterdam and Sunderland. In December 1738 Murray was back in Edinburgh, for then we find that he was affiliated to the Masonic Lodge, Canongate Kilwinning No. 2, the Earl of Kilmarnock being then Grand 1 The Genuine Memoirs are inaccurate in several matters. They state that Prince Henry went to France with his brother in 1745. We know that Charles went alone in 1744. Mr. Hunter is called 4 Huntley,' and Polmood Primoude. An apocryphal story is given of how Murray, after the Prince's landing, rode from Inverlochy to within eight miles of Edinburgh, bearing a letter from the Prince to 'a certain nobleman, whom, indeed, to gain was gaining everything.' Murray is said to have been present at Culloden, etc. etc. xii JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON Master. He does not seem to have attended the Lodge with re- gularity : he was present in December 1742, and on St. Andrew's Day, 1743, took office in Grand Lodge as Junior Grand Warden. It is interesting to note that wherever his name or signature appears in the transactions of Lodge Canongate Kilwinning they have been erased. 1 After Murray's return to Scotland in 1738, his relations with the adherents of the house of Stuart became closer, though he says little of the period between 1738 and 1740. He seems to have been selected by that loyal servant of the Stuarts, James Edgar, as a suitable correspondent in Scot- land, and when age and illness rendered Colonel Urquhart unable to conduct the official correspondence between Scotland and Rome, Murray was chosen by him as his successor. Colonel Urquhart's post cannot well be defined : suffice to say that he was the recognised channel by which the Scottish Jacobites communicated with their king at Rome. Murray's appointment as official correspondent was ratified by James, provided the Duke of Hamilton, who was con- sidered head of the party, approved. This duke seems to have played a cautious part. He was sought by Jacobites and Whigs. James sent him the Thistle and the Garter : George n. decorated him with the Thistle. He managed his cards well, however, and at his death in 1743 none could have said what part he would have played had a rising taken place in his lifetime : in 1715 and 1718 he was but a boy. He, however, gave the required consent to Murray's appointment, and was regarded as the hope of the party, till his conduct with regard to Murray's request that he should join in the raising of a war fund in 1741 caused doubts as to his sincerity, in Murray's mind at any rate. His son, who was only twenty-one in 1745, gave ,£1500 to the cause, but, so far as I know, that fact has been concealed till now. Suspicious of him the government 1 A facsimile of the first minute in which his name appears and has been sub- sequently erased is here given, by the courtesy of Lodge Canongate Kilwinning No. 2. ^ 3* FACSIMILE (slightly reduced) of Minute of Lodge Canongate Kilwinning No. 2, showing the erasures of John Murray's name. * INTRODUCTION xiii may have been, but Dukes of Hamilton had often been sus- pected oi* more personal treasons to reigning sovereigns. His high position, and the fact that his overt acts during Prince Charles's expedition, were all that the government could desire, prevented any investigation of his views. There is no doubt that like many others he would gladly have seen the Stuarts at St. James's on his own terms, but the Forty-Five was not an adventure to his liking. Murray's appointment, which, as he is careful to point out, brought him no salary, led naturally to his acquaintance with all the leading Jacobites in Scotland, Highland and Lowland, while Traquair seems to have acted as emissary between the Scots and English leaders of the party. Soon after 1738 Murray married Margaret, daughter of Colonel Robert Ferguson, brother of William Ferguson of Cailloch, in Nithsdale. He also, about the same time, bought back the ancestral estate of Broughton. There are Murray s of Broughton in Galloway, and some confusion has resulted. Hill Burton, in The Scot Abroad, indeed goes out of his way to throw a stone at the author of these Memorials when he accuses him of calling his * cottage and paddock 4 by the name of the seat of a respectable family, in order that he might be mistaken for a Wigtonshire Murray, a charge which has no foundation save in that estimable author's imagination. Broughton, in Peeblesshire, was a barony long before John Murray was born, and so far from his estate being a cottage and a paddock, it cost him i?6000, and he sold it for i?16,000, while in 1769 it was valued at ^S^OOO. 1 The first portion of the Memorials deals in detail with the arrangements for a descent under Prince Charles. The eldest son of the Chevalier was then twenty-four years of age. He had seen some service in Italy under his relative, the Duke of 1 Mr. George Murray has in his possession the missives of sale of Broughton, of date 24th May 1764. It was purchased by Mr. Dickson of Havannah, whose agent was Mr. Walter Scott, W.S. (father of Sir Walter), Murray's agent being Mr. Thomas Tod, W.S. Murray's historic visit to George Square, when the teacup was broken, had to do with this transaction. JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON Berwick, and burned to retrieve the fortunes of his house. In the Appendix to this volume (p. 508) is printed a letter from the Chevalier to the King of France, which must dispose for ever of one of the most foolish charges made against the hero of the Forty-Five. It has been stated by many, who ought to have known better, that Prince Charles came to Scotland against his father's will, and that his intention was to grasp the Crown and throw his father over. It is of little conse- quence to speculate what arrangement might have been come to had George n. retired to Hanover. The fact remains that James was anxious that Charles should make an attempt to regain his inheritance, but that he himself was determined to end his days in Rome. Charles, in a letter of 12th June 1745, published by Lord Mahon, protests energetically against any declaration of this intention. 6 Sovereigns upon the throne can do such things ; and even then it is not advisable ; but a private man ruins himself and his family in doing on't/ No character in history has been so little understood as the Prince who was proclaimed at Perth as eighth of his name. In 1744 he was fifty-six years of age, a widower, in bad health, his spirit broken by the persistent bad luck of his whole life, like his father and his son Henry, a devout and consistent Catholic. For him the day of adventure was over, and with that calm wisdom, which shows itself constantly in his charming letters to his sons, he recognised that he would be miserable in London, while he might be more than contented at Rome. Here he would have been surrounded by heretics, and his religion would have been a perpetual stumbling- block ; there he would be the Pope's best friend, and could exercise a delightful influence in the way of making cardinals and bishops. He chose his part, and as he said to Louis xv., it only remained to select the time when his determination should be made known. This, then, was the true position of affairs when Prince Charles set forth from Rome. In the previous year preparations had been begun for a INTRODUCTION xv rising. Murray tells us what was doing in Scotland and in England, and he gives an account of a visit he paid to France in the beginning of 1743. He arrived in that country just after the death of Cardinal Fleury, in whom the Stuarts lost a powerful friend. Europe was still in the throes of the war. Dettingen was a blow to France, Broglie had been driven out of Germany ; and, in short, the time had come for France to retrieve her position, as the prospects of a satisfactory peace were illusory. It is impossible and unnecessary to enter into detail as to the grounds of the hope of the Jacobites, that France would at once attempt an invasion of England. That hope was nearly realised the following year, and indeed,, but for the friendly elements which again saved England, it seems almost certain that Saxe would have landed in 1744. When Murray arrived in France in January 1743, he, after some weeks of waiting, was presented to Amelot du Chaillu, Minister for Foreign Affairs, by the Jacobite agent Sempill, whose acquaintance also he now made for the first time. Nothing came of these negotiations save friendly compliments, and Murray's appointment as captain a la suite in Rothe's Irish Regiment. 1 In March Murray returned to London, visiting the Duke of Perth at York on his way home to Broughton. Little or nothing: seems to have been done for some months. In January 1744, Macgregor (often called Drummond) of Bohaldy went to Rome, and it seems pro- bable that he accompanied Prince Charles during part, at least, of his journey to Paris, where he arrived in February of that year. Bohaldy sent home from Rome accounts of a projected invasion in which Prince Charles or the Earl Marischal were to take part ; and after his return to Paris 1 This French Commission is extant and in possession of Mr. George Murray. By it ' Le Sieur Jean Murray ' is appointed ' Capitaine Reforme a la suite du Regiment Irlandois de Rothe.' It is given at Versailles on 20th February 1743, and is signed ' Louis ' and Marc Pierre Devoyer D'Argenson. Marc Pierre, Minister of War, was brother of Renee Louis, Marquis d'Argenson, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1744-47, and author of the Memoires. xvi JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON he again roused the excitement of the Scots Jacobites by writing that Prince Charles and Marshal Saxe might land in England at any moment. These messages, though appa- rently definite, seem somehow to have proved quite uncon- vincing, and the leaders of the party in Scotland determined to send some one to Paris to represent their views to the Prince, and at the same time give him trustworthy informa- tion. Murray was chosen for this mission. He ostensibly went over to visit friends in the army in Flanders. There he met Bohaldy and went with him privately to Paris. The French Foreign Office was aware of Murray's visit to the Low Countries and of his meeting Bohaldy there, but this captain of the Macgregors seems, for no very ostensible reason, to have kept Murray's further progress concealed. All that the French Government was told was, that Murray had come to report on the state of Scotland, and that in consequence of his report Bohaldy found that fewer arms were necessary than had been anticipated, as the chiefs had armed their clans. Bohaldy's whole behaviour about the proposed purchase of arms at this time is mysterious. Murray's statements on this matter are probably true, and are corroborated to some extent by the minute of the French Foreign Office (v. p. 504). Murray saw Prince Charles for the first time since 1738 in Paris in July or August 1744. He exposed Bohaldy's decep- tion in the matter of his purchase of arms to the Prince and presented a Memorial (p. 376) setting forth his grievances against Drummond-Macgregor. In his evidence at Lovat's trial (p. 80 of the Official Report) Murray insists almost vehemently that he endeavoured both by argument with the Prince and by stronger remonstrances addressed to Sir Thomas Sheridan to dissuade Prince Charles from coming to Scotland without French aid. There is every reason to believe that Murray was telling the truth. The charges that he incited the Prince to come under any circumstances are not supported by any evidence that I have seen. They remain the bare INTRODUCTION xvii assertions of disappointed and ruined men whose loyalty led them to shift the blame of the disastrous enterprise on to the shoulders of the dog who had the worst name. Prince Charles himself always accepted full responsibility for the step, and never sought to screen himself at the expense of any of his followers — ready as he was to charge Lord George Murray with treason for his conduct during the campaign. Prince Charles's letter to his father, written on 12th June 1745, 1 proves that he was misinformed as to the state of feeling in Britain. He says : 6 In fine our friends without saying it directly have spoke in such a manner that I plainly saw, iff the Winter and Spring passed over without some attempt, they wou'd rise of themselves in spite of all I could say or do to prevent it, not doubting but they wou'd succeed iff in the least seconded, and that the worst that could happen them was to dye in ye field, which was preferable to living any longer in misery and oppression/ If these were the Prince's views as to the position of affairs in Scotland, and were not merely stated as an excuse for the enterprise on which he had then determined, a grave responsibility attaches to some. 4 Our friends , may include Murray, but these words prove that he alone had not misled the Prince. The evidence of the Prince's letters, apart from Murray's own statements in his Memorials, seems rather to show that Murray, while practical and energetic (Sempill and Macgregor showed neither quality), was full of enthusiasm or, probably, inspired by the presence of the Prince, had expressed his hopes in language which led them to appear better founded than in his cooler moments he knew them to be. That he urged the Prince to come without French aid is improbable. That he accepted the Prince's statement that he would do so, and that his arguments against such a course were feeble and easily overborne, is almost certain. In recalling the circumstances of the interviews between the Prince and Murray, it must be remembered that both were young men — 1 Printed by Lord Mahon, History of England, vol. iii., Appendix. b xviii JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON the one twenty-four, the other not quite thirty years of age — and also that the Prince, ambitious, enthusiastic, and per- suaded of the justice of his cause, was ready to listen rather to what he wanted to believe than to plain unvarnished fact. He had had enough of cautious inactivity from Sempill and Bohaldy. His letter of the 12th June, however, shows pretty conclusively that he alone was responsible for his expedition, and that though Murray might have done nothing to cool his ardour, the position of affairs in Europe and the British defeat at Font en oy were the determining causes. George n, was in Hanover, a large number of troops were shut up in Flanders, the people were sick of a war in which England apart from Hanover had no clear interest. Jealous of Hanover and disgusted at the favour shown to the Electorate and its troops, taxed to provide subsidies to half Europe, shocked at the corruption of public life, the intelligent classes in England were patently discontented. France was at war with England — what more natural than that Prince Charles should persuade himself that if he carried the war across the Channel France would follow, that the people would rise and welcome him, not merely because he was their rightful Prince of Wales, but also because he came as a deliverer. In Scotland added causes of dis- content arose from the still smouldering grievances of the Union. The sons of those who had been exiled after the Fifteen were burning to return and regain their position and estates — some, of course, had been leniently dealt with and were already in possession, and the more unwilling to risk anything again. Still the Court at Rome had many correspondents who were clamant in their calls to action and prodigal of the proffers of support and prophecies of success. It needed, therefore, no Murray to urge the Prince to go to Scotland, or persuade him that the time was propitious for a restoration. Murray returned to Scotland in the autumn of 1744, and saw most of the leading members of the Jacobite party soon INTRODUCTION xix after. With the exception of the chivalrous and devoted Duke of Perth, every one of them was strongly opposed to the Prince's coming. In January 1745 Murray wrote a journal of his transactions with the leading members of the party, tran- scribed letters which had passed between him and Lord Traquair, Lochiel, and Sir James Stewart of Auchinbreck, and set forth in a letter to the Prince the 6 situation and inclination of the party.' These documents were given to Lord Traquair for transmission to Paris. In the end of April this packet was returned to Murray, Lord Traquair having been unable to find 4 any proper person to send it by to the Prince."' Murray and his friends had before this become anxious about the fate of their documents, and had sent another letter to the Prince to be forwarded by Mr. Charles Smith, merchant in Boulogne. This second attempted communication is not explicitly men- tioned by Murray in his evidence at Lovat's trial. Another attempt, however, was made by Murray to forward the packet intrusted to Lord Traquair. In May, the younger Glen- garry received it from Murray and set out at once for France. The Prince, however, never received the documents, and Murray thus has some justification for accusing Traquair's inaction of being the cause of the Forty-Five. In June Murray received a letter from the Prince informing him that he was determined at once to start for Scotland. Murray communi- cated the news to the Duke of Perth and went himself to Lochiel. Dr. Archibald Cameron was sent to Lovat, who sent him back immediately with a message protesting against the folly of the undertaking. The other Highland chiefs, with whom Lochiel communicated, were of the same opinion ; and Murray wrote, on their behalf, a letter to the Prince, which he received on his landing as Eriska, in which an immediate return to France was urged as the only prudent conduct. Murray presumably knew his Prince better than to expect that his letter would have the effect ostensibly desired. He says, indeed, that he wrote to prevent any one saying that he had 'neglected to acquaint him with the sentiments of his friends.'* For himself he was JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON 6 far from thinking that it would be consistent with the Prince's dignity to return. ' Murray then returned south, but broke his journey to have an interview with Cluny on the way. With this his account of the negotiations breaks off. How far Cluny com- mitted himself at this interview is not revealed, and we must still conjecture what that chieFs real sentiments were when later he was brought before Prince Charles as a prisoner of war. In the beginning of August, Murray, then in Peeblesshire, learned by an anonymous letter that the Prince had landed in Moidart, and at once set out to join him, with two boxes full of proclamations and manifestoes which he had had printed in Edinburgh, and a parcel of arms. Murray had asked young Glengarry to obtain his nomination as aide-de- camp, but he seems already to have assumed his duties of secretary. He travelled north, visiting Lord John Drummond the elder and Buchanan of Arnprior. From Leny 1 he sent James More Macgregor or Drummond, son of Rob Roy, but more pleasantly known as the father of R. L. Stevenson's Catriona, to Edinburgh to play a congenial part and deceive the Government with false intelligence. Murray joined the Prince at Kinloch-Moidart on August 18th, and from that day till shortly before Culloden he never left him. On August 25th Murray was named secretary, while his military ambition was to some extent satisfied later when lie was made a colonel of hussars. There is no record that he ever led his regiment into action. The real commander was Baggot, 2 a French-Irish officer, and their highest force seems to have been about eighty rank and file. The regiment was formed after Prestonpans, marched to Derby, but is not heard of after the return to Scotland. Murray had coveted the post of aide-de-camp to the Prince, and his appointment to the more onerous post 1 Mr. Blaikie informs me that he has fallen into an error in stating in the Itinerary that Murray visited Arnprior House. Buchanan of Arnprior was then residing at his house of Leny near Callander, and it was at Leny that Murray met him and James More Macgregor. — Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward, by W. B. Blaikie, Scot. Hist. Soc, 1897, p. 7, n. 2. 2 Ibid. p. 93. INTRODUCTION xxi of secretary was evidently a disappointment. As secretary, however, he seems to have been the right man in the right place. His appointment, to begin with, raised no jealousies. He was not a soldier by profession, and his training had been purely literary. Amongst a company of country gentlemen, most of whom considered arms the only career for persons of their birth, few in any way fitted would have been willing to accept the post. Murray was a man of education — not that the Highland chiefs were illiterate — and he had been the recognised correspondent of the party for some years. In any case the appointment was justified. No complaints of his conduct as sec- retary were made during the whole campaign, and there is ample proof that throughout he was the embodiment of order, energy, and devotion. 1 The only charge made against him by any of the Princess followers was inevitable : he is said to have had too much influence with his master, but it is nowhere proved that this influence was ever used to evil purpose, though Maxwell of Kirkconnel for one asserts the contrary. On the other hand, we have Lord George Murray^s statement that he had been always extremely active in whatever concerned the providing for the army. In his Memorials Murray deals with the whole course of the expedition up to the arrival at Derby. He enters into no great detail, and adds but little of importance to our knowledge of the campaign. His Memo- rials were not written at the time, but some years after, and thus have not the interest and value of a diary. That he had kept something of a diary, however, appears probable, but he states that after Culloden all his papers were destroyed. He tells of the gathering of the Princess army and of the march to Edinburgh, of the surrender of the capital and of the battle of Prestonpans, and, with regard to all these matters, supple- ments our knowledge. His official position gives weight to his information as to the accessions to the army, while on the few- occasions where he tells of the troubles the Prince had with the many leaders under him, his statements have an irresistible 1 See Itinerary, p. 41, n. 4. xxii JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON authority. One of these refers to the quarrel between Lord George Murray and the Duke of Perth at Carlisle. Maxwell of Kirkconnel gives a garbled account of the matter, which has too frequently been received as authoritative. He, for no very logical reason, puts the whole blame of this and also of subse- quent misunderstandings on the secretary. John Murray's own account is that Lord George conducted the prepara- tions for the siege to the admiration of all, but that when the town surrendered, the Prince ordered him 6 to go to the Duke of Perth's quarters, and together with him to treat with the deputies from the town. 1 This was resented by Lord George, who, on the ground that the Duke was a Roman Catholic, argued that it was bad policy to put his Grace for- ward as head of the army at the first English town of which the Prince got possession, while the secretary's employment in the matter seemed simply a slight to himself. Lord George resigned his post as lieutenant-general, and informed the Prince that in future he would serve as a volunteer — a show of temper which Charles never forgave, and which was but one of many misunderstandings. John Murray does not tell us of this resignation, but there is ample authority for the fact. His account is that Lord George's complaints were chiefly directed against him, and that in consequence he mag- nanimously resigned his place on the Prince's council. The Prince demurred, but on the secretary pointing out that it was only with a view to the Prince's interest, and that it would be ' still in his power to advise in a private manner,' he agreed. The Duke of Perth, not to be behind, resigned the chief command to Lord George, who thereafter was commander-in- chief of the army. Lord George's position, however, was never satisfactory in his own eyes, for the Prince continued to direct the movements of the army himself; and the private advice of the Duke of Perth, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and Mr. Secretary was more frequently sought than that of the responsible officers. INTRODUCTION xxiii After the arrival of the army at Derby, Murray's narrative stops, and there is a blank until after Culloden. In his ex- amination, taken in the Tower in August 1746, he lifts the curtain but once or twice on this intervening period. For instance, he tells us that when he learned that Lord George Murray, Lord Elcho, and, indeed, every member of the Prince's council, except the Duke of Perth, had at Derby declared their opinion for marching back to Scotland, he advised the Prince to yield. Of the serious quarrel between the Prince and Lord George Murray in January 1746 Murray says not a word. Though the letters and remonstrances 1 began by Lord George on January 6th and continued till the end of the month, 'which resulted, in spite of the Prince's strenuous opposition, in the withdrawal of the force beyond the Forth, require little elucidation, it would have been of interest to know Murray's part in the dispute. Charles yielded, but he ends his letter consenting to the retreat thus : 6 After this, I know that I have an army that I cannot command any further than the chief officers please, and therefore, if you are all re- solved upon it, I must yield ; but I take God to witness that it is with the greatest reluctance, and that I wash my hands of the fatal consequences which I foresee, but cannot help.' Lord George Murray's part in this interference with the royal authority destroyed all friendship between him and the Prince. Charles regarded him henceforth as little better than a traitor. In April 1747, hearing that he had gone to Rome, he writes to the Chevalier : ? It wou'd be of the most Dangerous Con- sequences iff such a Divill was not secured immediately in sum Castle where he might be at his ease but without being able to escape, or have ye Liberty of Pen or Paper.' 2 Again (p. 398), he says that he has 6 good reason to suspect by circumstances together that Murray was in a click with Lord George, tho' he pretended and appeared to be otherwise.' To these com- 1 See Itinerary ; pp. 73-78. 2 Ibid. p. 81. xxiv JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON munications James replied with his usual sense, urging the Prince to forgive Lord George, as there was no question of his loyalty and affection. This appeal was in vain ; Charles refused to see Lord George, and they never met again. Charles's ingenious theory that the two Murrays were 'in a click together" may have arisen from the secretary coun- selling consent first to the retreat from Derby and then, possibly, to the retreat from Falkirk. These at least were both regarded by Charles as the result of 6 disobedience, in- solency, and creating dissension ' by Lord George, and were the chief grievances against him. When the Prince was at Elgin in March 1746, John Murray became seriously ill. The Prince's troops left Inverness before Culloden, and Murray was carried in a litter to Foyers. The day of the battle he was carried across Loch Ness to Mrs. Grant's of Glenmoriston, where Dr. Cameron 4 acquainted him with the disaster of the preceding day.' He was able next day to go to meet the Duke of Perth at Invergarry. Getting little comfort from his Grace, who, 6 quite wore out with fatigue,' had evidently at last lost faith in the ultimate suc- cess of the expedition, Murray went on to Loch Eil, where he met the Cameron chief and Stewart of Ardsheal. These deter- mined to attempt to rally a force who should 6 keep the hills ' till it was discovered whether help was coming from France or not. From Loch Eil, Murray went with his host to Callich, and thence to a wood, where some huts had been hurriedly erected for their shelter and concealment. Here they heard some news of the Prince, and despatched Dr. Cameron to urge him not to leave the country. Hay of Restalrig, who had undertaken Murray's duties (and by all accounts performed them badly 2 ) met Cameron and told him the Prince had sailed. This statement was doubted, and another messenger was sent next day. Then it was made certain that the Prince had left for the Hebrides. The arrival of two ships from France was announced with arms, money, and ammunition. Murray went 1 Itinerary, p. 41, n. 4. INTRODUCTION XXV to the ships to receive this contribution. He found them off the coast in action with three British men-of-war, 1 and was told that they had landed thirty-five thousand Louis-d'ors in six casks, but that in the hurry one of the casks had gone amiss- ing. This cask was found by a boy : seven or eight hundred pounds had been abstracted. Murray took possession of the money. Here begins the story of the hidden treasure, which was essential to round off the romance of the Forty-Five. Next day the British ships having retired, after 'meeting with a severe drubbing, 1 the French commodore set sail with the Duke of Perth, who survived but a few days, Lord John Drummond, Lord Elcho, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Lockhart of Carnwath, Hay of Restalrig, and some others. Murray and Lochiel remained : Murray because, he says, he would not desert his Prince ; Lochiel because he would not then desert his clan. Murray had also the responsibility of disposing of the French treasure ; there is no evidence that he failed in that trust. His refusal to escape with his dying friend Perth must be set to the credit side of Murray's strangely involved account with honour. Murray explains his transactions with the money more fully than is done in the statement of charge and discharge printed by Chambers in the Appendix to his History of the Rebellion. He tells us that Barrisdale, Clanranald, and some others on the spot, thought the money should be at once divided amongst them by way of an equivalent for their losses. He opposed this rough-and-ready manner of settlement, promised to pay all arrears, to allow half a Louis-dW for each wounded man and a small allowance for widows, and sent the money in charge of Dr. Cameron to Lochiel. Murray followed by way of Loch Morar, and in a few days a conference was held in Lochiers country, 2 when plans for rally - 1 Murray says opposite 'Keppoch' (p. 273), apparently a mistake for 'Borradale.' 2 Murray says at 'Mortleg' (p. 274), evidently a confusion of names: the conference took place at Muirlaggan on Loch Arkaig. xxvi JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON ing the army were discussed. A rendezvous was appointed, Lovat promising to send four hundred men under his son, and the other chiefs guaranteeing various reinforcements. Before the date fixed for the assembling of this little army of resist- ance Murray buried in c three several parcels in the wood,'' beside Loch Arkaig, fifteen thousand Louis-d'or. The army — alas for promises — amounted when at last assembled to some four hundred, of whom two hundred were Camerons : thirteen hundred had been promised. The Master of Lovat was 6 never so much as heard of 1 with his four hundred men. Murray gives a detailed account of the subsequent proceedings of this little body till its voluntary dispersion a few days later in face of an overwhelming force of Government troops. During these days six casks were carried about by the clans, three filled with French gold, three filled with stones, to replace the three already buried in Cameron ground. Murray tells us he adopted this deception 4 to give no jealousy to the other clans of his having more confidence in the Camerons than" in them. He buried twelve thousand Louis-d'or near to the foot of Loch Arkaig, 'about a mile from LochieFs house, 1 retaining five thousand Louis 6 for necessary expenses. 1 Thus the total buried treasure is shown to have been twenty-seven thousand Louis-d'or. When the clans finally dispersed, Murray, having received intelligence that the Prince was in Uist, set out for the coast with the intention of joining his master. He fell ill again, however, and was dissuaded from going, on the further ground that his ignorance of Gaelic would mark him, and make him rather a danger than a help to his fugitive Prince. He attempted, however, to communicate with him, and waited for instructions in LochieFs country for some days. He met his wife and his nephew, Sir David Murray, near Strontian, and again forgathered with Lochiel. It was agreed, says Murray, that he should go to Leith and charter a ship to convey him- self and Lochiel from Scotland to Holland. A port in Fife INTRODUCTION xxvii was agreed upon as the rendezvous. Murray's account of his journey to Glen Lyon, to Breadalbane, and thence to Balquidder, south to Carnwath, and on to Kilbucho 1 and Polmood, is full of interest, and recalls Waverley's journey through part of the same country. At Polmood, his sister's house in Peeblesshire, he went to bed at two in the morning, 'overcome with fatigue, and before five 2 was waked, the dragoons at the gate.' So ended Murray's part in the Forty- Five, and had his life ended here he would have been handed down to posterity as one of the paladins of that last romance of Scottish history. Unfortunately for Murray's reputation, the scenes that were still to be played have made more im- pression .on the chroniclers than those of the earlier acts of the drama before the dragoons came to Polmood. Even after his capture, however, he informs us that he was careful of his friends, and sent an Edinburgh physician, Dr. Cochran, who visited him in the castle, to Leith to engage the ship for Lochiel. Murray's wife got back to Edinburgh with some difficulty, and soon after her arrival gave birth to a son, who did not long survive. His nephew Sir David was taken, and imprisoned for some time at York. His release was brought about by the influence of his relatives, amongst whom Lord Hopetoun may be mentioned. He afterwards went to France. He was in Paris in 1747, and at the time of Prince Charles's arrest and imprisonment at Vincennes, Sir David Murray, it is recorded, was one of his friends who was arrested and im- prisoned in the Bastille. In a list in the French Foreign Office of the Prince's friends in Paris in 1746-47, Sir David Murray is described as an impetuous and brave youth of twenty-two, who had been condemned to death, but had had his sentence changed to exile, with the confiscation of his 1 Dickson of Kilbucho married Margaret, the eldest daughter of Sir William Murray of Stanhope. Their son, the laird at this time, was John Murray's cousin. 2 The Lord Justice-Clerk says 'at three in the morning.' xxviii JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON estates. He died in 1TT0, and was succeeded as titular baronet by his uncle Charles, who was collector of customs at Borrowstoneness ; he died, however, within a few months, was succeeded by his son, another Sir David, who also died soon after his succession, and John Murray of Broughton then assumed the title, in spite of the attainder. Prince Charles as soon as he heard of Murray's capture attempted to get him, Glengarry, and Sir Hector Maclean brought under the protection of the French King so that they might, as French officers, be exchanged as prisoners of war : English officers captured during the recent campaign in Flanders, 1 as well as prisoners sent by Charles from Scotland, were to be offered in exchange. The French ministers were ready to help, though they appear to have had no great hopes of success. Then comes the report that Murray has turned king's evidence, and we hear nothing more of the matter, so far at any rate as he is concerned. Prince Charles's letters, his insistance, his assertion that Murray was worth a thousand men to the standard prove that his secretary had retained his confidence to the end. Then comes his letter to his father bewailing Lo vat's fate and Murray's 4 rascality.' 2 Murray's capture was considered of great importance by the government, and correspondence with regard to him at once began between the Lord Justice- Clerk and the Secretary of State. The assertion that he was drunk when the Lord Justice- Clerk first interviewed him is unworthy of belief. The poor man was wretchedly ill ; he had ridden over half Scotland with scarcely a rest, and the dragoons probably found him in a somewhat dazed condition at three o'clock in the morning. The Justice-Clerk himself gives fatigue as a more charitable reason for his condition. In fact his lordship admits his bad state of health when it was certified by the king's apothecary. 1 Appendix, pp. 518, 520. 2 Appendix, p. 404. INTRODUCTION xxix The Duke of Newcastle seems from the first to have expected Murray to give information, and authorised the Justice-Clerk to sound him, without, however, promising a pardon. Murray was sent off to London on July 7th in a coach with a guard of dragoons. Fletcher, not having received the duke's instructions in time, followed, and we have a full account (pp. 417, 418) of his interview with the prisoner at Dunbar. Murray stated that 4 if he had any hopes given him he would discover all he knew. 1 What mental reservation the prisoner made, he would have us discover from his Memorials. The date of his capture became a matter of importance, as an Act of Parliament attainted him by name, if by July 12 he did not surrender to justice. His capture on June 27th was somewhat disingenu- ously interpreted as sufficient. He was examined on August 13th, 22d, 27th, and in October he writes offering more infor- mation. On November 11th, a further examination was taken before the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Newcastle, the Earl of Chesterfield, and Mr. Pelham. Then on the 17th of the same month, he sends a lengthy statement (p. 455) in supplement of the information given at the examinations. In December we find the Duke of Newcastle sending an extract from Murray's examination to the Lord Justice-Clerk with the view of pre- paring a case against Sir John Douglas. So far, Murray's revelations seem to have been mainly about the English Jacobites who had failed to rise. He mentions all the leading men in the Prince's army, but Drummond-Macgregor and Traquair are almost the only Scots names mentioned of those who merely plotted. In February 1747 the evidence was being- prepared for the trial of Lord Lovat, and the committee charged with the management of the trial decided that 6 it would be proper to make use of Mr. Murray as a witness." Accordingly in February new examinations take place, and on March 9th the trial of the aged chief of the clan Fraser began. It caused prodigious sensation, and occupied seven days. Lovat whined and blustered alternately. Murray came up to his JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON precognitions, but even without him it seems probable that the evidence of sundry Frasers would have sufficed to bring Lovat to the block. The trial is well known, though it would appear that many who have ransacked the English language to find epithets vile enough for Murray had never read his evidence. His position was not heroic, and all that can be said for him seems to be that he might have told a great deal more about other people. After Lovat's execution Murray was released from the Tower. He did not receive a pardon till June 7th, 1748, when one was granted jointly to him and to Hugh Fraser, also a witness at the trial, and he had thus the nominal threat of a trial hanging over him for more than a year. 1 After that Murray seems to have attempted to prefer a claim for an indemnity for losses sustained during his detention in London, with what success I have been unable to discover. Of Murray's subsequent life little is known. It cannot have been happy. Every Jacobite shunned 6 Mr. Evidence Murray/ For years, the Prince who had treated him with affection, who had 'looked on him as one of the honestest, firmest men in the whole world," regarded him as a rascal and a villain. At last, after nearly twenty years, a strange incident occurs. Charles made one of those mysterious visits to England, described once for all in Redgmmtlet. In 1763 he was in London and he visited John Murray. No record, 1 In the Record Office is the following communication from the Attorney- General : — ' To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. May it please your Majesty, — ' In obedience to your Majesty's commands, signified to me by his Grace the Duke of Bedford, referring to me the enclosed memorial of John Murray of Broughton, Esq., and directing me to report my opinion what may be properly done therein. * I have considered the same, and supposing what is therein stated to be true, I am humbly of opinion it may be proper that a Noli prosequi should be granted to the information mentioned in the memorial. ' All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty's Royal Wisdom. l 9 /un. I749-' ' D> RYDER> INTRODUCTION xxxi alas, remains of that interview, full of strange memories to both. All we know of it is from the recollection of a little boy of nine years old who was present, and upon whose mind the visit of the stately red-faced gentleman was impressed by his father. * Charles, you have seen your king," said the old secretary to the boy who was afterwards to make some name behind the footlights, and whose son again was to be the ally of Sir Walter, the dramatist of Rob Roy and Guy Manner'mg. As Mr. Lang has pointed out, about this very time 1 Sir Walter's father threw out of the window the teacup that had touched the lips of Murray of Broughton. Was the Prince more forgiving than the Edinburgh lawyer ? Or was some information wanted that Murray alone could give ? Or had Murray rehabilitated himself in the eyes of his master? Of Murray's later days no record remains. After the sale of Broughton in 1764? he would appear to have resided mainly in London. It is stated in Notes and Queries (4th series, xi. 414, 419), that he died at Cheshunt, Hertfordshire, on 6th Dec. 1777. In Collet's Relics of Literature there is an account from a newspaper (name and date not given) of Sir John Murray's arrest and confinement in a mad-house, with a letter from his son Robert, explaining the circumstances. From these it would appear that Murray's reason had given way, that ' the meanest mechanics of different denominations' (so says Mr. Robert Murray) 4 gratified their curiosity and boasted of interviews with mad Secretary Murray,' and that in consequence 6 his two sons, two servants, and a peace officer removed him from his lodgings in 6 Denmark Street, near St. Giles, with every mark of tenderness and respect, and placed him under the care of Dr. Battie.' When this happened, whether it hap- pened at all, or whether it is as apocryphal as the letter from Frederick the Great to Prince Charles, given in the same volume, must remain among the unanswered questions 1 The incident probably occurred in the following year. Mr. Lang has con- founded Charles Murray the actor with his son Mr. W. H. Murray, of the Edinburgh Theatre. — Bibliographica, vol. iii. p. 417. JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON which might be asked at many points in Murray's career. It may not be true, but it seems at least a not improbable conclusion to a career begun with high ideals and carried on for a time with unswerving devotion. It is difficult to overcome the prejudice of a century and a half: it is hard to dissociate the secretary from the king's evidence, the loyal servant from the betrayer of Lovat. The history of the preparations for the Forty-Five as told by Murray, and as corroborated by every authority, shows his capacity, energy, and tact. Those qualities were displayed by him during the whole progress of the expedition, and his own story leaves the impression that he was one of the most capable of Prince Charles's supporters. Murray's wife, the beautiful Miss Ferguson, left him and went to the Continent while he was in the Tower. She never returned, and it is alleged was unfaithful to him. 1 By her he had three sons, David, a naval officer, Robert, of whom little is known, and Thomas who entered the army and became a lieutenant-general. His second wife was 4 a young quaker lady named Webb.' She is elsewhere stated to have been a Moravian, and is reported to have been a lady of great personal charms. She was recognised and lived in Scotland for some years as Lady Murray, though the date of the death of Murray's first wife has never been ascertained. Murray eloped with Miss Webb from a boarding-school. By her he had six children, the eldest of whom was Charles Murray the comedian, whose eldest son was Mr. AV. H. Murray of the Edinburgh theatre, the friend of Sir Walter Scott. His eldest surviving son, the great-grandson of Murray of Broughton, is Mr. George Siddons Murray, the possessor of the manuscripts which are here printed, and the present representative of the house of Stanhope. 2 1 There is a tradition in the Murray family that she became the Prince's mistress. There is not only not a particle of evidence for this, but the story is inherently improbable. 2 Charles Campbell (see Colonel Allardyce's Historical Papers relating to the Jacobite Period, p. 352) describes Murray thus : 'The last time I saw him he was in a scarlet dress and a white cockade. He is a well-looking little man of a fair complexion.' INTRODUCTION xxxiii These Memorials seem to have been written about 1757 and later, and to have been intended as a vindication as well as a history. They were possibly not completed when the author died in 1777 ; at any rate the missing portions have not come down to us. The existing portions have been carefully preserved by his descendants. Sir Walter may have seen them ; Chambers certainly read them, made one or two notes on the margin, which remain, and was in correspondence with Mr. W. H. Murray with regard to them. If the story of Murray's ultimate insanity is true, then the fact that neither Part I. nor Part II. is finished is easily explained. It were not wonder- ful that in the end the public obloquy from which he could not free himself should have preyed upon his mind and destroyed his intellect. The manuscripts are not in Murray's own hand, but have all been revised by him, as is shown by notes, corrections, and additions in his writing. Apart from the historical interest of the Memorials, some literary value may be claimed for them. Murray's university education resulted in such scholarship as befitted a gentleman of his position and no more. He gives us a few Latin tags of the most familiar sort, while references to Scipio, Hannibal, Dion of Syracuse, and Gustavus of Sweden show an acquaint- ance with ancient and modern history which, if not deep, appears at least to have been fairly wide. He was evidently a man of some culture and literary instinct. His style is that rather of the public speaker than of the man of letters. It seldom lacks vigour, but it is occasionally cumbrous. The Memorials abound in trenchant phrases, and an apt illustration from time to time lightens the page. Through all, however, is seen the gloomy figure of an unhappy man, sometimes indignant, sometimes querulous, now with a sneer and again with something approaching a whine. He strives to say nothing against the dynasty to whom he owed his life, but even he cannot be silent about Cumberland's brutality. He compares the two princes, and his hero suffers no derogation. c xxxiv JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON Murray's loyalty to the House of Stuart was traditional and more. Whatever his views may have been before he went to Rome, he returned captivated by that charm which won Prince Charles so many devoted servants. The interview at the back of the Tuileries stables in 1744 completed the Prince's influence, and from that day till the end, in spite of all, there can be no doubt that Murray was instinct with a personal loyalty and devotion to his Prince. It is no part of my duty in editing these Memorials to attempt any special pleading on behalf of their author. He speaks here in his own defence. It is right, however, not only that the facts of his life should be briefly set down, but that the actual results of his 6 rascality, 1 as the Prince himself calls it, should be noted. Murray's evidence was used by the Govern- ment only against Lord Lovat. Without it that aged intriguer might have escaped the glory of Tower Hill. Take it that Murray brought him to the scaffold, nobody ever was more worthy of such a fate. His private crimes, even in these more humane days, would have sent him to penal servitude: his political offences may be summarised as treachery both to the King in London and to the King at Rome. In Murray's eyes Lovat's double-dealing was ample justification for any revenge he could compass. Lovat had failed at the beginning to join the Prince's standard, when his example would have been worth thousands of men ; when he did send his son, it was too late to influence the wavering chiefs. His vacillation had done much to ruin the expedition, and he therefore deserved no mercy. Lovat's death was the price of Murray's life. The cynic may ask whether King George or the laird of Broughton made the better bargain. Murray's evidence at Lord Lovat's trial and his private examinations before members of the Privy Council show that he did nothing to bring into jeopardy any single individual who had borne arms with Prince Charles. He tells prac- tically nothing that the Government did not already know. INTRODUCTION XXXV The Duke of Perth, Lochiel, and in fact nearly all the leaders, had already escaped to France : nothing he might say about them could do harm. Cluny he barely mentions ; Lockhart of Carnwath he screens ; Lord Traquair had skulked in London ; the English Jacobites had caused, in Murray's eyes, the ruin of the whole campaign. Their failure to rise and join the Prince had, day after day, from Carlisle to Derby, caused the bitterest disappointment, and at last resulteS in the disaster of the re- treat : and this after all the plottings and promises of years. Again, Murray argued, his country, through them, was the scene of cruelties unexampled in civilised warfare, his Prince was a fugitive, his friends dead or exiled, and nothing was left but revenge on the false friends, for the open enemies were unassailable. He was young, just over thirty; life had surely something more in store, though his dearest hopes were ruined. His evidence did little harm to anybody save Lovat, for of the others only Lord Traquair suffered imprisonment: he made his own arrangements with the Government, and was released without the annoyance of any judicial proceedings. At the least, therefore, Murray must be distinguished from the common informer, and the view that his 6 infamy ' is his only claim on the memory of posterity must be modified by a knowledge of the man and his surroundings. The documents which form the text of this volume have been continuously in the possession of John Murray's descend- ants, and are now printed by the courtesy of his great-grandson, Mr. George Siddons Murray. They are well-preserved, having been bound in four volumes. There is a fifth volume, which is not printed here : it contains a detailed examination of the Report of the inquiry into General Cope's conduct, which took place in 1749. The writer has given no title to his manu- scripts : they do not form a diary, and were not written till many years after the events they record. I have therefore ventured to call them 6 Memorials.' xxxvi JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON In the Appendix will be found, now printed also for the first time — (1.) A series of letters from the Stuart Papers in possession of Her Majesty, which illustrate Murray's text ; (2.) Murray's private examinations before the Privy Council, and other papers and letters from the Record Office and the British Museum ; (3.) Forty letters and minutes from the French Foreign Office. These last cover the period from the arrival of Prince Charles in France in 1744 to the date on which Murray's resolution to give evidence against Lord Lovat was made known. They do not exhaust the materials for students of this period at the Quai D'Orsay, as only those bearing directly on Murray's text have been selected for publication here. To Her Majesty the Queen I beg leave to record my humble gratitude for permission to consult and print portions of the Stuart correspondence in the Royal Library at Windsor, and also for permission to reproduce the miniature of Prince Charles, which formerly belonged to the writer of these Memorials. My thanks are due to M. Hanotaux, to the officials of the French Foreign Office, and to Her Majesty's Ambassador and Mr. Thornhill of the British Embassy in Paris, for obtaining and granting permission to consult the French Archives. I have to thank the Hon. J. D. Edgar, Speaker of the Canadian House of Commons, for permission to reproduce the miniature of Prince Charles, which he has inherited from his great-granduncle, James Edgar, Secretary to the Chevalier. This miniature was painted in Paris in 1744 or 1745, and has never before been engraved. To Mr. Andrew Lang my thanks are also due for permission to reproduce the miniature of the Prince formerly in the possession of John Murray. This portrait was one of seven painted in Rome some years before Charles left for France. My thanks are also due to the officials of the Record Office INTRODUCTION xxxvii and the British Museum ; to Mr. R. R. Holmes of the Royal Library, Windsor, for courteous assistance in my examination of the papers in their charge ; to Mr. Law, the Secretary of the Scottish History Society, for his unfailing help, informed criticism and advice; and to my friend Mr. W. B. Blaikie, author of the Itinerary of Prince Charles, whose stores of knowledge of the period have been constantly at my disposal. R. F. B. April 30, 1898. PART I NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ADHERENTS OF THE HOUSE OF STUART 1740-1745 PRINCE CHARLES in boyhood. From a miniature, formerly the property of "John Murray of Broughton, now in the possession of Mr. Andrew Lang. PART I NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ADHERENTS OF THE HOUSE OF STUART, 1740-1745. It is well known, that, from my most tender Years, I upon every occasion declared my attachment to the interest of the Family of Stuart, and as soon as I left the University of Ley den, went to Rome ; 1 not led thither, like most people, who profess the same way of thinking, with a desire to satisfy my curiosity by staring in the face of the Person I looked upon as my Prince, but from a principle of Conviction founded upon Study and mature Reflection, and with a view to offer my ser- vice, either at home or abroad. Whether I followed out that Scheme, and performed the services I proposed, will plainly appear from what follows. Though no particular Branch of Business was allotted to me at that time, yet it would seem his Majesty was of opinion that I might be of service to him, having ordered his Secretary * to engage me to correspond with him after my return home, and to inform him of whatever I should think material. After some months' stay at Rome, I returned through Ger- many to Holland, where I had not been long before Captain Hay (Gentleman of the Bed-chamber to his Majesty) arrived at Rotterdam on his way to Scotland, charged with some Com- missions of importance. This Gentleman sent for me, and, after informing me of his intended voyage, begged I would * This Mr. Edgar told me ; and desired me to write to him. 1 The Genuine Memoirs, followed by the writer in the Dictionary of National Biography, state that Murray was not in Rome till 1741. Joannes Murray, Scoto-Britannus, matriculated at Leyden 1st October I735las a student of law. He was in Rome in 1737. See Introduction. A JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. accompany him. Imagining at first that his request proceeded more from a view to his own Convenience than any service I could do the Royal Family, I refused to comply ; telling him (what was really true) that my baggage was then packed up to set out for France, where I proposed to stay some time. Mr. Hay upon this told me that Gordon of Glenbucket 1 had been lately at Rome with a Scheme to rise in arms for the King ; but his Majesty, not thinking Glenbucket properly authorised, had despatched him with Instructions to converse with the Heads of the Loyal Party, and had given him Orders to take me with him to assist him in Scotland. Upon this I immedi- ately laid aside all thoughts of my intended Journey to France, and in a few days sailed for Sunderland (a Sea-port in the Bishoprick of Durham), from whence we went to Mr. Hay of Drumelzier's (whose brother was then at Rome), and the day following to Edinburgh. During Captain Hay's stay I gave him all the assistance in my power, and went to Kenmure, where I acquainted the late Lord 2 with Captain Hay's desire to see him, who immediately came to Town, and cheerfully declared his readiness to appear upon the first occasion. Amongst others Captain Hay conversed with the late Mr. James Graham of Airth 3 (then Judge of the Admiralty) and the honourable Basil Hamilton 4 (Grand-uncle to the present Duke of Hamilton), who were both of opinion that it was not then a proper time to make an attempt. At this time I became acquainted with the late Colonel Urquhart, then charged with the King's affairs in Scotland, who some few months after took occasion to tell me, that as he 1 John Gordon, ' Old Glenbucket,' is described by a contemporary who saw him in 1745 as 'an old man well crouched, not very tall.' He was Glengarry's father-in-law, and was one of the first to join the Prince. He raised an Aberdeen- shire regiment, and was a member of the Prince's council. He escaped after Culloden, and died in 1750. 2 Robert Gordon, son of 6th Viscount Kenmure (who was beheaded and attainted), died 1741, aged 28. He was succeeded as titular peer by his brother John, b. 17*3, d - r 769. 3 James Graham of Airth joined the Prince before he came to Edinburgh. Graham is reported as ' lurking ' in 1746. 4 Basil Hamilton of Baldoon, second son of Basil, sixth son of William Douglas and Anne Duchess of Hamilton ; ' out 'in 17 15, when he behaved with great courage at Preston; tried and condemned, but was pardoned in 1732; M.P. for Kirkcudbright in 1741 ; died 1742. 1739], NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 3 was growing old, and much afflicted with a Cancer in his face (which had deprived him of the use of one of his Eyes), he thought it absolutely necessary that a person should be nomi- nated to succeed him, whom he might be able to make acquainted with the business, and to whom he might consign his papers before his death : that he had both considered him- self, and consulted with many of the King's Friends, upon the choice of a Successor ; who upon mature deliberation had all agreed that I was the properest person to be employed in that Capacity, not only for my attachment to the Royal Family, but my knowledge of the Party and the Confidence they would repose in me ; and the favourable light I stood in at Rome. To this I made answer that I was infinitely obliged to him, and the rest of the King's Friends, for esteeming me capable and worthy of a Trust of that delicate nature, but I must be excused for thinking they were to blame, and that they had not sufficiently reflected upon the importance of the Trust, and the many Qualifications requisite to execute it to purpose : that I was young, but lately entered into the world, and much a stranger to the accomplishments essential to a man of busi- ness : that I had gone early abroad, known but to few of my Countrymen, and such as I had become acquainted with in foreign parts generally of a different way of thinking, and the time I had been at home had been too short to contract inti- macies with any number of the Party : that young people were often changeable and unstable, new thoughts, new principles, like new teeth, frequently pushed out the old ; and Proselites in politicks, as in Religion, were always the most violent, especially where Interest had any share in the Conversion ; that there were many worthy honest men, who had attained to years of Stability, and a fixed way of thinking, which put all fears of their change out of doubt ; men who had long served the Party with Constancy, and who had proved their Fidelity by severe sufferings : that such might think it strange that when an employment of this kind came to be disposed of, it should be bestowed upon a Novice, who had never had an opportunity of showing his Principles but by professions : that they would naturally be chagrined and displeased, esteeming themselves slighted and neglected upon an occasion where 4 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. their services entitled them to be employed; from whence might possibly flow two very bad effects, by making them more remiss and negligent to promote the interest of the Cause, and think themselves warranted to refuse to do busi- ness with, or confide in, a person so little known to them : this again would be a means to keep me ignorant of the strength of the Party, prevent me from giving proper intelli- gence ; and, above all, put it out of my power to write and strengthen them, which could not be effected without a thorough knowledge of what those, who were already engaged, were willing to undertake: thus being kept in the dark, I might promise too much or too little, according to my Ideas of the Power and Abilities of Individuals : and, finally, if naming me should be found fault with, it might hurt his Majesty's Interest in the most tender part, as nothing is generally more detrimental to a Prince, than to employ a person in his affairs disagreeable to his Friends, or who is esteemed un- capable of the Trust reposed in him. For these and other reasons, needless to mention, I begged he would have no further thoughts of me : but offered, as far as was in my power, to relieve him in the fatiguing part, and if necessary to be his Amanuensis. The old Gentleman replied, that he had heard my objec- tions with attention and great pleasure, and in place of making him alter his former way of thinking, they had confirmed him in his opinion that there was none more fit to succeed him, as the several arguments I had proposed were so many proofs of my Capacity, and showed that a person, who was so much master of the objections to be made against himself, could not fail to remove them by his cautious deportment, and nothing was a stronger incentive to Virtue than a thorough knowledge and abhorrence of the opposite vice. The faults to be found with me would always keep me upon my guard, and as soon as the Party came to be acquainted with my conduct, and the motives which had induced me to act, they would lay aside all scruples, and in place of finding fault, not only applaud the choice, but think themselves happy in having one in whom they could confide with safety : but that laying aside all arguments of that nature, he was fully satisfied of the Loyalty and Attachment of the People principally concerned, 1740] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 5 and that they would no sooner know I was employed than they would unanimously agree to give me all the assistance in their Power : and concluded by saying, he would venture to propose it in the Despatches he was then sending to Rome. I again repeated my desire to be excused, for the reasons before mentioned ; but consented that he might promise in my name that there was nothing in my power but I was ready to undertake to promote the Interest of the Royal Family, and would accept of being a second to whomever his Majesty should be pleased to employ. The Colonel, being then unable to write Letters of any length, begged me to assist him, which I chearfully complied with, and from that time made it my business to cultivate a friendship with every Person who was supposed to wish well to the Royal Family, and let no opportunity slip to insinuate my principles in every Company where there was any probability of their having effect. Notwithstanding what I had said, the Colonel took upon him to propose me for his successor, for in the Return to the Despatches he had then sent, which arrived in less than three months, the King approved his motion, pro- vided the late Duke of Hamilton 1 agreed to it ; and the Colonel soon after acquainted me with the Instructions he had received, and read a letter wrote by Mr. Hugh Hamilton of Rosehaugh, by the Duke's order, approving of his Majesty's choice. Though I was still averse to be charged with an employment of so much weight, yet it was now necessary to comply, as the orders, approved by a man regarded as the Head of the Party, ren- dered any further hesitation impertinent. Had his Grace objected, or even consented with reserve, there would still have been an avenue open whereby to retreat ; but as things stood, all the difficulties I had started in regard to the rest of the Party were removed, as it would have been ridiculous for them to object against a person nominated by their Master, and approved of by their Head. Being thus far engaged as Agent for his Majesty, I gave the 1740. Colonel all the assistance I was able ; soon became acquainted 1 James, 5th duke, b. 1702, succeeded his father (who was killed in the duel with Lord Mohun) in 17 12. He received both Thistle and Garter from Rome, and took the Thistle from George 1. in 1726. He died at Bath in 1743. 6 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l with the leading men of the Party ; and at his death (which I think happened in August 1740), received the Cypher by which he corresponded, with some few papers ; but whether the rest were burnt, or consigned to any other person, I could never positively learn. It would have been of use to me had I got them all,* as the whole Series of his Correspondence would from thence have appeared, and made it easy for me to discover who were the people most to be confided in, and the properest to apply to, in case of any future plan ; and, indeed, it seems necessary that a person employed in such business should be let into all former transactions, without which it is almost impossible for him to carry it on in a proper Channel. I was no stranger to the Colonel's having a yearly allowance from Rome ; which I never asked, nor gave the most distant hint I would accept if offered. It was the opinion, indeed, of many that the same appointment which had been granted to him was continued to me ; but it was so much the reverse that I took pains to undeceive these people, and convince them that my engaging in that business proceeded from no view to gain, but a sincere and hearty desire to promote the Cause. Besides, I had been told when at Rome that the King's situation was such that with some inconvenience he could allow pensions to those in distress, and though there were some who under no difficulties received his Bounty, to the prejudice of others in real want, yet such selfish principles had no effect upon me, being proof against all allurements of that nature ; nor would I ever use one farthing of his money, so long as he continued in exile, whilst I had any of my own. And did continue to serve him, from first to last, at a very considerable expence, notwithstanding many thought it reasonable that I should be supplied,! and some even advised me to ask it. I hope it will be thought needless to launch out into many reflections upon this particular, so shall only observe that it is * I think when his daughter delivered these papers to me, she said the rest were to be given to Mr. Smith of Boulogne. t Sir James Stewart 1 told me, that he always imagined I had an appointment : and when I assured him of the contrary, he seemed sur- prised, and said, it was but reasonable my Expences should be defrayed. 1 Sir James Stewart-Durham, Bart, of Goodtrees. I74i] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 7 very fortunate to be able positively to deny an accusation* (which has been industriously propagated, and taken root in the minds of many), thrown out as the vilest of aspersions, and represented as a strong aggravation of imputations equally false and injurious. Though several particulars happened about this period, which were I to mention might be of service to me in the Eye of the world, as they would shew-)- more to have been in my power than the generality imagine, yet, as I am incapable of base resentment and revenge, the companion of dastardly Souls, I will pass them over, and proceed to the unlucky time when I became concerned with the Earl of Traquair 1 and others, in the 1741. * It was commonly asserted as a fact beyond all contradict] on, that I had an appointment of £300 a year ; but the King, the Prince, and Mr. Edgar, know that from the day I was first employed, till this upon which I write, I never received one shilling. t It is obvious that it was in my power to have discovered every man whose principles I had occasion to know, with all such as had been pre- sented to the Prince in Scotland : and if such people's ungenerous and ungrateful behaviour had prevailed with me to expose them since, it might have appeared to many a just and deserved punishment for their meanness in joining in the common Cry against me ; but though my regard for the King's interest has kept me hitherto silent (though with- out saving their Characters amongst men of sense and reflection) I would have such people reflect upon the injustice and barbarity of their pro- ceedings towards me, when I am ready to believe they will blush for what they dare not publickly own. Indeed I am at a loss to think, how, when two of them meet, they are not ashamed to see each other, as they must immediately reflect upon what they were accustomed to profess, and what they did in consequence of their professions ; especially some mem- bers of the Loyal Society (of which I was one) who were all equally bound by a most solemn Oath to obey the first Call of their Prince, how they could sit at home with an easy Conscience after that Call is astonishing to me : but I may venture to say, that if Interest, Cowardice, or whatever epithet may be given to the motive which prevailed with them to excuse their perjury to themselves, yet without sincere Repentance and Contri- tion, it will stare them in the face, and make them hang their heads at a more august Tribunal than they might have appeared before at York, Carlisle, or St. Margaret's hill in the Borough of Southwark. Had I been no further concerned, I should have thought myself indispensably bound by that Oath to turn out upon the Prince's landing, as no power on Earth could remit the Obligation but his Royal Highness. 1 See appendix, p. 524. 8 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. beginning of the year 1741. I hope it will not be imagined, from my using the word unlucky, that I apply it to myself only ; far, far from it, for though perhaps no man ever suffered more barbarously and unjustly than I have these ten years past, I would live them over again without regret to reinstate my unhappy Companions in their former prosperity. But to proceed. The Association which gave rise to all the following transactions proceeded from accident : Lord Lovat's love of money and revenge, and William Drummond (alias Macgregor) 1 of Bohaldy's poverty and ambition. Lord John Drummond, 2 brother to the then Duke of Perth, 3 made a journey to Rome, and soon after came to Scotland, where he endeavoured to prevail with his brother, and others of the party, to employ him as their Agent with the King, and at the Court of France, which would naturally have rendered him of greater conse- quence, and better known than he was before, and promoted him in the French service, where he was then only a Captain. This scheme was made known to Lord Lovat, whose resent- ment against the government for depriving him of his inde- pendent company made him ready to embrace any opportunity to hurt them. And Bohaldy, whose indigence, and intimacy with his Lordship, made him look upon this as a favourable opportunity to get himself employed, took advantage of Lovat's humour, and the little cordiality that subsisted between the two Brothers, to represent Lord John as an improper person ; and spurred on by ambition, his being first or second Cousin to Lochyell, and intimacy with Traquair, prevailed upon them, together with Lord John * 4 (the Duke's Uncle), Sir James Camp- bell of Auchenbreck 5 (LochyeFs Father-in-law), and Mr. John * Naturally partial to his nephew the Duke, and much influenced by Traquair his brother-in-law. 1 See appendix, p. 522. 2 Lord John Drummond of the '45. 3 James, son of 2nd (titular) duke ; b. 171 3, d. 1746 ; was educated in Douay and Paris; came to Scotland 1734. Lieutenant-General in the Prince's army, escaped after Culloden in the Bellona with his brother, Lord John, and Sheridan. He died on board 13th May 1746, cf. p. 188. 4 Son of 1st titular duke ; succeeded his nephew John in the barren honours as fifth duke. Died at Edinburgh in 1757 ; buried at Holyrood. 5 Fifth baronet, m. Janet, daughter of Macleod of Macleod ; d. 1756. His daughter Anne married Donald Cameron, the Lochiel of the '45. 1 741] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 9 Stewart, brother to the Earl of Traquair, to form an Associa- tion and appoint him * their Agent. Early in the year f before mentioned, Lord Traquair informed me of this Association; that his brother was employed to correspond with the Gentlemen in the Highlands ; and that Bohaldy, who had been sent to Rome with their Instructions, was then at Edinburgh, and proposed that I should have a meeting with him ; and as the King's affairs were already committed to my care, I should likewise carry on the correspondence entrusted to his Brother, which I readily agreed to, being desirous of every opportunity to advance his Majesty's interest. At my first interview with Bohaldy, he assured me in the most positive manner, that such a powerful assistance would be had from abroad, as to render a Restoration certain and easy ; nay, even specified 20,000 Stand of arms, which he said were actually bought, with ammunition in proportion, ready to be sent over with a body of troops, and sum of money sufficient to defray the expenses of the war : in short that nothing requisite would be wanting, every particular being already agreed upon, and the time of execution fixed for the Autumn or Spring following. He told me likewise (which I had before learned from Colonel Urquhart) that Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck had intended to go to the West Indies, but was prevented by the King's special order, and promised a pension of £300 a year, to enable him to live at home, being esteemed a person who could be of considerable service in Argyleshire : that there was a sum due to him ; but as his Majesty could not conveniently remit it, he was authorised by Letter to raise some Thousand Pounds upon his Majesty's Security, at the rate of six per Cent, interest, part to be paid to that Gentleman, and the remainder to be appro- priated to whatever services might occur. At the same time he pretended, that as his stay was to be short, and he durst * Lovat reaped a double advantage by Bohaldy's being employed : first he got quit of the burden he had been to him for some time ; and 2dly he knew he was the only man in Scotland, who would undertake to vindicate him to the world, and to reconcile him with the King. t In the month of March 1741. iO JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l not appear publickly, it would be proper for me to execute that Commission. At our next meeting he told me of Orders he had received to accommodate a difference which then subsisted among the Episcopal Clergy, concerning a proper person to fill the Metropolitan See, which was then vacant. It would be foreign to my purpose, either to explain the nature of the dispute, or attempt to describe the Contraversy. It is sufficient to say, the King was willing to confer that Dignity upon Mr. Harper ; 1 to which the College 2 would by no means consent. Mr. Drummond (alias Macgregor) of Bohaldy, after expatiating upon the subject, begged I would take the affair in hand, and endeavour to reconcile their difference. This I likewise agreed to, though with some reluctance, as I never had any inclination to meddle in Ecclesiastical matters ; but the regard I had for that Body of Men, who had continued Loyal from the Revolu- tion under great oppression, and who, it was evident, had great influence over their Hearers, made me promise to use my best endeavours to bring them into harmony and good humour, that by their ready submission to his Majesty's desire, they might shew good example to the people of their persuasion. Cameron of Lochyell, and Macpherson of Cluny, were then in town, to whom Bohaldy told the same tale he had to me. Lord Lovat was likewise there, and had* frequent meetings with Bohaldy upon the same subject, and professed a strong desire to have some conversation with me ; but I must acknowledge that so far from being willing, I had an aversion to any corre- spondence with his Lordship. I was no stranger to the infamous character he had, not only with the King's Friends, but the * Upon perusing Lord Lovat's Tryal, it will incontestably appear, upon comparing what I said there with what here follows, that the utmost care was taken to conceal every thing that was not known by his own letters : of which he was so sensible, that he sent me thanks by Mr. Fowler (the Gentleman Gaoler of the Tower) for my forbearance ; and said j he was not the least hurt or offended with any thing 1 had said. Mrs. Fowler and her daughter are still ready to attest this ; and have told it to many. 1 The Rev. William Harper, an Episcopal clergyman in Edinburgh. 2 Of Bishops of the non-juring Episcopal Church in Scotland. 1 74 1] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 11 generality of mankind. I likewise remembered him to have been so much hated, that he was obliged to procure liberty for his servants to go armed when at Edinburgh. His Lordship's character may be partly known from the following Extract from Mr. Lockhart of Carnwath's Memoirs, which I insert here, as these Memoirs are become scarcer than they ought (page 75) : 1 6 You must know then, that after the Duke of Queens- berry had broke his vows to the Cavaliers ; and seen them, when joined to the Country, so strong and zealous a party, there was no hope of being able to stand it out against so violent and united a Torrent ; he bethought himself how to undermine their Reputations, and so diminish their interest with the Court, and find a pretence to vent his wrath, and execute his malice against those that thwarted his arbitrary designs, and knowing, to his certain experience, that the Poet was very much in the right, when he asserted, that ' Plots, true or false, are necessary things To set up Commonwealths, and ruin Kings, — with the special advice and consent of his dear friends, the Duke of Argyle, the Earls of Stairs and Leven, and Mr. Car- stairs (a rebellious Presbyterian preacher, one of Her Majesty's chaplains) resolved, one way or other, to frame such a plot, as, when lodged upon those they designed it against, should, in all human probability, be their utter ruin and destruction. 6 They pitch'd upon one Simon Frazer, of Beaufort, as the tool to carry on this wicked design, and be evidence to accuse such persons, as they directed : This Gentleman, some three or four years before, had been guilty of a most scandalous rape upon the person of the Lady Dowager Lovat, sister to the Duke of Athole, for which crime the Lords of Justiciary had condemned him to die : and letters of fire and sword were raised, and a detachment of King William's troops sent against him and his adherents, who were pretty numerous, 'twixt whom several skirmishes happened; but finding the Duke of Argyle, who was his great patron (for no other reason that I know of, but because he had been guilty of a 1 P. 78 of the edition of 181 7. 12 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. vile, lewd, and destestable crime ; and that too upon the person of one of the family of Athole, which two houses bore each other a constant grudge) I say, Frazer finding Argyle was no longer able to protect him against the force of Law and Justice, quitted the kingdom, and retired to France. But King James, having got an account of the crimes he was found guilty of, for which he had left his native country, would not, during his life, allow him to come to the Court of St. Germaines. This person being made choice of, as well qualify M for such a design, was sent for from France to England, and afterwards brought from thence to Scotland, but before he left France, by the advice of his friends at home, he turned Papist ; and finding a way to be introduced to the French King by the Pope's Nuntio, he represented himself as a person of great interest in Scotland, and oppressed for his zeal to the Royal Family and that with encouragement, and a small assistance, he could contribute to make a great diversion to the English arms, and much promote the Royal Interest, and for that end pro- posed, that his most Christian Majesty would furnish him with two or three hundred men and a good sum of money to take along with him to Scotland, where he \i perform wonders. But the French King, unwilling to hazard his men and money, without a further security, and more probability than his assertions, gave him a fair answer, desiring him to go first to Scotland, and bring him some credentials from those persons, over whom he pretended so much power, which he agreed to ; and got, for that purpose, a little money, and, by the French interest such credit at St. Germaines, as to obtain a Commission from King James to be a Major General, with a power to raise and command forces in his behalf, which was the main thing he aimed at : but at the same time Captain John Murray, brother to Mr. Murray of Abercarnie, and Captain James Murray, brother to Sir David Murray of Stanhope, were likewise under the protection of Queen Anne's act of Indemnity sent over to Scotland to be a Check upon him, and bring intelligence how they found the tempers of the people, and their inclinations towards King James. Thus provided, Frazer arrived in England ; and on the borders of Scotland was met by the Duke of Argyle, and by him conducted to Edinburgh, where he was kept private, NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 13 and being fully instructed what he was to do, the Duke of Queensberry gave him a pass to secure him from being appre- hended, in obedience to the letters of fire and sword emitted against him : and now he goes to the Highlands, introduces himself to the Company of all that he knew were well affected to King James and his interest, there produces his Major- GeneraFs Commission, as a testificate of the trust reposed in him, and proposes their rising in arms, and signifying the same under their hands, that the King might know assuredly who they were, and what numbers he had to trust to, and regulate his affairs accordingly. Some were so far seduced, as to assure him, they were ready to serve the King, tho' I believe there was none did it in the terms he demanded, but generally there were few that did not regret the King^s reposing any trust in a person of so bad a character, and fearing he would betray them, refused to treat or come to particulars with him. After he had trafficked here and there thro 1 the Highlands with small success, when the Parliament was prorogued, he went to London, to consider of what further use he might be to his Constituents resolving (tho** the Primum Mobile, and his patron, the Duke of Argyle, was now dead) to continue in their service, and they finding he had made but a small progress, and could not as yet fix any thing at the doors of these persons against whom they levelled, resolved to send him again to France, to demand letters, and further encouragement, to the Dukes of Hamilton and Athole, the Earls of Seafield and Cromarty, and the Cavaliers : and for that end the Duke of Queensberry procured him, and two others with him, a pass from the Earl of Nottingham, Secretary of England, under borrowed names. If he went upon a good design, as the Duke of Queensberry afterwards alledgM, why needed he have made their persons and business such a secret to the Secretary, as he must know neither? But before Frazer reached Paris and had executed his black design, it came to light in a great measure ; for the famous Mr. Ferguson soon discovered, and consequently defeated the project, when it was as yet but in Embrio ; for Frazer, whilst he was in London, having addressed himself to him, and one Mr. William Keith (son of Sir William Keith of 1 1 Blank in Lockhart, 14 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. and a great depender on the Duke of Athole) he acquainted them with his pretended design and project for King James, and mightily pressed Keith, that he "d use his endeavours to persuade the Duke of Athole to forgive him, and allow him access to his Grace, since he was heartily sorry for the crime he had committed, and was promoting so good a design : but Keith (tho' he play'd the fool and dipt deep enough with him in all other points) told him, that was what he could not presume to propose, and what he knew the Duke of Athole would never grant. But Ferguson, an old experienced plotter, understand- ing his character, suspected his integrity ; and it coming to his knowledge, that he was often privately with the Scots Courtiers, was by them supported, and had obtained a pass, as above related, he soon concluded, that there was some base design in hand, and thereupon gave the Duke of Athole notice of it : and he having again inquired at the Earl of Notingham, and find- ing Ferguson's informations to hold good, and his suspicions to be well grounded, acquaints Q. Anne of the whole procedure, accusing the Duke of Queensberry in particular, and his other friends and partizans, of corresponding with and protecting a person out-lawed in the kingdom of Scotland, guilty of the most horrid crimes, and a trafficker with France : whereupon the Duke of Queensberry, to vindicate himself, declared that Frazer, when he came to Scotland, wrote to him, that he could make great discoveries for the Queen's service, that upon that account he had sent for him, given him a protection in Scot- land, and again procured him a pass in England, with a design he should go to France, and make a clearer discovery, which he did not doubt he 'd have performed, had not the matter come too soon to light, and as a convincing proof thereof, he pro- duces a letter from the Queen Mother, directed to Lord Murray (formerly the title of the Duke of Athole before his father died) ; but his Grace made use of such solid arguments, and convincing proofs to show the fallacy of that letter, that Q. Anne herself could not deny, but that she thought it not genuine. Now let any impartial Judge consider, if it is probable that Frazer, with whom no honest man in Scotland would con- verse, who was under sentence of death, and not such a fool as to imagine that he had interest to do any thing of moment for NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 15 King James's service, could have had the impudence to address the French King in the terms as did, and come over to Scot- land, unless he had been put upon it, and protected by such as could support him at home. If he only proposed to cheat the French King of a little money, why came he to Scotland with it, since he knew he could not fail, in time, to be discovered, and then could neither hope to be protected there, or dare return to France ? These, I say, and many other such shrewd presumptions, make it clear what was the design of this pre- tended plot, and if successful, how dismal the consequences of it would have proved, viz., the destruction of those who opposed the designs of the Scots Courtiers and the English Ministry against Scotland, how happy it was in being rendered abortive, before the designed conception had come to full maturity ; and how odious the thoughts of such a hellish conspiracy, and the abettors thereof, ought to be in the Eyes of all good men.' As Mr. Lockhart, in the preceding extract, has mentioned Captain James Murray, my Uncle, but seems not to have been fully informed of every particular of the fact, it may not be amiss to observe, that Captain James Murray did not come over with Mr. Frazer of Beaufort, afterwards Lord Lovat, but was sent privately by himself by the Court of St. Germains with letters to the leading men of the Party in Scotland, to acquaint them with the nature of Mr. Frazer's commission, and the interest which had procured him their Countenance. He had luckly delivered his Despatches, before Mr. Frazer came to Edinburgh, and having taken the benefit of the Princess Anne's act of indemnity, had not only appeared publickly, but had been to wait on the Duke of Queensberry 1 (at his Grace's own desire), by whom he was much caressed on account of their former intimacy : but upon Mr. Frazer's seeing the Duke, and hearing that Captain James Murray had been in the Country before him, he let his Grace know that if the Captain continued in Scotland, it would be impossible for him to effectuate his scheme ; so the next time the Captain paid his Levee, he was very cooly received ; and soon after a proclamation was issued at the Cross of Edinburgh, offering a reward of £500 to take him dead or alive. The Captain happened then to be in town, 1 Charles, 3rd duke, b. 1698, d. 1778. 16 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. and at the time of the proclamation was in a shop facing the Cross where one of the Heralds observed him, and having disrobed himself as soon as the proclamation was over, came and informed him of what had happened ; upon which the Captain went directly to the Grass-Market, where he hired an horse, and went to his Brother's house in Tweddale, but an express being sent to acquaint him, that a search had been made for him in Edinburgh soon after he had left it, he thought himself unsafe there, and so went into Annandale, whither a party was sent in pursuit of him, which he very narrowly escaped, being alarmed with the news of their approach when in bed at the town of Annan, and had no more time than to dress and get on horseback, so that he was obliged to ride across the Firth of Sol way at 12 o'clock at night, and very providentially got safe to the English side, where he skulked till he got an opportunity to go abroad to the King, in whose service he died at St. Germains a short time after the peace of Utrecht. For these reasons I was shy, and could not believe, that he would ever perform what his Associates had promised in his name, though he had bound himself by a solemn oath. Besides, the influence which the particulars I have already mentioned had upon me, I was not ignorant of his having done dirty work when in favour ; Lochiel having acquainted me of his violences in the Highlands, when he had his independent company, and the threats he had used to him, though his Relation. In short, his keen opposition in the Elections of that year seemed to me to proceed rather from resentment, and a view to render him- self of consequence, thereby to get something in lieu of his Company, than any sincere inclination to serve the King. It will easily be imagined, after considering the above reasons, that it was with great difficulty I was prevailed on to have any intercourse with him, but being incessantly and strenuously invited and importuned, and reflecting that the station I was in, in some degree, obliged me to converse with all who pro- fessed an attachment to the Royal Family, I at length con- sented, at the request of Mr. John Macleod of Nuick, 1 who 1 John Macleod, afterwards of Muiravonside, Linlithgowshire, son of John, second of Bernera, an advocate, practised at the bar 1 688- 1 732. He assisted in the abduction of Lady Grange. His son Alexander was A.D.C. to the Prince, and was pardoned, 1778. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 17 had brought me repeated invitations from his Lordship, as I had a great opinion of that Gentleman's honour and prudence : but I was so diffident of his Lordship's integrity, and so much upon my guard, that notwithstanding the many questions he put to me, the seeming simplicity with which he expressed himself, and the uncommon caresses he always bestowed, when he had an intention to pump, I gave him very little satisfaction, and avoided answering directly to any material questions he asked. This cautious way of proceeding was the cause of our future intimacy; his Lordship finding I was not to be prevailed upon to speak out, till I was satisfied of the person's sincerity with whom I conversed. He frequently observed this to others, and sometimes took occasion to mention it to me in a very artful and flattering way ; yet I was still upon my guard, and told him no more than was necessary, or what I knew would be communicated to him by others, never being able to persuade myself that he was the man he professed himself to be ; which nevertheless did not prevent him from declaring himself openly when in Edinburgh, and corresponding with me when in the Highlands by letters under his own hand, which he seldom did to any body, so that I may safely say, I was among the few who ever got his secrets without imparting their own. He frequently gave me an account of some of his proceedings against the Royal Family,* which would have made any other * He told me that in the year 1715 he came to Scotland with a resolu- tion to oppose the Earl of Mar : that at Dumfries he was known by a Black-smith, who imagined he was going to join the Earl, as he was incognito ; and having informed the Magistrates, they came to his lodg- ing to arrest him, but he, pretending to be affronted at being suspected, refused to go to prison, and struck one of them, upon which (as he ex- pressed it) they all fell on board him, and never was a Lord better drubbed, and then carried to gaol. Next day the Marquis of Annandale (Lord Lieutenant of the County) came to town in a violent hurry, having been pursued by a party of horse from Moffat commanded by Mr. Basil Hamilton : that he immediately sent to his Lordship to complain of his imprisonment, being come to Scotland to oppose the insurgents ; upon which he was released, and got the command and forming of all the Militia who were there, to oppose Mr. Hamilton if he should advance : that, after forming the Cameronian foot under Major Hepburn, and putting himself at the head of the horse, intelligence was brought that a body of the insurgents was marching to the town from Galloway. Upon B 18 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. man blush : but as soon as I blamed him, and hinted my surprize, that one, who professed so strong an attachment to the Royal family, should have done so much to thwart their measures, he never failed to declare with the strongest assevera- tions, that his principles were nevertheless always the same ; and concluded by saying, that when an occasion offered, he was able to vindicate his actions to the King. But what above all induced him to put entire confidence in me was my engaging to make the following attempt. Mr. Clayton, then Commander in chief in Scotland, was a man of knowledge and experience in the art of war, thoroughly well acquainted with the Country, and greatly beloved and esteemed for his humanity and affability. Such a man, it was evident, would be a thorn in our sides, in case of an insurrection ; and it was therefore necessary, if possible, to secure his person, and prevent his commanding the army. At a consultation * held at Bohaldy's lodgings, this was mentioned, and after several schemes were proposed, I agreed to attempt to carry him off from Edinburgh to the Highlands, as soon as we had certain intelligence of an embarkation ; a thing by no means so diffi- cult as it may appear to people ignorant of the Country and his way of living. Bohaldy having now staid as long as he thought proper, I sent my servant and horses with him the length of Carlisle, to prevent his being discovered by hiring horses at Edinburgh ; and as soon as he was gone, I applied myself to execute the Commissions enjoined me. As money seemed to be a material acquisition, I made out a list of such as I imagined would contribute ; and first applied to Mr. Hay of Drumelzier, who told me without any hesitation, which, after ordering a fine avenue of trees to be cut down to barricade the town on the side of Moffat (which, he said, he did more to be revenged of the inhabitants for his drubbing, than from any necessity) he marched his horse to oppose the party said to be on their march from Galloway, but when he came to the bridge, and looked back to observe the order of his horse, he was surprised to find they had all deserted him but four, of which number, he said, the Laird of Heron afterwards pretended to be one, but he did not think he was. This story he told with great humour. * Lord Lovat was not present at this meeting ; but was told of it. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 19 that though his affairs did not then enable him to give any large sum, yet what he could spare he would freely give, pro- vided he was not the first ; not that any other's contributing before him would regulate the sum, for he had already resolved upon the extent, but was determined not to be the first to set the example. Though this was a disappointment for the pre- sent, yet I flattered myself he still might be prevailed upon, and therefore desired Lord Traquair to speak to him ; which I did chiefly to convince him that it was no scheme of my own ; but notwithstanding all we jointly said to him at a meeting in Edinburgh, he positively refused, without assigning any other reason than what he had done before ; which, however frivolous it may seem to some, I am persuaded was the only one that prevented him, as I believe nobody wishes more sincerely the happiness and prosperity of the Royal Family, nor has acted a more uniform part than he. The next person I applied to was Mr Lockhart of Carn- wath but without coming directly to the point, gave him to understand that it was not unlikely that something might soon be done in the King's favour. This I did with a view to move his passions, raise his curiosity, and draw such professions from him as might put it out of his power to refuse me. What I said seemed to have the desired effect ; his face glowed with anxiety, and his tongue was not wanting in the strongest ex- pressions of zeal and attachment to the Cause ; and again and again repeated how ready he was to do every thing in his power to forward it. Then thinking I had said enough to introduce my request, I proposed the loan, promising security in his Majesty's name, and assuring him of the great necessity there then was for a small sum, leaving it to him to give what- ever he thought proper ; but in place of an answer conform to the professions he had made, the joy which for some time had seated itself upon his countenance immediately vanished, and left nothing behind it but the gloom of disappointment. As soon as he had recovered a little, he excused himself by saying, that then was a most unlucky time, having no money by him, 1 George, eldest son of the author of the Lockhart Papers. He surrendered to Government after Prestonpans. 20 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. and being obliged at Quarter-Day. to pay his brother and Sisters patrimonies. I answered, that I was sorry the necessity of the King's affairs should oblige me to make a demand of money at a time when so faithful a friend had it not in his power to assist him ; but I begged leave to observe, that he had a Cash Accompt with the New Bank, 1 from whence he could at any time draw a few hundred pounds. To this he replied, that he had but lately drawn for a large sum, and a further demand so soon might look odd, as he was not accustomed to do it, and might be a means to hurt his Credit. This appeared reason- able ; so, to obviate all difficulties, I offered to join my Credit with his for whatever sum he was willing to advance ; which could not appear strange to the Managers, as they would naturally imagine the money was for my use, and he only Surety : and as it was not so easy to find an immediate evasion to this proposal, he neither positively refused nor consented, but said he would think of it ; yet notwithstanding I had frequent opportunities of mentioning it to him, he would by no means consent. Though this fact is not represented in a stronger light than it really happened, I should be sorry it gave an unfavourable opinion of Mr. Lockharfs principles, as I am well persuaded he was very sincere, having behaved with great honour, spirit, and generosity, when things came to the push, and much belied the low opinion many of the party entertained of him, as will appear from the sequel ; and indeed I was then ready to believe his backwardness was more owing to former attempts of that kind having been made at improper times, and by unfit persons, than to any want of inclination. I became then sensible, though too late, that my little experi- ence in business had made me guilty of a great oversight, for I ought to have had the letter to shew, wherein Bohaldy said he was ordered to raise the money, which would have obviated all difficulties ; but I so little doubted his veracity, or other people's forwardness, that I neither asked to see or be possessed of it, but took it for granted that the persons I applied to would be as ready to contribute, according to their circum- 1 The Royal Bank of Scotland—' the Old Bank ' was the Bank of Scotland. 1741] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 21 stances, as they had been to make professions of their zeal to serve the Royal Family. The late Duke of Hamilton came to town soon after, and not doubting of success with him, I begged to have an opportunity to talk with his Grace in private, which he granted very graci- ously, and appointed the next morning at nine of the Clock. I attended at the time fixed, and having acquainted his Grace with the task enjoined me, he seemed to approve the proposal ; very frankly promised to contribute what sum he should find he could spare; named Sir James Hamilton of Rosehaugh, 1 and some others, as proper persons to be applied to ; talked of the affair with much eagerness ; and finally made an apology, why he could not pay the money immediately, it being then near the time of the general election, which put him to vast ex- pense ; but assured me it should be paid out of the first money that came to his hands ; and at the same time desired me to wait upon him again, or write to him, that he might not neglect it. Though I had little reason to suspect a disappoint- ment, yet as his Grace took no further notice of it for some weeks, I thought it would be proper to remind him, as he had desired ; and therefore went to Peebles, where he was sollicit- ing the Borough, and there I took an occasion to let him know that things were very pressing, and that a small sum would be of great service at that juncture. To this he returned much the same answer as before, which gave me some concern, for there was the greatest reason to believe that, had he advanced any sum, his example would have been followed by many ; but what concerned me still more was his seeming at this interview not anywise affected with the zeal he had expressed at the former, which, as he never asked to know my authority, could not possibly flow from any diffidence of me. I therefore suspected that his professions of attachment to the Royal Family proceeded more from policy, and an instability of temper, than real prin- ciple, as no man of his circumstances would have hesitated to give so triffling a proof of his sincerity, had he spoke his real sentiments. If his Grace's conduct in publick life is con- 1 The Hamiltons of Rosehaugh were a branch of the family of Barn- cleuch. 22 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l sidered, it will be found that I had great reason for my sus- picion ; of which several people now living at Rome may be Judges from his behaviour when there. So finding this scheme was not likely to succeed, and being very much pressed for money, to supply Sir James Campbell, who I was made to believe would be of vast service * in Argile- shire, and who, without it, would inevitably leave the Country, I applied to Mr. Dickson, an Attorney, to borrow me £200, for which I would give bond. This Gentleman, without knowing for what it was intended, procured the money, and as Lord Traquair had been the person who drew me into this affair, could better afford it, and was in reason most obliged to engage his Credit, I acquainted him with what I pro- posed to do, and desired he might joinf in the Bond, which he did, and I transmitted the money to Sir James Campbell by his son-in-law, Mr. Cameron of Lochiel, and in return received his receipt for it. To leave the Duke of Hamilton no room for an excuse, I wrote a pressing letter to him, which I sent by Mr. Charles Smith of Boulogne, 1 to whom I communicated the Contents. This Gentleman (whom I call upon to vouch this fact), upon his return to Edinburgh, assured me he had delivered the letter, and took particular notice that his Grace read it three several times, once at the window, by the fire, and by Candle light, but gave him no answer, either by word or writing. When his * I put it to that Gentleman to prove, that he ever attempted to engage one man in his district to join the Prince, either before or after his landing : and he is alone able to account for his proceedings from the time I parted with him at his son-in-Law Lochiel's house, soon after the Prince's landing, till he was made a prisoner, as well as how he came to be made one so early. t I received a letter from Rome some time after, desiring I might not advance any more money, or engage my Credit ; and promising that the £200 should be paid. Mr. Edgar certainly remembers this. 1 An 'eminent merchant,' whose son married Elizabeth Seton, heiress of Touch. Cf. James Mohr MacGregor's confession, Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 33050, f. 369. Died at Touch 1768. Cf. also The Scottish Antiquary, April 1897, p. 189, and The Family of Seton, p. 345. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 23 Grace came to town, I immediately waited upon him, but his Levee being very numerous, was going to retire, and take another opportunity, till upon his going to the door, when some of his Company left him, he stopped me, saying, he desired to speak with me, and stept aside to the window. I then told him, I had wrote according to his orders, but having no return, begged to know his answer. At this he pretended some surprize, saying he did not remember to have received it : but upon my naming the person who had delivered the letter, and remarking his having read it three several times, he then re- collected it, but said, that not adverting from whom it came, he must have looked upon it as a dun, and thrown it aside. I then asked what he intended, and if I was to expect the money ? To which he replied, that the affair was then much out of his head, and desired I would take another opportunity to talk to him further of it, which I promised to do, and took my leave. This extraordinary behaviour surprized me a good deal. The affair was too recent to have escaped his memory, and his volun- tary desire to speak to me left no room to doubt of its being upon that subject, as I had never any business with him but upon the King's affairs : yet, upon reflection, I judged that his desire to talk with me had proceeded from inadvertency, and soon discovering his error he endeavoured to bring himself off by pleading forgetfulness. I was no sooner got to the Market- Cross than I was informed that he intended to set out next morning for London, which convinced me his desire to talk with me again was only a feint ; so being resolved, if possible, to have something under his hand, I wrote the same afternoon, telling him I was informed of his intended Journey to England, and begged to have an answer to the affair upon which I had the honour to talk to him that morning. In return to which he wrote, as near as I can [remember] at this distance of time, to the following purpose : 4 That though the particulars which had passed between us, in relation to the raising a sum of money, had much escaped his memory, he should nevertheless be glad to have that matter fully represented to him, and as his stay in Scotland was to be so short, desired I would take the trouble to make it known to Mr. Hamilton' (the person who, I formerly JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. observed, wrote the letter * to Colonel Urquhart by his Grace's order). It may be easily believed, that this letter could give no satisfaction : on the contrary, it convinced me, that his zeal for the Royal Family was not so ardent as he then inclined to have the party think. His referring me to a second person I could not take well. If he inclined to be informed, as the Gentleman was to remain in Scotland, his intelligence must have been communicated by letter, which I might have done with as much propriety, and perhaps more safety than he. It was employing another person without any necessity, which in business of that nature ought not to be done ; and with defer- ence to his Grace's superior knowledge, it was a little indelicate as well as impolitick. Though I could have got over any scruple of that nature, had I imagined him sincere ; yet Mr. Hamilton's j- natural temper was enough to make me decline it. We were no strangers to each other upon such subjects, having conversed a good deal together at Peebles, when among others he objected against some things then said to be upon the Tapis,% alledging the King was guided ; which gave me no favourable idea either of his sense or principles. For how poorly soever the scheme then mentioned might have been said to be pro- jected, his business was not to treat it with derision, but to find fault like a Gentleman, by regretting the supposed ill concerted measures, and pointing out a remedy. His sense I called in question from the weak and unguarded expression he used. Who is not guided ? Judges are guided by the Law and Presidents : a criminal is guided by the forms of the Court. Men of all professions are guided by the several customs and examples handed down to them by time and their predecessors : and though the political Science is vast, yet it may, like others, be reduced to fixed principles, according to men and times. We are all guided by the dead or living : for let us look with Care into ancient history, and we will find pre- * Approving of my being employed in the King's service. t This Gentleman had been very active in the year 1715 in dissuading people from joining the Earl of Mar ; and from thence went by the name of Lord Blantyre's Aid-de-Camp. X A scheme then said to have been in agitation, in which the Associa- tors, as far as I know, never were concerned. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 25 cedents to the most singular instances of modern politicks, with the most refined remedies to defeat their effects. Little of that kind is new to us : if we read, we learn ; and he is an extraordinary man who falls upon anything in that science, which has not already been discovered and practised. If by the living, it must be allowed to proceed from a laudable, humane, and honest disposition, not blown up or worried with our own knowledge, nor suffering our self-sufficiency so far to get the better as to make us imagine we are able to discuss and determine affairs of the utmost importance without assist- ance. Men are like Watches,* some of a finer and more delicate make than others: the one goes justly, the other not. Like them in shape, so are we generally much one and the same : but our organs of sense, like their wheels and springs, are finer and coarser, as the workman has bestowed labour upon them, or the Supreme Being more exquisite degrees of sensation upon our organs. From this I may be allowed to infer, that the greater share of good sense a man is possessed of, the readier he will be to ask advice of a person, of whose knowledge and perspicuity he has had experience ; and the greater abilities he is master of, the more his admirable talents enable him to judge of right and wrong, his own failings, and the equitable, just, judicious sentiments of others, the stronger will be his in- clination to lay aside his own conceited self-sufficiency, and embrace the opinion of his friend. Politicks differ from some other Sciences in this, that as the mind of man is variable and deceitful, the design, or double intention, which one of equal Capacity may not discover, another less sanguine may. The Judge, cool and unconcerned, may observe from the Countenance of a witness that deceit and prevarication, which the Counsel, examining, and warm in the Cause of his Client, may possibly overlook ; and yet the Counsel may be a man of greater abilities than the then more penetrating Judge. We ought therefore to praise and applaud the man whose superior good sense directs him to inquire into the opinion and sentiments of * I hope this Comparison will not be esteemed inconsistent with the Christian Scheme, or the rules of sound Philosophy, as no such thing is intended. 26 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. others, and even, if necessary, like the Bee, suck honey from the poisonous herb. In fine, though I am almost sorry to have made so long a digression, yet I flatter myself it cannot be dis- agreeable to support the sentiments of the Wise Man, That there is nothing new under the Sun. That what was, is now. And what is, has been, and shall be in time to come. Let no man then plume himself upon his own abilities. We are all actuated Beings, and have no title to believe that our Creator has exerted his omnipotence further in the formation of us, by a more lively operation of the Immaterial upon the material substance, than our Fore-fathers, from whose example we acquire the experience which guides and directs all wise men. But to return to our former subject. The disappointments I had met with, made me lay aside all thoughts of any further solli citations at this time ; few having it more in their power, than those already spoke to : and of all the King's friends in the Low Country, none were esteemed to have more zeal and attach- ment to the Royal Family, than they. Their refusal therefore, gave small encouragement to apply to others, whose abilities were not equal, or professions stronger. Besides, to have pushed things further, would have savoured too much of begging, and given too mean an idea of the King's circumstances : so I con- tented myself with transmitting to Rome an account of the un- successful steps I had taken to accomplish the end proposed. I would not have it imagined that this money business em- ployed all my time : far from confining my services to that particular alone, I enlarged my acquaintance with the Loyal Party, who were many of them no strangers to the trust reposed in me ; and continued my endeavours to extinguish the remains of divisions among the Clergy, as a means to advance the King's interest by their continuing unanimously to instil these prin- ciples of Loyalty into the Laity,* the practice whereof had gained them their Sovereign's favour and the deserved character of Loyalty, in the most discouraging and oppressive times. * If the sufferings, Loyalty and firmness of that body of Men, be pro- perly considered, it will be found that no part of the Christian Church, in any era, ever acted with more disinterestedness, courage, and resolution, than they have done since 1688 ; which deservedly renders them worthy of the esteem, favour and protection of all men of worth and honour. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 27 To bring about this good end, I applied to Bishop Keith 1 (the chief stickler against Mr. Harper, whom the King had nomi- nated) and endeavoured to persuade him, that the only method to conclude all differences, and merit the King's favour and countenance, was to consent to his nomination. After some conversation, which was not like to terminate in any fixed resolution, I told him that flying in the face of the King's Conge would have a very bad look, and appear incon- sistent with those principles of loyalty they had hitherto unvariably professsed, and inculcated into their hearers : that the Consequence of such conduct might prove very detrimental to his Majesty by the bad example it would give some, and perhaps hurt themselves in the Eyes of others who had a proper regard to the King's interest, seeing him gainsaid in an affair which had been esteemed the right of, and practised by, every King since the Reformation. If he would assign sufficient reasons for their refusal, I was ready to transmit them, and did not doubt but they would have their due influence ; and if not I must be excused to think that such proceeding would be an attempt to diminish the authority they acknowledged. He was at no loss for specious answers to all my arguments ; but find- ing it necessary to come to the point, he plainly said, it was what neither he nor his Brethren 2 could consent to, the person named being a man unworthy to be received by any Body of Christian Bishops, and had the King known his character, he was confident he would not have named him to be their head. Having never heard anything to Mr. Harper's discredit, and being desirous to learn the particulars laid to his charge, I begged to know his reasons for so severe a censure : but after many arguments on both sides, he absolutely refused ; not being inclined, as he said, to enter into the private character of any of his brethren. This, I told him, was no satisfactory answer to me, and there was reason to suspect that it would be far less so where I should be obliged to send it : for to accuse a man in 1 Consecrated without a diocese 18 June 1727. Bishop of Orkney, Caithness and the Isles 1731. In 1733 elected to superintendence of Fife also, but he resided at Edinburgh ; elected Primus 1743. 2 The College of Bishops. 28 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part L such general terms was accusing him of every thing that was bad; at least it was giving mankind room to conjecture the worst ; was a thing permitted in no Court of Judicature in the Christian world, and allowed bv everv body to be very un- becoming a Christian, especially one of his Cloath ; therefore hoped he would be particular, which would certainly be of advantage to him and his party ; whereas, if such an answer, as he had given, was transmitted to Rome, it would not represent him in the most amiable light, but in all probability prove favourable to the other. Finding all I could say did not prevail with him to specify any particular Blemish, and knowing that his influence with his Brethren was considerable, I proposed by way of compromise,* that if they would agree to elect Messieurs Harper and Blair Bishops, they might then proceed to the nomination of the Metropolitan, who, I would engage, should be confirmed. This proposal did not seem to be so disagreeable as the former : but he was too cautious to lay himself under any positive obligation ; and answered, that as he had but a single voice, he could not pretend to promise on behalf of his brethren, but that Mr. Blair was a man to whom he believed no objection would be made, and that he would therefore acquaint the rest of the College with the overture, and let me know their answer; which he did soon after. I was then in the Country, when his letter came to hand unsubscribed, and wrote in a Cant style, importing, that he had wrote to some, and consulted with other members of the College, who unanimously rejected the proposal, Because it would be flying in the face of the King's authority. The seeming oddity of the answer made me curious to have it explained, but as I had little reason to expect much satisfaction, I postponed any enquiry till my return to town, when I was informed by one of the Presbyters,f that upon occasion of a former dispute his * I did this from a friendly inclination to the whole venerable Body, for whom I always had the greatest respect, as a means to keep them in the King's favour, who, I was afraid, might not look upon them with a good Eye, when he found them obstinately bent upon rejecting his nomination. + Mr. David Rae, 1 a friend of Mr. Harper. 1 The father of Lord Eskgrove. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-43 29 Majesty had condescended to allow them the naming of all the vacant Bishops, except the Metropolitan, which he reserved to himself ; and that they were now afraid, should these two Gentlemen be received, the scales would be turned, and their schemes thwarted. Though this alledged reason * was not without its difficulties, yet I was determined to make a further tryal : but was prevented by a conversation I had with Mr. Harper, wherein he desired no further mention might be made of him,-)- being sorry to think there should be any disputes upon his account. I then made it my business to learn who was the person the most likely to be agreeable to both parties, and found that Bishop Rattray 1 was a man of extensive knowledge, great moderation, and unexceptionable character ; agreeable to most of his brethren, and bid the fairest to put an end to all divisions : so in the first letters I wrote, after mentioning what had passed, I recommended^ him, and afterwards received orders for his Election, which, however, did not take place, being taken ill the same day § on which he arrived at Edinburgh, and died in three or four days afterwards, which put a stop to that business during my time. I was of opinion from the first that the members of the Association had not weight and interest sufficient to effectuate the scheme proposed, without previously engaging others : but as it would have been a very rash step in me to have mentioned the whole or any part of the Plan, without the consent of the Majority, I only observed to them, that without extending their connections, it was impossible to bring matters to bear, as, in case of a Descent, none, but such as were in the secret, * By Bishop Keith. t This must be allowed, even by his opponents, to be a mark of great moderation ; especially considering the interest he had : and indeed I never could observe any thing in him, that was not quite consistent with the Clergyman and Gentleman. I He was likewise strongly recommended by others. § May 3d, 1743, being Ascension day, above 8 months before the Dun- kirk Embarkation. Though his business was near two years in agitation, I thought proper not to interrupt the story by any intervening facts. Consecrated Bishop of Brechin, January 4, 1729. 30 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l could be in a condition to join : and as in all undertakings of that nature, the utmost vigour and dispatch was necessary, the being obliged to wait for a junction with such as were un- prepared would occasion a great loss of time, and might prove a vast hindrance to the expedition, if it did not entirely prevent its success. They would by no means give ear to any proposal of this nature ; alledging it was very dangerous ; that there was not a person of any consequence in the Highlands, who had not been already engaged by Bohaldy,* or one employed by him ; that it was agreed to take no step without a general consent ; and that Lord Lovat f would never agree to it. It is very evident, that had Bohaldy's affirmation been as true as it was absolutely false, there was no need of an Association : his own interest, assiduity, and influence had been sufficient to bring about their wishes, and he had deservedly merited greater praise than Monk, or most men to be met with in history. Though any unbiassed man, with half an Eye, might have seen the improbability of this Gasconade, yet he had insinuated himself so deeply into their favour, and gained such an ascendant over them, by his bold and positive assertions, that nothing he said was doubted ; which appeared so unaccount- able in men not void of sense, that I was at a loss what to think, and resolved to suspend my judgment for a time, nor to move in so delicate an affair, till I saw further. It was not long, however, before I had reason to be strengthened in my * If he had been master either of abilities or interest enough to effec- tuate so arduous a task, he had not time to accomplish it from the date of his being appointed Agent, till he set out for Rome ; he never was in Scotland after that, except in the Spring 1741, and then but a short time, and in private at Edinburgh, as I have already mentioned. t If this particular is seriously attended to, it will appear that Lovat and Drummond had much the same interest in keeping the affair a secret to all except those already concerned : for had others less prejudiced in their favour been admitted, it is obvious they would not only have dis- covered the impropriety of the steps they were taking, together with the narrowness of the plan, but would have objected as well to Lo vat's being the chief Director, as to Bohaldy's being the Agent : whereas the King's situation made it improper for him to object to either, had he been never so much convinced of the self-interestedness of the first, or of the fallacy and incapacity of the latter. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 31 opinion, for the late Sir Alexander MacDonald of Slate 1 came to Edinburgh that year, and having by some means learned that there was a scheme carrying on, and that Bohaldy had put him down in the list * he gave to the French Court, was very much displeased, and declared he had never given any authority to do so, nor had he ever spoke to him on the subject. This story plainly demonstrates that Bohaldy's assertion was void of all foundation, for if this Gentleman, Chief of one of the first families and largest followings in the Country, had not been applied to, how improbable is it that numbers of inferior rank were, to whom it would have 'been more dangerous to have communicated the secret ? And yet I must frankly acknowledge, that those I was concerned with were so strongly prepossessed, or rather infatuated, with a favourable opinion of * Not to break the thread of the story, which the following- particular would do, I choose to mention Bohaldy's method of engaging people in the King's interests, by way of note. To such as were imagined to favour the King's interest, he introduced the subject, and if they dropped any favourable expressions, he then insinuated that it was a pity the King should be unacquainted with their principles ; and if they seemed to think any correspondence dangerous, he then offered to make their way of thinking known to his Majesty, without their running" any risk ; to which if they consented, he from that day counted them as so many sure Cards. This he told me at Paris, and at the same time regretted he could not make the King comprehend his scheme ; and asked me if I did ? To which I answered that the method was easily conceived, but how far it would prove effectual was very dubious. He then asked me to observe in my letter to his Majesty, that he had made it known to me, and that I could easily conceive it ; which I believe I promised, as it seemed plausible till maturely considered ; which I had not done at that time. But it is obvious, his Majesty thought with too much justness and perspicuity to depend upon anything so vague and indefinite : and indeed, when after my return to Scotland I came to put it in practice, and consider seriously of it, it appeared plainly to be cheating the King, and putting a construction on men's meaning quite contrary from what they intended. 1 Seventh baronet, nephew of the chief attainted after the '15. He took the Government aide in the '45. Married, 1733, (1) Anne, widow of Lord Ogilvy ; (2) Margaret, daughter of ninth Earl of Eglinton ; he died, aged 36, 23rd Nov. 1746. In justification of Bohaldy, cf. the statement of Miss MacLeod as to cor- respondence between MacLeod, Sir Alexander MacDonald, and Prince Charles, quoted in MacKenzie's History of the MacDonalds, p. 234. 32 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part L this man, that my eyes were not opened for some time; so naturally are we induced to think with men of our own principles, and for whom we have a regard ; but as I do not intend to leave any thing I advance dubious or liable to ex- ceptions, where it is in my power to bring unquestionable proof, I appeal to Mr. Macleod of Nuick, now living, for the truth of this story. 1742 A s it would only swell this paper to mention every incident, and as nothing of any great consequence happened till the month of December 1742, 1 shall venture to begin at that time by observing, that Bohaldy had not till then obliged us with any news of Consequence, though the time was at hand, when, according to his ultimate promise,* the troops were intended to land. The Earl of Traquair then received a letter from him, containing some vague and frivolous reasons why the Descent had failed in the Autumn ; and assuring him, the troops and every thing necessary would be embarked early in the Spring. His Lordship laid the letter before Locheil and me ; and neither of them seeming to make any of the objections to which I thought it was liable, I took the liberty to say, that it was not wrote as by a man that understood business; for admitting the reasons to be just, it was a little uncommon to write so care- lessly upon an affair of such vast consequence, as this was, to all concerned. There were a number of preliminary steps to be taken, as I had before remarked, and yet it did not appear that any had been taken, nor did he insinuate they ought. It was true, the number of troops were specified, the places of their landing-)* fixt upon, arms, ammunition and money said to be provided, all necessary precautions, and without which they could not hope for success ; but all these, however material, were far from being sufficient : it was likewise true, that the Country had been divided, according to their original plan, into different Districts,! and each allotted to the care of one of the Associators, who engaged to make it his business to for- * He had said when at Edinburgh, that the scheme would be executed in the Autumn or Spring. t The main body at or near Aberdeen ; and 1500 in Kintire. X It is very evident, that this division of the Country was well intended, and might have been of great use, had the persons to whom the different 1742] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 33 ward the interest of the Cause in his province, by gaining as many of the principal* inhabitants as possible. I did not doubt but that Quarter of the Country allotted to Locheil was well affected, and would appear to a man ; nor did I hesitate to believe, he had used all methods to secure them (as it after- wards appeared he had) ; but it did not seem that things were upon so good a footing in other places. To Lord Lovat were allotted the Grants of Strathspey, the Macintoshes, the Mackenzies, all the people of Ross-shire and further North, together with the Chisholms and Grants of Urquhart. Though I made no doubt of the two last turning out, being his immediate neighbours, yet they were very incon- siderable in number, and as far as I could learn, he had not to that day endeavoured to gain any number of these for whom he had undertaken. Sir James Campbell was entrusted with the care of Argyle- shire and the islands adjacent : but it did not appear he had engaged any body;-f- at least he had transmitted no such accounts to us. There was no reason to doubt, that the body of men, proposed to be landed in that part of the Country would be joined by the MacLeans, MacLaughlans, and perhaps Largo's 1 people, and some others : but this did not put things upon a better footing than before. These people were already well inclined, and only waited a favourable opportunity to shew themselves ; but were not such as merited the greatest attention. To gain friends was the chief design of parcelling Districts were allotted acted with assiduity : but it did not appear, after the Prince's landing, that any considerable progress had been made, except in Lochaber. * I think it necessary to be circumstantial, and thereby give a clear view of the management after the Association, from whence it will be easy to see the little attention that was given to the most material point. t It is evident from this, that things were not properly managed, for in affairs of that nature it was necessary that the persons employed should have from time to time communicated the progress they had made in their several districts, not only to one another, but to one who had it in his power to transmit the whole to the King, and their Agent abroad, from whence they could only judge what assistance it was requisite to demand from France and Spain. 1 MacDonald of Largie, in Kintyre ; an independent branch of the Clan Donald. C 34 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. out the Country into different Districts : and if Sir James had executed that which was more necessary in his province than in any other (and which I did not pretend to deny he had done) he ought to have given a distinct account of his proceedings and success, from whence it might be known what assistance was to be expected. Another thing very material, if not absolutely necessary, appeared to be entirely neglected. Sir Hector MacLeane 1 had neither been comprehended in the Association, nor acquainted with what was going on ; at least not by any immediately con- cerned in the Association. The Island of Mull, where part of his interest lay, was in the possession of Argyle, great part of it inhabited by the Campbells, and the whole inhabitants then either Argyle's tenants or vassals : it was not therefore to be thought, that people thus circumstanced, and immediately dependent upon Argyle, would openly take up arms* against the government, as if free and at their own disposal. This being the case, it was proper their Chief should be let into the secret : and if he could not come himself without giving suspicion, he might still be able to employ some of his family to officiate for him in preparing his Clan for a rising, as soon as he should be able to appear amongst them. The north parts of Scotland, such as Braemar, Glenlivet, Buchan, with the other parts of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, and the Gordons were then entirely neglected. The care of them, together with the Farquharsons and Ogilvies, was assigned to the Duke of Perth, who, though his inclina- tions, abilities, and interests, were equal to the task, yet was then, and had been for some time, in England, which made it impossible for him to continue the progress he had begun in these parts, and might be a means to lose the friends he had made, who were mostly Highlanders, though not so much esteemed as those of the West ; and as to the Gentlemen of * This was afterwards manifested by the few MacLeanes, 2 who under Drimnin joined the Prince ; and those who were raised for the govern- ment, and acted against him as Argyleshire militia. 1 Fifth baronet of Duart, cf. pp. 135 and 156. Died at Rome 1 750. His father fought at Killiecrankie and Sheriffmuir. 2 Cf. Mr. Blaikie's Itinerary, pp. 22 n. and 121. 1742] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 35 the low parts of the North, there was no account that his Grace or any other had spoke to them. The part allotted to the Earl of Traquair, on the south side of the River Forth, I was fully as well acquainted with as his Lordship, and knew well that he never so much as endeavoured to engage one man. The principal people in that part of the Country were mostly known to me, and I was sensible any effort they could make in the field would be very triffling, so the best way to make them usefull was to procure their assist- ance in money ; and from the experience I had had in that particular, I was convinced the only method to prevail was to attack them warmly, and partly* communicate the design in hand to such as could be entrusted. Though it was evident the appearance from that part of Scotland could not be con- siderable, there being no followings as in the Highlands, yet there were several people well affected who would undoubtedly join upon timely notice, but being unprovided with all neces- saries for such an expedition, it would be impossible for them to rise on a sudden ; some less forward might assign it as a reason for keeping at home, and others justly complain as having been neglected. Some time was absolutely required to bring things to maturity; even the inhabitants of Lochaber could not be expected to turn out expeditiously. Plaids, shoes, and hose, were to be provided, which, as the people themselves could not afford them, became a burden on the Chiefs ; nor could they bear the charge if not assisted with money ; and supposing it was in their power, some months were requisite to procure them. Of all arms, swords were most wanted ; and we could not expect to be supplied from abroad with a suffi- cient number of good ones. Some of the Northern Clans, who had not been disarmed in 1715, or afterwards, were much better stocked than those we chiefly depended on; it was, therefore, proper to purchase theirs,-}- which would serve the * I was always of opinion, that applying to a man for money, without shewing a confidence in him, which could only be done by giving him some intimation of what was adoing, was a kind of affront ; as it was desiring him to contribute to the execution of a scheme with which he was not thought worthy of being trusted. t Locheil had formed a scheme for purchasing a number of their swords, without giving them any grounds of jealousy. 36 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. double purpose of arming our friends and disarming our enemies ; but here both money and time were required like- wise. As there had been a long peace, and all thoughts of a war of that kind much out of head, it behooved by degrees to insinuate a spirit into the people, and especially to cultivate the heads of the Tribes, who had in some degree fallen off from that veneration* and implicit faith they were wont to place in their Chiefs ; and allowing this not to be the most difficult task, yet it was not the work of a day, but required time, secrecy, and discretion. The use of the Target had been long neglected, though, next to good swords, the first thing to be attended to, and though the materials might easily be found, it was difficult to procure a number of hands acquainted with their construction, and the utmost caution was to be used to prevent suspicion in the Government, should it be discovered any numbers were making. It must be acknowledged that, had the Earl Marischal landed, as was promised, with a considerable force, the party in general would have been greatly encouraged ; yet it is most certain that neither this, the favourable disposition of indi- viduals, nor the combined influence of the Associators, would have provided sufficient to raise those who were unprovided, unprepared, and destitute of necessaries. The letter wrote by Bohaldy was in general terms ; no particulars specified ; no plan laid down for the march of the troops,f or their j unction with the Clans ; no scheme proposed to surprize any of the forts, or prevent the forces on the north Coast from retiring into the forts, or joining those in the South; no money remitted to the Chiefs to provide their men with cloaths, as had been positively promised ; and indeed not one injunction given, nor the least explanation of the intended expedition, nay, not even a fixed time mentioned, but in general terms, early in the spring, which, if fairly interpreted, must have been the end of February or beginning of March, to which there was then but two months, time scarcely sufficient to advertise such as might be relied upon, and much too short to * There were several instances of this in the 1745. t Viz., those that were to he landed in the North under the Earl Marischal ; for it was proposed to land 1500 men in Kintire, to encourage the rising in Argyle ; the district allotted to Sir James Campbell. NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 37 make any proper dispositions. Now it was obvious to me that, if Bohaldy's information was true, and a landing relied upon at the time mentioned, there was an immediate necessity for every man to repair to his post, the Duke of Perth to be sent for from England, Locheil to go to the Highlands, and all the Chieftains advertised and set to work to prepare their Clans, Lord Pitsligo 1 (who had not then been spoke to), with some others in the North, informed of it, and many other steps to be forthwith taken, which I feared could not well be done without creating suspicion in the . Government, the conse- quences of which were apparent, and would have blown* the whole scheme in the air. From these several considerations, I adventured to give it as my opinion, that no motion ought to be made, nor any further regard had to Bohaldy's information, than if no such thing was expected, but to send over a person properly instructed to address himself to the French Ministry, and learn from them what was intended, which might be executed in a short time. If a descent was really meditated, the person sent ought to inform himself of the particulars, and agree with Bohaldy, and others employed in the King^ affairs in France, upon the different steps to be taken ; and after his return things might be put upon such a footing that the party could not err, but exert themselves with all the vigour the time would permit ; whereas, were any preparations to be attempted, as affairs then stood they might do things superfluous, and neglect such as were necessary ; and if no descent was made, the design would * This will be easily conceived, when it is considered what a sudden alteration would have appeared in the Country, when all concerned were busied in preparing themselves and their followers : whereas, had there been time, everything might have been executed with the utmost secrecy. 1 Alexander Forbes, fourth Lord Pitsligo, was born in 1678, and was educated in France, where he gained the friendship of Fenelon. He sat in the Scottish Parliament till the Union, but then withdrew from public life. He fought at Sheriffmuir, escaped to the Continent, and was allowed to return in 1720. When he joined Prince Charles, ' it seemed as if religion, virtue, and justice were enter- ing the camp under the appearance of this venerable old man.' He fought at Culloden, escaped to Aberdeenshire, lived in concealment till 1750 when the search for him relaxed, and he was able to retire to his son's house at Auchiries, where he lived under the name of 1 Mr. Brown.' Died 12 Dec. 1762. 38 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. probably be penetrated, their persons secured, and the scheme prevented for a time, if not entirely ruined. These reflections were so plain and obvious, and the diffi- culties so apparent, that after some triffling objections, and an unwillingness on Lord Traquair's part to find fault with any thing Bohaldy did, it was agreed to follow my advice, Lochyell having declared himself of the same opinion. Though this business required all possible dispatch, yet two reasons occurred to prevent its immediate execution. In the first place, it was no easy matter to find a person in whom they could entirely confide, and who could conveniently undertake that com- mission ; and 2 dly , it was thought proper to have Lord Lovat's approbation, lest he should be offended that any thing of that nature was done without his knowledge and consent. To employ any person unacquainted with the situation of affairs would have been doing nothing, and to instruct him would have been much the same as to admit him into the Association, which they were quite averse to from the notion that Bohaldy had instilled, that they were alone able to influence the whole party to join the moment they appeared ; whence they con- cluded to chuse one of their own number. Three of them were single, and as such might have gone with the less suspicion ; but it was thought the Duke of Perth's or Lord Traquairs leaving the Country would be remarked; and Mr. Stewart 1 (Traquair's brother) who was too indolent to undertake a journey of that length upon any consideration ; so the choice fell upon me, who though not of the number,* was nevertheless acquainted with the whole scheme. The objections to my going were very obvious ; I had got a family, and apparently had no business either at London or abroad. I was known by most of the party to be charged with the King's affairs, and as all men are not equally close, j- it was * I hope due attention will be given to my not having been an original Associator, or ever received amongst them as such. t Doctor Cochrane was a man who always declared a particular inclina- tion to forward the Royal Cause : and I had acquainted him in general terms of my intended journey. Some time after I was gone, he visited my family, and was unguarded enough to ask my wife, when she heard from Paris ? Which was the first hint she ever heard of my being there : 1 John, succeeded his brother as 6th Earl of Traquair in 1764. Died at Paris 1779, aged 81. 1742] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 39 more than probable my absence would create suspicion amongst them, and occasion whispers, which bv degrees might come to the ears of some of the friends of the Government, and prove prejudicial to me and the Cause I was engaged in. Though these objections were just, vet they were overruled and necessity seemed to declare for my going ; but I was still unwilling to consent, till a feasible excuse offered. I likewise observed, that though it was from no want of inclination, for on the contrary I ardently wished to be satisfied of the truth of what was advanced, both upon the account of the Party and myself, yet the situation of my affairs made it inconvenient for me to raise money for such a journey, as the charges I was put to by managing affairs at home required all the ready money I was master of, and even obliged me to borrow* when otherwise I had no occasion, and to raise any further sum at that time would not only hurt my family and Credit, but pre- vent me from getting any at af more critical juncture; yet upon the whole, if no other person could be found, I would endeavour to order my affairs so as to be able to go. Matters being thus settled, Lochvell was appointed to state the Case to Lord Lovat ; and he employed one of the name of Macgregor (sent for from Dumblain), who had formerly been servant to Bohaldy, to carry his letter, pretending that it con- tained something relating to his late master's affairs. After having mentioned in his letter the present state of affairs, as represented by Bohaldy, with the reasons for sending one to France ; and that Commissions of Lord Lieutenant and Lieu- tenant General had been sent for him at the same time, and were then in my hands, he observed that, in case I went, it was thought reasonable my charges should be borne and his Lord- ship contribute his share. As soon as the express was dis- patched I gave it out among my Acquaintances, that having a Law-suit depending with the present Earl of March, I intended and shews that, by such like blunders, 1 might have been discovered. When I blamed him for it, he said, he thought the wife of one's bosom might be entrusted. A very dangerous maxim, and what no man con- cerned in such desperate affairs ought to adopt. * Every shilling of debt now affecting my Estate was contracted in the service of the Royal Family. t When it should become necessary to appear in arms. 40 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. to go to London and sollicit the Duke of Queensberry to have it ended, as the affair had been transacted by his Grace's orders when my Lord was under his Tutory. Having impatiently expected the Messenger, who had been retarded in his journey by a storm, he at last returned with an answer, wherein his Lordship expressed his approbation both of the message and the person who M as to carry it ; adding that he thought it reasonable my expenses should be defrayed, and had sent his note of hand for i?100, which he begged might be negotiated at Edinburgh, regretting it was not in his power to send the money, his rents being very ill paid, with other such excuses, which we heartily laughed at, knowing it to be a trick, as he could not be ignorant that no Man of business would advance one farthing upon his Bill without collateral security. Lochyell then applied to Lord Traquair, who excused him- self for the present, but said I might draw upon him for what money should be wanting when abroad, which, I have been told, his Lordship has since taken the liberty to say, was ad- ministring to my extravagance ; a light in which I am pretty confident no man of sense or honour will ever conceive it. I dare venture to say, many people less zealous would have taken advantage of this disappointment to excuse themselves ; but laying aside all thoughts of that nature, and preferring the interest of the party to my own, I borrowed the money from the new Bank,* and indorsed Lord Lo vat's Billf to Mr. MacDougal, Merchant in Edinburgh, who had joined in the security to the Bank with me. I had almost forgot to observe that, in Lovafs letter he insisted above all things upon having the patent of Duke, which Bohaldy had promised him, and begged I would leave no stone unturned to procure it, and to ask it not only as a thing promised and granted, but as the chief j condition upon * The Royal Bank of Scotland. 1 + Of which he afterwards only paid £50. I From hence every person may judge of his Lordship's principles, and the motives he acted on in this affair. 1 For Murray's transactions with this Bank during the campaign, see Miscellany of Scottish History Society (vol. xv.), pp. 537-559. 1742-43] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 41 which, he said, he was acting so strenuously for the King's interest ; and added that he had been lately in the County of Ross, where he had employed all his art to gain the inhabitants to his Majesty's interest, especially his dear Cousin the Earl of Cromarty,* who had given him the most solemn assurances that he only wished to see him in the field, that he might follow his example, and draw his sword in the cause of an injured family. I soon set out for Paris, and stopped at York to talk the affair over with the Duke of Perth,j- who entirely approved of what I was going about. Upon my arrival at London, I was informed of Cardinal Fleury's death, 1 which gave me some pain, being the person (according to Bohaldy's information) to whom all application had been made, and to whom I had resolved to address myself. Thinking therefore that his death might occasion an alteration in all their schemes, and suspend if not put a stop to the Descent for that season, I had some thoughts of returning ; but reflecting that an affair of so much moment could not have been managed by him alone, I was in hopes of procuring some intelligence by means of those whom he had intrusted ; and being anxious to have the affair cleared up, I set out privately j for Paris, fully determined not to return till I was thoroughly informed whether the promises made were to be performed. Immediately upon my arrival I went to Bohaldy's lodgings, who shewed a good deal of surprize and confusion, but after a little conversation said he was glad I was come, for the Cardinal's death had made but little alteration in * The only person of distinction he ever pretended to have influenced in this affair. t His Grace then informed me that he had spoke with several people in that City and neighbourhood, who professed a strong attachment to the Royal Family ; and that the Magistracy were so well inclined as to propose sending over the Freedom of the City in a gold box to the Duke of York ; that the Ministry knew their inclinations so well, that they had en- deavoured to prevent their election, but had failed : and he concluded, by regretting that the people of his Communion were the most backward. + I left London on Monday morning, and went on board the Packet at Dover that evening ; but having a tedious passage, did not go to bed till Thursday night at 12 o'clock, when I was only a few posts from Paris. 1 Died Jan. 29, 1743. 42 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. their affairs, as he had all along entrusted Monsieur Amelot, 1 who was well acquainted with the whole scheme, and in posses- sion of all the papers relating to it ; and having enquired how affairs stood in Scotland, and what instructions I had, proposed to go the same evening to Lord Semple, 2 who was charged with the King's affairs at the French Court. We accordingly went, and after a very polite reception they took great pains to per- suade me that things were in as much forwardness as could be wished, and gave strong hints that it would be agreeable if I returned* satisfied with their answer. But finding that would not do, and that the chief intent of my journey was to have these assurances from the Minister himself, they agreed to go to Versailes and procure an audience. They insinuated strongly at that time, and afterwards at Versailes told me in plain language, that it was necessary, when I saw Mr. Amelot, to augment the strength of the party as much as with any shew of veracity might be done, which I gave them reason to believe I would, being suspicious from the whole of their behaviour * Had they been conscious of having advanced nothing but truth, they would rather have been pleased to give me an opportunity of hearing it from the minister, as I would thereby have had it in my power to assure the Party of their Candour. 1 Amelot de Chaillon, Foreign Minister, 17 37 to 1744, where he fell into dis- favour with the Duchesse de Chateauroux 'parce qu'il etait begue.' He died in 1749- 2 Robert Sempill, 'captain in the regiment of Dillon,' was created, after 1723, a peer of Scotland by James, and died 1737. His son Francis, who is believed to have married a daughter of the 4th Earl of Seaforth, died 9th December 1748, and was buried at Chartres. Riddell, in his Peerage Law (vol. ii. app. ii. p. 978) says he has not been able to discover who was the Jacobite Lord Sempill in 1745. It is improbable that James would confer the barony of Sempill on one who had no claim to the old Scots peerage. The Lord Sempill who fought under Cum- berland at Culloden was an Abercromby, the male line of the Sempills, accord- ing to Burke and Debrett, having failed on the death of Francis, 8th Baron, in 1648. Presumably, therefore, the Robert Sempill of Dillon's regiment claimed to be a descendant of the first lord who fell at Flodden. I have, however, been unable to discover anything further about him. The Lord Sempill of the text was in constant communication with James. He disapproved of the expedition of Prince Charles, and till his death was the centre of the King's as opposed to the Prince's party. He seems to have resided in Paris. There are many letters from him to James and to Edgar preserved in the Stuart Papers at Windsor. Many of these are published in Browne's History of the Highlands. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 ¥3 that my visit was not agreeable, and fearing lest by an obstinate refusal they should prevent my getting admittance ; which alone gave me a very bad opinion of the men and their measures, as well as of the success of the whole affair. It was evident from this, that they were not men of strict veracity, and had not represented the state of our Party fairly, but endeavoured to impose upon the French * by augmenting their numbers. This r was cheating the King and his friends (for such I was then young and weak enough to esteem the French) and going the high way to render themselves ridiculous, and the scheme abortive, if it should be undertaken upon the strength of what they advanced. On the other hand, if the French had really been sincere, and intended to support the scheme with vigour, some thousand men more would have made no alteration in their resolutions : and if they only proposed to make a diversion in their own favour, the greater they believed the strength of the loyal party, the fewer troops they would send to their assistance, as a large body might have, contrary to the French views, effected a Restoration ; so, in whatever light they might put it, it was still false policy f and glaring dishonesty. As Cardinal Tencin 1 had always been reckoned the King's best friend at the Court of Versailes, Lord Semple proposed * Bohaldy in magnifying the numbers, and giving in persons' names that had never been applied to or engaged, imitates his patron Lord Lovat, who acted in the same manner, when he was employed by some of the most virulent Whigs in the year 1703 to treat with the French ministry, that he might discover and ruin the King's friends. See the proceedings of the house of Lords upon (what was called) the Scottish Conspiracy. t We had been informed, that the Earl Marischal, having heard of the numbers promised by Bohaldy to the French Court, treated his assertion with the contempt and ridicule it deserved : but that on the other hand, his Lordship had rather diminished them ; which made Lochyell declare a strong desire to go to him, which I have often re- gretted he did not, as well as that I was positively enjoined by Lord Traquair not to see him at that time. 1 Tencin had been very intimate with James at Rome, where he was ambas- sador. D'Argenson calls him 'un homme mediocre,' and gives an amusing account of how his policy was modified by his amours and jealousies. 44 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. to introduce me to him : and after three days' continual solicitation I was at last only admitted for two minutes to his Antechamber, when he said he would be extremely glad to have it in his power to serve the King my master, having a singular regard for him, as indeed he could not fail — Sa Majeste ayent la plus belle du monde [sic]. The Reader is at liberty to make his own reflections upon this ministerial sally, at which I had most certainly laughed, if I had not been too much shocked with the shameful reception. I must own it filled my mind with many disagreeable and ill- boding presages : for what opinion could any man of common sense have of the interest of a person cloathed with the character of a Minister, who was obliged to sollicite three days for such an interview and such a speech ; and what prospect could I have of receiving any satisfaction from Monsieur Amelot, who was no farther esteemed a friend, than as being a Minister ? The same evening, we were admitted to him, and very politely received. I told him to whom, and by whom I was sent : but Cardinal Fleury being dead, I had applied to him as the person in whom my Constituents reposed the greatest confidence ; and begged to know his Majesty's intentions, with what message would be proper for me to carry back. To this he answered, that he had delayed to see me, till such time as he had an opportunity to acquaint the King with my arrival and the purport of my Commission (of which Lord Semple had pre- viously informed him), that he had accordingly communicated it to his Majesty the same evening, and received his orders to acquaint me that I might assure the party of his friendly intentions towards the King my Master, and as soon as the situation of his affairs would permit, he could give him all the assistance in his power. He then asked several questions relating to the number of forces in Scotland, of which I gave him an account, and likewise mentioned their situation and quarters, which ought to have given encouragement to an attempt, as they were but few and very disadvantageously posted in case of an insurrection. Bohaldy endeavoured to make him believe, that the number of the well affected to the King was very considerable, having been augmented by the assiduity and good management of the persons chiefly con- 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 45 cerned ; upon which Monsieur Amelot said, he hoped the Gentlemen had well considered of what they were about ; that it was an affair of the utmost consequence ; and though the Scots were a brave undertaking people, yet such enterprises were dangerous and precarious. This speech startled me not a little, as it had not the appearance of that warmth and keenness as Bohaldy had said in his letters the French were fired with, but seemed rather to savour of the dissuasive, and shewed they were either doubtfull of success, or little inclined to be assisting. Lord Semple, amongst other things, mentioned a Memorial which had been given in concerning a Descent proposed to be made in the North of England, to which Monsieur Amelot seemed an entire stranger. Upon this his Lordship inadver- tently asked him if he had not read it : to which he replied no, nor had never heard of it: so after a conversation of short continuance, we took our leaves. Though this last part of the conversation will admit of many reflections, yet, not to be tedious, I will pass it over with only observing, that, notwithstanding it struck me, I nevertheless did not shew any concern, but rather appeared satisfied with what had passed. To have found fault, would have prevented me from making any future discoveries, should a further opportunity have offered ; and what satisfaction could I have reaped from men who too plainly were no slaves to truth ? The same self-interest, which induced them to impose upon the King and his friends, would have supplied them with assurance to dispute the most recent and evident facts, and endeavour to convince me that I had heard wrong. I therefore kept my mind to myself : it was not there my report was to be made ; it was to those who had sent me : their eyes were to be opened by shewing them, that they trusted in people, who in all appearance made their employ- ment a trade to deceive their Constituents. After our return to Paris, Lord Semple and Bohaldy made a proposal of a very singular nature. Finding they could not prevail with the Earl Marischtfl to enter into their schemes, and knowing he was generally beloved by the Party in Scot- land ; to excuse themselves they endeavoured to blacken him (a practice I am sorry to have found too common) and were 46 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. very industrious to persuade me that he was a wrongheaded man, not to be contented, the bane of all their business, con- tinually setting himself in opposition to his Master and all those employed by him. In short, the epithet they dignified him with was, 1 honourable fool." I had not the honour to be acquainted with his Lordship ; and though I had, and differed with them in opinion, yet as I was not come thither to wrangle, I only regretted the misfortune, as a thing not to be helped ; little dreaming of what followed : but Bohaldy, not satisfied with complaints and abuse, proposed to me to write a letter to his Lordship, finding fault with his Conduct, and intimating to him that he was not so popular as he imagined, and that his Conduct was universally condemned by his Countrymen. I was as if thunderstruck at this proposal, and for a short time at a loss what to say, being ready to resent his attempting to make me a tool to his private resentment, knowing that the Earl Marischal was generally esteemed and the most popular man of the Part v. His Lordship was then near Bologne, which they complained of, as his being upon the coast might occasion suspicion in the English ministry ; in which I so far agreed with them, if his Lordship imagined the French intended an invasion ; but as to writing to him and finding fault with his conduct was what I would by no means consent to ; being a thing I had not the smallest title to, and if I was officious enough to do it, would justly be laughed at as a piece of childish impertinence and presumption. Having now no further business at Paris, I prepared to return : and Bohaldy seeming a good deal elated with Monsieur Amelot's answer (though for what reason I could never guess), determined to accompany me to England, to settle matters, as he said, with the King's friends there, where we arrived with great privacy * in a few days. Being desirous to make as much of my time as possible, I * When we came to Calais, and found there were some British passengers, I Mas a little averse to go for fear of being known, but find- ing upon enquiry that it was Mr. Norvel of Boghall with his Tutor, an English Clergyman, I was easy, for Bohaldy had known Norvel at Paris : so he went to him and let him know who I was, and that I had been about the King's affairs ; and put him upon his guard in case of our meeting afterwards in London. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 47 went immediately to wait on Colonel Cecil, 1 who had been long employed in the King's business, with a view to learn from him in what shape he imagined things were, that I might be able to judge of the sentiments of the different parties, and hear the complaints they had against each other. Having gained this Gentleman's confidence some time before, I found no difficulty to attain the end I proposed, for as he knew I was employed, he looked upon me as in some degree equally concerned with him- self, and not suspecting from whence I came, he freely opened his mind ; shewed me several letters * he had received from Rome ; mentioned the then situation of the Party, and accounted for Lord Semple's being employed ; complained of him for allowing himself to be imposed upon by the French Ministry, and blindly giving ear to their promises, and that he had been so presumptuous as to assume the character of Minister from the Party in England, when nothing was ever less intended by them. It would be tedious to mention all the complaints which the Colonel made : nor can I pretend to re- collect every particular at the distance of fourteen years, 2 but in general he was much displeased with Lord Semple's conduct, and represented the loyal Party at home as far from being united or resolute enough to form any regular combination. Though I was far from being satisfied with Lord Semple, from what I had observed, yet his specious behaviour * and seeming abilities so far blinded me as to make me attribute the atrocity of some particulars more to the Colonel's dotage than his Lordship's faults, as old men are generally peevish, and apt when disobliged to represent things in the stronger colours. However, as my memory was then very good, I took care to forget nothing he said, resolving to let the King know what was alledged on either side, to enable his Majesty to judge where the blame lay, and who were the persons in whom he had reason to repose the greatest trust and confidence. I declared before, that I was at a loss to divine what could make Bohaldy so keen as to come and apply to the Party in * He was a much smoother and more insinuating man than Bohaldy ; said less, and seemed fearful to contradict him. 1 Jacobite agent. A minute of the French Foreign Office calls him ' oncle de Lord Salisbury.' 2 This dates this part of the Memorials. 48 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. England : for if he represented things fairly, there was not the least room for encouragement. On the contrary, from what Mr. Amelot had said,* nothing was then to be expected; yet he seemed as much disappointed to find the Earl of Orrery was out of town as if an army had then been embarked, and after meeting with Mr. Erskine of Grange, 1 was in such a hurry to see his Lordship, that he immediately went to his Country seat, and returned with apparent satisfaction. Had the state of affairs, as I have truly represented them, been laid before that noble Lord, I cannot think he would have been highly pleased, or Bohaldy much encouraged : so must therefore be allowed to think, till such time as he tells truth, or the Earl divulges the conversation, that either Drummond had little reason to plume himself upon his reception, or that he repre- sented things in quite a different light from what they were. I am likewise of opinion the case was the same with Mr. Erskine. They had several meetings, and his temper and caution are too well known to imagine, if he had been thoroughly apprized of what had passed, and that there was so distant a prospect of any vigorous measures, he would have taken the trouble to consult and write letters, or indeed run any risk on that score. At another interview with Colonel Cecil, he complained almost as loudly of the late Dutchess of Buckingham, 2 as he had done before of Lord Semple, alledging she had appro- priated to herself the part of Embassadress extraordinary from the Party in England to the King and Court of France, and employed one Colonel Brett as her Secretary, when abroad ; and that she had erred on the opposite side from Lord Semple, by demanding succours more proper for a Conquest, than to aid and assist a party, which was a means to make the French believe the King had few friends of any consequence ready to appear for him : but had the Colonel lived in the year 1745 * Supposing his speech to me had really proceeded from his master, it was still general, inconclusive, and such as nothing certain could be built upon. 1 Lord Mar's brother, the notorious Lord Grange, b. 1672, d. 1754. 2 Katherine, third wife and widow of John Sheffield, 1st duke of 4th creation, was an illegitimate daughter of James II. by Katherine Sedley, Countess of Dorchester. She died in April 1743, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 49 and 1746, he had probably altered his opinion, and allowed the Dutchess to have been right, as he would then have seen that nothing was to be expected from them but vain idle boastings, and, as Bolingbroke says, that they only vent that Loyalty which their Claret inspires. Having staid as long in London as I thought necessary, I told Bohaldy that I intended to go to Scotland, and asked his commands. He pretended then to be very busy, having got an exact list * of all the Gentlemen in the City who were the King's friends, and that it was necessary to cultivate them ; but as he could not appear, Lord Traquair must immediately come up to concert matters with the Duke of Beaufort, 1 Lord Orrery, 2 Lord Barrimore, 3 Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, 4 Sir John Hinde Cotton, 5 etc., and concluded by insinuating that a letter from me to Lord Marischal might be of service, to which I did not make any answer, but assured him I would not fail upon my arrival to acquaint Lord Traquair with his request : and then bade him Adieu. On my way home I stopt at York, and informed the Duke of Perth of what had passed ; who, finding himself entirely disappointed of his expectations, was much shagreened, and fully persuaded of the emptiness of the promises hitherto made. * This List, upon which he valued himself very much, was no more than the reputed characters and principles of the most remarkable men in the City, a thing which any man who is a little known may procure with great ease. If it was necessary, I would engage to procure such an other in a week's time, though Lord Traquair told me, he had shewn it to Sir J ohn Hinde Cotton, who seemed surprized how he had got it : — but it is not surprizing that such bagatelles should seem considerable to people who study nothing but their own interest. 1 Henry, 3rd duke, b. 1707, d. 1746. 2 John Boyle, fifth Earl of Orrery, b. 1706, succeeded to the earldom of Cork 1753, d. 1762. 3 James, 4th Earl of Barrymore, b. 1667, d. 1747. Great-grandfather of the notorious 7th earl and his brother the 8th and last. 4 3rd baronet, succeeeded 1740; M. P. for Denbigh ; d. 1749. 5 M.P. for Cambridge borough and afterwards county till 1741, then for Marlborough; Treasurer of the Chamber (a household post) till 1746, when he was dismissed ; d. 1752. D 50 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l Upon my arrival at Edinburgh I acquainted Lord Traquair and Lochyell with all I had learned at Paris and London, and Bohaldy's desire to see his Lordship there. He promised to set out in a few days, without seeming at all moved at the disappointment ; whereas Lochyell was much affected ; said he was entirely satisfied with the accounts I had brought, and was glad to find he could no longer be imposed upon, for as the promises hitherto had been without foundation, let what- ever further assurances be given, he was determined not to move till thoroughly convinced of what was to be done, and often repeated how lucky it was that no steps had been taken upon Bohaldy's letter, which might have proved fatal to the Cause ; and finally came to a resolution to wait patiently, till he should [know] by the Earl of Traquair's return, what were the sentiments of the Party in England, and what they were willing to undertake. He likewise promised to write to Lord Lovat : and I having recollected the principal complaints made by Colonel Cecil against Lord Semple and Bohaldy * inserted them in a letter to his Majesty, which I immediately dis- patched to Rome. 1 Having thus acquainted the King with the differences subsisting amongst his agents, I bethought me how to turn Bohaldy's proposal of writing to Lord Marischal to the best advantage. To have insinuated to his Lordship or his friends, that any thing of that kind had been proposed, could have served no end but to make the breach wider : and not to have endeavoured to repair it, would not have been acting up to what I always proposed, my chief aim being to advance his Majesty's interest whenever an occasion offered, and consequently had I neglected this, must have been to blame for letting an opportunity slip, from whence consider- able advantage might have ensued. Having seriously con- sidered this matter, I wrote a letter to his Lordship, of which I am heartily sorry it is not in my power to give an exact copy, though I am at no loss to recollect the contents in general, which were as follows : That knowing his innate * I am afraid I was much too modest upon that subject, and have often wished since that I had told every particular in as glaring a light as they had been represented to me. 1 This letter may be at Windsor, but I was unable to discover it. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 51 Loyalty and attachment to the interest of the Royal Family, his popularity, and the entire confidence the Party reposed in him, I thought it my duty to acquaint him, that I was extremely sorry to find such differences subsisting amongst the several persons employed in the King's affairs, and knew of none so fit to reconcile them as his Lordship : that his resid- ence upon the coast made a correpondence easy, and begged with submission to insinuate that his applying himself to execute such a scheme would be meritorious and of vast im- portance at that juncture : adding, if my taking the liberty to write was using too much freedom, I hoped he would forgive me, and attribute it to nothing but a zealous passion to serve the Cause. This letter I enclosed in one to Mr. Smith of Boulogne, whom I knew to be agreeable to his Lordship, desiring him to peruse it, and if he thought it was wrote with sufficient respect, to take the trouble to seal and deliver it : and as Lord Traquair was ready to set out for London, as soon as I had finished my dispatches, I went to his seat, and having informed him of what Bohaldy had proposed, showed him the letter, and gave my reasons for writing in so opposite a stile to what I had been solicited ; and asked his opinion. His Lordship, far from finding fault, said it was very proper; condemned Bohaldy's proposal, and promised to forward it when he arrived at London, of which he would give me notice ; and set out next morning. Upon my return to Edinburgh, I made it my study, in consequence of my first plan, to get acquainted with every body who seemed inclined to my way of thinking ; and may say without vanity, heightened the zeal of some by exposing the situation of the Country, and the advantages that would accrue from a change of government. Amongst many people then in Edinburgh, who made no secret of their principles, Lord Elcho informed me of the bad opinion folks abroad had of Bohaldy ; that he was looked upon as a low-lifed fellow, void of truth ; that he and Lord Semple had had some dealings with the Earl Marischal, but he had found them so false, that he positively refused to have any thing more to do with them ; and that they had [tried] all 52 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. methods to engage him to give credit to their negociations, but his Lordship had laughed at their attempts, and said, till they could give him security for their speaking truth, he would have nothing to do with them. This story plainly decyphered their malice and spleen against his Lordship, and their reason for soliciting me to write to him ; and made me happy to have wrote in so opposite a stile to their wishes. At this time I received letters from Rome, wherein I was ordered to observe to such as could be safely trusted, that the prospect of a vigorous effort was not very distant,* and without giving them too much room to pry into particulars ; and was likewise directed to keep up their spirits, and let them under- stand that their assistance might soon be required. The late Lord Kenmure, a person extremely Zealous in the King's cause, and whom I had brought to confer with Captain Hay upon my coming home, had acquainted me, that the people called Cameronians, a considerable body of men in the Counties of Xithsdale, Annandale, Galloway, and other Western Shires, were greatly disgusted with the government, and expecting a change, had applied to him by one of their leaders to beg his protection and countenance should a Revo- lution happen. As the orders I had lately received made it * If strict justice, with the laws of humanity, and benevolence, will allow of a conjecture to the prejudice of our fellow-creatures, sure it must in the present case, where every circumstance seems to confirm the probability. The letters mentioned came to Edinburgh in the summer, when Traquair and Bohaldy were at London (at least Traquair was) a few months after my return from France. As both Semple and Bohaldy had wrote dispatches to the King immediately after the audience we had of Cardinal Tencin and Monsieur Amelot, is it not then reasonable to conjec- ture that it was owing to the contents of those letters that I was instructed to give the Party reason to believe something was soon to be done ; and does not this fairly imply that things had not been justly represented? If it was to any subsequent encouragement, it must have followed soon after this audience, or those orders could not have arrived so early ; and yet Lord Traquair said not one word of any such thing. A great deal might be said upon this subject : but the inferences are self-evident : therefore shall only desire that these two Gentlemen's dispatches at that time may be examined and compared with what I have advanced. If I am wrong, it only follows that we in Scotland were kept in the dark by Traquair, or both he and we by Lord Semple and Bohaldy. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 53 necessary to gain a number of friends, these people were (if possible) to be secured, especially as, like the Jews, they had [kept] themselves distinct from the other inhabitants of the land, and, as I was informed, were enrolled and regimented. If my memory does not fail me, application had been made at that time in their behalf, and the King promised to take them under his protection, and to allow them an unrestrained liberty of Conscience, with a yearly sallary to each of their preachers : but Lord Kenmure dying soon after this grant came to hand, and before he could acquaint me how matters stood, settled with the Gentleman who had spoke to him, I judged it proper to let his brother, the present Lord,* into the secret, and begged him to manage that matter, which he readily agreed to. I nevertheless thought it an affair of too much consequence to be conducted by one man, for though Sir Thomas Gordon of * As this Lord's future conduct was very unbecoming a man who had been entrusted, it is necessary to give my reasons for confiding in him. When I went to Kenmure to acquaint the late Lord with Captain Hay's being at Edinburgh, and his desire to converse with him on the King's affairs, his Lordship told me he was mighty uneasy on his brother's account, having reason to suspect that his neighbour Lord Garlies (now Earl of Galloway) was endeavouring to prevail with him to accept a Com- mission in the Government's service, which was a thing he could not endure to think of : and desired me to talk to him, to let him know his fears, and put him in mind that as his patrimony was then spent, if he took [a step] so disagreeable to him, he might lay aside all thoughts of any assistance from him ; but if he continued firm to the principles in which he had been brought up, and for which his father had suffered, he should want for nothing in his power to give him. When I spoke to the present Lord, he seemed not only uneasy, but expressed great concern that his brother should suspect him ; and declared that no offers should tempt him, and there was nothing further from his thoughts ; that he was sensible of the infamy attending such a step, and never could prevail with himself to serve the family who had taken his father's life. He said, he was convinced that whatever face [they put] on to him, in their own breasts they would disapprove the action, and despise him for it ; that all the arts Lord Garlies was master of could not allure him, being as sin- cerely attached to the King's interest as his brother, or any man in the nation, and not only esteemed it a duty, but would reckon it his greatest honour and happiness to have an opportunity to shew he had some of his father's blood in his veins, that he was sensible of the great obligations he owed his brother, and would never do any thing so disagreeable to 54 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l Earlston, 1 who had sollicited Lord Kenmure, was esteemed the first man of that body, it was still requisite to be informed of their other Leaders, and endeavour to gain them. Having therefore learned that Captain Cramon was one who had great influence amongst them, I agreed with Lochyell, and Cochran of Roughfoil, Physician in Edinburgh (mentioned in note, page 38), that being their acquaintance, they should manage him ; and Bohaldv was desired to procure a Commis- sion for him from Rome, which might be ready to put into his hands when an occasion offered ; and part of this summer passed over in acquainting such as were thought proper, and in making experiments,* all tending to the same end. Some time before Lord Traquair returned, Mr. Smith came from France, and as I had been much surprized at his Lordship's silence, having heard nothing from him since he left Scotland, nor received any return from Lord Marisehal, I flattered myself this Gentleman might be charged with it; but to my great surprize he took no notice at meeting of having ever heard from me, which made me at a loss what to think, whether it might have miscarried, never doubting of its being forwarded, or if Lord Marisehal, having heard of my being in France, had been offended at my not offering to wait on him, and refused an answer ; but whatever was the reason, I resolved to take no notice to Mr. Smith of having wrote to him. As Lord Traquair had made a longer stay than was expected, and never favoured me with a letter, the season being far advanced, I made a visit at his house to learn if the Ladies him. He then begged me to assure him that his fears were groundless, that nothing should make him act this part he so much dreaded ; that he might depend upon his sincerity, and his conducting himself according to his brother's wishes : and at the same desired I might take an opportunity to assure his Majesty of the sincere regard he had for his interest, with his readiness to testify it by his actions upon all occasions. * Clubs of the King's friends became upon this pretty frequent in town, and encreased afterwards to a very uncommon degree, as may be remembered by every person in Edinburgh, who Mere then able to judge of the party : and I was the first promoter of the Buck Club, which shall be taken notice of in due time. 1 In Kirkcudbright, a descendant of Gordon of Airds, an early reformer (1530). The present baronet claims the title of Viscount Kenmure. 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 55 had heard any thing of him, when accidentally his Lordship arrived. As my anxiety to know how matters stood was in proportion to my zeal, my curiosity was no less to know the reason of his uninterrupted silence, and the fate of my letter ; I therefore took the first opportunity to beg to know the success of his journey. He told me that Bohaldy and he had several meetings with their friends, who were all extremely well inclined, and in high spirits : that the persons they had chiefly dealt with, and who were esteemed the leading men of the party, were the Duke of Beaufort, the Earl of Orrery, the Earl of Barrimore, Sir John Hinde Cotton and Sir Watkyn Williams Wynne ; that the Earl of Barrimore and Sir Watkyn Williams Wynne were ready to embrace every opportunity, but that the others were more shy : that having found them nevertheless well inclined to the King's interest, he had told them that as money was absolutely necessary, and not to be had in Scotland, their assistance would be required ; to which Sir Watkyn answered, that it was natural to expect a large contribution from him, being possessed of a great fortune ; but turning to Lord Barri- more observed, he was obliged to live at a vast expence, and had it less in his power to be assisting that way, than if his income was smaller : and that Lord Barrimore seemed to ac- quiesce, and frankly offered, if it was necessary, to provide i?10,000. He then mentioned the frequent meetings in the City, where he had dined with numbers of the well affected ; which he expatiated upon with seeming satisfaction : said, he had been at Litchfield races, and dined there with above an hundred honest men ; x and concluded by telling, that Lord Barrimore, though then in the Country, had, on purpose to meet him, pretended business in town : which concluded his whole negociations, wherein he had spent full four months. Little satisfied with this intelligence, and without making any observations upon what he had said, I enquired how he had forwarded my letter to the Earl Marischal ; and to my great astonishment was answered, that having shewed it to Bohaldy, he disapproved of the contents, and that they both 1 i.e. Jacobites. 56 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. agreed to commit it to the flames ; a liberty I would not have taken with my footman's letter. I will now venture to make some remarks upon this notable Report. The Party in England, he said, was in high spirits. Whence could their being so proceed ? Not surely from the answer made by Monsieur Amelot; for had it been fairly reported, they would have had little reason to rejoice. It did not appear that any further encouragement had been given by the French Court : at least his Lordship mentioned nothing like it, having only said the scheme would be executed in the beginning of Winter or early in the Spring, which could administer small comfort, as it was only treading in the former old beaten path of Autumn and Spring, according to Bohaldy's information for the Autumn 1742 or Spring 1742/3 ; therefore I must be excused for thinking their spirits were raised either by hearty meals, or by Bohaldy's false representation of Mr. Amelot's answer. Notwithstanding these frequent meetings and numerous companies, I cannot help observing, that according to his Lordship's report, the strength of the party seemed to consist chiefly in five persons. Strange indeed ! if proper application was made, that amongst so many reputed friends of the Royal Cause, so few as five could only be found as principal men, and amongst them only two who would declare to embrace every opportunity to appear for his Majesty and save their sinking Country. Even allowing this to have been as his Lordship said, and that there was more safety in dealing with them than in greater numbers, yet what did their professions of zeal tend to, or what was the effect of them? Words without actions are truly vain, for he did not even pretend to say that there was any scheme laid down, or plan of action formed even by these five ; yet it must be allowed by every unprejudiced thinking man, that had they been the men they professed themselves, and as much elated (upon solid grounds) as his Lordship represented, no necessary precaution could not have escaped them. They could be no strangers to the scheme formed in Scotland, otherwise his Lordship must have con- certed with them to little purpose without communicating it ; nor is it to be thought they would have consulted with him 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 57 without knowing the grounds he went upon, the authority with which he was vested by his Countrymen to treat, and the force they proposed to bring into the field. But lest this should appear only a probable conjecture, I venture to affirm upon his Lordship's authority, that the Scots proposals were laid before them, and call upon him to vouch it. This then being the case, how shall he account for his not pushing them to do the like? What was the reason of his going? Surely not to hear the bare professions of these Gentlemen : that could be of little use ; the wo Id in general reputed them Jacobites, and the party were no strangers to their having declared themselves so upon many occasions. The Scots required no further assurances of that triffling nature : it behoved them to know if they were willing to join them in the insurrection they meditated, what assistance* they would give, and after what manner they proposed to do it. These were the principal demands which ought to have been made, and an explicit answer to them insisted upon ; but in place of this, his Lordship was contented with vain and frivolous expressions of Loyalty, which left his friends in Scotland as much as ever in the dark with regard to that very material point : and indeed it appears that he had no thought of any one thing necessary, except money ; and even in that allowed himself to be put off with a superficial promise, till what they were pleased to call a proper occasion should require it. He knew the Commission I had to raise money, and the bad success I had met with : the necessity still subsisted, and was so much the more pressing, as the time more nearly approached when it was to be expended ; why not then represent the urgency in its proper Colours, and be at a certainty whether they would contribute ? If a sufficient * Lord Lovat made no scruple to declare in the Tower, that if the Duke of Beaufort had not promised to raise 12,000 men, he would not have concerned himself : whereby he exposed before the Warders a nobleman to the resentment of the Government, whom I had been at great pains to represent at an examination by a Deputation of the Council as no ways privy to and concerned in our scheme, and that his name being found in a letter to the Prince was owing to Bohaldy's infor- mation, which I represented as a vainglorious puif. 1 1 Cf. infra, p. 435. 58 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part L sum could not have been raised immediately, they might have specified a particular time at the distance of a few months ; for surely the noble Lord, who was said to have offered to provide ten thousand pounds, might in a short time have procured five thousand ; but nothing of this kind was done : his Lordship having contented himself with taking the will for the deed, as if that goodwill would have furnished the several necessaries of which we then stood in need. It would seem he was too bashfull, and esteemed it an abundant favour that they condescended to hear him : and thus satisfied with that honour was cautious not to offend by being too importunate; and preferred being in their good graces to the substantial interest of the party. I would not be understood, by saying so much upon this particular of the money, to harbour any grudge against his Lordship, or the persons named for not trans- mitting a sum, but remark it as having been the only material point touched by him of the many he ought to have settled ; and even in this he did not sufficiently exert himself. I had some difficulty to forbear laughing at that part of his report, where he seemed to look upon it as a meritorious action in Lord Barrimore to come from his Country seat to town with no other view than to converse with him on these matters. Where was the mighty merit ? Was not Lord Barrimore a subject as well as he ? He had declared himself one of the party ; and why was he to be exempted from trouble ? Affairs of that nature are not to be carried on by sitting at home : a man must stir and shew his zeal by his activity, as the most effectual method to engage others in the same interest. His Lordship had made a journey from Scotland, and though there was some disparity in their age, there was none in their quality : the one was as much bound to exert himself as the other. Besides, the observation would have been more apropos to most other people ; nor did I require any example of that kind to excite me to be alert, as I was continually upon the move,, to the prejudice of my family, and frequently taking horse,, when others, who pretended as much zeal, were going to bed. I hope to be forgiven for making a few remarks upon his Lordship's conduct in regard to my letter to the Earl Maris- chal. — After reading the letter, he voluntarily made offer to 1743] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 59 forward it. Upon that consideration I entrusted it to him ; therefore, had it been for this reason only, nothing should have prevented him from keeping his promise ; besides, he had highly approved of it, upon hearing my reasons for writing in that style. Had he upon reflection disapproved of it, why not account for his change of sentiments ? Why not write to acquaint me of it, and endeavour to procure my consent to its being destroyed, or return it by the first sure hand ? Which every man conversant in the world, and even such as from their outward behaviour did not appear to be so polite as his Lord- ship, would and ought to have done. A letter is always looked upon as so sacred among Gentlemen, that I am ready to believe few instances will be found of one's taking upon him to dispose of another's without his consent. If he was afraid to keep any writings of that kind in his custody, he could be at no loss to lodge it safely with some of the many people he knew in London ; but it was a season of the year when he had frequent opportunities of transmitting it by private hands ; and even supposing no opportunity of that kind had offered, the common post would have done as well, all being then quiet and not the least suspicion of any correspondence of that nature, so that the Clerks of the office were entirely exempted from the trouble of trying their dexterity of hand; and he knew that others had been sent by the same conveyance upon the same subject. But to use no further arguments of this kind, I will beg leave to ask his Lordship two Questions : What authority had he to shew this letter to any man living ? And with what view was it, that above all others he shewed it to Bohaldy, the man in the world who ought not to have seen it ? I did not enjoin him to make it known to any body : my complaisance induced me to communicate it to him ; but I saw no necessity for ask- ing the advice or approbation of any other. He, therefore, could not take upon him to impart it to a second person, without being guilty of the most evident and flagrant breach of trust. I had fully informed him of what Bohaldy had pro- posed, and he disapproved of it knowing his inclinations then ; he could not fail knowing that he would be against it as a thing entirely destructive of his scheme to render Lord Maris- chal at variance with all employed in the King's affairs. To 60 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. what purpose then did he shew it to him ? Surely his consent to destroy it could no ways diminish the fault. In short, I never could conceive a reason for it, if not his being so much wedded to that man ; and so fearfull to offend him, that he rather chose to take the odium of the action upon himself than risk disobliging his Dictator. Being unwilling to make any more differences than subsisted already, I stiffled my resent- ment for the sake of the publick good, and only regretted that he had altered his mind, as I was persuaded the letter might have been of service, had it been forwarded. Without any further remarks, I shall proceed by saying, that all that could be done, after this uncertain and uncon- clusive answer, was to wait with patience for accounts from France or Rome, and to regulate affairs so, that in case of a landing we might make as quick an appearance as possible, and endeavour to dispose of people's minds for such an event. This was Lord Traquair's province in the low Country, but I defy him to say he ever took the smallest trouble about it, or to produce one man whom he endeavoured to engage in the Cause. It was judged proper that Lochyell should immediately repair to the Highlands, to put things upon the best footing he could : and as I had been in possession, since the month of December preceding, of two Commissions for Lord Lovat, one of Lieutenant General, and another of Lord Lieutenancy of all Scotland benorth the river Spey, with, for Sir James Campbell* of Auchenbreck, one of Lieutenant General, and another of Lord Lieutenancy of Argyleshire, I committed them to his care, thinking they would be safer in his hands than mine, in case of any suspicion or search. * It would be no hard task to shew the impropriety of asking the Com- mission of Lord Lieutenancy of Argyleshire for Sir James Campbell, and that Sir Hector Macleane was entitled to it in preference to Sir James : but his Majesty could not refuse it, he being represented as a person of so much interest, one of the Associators, and father-in-law of Lochyell, and the only considerable man of the name of Campbell of that way of think- ing, for though Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell had been formerly known to be of the same principles, yet he had ever been too cautious to risk any thing, though his two brothers, Ardslegnish and another, [were] killed at Culloden. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 61 Being informed that an augmentation of the Dutch troops was intended, and sensible of the great loss we should be at for officers, I thought of making interest for a Company in the Scots Brigade, by which I might be able to engage some of the officers to come over : but as any application of that nature might look like deserting the King's business, I imparted my scheme to Lord Traquair, who greatly approved it, and desired me to draw out a plan, which he would shew to a friend, whose advice might be of service ; which I did, and he shewed it to Mr. Erskine of Grange, who likewise approved it : and then I wrote to Rome, and desired leave to apply. The winter passed over without any news from Bohaldy, till the publick papers began to be filled with accounts of the Prince's arrival in France, and the motion of the troops towards the Coast. All parties seemed then full of concern : the friends of the government were afraid of an invasion, whilst its Enemies, ardently wishing for it, were uneasy that no intima- tion, however distant, was made to them : and above all, the Duke of Perth and I, then at Edinburgh, were in the utmost dilemma, not knowing what to think or how to move. The Earl of Traquair, likewise in some perplexity, arrived in town, and soon after received a packet from Bohaldy, containing two letters, the first dated in December, and the second of a fort- night's date before arrival. — The one wrote in December con- tained an account of his going to Rome* soon after parting with his Lordship at London, where he said he had the utmost difficulty to procure the King's consent to the Prince's leaving Italy, but after presenting two long j- Memorials, he had pre- vailed, and immediately returned to France, where he acquainted the ministry of his intended journey to England, where he had been likewise much I difficulted to persuade the King's friends to * His Lordship knew nothing of his J ourney, so it would seem to have been a project of his own, unless he accounts for its sudden conception. t It would not be amiss to examine these memorials, and compare the facts therein set forth with the after performance of the first and truth of the last. X It is surprizing (to give it no worse epithet) that Bohaldy should have presumed to advise his Sovereign to send the Prince to risk himself, 62 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l agree to the Descent intended, which he said would be in the month of January (which was elapsed before his packet came) with 12,000 men from Dunkirk under the command of the late Marshal Saxe in England, and 3000 men, with ammunition, arms, money, and every thing necessary in Scotland, com- manded by the Earl Marischal ; and concludes by desiring that all necessary preparations might be made for their reception. The other letter begun with a heavy (but improbable) com- plaint against Andrew Cockburn for having neglected to forward the first letter, which he said he had left to his care. Then tells that having settled affairs* with the party in England, he was upon his return to France, and in all probability the troops would be landed as soon as the letters could come to hand. He then says, but how Lord Marischal is to be equipped j* is more than he can tell : and in the Postscript, enquires what is become of Mr. Erskine of Grange ; and begs or impose upon the French Court to send their troops, when according to his own words there was no scheme settled for their reception. It was too wanton an experiment with a person, upon whom the welfare of his Majesty's family and dominions depend ; as neither Bohaldy or any man of tolerable sense could imagine that the friends of the government would not use fire, and every other means in their power, however destructive to the inhabitants, to incommode and distress him at and after his land- ing : and therefore what is mentioned in his memorials relative to the English friends, and promised in their names as inducements to prevail with his Majesty to consent to the Prince's journey, ought to be very particularly attended to. * In his first letter he says, he had been much difficulted to persuade the English friends to agree to the Descent : after which he went to France ; and upon his return says, he had then only settled affairs with them. Strange way of proceeding ! From his first letter it is plain he knew upon what footing, and with what force the Descent was to be made : and as he must (or at least ought to) have told them this before he procured their consent, why were not the affairs he now mentions settled then, and what were these affairs? Their consent signified nothing without engaging to join : and surely if they consented they must at the same time have promised to assist. The whole of this hotch-potch trans- action of his requires an explanation. t In his first letter he says, his Lord was to be furnished with ammuni- tion, arms, money, and every thing necessary. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 63 he may come to London without delay to advise how matters were to be conducted.* The letters being read, I took the liberty to give it as my opinion that they were so contradictory to each other, that no regard was to be paid them : that no material step, such as making preparations for the reception of the troops, should be taken, as being absolutely impracticable on account of the shortness of the time : that the chief thing to be done was to write to Bohaldy, observing his contradictions, and desiring him to explain himself ; and at the same time to acquaint Lord Lovat and Lochyell (then in the Highlands) with the Contents, that they might be upon their guard, whatever should be the event : that the Duke of Perth should talk privately to Lord George Murray, and such as he thought proper: and that Lord Traquair should do the like in the low Country, which was his province. His Grace declared himself altogether of my opinion, and Lord Traquair, after much reluctance and hesitation, unable to reconcile Bohaldy's contradictions, was obliged to acquiesce : so in their presence I wrote in the terms proposed, which was subscribed by us all, and dispatched next day by Lord Traquair, and inclosed to Doctor Barry at London, with orders to forward it immediately. It was carried by one of the Duke of Perth's servants (addressed to 1 Milne, Clerk in the War or some other of the publick offices, to be delivered to the Doctor). The fellow was taken up soon after his arrival at London, and examined concerning his dispatches by the Marquis of Tweeddale, 2 then * If affairs had been settled with the Party in England (as he wrote a few lines before) there could be no occasion for Mr. Erskine's advice how matters were to be conducted. If he meant for Scotland, Mr. Erskine could not be with him in time, if matters were in such forwardness as he represented : and Bohaldy should have sent instructions in time how they were to be conducted : for it is very unlikely that Mr. Cockburn (who was known to be very careful of letters sent to him) should have stopt his letter ; and it is more likely he accuses Mr. Cockburn, to vin- dicate his own criminal neglect. 1 Blank in MS. 2 John, 4th marquis, succeeded his father in 1715, Secretary of State for Scot- land, 1742-46, Lord Justice General, 1761 ; d. 1762. 64 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part t Secretary for Scotland ; but answering that they were papers concerning Lord Traquair's private affairs, the matter was dropt, and he set at liberty, his Lordship's intended marriage being then surmised, and the packet supposed to contain a Rent-roll of his Estate, and such writings as are usually pro- duced upon a marriage settlement. The Doctor, having received the letter, did not think proper to send it, but wrote to Bohaldy, acquainting him with its being in his custody, and to know if he should forward it. I should be very sorry to reflect unjustly upon this or any Gentleman, but it will certainly be allowed that the delay was shewing little regard for Lord Traquair's desire, and paying great respect to Bohaldy ; besides, it was an overstrained caution, for the same conveyance by which he sent his own, would have with equal safety forwarded his Lordship's ; nor did he ever pretend there was any risk, so it must have either proceeded from something I shall not be so unpolite as to insinuate, or that he esteemed any thing his Lordship could say as very immaterial. The Duke of Perth, notwithstanding what Lord Traquair and I urged to prevent him, went next day to Drummond Castle, afraid of being taken up on suspicion ; which soon confirmed what I had before alledged, that in case the first letter had come in course according to its date, and prepara- tions followed thereupon, the government might have been alarmed, and endeavoured, if not effected, the ruin of all con- cerned ; for no sooner had his Grace made his abrupt departure, than orders were given to observe his motions, and parties sent to his house to seize him. I continued in Edinburgh, and took care to put all upon their guard who might be trusted : and Lord Traquair went in a few days to the Country, where he remained unactive. The Duke of Perth was no sooner got to the Country, than he exerted himself to the utmost to put things upon the best footing in the District allotted him. He had two private meetings with Lord George Murray, who at first proposed to raise the people of Athol, as if to serve the Government, and when got into a body, to join us. He likewise dispatched expresses to Braemar, and other parts of the North : nor did 1/44] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 65 he confine himself to his own province alone, but sent for Mr. MacDonald of Keppoch, 1 and acquainted him with the situation of affairs. Lord Lovat, on the contrary, feigned himself sick, as an excuse for not bestirring himself, and with great difficulty could be prevailed upon to see Lord John Drummond (the Duke of Perth's brother), who,* ignorant of what was going on, had come over to raise men for his regiment. The news papers being now full of the Dunkirk embarkation, and the government growing more and more anxious and uneasy, I was advised by an acquaintance (a person of honour and probity) to get out of the way, being much suspected, and very probably might be apprehended. Though I knew him to be sincere, yet as he was in the government's service, after thanking him for his advice, I seemed surprised that I should be suspected, and said that as I usually lived in town at that * He had been seen and informed against by one Grant, who had some time belonged to his regiment, which he quitted to enter among the Government's troops, and afterwards kept a publick house in London, but has lately gone to Jamaica. An officer in Lord John Drummond's regiment (since justly distinguished by a badge of honour for his services to the Royal Family) informed a friend of his who used to visite him and the other French officers in the Marshalsea prison, of Grant's character, and desired him to put his Acquaintances upon their guard not to trust him, which he accordingly did : yet this very man was since the year 1746 esteemed honest by many of the party ; insomuch that from good authority I have great reason to believe that many of those who came from France since 1746 frequented his house, and made him too privy to their business : nay, even Bohaldy himself, in spite of all his boasted prudence and caution, was frequently in his house, of which when I seemed to doubt, my author was so well assured of it, that he offered to appoint the time when I might see him there ; from whence 1 hope to be allowed to observe, that had I been the person the blind and prejudiced endeavoured to represent me, it was in my power to have injured not only him and others, but higher Powers through their sides ; but all men of reflection are sensible how easy mankind is to be hurried with pre- judice, how ready low minds are to sacrifice every thing to present interest and resentment, and how little common fame is to be relied upon. 1 Alexander, son of ' Coll of the Cows,' who fought at Killiecrankie and Sheriffmuir. He was at the University of Glasgow in 1713 ; m. Jessie, daughter of Stewart of Appin ; fell heroically at Culloden. E 66 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. season of the year, my leaving it might be a means to heighten the suspicion, whereas if I continued under the government's servants eye, they might be undeceived and give me no trouble : but, he replied, I was mistaken, for they were not ignorant of my principles and connections with the party, and in all likeli- hood would secure me ; and as he might not be informed of their intentions early enough to acquaint me, thought my going to the Country would be prudent. This happen'd on a Saturday, but judging it imprudent to disappear too suddenly, I staid till the Wednesday following when I had an excuse to go to the Country to a brother-in-law's burial : but before I set out I had an instance of a very extraordinary piece of management ; whom to impute it to I cannot positively say, whether to Doctor Barry or Mr. Cockburn, for to one of them it was owing. To my great surprize Mr. MacDougall* brought me a letter addressed to the Countess of Traquair. He had been luckily at the Postoffice when the mail arrived, and one of the Clerks f (who was in our interest) observing the letter, and imagining it might be of consequence, gave it to him. Not thinking that any letter of moment could be sent by the common post at so critical a juncture I was averse to open it, but reflecting that an intrusion of such a nature at that time would not be taken amiss, I ventured to open it in Mr. Mac- dougalFs presence. Finding the inclosed sealed and directed after the same manner, I was the more curious, and having opened that, found it blank with one inclosed, sealed, and addressed to her son by his cant name, wrote by Bohaldy, and containing a few lines in Cypher, saying the troops were then ready to embark, that he expected to be in England in a few days, and again begging that Mr. Erskine might repair to London. Had this letter fallen into wrong hands, which was the more likely when addressed to so suspicious a name, what a scene must have ensued, for though perhaps they could not have explained it, yet it left room to suspect every thing, and would have proved a sufficient pretence to secure Lord Tra- quair, and those with whom he was most intimately connected. * Wine merchant in Edinburgh, t Mr. Francis. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 67 It was not the same now as formerly : the common post was become the most dangerous conveyance of any. It was not to be doubted that when an invasion was threatened, and an intestine war dreaded, nay, upon the brink of commencing, the utmost care would be taken to look into letters, especially such as were addressed to Roman Catholicks, or people suspected to be Jacobites. Nothing can vindicate such a step, nothing but dotage or drunkenness could have occasioned it ; nor would any man of business, or even pretender to it, have wrote so triffling, so insignificant a letter, upon such an emergency. He had said the same thing three weeks before : now since another occasion of writing offered, he should have been more explicite, whereas the letter was only *an anxious enquiry after Mr. Erskine of Grange, as if the army, when landed, was to have halted till Mr. Erskine gave his orders to advance, or as if the Prince was not to have marched to S* James's till Mr. Erskine was ready to receive him. Mr. Erskine, perhaps, was a very good and able man, but I am afraid his presence would not have counterbalanced the bad effects which must have ensued, had this childish letter been intercepted. Though I fondly wished for an invasion, yet from former disappointments, and every circumstance already mentioned, I could not be satisfied it was really intended ; nor did I think it was more than show, till I received a letter from Mr. Nisbet of Dirleton, 1 which assured me that the accounts of the prepara- tions at Dunkirk were authentick ; so after regulating my affairs in the best manner the t ime would permit, and talking with such of the King's friends as I thought proper to let into the secret, I went to the Country. Two days after I met with Lord Traquair at my brother's interment, when I informed him of what had passed from the time of his leaving Edinburgh, and the receipt of Bohaldy's 1 The following note is kindly contributed by Mrs. Nisbet Hamilton Ogilvy of Biel and Dirleton : — 'The William Nisbet of Dirleton who lived in 1745 and died in 1783 was the son of William Nisbet, who died in 1733, by his wife Christian, daughter of Sir William Bennet, Bart, of Grubbet. He married Mary, daughter of Alexander Hamilton of Pencaitland, which lady succeeded to the Belhaven (Biel) estates on the death of her kinsman, James, fifth Lord Bel- haven and Stenton. William Nisbet was very musical — played the violin and composed. There is a fine portrait of him at Archerfield by Allan Ramsay.' 68 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. letter : upon which he acquainted me with his having received a letter from Edinburgh the night before, advising him there was a warrant issued to apprehend him, that he did not think it safe to continue longer at his own house, and therefore pro- posed going to Drummond Castle and asked me to accompany him. Being a little startled at the intelligence he had men- tioned, I ventured to ask him from whom it came and was answered from his Taylor ; which giving me as low opinion of the information as I could possibly have of the informer, I declined going, saying, though I did not propose to return to Edinburgh, yet I could not think of going so soon to Perth- shire, for having but little ready [money] it behoved me to raise some from my tenants. His Lordship obligingly replied, that the want of money needed be no stop, for if I would join in a bill with him for i?500 he would procure it from Lord Elibank ; 2 so having no further objection I agreed to his pro- posal ; and after writing to Lord Kenmure to acquaint him * with the motive of our journey, and to beg he might be in readiness in case of a landing, we set out for Perthshire, and the second evening we arrived atf Drummond Castle where we were informed that his Grace, fearing a surprize, had retired to a farm (possessed by James Drummond Macgregor) about eight miles up the Country upon the side of Loch Tron. Thinking his absconding would still give stronger suspicion to the servants of the government, I proposed to Lord Traquair to go and endeavour to persuade him to return home ; and his Lordship consenting, we went to his Grace, and I took the liberty to tell him that his skulking was not only the ready * I had spoke to him at Edinburgh, and he promised to be in readiness ; but considering that in case of a landing, all the King's friends in the low Country would be liable to be arrested, I wrote to him to come to us in Perthshire. t We had here an instance of fidelity and regard for their master's preservation. When we arrived in the Court yard it was dark, and some of the servants then in the Cellar hearing the tread of our horses, and imagining we were a party of dragoons come to seize his Grace, one of them came to the door and threw a full bottle with great violence at us, but providentially it struck none of us. 1 Patrick, 5th baron. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 69 way to make him suspected, but below his dignity, and might give the party an unfavourable opinion of his power in these parts, where he had a number of people who would be faith- full to him, and if properly placed on the different avenues could give him timely notice of the approach of any parties that might be sent from Perth or Stirling to seize him. These arguments prevailed, and he returned two days after, when the Lords Nairn 1 and Strathallan 2 were sent for,* and the affairs of the Country put upon the best footing the shortness of the time would allow. As it might seem troublesome to mention every particular incident which happened at that time, let it suffice then to say that every hour passed away in anxious expectation ; and parties having been sent both from Stirling and Perth to apprehend the Duke of Perth, he was at last obliged to retire to Braemar, where he staid till all apprehensions of an invasion were over, and people's minds a little at rest. Having continued in Perthshire f till all hopes of a landing were vanished, I went to Stirling, where I was informed of Lord Elcho's 3 being arrived from France, upon which I went privately to Edinburgh to learn what had passed, and found by his Lordship's account, that all the apparatus for an in- vasion was shew only, and that the Earl Marischall, in place of having 3000 troops allotted for Scotland, with arms, ammunition, and money, could not, after sending frequent couriers to Paris, procure any orders, nor was he so much as provided with money for his necessary expences as General ; and the Prince, instead of being publickly at Dunkirk with the troops, was kept private at Gravelines, j where no person had access to him but Bohaldy, or such as he chose. * Lochyell was then in the island of Sky with Sir Alexander Mac- Donald, who declared himself ready to join upon the troops landing, t At Fairnton, Abercarny, Lord Nairns, etc. + His Royal Highness knows best if this is true. 1 John, son of Margaret, Baroness Nairn, and Lord William Murray, son of ist Marquess of Atholl ; b. 1691 ; out in the '15 ; taken at Preston ; forfeited ; joined Prince Charles at Blair, was a member of his Council, and commanded an Atholl battalion, escaped to France, where he died in 1770. 2 William, 4th viscount, fell at Culloden. 3 David, son of 4th Earl of Wemyss, and Janet, daughter of the notorious Colonel Francis Charteris of Amisfield, b. 1721, d. 1787. 70 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. These accounts affected me very sensibly, and made me the less wonder that neither Lord Semple or Bohaldy had sent us proper intelligence of what was going forward, though till then I could not help thinking it strange why they did not account to us for the embarkation's miscarrying, which they might easily have done by sending a small vessell to Scotland, or the same ship which brought Lord Elcho from Boulogne. The time passed away without any intelligence from these 17-14. Gentlemen till the month of June, whilst all concerned were extremely uneasy to think they should be so much neglected and left entirely in the dark in relation to an affair of so great consequence, and for which they had so long struggled with imminent risk both of their lives and fortunes. It cannot appear strange that those principally engaged were uneasy, as their all was at stake in case of a discovery : and it was with the greatest indignation they reflected that the man whom they had employed, and who enjoyed the bread he then and still eats through their interest, should dare to neglect to answer* the letter they had wrote, nor give them a circum- stantial account of the situation of affairs, and to what cause it was owing that the descent he had so positively promised had not been made. Some were of opinion that having got the Prince in France, and the management of affairs into his hands, he looked upon himself as able to stand on his own legs without their support, and so had dubbed himself an independent Minister f and man of consequence, indifferent which ever way they should inter- prete his silence, having the shew of the Prince's authority. This was not the opinion of two or three, but of many who were now acquainted (since Lord Elcho's \ arrival) with what had passed ; and it was upon this account that a resolution was taken to come at the bottom of the whole affair ; and I * The letter, signed by the Duke of Perth, the Earl of Traquair, and me, and sent to London to be forwarded by Doctor Barry. t As Lord Semple, according to Colonel Cecil, had assumed the character of Minister from the King's friends in England without their consent. % His Lordship did not scruple to acquaint such of the King's friends as could be trusted with the management at the time of the embarkation. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 71 was named as the person to execute the Commission, even Lord Traquair himself professing great anxiety, and blaming Bohaldy's silence. I acknowledge I was not only the first who proposed to send to France, but was very desirous to go ; yet reflecting on the several disappointments we had met with, the frivolous triffling and unconclusive reasons assigned for these disappointments, together with the usage I had received from Lord Traquair and Bohaldy in the case of my letter to the Earl Marischall, I did not think myself a fit person, judging that Semple and Bohaldy would give as little satisfaction as possible, and being strongly suspected by the friends of the government, was afraid the cause of my journey might be guessed, and rekindle that jealousy which seemed then to be a good deal abated. Never- theless, I agreed with Lord Traquair at Peebles to go to the Duke of Perth, and talk the affair over with him : and the same night, when the family were gone to bed, I set out for Drummond Castle, where I arrived the next day ; and having told him what had passed at Peebles, he not only approved the scheme, but begged that by any means I might go. He pro- fessed his dislike of Bohaldy's conduct, the diffidence he had of his veracity, and his ardent desire to be satisfied whether any thing had been really intended. Upon this I freely opened my mind to him, by declaring the doubts I had long conceived of that Gentleman's integrity, and my reasons for being a little averse to the journey. He took all imaginable pains to remove my difficulties, and begged I would go ; for, said he, let what- ever be the success, we cannot fail to learn if the agents are to be trusted ; and if they avoid giving reasons for their silence and the miscarriage of the embarkation, or do not assign satisfactory ones for both, they will equally demonstrate that no dependence is to be had upon them or the French Court, and then will be a proper time either to make an alteration both in men and measures, or entirely lay aside further thoughts of the affair for some time. Though thoroughly satisfied of the necessity of sending some person, I continued nevertheless of opinion that none could be more unfit than me if obliged to apply to Bohaldy or Lord Semple alone : but finding his Grace bent upon the scheme, JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. I agreed to it, provided I should have nothing to do with them, but be at liberty to apply immediately to the Prince in the name of his friends in Scotland, and likewise to lay a state before him of what had passed, acquaint him with the several disappointments we had already met with, the false and con- tradictory intelligence sent us, to know if these letters had been wrote by his order, and finally to learn what had put a stop to the embarkation, what situation affairs were then in, and what steps his friends in Scotland were to take. His Grace agreed heartily to this proposal ; and I promised upon my return to acquaint the Earl of Traquair with the conditions upon which I was willing to go, that there might afterwards be no room left to find fault, or alledge he was a stranger to my intentions. Accordingly I went to his house in the Country, where having told him what had passed with the Duke of Perth, I was so candid and fair as to shew him the Copy of Letter I proposed to forward to the King upon my arrival in France, and likewise the heads of a Memorial which I designed to lay before the Prince, or communicate to him by word of mouth if an opportunity offered : to all which he con- sented ; and desired I might set out with all convenient despatch. As I had neither mentioned my journey to my family or any of my friends, and as it was necessary to assign some plausible reason, I was obliged to stay a few days, and give out that I intended to go and see the army in Flanders ; and that it might look the less suspicious, went to Edinburgh and asked Lord Elcho to go with me, but, as he did not immediately resolve, I determined to set out by myself, and when I had every thing ready, got an express from Lord Traquair acquainting me that he had received a letter from Lord Semple and Bohaldy, which he was then deciphering, and desired I might come to know the Contents. I took horse immediately, full of hopes to find something satisfactory, but it is impossible to express the disappointment upon finding things worse than ever, the most unaccountable reasons assigned for the Invasion's having failed, 1 and a still more unaccountable proposal. I cannot now recollect every particular, nor will it be thought strange that many things of 1 The fleet was driven back by storm on Feb. 24. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 73 moment have escaped my memory, if the distance of time, hurry of business, unprecedented bad usage, unheard-of op- pression, the vilest calumny, and the sinister accidents that have befallen me in private life, are duly considered : but, still I can remember the chief reason alledged was, that the Admiral 1 had been bribed by English money and disobeyed his orders. I will readily grant that such things may have happened both in ancient and modern times, though the examples perhaps are few ; but that it did in the case before us I cannot be prevailed on to believe. If it did, it will follow that Bohaldy expressly contradicts himself ; for, in one of his letters before mentioned, he assured Lord Traquair that the scheme was carried on with so much secrecy and address, that neither the Admiral himself, and but few of the ministry, knew of the expedition upon which the fleet was to go, and that the Admiral's orders were given with strict charge not to open them till he was got to a certain Latitude. If this then was the case, it was impossible the Court at London should know its destination,* and without that knowledge there was no occasion to bribe the Admiral. Such steps are not taken at a venture, and though the English fleet was neither so well manned or numerous as it was soon after, yet it had not been for many years upon so bad a footing as to fear the French and bribe their Admiral: and the extraordinary expedition with which a squadron was manned at that time is a strong argu- ment to support what I say ; nay, it can scarcely have escaped any man's memory, that the squadron was not equipped before the French fleet was in the Channel. Had the Court at London known its destination before it sailed from Brest, and had they had time to debauch the Admiral from his duty, it can hardly be believed, nor will any man of reason allow him- self to suppose, that immediate orders would not have been issued to equip a Squadron for the Downs. A man that is capable of being bribed to betray his Prince, * Such as have a mind to cavil may say, it was possible to be informed by some in the Secret : but when every circumstance is fairly considered, this will appear quite void of probability. 1 Monsieur de Roquefeuille. — Cf. Browne's History of the Highlands for a full account of the attempted invasion. 74 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part L is not so much to be depended by the Enemy as not to be guarded against ; for had he taken money, and continued to act up to his orders, he would not have been the first example of the double knave : so I may venture to say, that had the Admiral been bribed, the English would nevertheless have fitted out a fleet, not only to guard against his treachery, but to cover it to his own Court. Either Bohaldy's assertion that the scheme was carried on with great address and secrecy, or that the Admiral was bribed, must be false : both cannot be true ; so the world is left to judge which of them is most likely to want foundation. The Bribery seems to be entirely unsupported by any evidence, or even presumption : for of all nations the French (particularly ever since the minority of Louis the 14th) are the least apt either to neglect or disobey their Sovereign's commands. Had the orders been positive, the Admiral knew very well that to disobey was sacrificing both life and fortune. If they were in the terms asserted by Lord Semple and Bohaldy, he had no business at Dunkirk : he was to have blocked up Ports- mouth, and prevented the English fleet from sailing. There was then no fleet in the Downs (unless about the same number of guard ships stationed there in time of peace) to intercept the transports : or supposing there had been a few ships, the Admiral might have detached a small Convoy to keep them at a distance (and not loitered before Dunkirk) till the troops were embarked ; for as there was no Enemy to annoy them, they might have been put on board with great despatch, without the assistance of the men of war's boats, as there is great plenty of small craft along the coast, and even the fishing boats would have served to transport a number. It is therefore evident, that if any such orders to be opened at sea were given, it was only for a blind, and the Admiral must have had secret ones countermanding the execution of the descent : and nothing else surely would have prevented him from blocking up Portsmouth. Innumerable arguments might be brought to support the probability, if not the certainty, of what has been said, but it must appear so plain to every thinking man, that I shall only make one further remark. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 75 The Admiral was old and sickly, and died the third day after the storm. He had served his Country well, had ever preserved an unspotted and unblemished character : and there was never the least insinuation made by any of the French ministry of his being bribed ; nor indeed (as far as I could learn) by any other person than Lord Semple and Bohaldy. It is not, then, to be imagined, or so much as dreamt, that this man on the verge of the grave would have betrayed that Country or disobeyed that Prince he had so long served with steadfast zeal. Such low, vile, and groveling thoughts cannot with any reason be entertained ; for a nice notion of honour and ardent desire of glory being so strongly imprinted in the minds of that people, that had this Gentleman's orders been such as was alledged, he would have executed them with fidelity and alacrity, thinking himself happy that he was to leave the world, and finish his course, in the service of his Prince : and from thence I will venture to conclude that there is great reason to believe the Admiral obeyed his orders, and that the French ministry never intended the preparations should have any other effect than to alarm the English min- istry, and make them draw their troops from Flanders, thereby to enable themselves to make the greater effort upon the Rhine in the following Campaign ; which was plainly seen a few months afterwards. Lord Semple and Bohaldy, in their Letter to Lord Traquair, after this uncharitable and absurd apology for the unsuccessful attempt, observed that the affair now being over, it was absolutely necessary to procure fresh assurances from the King's friends in England and Scotland,* whereby to induce the French to renew the enterprise. This was a very extraordinary demand : for the French were already either f satisfied or not with the assurances which had been given. If they were satisfied, it was to no purpose to * No such proposal was ever made to the English : on the contrary, it will appear from what folio ws, that they were made to believe the French had never lost sight of their first scheme. t It is plain they were satisfied (if the descent was really intended) otherwise they proceeded contrary to every rule of policy and good sense, which they are not apt to do. 76 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. reiterate them. None stronger could be given than those from Scotland. More subscriptions, indeed, might have been procured ; but as the original subscribers had undertaken for all the principal men of the Party, and promised that any two of them, whom the French Court should name, should be sent over, and the French having made no such demand, it appeared they were satisfied, and therefore no stronger assurance could be given or thought necessary. If they were not satisfied, from whence did their scruples arise, and why on a sudden upon the back of the expected embarkation ? No promises had been, nor was it so much as proposed, to rise in arms before the troops landed : so there was no failure on our parts. This demand was not at all likely, the French ministry being too clear-sighted not to have observed the failings on the part of the Scots (if there had been any) long before that time, as the assurances and proposals had been laid before them for years : and Lord Semple and Bohaldy were not aware of the inference to be naturally drawn from this demand. Had the French Court asked any such thing of them, it was a demonstration that they never intended an embarkation with any other view than I have said before. The Scots had given no cause to think they had repented of their first engage- ments, and though for what I know the English had come under no such solemn tye in writing (though if any dependance can be had on this and other of Bohaldy's letter, they had given assurances), yet it was never so much as surmised that they had given the French any grounds to suspect an altera- tion in their sentiments. Such a request on the part of the French Court would have shewn the utmost want of sincerity, a triffling and evasive shift, and plainly elucidated that they schemed nothing but to play the Prince and his friends off to serve their own ends. It would be childish to argue further upon this point, or frame conjectures of what might have been the French design in making such a demand, as in fact none such, or any tending to it, was ever made by them, but was the sole produce of Lord Semple^s and Bohaldy's brains to serve their own purposes. They were conscious that nothing substantial had been in- 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 77 tended, and that no effectual assistance was to be hoped for. It was therefore their business to gain time by engaging the party in this new scheme, no matter how long they were about it : the more tedious the better for them, as it continued them in their employment, and the Party could not complain of delays, as they could have no title to expect assistance till such time as the assurances demanded were granted. This, I will venture to say, was the most coarse-spun piece of Policy ever thought of : and it is surprizing how they could imagine that any set of men could be so thoroughly blinded as to agree to it; as any man, with a small share of reflection, could not miss to see through it. It was endeavouring to impose upon peopled judgment after the grossest manner imaginable. In short, was an attempt to involve the party in an endless labyrinth of unnecessary negotiations, and make them launch out into a boundless ocean of useless correspond- ence, attended with the most imminent danger not only to those immediately concerned, but to all in general. It must appear strange to every person, that in their several Jan. 1744. letters wrote after the Princess arrival in France, 1 his authority is never used nor his name mentioned. It is almost incredible that men could be so weak as to imagine so palpable a neglect would be overlooked. Whatever authority they had to write or act before his arrival, surely it naturally ceased as soon as he appeared amongst them, and all future despatches were to be regarded as made by his orders or consent ; yet they had the modesty to write I or We, as if no such person had existed. This probably proceeded from their being conscious they did not write truth, and should an enquiry be made, it could not be objected to them that they had used the sanction of his authority to their fictions. From whatever reason it proceeded, it was most unbecoming and disrespectfull : it was imposing on their Constituents ; and using their Prince like a schoolboy, keeping him in the dark, concealing the zeal and merits of his friends, and putting it out of his power to give countenance to such as most deserved 1 The Prince left Antibesfor Paris on horseback on Jan. 29, 1744, having arrived there from Genoa on the 23rd. — Letter from Villeneiwe toAme/ot, French Archives. 78 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [PART I. it, and cooping him up in a Corner like an outlaw to prevent him from conversing with those, who not only knew his interest, but were zealous of his honour ; knowing, that if he had access to hear such, their underhand dealings would be discovered, and they either dismissed, or disregarded. I expressed my sentiments pretty much to the Earl of Traquair concerning the letter as above recited, and his Lordship having declared his dislike both of apology and the scheme proposed, urged my journey as more necessary than ever, and begged I would make all possible despatch. July 1744. Accordingly I set out in the beginning of July 1744, and arriving at London in a few days, I went immediately to Mr. Cockburn to know when I could see Doctor Barry. The old Gentleman told me that the Doctor had received a letter from Bohaldy some days before, which exciting my curiosity made me send him immediately to acquaint him with my arrival, and desire to see him. The Doctor was then in the Country, and in three days came to town, when I saw him, delivered him a letter from the Earl of Traquair, and desired to know how matters stood, and if he had lately received any favourable accounts from the other side : to which he answered that he had received a letter some days before, and was much difficulted how to answer it. Bohaldy had engaged the Doctor to procure some English sailors to pilote over the troops he pretended were soon to be landed ; * and now they were procured, he desired they might be immediately sent over : but the Doctor very justly observed, that having neither mentioned the Port where they were to land, nor the person to whom they were to be consigned, he was quite at a loss how to act. I told him, he had no way to obviate that difficulty, but by writing the first opportunity to Bohaldy, desiring him to fix upon the place where they were to land, and the person they were to apply to there. This instance of Bohaldy 's confused way of doing business, as well as many other particulars already mentioned, will help to give the world a just notion of his capacity and integrity. * This Intelligence to Doctor Barry is quite repugnant to what Semple and Bohaldy wrote to the Earl of Traquair, though both letters must have been written at or very near the same time. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 79 He first bespeaks Pilots to assist in conveying a body of troops, and when they are procured, writes to have them sent over, without either specifying the port where they should land, or the person to whom they were to apply when landed. Had there been any pressing business which had prevailed with them to sail, they would have been seized as spies or pirates : Mr. Honeyman, their Conductor, to vindicate himself, must have imparted his errand to the Governor of the place, or the Intendant of the Marine, which would have discovered the whole, and put the secret in the mouths of all present at the examination, and though there had been none but the Governor and his Clerk, they were too many. Besides, as the thing would have made a noise in the place, it might have been discovered by persons employed by the Court of London as spies : and if discredited by the Governor (which was very likely, there being then no body of troops upon the coast) he might have very innocently spoke of it as a cunning device of theirs to get off. Had they named Bohaldy, things would not probably have fared better with them, as he was too obscure a person to be known, and might perhaps be esteemed by the Governor rather as a spy than the King's agent. But supposing this had not been the case, and that the Governor believed their story, yet kept them confined, till he could receive orders from Paris, where was Bohaldy to be found ? If he was known to any of the Ministers, save Monsieur Amelot, he was not to the Minister of the Marine, and yet he was the person to whom the Governor would naturally have applied. If that Gentleman had never heard of him, how then were the Pilots to be relieved ? It is probable, they would have been kept a considerable time, their Conductors absence (being a man of business) remarked and whispered about, his voyage found out, and the whole discovered. Had Mr. Honeyman their Conductor been furnished with Bohaldy's address, and permitted to write to him, their diffi- culties would not have been so great : but it nevertheless seems evident, a discovery must have happened, for during the time that would have elapsed before a return could have been pro- cured from Paris, many would have had access to converse with the private men, and discover the cause of their voyage, 80 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. for the fellows finding themselves disappointed of the many fair promises made them at their being engaged, and either afraid of long confinement, or exasperated against their Con- ductor, would have told all they knew. So, whatever the affair had fallen out, there is not the least probability the affair could have remained a secret. On the other hand, had all these difficulties occurred to the Doctor and Mr. Honeyman, and prevented their being sent, and had the troops been ready to embark, and pilots wanted, how could this exquisite negotiator have answered for his blunder ? But this was not the case : there was no occasion for them ; nor the least ground to believe that any such thing was intended. It was a second part of the same farce they pro- posed to act upon Scotland : to keep the minds of the people of England in suspence and agitation, and make them hope something was to be done, though nothing was intended. It was matter of wonder to me, that men of sense should be cajoled into the belief of such whimsies : and it was no less strange, that the demand alone did not convince them of the preparation for an embarkation in the Spring being only show. No pilots were then asked, or sent over : and if the passage was hazardous in July, it was more so in the Spring. If they were then necessary and neglected, it was a proof the managers were unequal to their task : for if the French Pilots were then sufficient, they were equally so at this time, and as easily to be procured. Though I may seem to have dwelt upon this Topick, I judged it requisite to discuss the point at length, to shew how unaccountably things were conducted, and to what an unfit person they were unhappily entrusted, and how liable Princes are to be imposed upon, and unjustly become liable to censure for the mismanagement of others. Princes have not always access to chuse their own servants ; especially such as are in his Majesty's situation, must employ those that are willing, those he would incline being seldom found ready : and when interest takes place, things go but badly with a Prince upon the throne; and much worse with one in exile. I should be inexcusable not to observe the monstrous deceit 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 81 intended in Semple and Bohaldy's negotiations, and how liable men of that stamp are to be detected. In their letter to Lord Traquair they say nothing of any second descent, but that was over till fresh assurances were given to induce the French to continue their friendship ; whilst the English are persuaded to believe that a body of troops were ready to embark, and sea- men asked to pilote them over. Mankind would labour in vain to palliate, much less vindicate, such glaring falsehood and evident contradictions. The Doctor (as I advised) wrote by the first post ; and having considered which would be my safest way to get into France, I resolved to write a letter to Bohaldy at the same time, acquainting him I was got so far on my way to see him, and desired he would send me a passport to Rotterdam, to the care of Mr. Crawford the Banker, against the time I men- tioned I expected to be there. As it was proper for me to write this letter in cypher, I applied to Mr. Cockburn, who told me he had one by which he corresponded with Bohaldy ; and, to my great astonishment, pulled from the seat of the window a copy of the Cypher in which Bohaldy corresponded with his friends in Scotland. If the other incidents which had happened occasioned sur- prize, this no less affected me, and gave me the utmost pain to think, that through the negligence of this good old man the lives and fortunes of so many were at stake. This room was the common receptacle of every one who assumed to himself the name of friend or Jacobite ; nay, his niece and maid had hourly access, whilst this Cypher lay ready for the perusal of any person curious enough to look at it, wherein was a list of names, both Scots and English, only proper for the knowledge of such as were very nearly concerned. To make any observations upon this affair would be spend- ing time to little purpose ; the reflexions which naturally occur are too many and obvious to be overlooked, and must stare every body in the face and sensibly touch all men of pene- tration. I carried the Cypher with me, and having finished my letter, employed Mr. Cockburn to forward it : and though I was strongly inclined to detain the Cypher, on account of the F 82 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. danger we were all in from the careless manner in which it was kept, yet the inconveniences that might ensue made me return it, when I endeavoured to persuade the honest man that it was unsafe to have it in his house but when he had occasion to use it, far more so to have it tumbled about in that loose way ; and advising him to be a little more circumspect for the future, endeavoured to convince him of the fatal effects that would follow in case of a sudden search, or any other unlucky discovery. All my Arguments were in vain and unsuccessful; he was grown old, and like an ancient Oak readier to break than bend ; for every time I was in the house it lay in its old position, either loose on the seat of the window, or peeping out from below a Dictionary. As Lord Elcho had wrote me that he would go abroad with me, I resolved to waite him a few days, and in the mean time went to Dr. Barry to [learn] what answer he had from Bohaldy, and found he had received a letter by the course of post, say- ing he had procured instructions to the Intendant of the Marine at Diep to receive the Pilots, and desiring they might be sent thither without delay. Though I very much suspected that no such instructions could be procured in so short a time since sending the letter, I advised the Doctor to write, the answer being received in due course, and consequently Bohaldy had only from the arrival of one post to the setting out of the next to reply, and that at the time too when the Ministers were with the King upon the Rhine ; yet, as the Doctor did not seem to doubt it, I thought it none of my business to find fault, as I could not do it with- out calling Bohaldy's veracity in question to a person I knew little of. The Doctor had once proposed to me to go with the Pilots, which I had not absolutely rejected, being uncertain whether Lord Elcho might alter his resolution ; but he now proposed it as a means to make the men comply with the more good will ; alledging that seeing a Gentleman with them would be a strong inducement, and by giving them drink and a few Guineas would prevent their reflecting upon [what] they were about, and leave no room for repentance till too late. So being uncertain from Lord Elcho's delay of his coming, and a little 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 83 dubious of Bohaldy's sending the passport, I agreed to go, if no better way occurred, and to meet Mr. Honey man next day at the Doctor's house, who promised that Mr. Honeyman should provide me with a dress and every thing necessary for the voyage, as we were to have Nets and other Tackle proper for Fishermen, and give ourselves out for such if brought to by men of war or Custom-house boats. Accordingly next day I met with Mr. Honeyman, and Lord Elcho having arrived, I declined the proposal. Having all along thought it strange that Lord Traquair had never made mention of any plan of action laid down by the English, and thinking it scarcely possible that men arrived at these years, when general and undigested projects are not relished, would engage so far as they were said to have done without forming a plan of operation, I endeavoured by distant hints to learn from the Doctor upon what plan they wete going, and if they had any reason to expect assistance from the Gentlemen of the army. It was very easy to perceive from his answer that if any plan was formed he knew little of it ; not that his silence proceeded from caution or reserve ; for, without asking, he told me that such letters as he received, and with other papers he judged necessary to be preserved, he lodged at a house in the Country. To the other part of the question he frankly answered, assuring me they had the greatest reason to expect assistance from the army, and that one Colonel (whose regiment then lay in Kent), had engaged for his whole corps. Having no further occasion to wait, and judging it full time to be gone, 1 set out for Flanders, and upon my arrival at Ostend wrote to Bohaldy, acquainting him of my being there, and that I would endeavour to be in Rotterdam by the time I had appointed in my letter to him from London ; and when I got to Tournay, wrote to Mr. Crawford, Banker at Rotterdam, that in case any letters for me addressed to his care came to hand he would keep them till meeting. After Lord Elcho and I had passed a few days in the Camp, I went to Rotterdam, and found two letters from Bohaldy ; one from Paris promising to meet me in person, and the other in a very ministerial stile (wrote at Rotterdam), expressing his 84 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. surprize at not finding me there, and declaring that the Prince's affairs admitting of no delay, his Royal Highness would be anxious for his return. When Mr. Crawford delivered me the two letters, he said there had been a Gentleman to enquire after me, who was gone that day to Leyden ; upon which I immediately set out for that place in hopes to find him ; but after the strictest enquiry (according to the description given by Mr. Crawford), at all the Inns in town, no such person could be found. Upon this I returned next day to Rotterdam, and met with him at the Sun (the house most frequented there by the British), playing at Cards in a promiscuous Company with his nephew, Mr. John Drummond, an Officer in Lord John Drummond's Regiment, who went by the name of Scot. Notwithstanding I was concerned to find them in so publick a manner in a town swarming with Spies, and in a house the common resort of the English, yet I found no fault, but accosted them as acquaintances I was glad to find there by accident ; and when the game was over we retired into another room, where he immediately began to regret the embarkations not having succeeded, and assigned the same reasons as in the letter before mentioned. Having listened attentively to what he advanced, I objected to what he had said, and insinuated that the French were not sincere. As this touched him in a tender point, he flew into a violent passion, as he is apt to do upon the least contradic- tion ; so I judged it best to drop the argument, lest he had let any thing fall to occasion a quarrel, and discover us both, or that might prevent my journey, which was the thing I chiefly aimed at. I therefore told him that as we might have future opportunities of talking that affair over it would be proper to drop it at that time, and that I was in as great a hurry to return to Scotland as he could be to France, whither I must go without delay, having instructions not only to know from him and Lord Semple what had passed, but to wait on the Prince and receive his commands. To this he answered that when he received my letter he had intimated it to the Prince, and assured me his Royal Highness would make me welcome ; but as he found it necessary to keep 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 85 private, as a means to blind the Court at London, he was afraid that any person's coming from Britain might occasion suspicion, and discover where he was ;* and that for this reason he did not think it proper to send the passport, believing our meeting in Holland would answer the same end ; and added that he could not help thinking it would be best for me to return directly from Holland, and assure our friends in Scot- land that the French were very hearty in their interest, and were then making great preparations for a second embarkation, j- It will be easily perceived that I needed be at no loss, from this discourse, to judge that my journey was not agreeable to him, and to see plainly that he attempted in the Prince's name to divert it. I therefore told him that it would give me the utmost con- cern should my journey to Paris prove any hindrance to the Prince's affairs ; but as my own safety depended upon the privacy of my journey, to which I could see no material obstacle, I did not apprehend any bad consequences would ensue ; that had my journey proceeded from my own curiosity alone, I would have been ready to return with what answer he should give me, but being sent by the Party with their posi- tive injunctions to see the Prince, I was under the necessity of going at all events, and could in no shape avoid it without having his Royal Highness's orders to the contrary ; and finally, that I was ready, though I had no pass, to go upon his in the quality of domestick or any other it would admit of. Finding me determined, he at last consented to my going with him, but said that could not be for two days longer, nor did he know what road he should be obliged to take, his prin- cipal errand to Holland being to purchase arms, J and in case he could not find them there he would be obliged to go by Liege. Upon this our conversation broke up ; having agreed to wait his time, and follow what route he thought fit. * It was then publicly known at London that he was in Paris. t Bohaldy is the proper person to reconcile this with what he and Lord Semple wrote to the Earl of Traquair before I left Scotland. % Yet he would spend a day and a half in going to Leyden, where no arms were to be found. 86 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. However happy I was in the thoughts of being able to accomplish my journey, I was nevertheless amazed at the story he had told me of his coming to Holland to buy arms. I have mentioned before, that upon his first coming to Scotland, in the beginning of the year 1741, he had assured his Constituents that there were then 20,000 stand of arms provided by the French Court, which he all along continued to affirm ; and in his letter from London before the expected embarkation, he expressly says money and arms were to be embarked with the troops for Scotland ; and yet now he was weak enough to con- tradict himself by saying he was then come to purchase them. Nothing could be a plainer proof than that what he either then had said, or did now say, was not to be depended upon ; and how unaccountably was it thus to expose himself to a man to whom he had formerly told the reverse. Besides, it was a palpable absurdity to pretend to do a thing in two or three days, which he had not been able to execute in as many years. Had it been possible for a stranger, during a general war in Europe, to procure so considerable a number of arms in so short a time, it shewed an unwarrantable oversight not to have done it long before ; and it was an evident proof that no provision of that nature* had been made for the promised Descent. The arms then provided (if any were) would still have served ; or had they been disposed of to the French troops, we can scarce believe their magazines are ever so ill provided as not to be able to replace them when required ; and if till then they never had been at a loss for them, it gave strong reason to suspect that the French were not so sanguine as they had been represented. After three days stay he acquainted me, that having found the arms he wanted, he intended to set out that night, and at his desire I agreed to stay one day longer, and appointed to overtake him at Brussells, where I accordingly found him, and from thence proceeded to Paris. Bohaldy finding that I avoided to enter upon business, and talked only of the army and common occurrences, took occa- sion to give himself airs of great consequence, insinuating a * This agrees well with his writing, ' but how Lord Marischal is to be equipped is more than I know.' 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 87 high opinion of his abilities, and how much he was master of the Prince's ear, with the uncommon favour he stood in ; and, imagining general hints might not be sufficient, descended to particular instances. Amongst others he told me, with great gravity, that his Royal Highness could not endure to travel alone, and as he chose his Company preferably to any other, he had ordered to have a post-chaise made to hold them both, which he assured me was the very chaise we then rode in. He then described the many extraordinary conveniences it had, with the new form of it, all which, he said, he had contrived himself, and that the Prince was so highly taken with it that he would travel in no other, nor allow him to use any other, but when his Highness had immediate occasion for it himself. Being tickled at my congratulating him upon the happiness of having so great a share of his Master's esteem, he proceeded to inform me how much he was respected and valued at the French Court, and, to leave me no room to doubt, gave the following proof : That when he had agreed* with the French ministry to go to Rome, and persuade the Prince to come into France, Monsieur Amelot (then Secretary for foreign affairs) acquainted the King with his intended journey, who no sooner heard his name mentioned, than he said, ' Oh, Monsieur Malloch (the name he then went by), I know him, that is Monsieur Macgregor ; he must carry three or four domesticks along with him, for it is dangerous at present to travel through Switzerland. 1 Many more such stories were the subject of our conversation, but these two alone may be sufficient to give an idea of my fellow-traveller's accomplishments. When we arrived at Paris, I went to Mr. MacDonald's, 1 the * This was his own expression : and as I have observed before, a point of fact incumbent upon him to make good by better authority than his own word. 1 /Eneas Macdonald, brother of Kinlochmoidart. His father was Ronald of Kinlochmoidart, who fought at Killiecrankie and Sheriffrnuir. His mother was the sister of Lochiel of the '45. /Eneas lived in Paris till the French Revolution, when he was killed. 88 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. Banker, and as the Prince happened to be there at the time, Bohaldy acquainted him with my arrival, and his Highness ordered [me] to wait upon him next day at the great stables in the Tuilleries. Mr. MacDonald being present, and surprized at my coming, came immediately to me, when, amongst other things, he told me the Prince was as much surprized as he. At a loss to guess the cause of this unexpected news, I could not help doubting what he said, and mentioned my having wrote from London for a passport, and the conversation that had passed upon that head with Bohaldy at Rotterdam ; all which Mr. MacDonald assured me was absolutely false and without foundation, for till two days before our arrival, that the Prince received a letter from Bohaldy, telling there was a Gentleman from Scotland upon the road to wait on him, his Highness had never heard one word of it, and even then he was not told who the person was, nay that after Bohaldy had named me, and left the room, the Prince said he was at a loss to know who I was, but imme- diately recollected to have seen me at Rome some years before. Mr. MacDonald then enquired what^business Bohaldy had in Holland, alledging it could only be to prevent my journey, and was curious to know what pretence he had used to the Prince for his going thither. To which I answered, that he pretended to have come thither to buy arms ; at which Mr. MacDonald in great astonishment declared in a most solemn manner that Bohaldy had it so little in his power to purchase arms that he had not credit for one Louis dore, nor money to defray his expences upon the road till he lent it to him. Though it may seem superfluous to make any remarks upon the gross and unheard-of falsity of his story, or the unpardon- able abuse of power which his character of Agent enabled him to practise, as that is too glaring to escape the most careless observer ; yet I hope to be forgiven for taking notice, that there are few crimes of a blacker dye than to keep a Prince ignorant of the very men employed in his service.* I can say * Tho' Bohaldy was guilty to the highest degree in this respect himself, yet he was ready to find fault with others who in the least seemed to do so : for knowing that I had some time before sent the Prince a present 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 89 without vanity, that upon every occasion I did my utmost to serve the Royal Family to good purpose, with as much zeal and fidelity, and perhaps more activity than any hitherto employed, but it is plain from his Highnesses recollection that he had heard nothing of my being employed, either from Semple or Drummond. In what manner Bohaldy reconciled his conscience to such proceeding is none of my business to enquire : but it is plain beyond doubt, that this was putting it out of his Master's power to reap proper advantage from the zeal of his servants, and prevented him from shewing countenance to such as were entitled to it, and might be a means of bringing the odium of the neglect upon him though entirely innocent. It was assuming the merit of every thing to himself, and using the most effectual means to prevent business being done to any purpose, as no man of spirit will risk life and fortune with any chearfulness, when his Prince neither openly acknowledges his services, nor even tacitly seems sensible of them : and this instance gives me strong reason to believe his Highness was not much better informed of others chiefly concerned, and that Bohaldy took little pains to acquaint him with the merit and services of those who afterwards appeared for him : but I shall say no more upon this particular, lest it should be thought that I resented it as a personal injury, which I solemnly declare I never did; and only add that it was extremely lucky his forgery about the arms was discovered, as it was an imposition of the most dangerous nature, making the Prince believe his affairs were in a prosperous way, all necessary provisions being either made or making, and had his Royal Highness given as much ear to him as he pretended, might probably have induced him, upon the faith of these and such like assertions, to under- take an expedition before anything was provided, the fallacy whereof might only have been discovered when it was too late either to remedy it, or save his character with the world. of fine stockings by Mr. Smith of Boulogne, who forwarded them without saying from whom they came, he exclaimed against Mr. Smith as having sent them as his own present ; and mentioned it to the Prince before me. 90 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. Next day when I had the honour to be presented, 1 Lord Semple and Bohaldy were both present, and as they officiously staid whilst the audience lasted, I shunned entering upon the business I chiefly came upon. The Conversation turned upon the defeated embarkation and the causes of the disappointment, which both Lord Semple and Bohaldy endeavoured to prove in the terms contained in their letter to Lord Traquair, the absurdity of which was so glaring that I could not refrain from shewing the Prince that the reasons assigned were not even specious, much less probable : and when talking of the strength of the Highlands, which they had imprudently asserted to be 20,000 men, I plainly told his Highness, that supposing the combined force of that country amounted to that number, he was not to depend upon a body any ways near to what was mentioned, and marked out to him the Chieftains principally to be relied upon, with the number of their followers ; at which, though the two ministers looked somewhat disconcerted, they nevertheless continued to tread in their old steps by seem- ing to laugh at my ignorance, and boldly asserted the truth of what they had advanced. The Prince, being upon his feet, ready to quit the room, asked me if I had any thing further to offer; to which I answered, that I had some things to lay before him, and begged to have the honour of a private audience, to which he con- sented, and appointed next day at the same hour ; at which the two Gentlemen seemed struck on a heap but took no notice of their surprize to me, nor did I seem to observe it. Next morning when I was ready to go abroad, Bohaldy came to me, and proposed to accompany me to the Stables, which I consented to, where having waited some time the Prince arrived, and Bohaldy withdrew. I then told his Royal Highness, that as I had affairs of consequence to lay before him, I did not think proper to do it the day before ; that I was come over with a full intent to keep nothing hid from him ; begged his Highness would allow me to speak my mind, and if I was wrong he would be graciously pleased to interpret it as proceeding from my zeal and attach- ment to his interest without any selfish views. 1 Cf. Appendix, p. 427. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 91 The Prince seemed a little surprized at so unexpected a motion ; but assured me I might speak freely without fear of its being taken amiss. I then begun by giving him an account of what had passed in Scotland and the particular intelligence received from Lord Semple and Bohaldy from the time the latter had been there. I informed him minutely of the contents of the two letters we had received in the Spring, and the one which arrived just before my departure ; shewed him the palpable contradictions they contained ; opened the bad consequences flowing from such false intelligence, and the many disappointments we had met with, though made to believe that all was to be depended upon : and finally endeavoured to shew him, that he was told one thing, and his friends another. To this his Highness answered (without having once given the least interruption) that he was sorry to think his friends in Scotland should have any reason to believe they were im- posed upon ; that Lord Semple and Bohaldy might have been to blame in some particulars, but there was no body without their failings ; and he flattered himself their conduct was not so much to be found fault with as was imagined.* I thought I could easily discover from the answer, that if he was not entirely satisfied of the truth of what I had said, yet he inclined to believe it, but was averse to own himself at once convinced of the treachery of men then in his service, and perhaps did not care by declaring himself to give me too immediate a cause to triumph. I on the other hand finding it incumbent upon me to make * I believe it will be very difficult, if possible, to find an instance in history, where a young- Prince acted with so much moderation and temper upon discovering that he had been ill used, imposed upon, and (if I may say so) treated like a boy incapable of advising in or directing his own affairs. Most would have flown out into a passionate and high resentment, without regard to anything but their grandeur, and the indignity thrown upon it : whereas, here is one of 23 or 24 years of age, never accustomed to controul, acting with as much coolness, caution and circumspection, as the most experienced Statesman. Whoever seriously considers this affair from first to last must be astonished to hear that his Highness had so much command of temper, as not only never to upbraid them, but even to receive them civilly. 92 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l good what I had advanced for my own honour as well as his interest begged to know of His Royal Highness, whether he had ever seen the letters mentioned : to which being answered in the negative, I begged as a proof of what I had said, that he would demand copies of them, and thereby satisfy himself if they were in the terms specified, offering to give him their dates which I had marked in my pocket-book;* but as he neither accepted nor refused, but seemed to evade the proposal, I begged to know what orders were to be sent to Scotland. He then said, that though the embarkation in the Spring had been defeated, he had nevertheless reason to believe, as Lord Semple and Bohaldy had said the day before, that he would procure a body of troops before winter. Thinking this a proper opportunity to give my reasons for doubting the French Court's sincerity in regard to the Dunkirk embarkation, I exposed the weakness of the reasons given by Lord Semple and Bohaldy for its not succeeding : + and then took the liberty to tell his Highness, that I was sorry to differ from him, but could not prevail with myself to think, that there was any probability or likelihood of his procuring assist- ance so early as he expected. I represented that the French army then in Flanders was much inferior to that of the allies, and obliged to keep upon the defensive ; that as their whole strength was then upon the Rhine, and a large detachment formed for the siege of Fri- bourg, it would be impossible to draw a body of troops from Germany to replace those in Flanders in so short a time as was necessary ; J that the garrisons were already very weak, and, in * Lord Traquair gave me the pocket-book at his house, when he shewed me the last letter from Semple and Bohaldy, saying the one in which I had wrote my remarks was not good enough. Though this circumstance may appear at first triffling, yet it shews his then displeasure at their proceedings. How he came afterwards to be led by the nose by them he only is able to account for. t This was necessary to remove the prejudices he might have imbibed, and to prevent his being ready to give faith to any promises made by the French Court, or rather by Lord Semple and Bohaldy in their name. I It was then to the best of my memory the beginning of August, so before a detachment could have joined the army in Flanders, and the 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 93 that case to give him such a body of troops as he expected would be leaving French Flanders much exposed to the enemy's inroads ; and finally the season was then too far advanced for the execution of such an enterprise ; so that upon the whole I did not see the smallest probability of procuring any assistance at that time. His Royal Highness seemed to think what I advanced was not void of reason ; and said, that at all events he was deter- mined to come the following summer to Scotland, though with a single footman. Observing him say this with great keenness, I answered, that he could not come sooner to Scotland than would be agreeable to his friends there, but I hoped it would not be without a body of troops. To which, without making any doubt of pro- curing assistance, he repeated what he said before with still greater energy ; which made me believe he was really resolved upon it at any rate. Although the design was noble and only becoming a Prince of the greatest spirit, yet I thought it my duty to shew him, that in that case he could not positively depend upon more than 4000 Highlanders, if so many ; that the Duke of Perth, Lochyell, Keppoch, Clanronald, the Stewarts, MacDonalds of Glengary, with Cluny and Struan Robertson's people, were all he could rely upon with any certainty from the West Highlands, in case of such an attempt, and that even they would be sorry to think he should risk himself without foreign assistance, for though their attachment to his interest might induce them to join, yet it would be with regret ; and though Lord Lovat and others professed as much zeal as they, yet I suspected they were not so warm, and might probably assign his landing with- out troops as a reason to sit at home, To all which he answered, that he would try every method to procure troops ; but should that fail, he would, nevertheless pay us a visit. necessary preparations been made to embark the troops, the armies must have been in winter quarters, and the weather so uncertain that an embarkation would have proved very difficult, and the execution very precarious. 94 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. I then ventured to ask him, if a sufficient number of arms was provided, the Highlanders being in much need of a supply especially of swords. To this he replied, that it was upon that errand Bohaldy had gone to Holland, where he had procured as many as were necessary. As I knew Bohaldy had bought none,* I took the liberty to doubt by seeming surprized, that after having so large a quantity of arms as Bohaldy had pretended were provided some years before, he should have been obliged so lately to make a new purchase. But his Highness, to remove my doubt, said, that if any such number had been formerly provided, it was likely, as the scheme was not executed, the French had disposed of them. However, as I was resolved to open his Eyes by discovering Bohaldy's falsehood, it was necessary to push this matter as far as it would go, so I went the length to say plainly, that I doubted much of Bohaldy's having provided any, having been only four days in Rotterdam, which was too short a time to execute a business of so much consequence. He then appeared a little offended that I should imagine Bohaldy would venture to impose upon him in so gross a manner : but begging to be excused, I assured his Royal Highness, that I would not be so positive, if I had not the strongest reason to believe the truth of what I had advanced ; and begged that to satisfy himself he would put the question home to Bohaldy by enquiring the nature and quantity, where, and from whom he had bought them, how they were paid for, and where lodged : which his Highness promised to do ; saying that if it was as I alledged, it was very strange, for Bohaldy had assured him the day of his arrival from Holland that he had actually bought them. I then told him what had passed betwixt Doctor Barry and me when at London ; gave him an account of Bohaldy's letter about the Pilots ; and asked if his Highness had heard of them, for they must in all probability have landed before that time, as they were to sail the same day I left London. To this he answered, he had never till then heard any thing * See page 88. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 95 of them, but would enquire that evening of Bohaldy : and then went away, saying he must see me again, and would send me orders when to come. Bohaldy had been all the time in the next room, and as I had reason to believe he would listen to what passed, I spoke low, though not so much so but I was persuaded he had over- heard a good deal of the conversation, and was therefore in hopes he might have let something drop whereby I should know, in which case I was determined not to let him have the same opportunity the next audience, but he was too much upon his guard to let any thing fall to give suspicion, yet could not help shewing the utmost jealousy and concern, and from that time contrived to have his nephew continually about me under pre- tence of friendship as I was private and alone, which made me change my lodgings, though to no effect, for that Gentleman was so much with me, that I had no opportunity of committing any thing to writing as I had intended. Next day I got orders to meet Sir Thomas Sheridan at the same place where I had seen the Prince : and he brought an order, desiring I might communicate every thing to him ; which I accordingly did, and took particular notice to him of the strong manner in which his Royal Highness had expressed himself upon his resolution of going to Scotland, repeating to the old Gentleman what I had said to his master, and begging him to reflect upon what might be the consequence of such a step ; and told him, that if his Highness continued firm in that reso- lution, it would be proper that his friends there should know it, that there might be no excuse for their not appearing if it happened, Sir Thomas declared himself pleased with what I had said, regretted and severely condemned Lord Semple's and Bohaldy's conduct, and at the same time expressed great satisfaction, that now the Prince was let into the real state of his affairs in Scotland ; of which till then (he said) he had been kept quite in the dark ; begged I would put down all I had said in writ- ing ; assured me however backward his Royal Highness had been to declare himself, he was nevertheless convinced of the truth of what I had said, and had even for some time before suspected foul play, but did not chuse to declare it too openly ; 96 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. and concluded by assuring me, that I should have another opportunity of seeing his Royal Highness, when he hoped I would conceal nothing from him. Next day I was ordered to be at the same place, where the Prince did me the honour to meet me ; and his Highness, being more free than formerly, said he was very well pleased with every thing I had said to Sir Thomas Sheridan, and desired me to mention what steps I thought necessary to be taken. To which I answered, that I was loth to offer advice upon an affair of such consequence, but certainly the steps to be taken very much depended upon circumstances ; that as to Scotland, if the Earl Marischal landed with 3000 men, as was proposed, and a descent made in England at the same time, there was not the least reason to doubt of its being reduced to the King's obedience in a few weeks, and even supposing no descent was made in England, I did not imagine that upon his Lordship's landing any of the Loyal Clans would hesitate to appear ;* but if his Highness continued positive in his resolution to go to Scotland, and no descent made there or in England, the affair would be more precarious, and required the utmost circum- spection, for as I had said before to himself and in the presence of Lord Semple and Bohaldy, I was still of opinion that three or four thousand men might be raised, but more could not be answered for, without previously making his resolution known ; and as to the English, he knew best the nature of their engage- ments, and whether they would appear, if he came with the Scots alone amongst them. His Royal Highness was pleased to answer, that provided he procured such a body of troops as had been offered the preced- ing Spring, few precautions would be necessary, as he hoped, if they were once landed, all the King's friends would join ; nor did he doubt of a general rising in Scotland if Lord Marischal landed with 3000 men ; and that the English had given him * It was my opinion then, and more so now, that had Lord Marischal landed with 3000 men, arms, ammunition, and money, that the insurrec- tion in Scotland would have been almost general, and the army have reached the Capital by the time, if not before, the troops landed from Flanders. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 97 the strongest assurances, nor could he doubt from the offers they had made that they would be less forward than the Scots ; but as he was unalterably fixed in his resolution to make an attempt, and as Lord Semple's and Bohaldy's scheme of fresh assurances was quite out of the way, he desired my opinion upon the measures proper to be followed in Scotland. I told his Royal Highness that it would be necessary to write letters to the principal persons of the Party acquainting them with what he intended, and thereby learn what they were willing to undertake ; that at the same time a sum of money should be raised in the Country to purchase arms and enable them to take the field ; that the English should likewise be spoke to and let into the secret, and brought to a determined resolution what they were willing and ready to do upon every event. I likewise observed, that though I had no doubt of his being able to prevail with a number of French officers to follow him, yet it seemed necessary to gain some of the Scots Brigade in Holland, who would be more agreeable as being Countrymen, and might likewise be of more service by carrying over part of their regiments ; and assured his Highness that as far as was in my power I would endeavour to execute all or any part of the Commissions he should be pleased to entrust me with. After some conversation upon this subject, his Royal High- ness promised to have the letters wrote, with the other neces- sary instructions, and appointed me to meet him the second day following ; telling me at the same time that he had found what I had said about the pretended purchase of the arms was too true, for having spoke to Bohaldy concerning them, he had acknowledged there was no such thing,* and in regard * It was a pity that upon this discovery, which rendered him unworthy of the smallest trust, the Prince did not immediately dismiss him from his service and incapacitate him for all business by informing the King, his father, and Court of France, and signifying to the English not to confide in him. Had this been done, Bohaldy would not have had it in his power to further debauch Lord Traquair and hurt his Highness by representing him in a very odd light in London when his Highness was in Scotland, saying his proceedings were entirely of himself and against the King's consent. Sir Alexander Baily can vouch this. G 98 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part r to the Pilots he had owned they had sailed from England at the time I mentioned, but mutinyed when opposite to Dieppe, and had returned : and gave me orders to commit every thing I had said to paper, which I promised, as soon as I had an opportunity, which I should contrive before I left France. I was next day invited to dine with Mr. MacDonald, the banker, where I saw Mr. George Kelly 1 for the first time ; and, among other things relative to the Prince's affairs, he let me understand that Lord Marischall had been informed that I had used great freedom with his character, which he was the more surprized at, as I was entirely unknown to him. It was not difficult to guess from what quarter the accusation came, and to what it was owing.* The stronger Bohaldy's party was the better man he esteemed himself ; and the more that joined him to run down this noble Lord the greater authority (he imagined) he had to continue his abuse, and tear his character. His daring to burn the letter I had wrote to his Lord- ship was as inexcusable, as his reason for so doing was evident. I therein (honestly and with a real intention to remove, as far as was in my power, every obstacle to the King's service) de- clared my sentiments, and had it been delivered might have been of great service, as it would probably have opened a correspondence between his Lordship and me, and certainly * I have since frequently conjectured that this might have likewise come from Mr. Edgar, the King's Secretary, who was a great partizan of his Lordship's, and might have proceeded from some rash and youth- full expression that I had perhaps used in a letter I wrote at Paris to his Majesty the first time I was there, when his Lordship lived near Boulogne, and when I had not cleared myself of prejudice in favour of Bohaldy ; but I declare what I then wrote upon this subject has quite escaped my memory ; and I have too good an opinion of Mr. Edgar to think him capable of revealing his Master's intelligence, especially such as could tend to nothing but to create differences and confusion among his friends ; and I impute the whole to Bohaldy's base and insidious practices. 1 George Kelly, born in Ireland 1688, was Atterbury's amanuensis ; imprisoned in the Tower 1723 ; escaped 1736 ; translated several works from the French. The article in the Dictionary of National Biography ignores Kelly's relations with Prince Charles. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 99 put it [out] of Bohaldy's power to carry on his iniquitous schemes, or misrepresent me to his Lordship.* I was a good deal soured at this intelligence ; it was a base double way of acting on Bohaldy's part, and extremely grating to me to think that what I had honestly and zealously in- tended for the interest of the Party should now turn out a personal reflection against me ; but I was then become so thoroughly versant in Bohaldy's deceit and falsehood, and understood that Lord Marischall knew him not only to be a thief in private life,")- but a most audacious liar J in politicks, that I thought any particular explanation needless ; therefore made little other reply to Mr. Kelly than by disdaining the accusation, and desiring him to take the first opportunity to write to his Lordship and assure him that what was said in my name was absolutely false, and that there was none of his Countrymen who had a higher opinion of his Lordship's merit. The day following I attended the Prince by his orders, and received instructions from him to the Earl of Traquair, re- quiring him to repair immediately to London and acquaint his friends in England with his resolution, and to demand a categorical answer from them what they were willing to do, and whether they would rise in arms at the same time with the Scots, or wait till they marched to their assistance. He likewise enjoined me to endeavour to raise a sum of money * I have often blamed myself since for not acquainting Mr. Smith and Mr. Kelly with the whole affair ; but men at the age I then was 1 are seldom capable of the most solid reflections, and are often too ready to esteem things of consequence as triffles. Were such a thing to happen to me now, I would not pass it so lightly over, nor be so easily persuaded to have any connection with men of Traquair's and Bohaldy's stamp. t After the battle of Sherifmuir, in the year 1715, when the Earl Marischall enquired for a portmanteau, he was told by one of his servants that the groom who rode before it had been slain, upon which his Lord- ship imagined the enemy had got it ; but his servant told him that was not the case, and all would have been safe but for the young Laird of Bohaldy (the person here mentioned), who with a party of Macgregors had plundered the whole baggage, in place of fighting. 2 X See p. 51. 1 Murray was twenty-nine atjthe time. - Cf. Introduction to Rob\Roy. 100 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. either in Scotland or England, or both ; gave me a Credential, written with his own hand, authorising me to treat with the officers in the Scots Brigade, and a letter to Lord Elcho in re- turn to one I had delivered from his Lordship ; enjoyed me to say all the obliging things I was capable of to his friends in Scotland, and to acquaint them that, in case he did not make a descent in England, they might depend upon his appearing among them the next summer. He then told me that the letters I required should be delivered to me that evening at Mr. MacDonald's, the banker, and desired me to return home with all possible expedition. After assuring his Highness that nothing should be wanting on my part to obey his commands, I begged to be excused for not having wrote out the memorial as he had desired, Bohaldy having kept so strict an eye over me that it was impossible to write without giving him more cause of suspicion than was perhaps necessary, and therefore asked his Highness's leave to stop a day or two upon the road, when I should write and deliver it to any person he should send for it ; and then took my leave. Lord Semple and Bohaldy dined with me that day, and having enquired of his Lordship if he had yet had any intelli- gence of Mr. Honeyman and the Pilots, with visible surprize and confusion, and at a loss what to say, he looked across the table to Bohaldy, who immediately answered, Yes, my Lord, you remember that last night's post brought us accounts that they had sailed some time ago, but having mutinied when near Dieppe they returned to England ; but their Conductor (added he), being a man of extreme good sense, disposed of them with great address, and prevented a discovery. It is here worth while to observe that Bohaldy said the accounts had only reached them the night before, whereas the Prince had acquainted me two or three days before that they had received these accounts some time before that, though they had all along denied to me their having heard anything of them ; and now to conceal their falsehood, doubted it. What could have induced them to disown their knowledge is more than I can account for, unless from some maxim in politicks peculiar to themselves, and plainly demonstrating 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 101 that they had got into such a train of falsehood and dis- simulation that even in the merest triffles they could not deviate from it. In the evening Sir Thomas Sheridan brought the letters to Mr. MacDonald's, and having got them sewed up in my sadle I set out next day for Senlis, where I wrote the memorial, 1 as desired, and delivered it to Mr. MacDonald, whom the Prince had sent to receive it. From thence I continued my journey to Dendermond to speak to Captain Clephan of Villegass's regiment, in con- sequence of the Prince's instructions, to endeavour to procure a number of officers, and if possible, men, to come over to Scotland next summer. This Gentleman with whom I had become acquainted the year before in Scotland, and whose father (Major Clephan) had served the King in 1715, and afterwards lived in the family, though he seemed (and I sincerely believe was then) very well inclined to serve the Prince, shewed nevertheless more than ordinary caution, lest his talking privately with me should have created suspicion in his brother officers, by whom he was universally beloved, having [been] long in the service. I shewed him however my Credentials : and he professed himself very ready to promote the cause, and promised to talk with such officers as could be trusted. Colonel (now General) Graham was the person to whom I chiefly intended to have applyed : but as he was then in the Camp, whither it would have been altogether improper for me to return, I begged the Captain to take the first opportunity to talk with him upon this subject. I intended to have staid longer to try what could be done, but the Captain's shyness, and the Prince's orders to make all 1 See Appendix (No. 15), p. 379. There is printed in Browne's History of the Highlands, in the Appendix to vol. ii., a letter signed 'J. Barclay,' which, according to Mr. Browne, was written by Murray, and refers to this. It will be noted that ' Barclay ' refers to a letter dated '24,' while Murray's letter is dated the 21st. The letter of the 21st, how- ever, was probably followed by another letter sending another memorial. This letter and memorial I was unable to find at Windsor. 'J. Barclay' and ' Barclay' were signatures adopted by Murray, v. infra, p. 136. 102 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part 1. possible despatch, made me set out next day with Captain Anderson (likewise of Villegass , s regiment) on my way to Rotterdam, where we arrived in two days, and found Lord Elcho there waiting my coming. I had taken occasion to sound Captain Anderson during our journey, and finding him well inclined, I talked to him more fully at Rotterdam, and let him into the reason of my jaunt to Dendermond ; upon which he readily engaged in the scheme ; gave his honour that he would come over, and pro- mised not only to use his interest with Captain Clephan, with whom he was very intimate, but with the other officers of the Brigade. After two or three days stay here, I set out for England in company with Lord Elcbo ; and upon my arrival at London went immediately to Doctor Barry, who behaved after a very different manner from what he had done before, by appearing very shy and unwilling to speak upon business. I was at no loss to guess the cause of this change, but saw plainly that it proceeded from Bohaldy; the jealousy I had given him at Paris had made him represent things in such a manner to the Doctor, as in some degree to create the same jealousy in him. I was nevertheless determined that nothing of this kind should prevent me from executing the Commission I was charged with, and therefore told the Doctor that as he was the person trusted by the King's friends in England, 1 judged it proper to inform him of the Commission I had received. I told him that the Prince stood then very much in need of money, without which he could not bring his affairs to bear ; that though the Scots were very willing, yet their abilities were small, and though they could provide hands, without a sufficient sum to arm and enter- tain them they could be of no service ; but it was not so much on account of the Scots that the Prince then made the demand, nor did he require a.ny large sum ; he had indeed occasion for some thousand pounds to buy up arms and other necessaries ; but as to what might be requisite for the maintenance of an army after a descent, he would procure elsewhere, whereas his present demand was only on account of his own more pressing and immediate exigencies. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 103 To which the Doctor answered (very coolly, and with an indifference which I could not help thinking very unbecoming one so deeply engaged) that he could not imagine it was possible the Prince should be so much put to it for money, Lord Barrimore and others having that summer made him a large remittance by the way of Amsterdam, whither (he said) the ministry had traced it, but there lost sight of it. There is a reflection naturally arising from this story, which I cannot dispence with observing. The Doctor said positively, a remittance had been made that summer, yet the Prince then knew nothing of the matter, and did me the honour afterwards to assure me that it never came to his hands. The Doctor did not say, nor did I ask, to whom it was remitted ; but it is not to be doubted that Semple and Bohaldy were the men, being then their immediate correspondents. What then be- came of this money ? Either Semple or Bohaldy must have appropriated it to their own use, or the person charged with the remittance must have converted it to his. If no such sum was ever sent, his Lordship and the others concerned must have imposed upon the Doctor ; or he advanced a falsehood to me : but whether true or false, I take it upon me to say from the best authority that it never came to the Prince's hands. Some few days after this conversation with the Doctor, a paragraph appeared in the news papers, insinuating that some preparations were then making in France : and having been assured by Lord Elcho, that it was suspected at Rotterdam that I had been in France, I thought it proper to leave London, lest any such information should be transmitted, and make me observed or suspected there ; so having procured a meeting next morning with the Doctor, when I repeated my Commission, and begged him to communicate it to the King's friends, I set out for Scotland the day following. The first person I saw there was Mr. Nisbet of Dirleton, whom I found at his uncle's house at Marlefield ; 1 and acquainted him with my having been in France, the Prince's resolution of coming to Scotland, and the pressing occasion there was for money. To which he answered frankly, that he was ready to con- tribute all in his power; that he had not then much ready money, but would purposely uplift some Bonds. 1 Near Yetholm. 104 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. From this place I set out for Traquair, but being informed his Lordship was from home, I continued my journey to my own house ; and next morning sent an express to his Lordship at his brother-in-law the Earl of Nithsdale's, 1 to acquaint him with my arrival and anxiety to see him. Three nights after, his Lordship came to Broughton, when I told him that the Prince desired he might immediately repair to England to execute his commission there ; and then shewed him a journal containing every minute particular that had passed from my leaving Scotland untill my return : which having read, he answered that he could not then take upon him to make a judgment, the affair requiring consideration, and that he was obliged to return next day, being to settle some of Lord Nithsdale's affairs, but would see me again soon. After supper, being concerned to see the little anxiety he shewed upon so critical a juncture, I told him the affair was of the utmost consequence, as he must observe from the contents of the Journal ; and above all it was indispensably necessary that he should take an immediate resolution of complying with the Prince's request : but to this he answered in a peevish complaining manner, that it was hard to oblige him to be journeying to and again from England ; that he was surprized the Prince should think he had nothing to do but run his errands ; and immediately went to bed. What difference was here from his behaviour upon my return from France 16 months before ? Then he was all readiness to obey Bohaldy's summons, and went accordingly ; but now the tables were turned. Bohaldy was to be no longer the sole director ; the Prince was about to act independently ; and his Lordship did not chuse to run his errands. The most confined genius will be able to make abundance of reflections upon this particular : so I shall save myself the disagreeable task. I was heartily chagre^ned to find the man, to whom so great trust was committed, and upon whom so much seemed to depend, not only careless and remiss, but even backward and averse to execute the orders enjoined him. Being determined that the blame should not ly at my door, and that nothing in 1 Lord Nithsdale of the '15 died at Rome in 1744. The estates had been conveyed to his eldest son in 17 12. He died in London 1776. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 105 my power might be left undone, I immediately dispatched an express to Lochyell then in the Highlands, and another to the Duke of Perth, begging they would both come to Edinburgh. Lochyell instantly complied, but the Duke declined for some time, having lately returned home, and was still un- certain how far it was safe to appear openly in town. Lord Traquair called at my house on his way home, and appointed to meet me some days after at Edinburgh ; whither I went next morning, and having met Lochyell in the evening, I shewed him my journal, and acquainted him with my private instructions. It would be difficult for me to describe the resentment this Gentleman expressed against his cousin ; 1 so shall only say in general, that there were few epithets, however bad, which he did not liberally bestow upon him. He further declared it as his opinion that those principally concerned should unanimously send over a memorial to the Prince, representing their detesta- tion of Bohaldy's behaviour, and requiring him to be dismissed from his Royal Highness's service as a person in whom they could repose no confidence : and at the same time professed his readiness to appear in arms if the Prince landed ; but said it was his opinion, that he ought by no means to attempt it without the 3000 troops proposed. Upon Traquair's arrival I met with him and Lochyell, and passed an evening together, when the whole affair was fully talked of ; and though his Lordship laboured hard to gloss over Bohaldy's conduct, yet things were so glaring, that he could not help blaming him in some particulars. This part of the conversation being ended, we jointly insisted upon his Lordship's obeying the Prince's orders by setting out for England : but he excused himself, by saying it was not im- mediately in his power, nor did he see any pressing necessity for it, but he would order matters so as to be able to go in a few weeks. Being concerned at this delay, I endeavoured to convince him that there could be no stronger reasons for his journey than what then subsisted : for if the French made no descent in England, it was plain from what the Prince had said, that he would come to Scotland early in the Summer, and if the descent was made, it would most probably be in the spring ; so i.e. Bohaldy, whose mother was a daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel. 106 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [PART I. which ever way things happened, we had but a few months wherein to get ready, the necessary preparations not to be made on a sudden, and besides these preparations might vary according to the answer we should receive from England. If they were found determined not to take arms, except a force was landed in their country, it would be madness for us to attempt it ; and it would therefore be necessary to acquaint the Prince, as soon as possible, with their resolution, to prevent his coming. If they were willing to join the Scots, it behoved us to know whether they would rise at the same time, whereby to divide the troops, or if they would join us upon our march- ing into England. Should they think they were able to make themselves masters of their own country, the Scots would undertake to do the same ; if not they would march to their assistance : so it was in every view proper to be informed of their resolution, in a pointed and distinct manner, to prevent all blunders, as it was evident the Scots behoved to act differently, as the plan should be laid, either to march into England, or not. It was obvious, there would be great difficulty to procure money in Scotland, to enable the Chiefs to carry on the pre- parations requisite, much more to enable the Prince to purchase arms ; and there was great reason to doubt whether, if the French refused to make a descent as proposed in the Spring, they would assist him with money to carry on his expedition : which reason alone made his journey expedient to try to raise a sum there, which it was not to be imagined they would refuse, provided they were willing to rise in arms, as they must be sensible, that to capacitate their neighbours to form in a body would make a diversion of all the troops in Scotland, distract the government, and make their game the more easy : but upon the whole, it was the Prince's earnest request, and ought at any rate to be complied with. In spite of all these arguments, which were too evident not to occur to any man of moderate understanding, and which his Lordship cannot fail to remember I took the liberty to use, and Lochyell urged, he nevertheless continued immoveable, and would by no means consent to go for some time. A few days after this interview, Lochyell acquainted me, i;44] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 107 that Mr. MacDonald then the younger of Glengary 1 was arrived from France, freighted with heavy complaints from Bohaldy against me, which though he, young Glengary, did not entirely give ear to, yet as he was unacquainted with me, he could not help in some measure giving credit to what he had been told ; but as he, Lochyell, was thoroughly convinced the allegations were false, he had not only endeavoured to undeceive Mr. MacDonald but had likewise proposed a meet- ing, to give me an opportunity to convince him he had been imposed upon. It will easily be imagined, that I was too sensible of Loch- yelFs friendship, as well as the advantage it might be to the Party to make the smallest difficulty about this interview • so desired my compliments to that Gentleman and assured him that the sooner I had the pleasure to see him, the more agreeable it would be. In consequence of this message, we met the following even- ing, when Mr. MacDonald informed me that Bohaldy had sent his nephew, Captain John Drummond, express after him to Dunkirk, to acquaint him with my having been at Paris, and my having there advised the Prince to go over to Scotland at any rate, [with] or without assistance, to endeavour to make himself master of the Country, and (as he termed it) seat him- self upon the throne and leave the King at Rome : 2 and begged Mr. MacDonald, in the most earnest manner, to make this known to the King's friends in Scotland, to shew how dangerous a man I was, and to put a stop to my future negotiations. I was pretty much embarrassed how to clear myself of so vile, so base, and so false an accusation, a fact so diametrically opposite to the intent of my journey, and the advice I had actually given. To have ridiculed the story as improbable would not have been enough, though it deserved no better answer, and to prove a negative, was no easy matter. I there- fore thought it necessary, in my own vindication, to let M r MacDonald into the motive of my journey, to inform him of the footing upon which I went, and the manner in which I conducted myself. 1 Mr. Andrew Lang's Pickle the Spy. 2 See the Chevalier's letter to Louis xv., p. 508. 108 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. With this he seemed quite satisfied ;* and then produced a letter written by Mr. MacDonald the Banker at Paris, repre- senting Lord Semple and Bohaldy in their proper colours, setting forth the Prince's unhappy situation under such managers ; and referring to the consideration of his friends, whether it was not necessary to send over a person of character and credit to be with him, and manage his affairs separately from them. It will not be doubted, that this proposal of Mr. Mac- Donald's was very agreeable to me ; and that I applauded the scheme. Lochyell likewise approved of it ; but no resolution was then taken to move in it. At this time, the Lairds of MacLeod, 1 Appin, 2 and Lorn (Macdougall) came to town ; and as I had formerly had a long conversation with MacLeod upon the subject of the King's affairs, I proposed to Lochyell that we should have another meeting to deliver him a letter from the Prince. Lochyell accordingly made the appointment ; when after some discourse, I told him I was charged with a letter from the Prince, and then put it into his hand. After reading it, and appearing extremely well pleased, he expressed a strong desire to hear a description of his Highnesses person and character ; which I having attempted very candidly and without reserve, he de- clared in a kind of rapture, that he would make it his business to advance his interest as much as was in his power, and would join him let him come when he would. Having sat a considerable time, which was all spent upon the same topick, and Macleod having again and again repeated his resolution to promote the Prince's interest, and join him when he came, we broke up, but went to another Company in the same house, where were Lord Traquair, Mr. Stewart of Appin, and young Glengarry, where Macleod was no sooner seated, than as much affected with what had passed, he called for a large glass, and drank a bumper to Prince Charles. We * I appeal to Glengary to vouch this fact ; and to Mr. MacDonald the Banker to acknowledge his letter. 1 Norman, 19th of Macleod, b. 1706, M.P. for Inverness-shire 1741-1751, d. 1772. See infra, p. 112. 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 109 sat there for some time ; and when the Company was breaking up, I stopped Lochyell, and told him, that notwithstanding Macleod seemed so forward, and had promised so positively, yet I was determined to engage for no man, lest it should be imputed to me, that the Prince upon my intelligence and assurance had been encouraged to make an attempt without having sufficient grounds to go upon. I was resolved to have (if possible) every man's opinion and his own hand, and not to proceed after the vague, loose, and uncertain manner the other Agents for the Family had been accustomed to do ; and there- fore begged he would go to him next morning, and procure something of that kind from him in writing. Lochyell seemed much pleased with this scheme ; promised to go to him : and told me next day, that he had been with him before he was up, when he repeated the same things, and came under the like engagements he had done the night be- fore, and as he said was so frank and hearty that he was loth to ask any thing from him in writing, lest he should think it was doubting his honour ; besides, as he continued to lye in bed, he thought it improper. But, as I was still desirous to engage every one in such a manner as to leave them no room to resile, I begged Lochyell would repeat his visit next morning, and procure his advice and consent in writing : which he accordingly did, and as I can well remember, it was in the following terms : 6 That having maturely considered his Royal Highness's resolution, he was of opinion that to land in Scotland without assistance from abroad might prove an unsuccessful attempt : but as he was entirely devoted to the interest of the Royal Family, if he should land, he would join him at the head of his Clan." Having procured this assurance, I naturally imagined it was impossible for him to fall from his engagements ; and upon a further meeting I had with him, after informing him of what advantage it would be to insinuate himself into the favour of the Party in England, and let them know the Scots strength, and how forward they were, he promised to follow my advice ; and assured me he would do every thing in his power to pro- mote the Cause. As my transactions with this man came in so naturally and 110 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. closely with what I mentioned of Mr. MacDonald of Glengary, I delayed making any observations on Bohaldy's uncandid pro- ceedings with regard to me : and indeed I am loth to spend time in tracing him in all his windings, and thereby rendering this paper more tedious and complex than it would have been by giving only a succinct narration of facts, yet as it is natural to desire to have every thing made plain, without which it is impossible to see into the dangerous consequences attending upon circumstances, I will venture to look back to what passed betwixt Glengary and me, and thereby shew the false, treach- erous and mischievous step Bohaldy in his great wisdom was pleased to take. First then let us observe the mighty pains he was at in Rotterdam to persuade me, that my going to Paris would be a means to discover the Prince, and hurt his affairs : yet the same cautious man, notwithstanding all his care and foresight (to say no worse) sends a boy (for his nephew was no more) unacquainted with the world and business, to inform a young Gentleman of the secret he had seemed so much afraid of being divulged. He had the honour of being the King's corre- spondent, the Prince's confident, and the Party's agent : could he then discover any person sent, any message delivered, or proposal made, without being guilty of the most flagrant treachery and breach of trust ? The consequences flowing from such a discovery might have proved fatal to the whole Party, had either his nephew, or Mr. MacDonald, inadvertently mentioned my journey : for it is not to be doubted that I would immediately have been seized, a plot trumped up, and the persons, with whom I was so nearly and publickly connected, rendered suspected (I should rather say discovered, as their principles were no secret) and brought to trouble. That this must have ensued will appear, beyond any cavil, from every circumstance which must infallibly have been dis- covered, upon the enquiry which would have followed my con- finement. My having retired to Perthshire, and being with the Duke of Perth the year before in the time of the Dunkirk embarkation ; my going that summer to the army, where I had no plausible business ; my disappearing for some time at Rotterdam, and 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 111 my return thither again, coinciding exactly with the time when it was said I had been in France, would have proved such convincing arguments against me, that had I been possessed of the deceit of Bohaldy himself, with the tongues of men and angels, it would not have been in my power to clear myself satisfactorily with the ministry of the charge against me. Besides, as I was generally intrusted with the whole papers and correspondence relating to that affair, had my person been seized when I had so little reason to suspect it, a part if not the whole of these papers would have been seized likewise : and what appearance must it have made to the world, when it came to be known, that from the spleen, envy, jealousy and unjust revenge in this obscure creature, many people of dis- tinction were brought to the block and gallows, and the strength and glory of half the nation utterly destroyed ? Posterity would have been amazed and shocked to think, that any member of the human race had been guilty of so vile an act. And what would the present age think, did they know that this man, notwithstanding so palpable a piece of treachery, not only dares to shew his face and pretend to honesty, but even finds people so credulous as to give faith to his pretended loyalty, and trust him as a person devoted to that Interest ? Though MacLeod is the fittest person I know to rank with the gentleman last mentioned, and comes naturally to be spoke of here, yet as his future conduct is universally well known ; and as it is possible the previous steps to the trans- actions of those times will not be much longer a secret, there will be no more room left for reflection and conjecture, but every man will be able too to see with his own eyes, and j udge by the strength of his own capacity, his ideas of right and wrong, truth and falshood, when this person must become a landmark to all travellers. This naturally leads me to observe that no humane, no good, benevolent, unprejudiced person can reflect upon the Prince for an undertaking, which till now perhaps appeared to them rash and inconsiderate, or proceeding from youth and heat of blood, as none will be under the necessity of puzzling his brains, to find out why he made an attempt of such consequence to himself and friends with so small a force. 112 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part L No man will be at a loss to determine, who are the people, dead or living, who merit the most applause, or the severest censure, and who ought most justly to be branded with the names of Coward and Traitor. Is it in the power of nature to be guilty of greater cruelty, deeper villainy, than to deceive and impose upon the generous and well meaning, by making them believe he is their friend and will support them to the utmost, when at the very time he is determined to undermine, disappoint, nay even oppose them ? Can man be guilty of a baser action, than to persuade his fellow-creature to enter into a scheme upon the faith of his assistance, and yet fail him ? And can a Prince be blamed with justice for making an attempt, when promised to be seconded by people who not only professed friendship, but offered their services with the most solemn asseverations, and even gave it under their hands ? Surely never man had more reason to believe than the Prince ; nor did ever man so basely betray, as did MacLeod ; whom I shall leave for the present to the racks and tortures of a guilty conscience, and the just and severe judgment of every good man. I applied next to Mr. Stuart of Appin, Chief of a consider- able following, and who professed a strong attachment to the Royal Family ; and finding him very ready to engage, I ventured to acquaint him with the expectations we had of assistance from France, but at the same time desired his opinion of what the Scots were able to do of themselves, and as a means to judge accurately of the number of each Clan, I begged he would give me a list, which after comparing with others I had before procured, found it rather inferior to them all, but from my after-knowledge was sensible it was the justest of any, and not above four sevenths of the number given in by Bohaldy to the French Court. 1 1 The chief of Appin at this time was Dugald tenth and last of Appin. The authors of the Stewarts of Appin (Edin. 1880) state that he was a boy at the time of the '45. This could hardly be the case, since Murray consulted him. His father, who fought at Sheriffmuir, and was attainted, died, according to the same authorities, before 1739. Charles Stewart of Ardsheal led the clan, according to the Lockhart Papers, to the number of two hundred and sixty, to the Prince's standard. Dugald of Appin took no part in the '45. He sold Appin in 1765, to Seton of Touch. Cf. p. 442- 1744] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 113 This Gentleman, finding me very desirous to be satisfied of every particular in relation to the Highlands, assured me that as soon as he got home, he would send me some papers of his Father's concerning the rising in the year 1715, from which I would learn a good deal not only of the nature of the people but the manner of raising them, with the situation of the Country, etc. At another interview, I took an opportunity to acquaint him with the Prince's resolution of coming to Scotland : and told him, that as I was resolved to act upon a different plan, from what others hitherto concerned in the King's affairs had done, and that it should not be imputed to me that any attempt had been made upon my intelligence alone, I begged he would give me his signed opinion ; which he consented to, and gave it much in the same terms with Macleod's. I intended to have spoke likewise to Mr. Macdowal of Lorn, having been sometimes in company with him, when he seemed by his conversation as much inclined to assist the Royal Family as any other ; but having mentioned my design to Lochyell, he dissuaded me, saying, he believed there was no fear of him, as he was very well affected, but as he had but a small following, he would naturally join Sir James Campbell, when the Country came to be raised, and as he was connected by marriage to the Campbells, he thought it was as well to let him alone, lest he should let anything drop to give them suspicion : so I advised his being with him from time to time in the tavern, where the Royal Family was generally the subject of discourse. Lord Elcho was now come to town, and several of the most considerable of the King's friends, with whom I had frequent meetings; and convinced him, Lochyell, Sir James Stuart, Glengary, and others of the necessity of Lord Traquair's going to England, begging they might use their influence with him ; upon which they desired I would write him a letter to press his departure, which I accordingly did, but could obtain no satisfactory answer, his Lordship finding some excuse for a further delay. As there was now so near a prospect of things coming to a Crisis, I thought it time to render the Party a little more H 114 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l extensive : * and as a means not only to make them better acquainted with one another, but to draw them to make publick declarations of their principles, and thereby leave them no pretence to excuse their appearance when things came to an open rupture, I schemed the forming a Club, where all the well affected might meet. Having communicated my thought to Lord Elcho, he approved and perfected the scheme : the Club was soon formed, and consisted of the principal people of the party, together with several of the Inhabitants of the City : and I cannot help thinking but it was of some service, and might have been of more, if all who appeared there had taken the field. As Lochyell and Glengary had communicated the contents of Mr. MacDonald the Banker's letter to some of the chief men of the Party then in town, they seemed all very anxious about the Prince's situation, and desirous that he should have some body with him, in whom they could confide; and proposed my going over. As this was a thing upon which they were very intent, I assured them, that there was nothing in my power that I would not do to forward the interest of the whole, but did not see how it was possible for me to undertake it, as I was not able to support myself with credit to him, without ruining my family at home, which was what I could not in honour do, nor did I believe they expected of me ; and to send any person to be a burden upon the Prince would have a very bad look, especially as his circumstances would not admit of an additional expence : besides, it was to be considered, that as it would be impossible for me to be privately abroad, in all pro- bability I would lose my Estate by the late act, which declared it treason to correspond with the Prince, or Duke of York. 1 To this it was answered, that a sallary should be appointed by the Party such as would enable me to live with credit, and without putting the Prince to any charge ; and as to my Estate, such a conveyance might be made, as to put it out of the power of the Government to touch it. * I was authorised to do this by the King's orders, as mentioned in page 97 by my late instructions from the Prince : and the situation of affairs rendered it indispensably necessary. 1 17 Geo. II. cap. 39. 1744-45] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 115 Though there were very palpable reasons for my not com- plying with this request, and among others the sallary's being withdrawn as soon as they saw nothing effectual could be done, and which I made no scruple to tell them I expected would happen, yet to shew that I would do every thing to promote the Cause, I agreed to go, provided there was a possibility of securing my estate to my children, and to leave no room to imagine I triffled with them, I offered to consult Mr. Macleod of Nuik, and pitched upon the Earl of Traquair (who was one of the promoters* of this scheme, and then present) to be with me at the consultation. As they all professed an anxiety to have this affair finished, I made an appointment with Mr. Macleod next day ; and in the evening his Lordship accompanied me to his house, where I told him the proposal that was made to me, with the condi- tions upon which I had consented, and desired to have his opinion if it was possible to make such a settlement. After Mr. Macleod had said some obliging things upon my readiness to serve the party, he declared that he very much doubted if such a conveyance could be made, but he would consider seriously of it; and appointed the next evening at six o'clock to give his opinion. Lord Traquair and I attended him at the hour, when he read and explained to us clauses of several acts of parliament ; gave it as his opinion that no deed of conveyance could be framed to evade a forfeiture ; and assured me in a very friendly and earnest manner that the thing was absolutely impossible (the truth of which has frequently appeared since 1746). After leaving him, we went to the tavern, where we had appointed to meet the Duke of Perth, Lord Elcho, and * 'Tis amazing to think how fluctuating- this man was. He could not upon my report after my return from Paris be persuaded of Bohaldy's falsehood. He soon after joins in opinion with those who did, and was the warmest promoter of my going to superceed him, and after his going to London changes again, and neglects the errant upon wh he was sent. I have often conjectured that his neglect was as much owing to his Corre- spondence with Bohaldy and the love of money as to any thing else. 1 This note is in Murray's own hand. 116 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. Lochyell, where his Lordship reported what had passed, upon which, with some reluctancy, they accepted of my excuse; and Lord Elcho and Lochyell, seeming greatly disappointed, expressed great eagerness and desire that some method might be fallen upon to have Bohaldy dismissed the service, and at last proposed that letters should be written begging the Prince to have him committed to the Bastile ; but the Duke of Perth and the Earl of Traquair being against any violent measures, lest our friends in England might thereby be alarmed and in- timidated, their proposal was dropt. As I was aware that every thing I had advanced to the Prince would be boldly contradicted by Lord Semple and Bohaldy, and that persons capable of making so false a re- presentation of my proceedings to the Party in Scotland, as they had endeavoured by Glengary, would not stick to transmit them to Rome in the same odious colours, I made out a Journal of affairs from the time I was first concerned, containing copies of all the letters received, with remarks upon them ; and got Lochyell to compare them with the originals, and attest each singly. I likewise gave a full account of every step I had taken from the time of my leaving Paris till that day, with the written opinions of the principal people concerned in relation to the Princess intended expedition into Scotland, together with letters upon that subject from the Earl of Traquair, Sir James Stuart,* and Lochyell, which I proposed to transmit to the Prince by Lord Traquair when he should set out for London, from whence he might be able to judge not only of the truth of what I had advanced, but likewise of the situation and inclination of the party, and to shew him that they were all unanimous against his coming without a force, except the Duke of Perth, who was always of opinion that if the English performed the engagements they were said to have come under, no foreign troops were necessary. The Earl of Traquair, after repeated solicitations both by * Sir James will do me the justice to say that, having found me one evening writing the above mentioned paper, I communicated my design to him, shewed him what I was then about ; and that he approved of it. Many of the letters were copied by Lochyell, as I had not time to do all myself. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 117 letters and personally, having postponed his journey for some months, returned to Edinburgh, and at a meeting in the tavern under the Piazzas of the Parliament Close, where were present the Duke of Perth, Lord Elcho, Lochyell, Glengary, and Sir James Stewart (but am not certain if the latter was there at the time) when I delivered the packet to his Lordship, with a full account of the contents, and begged that he might imme- diately upon his arrival at London dispatch it either by a private hand, or by the trading sloops (which sailed daily or weekly) to Boulogne, to Mr. Charles Smith, with instructions for him to forward it forthwith to the Prince. His Lordship was likewise instructed to be very explicit with the English, and to receive a plain and distinct answer from them ; to know what they would do, and expected us to act, provided the Prince landed in England in such a manner as was expected the spring before ; what they were willing to do should he land in Scotland with a body of troops ; and, lastly, what assistance they would give in case he came single : that by this means the Scots might be at no loss to know what they were to depend upon, and the manner after which they were to act, if once Masters of their own Country. His Lordship took great pains to persuade the Company that nothing should be wanting on his part, and after some expressions of zeal for and attachment to the interest of the Royal Family, promised to forward the packet without delay ; but as he thought things could not be represented to the Prince in too strong a light, he was resolved to follow soon after to France himself, to acquaint him with the situation of the Country and the opinion of his friends, using this very singular expression, that he would see the Prince, though in a bawdy house* He set out post for London next morning, where, notwith- * The present Earl of Weems/ 1 and Laird of Glengary, 2 can vouch this. The latter has since repeated it to me in my house in London. 1 Lord Elcho's brother Francis, who, however, did not assume the title till after his brother's death in 1787. 2 ' Pickle.' 118 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part l standing his promised diligence, he did not arrive in less than fifteen days, and that after three months delay, notwith- standing the Prince's orders and the repeated solicitations of those chiefly concerned. Mr. MacDonald of Glengary being now about to depart to the Highlands, I wrote a letter to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and in it inclosed one from the Prince, and gave them to this Gentleman, who undertook to deliver them ; and Sir Alexander returned an answer, saying in general, that as soon as a proper plan was laid down, he would not only be ready to join him- self, but endeavour to engage his neighbours. I had taken many opportunities to shew such as were chiefly concerned that nothing could be done without money ; and as I had the Prince's positive orders to endeavour to raise a sum, it was now necessary that some resolution should be come to upon that head ; but seeing all my endeavours had produced nothing but an acknowledgment of the necessity there was for it, and expressions of regret that it was not in their power to be assisting that way, I resolved to set about it once for all by applying to such only as I imagined might be prevailed upon, and esteeming it not only needless, but below the Prince's dignity, to speak to those who had formerly refused, I thought it better to raise but a small sum, by confining my application rather to a few, than to attempt a number, lest by the re- fusal of one, and their whispering to each other, they should be encouraged to deny me. I had already got a promise from Mr. Nisbet of Dirleton, whose compliance I judged might prevail upon Mr. Charteris, 1 to whom I had given some hints that such a thing would be of great service : but j ustly thinking his brother, Lord Elcho, the properest person to prevail, I proposed it to him, telling him what Mr. Nisbet had engaged to do, and that I likewise intended to apply to the present Duke of Hamilton, who seemed very well inclined. His Lordship very frankly undertook to speak to Mr. 1 Francis, son of James, fourth Earl of Wemyss, and Janet, only daughter of Colonel Francis Charteris of Amisfield. He succeeded to the Charteris estates and to the earldom. He died in 180S. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 119 Charteris : and said, he did not at all doubt but he would contribute, provided any others joined with him, but added that I needed not give myself the trouble to speak to the Duke of Hamilton, 1 for he and Sir James Stewart had already endeavoured to prevail with him to continue the yearly allow- ance which his father had formerly given to the Earl Mari- shall, but he would scarcely give them an opportunity to speak upon the subject, and that he was got amongst a mixed set of people, and did not appear to have a relish for things of that kind. I had likewise occasion to talk with Sir James Stewart upon the same subject, whose opinion (I must acknowledge) I would at all times have been ready to prefer to any of my Country- men. He expressed himself in much the same way with his Lordship, which I thought a very bad presage ; for if they, who were his intimates, could not influence his Grace, there were small hopes of my doing it, who had been but a few months acquainted with him. However, as it was my duty to stop at no seeming obstacle, I resolved to make a trial, and for that purpose contrived to be more frequently with his Grace than I otherwise should ; and having reason to believe I was not disagreeable to him, I took occasion to speak to him on the 23rd of February (O.S.), the Duke of York's Feb. 1745. birthday. There had been a very brilliant assembly that night, where all the Gentlemen of the Party appeared, and the dancing being over, the most of them retired to solemnize the night at Walker's tavern, where having drunk pretty plentifully, they separated : and as I found his Grace had no inclination to go home, and thinking it would be a good time to speak to him, I proposed retiring into another room, which he agreed to. After drinking some healths suitable to the day, I introduced the subject, and endeavoured to shew him how necessary it was to have a sum ready, should the Prince resolve to come over. Far from making any difficulty, he said that he heartily 1 James, 6th duke, b. 1724, sue. 1743, m. 1752, Elizabeth Gunning (after- wards Duchess of Argyll), d. 1758. 120 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. regretted the then situation of his affairs would not admit of his being so liberal as he inclined ; his father having left very large debts, which he was resolved to pay ; that he would con- tribute what was in his power : and desired to know, what people 1 had or intended to speak to. I replied, that I had already procured a promise from Nisbet of Dirleton ; had employed Lord Elcho to speak to his brother; intended myself to speak to the Duke of Perth, and get him to talk to Mr. Murray of Abercairny, 1 and Mr. Graham of Balgowan ; and that I would likewise apply to Lord Traquair, as soon as he returned, but considering the expence of the journey he had lately taken at the Prince's desire, could not expect much. The Duke seemed pleased with the persons I had pitched upon ; said, he would resolve on the sum he was to give in a day or two ; and desired I might then come to him : so after a long conversation upon the situation of the country, and the Prince's designs, we parted. Happy to think I prevailed, where there had been so small hopes of success, and that this would be a spur to others, who pretended more zeal and loyalty, I acquainted Lord Elcho, who, quite surprized at the Duke's answer, said, he had spoke to his brother, who had very frankly offered to give a sum. I spoke next to the Duke of Perth, who without the least reserve declared, he was ready to give all the money he could raise, and the same day proposed to Lord Elcho, that if his brother would agree to give the like sum, he would mortgage his estate for ten thousand pounds Sterling ; a noble offer, and only worthy of so good, and so great a man. His Grace had likewise applied to Mr. Murray of Aber- cairny, who agreed to give ^500 : but whether Mr. Graham of Balgowan had been spoke to, I cannot now recollect, though I am certain no bill was granted by him. The first time I waited on the Duke of Hamilton, he said, he had considered the affair I mentioned to him, and had re- 1 James Moray of Abercairny, son of William Moray, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Graham of Balgowan. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 121 solved what to give ; but desired to know how it was to be transacted, and to whom the money was to be paid : which, as it was a material circumstance, I declined taking upon myself to determine or advise, but left it to his Grace to do as he should think fit. Upon this he proposed to have a meeting with the Duke of Perth and Lord Elcho ; which was brought about some days after, when it was agreed that the several Con- tributors should grant Bills for their respective sums payable to me at the Whitsuntide following. The Dukes of Hamilton and Perth, with Mr. Charteris gave theirs for i?1500 each ; Mr. Nisbet of Dirleton engaged to give <£1000 ; and Mr. Murray of Abercairny ^500 : but neither of the two last could be prevailed upon to grant Bills. Their reasons I do not pretend to assign, as they gave no other that I know of, but that they did not think it proper : nor can I allow myself to believe that it proceeded from any fear of dis- covery, especially on Abercairny 's part ; for though it was an affair of the utmost consequence to all concerned, yet so fond are some people of telling secrets, that soon after Mr. William Murray 1 (now Earl of Dunmore) asked me in a sly manner if such a subscription was not carrying on, and if the Duke of Hamilton had not contributed liberally. A good deal surprized how the thing had taken air, I pre- tended to be quite ignorant of it, and asked how he came to imagine any such thing was in agitation : to which he replied with a simper (intimating he was of consequence enough to know what was going forward) that his friend Abercairny had informed him of the several persons concerned, and that he among others had subscribed c£?500. It may be reasonably imagined that this Gentleman was not his sole confidant, people of that communicative temper seldom centering their confidence in one person : and had his indiscretion made his donation known, as the voice of the world has gone for some time, it is not to be doubted but the discovery would have been laid to my charge ; but with how little justice is well known to the ministers of state in the year 1 William 3rd earl, joined the Prince at Perth, surrendered after Culloden, pled guilty of treason, pardoned, sue. his brother 1752, d. 1756. 122 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [PART I. 1746, and to Abercairny himself, who in that case would not have escaped their notice. Mr. Macleod's opinion (as already mentioned) that no con- veyance could secure my estate from forfeiture, having pre- vented my going to France, the Gentlemen, who proposed that scheme, still continued very desirous that some person of con- fidence should be with the Prince, and Lord Elcho having given some hints that he was inclined to go, I thought it a proper time to encourage him, and therefore mentioned the affair at our meeting with Duke Hamilton, who was very fond of it : but his Lordship, after taking some days to reflect, de- clined it. It would be stiffling my real sentiments (which I am deter- mined not to do in this narrative) not to say that I always sincerely regretted Lord Elcho's not going over, as I am con- vinced it would have been of the utmost consequence to the King's affairs. The general run of mankind may venture to say of him what they please : but I have had the honour to know him intimately, and am persuaded he is as void of that fickleness of temper in matters of moment of which he is accused by some of his party, as he is of the cruelty and brutal- ity laid to his charge by the other. He has very good natural parts, and is far from being deficient in acquired knowledge ; has a very quick lively apprehension, and not ready to be led away with any airy superficial scheme : so that I am convinced, had he gone over, to say no more, things would not have been the worse for us. Though I looked upon the Duke of Hamilton's contributing, the conversations I had with him, and his professions at this meeting, as pretty deep engagements, yet as his appearance in the field would have been of great consequence to the Cause, I thought it proper to draw some declaration from him before that Company, from which he might not so easily have it in his power to get off, as if he had made it privately to me : and with that view told him, I was then going to write to the Prince, and would not fail to acquaint him with what his Grace had done, and would be glad to know if he had any advice to offer, or if I should say anything from him in par- ticular ; upon which he desired I might not neglect to offer his 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 123 humble duty, and to assure his Royal Highness that he would join him with all the force he could raise.* It being now a considerable time since letters had been ex- pected from Lord Traquair, some began to think he was about to return, and therefor declined writing, though it was never- theless thought pretty odd that he had been quite silent and not even intimated that the packet was forwarded ; and though I had wrote to him again and again, he had never vouchsafed an answer. I acknowledge, his silence did not affect me so much as it did others, being one of those who imagined, that he had finished his negotiations with the English, and would shortly return. Indeed it seemed strange to me that he had not mentioned his having forwarded the packet, having very solemnly and voluntarily promised to do it : and at times the fate of my letter to the Earl Marischall made me uneasy ; but never imagining that his evil spirit Bohaldy was with him, I was ready to blame myself for judging of him harshly, and daily looked out for his return. The season of the year being now far advanced, and no accounts from France, I became vastly anxious, being thereby confirmed in my opinion that the Prince would come, as he would certainly have acquainted us, had he altered his resolu- tion ; or had he received the packet, giving his reasons why he was not dissuaded : which altogether made me quite unhappy to think we should be left entirely in the dark as to the English resolutions. I expressed my concern to such of the party as were in town, and had a meeting with some of them, where it was resolved, that a letter should be wrote to his Highness, signed by the whole, and sent by express : and I was desired to write their sentiments, which I did immediately, as it was proposed to be sent by Mr. Ogilvy's ship, which we knew was to sail next day for Boulogne. * The Earl of Weems may remember this, and that when we were talking of the union and of the indignities imposed upon Scotland by the English since, his Grace expressed himself strongly upon the subject, and concluded by saying, let us now act as becomes Scotsmen, and set our feet on the backs of the English. 124 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. I acquainted his Royal Highness, that I had wrote fully to him by Lord Traquair, which I hoped had reached him some months before ; but that having had no news from his Lord- ship, nor no answer from his Royal Highness, we were of opinion that the present situation of affairs made it requisite to write our sentiments : and then observed, that if he came to Scotland, it was absolutely necessary to have a body of 6000 men, in case the English were not as forward to join as we, and that they should land upon the East coast at any port from Peterhead to Dundee, to prevent the forces in the North from joining those in the South. This letter was signed by the Duke of Perth, Lord Elcho, Lochyell, Mr. Nisbet of Dirleton, and me : and if I remember right, there was a postscript, likewise signed, begging of his Royal Highness, that Bohaldy might not be acquainted with the Contents of the letter. I likewise wrote to his Highness, begging he would write letters to some of the principal people in Scotland, and send commissions to such as I thought might be of service, and particularly one for the Duke of Hamilton making him Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Clydesdale, Tweeddale, Air, Kyle, Cunningham, Carrick, etc., and one for Lord Ogilvy, 1 appointing him Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Angus and Merns. Having finished the letters, we were at loss for a proper person to carry them, I therefore proposed that the Duke of Perth should prevail with Mr. (now Doctor) Drummond the Clergyman, nephew to the Laird of Logie : and as all approved the choice, his Grace went directly from the company, and sent for him. In the interim Lord Elcho wrote a letter to Captain Ogilvie of Leith, desiring him to delay his voyage for one day, that Mr. Drummond might have time to prepare himself, who (the Duke of Perth upon his return told us) had engaged to go, but to our great surprize he positively next Evening refused, without pretending any other excuse than the approach of the holidays, when he would be missed by the 1 David, eldest son of 4th Earl of Airlie, b. 1725, escaped to Norway after Culloden, became Lieutenant-General in the French service, pardoned 1778, d. at Cortachy 1803. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 125 Congregation, though he might have procured one to officiate for him, and his being missed was a matter of no moment, being then Colleague to Mr. Harper. Lord Elcho applied next to Mr. (now Sir) Steuart Threpland, who likewise excused himself : so I proposed it to Mr. Norvel of Boghall, who I had no reason to believe would refuse, being a man who had asked and obtained the King's commission, and one who upon all occasions expressed uncommon zeal for the interest of the Royal Family ; but he also refused, saying he was not well. Finding it would be difficult to find a person of any character, when refused by such as we had spoken to, I offered, if the Subscribers would consent, to get a person, who had formerly served me, whose honesty I could answer for, and who would religiously observe the instructions I gave him. This being agreed to, I quickly dispatched John Mac- naughton after recommending him to Captain Ogilvy's care, and charged him to take the name of Douglas, telling him what account to give of himself, in case the ship was visited by a man of war. I gave him a letter to Mr. Smith of Boulogne, desiring he would furnish him with what money he thought proper, and sent him to the Prince wherever he was ; and like- wise another letter to Mr. MacDonald the Banker at Paris, in case he should go thither, desiring him to give him what money was necessary, with a suit of cloaths and shirts. Soon after this, I received a letter, which from the character alone I judged to be Lord Traquair's, consisting of three or four lines at most, saying that the Lady's friends seemed as well inclined to the match as before, but it was thought proper to have the wedding cloaths from France before the solemnity was performed. This, I solemnly protest, was the substance, and I believe pretty near the very words : for indeed it was too extraordinary to be forgotten. I was no stranger to his intended marriage ; so was quite at a loss to say whether this letter related to it, or to the business upon which he was sent ; for he did not take the least notice of the packet, by saying it was or was not forwarded : neither did he give the smallest hint of his having been or intending to go to France, as he proposed ; or about the money he was 126 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. desired to procure ; in short, nothing which could give the least satisfaction. If it was to be understood upon the footing of business, nothing further could be learned from it, than that the English thought foreign assistance necessary ; which the Scots never doubted. It was therefore giving us no intelligence, not even enabling us to judge if the landing of French troops in Scotland would be agreeable to them ; which was one of the questions he was particularly desired to ask. His business was to procure distinct categorical answers to the several questions he was instructed to propose, to endeavour to raise a sum of money, to write to the Prince what he had done in consequence of his orders, and to return to Scotland to inform the party of his proceedings ; but in place of doing all or part of this, these few above mentioned unmeaning lines were all the satisfaction his Lordship ever gave to either, having taken no more notice of the Prince, than if he had never been employed by him. A few days after the receipt of this insignificant letter, I was informed of Mr. Blaw of CastlehilFs 1 return from France, whither he had been sent about Christmas by the Duke of Perth with letters to the Prince. I was uneasy at his having been seen in Edinburgh, lest any of the servants of the govern- ment having learnt where he had been should get him secured ; and whilst I was thinking how to get him persuaded to leave the town, I received a visit from him. He told me where he had been, and of a scheme he had formed to seize the Castle of Edinburgh, the particulars of which I have entirely forgot. He informed me likewise that he had left Sir Hector Macleane in Holland, whom he expected by the first ship. I represented the danger of his being seen in Edinburgh ; and begged of him, that if he had any regard for his own safety, or the King's interest, he would go to the country and keep out of the way till all suspicion subsided, which he promised, and as I was informed did next morning. Being at this time confined to the house, Mr. Macleod of 1 John Bleau or Blaw of Castlehill, near Clackmannan, cf. Lyon in Mourning, iii. 166, 167, and 180, as to his visit to France in Feb. 1745 and subsequent arrest in June and imprisonment for two and a half years. He was hanged for murder in 1767 at the age of seventy-five. Cf. Charles's Transactions in Scotland, II. 10. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 127 Nuik made me a visit, and acquainted me that the Laird of Macleod was come to town, and desired to see me, having a packet to deliver from the Earl of Traquair. Being unable to go abroad, I begged he would do me the favour to come to me ; and was overjoyed to think, that we should at last receive full satisfaction from his Lordship : but how great was my surprize in the afternoon, when Macleod delivered the same packet (which I had sent to London by his Lordship about four months before) without any intelligence, or any reason for returning it, only that he could not get a proper person to send it by to the Prince. If this fact is maturely considered, it will be found to have been one of the most unaccountable that ever man was guilty of ; and to what cause alone to attribute it, few people may be able to guess. The ways proposed to him to forward it were easy and safe : yet supposing it had been otherwise, and that he found it impossible, he ought not to have kept it so long, but returned it immediately. He knew the contents were of the utmost consequence, and of a more interesting nature than his Royal Highness had perhaps ever received. He declared as much in company the night it was delivered to him. He approved of the necessity there was to transmit it, promised to do it, and even went the length to say, that it was an affair upon which so much depended, that he would follow it himself to enforce the arguments it contained, with what further occurred to him : and he had not only declared against the Prince's coming without foreign aid, but wrote him a dissuasive letter, which made part of the packet. If he was really and sincerely desirous that the Prince should not come, he knew there could be no more sovereign prevention devised than the opinions of the heads of the Party : all which were in the body of the Packet. If he was convinced, which seemed evident (unless he was acting with a designed treachery all along) from his outward keenness that I should go over, that Semple and Bohaldy had not acted a fair part, and that it was necessary to have them dismissed from the Prince's service, what more effectual method could be fallen upon, than to forward this packet, which con- tained copies of all their letters attested by Lochyell, with 128 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. my remarks upon their several contradictions and incon- sistencies ? If he had the Prince's honour and interest so much at heart as he pretended, surely nothing could be of more service to him, than to be let into not only the present state of his affairs, but the whole transactions that had passed for some years, of which he knew little but from the memorial I had given : nay, his Lordship knew, it was impossible for the Prince to learn these by another channel ; and yet notwithstanding all, he retained it in his custody. Could there be a baser neglect, a more barefaced breach of trust ? I may, and am confident all the world will, pronounce it a sacrificing of his Prince, and a betraying of his Countrymen, in the grossest manner. Had he been averse to the employment, why did he not declare it openly and above board ? There were none to con- troul him, or force it upon him ; they could have fallen upon many other methods of conveyance : I would even have gone privately myself, had no other been found. If he altered his mind after he arrived in London, the only part he could have acted with seeming honour, was to return it directly, that we might still have had time to send it over : but to keep it in his custody about four months, seems to have been a designed and studied trick. He knew well, that if there was no landing in England in the Spring, the Prince resolved to be in Scotland early in the Summer. Why then did he keep it up till the month of May, when in all probability it could not arrive in Scotland much sooner than he ? If he imagined the contents were not sufficiently strong of themselves, and that the Prince might continue his resolution notwithstanding, why did he not either go himself, or repre- sent this to the English,* and prevail with them either to send one of their number with the packet ; or if it was * If they had declared against joining, Lord Traquair's silence was a means to draw the Prince into a hazardous and unsuccessful attempt, and leave his Countrymen in the lurch. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 129 thought dangerous to send it, to inform his Royal Highness by a private hand of the contents, and lay the sentiments of both nations before his Highness at one and the same time ? But as this is an affair of the greatest moment, and ought to be made as plain and evident as truth will permit, I shall give a short account of his proceedings about it, after he arrived in London. It seems he thought the best way was to find a person here to carry it to Paris, and was recommended to a Gentleman of the name of Mackenzie, as one in whom he might safely con- fide. This young man cheerfully undertook to carry it : but told his Lordship, that his circumstances would not admit of his being at the expence of the journey, and therefore hoped he would be considered ; and being asked what sum he re- quired, moderately demanded forty pounds. One would imagine that a man of Lord Traquair's figure and fortune, and above all one who professed to have the interest of the Party so much at heart, would not have made two words to the bargain, but dispatched him immediately : yet it is most certain that he absolutely refused, alledging the demand was extravagant. To this the young Gentleman replied, that he was far from proposing to make a jobb of the journey, but was as desirous as his Lordship or any man to be of service to his Prince, and did his circumstances admit, would do it at his own charge ; that it was not only the bare expence of the journey that was requsite, for being a Gentleman it was necessary he should appear as such for his own credit and the honour of these who sent him, and must therefore have a suit of Cloaths, which would take a considerable part of the sum, and as to his travel- ling charges they should be as moderate as possible. In short, his Lordship still refusing, and the Gentleman willing to go in the nearest way possible, he higgled him down to £25, and desired him to prepare immediately for his jour- ney : but when he was ready, his Lordship, without assigning any reason but the expence, told him he was not to go, and did not so much as offer him the smallest gratuity, notwithstand- ing the young man had been at the expence to equip himself, I 130 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. and was afterwards obliged to apply to Mrs. Oglethorpe, 1 who made a small collection to pay the debt : all which the young Gentleman himself, and Mr. James Leslie formerly his Lord- ship's Chaplain, now Tutor to the young Marquis Mezce, 2 with several to whom Mrs. Oglethorpe told it, can testify. Being sensible, that by this neglect, his Royal Highness was left much in the dark as to the sentiments of his friends, and what a disappointment it would be to the whole Party, I thought it necessary that the packet should still be sent, though perhaps too late to answer the end proposed : yet it was doing the best in my power, and endeavouring as far as in me lay to make up for the other's fault. After this first resolution, I had many doubts whether to forward it, or not. It occurred, that as the other dispatch sent by Macnaughton was in general terms, it might not be sufficient to prevent his coming, as he would esteem it rather a wish than an advice. It likewise occurred, that as the packet had not reached him, he could have no reason to believe his friends were averse to' his coming, and had very probably already communicated his intention to the French Court,* and in- formed them of the strength he thought he had to rely upon ; yet (allowing he was convinced it would be wrong (he could not with honour fall from his purpose,f as it would not fail to be interpreted to his prejudice, as proceeding from timidity, which would hurt him in his private character, or from the want of friends, which would be vastly detrimental to his interest, by lessening the idea they had of the strength of the Party. Yet in spite of all, I resolved it should go, and en- larged it with a scheme for seizing Edinburgh Castle, with * He would naturally have assured them of the whole Clans, notwith- standing what I had told him, trusting to my having communicated his intention to them, and receiving no intelligence to the contrary. t For though he had shewed the contents to the ministry to convince them he had reason, yet there would have been some ready enough to put a wrong gloss upon it. 1 Anne, daughter of Sir Theophilus, and sister of General Oglethorpe (founder of Georgia). The legend that she was mistress of the Old Chevalier has no foundation in fact. Cf. Blackwood's Magazine, February 1898. 2 Mezieres Eleanor Oglethorpe, Anne's sister, married the Marquis de Mezieres, and her son was wounded at Fontenoy. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 131 the Battallion quartered in the suburbs, together with fort Augustus and fort William, with the small parties on the North coast, accompanied with a map of the Country, marking the different situation of the Clans, with their proper routs to Stirling, where I proposed they should all rendezvous : and when finished, which was in a few days after receiving it from Macleod, I gave it in charge to Mr. MacDonald the younger of Glengary, who was then going to France from the West coast. There is one thing occurs to me here, and which I cannot forbear to mention, for though it may not perhaps be thought material, yet I am inclined it should be known, as a proof that my assiduity in the King's affairs did not proceed from self interest or ambition, and that the office I was afterwards invested with was so far from being my desire, that it was the most distant from my thoughts, and even disagreeable to me, as not suiting my genius : and that the application I gave to business of that kind proceeded entirely from a desire to pro- mote the interest of the Party ; seeing plainly, there was no other willing to take the same fatigue, and that if I had not, things would have been neglected. But to come to the point. Besides the packet, I gave Mr. MacDonald private instruc- tions, wherein among other things he was enjoined to apply to his Royal Highness, that in case of his coming to Scotland, he would name me one of his Aid-de-camps, a post infinitely more agreeable to me for many reasons than the one he did me the honour to confer upon me, as being more agreeable to my inclinations, giving less cause of jealousy or envy, and rendering me less remarkable, and my actions less liable to be criticised and canvassed by the army. As I do not mention this by way of apology or alleviation of any thing that has been laid to my charge, but purely for the reasons above mentioned, I beg it may not be so interpreted, for I am far from thinking the office of Secretary was either above my birth, or services (at least endeavours to serve) : on the contrary, I think there was none in the army fitter for it, or better entitled to it ; and I have the vanity to say, that I was perhaps the only man in that station, whose actions were approved of by all, I say by all : for if there were any who 132 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. found fault, their numbers were too insignificant to be minded, their consequence too triffling to deserve notice, or such as would have grumbled, whether there had been reason or none. But, as this particular has been mentioned with no other view, than to shew that far from having used any intrigues to obtain it, it was the most distant from my thoughts, and what I would have refused, had it been in my power. I will venture to say further still, that had I been nominated to the post I applied for, though the honour would have been sufficient for any subject, yet if some of the persons, who acted in that station, are recollected, to have been ranked with them would not have been more than adequate to my services. But to return. As broad swords were greatly wanted, and very difficult to be procured, I made enquiry if any could be had in Edinburgh : and finding that an armourer had got betwixt three and four hundred blades, I bargained with him to mount them at half a guinea ; which was of some service, for though I did not get the whole, Colonel Gardner having obliged him to provide some for his regiment, yet the rest came in good time, and shews there was no particular in my power that I neglected. I was even so minute as to provide several sets of brass moulds, and employed a gunsmith to pick up all the muskets he could find, and by his means procured a number : all which was conducted with so much secresy, that there never was the least whisper or suspicion of it to this day, though several boxes of them were carried to my house in the Country, and a part conveyed to Mr. Buchannan's of Arnprior for the Duke of Perth's people. I likewise bespoke a number of Targets at Edinburgh, which were made, and brought to the army the night before the battle of Prestonpans. May 1745 About the end of May, I was acquainted by express that Macnaughton was returned : upon which I immediately went to Edinburgh, and received two packets from Mr. Smith of Boulogne, which had been sent from the Prince by Mac- naughton ; and which Mr. Smith had secreted, lest the other had been suspected and searched. They contained the commissions and letters I had wrote for, and a letter from his Royal Highness, saying he was to set out from France in a short time with some money and arms, and 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 133 expected to be in Scotland in the month of J uly ; that he proposed to come to the island of Ouist, and would make such and such signals. It will not be doubted, that this letter gave me great concern, as it was plain that had the packet, committed to Lord Traquair's care, been sent in time, his Royal Highness would not have attempted this enterprize so poorly provided. It likewise appeared, that though Mr. MacDonald arrived in France before his departure, 1 it was very improbable he would put off his voyage for the reasons I gave before : and though I did not doubt that such as had promised to join would still keep their words, yet I was afraid others might be backward, and that as soon as it was known he came without foreign assistance, it would hurt his affairs in the eye of the world. I thought it likewise unlucky to be taken very ill of the ague, of which I had had two severe attacks that summer, and which now made me unable to bestir myself : but as it was absolutely necessary, that the Gentlemen of the Highlands should be immediately acquainted, I sent for Captain Graham of Braco, and begged of him to carry the Prince's letter to the Duke of Perth, and wrote to his Grace, begging him to send it by express to Lochyell, with directions to communicate it forthwith to Lord Lovat and Macleod, and desired his Grace would lose no time to make a proper disposition in that part of the country allotted to him. The day after I dispatched this letter, I sent for Lord Ogilvy, and after putting him in mind of the strict attachment his family had always preserved to the house of Stewart, and how much it w ould redound to his honour to continue stead- fast to the principles of his Ancestors and these he had hitherto professed, I told him the Prince would soon be in Scotland, and delivered him a letter and commission, appointing him Lord Lieutenant of Angus. His Lordship seeming a little timorous and unwilling to engage, I said all in my power to encourage him ; so having read the letter, he took the Commission, but said, though he accepted of it, yet I was not thereby to understand that he meant positively to engage : to which I replied that I was not 1 Young Glengarry did not see the Prince before he sailed. 134 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. vain enough to think any thing I could say would influence him, but hoped his own good sense, the love of his country, the principles of his family, and the honour the Prince had done him, would prevail with him to act a part which every body expected from him. After he was gone I reflected, that as he was young, should he communicate what had passed to some of his friends, especially his Lady's 1 relations, he might be dissuaded ; or if he did not, yet it was possible he might overlook it as a matter of no great moment : so I sent for the reverend Mr. John Mackenzie, who had been his Tutor, and without telling him the par- ticulars which had passed, I begged him to be frequently with his Lordship, to take every opportunity to inculcate the prin- ciples he had been taught, and shew him how prejudicial it would be to his character to take any steps opposite to what his family had hitherto done ; observing that as the times then went it was very necessary, his Lordship being young, and just entering into the world, when men were most ready to forget their old way of thinking and adopt that of their company. Mr. Mackenzie, pleased to find me anxious about his late pupil, promised that no pains should be wanting on his part ; and, I truly believe, was as good as his word. The same evening I received a message from Sir Hector Macleane, by Colonel John Stewart, acquainting me with his arrival, and desiring to see me • but being unable to go abroad, I promised to wait on him next afternoon : and as soon as the Colonel was gone, reflecting that things now began to thicken, I thought it would be proper, in case of accidents, to put my papers out of the way ; so after sealing them up, I committed them to the care of the reverend Mr. David Rae, letting him know the nature of them, and begging him to keep them concealed. Next morning I went to Leith, and got a packet from Mr. Smith containing the letter and commission I had desired for the Duke of Hamilton ; and upon my return to town went to wait upon Sir Hector Macleane, where I unexpectedly found 1 Lord Ogilvie married Margaret, daughter of Sir James Johnstone of Wester- hall. She was imprisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh in June 1746, escaped to France in November of the same year, and died in 1757, aged thirty-three. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 135 Mr. Blaw of Castlehill, notwithstanding I had desired him to keep in the country. Sir Hector immediately acquainted me with the Prince's intended voyage, and the signals he was to make. He said he was charged with a packet of letters to me, which was not to be opened till the Duke of Perth was present, and as he thought his going to Drummond Castle would be im- proper, desired me to write to his Grace to appoint a place of meeting, which I accordingly did that night by express, and by the return was desired to be at Linlithgow on the Wednesday following ; but on the Tuesday morning 1 Sir Hector was most unfortunately taken into custody, and carried prisoner to the Castle of Edinburgh. People generally reflected upon Sir Hector for having ap- peared too publickly, without considering the remarkableness of his person, which made him liable to be taken notice of; but I am satisfied that, notwithstanding the excursion he made to Newhaven in company with Colonel Stewart and Mr. Hepburn of Keith, he would have been very safe if no innuendoes had been made to his Landlord, or had his Landlord been wise enough to keep his secret. I will readily allow that he had done better not to have staid in town ; but when I proposed his going to my house in the Country, he excused himself by saying that he had shoes and boots making, which he could not get done anywhere else, which would have been no good reason in any other man ; and though I was much inclined to propose his having them sent after him, yet it would have been indelicate, as his natural lameness made it requisite to have them tried on ; so that I was always of opinion his misfortune was chiefly owing to his landlord's blabbing to that worthless wretch Rutherford of Drury, who gave the information against him. But to whatever unforeseen accident it was owing, I can safely say it was one of the greatest misfortunes that could have befallen the Prince at that time, as it might easily be made manifest that had he gone to the Highlands and joined his Royal Highness his army would have been much more 1 5th June. 136 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. numerous than it ever was : and if Macleod was capable of speaking truth, he would acknowledge that had Sir Hector seen him, which he was resolved to do, he would have had but one of two choices, either to turn out, as he had not only engaged to do to him when at Boulogne, but made him assure the King in his name, or be put to death, an alternative which Sir Hector resolved, and I fancy the other would not have chosen. But to return to the day on which he was arrested. I was informed of it very early by my own servant, and immediately dispatched an express to prevent the Duke of Perth's coming to Linlithgow, which happened very luckily, as will be seen by what follows. About ten that morning, Mr. John Douglas, the Surgeon, came to see me, and talking of what had happened, amongst other circumstances said that two letters had been found in Sir Hector's pocket, one signed J. Barclay, 1 the other Barclay ; and that one of them mentioned the writer's being ill of an ague, which prevented his waiting on him, but that he intended to take a vomit and the bark to enable him to go with him to Linlithgow on the Wednesday, where he would meet them. This Mr. Douglas alledged was the reason of his coming so early, imagining they were both written by me, the one had mentioned giving a description of my case, so thought to put me upon my guard in case it was, lest, as he expressed himself, a worse thing should befall me. At first I endeavoured to laugh at it, seeming surprized that he should imagine the letters were written by me, and asked how he came by his intelligence : to which he replied, it was from Mr. Ross, the messenger. It immediately occurred that my safest way was to acknowledge it, and thereby put him upon his guard not to drop any thing to his acquaintances which might render me suspected, and which he might very naturally have done, if not put upon the secret. Besides, I thought, as this messenger was chiefly employed, Mr. Douglas might prevail with him to acquaint him should any other warrants be issued. So, having asked his word of honour not to mention to any body living what I was going to impart, I acknowledged myself the author of the letters, and begged he would see Mr. Ross, and engage him, in case he received a 1 Cf. p. 101. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 137 warrant against any body, to inform him before he put it in execution ; and agreed, if there was one to apprehend me, he should immediately send me a key at whatever hour of the night or day it should happen. To prevent any discovery by papers, in case 1 should be arrested, I sent for Mr. Macdougal, and made him dispatch a letter by express to Mr. David Scot of Houndhillshope in Tweddale, with the key of my Closet at Broughton, desiring he would go immediately to my house, where he would find a strong-box in the closet, which I begged he might carry with him and secrete, as it contained papers of a very dangerous nature. I sent likewise for Mr. Allan Cameron of the Dutch Brigade, and proposed to employ some of his Recruits to rescue Sir Hector should he be sent from Edinburgh, but met with little encouragement from him. I staid in town that day, and having considered that Sir Hector's being taken might discourage the Highlands, and the contents of the packet which was seized at the same time not being known, nor any person to give orders to observe the signals the Prince was to make, I resolved to go myself, and accordingly went next day in a chaise to Mr. Macleod's of Nuik, where I staid the day following ; and being informed by him that Mr. Smith had orders from the King to pay some money to Sir James Campbell, and that it was proper he should have it as soon as possible, I wrote a letter to Mr. Smith by Mr. Campbell, grandson to Sir James, begging he would pay the money to him, which he did. As that young Gentleman belonged to one of the additional companies quartered at Perth, and seemed very loyal, I pro- posed his joining with Lord Nairn, who designed to have raised some men in that country to surprize the troops at Perth, and prevent their joining or being joined with those North or South of that place, which he faithfully engaged to do, but afterwards failed in, and even acted with great violence on the other side. The following evening, I went to Hamilton, and delivered the Prince's letter and commission to the Duke, which he accepted with great chearfullness, and said, he was ready to do 138 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part i. every thing that depended upon him to forward the Cause : and having told him a scheme I had formed to interupt the return of the express which had gone to London upon Sir Hector Macleane's being arrested, and that I had no horse fit for the expedition, begged he would furnish me with one ; to which he answered, that he had not one in his stable capable to undergo the fatigue, but had sent his groom that day to buy one from Mr. (now Sir) James Dunbar of Mochrum, 1 and if it was proper I should have it ; but next morning, I found the groom had not bought the horse. From thence I went to Sir James Steuart's, and informed him of what had happened with the letters and instructions I had received from the Prince. Lord Cardross 2 (now Earl of Buchan) happened to be there at this time, and as he had professed a regard for the King's interest, Sir James proposed he should be present, as there was nothing of that kind but what he might hear: and his Lordship having joined us, I informed him of the con- tents of the Prince's letter, and read a copy of the King's Declaration and Manifesto, of which they both declared their approbation. I then told them, as I despaired of being able to rescue Sir Hector Macleane, I proposed to interupt the return of the express which had been sent with the papers that were taken from him, imagining I might thereby learn the contents of the packet, or at least understand if the ministry had got any light into our affairs, and thereby be able to prevent any orders they sent being put in execution : and the same evening returned as far as Livingston, six miles West of Edinburgh. As I had reason to believe my servant John Bain 3 (now vintner in Borowstounness) a very trusty man, and in whom I might repose confidence, I asked him some leading questions to know, if he would undertake a thing in which there was a good deal of danger and difficulty, and finding him willing to attempt any thing I could desire, I told him honestly, that it was an 1 3rd baronet, an advocate, died 1781. 2 Henry David Erskine, 10th Earl of Buchan, b. 1710, d. 1767. 3 Cf. pp. 295 and 483. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 139 affair of the utmost consequence to me and many people, whom he knew I conversed with, and might cost him his life if taken in the attempt, so bid him consider seriously, but having answered briskly that he would risque any thing I should require of him, I gave him a letter to Mr. Macdougal, 1 with one inclosed for Captain Graham of Braco begging him to meet me at Calder next day. I told him, that Mr. Macdougal would give him money, with which he should buy the best horse he could find in town, and then set out by the post road to Belford one stage beyond Berwick, and wait there the return of the express, and as soon as it arrived to pretend an excuse to be gone, to take his letters from him betwixt that and Berwick, tye the boy, cut the girth of the sadle and carry off the bridle, to drive the horse a little way along the sands, then cross the country to my house through Teviotdale, where he might take a fresh horse, and send the one he rode to Lord Kenmure's, and then continue his journey to Lochyell's house in Lochaber, where he would find me. Next day, Captain Graham met me at Calder, and brought a letter which Mr. Macdougal had received from Mr. Scot, saying if he did not immediately send for his cask of Rum (meaning the box of papers) he would stave it, and positively preserve it no longer than that evening the 10th of June. It will easily be imagined that this letter made me very uneasy, as the box contained the Cypher by which I wrote to the King and Prince, with all the letters I had received, and copies of such as I had sent, together with a short journal of all that had passed from the time of my being first engaged in the King's service, and likewise a full account of the whole, which I had made out that summer from my memory and the short journal. I had the strongest inclinations to go immediately to that Gentleman's house the same night, but as it was above 20 computed miles distant, through a wild boggy country, the roads extremely deep by the excessive rains which had fallen for some days before, my horse jaded, and myself very weak, I 1 Murray's brother-in-law. 140 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. found it would be impossible to get there in time. And indeed I could not allow myself to believe, that he would either be so groundlessly frightened as he seemed by his letter, or capable of breaking open a chest to destroy papers of that nature, especially as he had always appeared a friend and welwisher to the Party, and had been so cautious as to bury it in his Garden and planted Cabbages above it (as I have been since well assured). I therefore concluded, that Captain Graham should upon his return to town in the evening desire Mr. Macdougal to write to him by express, and beg he might bury the box (not knowing then that he had done so) and thereby free himself of any uneasiness he w r as under from having it in his house. My principal view of desiring this meeting with Captain Graham was, to try if any method could be fallen upon to postpone the departure of the Dutch Recruits, there being then about 2000 men ready to sail from the Firth of Forth, many of them Highlanders : and as the Prince was soon expected, I had formed this scheme. There being many of the Officers well affected to the cause, I projected, that in case of his landing before their departure, they should either be persuaded to desert and join, or make offer of their service to General Cope, and when once armed, make themselves masters of Edinburgh and the regiment quartered in the Canongate. If those who were quartered upon the coast of Fife were not brought over, they might march to Perth : but as this was an affair of the most delicate nature, I only proposed to pro- tract their voyage, till the Prince landed, without mentioning my scheme of offering their service or deserting, lest a sudden proposal of that nature should have deterred them, and per- haps hastened their departure. Captain Graham frankly promised, that nothing should be wanting on his part : but said, he was afraid, if the transports were once victualled, and the convoy arrived, nothing but contrary winds would detain them. I went next day to Kippen, and from thence to Drummond Castle, where I staid till the evening following, and then set out for Lochaber : but being afraid lest my going at that time should create suspicion in the country people, being 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 141 alarmed at Sir Hector Macleane's being taken into custody, and as they are naturally an artfull inquisitive people shrewdly suspected that there was more intended than they could learn, I went under a borrowed name, and pretended to be come from England to buy wood. The second night I reached Keppoch's house, and after talking to him about the Prince's scheme (for Lochyell had informed him of the contents of the letter) and the situation of the Country, I begged him to get things in as much forwardness, as the time and circumstances would permit. I set out next day to LochyelFs house at Achnacarry, but being known there by all the family, I stopped at an Inn about a mile from the house, and sent a Gentleman, who had gone with me as a guide, to acquaint Lochyell of my arrival. He soon after met me in his garden, and told me, he had received the letter by express from the Duke of Perth, and sent it by his brother (the Doctor) to Lord Lovat, with whom Macleod then was, and expected he would return the next day. Having asked him what was his opinion, he answered that he had not looked upon the letter as very material, not imagin- ing the Prince was yet determined to come to Scotland, having had no prior intelligence from him for so many months, nor any accounts from Lord Traquair ; which he could not allow himself to think would have been the case, had he been re- solved to come over, as the English would have been informed of it, and acquainted us by Traquair what part they were to act. I then repeated every particular circumstance which had happened from the time of his leaving Edinburgh, in the month of February, especially the fate of the letters sent by Traquair : and argued from thence, that his coming was cer- tain, his letter being so explicit as even to mention the signals he intended to make, and likewise from his having sent Sir Hector Macleane before w r ith dispatches, and orders about the signals. I also observed, that though Traquair had failed us, yet there w r as no reason to doubt the English would appear : they had been long engaged in the affair, had given assurances the year before ; and therefore it was not to be imagined they had 142 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. so little regard for their own honour as to sit still, if he was once amongst them : nor was it to be doubted but their agents had informed him of every thing that had passed, though Traquair had said nothing to us. If this resolution to land in Scotland was disagreeable to them, they would most certainly have made remonstrances against it ; and would likewise have acquainted us not to depend upon them. I then freely gave it as my opinion, that considering his Royal Highness had advertised his friends here of his design so many months before, and though they had objected to his coming without troops, yet they nevertheless engaged to join him ; so taking things in that light, I did not see how they could in honour excuse themselves : it was true indeed, that as the packet had never reached him, his coming could not proceed from these assurances ; yet he knew very well I had informed him of his resolution, and as they had sent no positive message to prevent him, that, together with the many repeated offers of their service, was sufficient to make him rely on their assist- ance : that I looked upon myself as indispensably obliged, though no more bound than any of them, to join, and was determined to do it as soon as I should hear of his arrival, let what would be the event : and concluded by saying, that I would endeavour to influence him nor no man, further than was my duty, though I must be allowed to have my own way of thinking of every one who flinched after having so deeply engaged. To this he replied, that he was extremely glad I was come, not having considered things in that light ; and in case I had not, he should have thought no more of it, nor would he have given any orders to observe the signals, or receive him upon his landing. He then acknowledged he did not see how any man of honour could get off, especially those who had been the first movers of the whole ; for allowing that his coming to France, from whence this expedition proceeded, was owing to Bohaldy's having represented things in a wrong light, and as though he was their agent and might be disowned by them ; yet it could be no reason for refusing to join the Prince, especially as he was to throw himself naked into their arms, and thereby shew 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 143 the entire confidence he had in them : so, for his own part, he would not delay one moment to give him all the assistance in his power. Next day Doctor Cameron returned, and informed us that he had taken an opportunity to shew the letter to Lord Lovat and Macleod together : that Lovat, before he had made an end of reading it, said in a passion, that he should not be allowed to land, and that if he did, by G — d no man should join him : that upon this, Macleod stopped him, desiring he would not be in such a hurry ; saying he did not look upon things to be so bad, nor w r as he to be used in that manner, and that they ought seriously to consider of it ; and that after much conversa- tion, they proposed a letter should be written, dissuading him from landing. This answer was so odd and unexpected, that Lochyell and I were at a loss what to think, especially of Lovat, who had been a chief mover of the whole, and had procured the conditions upon which he engaged to join : at least he had the assurance of his patent from Bohaldy ; and had been informed of the arrival of his Commissions of Lord Lieutenant and Lieutenant General, though Lochyell had delayed delivering them, as his Lordship was very apt to be careless about his papers, and to communicate his greatest secrets to Frazer of Gortuleg, a man of very bad character, and by no means fit to be trusted with any thing of that kind. Lochyell was of opinion, notwithstanding this strange be- haviour, that considering how deeply he was dipt, and his eager professions of readiness to appear in arms, this was only a sudden sally, and that he would nevertheless join, when he saw his neighbours take the field. He declared he could not believe that a man at his years would still continue to act the double part, but was rather inclined to think, that he would take this opportunity to clear himself of all the aspersions the Party had thrown upon him, and end his days with credit, as the only way to persuade the world of the truth of what he often asserted, that if he had a mind to open his breast, he could vindicate himself against the many heavy charges laid against [him], and prove that he had all along acted from a principle to serve the Royal Family. 144 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part h He likewise further gave it as his opinion, that his Lordship had already gone such lengths, that, did things come to an open rupture, his appearing seemed to be the only chance he had to save himself. As to Macleod he did not at all hesitate, or in the least doubt of his joining, both from his behaviour at Lo vat's, and his voluntary engagements at Edinburgh, when there was neither force nor obligation upon him, nor any great pains taken to persuade or entice him. Though I had not so favourable an opinion of Lovat as Loch- yell, and had great doubts of his future behaviour from this answer, yet I said little for fear of discouraging him. I only observed, that his appearing, after he saw his neigh- bours in arms, would not be doing much to the purpose : that he had always bragged, if old Lovat turned out, all the Highlands would follow his example, as thinking it a going game : that the part of the Country he had engaged for would all be disheartened, finding him sit still ; which would be a vast loss to the Prince, as a good appearance and brisk attack in the beginning was every thing in undertakings of that nature ; and therefore desired, he should either see him, or write to him in the strongest terms possible. As to Macleod, since he had seemingly behaved so well, I thought it would be proper for me to see him : so proposed to go to Glenelg and meet him there before he got to the Island of Skey to engage him to employ proper people upon the Island of Wuist to observe the Prince's arrival and answer his Signals ; and from thence to cross the Country and endeavour to have a meeting with Young Clanronald. This being agreed upon, it was next resolved to send an express to M'donald of Cappoch and Steward of Ardsheil and likewise to apply to Glengary who for very substantial reasons had not hitherto been let into the secret. I set out next morning in company with 1 Doctor Cameron, Lochiels brother and John M'donald 1 son to the Laird of Scotus, and the evening following we reach'd that Gentleman's house in Knoydart, 1 Son of /Eneas, his brother Donald fell at Culloden. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 145 Here I acquainted his Eldest son with the reason of my journey, and as he did not think it advisable for me to go to Glenelg, lest I should be discovered by the Officers of the garrison at Bernera, and thereby create suspicion either of M'leod or myself, proposed my staying at his father's and leav- ing it to M'leod to appoint some other part of the Country where we would be less liable to be observed. This advice was too just to be rejected, so I sent this Gentleman to acquaint M'leod with my being so far on my way to meet him together with my reasons for not comeing further and to beg him to appoint a place where we might have an interview. He returnd next evening with M'leod's compliments, saying he could not see me there without giving the Country occasion to suspect something more than common was in agitation, but desired I might come over to the Island of Sky where he was obliged to go next day. To have comply'd with this request would manifestly have contradict the pretext upon which I came into the Country, and given reason to every body to suspect my errand, as none who came to purchase woods would go in search of them in that Island : besides, the Country was already sufficiently alarmed by Sir Hector M'leans being in custody, and as the inhabitants are naturally inquisitive, had I gone thither (which I could not have done unknown to y m ) it might have made a noise, and prevented my return to the low Country ; so I concluded to go back to Lochiel and send Mr. M'donald to M'leod. Next day we took our different routs, having first enjoined him to tell M'leod that I was greatly disappointed in not seeing him, to give him my reasons for not comeing over, to inform him that the Party seemed ready to appear upon the Prince's landing, to know his resolution, to beg he might appoint proper people to observe the signals, and finally directed Mr. M'donald to follow me to LochieFs house with his answer. In a few days he returned, and said that having executed his Commission, M'leod desired him to acquaint me, that he thought it would be proper I should write and inform His Royal Highness, that some of his freinds were of opinion he ought to return, but at the same time desired him to assure me, that did his Royal Highness persist in his resolution 146 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part I. to Land, he would join him as he had promised, and if the letter was sent he would take care to have it delivered : he likewise promised to appoint a proper person to observe the signals, and concluded by saying, that tho he was hopefull his neighbour Sir Alexander M'donald might be prevailed upon to come to the same resolution yet he could not take it upon him to answer in his name. Tho' I was far from thinking that it would be consistent with the Prince's dignity to return, could he be prevailed upon to do it, yet no blame might be laid to my charge, nor give any one occasion to say I had neglected to acquaint him with the sentiments of his freinds, I wrote a letter giving him an account of the Situation of the Country with Lord Lovat's and M'leod's Sentiments, of which after making a duplicate I show'd them to Lochiel, and delivered both to Mr. M'donald, desiring him to carry them to M'leod and prevail with him to employ two persons lest one should miss him. As it was necessary for me to make as short a stay as possible my family being then at Edinburgh, and Clanronald being at a considerable distance, I found it would be very inconvenient to waite for a meeting with him, so beg'd Mr. M'donald that after he had seen M'leod, he would go to him, and let him know in what Situation things were, and that I was convinced he was too well enclined to require any entreaty to serve his Prince. Having thus finished what was thought necessary in that part of the Country, Lochiel proposed I should have a meeting with M'pherson of Cluny on my way South, and use all means to gain him : not that either of us doubted his inclinations, for he was deeply engaged, and had alalong professed himself as much a friend and adherent to the house of Steward as any man in the Highlands, but having been made believe so often that things would come to a Crisis, yet still disappointed, he at length accepted of a Company in the Highland Regiment which was then raising ; x so being openly engaged on the Side of the Government, it was necessary to be at some pains to remove any Scruples he might have of encurring the name of 1 Cluny was gazetted to Lord Loudon's Highland regiment on June 8th, 1745. Cf. Mr. Blaikie's Itinerary, p. 10. 1745] NEGOTIATIONS, 1740-45 Deserter, and now having done all in my power in Lochaber I left Lochiers house in Company with Mr. Cameron of Dun- gallon * and went to Badenoch where I procured a meeting with Cluny at an Inn where he was busied in raising men for his Company. * This gentleman surrendered himself some time after the battle of Culloden to Gl. Campbell and was sent prisoner to the Castle of Edr. He had fortunately been of a party which I had sent to S r James Camp- bell of Arkinlasses house in Stirlingshire to protect it when the Army marchd South, and as he was a sweet blooded young fellow and behaved very civilly the protection was attributed to him whereby he procured the interest of that family and of almost 1 [Here the ms. breaks off.] This note is in Murray's handwriting. PART II THE EXPEDITION FROM THE PRINCE'S LANDING TO HIS ARRIVAL AT DERBY PRINCE CHARLES, aet. 24. From a miniature painted in Paris, for- merly the property 0/ James Edgar, Secre- tary to the Chevalier de St. George, now in the possession of the Hon. J. D. Edgar, Speaker of the Canadian House of Commons, PART II THE EXPEDITION FROM THE PRINCE'S LANDING TO HIS ARRIVAL AT DERBY 1 On the day of 2 the P landed from on board a French frigate in Loch 3 in the Country of Arrisick, belong- ing to M c donald of Clanronald, and took up his residence in the house of one Angus M c donald a Substantial farmer in these parts and descended from the family of Clanronald. His first care was to have the frigate sail to a small bay in the Country of Moydart, about a mille from M c donald of Kinlochmoydart , s * After the Engagement betwixt the Lion and Elizabeth the Chevalier, firmly resolved upon his voyage, made all the Sail he could for Scotland, and the day of made the Isle of N. Wuist, where he went a Shoar and received letters from Mcdonald of Boisdale which had been brought by Mr. Murray of B. some weeks before, when in the Highlands, where he went to acquaint the Chevalier's friends with his intended Landing and the Signals he was to make upon the Coast. Mr. Mcdonald took the liberty to object to his undertaking, and advised him very strenuously, tho' in a manner not over polite, to return to france ; but the Chevalier, far from altering a resolution he had for so long before determined upon, gave no Ear to what was offered, and Stiffleing his resentment at so unexpected and unmannerly a Solicitation, sailed from thence the , and arrived in Loch Naan upon the Coast of Arrisag the , where he went ashoar and took up his quarters in the house of one Ang. M'donald, a Substantial farmer and descended of the familly of Clanronald. 4 1 Before compiling the Itinerary (Scottish History Society, vol. xxiii.) Mr. Blaikie examined Murray's mss. Murray's dates were in several instances found to differ from those of other contemporary writers. The fact that Murray has left even the date of the Prince's landing blank in his MS. seems to indicate that after the lapse of years his memory was uncertain, and when he does give a date it must therefore be received with caution. 1 am content to refer readers of the Memorials to Mr. Blaikie's Itinerary, knowing that whenever Mr. Blaikie has discarded Murray's guidance he has done so with good reason. 2 July 25, 1745. 3 Lochnanuagh. 4 This seems an alternative first paragraph. The MS. gives them in parallel columns. 152 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. house, where there was greater conveniency of landing the Stores he had brought along with him than at the place where he had come ashore. It was likewise attended with many other advantages as to Situation, first in being nigh to this gentleman's house who was a leading man in those parts and from whom all reasonable assistance was to be expected. Secondly, it was Centrical to the M c donalds and M c leods of the Isle of Skey, the M c donalds of Knoydart and morror 1 on the one hand and people of Suenart and Arnamurchan on the other, and pretty nigh opposite to the most of the Islands from whence he had reason to expect assistance, and lastly but two milles distance from Loch Sheil by which he might transport his Stores and heavy baggage within twelve milles of Fort William, formerly called Inverlochy, from its Situation att the mouth of the River of Lochy, which emptys its self att this place in to an arm of the sea. He had no soonner given orders for the frigate to sail for the above mentioned bay, and to put the arms and amunition ashore, than he gave immediate in- telligence to M r Cameron of Locheil of his landing, desiring to see him. This Gentleman, whose zeal and attachment to his interest had always been as conspicuous as any of his pre- decessors, did not hesitate one moment to answer his Summons but repaired thither immediately and assurred him of his readi- ness to join him with his followers, notwithstanding he was of opinion that he had corned in too private a way to give great hope of Success should any of the persons fail who had engaged to join him, which was not impossible they might do upon pre- tence of his having no seeming assistance from abroad, and upon the whole advised that he should for some time lay quiete till he knew what force he might depend upon. But told him that it would be necessary he should for some time keep private, till his friends had put themselves in a Capacity to join him, which they could not do immediately, being unpro- vided with many things necessary of such an enterprise, that there was great scarcity of provisions in the Country the former year's Crop having failed them and that as none of the heads of Tribes had been let into the Secret it would be necessary to have them Conveened and proper instructions 1 Morar. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 153 given them to assemble their followers and depends, all which would not be done on a sudden. But the Chevalier easily forsee- ing the bad consequences that must attend a delay, a proceed- ing which did not att all suite with his enterprising genius, and who was perfectly well instructed in the nature of the Highlanders, knew how dangerous it was to give them time to reflect upon the dangers of the undertaking. And alledged that his affairs would admit of no delay, that the generality of mankind ought not to be allowed time to reflect on the dangers they were about to undergo which often rendered them cautious if not timerous and unfitt to act with that vigour and resolution that such an undertaking required. Too mature a reflection might make them cool and languid and prevent many from joining who would otherwise appear and if once in the feild let their inclinations be never so strong would nevertheless be ashamed to go back ; besides, it would be im- possible to keep his Landing any time a Secret, which might enable the government to take such measures as effectually to prevent his Scheme and oblige him to return to france ; but in all events they would thereby have it in their power to assemble their troops and did they march into the Country they would so surprise, disperse, and overawe the inhabitants that they would be with great difficulty brought into the feild. The success of his enterprise depended chiefly upon expedition, and the news of a sudden j miction with a bold march Southwards would not only surprise but greatly intimidate his Enemys. Upon the whole whatever their numbers were their safety depended upon an immediate declaration. The Chevalier had another and more powerfule reason to enduce, which would have created a Cool- ness destructive of all his designs, and att the same time being sensible that in every undertaking of so hazardous a nature the outmost expedition was to be used to strick a terror into the Enemy, and prevent the salutary measures that time would enable them to take. It being impossible to keep his Descent long a secret, att the same time he had another reason to enduce him to a speedy appearance which tho private and not proper to be communicated to his freinds was nevertheless the most ergent of any. Tho the French Court had not thought proper to assist him openly by sending over forces alongst with him, yett they was acquainted with his designe and 154 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part it the assurances he had justly given them of the number of freinds he had in the Country (at least such as had professed their readyness to join him, tho they afterwards shamefully be- trayed him) rendered an immediate appearance necessary not only to confirm the truth of what he had advanced, but to en- courage them to send him assistance with the greater dispatch. For these, and such other good reasons, he rejected all pro- posals of this kind and as the most effectual means whereby to enduce to a speedy appearance he had his arms, ammunition etc. landed with all possible dilligence, and furthwith dispatched the frigate whereby all hopes of his return vanishd, picked his real freinds to give the more speedy and immediate assistance, and confirmed those who were in doubt, being ashamed to break their promise and incited by his superior resolution. And here I must be allowed to observe that nothing has so great an effect upon brave and generous minds as when a person appears to despise their own private safety when in competition with the good of their country. Had the Chevalier seemed in the least daunted by the apparent caution of his freinds, or agreed to their not raising in arms for some time and keep'd the ship hovering of the coast for a retreat, it is more than probable that the interest L[ord] L[ovat], S r Alexander] M c Donald with M c C[leod] had with the others, together with the many dangers that would have occurred to them every day would have oblidged him att last to return after a fruitless attempt and if not rendered him despicable in the Eyes of foreigners would att least have enduced them to believe that he had no freinds and had been foolish enough to undertake a thing of such vast consequence to himself and country without any proper encouragement, so ready are menkind to judge and conjecture of the actions of others tho entirly ignorant of their motives. This slip made Locheil with M c Donald of Keppoch, Clanronald, Stewart of Ardsheil with principal gentleman of Glengarys familly to agree to have their people in arms in two weeks after and the Rendezvous was appointed att Glenphinnen, a small place att the head of Locheil upon the day of ? 19th August. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 155 After the Chevalier had made some few days stay in Arriseck, where M c donald younger of Clanronald had joined him, he sett out for M c donald of Kinlochmoyderts where he had ordered his stores, and att the same time dispatched young Clanronald with letters and instructions to S r Alex r M c donald and the Laird of M c cleod to acquaint them with his designs and desire them to raise their followers with all diligence possible and to know what number of arms they would require and desiring their opinion in regard to his future motions. If the first of these two gentlemen had not been bitterly enveyd [inveighed] against by the Cheva- liers party for not joining of him, I should have esteemd it sufficient only to have said that he disapproved of his under- taking as desperate and therefor did not think himself under any obligation from principle alone to join him however weak a reason it must in its self appear to every man of real prin- ciple whose indispensible duty it is in such like cases to give all the assistance in his power to the Person he esteems his prince ; yett as I have no other view in writting this narrative than to give a distinct and true account of an affair that has made so much noise in Europe, it would be unfair to the world, as well as unjust to the memorys and characters of some individuals, not to observe the different motives that enduced them to act the different parts they did, — and to show the world how unjust they are to envolve one man in the same infamy and reproach with another when nothing so much to blame. I must therefor do S r Alex r M c donald the justice to say that the winter pre- ceeding the Chevaliers landing when a letter was conveyed to him from him desiring his assistance in his intended expedition he denyed making any possitive promise but said how soon he saw a well concerted scheme he would ready ly not only to join him himself but endeavour to procure the assistance of as many of his neighbours as he could, and I can say with certainty that from that time he came under no further engagement ; att the same time that I do him this justice, I hope the world will not from thence infer that I in the smallest degree approve of his future behaviour. I should be sorry to have so bad an opinion of mankind as to think any of them cappable of attempting an apologie for him. 156 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part n, But to return to what passed att the meetting betwixt that gentleman the Laird of M c leod and Clanronald. After our young Ambassader deliverd his letters and enforced his instructions with what arguments occurrd to him, S r Alex r told him in a few words that tho nobody wished better to the Chevaliers cause than he did, yett [he] must be excused to think that his scheme had not been well concerted, that he saw no probability of Success and therefor declard once for all that he would not join but was of opinion that he ought to return, to which Clanronald answered that, that was what the Chevalier had declared he never would do but rather try his fate with a hundred men, and then acquainted him with his own resolution to join him whatever might be the con- sequences. The Laird of M c leod, who has since rendered him- self so famous by his unprecedented behaviour, conscious to himself how solemnly he was engaged by frequent promises, did not then care to resile, but took occasion upon S r Alex r leaving the room to tell Clanronald that he was heartily sorry that his freind could not be prevaild upon, and tho he dis- aproved of the Enterprise in the manner it was now under- taken, and could wish that the Chevalier could be perswaded to return, yett never the less, if he continued firm in his resolution to stay, that he would join him, tho it would be im- possible for him to gett his people together in so short a time as was proposed, many of them being in the Isles att a consider- able distance, and begd to hear from him so soon as he had returned to the Chevalier, together with his fixed resolution. Upon the Chevaliers arrival att Kinlochmoydart's house he dis- patched him [i.e. Kinlochmoidart] to the D[uke] of Pferth] to advise him of his landing, and orders to acquaint Mr. M. of B. to come to him ; but before he could reach Perthshire the Duke was gone of to the north with a design to transport himself to France, having little before made his escape from M r Campbell of Inveraw, Cap 1 of an Independant Company of Highlanders, and here it may not be amiss to give an account of that story, which made so much noise till dround in the superior sound of the Chevalier's landing. In the beginning of the month of June S r Hecter M c lean was taken into custody att Ed r , and, as was given 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 157 out, a letter found upon him signd Barclay, mentioning an appointment which he, Barclay, had procured for him att Linlithgow with the D., by which the justice Clerk, 1 it seems, understood was meant the Duke of Perth, and which the ministrey likewise seemed to agree in, having sent orders to have him apprehended. The justice Clerk did accordingly ishue a warrant to have him seised, but as he had balled all their endeavours to apprehend him the year before, several parties haveing been sent to his house and other places in the country for that purpose, they were now resolved to use more artfull means to gett him into their hands. With this view the warrant was given to Cap 1 Campbell of Inveraw, whose com- pany was then quartered att a small village called Menethell, 2 about two miles from Drummond Castle. Cap 1 Campbell, that his comeing to the Dukes house might give him no cause of suspition, apply'd to S r Patrick Murray of Auchtertyre, who had a little before gott one of the new raised independent com- panys, to introduce him to the Duke. S r Patrick, to fulfil his engagement, sent his compliments to know if the Duke intended to dine att home att the distance of two three days after, when he intended to waite of him and bring Cap 1 Campbell along with him to dinner. The Intimacy in which the D. and he had always lived did not permett him to suspect any bad design, so returnd his compliment, and that they should be very welcome. Accordingly upon the day appointed they came to the house, when they were very kindly received, and Cap 1 Campbell, to make himself still the surer of his prey, had ordered his company to march from their former quarters to a place called Drumond Earnoch, upon pretence of scarcity of provisions, with directions to stop in one of the enclosures behind the house, that he might have an opportunity of perswading the Ladies and the D. to see them when drawn up, and then secure him. They nevertheless rejected the pro- posal, tho made to them several times, and att last sitt down to dinner, which when ended Cap 1 Campbell desired to speak with the Duke in another room, his company still continuing 1 Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, b. 1692, d. 1766, nephew of Andrew Fletcher of Salton ; succeeded Erskine of Grange as Lord Justice Clerk in 1735. 2 Muthill. 158 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part It under arms, as I mentioned before. How soon they were together, the Cap 1, told him that he was very sorry to have received such disagreable orders, but that he was under the necessity of obeying them, and oblidged to tell him that he was now his prisoner ; to which the D. answered, without showing the least concern, that there was no help for it, since it must be so, but desired he might first allow to speak with his freind Sir Patrick, to which the other readily aggreed, and upon going to the dinning[-room] where S r P. was, the Duke, in complisance, put Cap* before him, and took that opportunity running out att a private door into the wood, upon which Campbell called out, by G — d S r P. he's gone, and they immediatly left the house, and sending a number of the solgers to search the wood, road of themselves to endeavour to intercept in case of his having left the wood. He by this time had got clear of the Park, and having accidentally mett with a little Highland horse, gave the woman it belonged to some money, and without a sadle, having no bridle, but what in Scottland they call branks upon its head, made the best of his way to a neigh- bouring gentleman's house, and on the road observed the Cap 1 and Sir P. not fifty yards from him, making streight to the village of Creif, where they imagined he would go. Having escaped in this surprising manner, and the time appointed for the Chevalier's landing being some weeks past, despairing of his arrival, and sensible how dangerous it was for him to stay longer in a country where he was become a kind of outlaw, he determined to go over to France, and with that view went to the north, where he was bussied in procuring a ship to trans- port him, when Kinlochmoydart came and procured one of his own servants to be sent in queste of him. A letter was immediatly dispatchd to Mr. Murray of B., then att his own house, where he had been for some weeks very much upon his guard against a surprise, haveing gott intelligence * that a warrant was ishued to apprehend him, and had sleepd for three weeks with loaded Pistoles by his bedside. He received the letter on Saturday morning the of Jully, and after having conveyd away * How far this piece of intelligence was well founded I cannot aver. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 159 two large Boxes, containing the Chevalier's Manifestos,* which he had procured to be printed some time before in Edinburgh, and secured a parcel of Arms he had like- wise privately provided, sett out in the evening, and sleep'd two three hours att a gentleman's f house about sixteen milles of, who he acquainted with the reason of his journey, and instructed him to go and acquaint some of the Chevaliers freinds with his arrival, and to desire their advice upon some particulars, with instructions likewise to forward to him a portmanteau full of the Manifestos. He than sett out early in the morning, and after staying several hours att a rela- tions house, he crosed the River forth att Higgansneuck, and went to Fairntown, the seat of L[ord] J[ohn] D[rum- mond], uncle to the D. of P., where he was told that Kinlochmoydart was then att Mr. Buchannan of Arranpriers, 1 about ten milles distance. Thither he went without sleeping, and after talking to Mr. M c donald, who was charged with a sum of French money to gett changed, the Chevalier having no guineas, he dispatch 'd a gentleman J to a freind of his att Ed r to have it changed, with other private instructions, but tho his presence in the Highlands was very much wanted, he nevertheless found it necessary to stay there some days. There was a gentleman in that Country who had had considerable offers made him, provided he would play the spey upon the D. of P., which, tho he was far from inclining to accept of, yett would not seem entirely refuse, but chose rather to appear their freind, whereby to gett into their confidence. As there was great reason to believe that the servants of the Government at Ed r had been advertised of the Chevalier's landing, it was judged necessary to blind them as much as possible, and no body was found so fitt as the above * N.B. — Tho M. M. procured these manifestos to be printed at Edr. and severals concerned in it, yet who was the printer of the others still remains a secret. t N.B. — This gentleman, with those he was to apply to and the advice they gave, is as much a secret as the former. | N.B. — This gentleman with his freind at Edr. who procured the exchange of the money, and the person who did change, are equally unknown to ye government. Arnprior 160 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. gentleman, who had been in Town with the then [Lord] advocate 1 and S r J[ohn] Cfope] a few days before, in relation to the D. of P., who they still imagined to be in that part of the country where the Independant Companys were searching every corner for him. M r M., to effectuate this scheme, att first hinted att by Arran, sent for M c g. ; 2 and after seeming to put great confidence in his attach- ment to the Chevalier, assured him of his being landed, and showed him of what consequence it would be to his interest could a methode be fain upon to deceive the Ministry for a little time, that he had formed a scheme which he was the only person could execute with suitable address, being in favour with the Advocate and Gfeneral] C[ope], and did he accept, he might depend not only upon his favour, but ample acknowledgement of reward from the Chevalier, but upon the wholle he would refer all to his superior judgement. Mr. M c g., far from being unsusceptable of flatter ry, irregardless of his own private interest, readily assented, and had a paper dictated to him to the following purpose : That he M c g. upon his return from Ed r had gott intelli- gence that the Chevalier with some others had landed from a ship in the country of Arreseck, upon which he immedi- ately went to one M r D[rummond] of Cow who had formerly been Steward to the Duke of P., and was in great favour with all his adharents, and that this gentleman far from suspecting of him had told him that M c D[onald] of Glen[garryJ the younger, and M c D[onald] the Banqueer att P[aris], had landed in the west with leters from the Chevalier to the gentlemen in the Highlands, and that they had sent an express for M r M.* who had sett out from his own house the Saturday before, and was to meet with them somewhere in the country of Rannoch, that the Chevalier was * Mr. M. thought it necessary to put in this particular concerning him- self to enduce them to believe the wholle^, it being in their power to know the truth of his journey in a few hours. 1 Robert Craigie, born about 1685 ; Lord Advocate 1742-1746; Lord President 1 754- 1 76o. 2 James More MacGregor or Drummond, son of Rob Roy. Cf. Mr. Blaikie's Itinerary^ p. 7. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 161 then actually incognito att S* Omers in Flanders, and that M r D. was exulting prodigiously that the government had such bad intelligence. And then instructed him to make them the following proposal. That, as in all probability the Cheifs would not be upon their guard, if they would give him orders to the Commanding officers of Fort William and Fort Augustus to have what parties he should demand from their Garrisons, he would engage to seise Locheil, Glengary, etc. The view M r M. had in making this proposal was to concert matters, so when he gott to the Highlands, that in case M c g. procured the order, a body of men might be concealed nigh both the forts so as to be able to render them masters of them when weakened by the Parties drawn of by M c g., and in all events, if that should not succeed, they would have it in their power to make the parties prisoners. Having dispatched M c g. with particular instructions to see no body but G[eneral] C[ope] and the Advocate, and to value himself much upon his intelligence and dilligence to return soonner than they could reasonably have expected, with a view to draw them the more easily into his Lure, he than judged it necessary to give timeous intelligence to some of the Chevalier's frends in the low country who he could the most depend upon. For this purpose he wrote a letter to a Gentleman of that Country, as if having orders from the Chevalier so to do, but being oblidged to leave that Country before the gentleman could come he left a list of the persons to be acquainted with directions, not only who were proper to advertise the other but those who were the most likely to prevail with their friends to be in readiness when an opportunity should offer to join. He likewise wrote to some people who he had previously engaged to give money, begging them to have their several sums ready. He then concerted a scheme with a Gentleman in the neigh- bourhood who was a very resolute and enterprising genius, to to make the D. of Ar[gyll] prisoner, who it was then imagined intended to go to his house at Inverarray, And lastly, engaged Arran to send a small vessel with some hundred bolls of oate meal to where the Chevalier then was, the Country being very much stretned att that season.* * Upon the whole of this storey it is necessary to observe that till this day ye government is ignorant of any of the particulars or the persons L 162 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. Having thus settled matters there in the best manner the time would allow off, he sett out about four in the Evening for Fairntown, where he sleep'd all night, and next morning in Company with Kinlochmoydart begun their journey to the Highlands, and the third day about dinner time arrived att Achnacarry, Locheils house, having sleepd the night before att Kappoch. The day following they reached the head of Lochsheil, where they stayed all night, and next afternoon gott to Kinlochmoydarts house where the Chevalier still was. The Chevalier had been all this time busied in incitting his freinds to gett their people together, and to have his arms and amunition, &c, convey'd from the place where they were landed to his own quarters, which notwithstanding his own continual care and industry, was a great whille of being accomplished, so superiorly indolent and Idle are the people of that part of the Country. Mr. Walsh the gentleman who commanded the Frigate had met with two ships loadened with oat meal off the Island of Skey, which he sent in to the Bay from whence he saild to provide the Chevaliers army, but notwithstanding the absolute un- possibility there was to procure bread for the men in that season of the year and the easy access there was from the place of landing to the Loch of Sheil, he could not procure one Boll of it to be carried to the place of Rendezvous, so that in spite of all the care he could take of two ship loads of oat meal and flouer, infinitely more than his army could have destroyd concerned, save he who carried the message. Had this been inform'd of by M., there would have been no occasion to streach the law to so unpre- cedented a lenth as in the case of the unhappy Arran Prier, whos superior good sense alone seems to have been the cause of his fall. A great deal more could be said to prove how much this gentleman, as well as numbers of others yet unknown, was in M.'s power, but as these transactions with Am. preceded the Chevalier's landing they would be improper to mention at this time, tho' when a more favourable time offers the whole proceed- ings of the party from ye year 1738-9, 1 at which time M. was first employed, will be made publick to the rash judging world, it will then appear, as they say in Scotland, who's arse is blackest with who was the most able, dilligent, and honest servant, and who deserves the most regard from the Party. From this it appears that Part I. was written subsequently. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 163 durring their stay in the Highlands, there were only about Sixty Bolls ever went out of Clanronalds Country.* As Mr. M. had been long employd in his affairs and was the best acquainted with the dispositions of the people, he was immediately upon his arrival desired to say what he thought was the most proper step to be taken. He accord- ingly f gave in a list of such persons as he thought ought to be wrote to, either to persuade them to join who had already previously engaged themselves, or to such who had not, for prudential reasons, been lett into the secret, but might possibly join, or give money, with some others as a polite perswasive to act a neutral part. He likewise advised that a person should be sent over to Holland, not only to sound some of the Dutch officers of the Scotts Brigade, J but in case they was found inclinable to serve the Chevalier, to have proper Authority to make such agreement with them as should be thought necessary, and as there was then one of these Regiments in garrison at Sleuse, 1 it would have been no difficult matter had any number of officers been gaind, to have made themselves masters of the ships in the Harbour, and transported themselves to Aberdeen or any other con- venient port in the north. He proposed likewise that the person so sent should have authority (in case the Govern 1 of England made a demand of the six thousand Dutch * This particular, which may seem of no great consequence, would not have been mentioned here had it not been to show the unjust complaints made by that Clan, as if they had been the chief sufferrers from the Chevaliers expedition, when as, in fact, they were the people cheifly benefited by it. t Of above thirty letters, some of them to people immediately in the government's service, others pretended freinds to them, it has not appeard yt M. mentioned one, so we shall only leave the world to judge what a scene such a discovery must have made ; nor would we have mentioned this particular fear of giving suspition, had not the behaviour of these particulars towards M. been so remarkably ungratfull. | N.B. — It don't appear that any of the gentlemen in the Brigade have been hindered in their prefermt, which we must allow would not have been the case had M. mentioned them to the Ministry, and that he could mention we are not to doubt, as he never would have made the proposal without giving a list of those the most proper to apply to. 1 Helvoetsluys. 164 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part il stipulate by Treaty) not only to make an offer in the Chevaliers name that in case they would continue neuter, that he would confirm all treaties with them that had been entered into from the Revolution, but make a formal demand of the Scots Regiments as his Subjects, with liberty to freight ships and transport them or march them under proper passports where ever he would. Upon the whole, the Chevalier did not object to his proposal anent the Dutch, but for good reasons did not think it proper to be execute att that time, but ordered him to make out letters for the several people he had mention according to their several ranks. The letters being made out with all possible dilligence, Kinlochmoydart was ordered to carry them, about twenty-four in Number, and was preparing to sett out the next morning, but from what unaccountable motive, I cant say, he refused, and att the same time had the childish vanity to ask to be named an Aid de Camp. It is easy to believe y* such a behaviour would strick the Chevalier to find a person not only refuse to carry his orders after having agreed to it, but att the same time to demand an employment he had neither a tittle to, nor indeed was in any way cutt out for, but the Chevalier s unparraleld good nature and humanity, together with his good sense, which made him sensible that it would not be proper for him to disoblige anybody, especially in the beginning, enduced him not only to overlook the seeming neglect, but even to gratifie his ill judged vanity by granting his demand. This, however, made it difficult for him to find a right person to carry his letters, till he was at last oblidged to employ M r . M. who, though very much against his inclination, readily complyd and sett out next day, having left the Chevalier very much taken up in writting of letters and sending expresses to hasten the inarch of his freinds to the Rendezvous which was now fast approaching. The second day, in the morning, when about seven milles from Locheils house, he observed five persons on horse back who he took from their dress to be officers of the Independent Companys, and they, on the other hand, imagined him, from being in reed cloathe, to be an officer of the Garrison of Fort William about three miles distant. This mutual mistake made both suspitious, but as he was all 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 165 alone, his servant and two Camerons who were alongst with him having fain a good way behind, he intended to have passed w 1 out taking any notice, when one of the gentle- men desired him to stop, upon which he immediately run aside, thinking to gett into a bog where he could not be followed on horse back, but j udging that impossible he stopp'd whille the other, with his pistole coked, asked him who he was, where he was going, and desired a small sword he had gott in his hand ; whille they were parlying together in this manner another came up, and pulling the cape of his coat from his head proved to be Glenbucket, 1 to whom he had a letter in his Pocket, and who was then upon his road to pay his Duty to the Chevalier. He had not parted w* them above half an hour when he observed several people running towards the River of Lochy and throwing away their plaids as they run, which he att last came to understand from one he mett by the road, was owing to an alarum being given that some of the people who belonged to Cappoch had attacked two companys of G u . Sinclairs Regiment upon their march from Fort Augustus to Fort William. These two companys had been quartered att Perth and were ordered by G 11 . Cope to reinforce the Garrison at Fort William, but Cappoch having gott intelligence of their march only two hours before, was resolved to stop them tho he had then almost none of his people assembled, but to endeavour by stratagem what he could not accomplish by force, sent M r M c donald of Tirrendrish, a near relation of his own, & who was afterwards Major to his Regiment, with Eleven men and a Piper to a little Inn att* Highbridge to waite their comming till he should gett some of his Clan together. M r . M c donald, to make the best of the small number of men, had placed them behind the Inn to waite for the approach of the enemy, and so soon as they appeard upon the opposite * Describe the place. 2 1 John Gordon of Glenbucket. 2 This is evidently one of Murray's notes intended to remind him to add the description when revising his MS. Unfortunately he has not done so. There are several instances of similar omissions throughout the Memorials. 166 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. bank above the Bridge he ordered his Piper to play, and rushed out from behind the house with a loud huzza. By this sudden and unexpected attack y e troops were struck with such an unaccountable panick as with one consent to run of without so much as taking time to observe the number or quality of their enemy, tho to do Cap 1 Scott justice he endeavourd all in his power to prevail with them to return, but as his brother officers did not show the same spirit or inclination to curiosity his entreates were of no effect. They continued to retreat, or more properly to run, for above five or six milles before the Highlanders came up with them, for tho it was in their power to have overtaken in a very few minutes, yett the smallness of their number would have rendered their undertaking abortive, so chose rather to keep following att some distance till joined by their Chief, who had by that time gott together about twenty men and overtook them. They now began to exchange fires, and the 2 companys continued retreating and fireing till their whole ammunition was exhausted without so much as wounding one of the Highlanders, who, by this time, were encreased to about the number of forty-five or fifty att most, and these not half armd. Immediately after the last fire, which the Highlanders received, as near as could be computed, att about the distance of ten or a dozen paces, Kappoch, with his sword drawn, run up to them and told them if they did not surrender they should be cutt to pieces, upon which they immediatly laid down their arms. Cap* Scott was wounded in the Shoulder, a Seijeant and three or four men killed, with about a dozen wounded. Locheil, who had got a message from Kappoch acquainting him with his design, had gott only five or six people and run up the opposite side of the Loch Lochy, but did not come up before they had surrendered. It would be easy to make several usefull remarks from this triffling encounter, but as I intend brevity so far as the subject will allow of, I shall first observe of what little signification even the best troops are without officers of Conduct and Resolu- tion. Had these few men (raw and new raised as they were said to be) had a gentleman att their head who knew his busi- ness, they could not have been surprised. They were sent to reinforce a garrison, and to march through what might have 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 167 been properly stylled an Enemys country, and consequently ought to have been upon the watch by advancing a Serjeant and twelve men in case of accidents, but in place of this they march'd all in a Confused heap without regard to order or discipline. Had the other officers been as desirous to repair that first fault as Cap* Scott was they had soon dis- covered the weakness of the Enemy, and must have arrived att Fort William before Cappoch could have come up with them, or even supposing that he had whille they was att the distance of two three miles from the Garrison, the noise of their fire alone must have drawn out a party to their assistance, if they had not immediatly dispatched one on horse back to aprise them of their danger, which they might easily have done had they once pass'd the Bridge, as the handfull that opposed them must have retired to the right to favour a junction with their Cheif and thereby leave the high road open to them. And indeed I cant help thinking that never accident of this kind showed more the extraordinary effects of fear than this, they had marched about an hundered milles and owened themselves greatly fatigued, yett after all upon seeing a triffling Enemy Idly throu away their fire without doing the least execution, and run twelve mille with incredible speed. About seven o'Clock in the Evening they were brought prisoners to an Inn att Achnacarry and used with all possible humanity, Cap* Scott as was carried by men to Locheils house not being able to sitt on horse back and treated more like a freind and brother than an Enemy and prisoner. An express was immediatly dispatch'd to Fort William to desire the Surgeon of the Garrison might be sent to dress M r Scotts wound, with LocheiPs pass for his safe return, but the Governours humanity was not to be moved by the distress of a Brother officer, so refused to allow him. Locheil shocked with the old man's Barbarity gave orders for M r Scotts being transported to the garrison, haveing first taken his parole. Some short time before the prisoners were brought to their quarters M^. 1 arrived from Ed r having executed his commis- James More MacGregor. 168 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. sion with so much address as not only to have render'd G[eneral] C[ope] and the Advocate dubious wether the Chevalier was landed if not made them think it was really false, but had procured the orders to the Governours of the several forts to give him what parties they could spare when he should demand them, together with an order on the Commanding officer att Fort Augustus for £50 pound. So that had these two Companys been three or four days longer of marching, it is not unlikely that att least one or other of the two forts would have been reduced, but the action of that day which now rendered the wholle design no longer a secret oblidged them to lay aside alUfurther thoughts of any such atempt. M r M. att the same time finding the war openly declared which w d necessarly keep all the Country alert, judged it improper for him, being a stranger in those parts, to proceed on his journey. The Highlanders, to whom he must have made himself known to be able to gett out of the Country, would have by their whispers discovered his journey and made it difficult for him to escape the troops on his way through the shires of Nairn, Murray, Bamf, Buchan, Aberdeen, Montrose, Angus, the Mairns, Perthshire etc., having letters to deliver in all these several Counties, so that he judged it more proper for him to go to the rendezvous with Locheil and there fall upon some more proper methode to forward the dispatches he was charged with. The Chevalier was now preparing to come to the Rendez- vous att Glenphinan the 18 of Agust and according arrived there the 17th in the evening with only three Companys of Clanronalds followers.* The next day 1 Locheil joined him with seven hundered and fifty men besides double officers and M c donald of Keppoch arrived in the afternoon with his Regi- ment, consisting of about three hundered. In less than an hour after the whole were drawn up, and the Royal Standart dis- played by the D. of A[thole] when the Chevalier made them a short but very Pathetick speech. Importing that it would be no purpose to declaim upon the justice of his Father's tittle to the Throne to people who, had they not been convinced of it, * Cap* Switenam had been taken two days before. 1 Really the 19th. 1745] FROM [MOID ART TO DERBY 169 would not have appeared in his behalf, but that he esteemed it as much his duty to endeavour to procure their welfare and happyness as they did to assert his right, that it was cheifly with that view that he had landed in a part of the Island where he knew he should find a number of brave gentlemen fired with the 'noble example of their predecessors, and jealous of their own and their Country's honour, to join with him in so glorious an enterprise, with whose assistance and the protection of a just God who never fails to avenge the cause of the injured, he did not doubt of bringing the affair to a happy issue. 1 After this ceremony was over, he retired to his quarters, which he had taken up in a little barn att the head of the Loch. He ordered an account to be taken of what arms were a-wanting for the few troops he had now gott together, and had them dis- tributed according to the report that was brought. Having con- tinued there till the 21st, durring which he dispatched expresses to the people of Glencoe, Glengary, and the Steuarts of Appin, to join him upon his march towards Fort Augustus; and, att the same time, others to the low Country to procure intelligence of the motion of the Enemy. Durring the time he remained there, a Gentleman of the name of M c Leod * came from the Isle of Skey to offer his service, and tho he did not plainly say that his Cheif would not join, yett talked big of the numbers he would bring along with him did he delay appearing in time, but lett the Chevalier to understand that nothing was to be done without money ; but, tho it was well known that he w r as a man of no interest, and that a little money seemed to be the load stone which chiefly attracted him, the Chevalier, deter- mined to encourage every body, lett him have his demands, but from his and his cheif s future conduct, it may not be uncharitable to believe he had been sent there as a Spey, and made the offer of his services a Cloak for his Villane. Locheil and some others, tho beginning to have a very unfavourable opinion of M c Leod and S r Alex r ' s conduct, would nevertheless lett no opportunity slip of endeavouring to persuade them into their Duty, for which purpose they wrote them a Conjunct * Commonly called Black John M'Leod. 170 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [PART It letter reminding them of their avowed principles and wonted profession of attachment to the Chevaliers Familly, with the engagements they had come under to assist him, and con- cluded by telling them that now was y e time for them to act a part which must conduce either to their Eternal honour or Eternal infamy. This letter, tho quite well adapted to M c Leod, was nevertheless not so fitting to S r Alex r , who really never had come under any possitive en- gagements, but the hurry the subscribers were then in ought to have been a sufficient excuse with him for their involving him in the same degree of honour or dishonour as from their future actions, must redound to his neigh- bour and would be no just reason for his openly appear- ing in arms against a party whose principles he had always professed as he afterwards did, having as was said pled the affront he had received in that letter for his excuse. But granting that some few individuals of the party had used in the most unjust and oprobrious manner whatever, yett could that be no valid reason for drawing his sword in opposition to a person he had always owned as his Prince. But that he really alledged this by way of excuse is what I have just grounds to doubt, as I shall make appear by the sequell of this story.* Everything now being prepared for the Chevaliers departure, upon the 21st he moved from the Place of Rendez- vous to the head of Locheil about nine milles from Fort William, and as the difficulty of finding horses and the bad- ness of the roads in this Country were equally unsurmountable, of twenty large swevel guns he made twelve be buried in a bog about a mille from the place where he first erected his Stand art. He had no sooner arrived att the above mentioned place than he received intelligence of G[eral] C[ope] having moved north ward and att the same time had a Coppy of the proclamation sent which had been ishued bv order of the Lords Justices * It was likewise judged necessary by the principal gentlemen there that a paper should be made out whereby every person of Rank, who already had, or in time might join the army, should oblige themselves by their subscribing of it not to desert the C. or one another upon any pre- tence whatever, which was accordingly done by Mr. M. and signed by great numbers. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 171 afixing thirty thousand pound upon his head, a Coppy of which here follows. 1 Upon seeing it he was heard to say y fc tho it was true that a reward had been likewise sett upon his father s head in the year 1715, that yett he imagined that in proportion as the world grew in Politeness they had done so in humanity, that it were unjust to call the ancients Rude and Savage, &c., when no example could be given of their taking so mean and unmanly a way to gett ride of their Enemy. That he should have been far from ever thinking of such a device to exterminate the E[lector]s familly did his success depend upon it, but att the same time he could not in justice to him self gett by 2 offering the same reward in his turn. Tho if he could allow him self to think y l any of his friends could be so abandoned as to be guilty of so execrable a deed for the sum proposed that he would alter the sum to thirty pound instead of thirty thousand, and then ordered a proclamation of the same nature to be drawn which was signd and published two days after in the terms as is here insert. 3 The two days he continued here were employd in preparing such carriages as the Country could afford, to transport his amunition and baggage, and in bringing up some arms from Arrisek that had been landed there and could not sooner be conveniently removed. The night of his arrival he dis- patched expresses to Ardsheil and Glencoe acquainting them with the accounts he had received of G. Cope's Motions and ordering them to meet him att about ten milles from half way betwixt Invergary and Fort William so as he might be able to give the G 11 . a meeting if he should persist to march further into the Country. From hence he marched to Fasfairn,* 4 and the day following after making a short halt in sight of Fort William, continued his rout and encampd all that night att a place called Moie,f| about four milles from Achnacarry, and * Here he lett the prisoner officers go upon there paroles, t Here M r M. was named Secretary. 1 Here M'lean the chairman was let go. 1 As this proclamation is to be found in the Scots Magazine, 1745, vol. vii. p. 396, it is not necessary to reprint it here. 2 i.e. avoid. 3 See Browne's History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 36. 4 Fassifern, the residence of John Cameron, Lochiel's brother. 172 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. almost oposite to where he expected to be joined the next day by the Steuarts of Appin and M c Donalds of Glencoe. As he did not propose going any further the day following than the above mentioned place of junction, he did not quite his Camp till noon, but had no sooner foirded the River of Lochy than he received certain intelligence that G 11 . Cope was upon his march to Fort Augustus, and would probably reach it in four days time. Upon this intelligence he sent orders to Col 1 O'Sullivan, who was charged with seeing the ammunition and baggage sent across the river by boat, not to losse time, but to advance, with only a few barrels of powder, ball in proportion and all the arms, after securring the Baggage in the best manner possible, and, to give nobody a handle to complain of the loss of their baggage he ordered all his own to be left save one portmanteau with Linnings, and ordered to follow him to Invergary where he intended to encamp that night. After these orders given which were punctually obeyd, he persued his march, and arrived late att Invergary where every thing was prepared for him in a very decent manner by a son of the familly, the old gentleman himself being then in Perthshire with the present D[uke] of Afthole]. It may be thought strange y* in the beginning of a Campagne which was like to prove very fatigueing he should make a forced march and under night in a manner on the Eve of a Battle, but the nature of the people must be considered who are accustomed to fatigue & were then very much elevatd with the news of G 11 . Cope's being so near, and he wisely esteemd it better to give them one entire day's rest immediatly before the engagem 1 he expected, than to make two days and a half's easy marches. In persueance of this resolution he had taken to meet G 11 . Cope upon the hill of Corriarick, he made a halt all the next day att Invergary, and sent some people to procure further intelligence. Durring his stay att this place a paper was produced, drawn by 1 Moy is at the mouth of Glen Gloy down which the Prince marched from Fassifern, and is opposite to High Bridge — General Wade's bridge over the Spean. I am informed by Mr. Colin Livingstone of Fort William that opposite to Moy is a place called Mucomir , i.e. Moy (or plain) at the meeting (of the Spean and the Lochy). Whether the blank should be filled up by High Bridge or the less easily spelled or remembered Mucomir must remain matter of conjecture. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY M r M. att Glenfimian for reason suggested by Locheil and which may not be so proper to mention here, — whereby the subscribers in the most solemn manner bound themselves not to lay down their arms nor to make their peace with- out the consent of the whole, which after being read was appro ven of and sign'd by all the gentlemen there present. The same day Mr. Frazer of Gortuleg came as he said by L[ord] Lfovajt's orders to offer his humble duty to the Chevalier, with apologys for his mens not being in readiness, and desired two Commissions which he had been assured were granted him some years ago by his father.* M r M. was em- ploy'd to ask for the Commissions, which had been delivered to the Chevalier by Locheil after his landing, having been in his Custody some time before. The Commissions having * As this particular has been attributed to M. alone as flowing- from him, and that it would not otherwise have been known, it may be necessary first to repeat the fact literally as it happened and leave it to the world to judge how far M. was not his freind, and slurred the affair over in such words as perhaps few was cappable of knowing yt informa- tion already given and so as in law to be really nothing against him. Mr. Fraser here named was in fact sent immediatly by L. L — t with a message of Compliment to the Chevalier and apology that he could not have his Clan ready, the time given being so short and his Country so much exposed to the Garrisons of Inverness and Fort Augustus, but that he wd use all possible dilligence to raise y m , and to enable him the more he desired yt the Commissions of IA GH and L. Lieutcy promised him by ye [King], his father, might be sent him, and at the same time repre- sented yt as Mr. Forbes of Culloden, ye President of the Session in Scot- land, was a very great Enemy to his cause and ye most able of any person in ye north to obstruct his interest and his L — ts views desired a warrant might be sent him to take him dead or alive, and, Frazer was by his orders directed to procure an audience of ye Chevalier by Locheil's means wh he accordingly did and delivered his message in ye above terms. The Commissions were not to be found upon which one of L. Lt was actually made out by Kelly, ye warrant for seising Presedent Forbes wrote by M.'s own hand, but not in ye terms demanded, it being only to appre- hend his person and keep him in safe custody till further orders, together with a letter in ye Chevalier's name apologising for not sending the original Commissions and promissing them so soon as found, with thanks for his good intentions, which two with ye Commission M. made up in a packet and delivered them wt his Compliments to L. L — t into Mr. Frazer's own hand. What a different effect must the above -Storey have had if told by M. in a distinct manner, from ye uncertain triffling relation 174 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part il been left behind in a trunk with the other bag-gage, the Chevalier ordered one of Lieutenant Ge 11 to be made out for him, and att the same time direct M r M. to write him a letter of Compliment and appology in his name, promissing the orriginal ones should be sent him by the first occasion, and enclosed sent him a warrant which he had desired and under- took to perform as a thing that would conduce to the Cheva- lier's interest, Authorising and requiring him to seise upon M r Forbes of Culloden, then President of the Session in Scottland, which had he execute with equal ardor he then would have made believe he intended, must have been of he gives of it, first pretending ignorance wether the Commission was delivered or what it was ; 2dly, pretending uncertainty wether he write the letter or not ; and 3rdly, not taking ye least notice of ye warrant for apprehending ye Precedent, but ye case really was y* ye whole Country knew and L. L — t himself, tho' too late, was convinced that M r Frazer informed ye Presedent with every thing he knew, and was often known to go to his house in the night time and return from thence to L. L — t who was unable to keep any secret from him, so if had M. totally deneyd any knowledge of that affair it would have given ye ministry a satisfactory proof of what they in part suspected, that he was putting them off with general Storreys of no Consequence either to them or his party, and it wd have been a loseing of himself to save ye Characters of a few who had been ye cause of all their misfortunes and who were well known to ye ministry by letters they had taken after ye Battle of Culloden, long before they had any prospect of finding who they imagined to be dead for Six weeks before, but to put the affair in its true light and to enable the reader to judge unerringly we shall here insert the Story as M. tells it in the trial pages. The ministry were in possession of a letter wrote by Drummond of Balhaldy to the Chevalier long before M. was taken, wherein he says that he had transacted his affairs for some years with D. of B., 1 L. B., 2 Sr W. W., 3 and Sir J. H. C., 4 by means of D. B— y, 5 tho M. denied possitively his ever having heard that ye noble D. was in the least concerned, so false was the possitive assertion of his being ready to name a noble duke when interrupted, but that was no more ridiculous than ye long list he was said to have had in his haud which ye freinds of the government were too wise to contradict being in hopes that on the faith of his having discovered all those he knew yt they would foolishly discover themselves. 1 Duke of Beaufort. 3 Sir Watkin Williams Wynne. 5 Dr. Barry. 2 Lord Barrymore. 4 Sir John Hinde Cotton. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 175 the outmost advantage to the Chevalier, as it would, if not effectually, in a very great degree prevented any opposi- tion from the northern Clans. This was the first time that LTt had taken any notice of the Chevalier,* for tho he was amongst the first he wrote to after his landing, yett his L-p, according to his wonted cunning, seemd to take no part in his affairs, being determined to see what turn things would take, and join with the winning side, as he had done in 1715 — and That this was his resolution will appear past a doubt from what follows. This same day the Chevaliers small army was augmented by about four hundred of Glengarys followers, the Steuarts of Appin and M c donalds of Glencoe, and would have amounted to the number of eighteen hundred men had all KeppocrTs people returned, but the most of them having had liberty granted them to be absent for one day as they pass'd by their own homes, numbers of them deserted, not from any reluctancy they had to the undertaking, but on account of a private quarrel they had with their Cheif.f Notwithstanding this disappointment, the Chevalier determined to give G J1 . Cope battle, and Locheil received an express from Mr. Frazer of * Not long- after the Chevalier Landed he sent a Special messenger to L. L — t to acquaint him with his arrival and how much he depended upon his junction, interest, and advice, to which L — t only answered in a squint way to Locheil complaining of his age and infirmities, with how well he wished ye familly of Steuart in general, and how unable he was to serve them ; yet when he sees the Chevalier at the head of a body of men resolved to attack general Cope, uncertain of the success he sends to demand his Commissions, with a double view in case of the Chevalier's success to plead his attachment to him, and should ye government succeed to show of how much consequence he was by proving that they had courted him with a Commission which notwithstanding he would not axceept of. Thus we se ye double part he acted, but don't find that M. takes ye smallest notice of any such message or answer, tho it is well known that the person who carried the message to him was then prisoner in the Burrow. t N.B. Numbers of them were Roman Catholicks, and he being a very strict Protestant did not think it prudent that their Preist should accom- pany them, so that to his ordering him home was oweing the desertion. 1 1 Cf. Mr. Blaikie's Itinerary, p. io note. 176 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. Foiers,* one of the most leading men of L[ord] Lfovajfs Clan, promissing to meet him, with two hundred of his tribe, att the pass of , upon the hill of Corriarick. The next morning the Chevalier marched to some small villages about three milles from Fort Augustus, where, after haveing seen his men Cantoned, and proper guards placed, he took up his quarters att a little place called [Aberchalder], resolving to march early next morning by a bye road to evite the Cannon of the Fort, and to get to the top of the hill in good time, expecting to meet G 11 . Cope about noon. He here received intelligence by some deserters that Cope was on his march, which confirmed him in the expectation of engaging as he first proposed, but these deserters had quit the army betwixt Dalnacardoch and Dal- whinny, so were not so much to be depended upon, but the report of some who had been sent a purpose seemed to put it past a doubt, he having no reason to imagine that Cope intended to shunf him, having had intelligence some time before that he had orders from above to seek him out with all possible dilligence before he should be able to gett any considerable number together. Thus full of Sprites in hopes of a successfull action next day J early he entered the hill of Corriarick, and tho disappointed of the 200 Frazers promised by Foiers, he did not seem under the least apprehension, well kno wing- how necessary it was to keep a good countenance, and that his gaining an advantage in that part of the Country would draw severals of the neighbouring Clans, || who were * N.B. This old gentleman was extreamly desirous to, and certainly wd have joind, but L. L — t gave strict orders that none of his Clan should stirr. t N.B. It has been given out by general Cope's freinds that he had possitive orders from the ministry to seek out the Chevalier and give him battle, but it is most certain that this gentleman sent up a plan to the ministry wherein he proposed marching north, in answer to which he had it left entirely in his own power to execute the plan proposed or alter it in wt Shape he pleased. J Augst. 27th. 1 1 N.B. The jVFpharsons, M'intoshes, and Farquharsons had L. L — t then in their eye as an unerring judge, and would not move seeing him quiet. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 177 then att a loss to know what part to act to declare openly in his favours. He had taken care in the morning to order Mr. M., with M c donald of Lochgarry, to ride on before to reconoitre the Enemy and give him notice of their approch, being a good deal surprised that he had received no intelli- gence from the day before in the Evening, which wether it was owing to the carelessness of the person sent or the negligence of the persons employed to send I cannot say, but when the two above-named gentlemen had gained the tope of the hill, where they expected to discrey the Enemy, not a Creature was to be seen, upon which they agreed to go down, but with caution, in case of being surprised by any advanced parties. Having now gott almost half way down to the plain, they could observe some men in arms att a distince, which they att first took to be G 11 . Cope's advanced guard of Highlanders, and were about to retire to a higher ground to have a full view of them, when M r M c donald of Lochgarry said he did not take them to be the Enemy, and proposed going a little nearer — which having done, and made signs of freindship to them which they answered, they went up to them, and found them to be deserters who had left Cope the day before, 1 and gave the following short account, that a Council of War had been held over night in the G lls Tent, and next morning, having marched a little way on the read to Garvamore, they were made to wheel about and march of from their rear to Ruthven, upon which they had deserted together with several others who were then att Garvamore, in all about forty. In- telligence being immediately given to the Chevalier, who was now gott to the tope of the hill, tho he seemd att first uneasy to be so disapointed from want of proper intelligence, he never the less stiffled his Chagrin, and encouraged his people by telling them that the Enemy could not have given a stronger proof of their pusilanimity and bad conduct, and that they ought to look upon it as a presage of their future Success against an enemy who durst not venture to attack them when but a handfull, and those not compleatly armed. After talking a little in this manner he continued his rout, and arrived att Garvamore about two in the afternoon, where he ordered a 1 Cf. Cope's Trials and the Itinerary, p. 90. M 178 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. guinea to be given to each of the deserters. Having marched about fourteen milles in a few hours time he ordered some cattle to be killed for the men, his own dinner to be gott ready, and the deserters and people of the Country to be examined about the motions of the Enemy, desiring the Cheifs to attend him in an hour to Consult what measures were proper to be taken. The deserters in the interim being known to many of their Country men, had represented G 11 . Cope's army as very much fatigued and freightned, and att the same time magnified the great quantity of Carriages, baggage horses, &c, that attended him, w h so enflamed the whole that there was nothing to be heard but a continued Cry to be march 1 d against the Enemy. This news was no sooner brought to the Chevalier than he ordered his dinner to be delay'd and Called the Cheifs to him, when being informed of the surprising desire the men had to be brought to action, he maid the map be laid before him and seemd to think that by the certain accounts he had of G 11 . Copes having marched that morning from Ruthven, it would be impossible to come up with him before he reached Inverness, but nevertheless said he should be glad to have their opinions upon the matter, and to know what Scheme either had or could be proposed, saying that the disapointment was as greivous to him as any in the army. The most of the gentlemen present seem to acqueesce in his opinion that it was now almost imprac- ticable to come up with the troops, but that a proposal had been made to them by some of their officers to pick out 500 of their best men and dispatch them immediately the Short way through the hills to the pass of Slochmuich where they might arrive the next morning before G 11 . Cope, and amuse him there till such time as he the Chevalier came up with his rear by the great road by Ruthven. The proposal att first view seemd very reasonable, but when he came to calculate the distance which was about 24 milles the Short way, and near thereby by the high road he did not think it prudent to attempt it. Had he gott certain intelligence of S r John Cope's motions the night before, or even in the morning, h might have march'd by the pass of through the country of Stratherick and meet the G 11 . with his whole army att Slochmuich ; but now that he had marchd fourteen milles very smartly the men must be so 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 179 fatigued before they could come up with him that their Spirits would be greatly exhausted, and did they meet with more resistance than they look\l for would be a means of ruining his affairs att once. He likewise objected that in case the five hundered pick'd men should be too warm to be restrained from attackling him in front before he had time to come up, and did not meet with immediate success, it was more than probable that the fatigue of their long march w d render them to feble to sustain a rude attack which would be equally destructive of all his measures. And lastly, he wisely forsaw that as the high- landers were uncappable of keeping up a regular fire, they would be oblidged to come to blows with a body five times their number, which could not possibly be attended with success ;* for these and other good reasons he determined to lay all thoughts of it aside and send the Cheifs, who were all satisfied with the force of his arguments, to quiet their people who were quite intoxicated with the Scheme proposed by their officers, which they att last accomplished with the outmost difficulty. As in a narration of this nature a man that writes fairly can only give an account of the procedings of that party with whose most secret views and actions he had access to be acquainted, it might be thought presumption in him to judge of the motives of the Enemy for having acted the part they did. But I hope the reader will so far gett over this Scruple as to excuse the writter when he only intends to satisfie his Curiosity by laying before him the Situation of the Country and examin- ing how far either party acted a part consisting with their several interests, and in conformity to the Rules prescribed by the best generals in all ages. With this view then hopeing that a digression in its self so interesting, wont be disagreable, * N.B. — There is nothing more obvious than that had L. L — t. joined with the same alacrity as others it wd have been impossible for GU. Cope to have made his march to Inverness, as he would have had both the Frassers and M'intoshes to have obstructed his passage by Slochmuich, which would have given time to the Chevalier to have attacht him in Rear, and there by gained a compleat victorey. It would be weak to say that it happend better for the party at Gladsmuir, as that depended upon fortune alone which might as well have rendered it otherwise, it an't fair to judge by Consequences. 180 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. tho perhaps a little tedious, I shall endeavour to show the errors in Mr. Copes conduct which will abundantly demonstrate the superior abilities of his antagonist. And to sett the afair in the clearest light I shall venture to go so far back as his march from Stirling, taking a short view of the then situation of the Island in regard to its military situation. There was att this time in Scottland not much above 3000 men, garrisons excluded, and these not the best troops in the service, which must be allowed to have been a body not so infinitely superior to the Chevaliers little army as to put the fate of a whole Kingdom upon the precarious footting of a successfull rencounter with them. Of all the troops than in the pay of Great Britton, there was not above 7000 in England, a body no more than sufficient to protect the Sea ports against Smuglers, far from being cappable to prevent an insurrection in that part of the Country had any such been intended by the Chevaliers freinds in that part of the Island, and that he had encourage- ment from them the Government could not be so weak as to doubt of, as they could have no reason to imagine that he ever would have made such an attempt trusting to the force he would raise in Scottland alone, tho I shall in due time endeavour to show that had he not been betrayd his Scots freinds alone could have sett him down att S* Jameses. That this was the situation of the millitary force then in the Island I imagine will be easily allowed me, and that the sending any part of the troops then in England to strengthen those in Scotland, would have been a most im political step in the Regency will less bear a dispute, especially as that step was really not taken. These premises being granted, I must then be allowed to say that S r John Cope ought not to have crossed the River Forth, but with his Cavalry. In the first place, all the time possible was to be given the Government to have such a body of troops brought from Flanders as might be able to protect them against any insults from insurections att home. In the next place, if S r John's intelligence was good, which could not well be suspected, he must know that the number than in arms was very inconsiderable, and that, so long as he was entire, there was no great prospect of their 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 181 increasing. Thirdly, if they was joined as before the battle of Gladsmuir, their acquisition was of no avail, being composed of men of aggeurier 1 and of little other use than to make a show and to disburthen the Clans of too fatigueing a Duty. Fourthly, the longer he delay'd comeing to action, so much the more did he lessen that inconsiderate spirit and ardour so natural to irregular and undisciplined troops, and which no people on Earth possesses in a higher degree then these he had to deal with. Fifthly, he must thereby have given time to have landed some battalions in the North, who, join'd to the Clanns in the interest of the Government, would not only have prevented any further rising in these parts, but putt the Chevalier betwixt two fires, and either have made his people retire home to preserve their cattle & effects, which they are naturally enough inclined to do, or if they had corned to action must infallibly have over power 1 d them with numbers. Sixthly, it w d have been no difficult matter for him, before the Chevalier had corned so far South, to have drain\l Perthshire all their superfluous oatmeal, and rendered impossible for him to subsist without the utmost difficulty. And lastly, had y e Chevalier in all events pushed southwards, he could have opposed his passing the Forth, and fought him upon his own terms, when it is more than probable he must have gained a Victory over a parcel of people not att all accustomed to dispute the passage of Rivers, far less to force them. That S r John, for the above reasons, did not act the prudent will appear obvious, though, to do the gentleman justice, perhaps it was not his own sentiments that enduced him to take that part, as it is alledged he acted according to orders from above, where they seem to have been, and are to this day, ignorant of the situation of the Country. It may be alledged that it has always been a fixed maxim in every state to crush Rebellions of that nature in the bud and by open force, I shall grant it, but that it ever ought to be attempted but by a force very much superior to the insurgents, and such a one as gives a kind of certainty of Success, ought to be maxim as much fixed as tother. But lett the G lls march into the highlands have i.e. unwarlike. 182 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. proceeded from whatever [cause], I must be allowed to observe that his future conduct did not seem to quadrate in any degree w* right reason. Having once gott the lenth of Dal whinny, it may still seem as strange as it did than, what could possibly enduce him to evite comming to action in the manner he did ; that it might not have been proper for him to hazard a battle upon the Hill of Corriarick, I won't deny, as the Chevalier was able to gain the tope of the hill before him, and consequently the advantage of the ground, where, if he had been beat, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, for him to have saved any part of his troops, as it is naturale to believe that those who escaped would have been made prisoners by the Country people, who were all their Enemys, but that the only alternative he could fall upon should be to march to Inverness seems quite unaccountable. Had he encamped upon the plain about two milles south of Dalwhinny, he would have difficulted y e Chevalier very much, for by this means it would have been almost impossible to bring him to an action, which was what the Chevalier wished for, except upon very advan- tageous terms, and he had Athole in his rear from whence to draw provisions, whereas the Chevalier had no bread for his people, nor was it in his power to procure [any]. The garrisons of Fort Augustus and Inverness put a stop to any being sent him from the Aird, 1 and he could not spare parties to bring it from Murray through the Grant's Country, nor, indeed, would the people of Strathspey or any of the neighbouring country s have supplyd them, dreading the consequences that might follow should G 11 . Cope prove Victorious, so that the Chevalier, necessitate for provisions, had only one of three courses to take. The first, to risk an action at a disadvantage, which, proving unsuccessfull, must have totally ruined his affairs, and therefor not to be attempted. Secondly, to march into the Country of Rannoch to procure a junction from Struan Robinson's followers, and from thence to proceed to Apnadow 2 on Tea side to favour a junction w* the D. of P.'s people, who, it was not probable would have joind when S r J. C. was yett entire, or 1 The Ord, in the south of Ross-shire and Cromarty. 2 Appin is a portion of the parish of Dull, near Kenmore, on Tayside. 1745] FROM M 01 DART TO DERBY 183 lastly, to endeavour to gain Perth by the way of Minaziz 1 and Dunkell, which would have been very difficult, as in that case G 11 . C, by timeous intelligence, might have gaind the pass of gillikranky 2 before them. The first of these would have been extreamly impolitick ; the second could be attended with little advantage save that of procurring greater abundance of provisions — unequal to the advantage G 11 . C. would have reap'd by being able to bring his Dragoons to act in conjunction with him, and giving time for the monroes and others in the north to join him. And the third would have been attended with great fatigue, want of provisions, and a great uncertainty of Success ; and both the last with the disadvantage of presenting their flank to the Enemy upon their march, yett in spite of all, the General, as was afterwards known, called a Council of war, and there giving ear to idle and false reports of the number and strength of his Enemy, determined upon a shamefull escape (I can give it no better name) to Inverness, whicli produced many good effects to the Chevalier. It in the first place gave his Army extraordinary spirits to see their Enemy, conscious of his own weakness, fly from them. It in proportion dejected the troops under his command, encouraged a great many to join so soon as they came to know how the affair was, and left them masters of all the low Country where to find provisions, money, and all necessarys. I shall now return to the Chevalier, who, quite surprised with the unexpected retreat of his Enemy, immediatly called a Council to consult of what was the most proper course for him to take, and soon determined to march south and make the most of the advantages given him. It was, never- theless, very grateing to him to be oblidged to leave G 11 . Cope behind for many reasons, three of which, not to be tedious, I shall only mention. In the first place, it must not be forgott that, so soon as the Chevalier re- ceived intelligence of the Enemy's march, and that they intended to pass by the Curriarock, he immediatly dis- patched an express to the D. of P. to acquaint him with his designs, and orders to have all his people in readiness to Castle Menzies. 2 Killiecrankie. 184 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. intercept the debris's of the Enemy if beaten, now that no action had happined he knew that many false reports would be spread before the truth could really be known, which might prove a stop to their joining him when gott South for fear of the Enemy s return that way, which was afterwards found to have been a very just conjecture. Secondly, if S r John Cope should make any stay in the north he would thereby either prevent his freinds from Rising or oblidge him to return and fight him which would greatly fatigue his troops ; and thirdly, did he take a resolution of marching into Lochaber and comite any hostilitvs in the country, it would either draw the people home to protect their propertys or oblidge him to return to their resquey. But as he was resolved upon all occasions to act with that resolution his undertaking required, and to despise any seeming difficulties which could only serve to intimidate his own freinds, without mentioning his own Scruples, ordered the March for to-morrow by 5 o'clock. As the Cheifs were of opinion that the Barracks at Ruth ven ought to be taken, not only to have the country free, but upon account of the quantity of oatmeal y* might be found there, it was proposed to attempt it by stratagem the night following, but the Chevalier upon enquirey, finding it was flanked, and he having no cannon nor conveniency for making of Scaling Ladders, judged it more proper to let it alone as a place of no consequence and unequall to the lives of those who might fall in the attempt. This wise precation was nevertheless disaproven of by the Cheifs, who, by their entreatys, prevaild with him to agree to the undertaking unsensible of the regard he had to their safety when in competition with a paultry Barrack. Next day, whille upon the march, it was agreed that Col 1 . (JSulivan, with Locheils Brother and some hundred Camerons, should direct their march so as to arrive att Ruthven some time after it was dark, and after taking possession of the Stables, which are but a few yards from the Barrack, put some combustible matter to the back door or sally port, if it may be properly so called, whille they keept a close fire upon the garrison.* A little after this had been determined, one * Cluney made prisoner and carried to Perth. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 185 Cameron, a deserter, and who had been Corporal in one of the Independant companys, proposed that he should, by taking a circuit, with ten or a dozen other deserters, who were all in the same livery, come to the fort as if detached from G 11 . Copes army as a reinforcem 1 , and after getting access make himself M r of the Barracks. This scheme, which was the most prudent, was immediatly orderd to be put in execution, and they directed to post themselves att a particular place upon the road to receive their orders from Coll. Sullivan, who was at the same time sent with the detachment in case the others should not have been admitted, but from what error or mistake in the orders it proceeded I cannot say, yett after having waited several hours without any orders, the Corporal marchd of and joind the main body att Dalwhinny very early next morning. O'Sullivan and Docter Cameron, together with one Gordon who pretended to be well acquainted with the place, having gott there under night, took privately possession of the stables and made a parcel of combustible stuff be sett on fire att the door * whille they keept a closs fire upon the centinels on the wall, but as there were two steps up to the door it made it tedious for the men to fix the barrel in which the com- bustible matter was, so that after some fruitless attempts and having three of their men very ill wounded, they were oblidged to abandone the place and rejoind the main body early next morning att Dalwhinny. The Chevalier, who had employed that evening in sending dispatches to his freinds in the northern Counties, was not att all disapointed att the mis- carriage having been against the attempt from the beginning- 's a thing unlikely to succeed, but expressed his concern for the loss of the brave fellows, who he said deserved a better fate.f He then proceeded on his march and encamped that night I att a place called Dalnacardoch, about six miles from Blair Castle, and sent letters to some of the gentlemen of * Gil. Cope destroyd their corns, and refused to pay the damage : the Chevalier paid his. t Here Locheil dismissed 150 of his men, not inclining to have any but who were compleatly armed. } 29th. 186 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. Atholl, to whom the D. write att the same time desiring they would meet him the second day after att his house of Blair, where the Chevalier marched next morning,* and on the road was extreamly pleased with the sight of the people of the Country; men, women, and children who came running from their houses, kissing and caressing their master, who they had not seen for thirty years before, an Instance of the strongest affection, and which could not fail to move every generous mind with a mixture of greif and joy.-j- His troops were here very commodiously quartered, there being a number of small villages in that part of the Country, and here was the first time y* the men could properly be said to have had bread from the time of their rendezvous att Glenfinnan, having eat nothing but beef roasted on the heath, without even bread or salt, durring their march thither. Having halted there three nights to give the D. time to settle matters with his vassals, he proceeded to Dunkell, J another seat of the D s of Atholl,. having receiv'd certain intelligence that G 11 . Cope was then encampd under the cannon of the Castle of Inverness. || * 30th. t CoU Roy Steuart, who had come by the way of Holland from France in a Scotts vessel and landed in East Lothian, joind the army here, and was the next day dispatched north with dispatches for L. L — t, and instructions to manage the Grants Country and Raise what men he could. N.B. — AVe don't find that M. takes the least notice of the instructions CoU Steuart received in regard to L. L — t nor the answers returned, nether does he seem in the least acquainted with L. L — t haveing sent this gentleman to Rome every particular of which he was acquainted with from L. L — t himself. 1 % Sept. 2nd. || N.B. — What an unaccountable figure must it make in future ages to> read that whille a [Prince], born in exille, with a handles of undisiplined militia, was marching full carrier to the Capital of the Kingdome, the Commander-in-Cheif of the Country should be flying for safety with an army of regular troops, vastly superior in number, under the cannon of a garrison. 0 Temporal 0 Mores! — but, alas, virtue and true courage is only to be found amongst these barren roks and mountains where effeminacy, bribery, and corruption are yet alliens. 1 This note is all written in the same hand, and is not, as might appear, com- pacted of a note by the author and a later commentary. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 187 The same night 1 that the Chevalier halted at Dunkell, Locheil entered the Town of Perth, having marched above 30 milles, and the day following, in the morning, proclaimed the Chevalier, while the young Chevalier dined at the house of Nairn, 2 and enterd Perth in the Evening on horse back, att the head of his troops. This being the most centrical place in the Country he deter- mined to fix his residence there till such time as he should learn the motions and designs of his Enemy. For this purpose he dispatchd expresses to the north, to be acquainted with S r J. C. motions, to Ed r . to know what was passing there, and to know their sentiments, and likewise to his freinds in England. From thence he was informed that the Enemy were amarch- ing towards Aberdeen, and from Ed r ., that associations were carrying on against him, and mighty preparations making for the defence of that Capital, which was treated by his freinds with that contempt and disdain which so Idle and foolish a design deserved, and the Authoris of it rediculed, as by their future conduct they demonstrated that they had justly merited.* Parties were sent to Dundee, and some other adjacent places, to seise upon what arms and ammunition could be found, which was executed with the outmost order and discreation, so far were the Highlanders from committing the unheard of outrages and devastations that had been industriously and falsely laid to their charge. All the wrights then in the town were ordered to make Targets for which they were paid, and passes and protections granted indiscriminatly to all that asked them.j- It was here * Insert here the applications made by the Citty to the K. and ministry, with the preparations they made for the defence of the Citty. 3 t N.B. — Notwithstanding the many false allegations of the Chevalier's having oppressed this Town, as well as others, by contributions yt are now abundantly disproven, yet it may not be amiss as a further proof for such who either have not given themselves leesure to examin into the truth of the assertions or who are to much prejudiced to be pers waded by hearsay to insert the letter wrote by the principal magistrats upon that 1 September 4th. 3 Lord Nairne's house in Strathord. 3 Murray does not provide us with these. They must be sought from other authorities. 188 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. that the Chevalier was first joind by the D[uke] of P[erth],* L[ord] G[eorge] Mfurray], Oliphant of Gask, elder and younger, L. Strathallan, 1 L[ord] Ofgilvie] with several other gentlemen of familly and Estates, not by a parcel of Papists and men of desperate fortunes, as some little fawning cringing scoundrely fellows have advanced, who have attempted to write an account of this affair, with no other view, as their writtings plainly show, but to engratiate them- selves with the M[inistr]y, and to procure a few comfortable meals in their stinking garrets. While the Chevalier con- tinued here, the D. of A., who he had left att the Castle of Blair, was bussied in raising his followers, which so soon as they subject, dated at Perth ye 14th of Sep tr 1745, three days after the Chevalier left it. 'As to the report of Provost Patrick Cree and me being carried prisoners by the highland army as hostages for payt. of other 500 pound than what was payd, I must do that army justice, as I would wish to do to every body, by declaring that this report was without all foundation. We were, indeed, carried the lenth of Tullibarden and there liberated. The reason for taking us with them was not told us ; 'tis true they were much displeased with the town in general, as wanting in respect. There was no money levied off the Inhabitants, for the 500£ that was payd was ordered out of the Town Common Good, signed D. Sandieman. ' * James D. of Perth was about 34 years of age, six foot high, of a slender make, fair complection, and weakly constitution, had a good genius for emprovement in wh he spent much of his time, and fired with an extra- ordinary love for his Country, gave great encouragement upon all occasions to manufactors of several kinds, but his unparaleld affection for the Exiled familly of Stuart made him bend the most of his thoughts towards their interest, and to accomplish that end he laboured with unwearied zeal, not only inciting others, but upon every occasion con- descending to execute himself these offices which people of his Rank often, from a mistaken notion of grandeur, employ others to do for them, by wh means they frequently miscarry or are discovered. His pocket was not only open to that interest, but to every one in distress, and if erring in any thing, it was in being too liberal ; as he was bred in France till the age of 19, he never attaind to the perfect knowledge of the English language, and what prevented it in a great measure was his over- fondness to speak broad Scotts. His judgement of things was very just and good, but his Ideas were so various, and crowded so fast upon him, 1 William Drummond, 4th Viscount Strathallan, fell at Culloden. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 189 had certain accounts of L[ord] G[eorge"s] * joining, succeeded to his wish. L. Ogilvey sett about raising his men, and L. P. 1 write from the north that nothing prevented him from march- ing south w* the gentlemen of these parts but G 11 . Cope's being in the Country. The Chevalier having certain intelligence that Cap* Rogers had been sent south by G 11 . C. to provide ships att Leith to transport him to the firth of Forth, and that these transports were actually providing for him, called a Councill of War to consult of what was proper to be done upon that occasion. He urged that the bad consequences of the Enemy being entire, and in possession of the north, were obvious, for it not only prevented his frends in these parts from joining him, but made those of the south much cooller than probably they would have been (which plainly demonstrates that had Mr. Cope, together with those by whose advice he seems to have been all along directed, been acquainted with the Country, or cappable of any conduct, he w d have continued there, and either effectually have prevented any further rising, or oblidged the Chevalier to march north to him). That in case the Enemy gott south, it was not impossible but they might be which, together with the want of the Language, made him a little prolix and rather over tedious in his discourse. He was very affable and of easy access, being void of all ceremony, tho' no man knew better when any one faild in the respect due to his birth. He was Roman Catholick, but far from being bigotted, never introducing the subject, and if introduced rather choosing to shunn it ; full of disinterestedness,, of undaunted courage, the most examplary, humanely, and universally beloved. In short, never was man possessed of more shinning qualities, nor attended with worse fortune. * N.B. — The joy is scarcely to [be] imagined which the news of L. G.'s joining occasioned amongst the vassals and followers of the Atholl familly, the cautious part which he had acted for many years never having given them any reason to believe that he had any inclination that way, had made them give him up as a person lost to their cause ; but when they found his behaviour had proceeded from policy and not from principle, it was like all unexpected benefits, it created a double pleasure, and made them exert themselves with uncommon alacrity. 1 Lord Pitsligo, who, however, did not join the Prince till the beginning of October. 190 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part ii. joind by some of the troops ordered from Flanders before he could bring them to an action, and so become infinitely superior to him, as it would be impossible for him to gett the numbers together that he expected in so short a time, and that upon this account it seemd necessary for him to have matters ordered so as to be able to give them a meetting immediatly upon their landing, before they could be reinforced. The uncer- tainty of the place where they might debark, appeared to some of the Council a difficulty not easily to be surmounted ; for tho there was time sufficient to gain any part of the coast the length of Berwick before it was possible for the Enemv to reach it, yett the intelligence by sea could not fail to be good, so that did thev march the length of Dumbar, or anywhere nearer to England, the Enemy in that case, in place of landing thereabouts and risking an immediate attack before they could be recoverd from the fatigue of their voyage, would naturaly, if the wind permitted, run up to Leith and take possession of Ed r , before it was possible for them to prevent it. And, on the other hand, it would be equally in their power to land att Berwick, and join themselves with the troops coming from Flanders. Whereas could it be certainlv known att what Port they intended to land, their march might be so ordered as to cover their designe, and be able to fall upon them in a few hours after they were come ashore. To prevent this difficulty, and to procure the immediate rising of their freinds in the north, it was proposed to march north from Perth, and attack S r J. on his road to Aberdeen. Tho the Chevalier seemd of opinion that he might bv forced marches gett to Aberdeen before him, and that his army would be augmented on his march, yett he was too quick sighted not to discover the ruin he might bring upon his affairs by that step ; for so soon as the Enemy discovered his intentions, they had only to post themselves on the side of the River Spey att Gordon Castle, till they had drawn him within a day's march, and if they than did not care to risque a battle, they had it in their power to retire again under the cannon of Inverness, whille the two Recrements of Dragoons then att Stirling would have marchd to harrase his rear, so that he must thereby have very much fatigued his troops, and losed a great deal of time, i/45] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 191 w : out any probability of success. Having thus convinced them of the inconveniencys attending their scheme, he demon- strated the advantages of marching south to waite for the Enemy there, and of what consequence it would be to render himself Master of the Capital before it was possible for the Enemy to come to its relief, and therefor gave orders for the march of the army to Dumblain against Thursday the 11th of Sept r . — M c pherson of Cluney had been alalong keept prisoner from the time he was taken att his own house as the Chevalier marchd to Dalwhinny, but being att last prevaild upon to engage, was sent home to raise his Claim. The day fixed for their departure, the Chevalier sett out on foot att the head of the Claims, took up his quarters that night att Dumblain.* He halted here the 12th, and the next day, the 13th, he passed the firth att the foord of the Frews without any opposition from the Dragoons that had been encampd att Stirling, and camped that night att Touch. Att passing the River, he expressed a good deal of surprise to find that he had mett with no opposition, and demanded what for officers they had gott in Brittain, who were cappable of aban- doning so advantageous a post. The River runs very still, and in a deep channel, not fordable for several milles above nor below but att one place, and that commanded by the Castle of Stirling, so y l had the two Re^ of Dragoons first cutt the banks of the River, and then entrenched themselves with two or three piece of cannon, they would have made it very difficult for him to pass, and in all events could have had their horses so near as to have made a safe retreat had they been oblidged to abandon the post, and must have cost the Chevalier a good many men ; for tho he had the higher bank, he was without cannon. From Touch he marchd f by the Town of St. Xinians, and as he passed some few shott was fired from Stirling Castle, but tho the balls fell very nigh him they hurt nobody. The army made a halt of some hours near to * Sent to Glasgow. 1 t Ye 14th. 1 Sic in Murray's own hand : he probably means that a messenger was sent to Glasgow, but the letter asking contributions from Glasgow is dated from Leckie where the Prince stayed the night of the 13th, while the army was at Touch. 192 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. Bannockburn, and had provisions brought them from Stir- ling and the Places about, whille the Chevalier dined att S r H. P., 1 and gott intelligence that the dragoons had retired to Linlithgow, and were encampd betwixt the Town and the Bridge, about half a mille to the westward. So soon as the Army had refreshed themselves he continued his march, and encamped about a mille and a half east of Falkirk upon the high road to Edn r and took up his quar- ters att the House of Kallender. The Earl of Kilmarnock, haveing dined that day in the Enemy's Camp, which he left about six in the Evening, and all the Country about agreeing that they were still there, the Chevalier determined to attack them before day, and with that view, provided himself with guides and ordered a detachment 2 of five hundred men to be ready on a minutes warning. Having supped, he retired as if going to bed to prevent any intelligence being given of his designe and went privately to the camp where he put himself at the head of the detachment, and marched with a view to pass the river of [Avon] att a foord half a mille above the bridge and attack the dragoons in flank, but before he had marched above half way he gott intelligence of the Enemys having retired towards Ed r and encamped att Kirkliston Water upon the accounts of his aproach, so that he took possession of the Town of Linlithgow about six in the morning y e 15th, where the rest of the army joined him about noon. It happening to be of a Sunday, the Chevalier ever carefull to show the world how much he was determined to keep up to the engagements in his Manifesto, encampd his army to the eastward of The Town, and discharged any of the men from entering save a very small guard he keept with himself in the Palace, ordered the bells to be rung, the church doors to be open'd, and gave orders to assure the magestrates in his name that they should not be disturbed in their worship, notwith- standing of which the Minister either left the Town, or declined preaching, to enduce the ignorant vulgar to believe that if he had, he would have been insulted and persecuted. In the 1 Sir Hugh Paterson, uncle of Miss Walkinshaw. 2 No other contemporary authority gives this incident. Mr. Blaikie in the Itinerary (p. 13^6) states that Murray is corroborated by local tradition. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 193 Evening he encamped* about three milles from the Town and sleepd himself in a small farm house in the rear of his army, having ordered the whole to be under arms next morning by five a clock. How soon all was ready in the morning,-)- the Chevalier drew up his army six in front, making them close their files as much as possible, the Country not allowing him to march in two collumns, and advanced in the greatest order, not a man offering to quite his Ranks, being ready to receive the Dragoons in case they should venture to attack them. He continued his march in this manner till he came to Todshall, a gentleman's (Mr. Horn) seat upon Newliston River, where he made a halt for two hours and sent out parties to reconnoitre the Enemy, who retired to the Colt Bridge, about a mille from Edin r . About two in the afternoon he advanced to Corsterphan, three milles from the Capital where were numbers of people mett him from thence, chiefly from curiosity, and then filled of to the right and encamped at Gray's Milles, 2 milles distant from the Citty to the south west, having sent a summons to the Provost and Majestrates requiring them to open their gates and receive him into the Town, a copy of which may not be amiss to insert here. 1 This summons being read, it was agreed upon by the Provost and Majestrates to depute some of their number to the Chevalier to know what terms were required of them, and to gain a little time to see how matters would turn out. Accord- ingly Baily Hamilton, etc. came to Bells milns about att night. After notice had been given of their arrival, and that they were brought into the Chevalier's quarters he ordered M r M. to go to them and know their errand. They told him that they was deputed by the Majestracy and Town Council to the Prince to know what was expected from them, to which he answered that his Master required no further than that they * It is to be observed that the officers, L. G. M. as well as the rest, sleepd att the head of their several Corps without other covering than their plaids. t 16th. 1 Murray does not give this, but it may be found in Browne's History, vol. iii. p. 5 8. N 194 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. should open their gates to his army and delivre up the arms of the Town and garrison, with the ammunition and Military Stores than in the Town, in which case the liberties of the Citty should be preserved, and all necessary protection given them. They answered that in regard to the arms of the militia they could not take upon them to be responsible, as they were not in their power, having received them from the Castle, but upon the whole desired time to return and consult with their brethern. After M r M. had made his report to the Chevalier, he aggreed that they should have two or three hours to bring back an answer, but grant them no further respite, having good intelligence that they desired no more than to dallie of the time till they saw how far it was possible for them to be relieved by G 11 . Cope. The deputies had no sooner liberty to return, than the Chevalier sensible that they meditated to to gain time and tire him out by a trifling treaty, and exasper- ated to think that they should have the impudence to pretend terms for the surrendery of a Town quite defenceless, proposed to send a Detachment to render themselves Masters of it by force, in case y e deputies did not return at the time appointed with a resolution to surrender. With this view he ordered Locheil to putt his people under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning, and ordered M r M. to be their guide, as lie was well acquainted with all the avenues to the place, giving strickt orders to behave with all moderation to the Inhabitants, and that the sogers should not be allowed to taste spirits, and to pay for w^ver they got, promising them two shillings each so soon as they rendered themselves Masters of the place. The detachment had immediately orders to march, and was commanded by Lochiel and Col 1 . O'Sulivan taking the road by Merkistown and Hopes Park, where they passed with- out being observed by the garrison in the Castle, tho so near as to hear them distinctly call their rounds, and arrived at the nether bow Port without meetting any body on their way, and found the wall of the Town which flanks the Pleasants and St. Marys wind mounted with cannon, but no person appeared. Locheil ordered one of his people in a great coat and hunting cape to go and demand entrance att the gate, whille he was ready to have followed him in case he had obtained admittance, 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 195 but the fellow being refused access, and it now being clear daylight, M r M. proposed to retire to a place calPd S 1 Leonards hills, and after securing themselves from the cannon of the Castle, to waite for orders from the Chevalier where to attack the town, that tho they had it then in their power to force their entry by ai^ of the houses in S* Marys wind which makes part of the Town wall, yett their orders of moderation were so severe that they could not take it upon them to demolish any of the houses without liberty given. This retreat being thus agreed to M r M. went to the rear of the detachment to make them march and guide them to the place proposed, but before he had time to get so far, the Coach which had returned with the deputies came down the High Street and oblidged the Guard to open the Port, upon which Locheil took the advan- tage and rushed in, the guard immediately dispersing. Thus did the Chevalier render himself master of the Capital without sheding a drop of Blood, notwithstanding all the mighty preparations and associations entered into for its defence. But as no one incident that happened durring the whole course of the war made so much noise, and as the Chief Magis- trate not only suffered a long and painfull Confinement, and att last was brought to a Trial as if guilty of negligence in the ad- ministration of his office, breach of trust, and secretly giving up the Citty it won't perhaps be disagreeable to the reader to know the fact, as in truth it was. It is not to be imagined that I intend what follows as a vindication of that Gentleman's Conduct, that would be needless after a judicial acquittal, and to take pains to vindicate the only man in the Citty who from the trial appears to have exerted himself the most to barr y e Enemys entry, would be extremely idle. It is rather with a view justly to reflect upon his conduct together with all those who had foolishly adopted the Don Quixote fancy of defending a place not only open almost on all hands, but a place that in forty eight hours time might have been starved. And to make the affair as clear as the nature of it will allow, I shall endeavour to give a short description of the Citty, and than suppose y* the Volunteers had keept to their first resolution of defending it, and that the two hundered Dragoons had been admitted to assist 196 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. in the defence, and lastly endeavour to show what must have been the Consequences. The Citty is surrounded from the Castle upon the South Side till the Cowgate Port, with a pretty high wall flank att particular distance though not att proper ones, the wall is thine and in very bad repair from the Cowgate Port to the nether bow Port, along S* Marys wind the houses compose part of the Town wall, and from thence to 1 Port at [Trinity] hospital by Leith wind the wall is in good repair, but then, it is to be observed that the hospital on the north side makes likewise part of the wall, and can easily be taken possession of by the College Church 2 without being much exposed to the fire from the walls. From thence, westward to the new port the wall is much the same as on the South Side, and from the new port, the north Loch stretches itself to the foot of the Castle. I shall first observe that a body of men, three times the number who were then in the Citty, would not have been sufficient to defend it for these reasons, first, they was composed of a parcel of raw undisciplined fellows, numbers of whom had never seen nor heard a gun fired. Secondly, they had no officers to head them who were better versed in military matters than themselves, and consequently could not have been brought to the several attacks that would have been made, and thirdly, the gentlemen volunteers themselves, from whom most was to be expected, were infinitely inferior in courage to their Enemy. But to put the impossibility of a defence past all doubt I shall observe the methods proposed to attack the place by which means it must infallibly have fain into the Chevaliers hand, in a few hours time. Upon the South Side there is a house belonging to one Nicolson, a little way from the Potter- row Port, and but a few yards from the wall, it was proposed to have taken possession of it, and whille the walls were cleard by the fire from the higher windows of the house a Sap would 1 Edgar's Map (1742) gives no name to this gate, which it shows to the south of the Hospital and exactly opposite to Carthrae's Close. There seems to have been another gate just at the back of Trinity Hospital before you came to the New Port further west. If the gate had a name it seems odd that Murray should have forgotten it. 2 Trinity College Church. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 197 have been carried on to the foot of the wall and a few barrels of powder would have made breech for a dozen to enter a- breast. On the north Side again a strong diversion would have been made by the Phisick garden to render themselves master of the Sluice upon the north Loch, whille a party attacked the hospital att the foot of Leith wind, and all these carried on whille the principal attempt would have been made in S* Marys wind by taking possession of the houses on the east side, and setting fire to those on the west, which notwithstanding all the efforts of the Garrison, must have been reduced in a few hours time, and either oblidged them to surrender at Discretion or occasiond a great deal of bloodshed. Thus in less than half a days time would the Town have been reduced, with the wholle garrison made prisoners without terms, and a number of lives lost to no purpose under the heavens, but to please some hotheaded ignorant fools. I shall now observe the behaviour of the Highlanders after their getting possession of the place. After making a short halt att the Cross,* Col 1 O'Sullivan posted a gaurd att the weigh house, 1 sent gaurd s to the several gates, and drew up the rest of the men in the Parliament Close till proper places should be pitched upon for their quarters, and tho they remained there from Six till eleven in the morning under arms, after the fatigue they had undergone, before the Keys of the outer Parliament house could be got and straw found, yett was they keept in such good order by y e Cheif that not one of them offerd to quite his ranks, and were so far from committing any abusses that they took nothing but what they paid for, the people brought them plenty of bread and drink, nor did one of them taste Spirits, haveing been charged by Locheil before their entry. The Chevalier with the main body made a Circuit about the Town, and entered j- the Palace of Hollyrood house by the Kings port about twelve att Noon amidst the acclamation of * Att this time the garrison in the Castle having gott intelligence of their entry fired some shot by way of defiance, t Sept r ye 17^. The old weighhouse was in the Lawnmarket. 198 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. vast numbers of people of both sexes. The same day the Chevalier was proclaimd over the Market Cross, and the two following declarations 1 read by the heralds in there robs when was present a great Concourse of people of the best fashion in the place, not a few women 2 only, as some of the Grub- street writers on this affair would make believe.* The Chevalier had no sooner taken possession of Holly - rood house that he sett about giving all proper orders for supplying his little army with all necessary, made a quantity of bread to be provided, and ordered the Town Arms to be given to such as either had none or whose arms were bad, tho notwithstanding the great noise that has been since made of the advantage he reapd from these arms it is undeniably certain that one half of them were good for little, and that of the whole of his army there was not two hundred men without Musquets, so that his future success at Preston was not in the least owing to any advantage he reap'd from having acquired possession of Edinburgh. No more men were quartered in Town than were necessary for its preservation, and a small gaurd att the Palace, the rest of the Army was quartered att Duddingston, to be ready to march to G 11 . Cope so soon as his motions were known. The day following a proclamation was ishued requiring all the Inhabitants of Ed r and the Country adjacent to delivre up all the arms and ammunition in their possession, the Chevalier wisely judging that it would be very improper to leave any arms in the hands of the Country people who tho they than had not resolution to oppose him openly, tho some, perhaps, inclined it, might nevertheless in case of any disaster take the advantage cowards ever do over a broken Enemy. In y e afternoon a Drum beat up for Volunteers when a good many entered the D. of Perths regiment. On thursday the 19th, in the evening, the Chevalier had certain intelligence that G u . Cope had marched that morning from Dunbar, and was to encamp that night att Haddingtown, upon which he * Here ensert the declarations. 1 1 See Browne's History, vol. iii. p. 65. 2 Mrs. Murray's presence at the ceremony explains the acerbity of the writer. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 199 immediately gave orders for the gaurds of the Citty to retire early next morning, and he went himself that night to Dud- dingston. Upon the accounts of G 11 . Copes march which was again confirmM that night, he expressed a great deal of satis- faction to some of his officers, being always suspitious that the Gr 11 . would retire to Berwick till such time as he was joined by some of the troops expected from Flanders, and assured them that he would not lett the first good occasion slip to fight him when he did not in the least doubt of proving victorious. In obedience to the orders given on the morning of the twentieth the gaurds retired from the Citty and joined the Army att Duddingston, and brought alongst with them some Sur- geons, with whom the Army was then very ill provided, and some Coaches and Chaises were likewise ordered for the Conveniency of the wounded, so certain was the prospect of a battle, and even a successfull one.* Thus all things being prepared about * N. B. — CoU Roy Steuart and Capt George Hamilton who had gone so far as Musselburrough to procure intelligence of Mr. Copes March happend accidentally at a Publick house to be mett by Mr. Robert Cunninghame, son to Major Cunninghame of Stirling Castle, and Mr. Francis Garden who taking Steuart and Hamilton for officers from their dress joind company and were enquiring about the Highlanders. CoU Steuart immediatly suspecting them alledged they was Rebells, whilst they to convince them of his error assurred that they had been in the highland Camp the Evening before, return'd to Haddington to give Gil Cope Intelligence and were now upon their return to learn further of, therewithall showing Mr. Copes pass, upon which they were immediatly seised and Carried prisoners to Dudiston and from thence marched in the rear under a gaurd of Atholl men to Carberry hill above Preston where Mr. Cope was encamped and dismissed how soon the army had orders to march east ward by the Town of Tranent. This would not have been mentioned had not Mr. Cunninghames immoderate freight made him represent the best usage in the most hideous Colours, and, as was after- wards known^ to have retained his panick after his arrival at Jedburgh 30 milles distant, where as soon as released he went without sleeping to such a degree as not be easy till he had got to Durham, but as the representa- tions of his sufferings and the dangers he had endured procured him a post in the army and the favour of a great man, it is now to be hoped that he knows the difference of the front and rear of his Regiment. 1 1 This is a more plausible account of the capture of the future general and judge than that given by the Quarterly reviewer quoted by Browne, vol. iii. P- 7i- 200 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part il nine in the morning, after receiving an exact account of the number* of the enemy taken at Haddington, the Chevalier putt himself att the head of his small army, drawing his sword, said with a very determined Countenance, Gentlemen, I have flung away the Scabbard, with Gods assistance I dont doubt of making you a free and happy people, M r Cope shall not escape us as he did in the Highlands, and then began his march, ordering the few horse, he than had, not above fifty in number, to advance att some small distance in front, and to detach a few to dis- cover the Enemys march. In this manner, with the Camerons in front, he marchd in good order crossing Musselburogh bridge by Pin key park wall, by this time the party of horse sent intelligence y* G 11 . Cope w r as nigh to Tranent from which the Chevalier conjectured that he would engage him on the muir to the west ward of that Village, and therefor quicken his march to prevent his gaining the Brow of Carberry hill before him, but before he had near reached the Top of the hill he was told that Sir John had marchd to the left, and posted himself in a low ground betwixt Preston and Seaton. This naturally lead him to imagine that he intended to avoid comeing to action, & made him determine, if possible, to attack him the same day. With this view he advanced to the hill and drew up his army opposite to G 11 . Cope who was formed in the low ground before mentioned in two lines, with the two regiments of Dragoons on his wings. So soon as the Chevalier had taken a view of the Enemy he judged it impossible to attack them in the post they w as then in, having a deep ditch in their front which runs along the high road where he must have sustained great loss before he could pass it, but being deter- mined that att no rate the Enemy should give him y e slip a second time he ordered a detachment to take possession of the Church yard which commanded their Camp on the left, and as that seemd the only side where it was possible to come att them, he enquired if there was none in the army acquainted with the Country to know if the ground would allow him to attack them upon the left. There happen d to be a gentleman f * N.B. — This was the most exact account of Mr. Copes numbers yt the Chevalier had then received, about 2700. t Mr. Anderson [of Whitburgh, cf. Notes to Waverley]. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 201 in the army of that County who told him that there was only one pass on the left whereby not guarded he could come to them, upon which he ordered it to be reconnoitred, and finding it neglected he ordered a detachment of five hundred men to be posted upon the high road to the west of Preston to prevent the Enemys retiring by that road to Ed r , and recalling the de- tachment from the Church yard he marched his army eastward by the town of Tranent, and drew up in one line opposite to the flank of the Enemy who upon that motion made a half wheel to face him, expecting, as it was imagined, that he than designed to attack them, and which L. G. M — y proposed as the Highlanders were then full of Spirits, and, above all things desirous to engage, but the night being than far advanced the Chevalier thought it better to delay comeing to an engagement till next morning, not knowing what might be the Consequence of a rencounter in the night should the Enemy if beat rallie and come upon him whille in Confusion and not able to gett his people together, knowing how difficult it was to keep irregular troops together in a body after an action, so resolved to delay it till early next morning, and ordered his Army to halt upon the ground about three or four hundered yards from the Enemy, and to continue under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning. They accordingly lay close in order of Battle the whole night without the least whisper or noise to be heard, whille G 11 . Cope made Some Fires in his Camp and threw a few Shells, which did no hurt. Having continued in this position for some time, he was informed that the detach- ment of five hundered Atholl men which he had posted upon the west side of the Village of Preston had rejoined the army ; this made him very uneasy least the Enemy had filed off during the night by that road and taken possession of the Citty of Edin r , to prevent which and to intercept the runaways had enduced him to make that disposition. He at first seemed resolved to make them return, but when he reflected that their march, if discovered by the enemy, might induce them to believe it was the whole army and occasion them to alter their dis- position or occasion any confusion or distrust amongst his own people, he judged it safer and better to put up with the dis- appointment and continue the rest of his plan, tho he could 202 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. not help complaining that his orders had been neglected in so material a point. Notwithstanding this Jaux pas, he kept in very high Spirits the rest of the night, laying on the ground without any Cover- ing but his plaid, and in the morning about an hour before daylight made his army, guided by the gentleman above men- tioned, march from the left in three Collumns, making the left of the first line the right of the army for the attack,* which motion tho perhaps irregular was yett necessary, and executed with so much order and Silence that the small body of horse posted in the rear knew nothing of their march ; the officer on duty, either through forgettfullness or that he thought they could be of no service, neglected to give them orders to march. In this order he marched to the Enemy, passing a deep bog w* out the least observation. The right, composed of the M c don ds of Glengarry and Clanronald, was Commanded by the D. of P., and the left, Commanded by L. G. M., which had * X. B. — As the Several clans could not well be distinguished , as to precedency or their ranks by Seniority Sustained without Creating dis- putes, which might, upon the Eve of a battle, prove detrimental to the Common interest, the Chevalier, who was ever watchfull of the least thing that prevents Cavil, proposed while at Perth that the Several Cheifs should amongst them selves agree of the posts they was to have in the line of Battle and offered as the most equitable way that they should draw lots, which they readily agreed to. The M c donalds of Glengary, Clanronald, and Ceppoch as choosing to fight together drew one lote, which proved to be the left, the Camerons and Steuarts inclining likewise to be in a body drew one lote, which fell out to be the Right, the Center naturally fell to the other Corps who did not pretend to any precedency, thus this affair seemd to be amicably adjusted and the Several com- manders Contented till the morning before the Battle at Gladsmuir that the M c donalds whilst at Didiston being informed of their destination objected against it to a man notwithstanding yt their Commanders acquiesced in the lote that had fain to their Share, but as Glengarys son was young and a second brother, his people who were the most forward had ye less regard to his Authority, so that after a very long dispute Locheil, unwilling to create any differences that might the least obstruct his Masters interest, generously offerd that in case no action happened that day which did not seem probable he would willingly quite his post the next to the M c donalds notwithstanding the agreement, in persueance of which ye M c donalds marchd from the left next morning and formed the right of the whole. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 203 made the right the preceeding day, consisted of the Camerons and Steuarts of Appin. The third Collumn, which was made up of the Atholl men, was commanded by My L[ord] N[airn]. So soon as the two first Columns had passed the bog, they formd and march'd straight to the Enemy, who by this time had formed and presented themselves in the same order of Battle they had appeared the day before. By this time the third Column had likewise passed and formed themselves about four score yards in the rear of the first line ; rather too near, if the ground would have allowed of a more regular disposition. The left, when pretty near the Enemy finding themselves outwinged, made a motion to front the artillery, which occasioned a gap in the Center, but marching up briskly, they recived one fire of the Cannon, which did little hurt, and than receiving a fire from the foot, they gave a loud huzza, returning the fire, upon which Gairdners dragoons run off, and the Highlanders, throw- ing away their musquets, attacked the foot with incredible im- petuosity, who immediately gave ground. Upon the left of the Enemy the resistance, if such behaviour merits the name, was much less, for before the D. of P. was within three Score yards of them Hamiltons Dragoons began to reel and run of before they could receive his fire ; the foot likewise fired to soon, and almost all turned their backs before the Highlanders could engage them with their Swords. In a few minutes the rout was total ; the Dragoons on the right run of by the high road through the Town of Preston, and those on the left by the Shore towards the east ; the few of the foot that saved themselves escaped by Preston Park, the wall of which had been broke down the day before by G 11 . Copes orders. All the baggage of the army was placed in a yard upon the left of their army, guarded by two Companys of L. Lowdons Regiment, where so soon as the action was over Cap 1 Bazil Cochran of Coll. Lees 1 was sent by L. G. M. to tell them that if they would immediatly surrender as prisoners of war they should be used as such, if not, they would be immediatly attacked and no quarter given, upon which they readily gave up their arms. Att first one would have imagined that few or' none of 1 Lee's regiment, the 44th, now the Essex Regiment. 204 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. the troops had excaped the Slaughter, they lying in heaps along by the Park wall, tho in less than a quarter of an hour nine of ten found their feet, for to evite death num- bers threw themselves on the ground, the greatest part not so much as wounded ; nor was there ever more mercy showed upon any occasion, notwithstanding the many false and malicious Storys that have been alledged to the Contrary, not a Creature having been refused quarter so soon as they asked it. Instances have been given, such as M r Sandilands, son to Lord Torpichen, M r Myers, a volunteer, and Steuart of Phis- gill ; but the two first, yett alive, cannot say they ever asked quarter, and therefor cannot complain of their usage ; and as to Cap 1 Steuart, nothing but a mistaken notion of honour was the occasion of his death, having been several times offered quarter by a gentleman * of his own name who had engaged him, which he was so far from accepting that he gave him bad names and oblidged the gentleman, tho with regrate, to kill him in self- defence. The many Storeys spread about Col 1 Gardners death were equally groundless ; that gentleman, picqued to see the shamfull behaviour of his Regiment, seemed determined not to survive the odium that might thereby have been thrown upon him, and by his obstinacy occasioned his own fall. But these Storys are not to be wondered at, when people were cappable of Continuing to believe them att the distance of ten months after, and to hang an innocent man j- as author of the Coll s death when it was well known to many that this person was on horse back att the distance of some hundered yards from the Spott where the Col 1 fall by some of the foot. J In this action on the side of the Chevalier there were not above three or four officers killed, and these people of no distinction, with * Donald Steuart Ensign in Ardsheils Regiment a very brave resolute honest man who dyed of the wounds he received at the Battle of Culloden. + John M c naughton watch maker an honest inoffensive creature who was executed at Carlile as the person who had killed Coll Gardner. 1 Locheils Regiment. N.B. — Amongst the first who called out for quarters to an officer of the Camerons was Coll. Lassels, and was by him ordered into the rear of the Regiment where he should be taken care of, but instead of waiting till the affair was over he put a white Cocade in his hat and rode of to Berwick, how this gentleman Mill account for his proceedings I don't 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 205 about thirty private men and seventy or eighty officers and Solgers wounded ; whereas of G 11 . Copes, according to the best Computation that could than be made, there were seven or eight officers with about three hundered private men killed, and betwixt four and five hundered wounded, with almost the whole taken prisoners, of whom there were eighty three officers. So soon as the action was over the Chevalier gave orders to have the wounded dressed and carriages provided to take them of the field, which was executed by his Surgeons* w 4 all the care and expedition imaginable, to the great loss of the wounded of his own army, who from being neglected till most of the troops were taken care of, their wounds festered, being all gun Shott and mostly in the legs and thighs. He breakfasted on the field, but not amongst the dead and within hearing of the groans of the wounded, as has been falsly asserted by little ignorant Scholl master 1 who has pretend to write the history of an affair of which he could be no judge, but when people will act above their Sphere they must be allowed to stuff their perform- ance with whatever suits their confined fancy best, tho att the expense of truth. But before I proceed any further in this little history, which becomes now more interesting (the face of affairs in Scotland being entirely altered), the Success of that day having rendered the Chevalier entire master of that Kingdom, save the forts of Ed 1 * and Stirling, with the four small garrisons in the north, I shall make some few remarks upon the procedure of both armies with all possible impartiality, and than leave the world to determine which of the two Commanders merited most the name of general. In speaking of the difficulties that occurred to the Council att Perth, when consulting of the course than most proper to be taken, no methode seemed to them more know, but I imagine it will be difficult for him to account for his having a white Cocade in his pocket if not that he had previously determined to Change Sides should Mr. Cope be worsted. * N.B. — They had but few of their own and they not to be easily dis- tinguished from the other officers prisoners. 1 Andrew Henderson, author of The History of the Rebellion, published at Edinburgh 1748. He was a master in the High School of Edinburgh and in Watts Academy. 206 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part II. proper for the Enemy to disapoint their main Scheme, which centered in coming to blows, than their landing att or near to Berwick, and there waite till joind by the troops coming from Flanders. I\I r Cope seemd att first to have had this in view by landing att Dunbar, a place att no great distance from the border, but what reasons Could induce him to alter his mind,* if that reallv was his plan, is more than any person of the most accute genious has hitherto ever attempted even to Conjecture, if not that his orders from Superior powers more versant in matters Military than he oblidged him in spite of Common Sense to lay aside his own plan to confirm to his instructions, nothing could be more obvious than that his marching north was risking the whole Kingdome of Scotland upon the Success of a rencounter with the Chevalier att the head of an army verv nigh equall to his in number, and infinitely Superior in resolution, whereas had he either marchd to Berwick, or encampd himself att Dunbar, in such ground as where the Chevalier could not have brought him to a battle, he must have in a few days been joind by a body of troops very nigh equal in number to those under his Command, and more accustomed to fire, which would in all humain probability oblidged the Chevalier to have sought his own safety bv retiring north. But after resolving to give the Highlanders a meetting, as if that one blunder had not in its self been sufficient, quos dcus vult pcrdere, etc., he determines to use all methodes to intimidate his own troops and give, if possible, more courage to his Enemy. Having marchd the first day to Haddington, than where it was impossible for him to have found better and more advantagious ground to fight on, with the River on his left, a deep hollow way witli some farme houses on his right, and the Town in his rear, yett he was in too violent a hurry to think of taking any such advantage, and waiting there for the Enemy, who would undoubtedly * N.B. — It has been alledged that Mr. Cope was unwilling to march north to Ed r , hut that the representations, complaints, and entreaties of many people of Rank who had fled to him upon the Chevaliers entering the Capital enduced to take that part, but it is to be hoped Mr. Cope had better reasons for his proceedure than the advice or entreatys of a parcel of people who, however distinguished they were as to Rank, were never- the less totally ignorant of the art of War. i/45] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 207 have sought him out, but marches on next morning with great Composure, without knowing the Chevaliers progress, nor where he might be oblidged to engage. He had the good luck, however, had he known how to manage it, to gett the lenth of Gladsmuir, a fine open heath where he could see about him for a Considerable destance, and where his Dragoons had not only room to act, but, if broke, to railley again and again if necessary. Thus one who is att all versant on the art of war would have by any means chosen when to encounter with undisciplined militia, who, tho they should att first gett the better, are seldom able to withstand the attack of regular troops when rallied in the Confussion their own advantage generaly throws them. But G 11 . Cope, not earring to risk an action in a ground where he wrongfully imagined he should fight upon equall terms, sought out a spot just large enough to put his army in order of battle and strongly fortified by nature, so turns to the right and encamps on the low ground betwixt Seaton house and Grange 1 park wall, with a large ditch and some enclosers in his front, Cokency glass work on his Rear, a marsh upon his left, and Grange park wall on his right. It must appear obvious to every body, however ignorant of these matters, that this proceedure could have no other effect than that of discouraging his army. There were, we may suppose, abundance of them quick euough to reflect that their general either wanted conduct or did not think himself a match for his Enemy, otherwise he had never pent himself up in such a Corner, and either of these two apprehensions were more than sufficient to dishearten his army. It would be tedious to sho y e many advantages G 11 . Cope had it in his power to have taken from the nature of the country and the Troops he Commanded. Could he have prevaild on himself to have marchd an hour or two earlier and taken possession of the banks of the Messelburray River from Inveresk to Pinkey, it would not have then been in the Chevaliers power, lett his genious have even been better than he showed it, to have attacked him without very great loss, and indeed the outmost probability of an entire defeat. But to return to the G 11 . att Preston, I may 1 Not Prestongrange, but old Purton House, now the site of Miss Murray's, late Schaw's, Hospital. 208 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. be allowed to affirm that he could have no other view in taking up the ground he did than from a notion that the Chevalier would attack him in front, a very unaccountable conceit, for sure he had no title from what had passed to flatter himself that the Chevalier was less master of his business than himself, att least could never imagine him so weak as to fight att such a disadvantage. If from reflection during his march he thought he had been to blame in not waiting till joined by the troops expected from Flanders, and now thought of rectifiing his mistake by pitching his Camp in a ground where he could not be brought to fight but upon his own Terms, he ought to have reconoitred the ground with great Care, when the morras by which the Chevalier marched to him the next morning could not possibly have escaped him, which had they gaurded only with two or three peice of Cannon and two hundered men he might have continued there as long as he could procure provi- sions by sea, and oblidged the Chevalier either to march back to Ed r , or to benume his army by lying out in Cold frosty nights. But what appeared the most extraordinary of all was his order- ing Preston Park wall to be beat down to show his men the manner of making their escape, for nothing seemed more obvious than that he expected to be beat by that Strange Caution. It presented itself in quite a different light to the Cheva- lier, and was one of the reasons that induced him to order the detachment of 500 men to gaurd the end of the Village, imagining that the Enemy intended in the night to file of by that gap to the west and take possession of the Capital, and how it came to escape the G 11 . I dare say cannot well be accounted for. The execution was quite easy, for so soon as the detachment retired from their post, of which he could not, at least ought not, to have been ignorant, he had only to send his baggage in front, and, when once gott Clear of the village, march with his whole foot, leaving fires with the two Regiments of Dragoons, who might safely have staid till morning, when by making as quick a retreat as they did on the 17 th from the Colt Bridge, would soon have gott out of reach of the Highlanders. That this was a Capital mistake must be obvious to every body who will give themselves leave to consider of the Consequences that must naturally have 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 209 followed. In the first place, it would not then have been in the Chevaliers power to have render'd himself Master of Ed r , nor to have in any great degree Streitned S r John in his pro- visions, for allowing that he could have destroyed the milles upon the River of Leith, S r John could always have keep't a free communication with the Town of Leith, and have received plenty of all necessary by Sea. Secondly, as he had few horses, he could not have raised the publick money of tne adjacent Counties. Thirdly, it would have very much lessened his Character as an officer, and thereby weakend his party ; and lastly, not being able to bring his army to an action, would have tyred out his men, impatient of delays, and enduced numbers of them to return home, and be in all probability oblidged to march back to Stirling, which would have enabled S r J. to repair his former blunder of Crossing the Forth, in short, many more reasons might be given to show how necessary a Step this was, but the innumerable advantages that accrued to the Chevalier by his antagonists oversights are a sufficient demonstration of the truth of what I have said. Some hours after the action, the Chevalier quitted the feild and went to Pinkey house, having given the Strictest orders to have the officers used with all imaginable Civility. The dead to be buried, and all the arms secured. The whole baggage G f the army was taken, and amongst the rest the military Chest, hid under a Stair in Cockeny house, amongst a parcel of old broken barrels and other lumber, where was found betwixt two and three thousand [pounds] with the Generals papers, the rest of the money, as is alledged, having been convey "d by Sea on board a man of War in the Road. Next day the Chevalier came to the Palace of Hollyrood- house, and being told that rejoicings and bone fires were intended for the victory, he gave possitive orders against it saying that he was far from rejoicing att the death of any of his fathers Subjects, tho never so much his Enemys y* he pittied their unhappy way of thinking, which had drawn so many misfortunes upon the Country, and ended in their own fall, and that he should think it unnatural in his followers to make publick rejoices upon the deaths of their own Country o 210 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. men.* And so great was his care to prevent any thing that could in the least seem like a want of humanity, as if his orders had not been Sufficient, he made the following pro- clamation. 1 He likewise sent a message to the Prysbiterian ministers, desiring them to preach as usual and that they might depend upon meeting with no disturbance ; but they, determined by any means to procure grounds for calling out Persecution their favorite Plea, Sent a deputation of their Number to S r Thomas Sherridan to enquire if they might pray for K[ing] G[eorge], the oddity of the demand surprised S r Thomas a good deal, and it is natural to imagine he would have given them a very Short and desisive answer, but the Chevalier resolved to give them no grounds for Complaints, was pleased to direct S r Tho : to tell them as from himself, their deputa- tion being to him, that he could not pretend to give them that Liberty, which in its self would be a flatt Contradiction, but that he would venture to assure them that no notice should be taken of any thing they said, which tho it must, by every impartial person, be allowed to have been an unheard of instance of humanity and good nature, yett they, nevertheless, refussed to comply, pretending fear of insults and the like.f And whilst I am talking of the Clergy, I cant help taking notice of an incident that happend soon after. One M c vicar, * N.B. — Upon receipt of the news of the battle of Culloden at Ed r publick rejoicings were ordered and such who either from a natural reluctancy to joy on the day of the fall of their freinds and Relations did not put out caudles or whose houses were only inhabited by Stwarts had their windows broke and were mobb'd, paintings in Some -windows Such as victorey trampling Rebellion under foot and justice plunging her naked Sword in her Bowels ; bone fires in every Corner of the Citty and what is still more remarkable that day twelve months observed as a day of Jubilee : we shall leave it to the reader to make his own reflections upon the conduct of one and tother as to this particular. t X.B. — Every where as the D. of Cumberlands army march' d north all the Church of England meetting houses were by his orders burnt to the ground and the Clergy men obliged to abscond. 1 This proclamation is dated 23rd Sept. from Holyrood, and is signed J. Murray. See Scots Magazine, 1745, vol. vii. p. 441. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 211 Minister of the west Church, who was the only one of them who continued to preach, lett fall some things in his prayer reflecting on the Chevalier which, when he was told of, as there are always people bussy enough to carry complaints, he did not in the least seem to mind it, but said that he looked upon the fellow as an honest fool and would have no notice taken of him. 1 The Army was now cantoned in the Citty, Suburbs, and villages adjacent, but not in the oppresive manner that has been taken in Towns when there was less occasion for it, only publick houses and people of low rank was burthened with them. To ease the inhabitants they was numbers made to lay on Straw in the Trone Church and Lobbie of the Parliam* house. The Burgesess and people of fashion were not harrassed with common fellows for their guests.* The Chevalier being sensible upon the report that was brought him of the Arms taken att the Battle, that they did not amount to near the number that must have been taken, judging that the Country people, who had floked into the field, must have Carried them off, ordered the following proclamation to be isshued, requiring them to delivre up whatever arms or Slings they had in their Custody. 2 As many people have pretended to find fault with the Chevaliers not marching immediatly after the Action att Preston, to Berwick, it may not be improper to give some few reasons for his Conduct to satisfie the more ignorant, for to those of more knowledge the thing will appear to have been, if not impossible, at least improper. That it was not either for want of knowledge or inclination in him is well known to those to whom he declared his mind. He not only proposed it, but for some hours Considered Sereously of it, and for undeniable reasons resolved against it. * N.B. — When the army under GU Haley came to Ed r ye Spring following they were quartered in the gentlemens houses within the Citty by Sixes and Sevens at free quarters, and every Inhabitant oblidged to furnish Sheets and blankets for their use, few if any of which were ever returned, so Superiorly honest are the Reed Coats to the Highlanders. 1 This refers to the well-known story of Mr. M'Vicar's prayer, that the young man who had come seeking an earthly crown might soon be given a heavenly one. 2 This is also signed by Murray, and is dated Sept. 30tb. This may be found in the Full Collection of Proclamations, published in 1745. 212 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. There was small ground to doubt that if he had marchd some hours after the affair was over he might have reachd that place the night following, when without any Scruple we may conclude that the Panick Copes flight had struck the inhabitants with, would have given him easy access to the garrison, that the Dragoons would not have fought is plain, and that the few Dutch then landed were too much fatigued* with their voyage to have made any resistance. Indeed letters att that time from Berwick represented Consternation as inconcievable. But what made him lay aside all thoughts of it att that time was, first, the Smallness of his army, which in whole did not consist of above 2700 men, with which had he been in possession of Berwick he could not possibly havekeept the Communication open with Edin- burgh, for to imagine y* he ever would have attempted to have marched further is out of the question, that would indeed have given his Enemys just grounds to have called it a Don Quixote expedition. Had L. L. — t and the L. of M c l — d keept to their engagements & joind him with their frends and followers, that he could have marchd to S 1 . James's, is more than reasonable to believe, but to have advanced into England with such a hand- full, would have been sacrificeing himself and his freinds to no purpose under the heavens. Secondly, the troops, both Dutch and Brittish, would have taken possession of Ed r and Newcastle, thereby put him betwixt two fires, and made it difficult for his freinds who were comeing from the North to join him, and rendered it impossible for him to transport the Stores that afterwards landed from France, as he could not have favourd their passing the Forth where they did, nor would he have had a detachment Sufficient to protect the Convoy against the troops that might have been landed att Leith, so that had he gott into possession of Berwick, all he would have done was to * Extract of a letter dated at Berwick Sept r ye 25th. ' Col. Herschol is landed here from Holland with 722 dutch forces : they seem mostly papists, use the popish Ceremonys, and ask where they hear Mass. They are tollerable men but much fatigued. Since GH Cope arrived here with a part of 2 Regiments of Dragoons from the battle in East Lothian we have been in the outmost Consternation, some gave out that they were attackt by 1G,000 men, 10,000 of which were French in highland dress/ etc. i; 4 5] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 213 have Stayed a Couple of days to nail up the Cannon and destroy some few of the fortifications, all which Could have been soon supplyM and repaired, as he could not have Spared a number Sufficient to defend it after his return to Edr., the only proper place to waite for a junction, find provisions, provid things necessary for his army, find recruits, horses. &c, and raise the publick money. And lastly, it is well known how difficult it is to assemble an irregular army after an action, that his was a good deal dispersed, tho keept in better order than ever any highland army was before is certain, and I am of opinion, that had he determined to march to Berwick he would not have had above 1500 men to follow him, by which means the others would have had an opportunity to run home, to which they are too much given, even when Victorious, and had he faild in the attempt from the Smallness of his numbers, the bad Consequences that must have attended it are too many and to obvious to be hear mentioned. The great Scarcity of Silver Coin proving very incommodious to the Inhabitants, as well as the Army, by the banks being carried to the Castle, and some of the inhabitants haveing made loud and repeated Complaints of it, the Chevalier to conduce as much as in him lay to their ease and Conveniency, ordered the following Proclamation to be made invitting them to return. 1 Tho one would have imagined that the most malicious person whatever could not have dared to find fault with the above Security which alone tended to the interest of the Country and to those chiefly concerned, yett has there been people weak and wicked enough to put a bad Construction upon it, which if it had not been to show how industriously ill- natured men will be, should have been passed over as a thing beneath notice. The following Proclamation was likewise made, Signd by L. G. Murray, prohibiting all abusses from the Army which had an affect so Contrary from what was given out that there is no instance in the history of any times in whatever Country where the Soldiery either regular or irregular behaved themselves with so much discretion, never 1 See Scots Magazine, 1745, vol. vii. p. 442. Cf. ' Campbell's Diary,' Scottish History Miscellany, vol. xv. 214 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. any riotes in y e Streets, nor so much as a Drunk man to be seen. 1 As I study brevity as much as possible I would not insert these proclamations, if not for two reasons, first to do the Chevalier and his army the justice every good man ought, lett his principles be what they will, & in y e next place for the satisfaction of the reader who may either be ignorant that ever any such were ishued or might not have an opportunity of find- ing them else where. All this time M r Kelly who had for many years been Confined to the Tower of London, as concerned in what was Called the bishop of Rochesters plot in the year [1722], and had made his escape in the year [1736], being one of those who landed with the Chevalier, was sent by him to France with dispatches, which he carried from the north Coast by the way of Holland, and not as our School master 2 would ignorantly and improbably have it by ridding post to Dover, which Shows the man's good sense to imagine that it was possible for any body att that time to traverse the Country without being discovered, especially so remarkable a person as Kelly. A party was sent att this time commanded by M r Hay of Restalrig to Glasgow, to demand a loan of money from them, but the Chevalier took care that the party should be so incon- siderable as might plainly evince to the Inhabitants that he did 1 FORBIDDING ABUSES BY THE ARMY. Abbay, 23d September •, 1745. These are declaring that it is his Royal Highness the Prince Regent's Will That it be proclaimed immediately over the Market Crosses of Edinburgh, That if any soldier or officer, in his royal highness's army, shall be guilty of any abuse in taking, pillaging, or disturbing any of the good people of Edinburgh or in the country, by forcibly taking away any of their goods, without making a fair Bargain, and Payment made, shall be punished, whenever taken up, and found guilty of the above offenses, by a court-martial and shall suffer death, or whatever other punishment the court-martial shall think fit to inflict upon them ; it being his Royal Highness's unalterable resolution to protect the country in the full Enjoyment of their Rights and Privileges. It is also declared, That no officer or soldier shall, of themselves, seize or take any horse (upon any Accountwhatsomever, except any horses belonging to the enemy in time of action in arms against his royal highness) without a signed order from a general officer, Signed by his royal highness's order, by me George Murray. One of his highness's lieutenant-generals. 2 Henderson. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 215 not intend to have it by force but in freindship, 1 with ample Security for the pay fc when affairs were Settled, w h was all they could reasonably demand, and the Sum taken was so inconsider- able, as plainly Showed he meant them no hurt, and that he did [not] come as a Conqueror to levey Contributions, but as their Master to desire a loan, he soon hoped to repay them. The Sum taken was so inconsiderable as ^5000 2 pound a very triffle 2 to so rich a place. Till Wednesday the 25th the Communica- tion to and from the Castle was undisturbed, nor did the Chevalier post gaurds upon the hill from any other view but that of Caution to prevent any Sallies from the garrison, but for what reason could never yett be learnt, they begun to fire upon the Town without any Regard for the lives of the inno- cent Inhabitants.* It has, indeed, been pretended that the Highlanders were making approaches, but that really was and has since been known to the world to be false, and it may be justly asked what would be their fancy to make approaches, they had no Cannon but those taken att Preston, small feild pieces that could Scarcely have broke open the gate fare less had any effect upon the walls — but the case seems to have been that they were determined to do mischeif and so alledged any thing however frivolous for their excuse. The Chevalier much surprised what could be their reason for this unexpected proceedure made enquire if any of the highlanders had fired upon the Castle contrary to his orders, but finding no such thing had happened was a good deal irritated, but gave no further orders save that they should keep a Stricter gaurd than formerly, and not to allow any Stores or numbers of people * The Chevalier having been inform'd that numbers of the Citizans who had unthinkingly taken arms for the defense of the place, and upon his taking possession of it had deserted their homes for fear of punishment and were then either in ye Country or Secreted in Town, wh was not only detrimental to y r particular famillies but to the trade of the place in general, pittying their weakness and moved by that Compassionate temper so natural to him did of himself order a Speciale indemnity to be ishued pardoning what had passed, which to all men of Sense and reflection must demonstrate a Singular humanity notwithstanding the iddle gloses yt have been put upon it by ye vulgar. 1 Cf. Itinerary, p. 18. 2 The sum first requisitioned was ,£15,000 ; but £5000 in cash and £500 in goods were what was actually received. 216 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part ii. to enter, not knowing what Scheme they might have in hand. Intelligence was brought about this time of the preparation making in England to raise an army there to march north- wards and join with those landed, and to Land att Berwick, Sheils, holly Island, & c , and y* orders was given to the Several Lords Lieutenants to raise and arm the militia, upon which the Chevalier not only dispatched several of his officers to raise all the recruits in the Country who had been before left behind fault of arms and time to be provided with necessarys, but wrote to the principal people in the Highlands invit- ing them to join him, amongst others S r Alex r M c donald, M c leod and L[ord] L[ova]t to whom there were no less than three people Specially ordered, Viz., M c donald of Kinlochmoydart, Frazer 1 and [Barrisdale],* all with letters from the Chevalier Seeming to excuse his not having joined him before by attributing his delay to want of time, and as there was but little hopes of either of them appearing, M* M. sent a letter to Kinloch, 2 with orders to give it out wherever he went that the two gentlemen from the Isle of Skey were actually in arms, and either readie or upon their * X.B. — Tho it is well known that Mr. M. was the person that made out ye dispatches for L. L — t to all the three, and that had he told as he well might the contents of their Several instructions as well as of the letters he wrote to his Lordship with the answers he received to them it would have amounted to almost as much as all that was advanced against him upon his trial, but so far from that he pretends want of memory (tho known to be possessd of a very happy one) and only owns his having Spoke to Frazer. but dont recollect possitively if he write alonst with him. To have pled entire ignorance of the fact would have been C hildish, knowing that Frazer had told every thing he knew and could have gaind our Credit. And indeed it is just matter of wonder how he could so far impose upon the ministry as to make them believe he was sincere in the insignificant account he gives. But what is Still more extraordinary tho M'donald of Barrisdale was sent to his Lordship as the most fit person to work upon, and that by M. advice and direction, and that the ministry by the means of Robert Fraser 3 became acquainted with a good deal of what passed and seemed to lay most Stress upon that than on any other particular, yet we find M. never takes the least notice of it nor so much as pretends to have known of his journey. 1 Hugh Fraser 1 an attorney in Edinburgh,' secretary to Lovat till 1744. Cf. Lovat? s Trial , pp. 8 1 and 108. 1 i.e. Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart. 3 Secretary to Lovat after 1744. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 217 march, whereby to encourage others who tho very willing might nevertheless be desirous to delay joining till they Should See these three principal Clans openly declared, he likewise write to some people in England, but recived no answer either by word or writ ting. The Chevalier had made a demand upon the Town of Ed r for Shoes, tents, and Cantens, with some few Targets, and to disburthen the inhabitants of the Town and Suburbs as much as possible, formed a Camp att Duddiston, about a mile and a half to the Eastward, keeping only proper 29 Sept. gaurds in the Citty and Palace, with Some few att Leith. As the Castle had Continued to fire without the smallest Shew of reason, the Chevalier gave possitive orders upon y e 29 to allow none to go in or come out but such as could Show passports, not with any view, as has been childishly alledged, to reduce it, the Chevalier was too good a Solger as ever to propose reducing the place by blocade, his plan of operations were to well con- certed to think of any Such undertaking, nor would it, indeed, have been consistent with his honour either as a [Prince] or a Solger to be foiFd in such an attempt. He had no view of loitering so long, but was determined to proceed into England so soon as he had a Sufficient force to favour the raising of his freinds there, and lastly tho he had reason from what he had till then mett with to have a very poor opinion of the Capacity of the Commanders, yett he could not allow himself to believe that they could be so Scandalous as Surrender the fort for want of fresh provisions, and he knew well that there was then three months provisions for the Solgers, so that had things come to the worst they had only to turn out a parcel of fools and silly women who had run there to save themselves from they did not know what, upon the whole, Since the Garrison had behaved so foolishly and Show'd so little regard to the well being of the Inhabitants, as it was but Consistant with his Charracter and humanity to y m to Streten them as much as possible. The 30 Sept following day 1 G u . Guest who had for some time commanded in Cheif in Scottland, but upon the Chevaliers marching towards Ed r , unable to undergoe the fatigues of a Campagne had be- taken himself to the Castle for safety, wrote a letter to M r The Caledonian Mercury says the 29th, the same date as the Prince's order. 218 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii. Steuart, the Provost, in a very blustering military Stile, inti- mating that did the highlanders Continue to obstruct the Communication betwixt the Citty and Garrison, he would in Conformity to the orders he had received from Court be oblidged to Cannonad the Town. Upon this a metting was had amongst the then magestrates, and a deputation Sent to the Chevalier, representing the miserable consequences that must thereby ensue to the inhabitants, and praying him in a most earnest manner to recall his orders, and leave the Communica- tion free. He received the gentleman charged with the Com- mission with the utmost Curtesy, and was extremely desirous to have granted their request had it been consistant with his honour, but for two reasons refussed to comply, first that he did not realy in his own mind imagine it possible that the orders pretended to have been received were really given, but that it was a sample of the Commanders policy to procure it by freigtning the inhabitants, never allowing himself to think that such barbarous orders could be given by any ministry especialy when it was their business to court the freindship of every one, and to distress and disoblige none, in the next place it might have given a handle to his enemys to impute so Sudden a complayance to the timidity of his troops so Concluding the whole to be a gasconade he gave the following answer in writ- ting. 6 GENTLEMEN, I am equally surprised and Concerned,"* etc.* 1 * X.B. — Upon this Proclamations being ishued Mrs. Guin who lived in general Guests house was very much freightend and made to believe that all would be riffled and destroy'd, which Mr. M. being told of, and having been formerly acquainted with the Gell and his familly, he wrote the Lady a polite letter assurring this that his master was uncappable of realy intending any such thing, but had it been so She might depend upon it that he would have taken care to let her have had timeous warning to put things out of the way, and begd She would let him know if there was any thing in his power wherein he could oblige her and the Gil. To which he receved a very Civil answer returning him thanks and saying that as the general lived mostly on milk and butter which he could not well be provided with in the Castle desired he would give leave to a Servant to carry some in for him every day. M. according procured the pass, but to his great Surprise Some days after the officer who com- 1 See Scots Magazine, 1745, vol. vii. p. 443. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 219 The answer requires no interpretation if the appellation of barbarity is given to y e orders, it was no more than they justly merited when to all men of understanding on either side there did not appear, nor was there realy in fact the smallest reason for them, so y* if they never were given, the generals are alone to blame for drawing such a reflection upon the Master as to the Stile of it. I believe no man in his right wills will find fault with it, sure they would not have had the Chevalier to talk of the person he was endeavouring to dethrone as any other than he would have had all the world think him, or to the generals but as his fathers Rebellious Subjects. Threatning to make reprisals upon their estates was telling them w* they deserved, and he had in his power, tho att the same time he in his heart Scorned Such oppressive theiving methods, he always judged it far below his Character tho he often mett with the justest provocations to use fire and Sword, but in the field and that only in the heat of action, as both Preston and Falkirk will ever evince. The Duke of Atholl was all this while, having been left to command all the Country benorth the Forth, bussied in raising his own followers and encouraging those of his neighbours to join the Chevalier, whilst numbers of gentle- men joined att Ed r and of part of them two Troops were formed, the first under the Command of Lord Elcho, the Second intended for L. Kenmure, but afterwards given to L. Balmerino. Upon the answer given by the Chevalier to the deputies that were Sent from the Citty being communicated to the Commanders in the Castle, they promised to suspend all hostilitys till Such time as an answer could be had from London to a letter they was to Send, and demanded a passport for the manded the weigh house gaurd Suspecting some thing more than ordinary Searched the Servant and found a letter of intelligence in the print of Butter. This Storey would not have been told if not to Show the advantages that were taken of the Chevaliers humanity and his never- theless continuing it upon all future occasions. Had such a thing happend to another genii much of his own age 1 — it isn't difficult to guess what would have been the fate of the Servant if not of the mistress. 1 i.e. Cumberland. 220 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. Courrier, which the Chevalier readily granted. But as if thev had been determined in every Shape to act opposite to all rale, on the Second [October], 1 they begun to fire as against a Town beseiged, tho the Chevalier's gaurds had not been in any Shape altered, nor one Shot fired att them. How far they could answer to themselves or their masters for Such Strange doings is more than I shall endeavour to Conjecture. To the inhabitants it was openly, declaring they nether minded their own promise nor their lives or effects. In this Shape they Continud fireing and as if a regular Seige had been commenced against them, Sallied out and dug a trench opposite to the gate, and with some feild peices fired Cattridge Shot down the Streets, and with their great guns demolished one house and Sett fire to some others, but fortunately their being little wind it did no further hurt but cost the lives of some innocent people who, for fear of its Spreading, run to extinguish it durring this imaginary Seige. They killed Several people of both Sexes, inhabitants of the Citty, and only wound one man and a boy of their enemy who, on the fourth in the evening, retired to the Weigh house and Milns Court about 100 yards from their former Posts. The Cittizens, unaccustomed to such devastations, made the most hideous complaints against the garrison, and used Such move- ing entreaties with the Chevalier that, notwithstanding the just reason he had to be provoked, was nevertheless so much Struck with their unheard of Sufferings that, to Show them the Superior regard he had for their interest and well fare, deter- mined next day 2 to comply with their request and according ishued the following proclamation taking of the Blocade. 3 On the 7 th4 L. Ogilvey and Gordon of Glenbucket join the Army with their several Regiments and were furnished with what arms they wanted by those taken from Cope att Gladsmuir. Accounts att this time was brought that a ship from France had landed att Montrose with the Marquise deguille, 5 embassa- dor from the French. Several Scotts and Irish officers with some peices of Cannon and a large quantity of Small arms 1 Caledoma>i Mercury, 1st October. 2 This was issued on 2nd October. 3 See Browne's History, vol. iii. p. IOO. 4 Caledonian Mercury, 4th October. 5 Du Boyer, Marquis d'Aiguilles. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 221 which were ordered to be brought South with the utmost expedition and a detachm* sent to Kiggans newk and the opposite Side of the Forth to secure the passage. Lord G. Murray was sent to give what instructions he Should judge necessary, and ordered some redoubts to be raised to defend the passage against the armd boats upon the River which was executed by M r Kerr of Graden, 1 formerly a Col 1 in the Spanish Service, and one Cap 1 Brown a french officer. It being well known that numbers of people in Scottland whose Situation in live either rendered their joining the Chevalier impossible or imprudent were nevertheless very desirous to be assisting to him in whatever could conduce to his Interest it was thought requisite to ishue a proclamation to lett them know that their Showing their good will to his Service in an other thing would be well taken.* 2 * X.B. — Notwithstanding the natural desire that they ministry had to know what Sum were privately given and by whom assured sup- porters and abetteres of a party are ever look'd upon as more dangerous to a State than those who publickly bid them defiance and tho it is very certain that no money was given to any other person then about the Chevalier but M. himself, yet the ministry are to this day ignorant of any one who Contributed to the Chevalier assistance in that Shape. How ridiculous must such people appear to themselves when they reflect not only with what virulence and madness they at first railed against M. imagining no doubt he had discovered all and every thing, but that when they found by their undisturbd quiet he had not betray'd them, they nevertheless weakly and ungenerously continued to join in the general 1 Kerr of Graden was aide-de-camp to the Prince. He was taken prisoner but reprieved. 2 Charles, Prince of Wales, etc., Regent of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, Being informed that many of our father's loyal subjects, disabled from joining us, by advanced years, broken constitutions, and otherways, are heartily disposed to assist us with money, horses and arms, but have signified that they were at a loss to know to whom they should apply for these purposes. We therefore hereby declare, that the persons in the circumstances aforesaid, sending to our secretary at the palace of Holy -rood-house, or where we shall happen to be for the time, money, arms, and horses, will be considered by us as a very seasonable and acceptable mark of their loyalty. Given at our palace of Holy-rood-house, the eighth day of October, 1745. By His Highnesses command, Jo. Murray. 222 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part II. The Chevalier being informed, y 1 the Parliament was Summoned to meet att Westminster Oct r } Te 17 th , found himself under a necessity to take notice of it, and made publish the following proclamation. 1 WHEREAS we are certainly in- formed," etc. 1 To give reasons for this Step would realy be blotting of paper to no purpose, not one person of tollerable understanding Clamour rather than openly and honestly, as men ought, to declare they knew better things and only blame him for what he was apparently guilty of. I have often wondered at their madness and never could form any reason to my self but one or two, either that they thought by publickly ruining him to make the world believe they were not in his power, or that they inclined to be fashionable with the ignorant herd. The first we may justly say was ill judged, such procedure would have tempted many less attached to the interest of the party to have discovered all from revenge, was unjust, and demonstrated the timidity they laid to his Charge. The Curious may blame me for not acquainting the world how M. perswaded the Ministry to believe that he knew of no persons not openly engaged who gave money, tho' I have had access to know, and that from the very best Authority, yet I am almost ashamed to say that seems to have proceeded from the most triffling Shift a continued and positive denial with a great deal of earnestness and Seeming Sincerity, so Shall conclude this note by desiring the gentlemen who have Mr. M.s receipts for the money by them pay'd to look at them, and then reflect of the unjustice they have done him. 1 PROCLAMATION AGAINST MEETING IN THE ENSUING PARLIAMENT. Charles, Prince of Wales, etc., Regent of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging. Charles, P.R. Whereas, we are certainly informed, that the Elector of Hanover, has taken upon him to summon a Parliament to meet at Westminster, on Thursday the seventeenth of this instant October ; We hereby warn and command all his Majesty's Liege Subjects, whether Peers or Commoners, to pay no Obedience to any such Summons, and not to presume to meet or act as a Parliament at the Time and Place appointed, or any other ; the so doing by any Authority, but that of the King our Royal Father, since the setting up of his Standard, and his Majesty's gracious Pardon offered for all that is past, being an ouvert Act of Treason and Rebellion : But if, notwithstanding this our Declaration, any Number of Persons shall presume to meet in either House, and act there as Members of a lawful Parliament, they cannot but be sensible that no Right or Privilege of Parliament can avail to justify- what they shall say or do in such an unlawful Assembly. And for those of his Majesty's Subjects of this his ancient Kingdom of Scotland, whether Peers or Commoners, who shall, contrary to these our express Com- mands, presume to sit or vote as aforesaid, as soon as the same shall be verified 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 223 Concernd in the Government that was not sensible how neces- sary the Step was, and to have neglected it would have been giving a Seeming assent and kind of tacit acknowledgment of his antagonists tittle. So many Scurilous libels had been dispersed about the Country, and such numbers of false and Scandalous things alledged against the Chevalier & his familly, together with the great pains that was taken to Stuff the peoples ears with the old bugbear of popery, Arbitrary power, french despotism and dependancy, & c , which, tho it all appeared to the Chevalier as the undoubted Sign of a weak Council and a government, conscious to themselves how little they could depend upon the hearts and affections of the people they had so long governed, yett wisely j udging that as the Vulgar and more ignorant of all Nations are easily imposed upon by possitive and daring assertions how ever false in them selves to prevent the bad effects that might follow from such triffling Storeis as were industriously spread abroad he published the following Manifesto to quiet the minds of every reasonable man 6 AS SOON AS WE, 1 etc. 1 All this time the Chevalier was indefaticable in regulating his Small army, which was so dayly augmented by recruits from the highlands. M r M c kinnon of M c kinnon * joind him from the Isle of Skey with about 120 men, realy brave and honest, inured to fatigue, and pateint to undergoe any thing that tended to the Service of their Masters, and might, according to the litteral Sense of the word, be called Solgers. * M c kinnons Charracter. 2 unto us, the Transgressors shall be proceeded against as Traitors and Rebels to their King and Country, and their Estates shall be confiscated for his Majesty's Use, according to the Laws of the Land ; the pretended Union of these King- doms being now at an End. Lastly, We hereby strictly enjoin and command all his Majesty's faithful Subjects, of what Rank or Degree soever, to pay no Obedience or Regard to any Act, Vote, Order, or Resolution, that may be pub- lished in the Name of both Houses, or of either of them respectively, as they shall answer the contrary at their Peril. Given at our Palace of Holy-rood-house, the Ninth Day of October, One thousand seven hundred and forty-five. Charles, P. R. By his Highness' s Command, J. Murray. 1 Printed in Browne's History, vol. iii. p. 104. 2 Murray does not give this. 224 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part IL 14 Sept. The next day, being the 14 th , The Marquis D'eguille arrived att the Palace, where he was very graciously received by the Chevalier, to whom he delivered his dispatches and Credentials from his Court, and had the honour that night to sup att his table. As a great many Slighting things were thrown out to that gentleman's prejudice by the freinds of the government, with an intention, no doubt, not only to lessen the fears of their freinds as to the assistance they from thence naturelv expected the Chevalier would have from france, and likewise to Create jalousies amongst their Enemys, as if he had onlv been sent by the Court of france as a Spey upon the Chevalier and his Army, and which, indeed, had too visible an effect amongst some of the less understanding of his freinds, it may not be amiss to Say something about that gentleman's Charracter.* The Chevalier, ever watchfull of the peice and quiet of the Country, and the regular and decent behaviour of his Army, was mighty uneasy att some representations that were made of some oppressive things being done in the Country bv people Clade in Tartan and who called themselves of the army ; and to be certain of the truth of what was alledged, he made the utmost pains to be taken to find out the aggressers, but after the Strictest enquirey only one Monro and a fellow, a Stabler, afterwards hang'd att Stirling by the D. of C/s orders as a Spev, could be discovered. Monro was taken into Custodv, tryed by a Court martial, and found guilty of Robbery and having forcibly and unwarrantably exacted money from the Country for protections, under the Charracter of an officer in D. of Perth's Regiment, for which he was condemned to be Shott, and the Sentence executed upon him in the Links of Leith y e 16 th . The Stabler was likewise tryed, but the proof not comeing out so clear against him, was acquitted. Tho this example of justice and care of the Country might have been Sufficient to convince every body how much he had the good of the Subjects att heart, he never theless insisted upon further enquirey being made to discover the rioters, which, after a good deal of difficulty, was by means of a fellow in the Cannongate who was a kind of recitt to house breakers and * Here insert his Charracter and behaviour. 1 1 Murray has not left this. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 225 such Cattle, found to be a parcel of loosee people, both men and women of that kind, who had assembled themselves together, and putting on tartan Cloaths, took advantage of the Armies being negh to pass for some of them, and round about the Country going into the farmer's houses in the night time and robing and plundering, upon which orders were given to Send Safe gaurds wherever demanded, which pretty effectually prevented the outrages for the future. One Smith, formerly a Centinel in LasseFs Regiment, and who had inlisted with Col 1 Roy Steuart, had afterwards deserted and employ \i himself in Robbing the Country, was made prisoner, tryed, Condemd and Shot. The fellow Confessed before his death what he had done. Att the same time one M c vicar, who had been outlaw'd, put a Cockade in his hat, pretending a Strong attachment to the Chevalier's interest, but as he was determined to have no such fellows in his army, nor to do any thing that might seem to fly in the face of the laws of the Country, he ordered him to be took up and imprisoned, and in Short upon all occasions took the greatest care to do every thing that could in any Shap conduce to the interest and peace of the Subject.* My Lord Pitsligoe,f with S r William Gordon of Park, Hay of * Att this time certain intelligence was brought by a person sent express from London that a fellow was sent from thence who had under- taken to Murder the Chevalier, the thing had been very accidentally discovered, and care taken immediatly to send this gentleman with the intelligence. The person employ'd was very exactly described not only by the person sent, but in several letters to different people in Town, who all brought their letters to the palace, upon wh a very Strict enquirey was made, but only one Stranger to be found who tho not answering the description in every respect yet came so near to it as to give good grounds of Suspition, upon which he was ordered into Custody and examined two three Several times, but nothing being found from his answers to make believe he was the person, he was Soon released, and afterwards joind the army and marched with us into England. By letters from London, all the same, we were undoubtedly inform'd of Capt. Vere's 1 being sent as a Spey, but tho it was known that he had been in Town, and some said in the Camp at Duddiston, yet he took such care to keep him self private that there was no discovering of him. t His Charracter. Lord Pitsligoe is a little thinn fair man, has lived much at home, being a great Schollar and fond of Study, of the primitive Stamp, and fitter to 1 Cf. p. 248, infra, P 226 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part ih Rannas, and a number of gentlemen from the North, arrived att Ed r with a body of about 150 horse, and the hon ble Lord Lewis Gordon, who had some days before joined the Chevalier, Sett out from Ed r to the north to raise the followers of that family.* The D. of Atholl, who had raised a Considerable number of his Clan, and had escorted the Cannon, ammunition and baggage landed from France, together with the Clan M c pher- son, Came to Hollyrood House, having quartered his brigade in and about Duddiston, leaving the M c pherson f to proceed with the Stores to Dalkeith. Lord Elcho, as I had observed before, having had the Command of the first troop of gaurds Con- ferred upon him, had with great Dilligence Compleated it all of gentlemen of familly and fortune ; and tho they did not amount to above a hundered, yett I may say there never was a troop of better men in any service, their uniform blew and reed, and all extreamly well mounted. Onfrydaythe 18 th [October], Lord Kenmure, 2 for whom the Second troop was designed, have been a martyr in the days of Nero than to live in an age of villany and Corruption, where piety is ridiculed, humane to a fault, and brave to admiration, extreamly affable and engaging in Conversation. The deservedly most popular man in his Country, not beloved but adored, being ever employ'd in doing good offices to his neighbours. In short, to do justice to his Charracter, it would be necessary to cull out the most conspicuous virtues of the Saints and heroes of old, all which he is alone blessed with in an ample degree, and if it would seem descending too low to imitate the often undeserved Characters given by news writters, I would conclude by saying yt he is the best husband, the best father, the best freind, and the Best S — bj — t in Brittain. * His Charracter. 1 The fellow M c leod mentioned in the beginning of this historey to have come to Glenfinnan now joined the army at Ed r in Company with a very worthy man of that name, M c leod of , but brought no men with him as he had promised, and for which he got the money. t Cluneys Charracter. Ewan M c pherson of Cluney is of a low Stature, very square, and a dark brown complection, of extreme good sense, and inferior to none in the north of Scottland for Capacity, greatly beloved by his Clan, who are by all their neighbours allowed to be a Sober, regular, Sedate people. A man not only brave in the general acceptation of the word, but upon reflection and forethought determined and resolute with uncommon calmness. 1 Lord Lewis Gordon's description is not given in Murray's MS. 2 John, second son of Lord Kenmure, who was beheaded in 1716 ; his elder brother Robert died in 1 741, aged twenty-eight. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 227 came to the palace in company with L. Nithsdale and the Earl of Kilmarnock, who were all presented to the Chevalier and very graciously received, especially Lord Kenmure, to whom every body observed he showed a particular Civility, both in his manner and in what he said to him, and when he told him he had reserved the command of the 2 d troop for him, seemd to appologise for his not having had the first, assuring him of the particular regard he had for his familly, and how sensible he was of what thev had suffered upon his account, with which his Lordship seem'd quite happy, and expressed him self very desirous to be of service, and said that, as he was Situated in a Country where the minds of the people had been very much debauched from the Chevalier s interist since y e year 1715, it would have been dangerous for him to have made any prepara- tions which he could not have conducted with Sufficient Secresy, and therefor it would be necessary for him to return home for some few days, but desired letters from him to some of his freinds who he hoped to be able to bring out, and that he would join him and take the Command of the troop upon the boarder, with which the Chevalier, seeming extreamly well satisfied, agreed to his proposal, and ordered the letters to be writ out. The three Lords had the honour that night to sup with him, but the afterwards unfortunate Kilmarnock* was the only one who acted the honourable part. Kenmure never returned for the letters he had asked, but went to the Country and made his Ladie j" 1 write a triffling letter to the Chevalier's Secretary acknowledging the honour done hir Lord, but at the same time pleading \ rt he was now the only brother left, and if any misfortune should befall him, what would become of hir and hir Child, and praying that as he was his L — d's Relation, 2 that he would make Suitable apologies to his Master for My L — d's not joining, as he had engaged, att the same time saying * Kils Charracter. 3 t K.B. — She is Sister to this present Earl of Seaforth, member of Parliament for [Ross-shire]. 1 Frances, daughter of fifth Earl of Seaforth. They were married in 1744. 2 The Lord Kenmure of the '15 married a granddaughter of Sir William Murray of Stanhope. 3 Again this is omitted by Murray. 228 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part IL that had he had a following like hir brother, 1 she would not have endeavoured to diswade him from it, but on the Contrary, as he could be of little service, being able to bring none but a few servants. Notwithstanding, M r Murray had the greatest reason to take his Lordship's conduct as a personal affront, he having att his repeated desire engaged for him to his Master long before he landed in Scottland, yett he was nevertheless unwilling to hurt him, looking upon it as a piece of Instability and weakness, and therefor showed this remarkable letter only to a few of his Lordship's former freinds, and made the best natured apologies to his Master the thing would allow of. Some days after that he received a few Lines from My Lord himself, telling him that the Situation of his affairs (he had better said his wife) would not permitt him to join, and that the troop might be disposed of to whom the Chevalier should think fitt, the oddity of which letter will appear to every impartial reader to glaring to need make any observation here, and in consequence of his Lordship's refusal it was bestowed on M r Elphinston, afterwards L. Balmerino,* a much worthier a man in every Shape of life. Lord Nithsdale, 2 from whom no better was expected by all who had the honour to know him, after he retired home from the palace was Struck with such panick and Sincere repentance of his rashness that he was confined to his bed for some days in a fitt of despondency, where nothing but the most dreadful scene of Axes, Gibbets, and halters presented themselves to his weaking and sleeping thoughts, in so much that he was oblidged to be sent to the Country, where he continued Crazy for some time, tho his Lady, who it was alledged had with the outmost difficulty perswaded him to pay his duty, and who had stoll to hir self the magnanimity and spirit of hir whole family, was so much ashamed of the pusilanimity of hir husband that she Scorned to accompany him, but Stay'd in town, quite ashamed * Balmerinos Charracter. 3 1 Kenneth Mackenzie, eldest son of the fifth Earl of Seaforth, who was attainted in 1716, was M.P. for Inverness 1741, and for Ross-shire 1747 and 1754; died 1 76 1, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He was known by the courtesy title of Lord Fortrose. 2 Son of the Lord Nithsdale of the '15. The estates had been conveyed to him in 17 12. He died in London in 1776. 3 Omitted by Murray. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 229 of his Cowardice and willing as far as lay in hir power to show what she would have done had nature destined hir the other sex. I should not have been so particular in relation to these to Lords had their Storey been a Secret, but to show how much it is a man's duty to know his own strength of mind and how cautious he ought to be of going lenths when he has not reso- lution to carry it through or able to extricate him with honour. It is positively said that Lord Kenmure had no sooner gott home than he wrote a letter to Mr. Fletcher, Lord Justice Clerk, begging to be excused for his rashness in going to the Palace, but that he had been so harrassed and plagued with letters and messages that he was under a necessity of going and saying some Severe things against the Rebels, as he termed them, but how far that is fact or not I shall not take upon me to determine. It is lucky for his Lordship if false, for that he ever had more than one letter from the Chevalier and another from Mr Murray, who he had engaged to give him notice so soon as a proper occasion offered, I can certainly affirm, having had access to know it. There being nothing to be had but evasive answers from L. L-t., who pretended one day to be fond to serve him, and appointing a time for the Rendezvous of his Clan, and the next forging of reason for his delay, whereby he prevented the M c intoshes from marching south, having disapointed them three Several times after a day had been fixed and they in arms ; nor from M c leod but Oaths and curses that so soon as he went to Skey he would raise his men and march south, att the same time that he had no sooner made his solemn promises and con- sulted of how he was to march and where to meet the other Clans than he went directly to M r Forbes of Culloden, the President, and told what had passed. So the Chevalier, seeing no hopes of any assistance from that quarter and being joined by all those they expected in time, bethought him self of what was next to be done. To have continued longer att Ed r would have been very improper ; he had been there nigh six weeks, and it was natural to think that his army, little accustomed to the effeminacy to common in town, might be debauched both by women and drink, which would render them less able for the fatigue they must of necessity go through, and the rains which in that season of the year falls very much in these parts 230 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part IL might naturaly occasion deceses they are little aquainted with in their Country, and staying to long in any one place, a thing the Highlanders dont like, being naturaly fond of being in action, might have led many of them to think that they had no more to do loitering there and so gone home. The rumour that was than spread of his brothers being in France and intending a descent in England gave him reason to apprehend that the government might for their own Safety take some of his freinds whom they most suspected into Custody and prevent their joining him. But above all the intelligence he received of general Wades march north and the preparations making on all hands in England determined him to ly no longer idle, seeming resolved to give him battle before his troops could recover the fatigue of their long march. All these things weighing together made him think of settling the Country durring his absense before he fixed his departure for England. He accordingly Constituted the Viscount of Strathallan Governor of the Town of Perth and Commander in Chief of all the forces that were or afterwards might be durring his own absense in the Town, but not Commander in Chief of his forces beyond the Forth, as he vainly addopted. He like- wise ordered M r Oliphant of Gask to attend him, being a man of a Considerable Estate in the neighbourhood, but without any Commission. M r M c gregor of Glengyle was appointed governor of Down Castle, about four miles from Stirling, being- judged the fittest man in the Country to keep that garrison in awe and to prevent their making excursions into the Country to disturb the familleis of such who were in arms, and to be sure it was impossible for any to have made a better Choise Glengyle is,* etc. [David Fotheringham] 1 was made Governor * Glengyles Charracter. Glengyle, now the oldest branch of the familly M c griger, in person a tall hansome man and more of the mein of the antient heroes than our modern gentlemen, possest of a Singular deal of humanity and good nature, honest and disinterrested to a Proverb, extreamly modest, brave and intrepide, and born one of the best Partizans in Europe, in that the whole people of that Country declared that never did people live under so milde a Government as Glengyles, not a man having so much as lost a Chicken whille he continued there. 1 Murray has left the names of the three governors blank. They are supplied from other authorities. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 231 of Dundee, [Carnegie of Balnamoon] of Montrose, and [Moir of Lonmay] of Aberdeen, and some particular officers of every different Clan was sent home not only to keep the Country in peace, but to prevent desertion and bring out all those at home able to bear arms, and with them to join the Chevalier upon the border, where he expected to have staid for some time. Thus everything being ordered with all the care and Caution 30 Oct, imaginable, he then called a Councill of war the night of the 30th,* where were present his Grace the Duke of Athol, D. of Perth, L. George Murray, Lord Elcho, L. Pitsligoe, Cameron of Locheil, M c donald of Kepock, M c donald of Clanronald, M c donald of Lochgaray, etc., to consult of his march South- wards, and after telling them the reason of his calling them together and acquainting them with the intelligence he had received of General Wades March and the other motions and preparations of the enemy in England, he desired they would give their several opinions on what they judged the most proper step for him to take. It would be tedious and might likewise be disagreable to the reader to gave the several opinions and reasonings of every particular, so shall confine myself to the two most material, whither to march the east road towards Newcastle, and there give General Wade Battle, or to march the west by Carlile. The Chevalier him self was clear for marching towards newcastle, first, because M r Wade could only arrive there a day or two before him, and Con- sequently his troops must have been very much fatigued with their long march after a Campaigne in Flanders. Secondly, having been unsuccesfull there, together with Copes defeat then quite recent, made it reasonable to believe that they would not act with that vigour they might do if let to rest for any time ; thirdly, their numbers were not so greatly superior to his own as to apprend a defeat, being well assurred that the Dutch would not fight should the Marquise de guille require them upon the Capitulation of Tourney to be neuter. 4 th ly, to march towards Carlile would be a means to dishearten his own Army, as it would look like shunning W ade, and thereby give them a more formidable opinion of his strength than it realy * Oc r 30th. 232 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. deserved. 5 tWjr , the advantages following a victory in these parts would be innumerable; the reduction of Newcastle, besides giving a Charracter to his arms, would enable him to strecken the Citty of London and very probably create the utmost Confussion amongst the inhabitants, which might have turned greatly to his advantage, made him absolute master of all Northumberland and the County of Durham, with Cum- berland to the gates of Carlile, and not only encouraged but given the fairest opportunity to all his friends to join him from Lancashire, Yorkshire, etc., and Could then have left a garrison in the place and marched forward before any Considerable force could be got together to oppose him. Besides, did he march Directly from Ed r to Carlile, M r Wade had it in his power to have crossed the Country, it being only about forty miles, and have opposed'his passing the River Esk before it was possible for him to reach it, which put him to a stand, the Country there about not being well affected to his Cause, he would have been very much put to it, for provisions, especially bread, and he had attempted to cross the Country to Newcastle and take the advantages of Wades march to the west, yet he must have been oblidged to leave his Cannon behind him, and might have been keept out by the small garrison w h would no doubt be left behind, these and many other reasons of equall weight enduced the Chevalier to encline giving general Wade battle as soon as possible. On the other hand, my Lord George Murray with most of the Cheifs, argued that his marching into England being Chiefly to give his friends there an opportunity to join him, they thought he ought not to risque a battle unless upon good terms which might not be in his power, as M r Wade being there before him had the Choosing his own ground, and might consequently or not as he pleased, that should he be defeated his affairs would be totally ruined, and a retreat very difficult should the Enemy follow the strock having the river of Tweed to cross, seldome fourdable att that Season of the year and the garrison of Berwick to oppose his passage, or to harrass his rear when passsed. That the road by Ouler and Whiting- ham 1 through Runsidemuir was extremely bad, and as some 1 A village in Northumberland — not the Whittinghame in East Lothian. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 233 rains had lately fain, might be impassible with his Cannon and other Carriages — no quarters to be had but in small dispersed villages, a hut would give the Enemys horse, if alert, occasion to annoy them, and therefore they was of opinion that by marching to Carlile and being there joined by his freinds from Lancashire, northumberland, &c., as he expected they might then Choose to march to NewCastle and give M r Wade Battle or not as should be thought most advisible. To which it was answered that tho by his march into England he principally intended to favour a junction with his friends there, yet nothing could influence there rising so much as his gaining a victory in their own Country, and thereby getting possession of Newcastle. That as had been said before tho a defeat was little to be looked for yet should it happen the retreat was not so difficult as was apprehended for in place of making it towards Kelsoe y e road they had come by it behoved to be done higher up y e Country towards Moffat and where the horse could not persue, and the foot easely out marched, and the passage into the highlands by Menteith was easy and safe, there being nothing to disturb y m but the garison of Stirling, which durst not Stirr fear of Glengyle and his Garrison at Doun. That tho the roads were bad, yet the rains had not then fain in such quantitys but by the help of the Country horses, their own being then fresh, their Cannon and baggage might easily be got forward and the difficulty of quarters would only Subject for two nights betwixt Kelsoe and Morpeth, which the men would willingly put up with, with the help of good fires, and there was great plenty of wood and turf to be had in the Country. And lastly, should it be found impossible to bring M r Wade to action, but upon disadvantageous terms, it was then easy to march to Carlile, which would be so far from dispiriting his friends that it would rather encourage them by showing y* M r Wade did not care to risque a battle. Notwithstanding the arguments used by the Chevalier and those of his side, the question seemed to be the strongest and most rational, yet the majority Still inclined tother way, and were of opinion that risquing the uncertain event of a battle even upon equal terms before he had given his friends in England an opportunity to join him, would be 234 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. ill judged, and if unsuccessfull might give them a handle to blame the Scotts and impute the miscarriage of the whole to their timerity and rashness. After a very long debate on both sides the Council was adjourned till next morning at nine aClock to consider further of what had been offered on both Sides, but when the Chevalier had retired to his own apartment he begun to reflect that as the most, if not all the Cheifs were for marching to Carlile, his forcing them the other road contrary to their inclinations, might be of bad Con- sequences, especially should it become known, which was more than probable, as it might thereby enduce some of the Solgers to desert, thinking them selves warranted to do it as being against their Cheifs opinion, at the same time that he knew they were generally averse to Cross the borders, as well as many of the gentlemen, this together w* the desire to do nothing that might give cause of backwardness to his friends in England, prevailed with him to agree to their proposal. Accordingly, 31 Oct. next day how soon the Council had mett, he told them in a very obliging manner that he had Seriously Considered of their arguments the night before, and was now, upon reflection, given to think they was in the right, and that he was ready to follow their advice, and then proposed y* the rout might be agreed upon, and proper orders conserted for their speedy march. This condescention on his part, made in so oblidging a manner, and as if proceeding from the Superior strength of their arguments seemd to give great contentment. He then told y m that he had been athinking how to evade any difficulties that might ensue should M r Wade, who would in twelve hours at most get intelligence of his motions, march across the Country, and that what to him appeared the most proper Step to be taken was to march at the head of the Clans to Kelsoe, which would cover his design, it being on the Road to Newcastle and probably bring Wade to Morpeth to meet him, the ground being much stronger there than att Newcastle by which means it would not be in his power, however willing, to gett to Carlile before him, and that the other Column with the Cannon and heavy baggage should march to Peebles, which being only nine miles further by the way of Selkirk to Kelsoe than by Lauder could not for the first day discover their intentions — so halting one day with the Clans att Kelsoe, or even two if found 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 235 necessary, would effectually disappoint M r Wade, and give the 2 d Column time to march up the Tweed by Drumelzier to Moffat, and join him at Carlile. This proposal than which none other could be more judicious was universally appro ven of by all present and it was immediately agreed on that my L. G. M. and Du. of P. should see that nothing was wanting for the Conveniency of the march, and D. of A. Charged with the Command of the 2 d Column, D. of P. under him, the Chevalier the first L. G. under him. The first was composed of the Camerons, M c donalds of Glengarv, M c donalds of Kappoch, M c donalds of Clanronald, M c donalds of Glencoe, the Steuarts, M c grigors — and M c kinnons. The 2 d was composed of the Athol Brigade, D. of Perths Regi- ment, Glenbuckets, Roy Steuarts, Lord Ogilveys and the M c pharsons, Lord Elchoes and Balmerinoes troops, the Perth- shire horse, L. Pitsligoes troop with the Hussars commanded by Major Bagget marched with the first Column. The Car- riages having been all previously provided with a large quantity of biscuit, and nothing further requisite to be done, it was determined to evacuate the Citty of Ed r y e 4 th of November.* 1 The Second in the morning orders were given to all the Regiments to make ready to move, and the day following all save the guards keept in the Citty march'd to Dalkeith — * Orders had been given to make litters for earring the wonded across the Forth to their respective homes, but as there were some so ill that they could not be transported, the majestrates were applyd to give Security for their Safety, but as that was judged precarious, it was pro- posed to carry hostages along for their good behaviour, and accordingly one Wilson, a baillie, was pitched upon for one and carried the lenth of Dalkeith, but there made interest to be lett go. Having few Surgeons of experience in ye army, the Chevalier gave orders that if none could be found to go willingly, yt they should be pressed, and in obedience to his order Mr. R., Mr. Lauder, and Mr. Ramsay were severaly taken out of their beds the morning yt that the town was evacuated, but Mr. Ramsay representing that he was of a very weakly constitution and unable to undergoe the fatigue of the journey, had his liberty to return home, the other two being thought abundantly robust were refused to return. N.B. — To do justice where it is due, it has been since known that a Common Sentinel then in the Castle offered to GU Guest that provided his wife and Childeren were taken care of, he would murder the Chevalier. The Prince left Edinburgh on Oct. 31. 236 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. Musselburgh, Inverask, and the Villages adjacent, the Chevalier lay that night at Pinkie house, and next morning went to the Palace of Dalkeith L. G. M. who was left behind at Ed r drew of the guards att the Several ports and assembled the whole in the Parliament Close, then ordering them to march he covered their retreat in good order, him self in the rear of the guard at the weigh house. The Garrison in the Castle, who did not dare to Stir whille a highlander was in Town no Sooner were assurred that they might safely appear, than they broke out like a parcel of hungry dogs, and without any Command or the least Shew of order, discipline or humanity, run into every house where either Solger or officer had quartered, and pillaged, and destroy'd what they could not carry of, abused the poor house keepers where ever the highlanders had been quarterd, and treated some of those that were left wounded in the most barbarous manner imaginable, particular one poor fellow in the Cannongate, who after they had taken him from out his bed pulld him down Stairs by the heels, his head Striking against every Step, and then pulled him in the same manner allong the pavement till he expired, many more examples might be given of the unprecedented barbarity but ) rt I dont care insert to many things of this nature least Should seem too full of Complaints. Let us now leave the Chevalier at Dalkeith with his army cantoned there and in the ajacent, to take a view of the Situation of his Enemy, and the Strenth he had to encounter with. Here insert tlie whole proceedure of the Gov 1 Jrom the first news of the Chevaliers landing till this date. 1 . . . The Chevalier having Staid 2 nights at Dalkeith, whilst the arms brought from France were distributed to them who wanted or had insufficient ones, and the Cannon carriages put in Repair, with all other necessary preparations made for a march, 3 Nov. he moved on y e 3 d , in the morning, at the head of the first Column, to Lauder, and took up his quarters that night in Lauder Castle, whilst the Second Column, under the Command of the Dukes of Athol and Perth, marched the same day with the Cannon and baggage to Peebles. A part of the Column Murray has not provided us with this. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY 237 he commanded being quartered at Gingle kirk, 1 a village about four miles Short of Lauder, he returned there early in the morning,* to bring them up to the main body, and then begun his march for Kelsoe, the horse in front and Rear, where he arrived that night, having given orders as he went along to send Safegaurds to the Several gentlemens houses upon the road to prevent plundering. Next morning, Coll. Kerr f was ordered out with a detachment of horse to reconotter the Country towards Ouler, where the remains of the 2 Regiments of Gardeners and Hamiltons Dragoons were encamped, who, upon hearing of the Chevaliers approach, had keept all y t night under arms, tho at milles distance, and so soon as day appeard gallopd of to Whitingham. Another small party was sent towards Berwick, where one of them going carelessly into a house at Coldstream, was made prisoner and carried to Newcastle. After Staying two nights at Kelsoe, to give the 2 d Column time to meet the same day at Carlile, the Chevalier Crossed y e tweede and march'd to Jedburgh, where he halted y* night, the 6 th , all the horse, save the Husars, marching by 6 Nov. Hawick & Langtoun, & c ., the next morning he continued his march through the Country of Liddesdale, J and quartered his * N.B. — It is worthy of observation that perhaps never general, especialy a Prince, was so minutly assiduous as the Chevalier to see every the most minute motion with his own Eye, never neglecting-, throughout the whole march, So Soon as he had put all in motion, to return and view the whole Column, after which he repaird again to the front and from time to time as he judged necessary view'd the whole and prevented them from Strageling. t Colli Kerrs Charracter. 2 % Here a gentleman mett him with despatches from the Dukes of Athol and Perth from Moffat to acquaint him that they had found great difficulties in bringing] the heavy baggage y l lenth, and that they did not think it was possible for them to reach Carlile till the Tenth. Upon which orders were sent them to advance with the Cannon with all possible dilligence, and to leave a Strong detachment to escort the baggage and bread waggons. And at the same time a person was sent across the hills into Northumberland to procure intelligence of General Wades motions with orders to rejoin the Army the next night at , but as was after- wards known, the gentleman was unluckie enough to be taken prisoner 1 Channelkirk. 2 Omitted by Murray. 238 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part II army at 1 . & c , and on friday, the eight, he crosed the River of 2 with the Clan Cameron, the other regiments, being quartered on the Scotts Side, Sending the Hussars for some milles befer to Scour the Country. It was remarkable that this being the first time they entered England, the Highlanders without any orders given, all drew their Swords with one Con- sent upon entering the River, and every man as he landed on tother Side wheeld about to the left and faced Scotland again. That night the Chevalier quartered at a small farm Called Reading, 3 and the day following, haveing staid on the banks of the River till the whole were passed, he ordered the hussars to go before and reconnoitre Carlile, whilst he march to a place called Roekley, and there passed the River Eden about 2 in the afternoon, milles below Carlile, and quartered that night in some Villeages to the westward, where Major Baggot brought him intelligence of his having gone so by some of the militia and Carried to Newcastle. When upon the march about Six milles from Readings L. G. Murray proposed to devide that Column and march the one half under his Command the near way to Brompton, the Chevalier to march with the other to Reading with this view that in case Gil Wade had moved from Newcastle, of which we then could not be certain (the person sent for intelligence not being return'd), he might take up what ground Should be judged most proper till join'd by the whole, and his being there would make ye General advance with greater Caution, as he could not learn by his first intelligence whether it was the whole or a part of the army being to march in the night, and give out his numbers larger than they were, and that the whole would be there in ye morning, by which means he might gain time till joind by both Columns, but the Chevalier appear d unwilling to make four divisions of his little army, which in that case he must have done, his horse with the 2d under the Command of D. of A. by the way of Moffat and Echelphechan being in two on his right, and now this detachment on his left was dividing his Strenth too much, and Should the Enemy be advanc- ing before he could get all together, he might thereby give them occasion to beat him en detail, a thing which every good general ought to by all means to evite, so that it was determined not to Seperate till intelligence was had of the Enemys Motions. 1 Haggiehaugh (now Larriston) — according to Maxwell. - The Esk. 3 Reddings. Cf. Itinerary. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 239 far as Carlile bridge, from whence he could see a good many people upon the walls, that they seemed very alert, and that they had no Sooner observed them upon the Bridge than they fired Some of their guns from the Castle, but without doing any execution.* The next day being Saturday, the tenth, the whole army 10 Nov. was formed upon a muir to the west of the Town, but the fog was so great that there was Scarcely a possibility of reconnoitring it to any purpose, however, about 2 in the afternoon, the Athole brigade with Cluneys regiment and Some others of the 2 d Column came to the ground, & im- mediately the Duke of Perth, Col 1 O Sullivan, Coll 1 Gachagan, with the engeneer and Some others, went within pistole Shot of the walls on that side, and into the Suburbs opposite to Penrith port, and after their return and their report made, it was determined to raise a battery a little to the north west of the Penrith gate.f The horse were ordered to quarter at , the Chevalier, with some foot and the hussars, at Blakwel 1 and the rest of the troops in the other villages about, to form the Blocade. The Chevalier having left the D.s of Perth and Atholl with his regiment and part of the athol brigade to open the trenches, repaird late in y e Evening to his quarters, where he had not * N.B. — To show how incredibly ignorant the Country people of England are, and industrious the freinds of the government were to impose upon their ignorance and credulity, in the little house where ye Chevalier was quartered after he had been for above an hour in the Room, some of the gentlemen who attended him heard a ruseling below the bed, and upon Searching they found a little girl of five or six years old. The mother comeing into the room to fetch something, seeing the Child discovered, called out for God's sake to Spare her Child, for She was the only remaining one of Seven she had bore. Upon which some of the gentlemen being currious to know what She meant, followed to the door and enquired what made her express herself in that manner. To which she answered that indeed She had been assured from Creditable people that the highlanders were a Savage Sett of people and eat all the young Children. t But to leave no room for the Inhabitants to complain, he sent ye following letter to the Mayor. 2 1 Blacklehall. 2 See Browne's History, vol. iii. p. 58. 240 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ii been above an hour when he received intelligence that G 11 . Wade was marching, or ready to march, from Newcastle, he immediatly sent orders to the Several Corps to be ready by day light in the morning to march for Brampton,* being determined to give him battle there, as being the best ground in that part of the Country. It is almost impossible to describe the joy that was in every body's face upon the news of Wade's aproach ; the Chevalier him self expressed the utmost Satisfaction, as he was now likely soon to be able to execute the plan he had formed to himself at Ed r by the reduction of Newcastle, which inevitably must have followed a victorey, and every common Solger was pleasd to think that they now had not taken that rout to Shunn him, but for reasons they could not comprehend. In Short nothing could equal their transport, but the mortifica- tion they had after two day's Stay there, to find that after M r Wade had marchd so far as Hexam, 1 finding the roads so bad, and the fall of Snow so great, had retired to his old Camp. This agreable prospect being now vanish'd, the Cheva- lier determined not to be idle, and notwithstanding the Severity of the weather, he ordered Carlile to be besieged. Accordingly, on Wedensday the therteenth the blocade was 13 Nov. formed by one half of the Army under L. G. M., and the disposition left to himself, which he performed with so much judgement, that the few French officers then in the Army allow'd they had never seen any thing of the kind better executed, and regreted that a man possessed of so fine a natural genious for war Should not have been bred a Solger. The Duke of Perth was entrusted with the Seige, and opened the Trenches that night with his own Regiment, within musket Shot of the walls, midway betwixt the English and Scotts Gates, fixing his own quarters at milles, about Cannon Shot from the Town. The Trenches being opened under a very Smart fire from the walls of Cannon and small arms, the Cannon were brought up to batter the Town, more to intimi- date than from any hopes that they could peep upon the walls, * 7 milles on the road to Newcastle. 1 Wade did not march till after Carlisle had fallen. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 241 but the dread the inhabitants had of a Seige, together with the Cowardice of the militia, made them hang out a white flag the 14 th in the Evening, which being carried to the Chevalier 14 Nov. at Brampton whilst sitting at Supper, he immediatly ordered M r Murray to go to the Duke of Perthes quarters, and together with him to treat with the deputies from the Town. The Mayor and another Gentleman of the Citty came according to their appointment, and agreed to surrender the Town upon the following conditions, their liberties and effects being safe, the militia who composed the garrison to have leave to retire to their homes, and the officers to have passports to go where thv would, and that all the Cannon and Arms Should be delivered up in the Condition they were in upon hanging out the flag of Truce, and that the mayor and some of the Aldermen Should go next morning to Brampton, and delivre the Keys to the Chevalier. The Castle they at first pretended they had no in- flence over, and the gentleman* who was deputed alongst with the Mayor pleaded very Strongly that the Castle might not be insisted upon that the Magestracy could by no means prevail with the Governour to Surrender, and that it would be very hard to make the Town suffer on that account. But D. of P. and M r Murray were both sensible that it was only a fetch, and that the terror the Inhabitants were then in would prevail with the Governour, knowing at the same time that it was imposible to keep quiet possession of the Town the Castle in the Enemy's hands, and, above all, that it was inconsistant with the Chevalier's honour to accept of one without t'other, possitively insisted upon the Surrendry of both, and threatned that if they did not, they must give orders to fire upon the Town immediatly. So that after a good deal of reasoning on both Sides, it was agreed that the Castle Should be given up alongst with the Town. The same day, in persuance to the Capitulation, the Mayer, with some other of the Magistrates, came to Brompton and delivered the Keys to the Chevalier, which he returnd them, assuring y m in a very obliging manner of his future favour and Protection, upon which they were dismissed, and returnd home. In the evening the D. of P. took * One Douglas a Scotsman, Phisician in the place. 242 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. possession of the Town and Castle, Capitulation being signd by both parties, and the Governour, Col 1 Durand, had his horses and baggage given him, with a passport to go where he pleased. Sir John Pennington, who Commanded in the Town, with the other officers, had likewise passports granted to go where they pleased. During both times y* the Town was blocaded, notwithstanding the continual fire, there was but one man killed, a french officer, and a Solger Sleightly wounded.* In consequence of the Articles of Capitulation the arms of the Garrison was demanded, but not one of them to be found, the ammunition in y e Castle very much damaged, and the balls thrown about the vaults, with the most of the Cannon upon the walls spicked up, notwithstanding that so impudent and audacious an infringement of the Capitulation entitled the Chevalier to use the Town as he Should think fit, and authorised him, according to the rules of war, to have put the garrison to the sword, yet he was so far from taking the * Mr. Murray being- appointed to treat with the Mayor of Carlile, had given umbrage to Lord George, who thought as having ye Command of the blocade that he and Duke of Perth were ye only proper persons to have been employ'd, or rather he alone, as it might be cause of Complaint that the other being R. Catholick, Should be principal)* employ'd in Eng- land where they were so obnoxious. Another reason yt was ascribed for his seeming disgust was, that Mr. Murray the night he was sent to meet the deputation from the Town had Stoped at his quarters to procure a guide without sending any message or otherwise taking notice of him, tho it was obvious to every body that the reason was yt he thought Mr. Murray had more of his Masters ear than he. The day the Town was Sur- rendered, in the Evening Mr. M. was told of L. G — s. complaints, and that they were cheifly against him as his advice was so much follow'd by the Chevalier. Upon which being determined that his interest with his master Should not in any Shape conduce to hurt or hinder his affairs, he uo Soonner was returnd to Brampton than he acquainted the Chevalier in presence of S r Thomas Sherridan of what he had learnt, told him that as he hoped he was Sensible that he had Served him faithfully all along, and that his interest was the thing in life he had most at heart, he would now, to prevent all uneasynesses that might arise, be pleased to allow him in time comeing to absent him self from his Councils. The Chevalier at first seemd unwilling to grant his request, but upon M — ys representing to him that it was alone with a view to his interest, that he was ready to Sacrifise his own, and that it was Still in his power to advise in a private manner, he agreed yt it Should be so, which seem'd to quiet L. G. a good 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 243 just advantage which he had in his power that he attributed the whole to their ignorance, protected them in the full enjoy- ment of their liberties and properties, made no exactions by way of reprisals, and keept the most exact discipline in his army, paying for every individual thing they got. The day after y* Surrendery of the Town the Chevalier made his entery, and Continued there till the 20 th , having his Army Cantoned in the Villages adjacent. And now it may not be amiss to observe what had passed all this whille at Newcastle, and what Methodes M r Wade had taken to assist or Relieve the Town of Carlile, and how far the Town and Castle, if rightly managed, might have baffled all the Chevaliers efforts. It would [be] tedious to take notice of every false and Scurrilous allegation that has been thrown out against the Chevalier in regard to their exorbitant exactions of money in the Several Towns through which he passed, let it suffice here for once for all to say that the moneys said to have been levied at the different places, as well as here at Carlile, are without foundation, save the pub- lick moneys due and such as shall be here mentioned, which at this place did not in whole amount to above £60 pound, and not much above one hundered in most of the other places, the Crown officers having taken Special care to be before hand with the army. Upon the eighteenth a Council of war was Called to determine of what was next to be done, and after some deliberation it was agreed on to march into Lancashire. Tho the Chevalier in all appearance had little reason to expect any deal. But that was not all. He was resolved to have the Sole Command, and therefore represented how improper it was that the Duke of Perth, a R. C, Should have any Command in England, Setting furth ye bad con- sequences that might follow, with the handle it would give their Enemy s to talk. In this he had L. Elcho and Some others to join him. The Duke of Perth, so soon as he heard it, was very justly dissatisfied, being sensible of the weakness of the plea and his view in it, but as he had nothing at heart but the Chevaliers interest he very readily declined having any Command, which compleated the dryness that had almost from the beginning Subsisted betwixt them. But what comforted the Duke and his freinds and gave them cause to triumph over tother was that durring the whole march there was Seldome any favour asked or application made by the people of the Country but to the Duke. 244 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. considerable assistance from his freinds there if held in the same light with those in Northumberland, where only two gentlemen joind him,* yet he was determined that they should not have it to say that it was oweing to the difficulty of passing the militia in the Country, and that their people were unwilling to rise without some troops to make a head for them, and there- fore fixed his departure for the 20 th . To have laid there any 20 Nov. longer would have been both idle and dangerous ; idle, having no prospect of a junction from his freinds in those parts, and from the disposition that at that time seem'd to be formed by the Enemy, he must have been cooped up in that Corner by the Dukes army from the South. M r Wade at Newcastle, and the 2 Regiments with the foot detached to Scottland on his left, so to prevent a junction of the D. and M r Wades armies, his only proper methode was to march forward, that in case he came to action he might only have one army to deal with, whereas had they Continued till the D.s march north, who would have been joind by M r Wade from Newcastle near to Carlile, he had only 3 things to choose upon — first to fight with an army more than 3 times his number, give then the Slip if possible, and march South where it was most certain nobody would join him, seeing such a powerfull army in his rear which he must one day have engaged, or lastly to have retired to Scott- land where he must have encountered with Dreus 1 and Ligonier's Regiment of foot, the Glasgow, Paisley and Lothian militia & hamiltons, & the Late Gardners Dragoons who were Sufficient to Stop his passage over the firth till the D. and M r Wade had corned up, besides, he must have had the whole horse of these armies harassing his rear the whole way on his march from Carlile. The recruits that he expected from Scottland not being able to get up so soon as was expected, he detached M c lachlan of Castle Lachlan with a few horse to Perth to give them intelligence of his designs and to hasten their march to Carlile, either to favour a retreat if found Necessary, or to join him further in the Country. Should he find it convenient to Stop any time by the way, or enable him to engage M r Wade with the greater Safety Should he cross the Country, to offer him * Mr. Sanderson and Mr. Taylor. 1 ? Price's, the 14th, now the West Yorkshire. Ligonier's became the 44th. 1745] FROM MOIDART TO DERBY battle, at the same time he ordered detachments from some par- ticular Corps to remain as a garrison in the place, and appointed M r Hamilton Governor, leaving some two three old officers to assist and advise him.* Having thus regulated his affairs he begun his march early on the 20 th , which day the van of the army march to Penrith under the Command of L. G. Murray, and the day following, the Chevalier, with the main body and Artillery came to Penrith, and the van advanced that day to the village of Shap about Six Milles further, The Chevalier w* the main body halted here all this day whilst the Van pro- ceeded to Kendal, the roads being so full of Snow and Ice that it was necessary to give all possible rest to the horses. On the 23 d the main body march'd to Kendal, the foot by the hills and 23 Nov. the Artillery and horse by the low Road by Orton and there joind the van which had made a halt that day at Kendal. The day following being Sunday, the Van proceeded to Lancaster and y e Main body remaind at Kendal where Divine Service was performed in the Churches as usual and attended by all the people of Rank in the Ranks in the Army, R. Catholicks as well as Protestants. The Chevalier him self could not goe, there being no Church man of higher rank than the Curate then in the place.-)* On Monday the 25 th the van continued their march 25 Nov. to Preston & the same Evening the Chevalier with the main body arrived at Lancaster about four a Clock. As Preston had * X.B. — Some days before the Chevalier marchd from Carlile, he was joind by Mr. > 1 who had been sent to L. L — t and M c Leod and brought back the most distinct answers from them both, having been present at most of their Consultations and agreements where to rendezvous and join their Clans to March South. We dont find that Mr. M. took the Smallest notice of the report this gentleman made, tho it is more than evident that had he told what he knew, the judgement given against his L. Ship would have allowed of less Cavil and dispute than it has done by people versant in the Lawe. t A person, an inhabitant of the Town, was dispatch' d from hence a Cross ye Country with orders to go in to Mr. Wades army and bring in- telligence of his motions, numbers, and Situation of his troops, and if possible to learn his design. 1 See p. 216. 246 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part jl been twice an unfortunate place to the Scotts nation in the year 1648 and 1715, having Nether of the times got further than the Town its self, L. G. M — y than whom nobody knew the humours and dispositions of the Highlanders better, and that there were few if any of them ignorant of what their pre- decessors had Suffered, as a means to evade any Superstitious Scruples that might have arisen, continued his march to the further Side of Repple 1 bridge to convince them that the Town Should not be their ne plus ultra for a third time, which seemd to give them a good deal of Satisfaction. The 26 th the main body arrived in the Evening at Preston where the Chevalier was mett by a great course of people and welcomed with the Loudest Shouts and acclamations of jov. L. G. with the Van evacuating the Town and quartering the Troops under his immediate Command in the Villeages on the South Side the Bridge. Next day the whole army halted, & the Chevalier mounted on horse back to take a veiw of the ground where the two former actions had happened, and after having been shown the dispositions that were made in the year 1715 here, and the passes to the town described as well as possible by some gentleman then in the Army who had been there made prisoners, he seeni'd to think it Strange that so fair an occasion of fighting G 11 . Wells had been lett Slip, or that they Should have deserted the Bridge and made so easy a Capitulation when the Town was Cappable of making so good a defense. Here he was join'd by the two unfortunate gentlemen Col 1 Townley and Counseller Morgan, with one M r Vaughan from Wales, and some few Common people, but no numbers as was expected. The 28 th the whole Army marched to Wiggan, 14 mills from Preston, and quartered in the Town and Villages adjacent, and the next day continued their march to Man- chester, where numbers were expected to have join'd. The next day, whilst the Chevalier halted, a good many of the Towns men enlisted, and it being thought necessary to leave the Choosing of the officers to them selves, the Chevalier made intimate to them that, which ever way they Should agree about their Several Ranks, he would confirm it by giving Commissions 1 Ribble. 1745] FROM MOID ART TO DERBY 247 according to the list they Should give in, and they accordingly met at a Tavern * in Town and Condescend amongst them selves upon the following list of officers, which, when presented to the Chevalier, was approven of and the Commissions ishued accordingly. 1 Nothing could more fully demonstrate the terror and Con- sternation that this march had Struck the Govern* with than the great care they had took to prevent the Sudden advance of the army by throwing all possible obstructions in their way. They had not only taken down an arch of the bridge at Warrington, least he had directed his march thither but broke down one of bridge across the river of Mersey, about 3 milles from Manchester, which, tho the Chevalier had no occasion to repair for his own passage, he nevertheless made it be refitted to oblidge M r Wade with a quick passage had he mind to follow him. All this day the horse that were quartered at Stock- .30 Nov. port and the other Villages near to the town keept patroles about the Country to find what intelligence they could of the preparations to the Southward, and some people, were dispatched to learn if M r Wade seemM inclined to march that way. The Chevalier got on horse back in the afternoon, and rode through the Town to view it by way of amusement, attended by the principle officers of his Army, when he was followed by vast Croweds of people with loud huzzas and all demonstrations possible of their zeal for his Success. The next day, y e 1 st of December, the whole army marched to Macclesfeild, where a Council of war was held that Evening, 1 Dec. and resolved that the main body of the army Should halt there next day, and that L. G. M. Should proceed with the Van to Congleton, about nine milles from Newcastle under line, where the whole horse of the D. of C d's army lay. Before L. G. reach'd Congleton, he ordered a party of horse to advance through the Town and so as near to NewCastle as * X.B. — Maddox, who was Evidence against Capt Townly, etc., per- jured him self, Mr. M. never having been in a Tavern in Town, and Cap* T. having received his Commission from the Chevalier himself. Murray does not give the list. 248 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part II. they might in case of an attack make their retreat to the foot, to get intelligence of the Enemy's Situation, who, upon comeing to a small village about two three milles from New- Castle, and there enquiring the Situation and numbers of the Duke's troops, they accidentaly Stumbled upon the house where M r Weir, or Vere, who had acted the Spey, not only at Ed r , but all the way upon the road, keeping a few mills before them. He was then agoing to Supper, and endeavoured to concele himself, but was discoverd and brought to Lord G. at Congleton, who sent him immediatly to Macclesfeild. As this fellow had rendered himself so remarkable and obnoxious to the Chevalier, not only by his Speying at Ed r and on the road, but whilst he was in france, of which he was convicted by a gentleman * in the army who he had met upon the Coast in the year 1743, durring the preparations at Dunkirk, and emparted to him his design, endeavouring to perswade him to go to france, and afterwards meet him at Newport to give him intelligence, for which he promised to reward him ; yet so surprising was the Chevalier's humanity and good nature, that he would not inflict upon him the punish 1 he so justly demerited, but only ordered him to be carried Prisoner alongst with the army to put it out of his power to do him any more hurt. It was a pitty that so humane an action Should have been followed by such fatal consequences as to have put it in the power of so vile a Creature to be a main Instrument in the Death of so many of his Servants, j- 3 Dec. On the 3 d the Van march'd to Ashburn, and the same day the main body march to Leeck, where Intelligence being brought that the Cavalrey at Newcastle, upon the Chevalier's aproach, had retired to Stone, a Council of War was immediatly Called, and there determined that, as the Enemy had retired, the whole army Should put in motion Early in the morning and march to Derby, which they entered the next night, being y e fourth. * Mr. Buchannan. t N.B. — Here the person sent to observe Mr. "Wades motions joind the army and gave the following account ; and the same day a fellow who had deserted from Mr. Wade at Newcastle, and had been left behind with some others att Carlile, gave the following account. [The end of the MS.] PART III MURRAY'S MOVEMENTS AFTER CULLODEN NOTE The ms. of this portion of the Murray Papers is not in the Secretary's handwriting, but several notes and corrections in his hand make it certain that he revised the whole. The form, that of a reply to an imaginary letter, is frequent in eighteenth - century pamphlets. PART III MURRAY'S MOVEMENTS AFTER CULLODEN My dear Friend, — The dayly examples of the Instability and fickleness of mankind, with the ungratefull requitals they make to those from whom they have Received the most remark- able Instances of Friendship and affection, have, on many late Occasions, appeared to me in such Odious and glaring Colours, that had I not been possessed of that Immutable regard for you, which no time, place, nor Circumstance of life can alter, the horror I Conceived from the behaviour of others, to those from whom they had received the most Substantial favours, must naturally have made me reject the first dawn of thought that tended to lessen the just esteem I owe you; never allow- ing myself to Immagine that the good or bad fortune of the world could erase me from your thoughts, or have such an Influence upon you, as to banish me from that favour you have so long honoured me with. Tho, I dare say, further arguments to convince you of the Sincere regard I have for your happiness is needless, yet alow me to Indulge myself, after a two years Separation, by expressing my affection for one, with whom I livd so many Years in that strickt Intimacy, known only to such who are Capable of real friendship. A passion which, I am sorry to say, Seems to be banished from this part of Christindome, as stale and old fashiond, lending to the Subversion of the New adopted Scheme of Self Interest, which is alone looked upon as the unerring path to happiness, and the only true mark of a man of Sence. Let who will Swallow the guilded Pill, I was ever an Enemy to Physick, and am still determind upon no Consideration of 251 252 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. that nature to purge away what, to me, appears the most amiable of all Virtues, and which has been so much Contended for by the greatest and Wisest men amongst the Antients : whose examples in things of less Consequences we with so much eagerness endeavour to Imitate. I could launch out into a boundless Ocean of the most feeling examples amongest our fore-Fathers, who, possessd of Souls uncapable of Coruption, and spurning at Self Interest, nobly sacrificed themselves, not only for their Country, but for the Sake of Individuals, whose preservation they esteem d pre- ferable to their own : but that I know it would only Serve as a tedious repetition of facts with which you have been long and well acquainted. It is a Common Saying, and often in the mouths of the most unworthy, that Virtue is admird and Esteem d even by those who have not the fortitude to pursue it. The Coward is said in his heart to hate his fellow Coward : thus, that very friendship of which I am now speaking, is admird by those who were never blessd with the knowledge of it, and even to this day, though no one Individual will attempt publickly to declare how little he Values it, yet when any un- common example of it is shown, he joins with the multitude, to call it a peice of Antient Don Quixotry, laughing at the Author for his generosity ; and dispising him as Ignorant of his own Interest : which, from a love to mankind in general, I would willingly perswade myself to beleive, proceeds more from a regret to be outdone in Virtue, than a real disaprobation of their Neighbours' Conduct. That it is a Christian Virtue, and Strongly Injoind us by the Author of our Salvation, is now, alas, no argument ; and, I am sorry to say, it would rather tend to lessen than advance it with those from whom the Majority of every State ought to take their example. Mankind being now so thoroughly debauch'd that, to imitate the Vices of the great, is become the Touchstone of Politness amongest those of fashion, and the dayly Study of the Lower rank of Society. But least I should depreciate a Subject, which has Employd the pens of the most learnd men in all ages, by throwing out a parcel of Crude and undigested thoughts, and lessen your 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 253 esteem of me by falling short of these Ideas and expressions, the Subject justly merits; I shall have done by assuring you that, next to my own unexpected deliverance, to be assertaind of Your Safty and happiness was the most Sensible pleasure I ever felt ; which was so much hightned by the receipt of Your obliging letter, giving me to understand that your present Situation of Life, was answerable to your fondest wishes ; as is easier felt than Expressed. Would to God every one who Servd under the same banner could say he enjoyd the like felicity; but alas, the Miserable, the unheard of havock, that has been made amongst us (was you here) would almost Induce you to beleive that there was no Survivor of that fatal day to relate the dismal Catastrophe ; as to myself, you may beleive me when I tell you, that since my arrival in this unhappy Country, the extream joy I proposd to myself is turnd to mourning. Happy is it for us that, even in the greatest triffles, we are ignorant of futurity, how much more than must it be so in affairs of greater Consequence. Had I but known, or even been able to Conceive, the Melancholy prospect which now presents its self to my eyes, I would not only have Endeavourd to banish the thought, but Triumphed to think that, by directing my Steps else where, I was not the unhappy Spectator of the Missery of that land where I first drew breath. Tho this is a moving Subject, especialy to one who on all occasions Shewd so particular a regard for the wellfare of their Country as you have done, yet the Strong effect it has had prevails with me to indulge my gloomy disposition by dwelling upon the theme, were it not my duty to answer your Commands so far as my present Situation will allow : which, tho upon an ungratfull Topick, yet as it obliges you, must prove the most agreable peice of amusement I shall have untill my affairs will permit of my absenting myself from this un- lucky Spot where I propose no long Continuance, being extreamly desirous to attain to that Satisfaction which no true Scotsman can possibly find in his own Country. And now that I may answer your letter, in the manner that I apprehend will prove the most agreable to us both, I shall mention your Several demands, by way of heads, and then 254 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ill. Speak to them in order as they follow. 1st. You desire to be acquainted with the Situation of our party in Scotland, and their manner of Acting. 2d. What has become of our old friend Mr. M y. 3d. The reason of his Silence, being satisfyd from Your own knowlege of his Transactions, that he has only to make them publick for his Vindication. 4th. What methods he fell upon to Induce the Ministry to beleive that he had told them all he knew : especialy how he accounted for the Chasm of four years from 1738 to 1742, during which time he keept a Closs Correspondence with Rome. 5th. A particular Account of the reasons that prevaild with him to leave the Highlands. And lastly, what you know of the many hard things laid to his Wifes Charge, of all which, you Seem to Imagine I am not Ignorant, believing that I was not so far led away by the World as to give up all Correspondence with an old friend without giving him an opportunity of Saying somewhat to his Conduct. Allow me, then, to begin by assuring you that you only did me justice, when you Conjecturd that popular Clamour could not prevail with me to desert a friend unheard, of whose veracity I was formerly so much Convincd : but before I say any more on that Subject, in Obedience to Your Commands, and in Conformity with the plan I have laid down, I shall begin with our party in Scotland, after giving a short hint of the Mortifications I myself have felt from the oposite faction. The Sneers, the Vain exulting pride, and over-bearing Self- Sufficiency of the Whigs, big with their unexpected Success, and drunk with a Certainty of future Security, is dayly ready to make that Blood boil over, which you know was not wont easly to be put in a ferment: the Influence such a Carriage would have upon a temper Naturaly so warm as Yours is no hard matter to guess : in so much that I have been often ready to think that notwithstanding the great Mortification it must be to be Debarrd the Comfort of Visiting our Native Country, yet, in the present Situation of things, it is happy for you not to have it in your power, as the consequences, in all probability, might prove fatal, not only to you, but others. 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 255 And now to answer the Several particulars you mention, allow me to think it Strange that you should desire to be acquainted with the particular State of our party here ; Sure you do not imagine that I could Commit any thing of So delicate a Nature to the Common Post, and at present I know of no other Conveyance. The Government, I am afraid, knows too much already; and this, in all probability, would be pre- senting them with too minute Intelligence ; which, I cannot help thinking, would not only be an 111 timd peice of Politness, but would be granting them a favour, which I in no Shape owe them ; so shall leave those particulars till Such time as I have the happiness of a tete-a-tete, which, I flatter myself, may happen in a few months. Till then, make your Self as easy as possible with what you can learn on your Side the Water. But that you may not be at a loss for the Conduct of our friends in general, I shall attempt giving you an Account of their proceedure with all Imaginable Impartiality, which, tho I know it cannot fail to displease you, yet as it is no Secret to the World, should my letter fall into bad hands, no ill Consequences can Insue ; in short, their behaviour is as little to be born with patience as that of their Enemy s, and whither to pity or dispise them, occasions in me frequently Such InWard Disputes as are difficult to Determine. Do not Imagine that when I write thus, I would be under- stood to mean the whole, God forbid. There are still some whose natural Good Sense will not allow the ill timd Zeal and Impertinent folly of the Croud to get the better of their reason ; and the real Interest of their Party. Silence is a Virtue or (if I may be allowd to say) a peice of knowledge, which the giddy and thoughtless part of either Sex Seldom attain to : and which notwithstanding their rever- ence and respect for Some Individuals, who Study to instile a different notion : yet if they do prevail, it is but with a few and that for no long Continuance ; for it Soon breeks out like the Torrent of Confind Waters, Sweeping along whatever it finds in its way ; Good and bad without distinction, so that it may not unproperly be inferrd, that in regard to this one particular, the Remedy is worse than the Disease as it only Smothers the Embers for a time ; which when by any Accident they take Air, never fail to breek out into a flame. 256 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. It Cannot fail to give one the Spleen to Observe a parcel of people, who whilest their hearts tremble within them, give a loose to their tongues unbecoming such who adopt to them- selves the Character of having Common Sence, Railing against some in the most Childish, Malicious, Envious, and unjustifi- able manner Imaginable, Depreciating and blackning others, and frequently Crying up Such to the Skies, whom you and I know never to have merited the least aplause ; nor Indeed ever had it in their power to be of any Service. Yet this you will not so much wonder at, when I tell you that it is the little low lifd fellows of our Army who are now become our best Generals, and the finest Gentlemen, and all this only at the expence of a little truth, by Vainly boasting of their own (till now unheard of) actions ; and finding fault with the Procedure of their Superiors ; which tho often Visibly done with no other View than to procure a Dinner, is nevertheless greedily Swallowd down by their Patrons ; and afterwards retaild as undoubted facts. It is no uncommon thing to hear a minute detail of the proceedings in Council with the Arguments us'd by the Several Members, repeated in a Club of our well wishers with Such an Air of assurance and Certainty as gains the Credit of the whole ; or should the Orator upon the least Seeming Contra- diction be demanded to give his Authority, you will hear him Storm at the incredulity of his friend, telling that he had it from Mr. the Barber. It is incredible to Imagine what length their useless Zeal Carrys them, and what frivolous and trifling lies are laid for the bases of Scandalous Accusations Against the most deserv- ing. Were the Storys well framd and without Containing palpable Contradictions in themselves, there gaining ground would not so much Surprize ; but where there is not the least Shadow of truth but the Strongest Circumstances, nay even living Witnesses of their falsehood, the vast fondness they Seem to have for detraction, makes them reject truth as if the Authors only, from a peice of mistaken good Nature, would paliate and guild over the faults of their Neighbours. It is not enough to Say that a person was alibi and Con- sequently not guilty of what was laid to his Charge, you are 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 257 told, no matter, Supose the fact was so, that rather strengthens then weakens the allegation ; the thing was done by his Advice, and he, purposely to avoid the just blame, order'd matters so, as to absent at the time. And the person who attempts to vindicate him is discovered either to be nearly connected with the Criminal or partner in his Iniquity and Sharer of his Gain. A story will take its rise at the Abby and in less then three hours after, reach the Castle hill, with so many currious and good naturd additions, that the Original lie only serves in time coining as a ground of beleif for the whole. The Actions of Gladsmuir, Cliftonmoor, Falkirk, and Cul- loden, are fought over at every Tea Table, with so much address and Gallantry and with such substantial and solid remarks upon the bad Conduct of our Leaders; that some of both Sexes seldom or never fail to convince the Rest of the Com- pany of their Military genius, and occasions a full and ample Declaration of their Sencere regret that her Ladyship had not the Command, concluding with what pity it was that, this and t'other, had not been done, for sure never was any thing more obvious and easy. The Castle of Edinburgh is starved before the punch Bowl is empty. The Batteries against Stirling errected anew, and the Garrison made Prisoners of War by the time it is replenished. The Prince and Council are perswaded to wait C-mb-rl-ds Aproach at Bannockburn, and taught to rout his Army whilest the fine Lady sips her Hyson ; and the passage of the Spey pronounced impracticable with a look of Scorn and flirt of the Fan. A parcel of Antiquated Attorneys, with the help of a black Gentleman in a gown and Cassock, will march us to Derby, from thence make our way straight and easy to the Capitall, render the March of the Enemy impossible, rouse the Sleeping English, seize the Treasury, make the two Armys under C-mb-rl-d and Wade disband, their Officers sue for Pardon, and the Fleet send their Submission, erect Triumphall Arches, make the Mayor and Aldermen meet us with the Regalia of the City, which with their Charter returnd, and protection promised, compleat the Cavalcade to St. James's. it 258 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part nr. On the other hand, mortifyd beyond expression when they reflect that their easy Scheme was not put in Execution ; plainly discover treachery in our retreat, continue the same Chain of Villany during our return to, and stay at Bannock- burn, and make the whole Design as clear as Sunshine, before our Arrival at Inverness. Every Old Woman, Green Girl, Cock Laird, and Pettefogger being now become equally soldiers and Politicians, denouncing one a Coward, t'other Traitor, and a third a Blockhead, &c. Tho what I have already mentioned is not only extreamly disagreeable but hurtfull, yet I could almost perswade myself to forgive them, and attribute it to the weakness of human nature, did they confine themselves to general reflections : but when they descend to Particular Characters and things, I cannot help being angry with them. It is not only finding fault with the management of some few of the Principle people concernd ; but of almost all those who have had the good fortune to escape, to whose charge such Stories are laid, as I once thought impossible to have proceeded from the most fertile Imagination, fraughted with Malice in its highest perfection, and you may hear such an abandond fellow as Donald M'Donald, 1 Kepocks Nephew, who was hanged at Kinnington, several Years latter than he ought to have been, spoke of with more Veneration than some of the most deserving. To enter into particulars, and to confute what we both know to be false, would be equally Trifling and Tedious. Do not imagine that what I have said is with a View to make you discredit all the Several Reports already reach d your ear, some of them, tho not as they are told, yet I am afraid are in part true, nor do you allow yourself to be forestald with the notion that I am intirely of Your Sentiments, till such time as you have impartialy examind the Whole. It proceeds from a Sincere regard to you, who having imposd 1 Donald Macdonald (or Macdonell), ' aged about twenty-five years,' was a captain in Keppoch's regiment. He was captured at the surrender of Carlisle, and executed on Kennington Common, 22nd August 1746. — Scots Magazine, viii. P- 397- 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 259 this task upon me, I should be sorry to leave Ignorant of our Situation, as far as may be prudent after this Manner, and to assure you that I cannot help lamenting that notwithstanding the Experience of Threescore years shows, that by means of our Divisions, Inveyings, and Heartburnings we have not only causd the desertion of some, but the Defidence, Distrust, and lukewarmness of many ; they not not only go the Old game, but seem to have attaind to such a height of Scandal and Detraction, as is Sufficient to render their best friends their most enveterate Enemys. Did it produce that Effect in some I should not at all wonder ; it is not every man whose principles are so unalter- ably fiVd, or whose affection and partiality for his party is so great, but when Conscious to himself of having acted a part which he esteems fair and honest, will not, if too Severly Spur galld, endeavour to throw his Rider. Nothing touches a man so nearly as Ingratitude, especially from those for whom he has sacrinVd himself. Revenge, tho not Laudable, is yet natural, and it is not every man who is possest of such an abundant Stock of Philosophy as not to think it allowable in some Cases. There are two kinds of men we ought not if possible to dis- oblige — the Rogue, who will study to hurt us ; and the honest man who has it in his power ; but especialy the latter, who if once thoroughly irritated, will give no quarter, but expose all to the world to prove his own Virtue, and our Ingratitude. As for my own part, I fairly own to you, that were I treated as some others are, I should be apt to hesitate upon the part the most proper for me to take. It is hard for one to determine when not in that case, how they would demean themselves ; but I cannot help thinking that did my Conscience alow me, I should become the sworn, avowd, and never to be pacifyd Enemy of my persecutors : which induces me to beleive that did another take that Step, I should not much blame him. What in the Name of Wonder is a person to expect from such people, if in their power ; when one considers the Inveteracy they show under their present Circumstances. The unhappy people they now rail at, and to whom they attribute Actions, which I dare venture to say never once enterd their most unguarded thoughts, do not seem to have 260 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part lit the least grounds to imagine they shall be able to persuade them of the falacy of what is laid to their charge ; or of even procuring common Justice, far less to convince them how much they merit their favour and attention. Things being now at this hight with us, it is not difficult to form an Idea of the Influence it has upon those of better Sence, effectualy detering them from acting with that keenness, Vivacity, and Zeal, to which they are inclind ; fearing least one day they should meet with no better requitall, did the Situation of things oblige them to swerve in the smalest degree, from that troden path prickd out by our Pseudo Polititions : and such whose principles are yet crude and undegested, are discouraged from imbarking with a lott of People, whose friendship is so little to be depended upon. It is in vain to argue with them that such a method of pro- ceeding tends to weaken and enervate their party, and that unanimity has in all ages, and still is by men of Sence, deemd the most Effectual method to strengthen their hands, and make them feard and courted by their Enemys ; their present passion hurries them away and draws a thick Vail over all the bad Consequences that must insue. And allowance for others failings is not to be propounded, nor can you prevail with them, to state themselves in the Case of those of whom they complain : and to insinuate the part that they themselves might have acted, if in their Situation : you are assurd of losing their favour for ever. I own it is not easy for a man to frame to himself the Situation of his friend or the just effects it might have upon him, but still it must be granted, that a man may in some degree judge what would then be his frame of mind : few of us have not in our lifetime experienced all the several passions incident to human weakness. I have not been hitherto unfortunate enough to meet with any so ridiculous as not to own that to be unite is the only sure way to preservation, yet they cannot be prevaild upon to think but that the Party would reap considerable benifite from being weeded of such, whom they particularly dislike, which piece of Indulgence was it to be granted every one against those to whom they imagine they have just 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 261 cause of Exception, we should scarcely deserve the name of a Party. But to detain you no longer on a Subject which cannot fail to hurt you ; I shall conclude by telling you, that what vexes me most is, the Satisfaction I plainly see it gives our Enemys, who take an advantage of our mutual quarrels, and to increase the flame, maliciously throw fuel into the fire, which when we greedily catch at, not only occasions a Secret Joy, but makes them hate and dispise us, as a people the dupes of our own folly. Your Second Question may be solved in fewer words than it contains, by saying that he is well and in London. The third, which tho it might be as easily answerd, I nevertheless incline to discourse more particularly, for reasons which the Solution itself will render obvious. I did intirely agree with you in opinion that considering the great run that has prevaild against him, a publick explanation was necessary, least by a to long and uninter- upted train of Calumny, the dirt thrown might catch too fast hold, to be easily wipt off. This I took the Liberty to observe to him upon our first meeting, which having extreamly longd for, I made it my first care to procure after having obtaind my Liberty. Tho he readily agreed upon a Rendevous, and keept his apointment, yet for some time it was very plain, that he was not much inclind to come to an aclaircissement, from his industrously avoiding all particulars. This you may believe gave me a good deal of uneasyness, and made me begin to suspect that there was more couch\l under his reserve than I could have wishd ; but determind to be at the bottom of it, and either force him to an Explanation or an absolute refusal, I took occasion to remind him of our former Intimacy, and to assure him that so far from being ready to be prevaild upon to join in the Common Cry, that I had taken all occasions to vindicate him, when to my knowledge the alligations were false. That I had made it my business so soon as in my power to find him out, with no other View than to be able to show him that I still retaind the same regard for him as ever ; not doubting but that he could account as well for his late as former proceedings, to the uprightness and dis- JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ill. interestedness of which, the whole Party were wont to give implicit faith. That tho I knew him to be naturaly reserve! , yet I could see with one Eye that he was possesd of more diffidence than usual ; and tho I could not much blame him to be so to the world in General, yet I could not help think- ing that in regard to me as an Individual, his Silence was ill judged, my present meeting with him flowing puerly from friendship and a desire to be solved of some few doubts which I frankly ownd difficulted me a good deal : insomuch that when they occurd in Common Conversation, as they were often the Topicks of Discource, I chose to be Silent, averse to reflect, and unwilling to vindicate by halves. That as he knew my unalterable attachment to the Intrest of the Party, I could not help being sorry to think that any one member should be lost to it, much more the Person formerly esteemd one of the Chief propes in his Country. That as I had hitherto incurrd the Displeasure of none, a happiness incedent to very few, I was ready to run all Risques to vindicate him, esteeming truth preferable to every other Consideration ; which I could alone do by hearing his own Story ; yet if there was any particular upon which he did not care to speak openly to the world, I was ready to pledge my honour, that it should continue a Secret untill he judgd it proper to propall it. This Declaration, to which he gave earnest attention, seemd to awaken him and draw the following Answer. That he was not intirely Ignorant of the part I had acted, having had frequent occasion to hear it from some who visited the Prisoners, but that his ears were dayly stunnd with so many falsehoods, not only charged upon himself, but on Lord Geo. M — y, and others, that he had laid it down as an unerring Maxim, not to be swervd from ; to give Credit to nothing till such time as he had most convincing proofs. The many years he had labourd to serve the R — 1 F — ly, and the unwearied Zeal with which he had effectually promotted their Intrest, to the utter neglect and ruin of his own affairs, made the ungenerous requitali he had received from some of the Party, less easy to be bore. 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 263 That he had mett with such unexamplary ungratitude, not only from those on whom he had bestowd favours both before and during the time that the Army was on foot ; but that the very people whom he had made, acted such a part as nothing but his having been Author of their ruin could vindicate ; which, together with many other particulars needless to men- tion, had rendered him diffident of all mankind, a maxim quite opposite to his former principle that all men were to be esteemd honest till such time as the Contrary appeard and was provd. In fine he was unwilling to open himself to any, not knowing how far friendship might be pretended with a View to hurt him, by making a bad use of what he said, a thing not at all improbable, as words were seldom retaild as first spoke : but as the assurance I had given him seemd to be so much of a peice with my former behaviour, he could not help thinking me Sincere ; and would with pleasure and all the frankness I could wish endeavour to satisfy me in every particular I should care to propose, provided I previously ingagd my honour to repeat nothing save what he should agree to, and at the same time freely and without any restraint propose what Objections occur'd to his Answers. These Conditions premisd, you may beleive very few (if any) material questions escapd me, being much upon my guard, and most of what I intended to say prepard beforehand. In relation to most of what passd, let it sufice to tell you that I was not only thoroughly satisfied but pleasd beyond expression to think that every step he had taken was as much with a View of being of Service to his Master, and the Intrest of the party, as any of those previous to his Landing. If he has been deceived in what he did, that must alone be owing to want of Capacity, not of Inclination, the former of which none of us till lately attempted to call in question. But to satisfy you as to the reason of his Silence, I shall endeavour to give you as near as possible his words. Notwithstanding the Natural diffidence he had of his own abilitys, and his reluctance to become an appellant to the publick, together with the doubts, and distractions, which the Malignity and invetracy of the World occasiond ; yet he 264 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. was thoroughly convinced that it depended upon him to vindicate himself in the most ample manner by alone making publick the real matters of fact, but that the bad Conse- quences of such a Step appeard so Obvious, that notwith- standing his Severe and unjust Suffering, he must reject it till a time when publick declarations of that nature would not hurt the persons therein mentiond. That tho to a person less warm then himself, the provoca- tions he had met with would render revenge excusable, yet he could not perswade himself to hurt his Master by taking just Vengence upon his own particular Enemys. Esteeming a private quarrel of whatever nature a thing to be put up with, when in Competition with the publick good. Then referrd to me if discovering numbers of people with whom I knew he had transacted his Masters affairs during the Space of Seven years, none of whom had ever so much as escaped his Lips, it had not been in his power to have filld the English prisons, and gluted the Government with the blood and Estates of those they wishd to have shed, and been possessd of. From all which he argued that should he now in Vindication of himself lay the whole Scene open, and by shewing what was in his power, discover the particulars concernd, the Distracted and Ignorant Mob would not imagine that these Individuals had been conceald by him but overlooked by the Ministry, as having only his testimony against them. As to those of better sence and more reflection, suposing but not granting that they were satisfyd with his having till then conceald them, yet they would at no rate allow that any usage, however bad, could excuse his exposing them to the knowledge of their Enemys which would render their after actions for ever Suspicious, and their Services to the party deficult and dangerous, if not im- possible. And demonstrated, that had he been willing, it was in his power to have namd Sufficient Evidence against many, at least persons who had it in their power to give it if they pleasd, several of whom were then in the Governments Custody ; and others he himself had taken care at his own expence to keep out of the way. Upon the whole, it proceeded from no regard he could 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 265 possibly be imagind to retain for them, their behaviour having justly disolvd all the bonds of friendship that formerly subsisted betwixt them ; but from a principle not to be alterd, and a personal Affection for his Master not to be paralleld. And lastly, as he imagind nothing could more effectually disturb the tender Conscience, or create a more Sincere Repentance, than that of a persons discovering his having been long stubornly in a state of Sin, he was determind to lett time effect what reason could not. Besides, what title has the Party in general, says he, to any Vindication of myself or Explanation of my actions ? who authorises them to find fault ? who constitutes the Mobb my Judges ? who impowers them to guess and conjecture at the Motives that induced me to act ? and above all, from what Law of God or men do they arogantly assume to themselves a right to determine of matters so far above their reach ? who then are the people to whom I am to account ? The question is easly answerd. To the K — g, P — ce, and D — ke, and such who can with seeming J ustice say, I have hurt them. The first I freely offer to satisfy. The second, let them call upon me, if I dont convince them they may have their revenge. If I chose to open my mind to any other Individuals, that is Voluntary, and to please my- self. As to your 4th query, I hope it will be Satisfactory to tell you, that it is all ways in a mans power to know so much, and no more than he pleases, where there are no written documents to the Contrary against him ; and for the four Years chasm you mention, from 1738 to 1742, as nothing appeard relative to that time, it was easy for him to keep his mind to himself. The only Difficulty which occur d concerning that affair, and which he ownd gave him the greatest uneasy ness, was a letter which he had wrote the Summer before the P — ce's Landing, containing an abridgment of his Negotiations during part of these years, with the names of several persons concernd ; which might unlukily have fallen into the hands of the Ministry as well as others did less to have been expected : but as it was signd by a Cant name, he determind, in case of its being produced against him, totaly to deny it. And how it came to escape the hands of the Conquerors, considering the 266 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part lit management of his Successor in Office, 1 is a little wonderfull, but that it did, is certain : a happy Circumstance for many, who would in all probability have had the pleasure of contemplat- ing the four walls of a Gloomy prison, for many months ; had the Consequences provd no worse. I come now to the fifth and most Interesting query, I call it the most Interesting, because from thence has flown all the other Misfortunes that has attended him ; especialy as it has and still continues to be alledgd by many, that it was a pre- vious design to betray his party, notwithstanding there are several people still living who knew the Contrary ; yet so Cruel and ungenerous are they as not to do him that Justice which is due to our greatest Enemy. The very Circumstance of his Journey, now known to Numbers, would seem Sufficient to persons indued with Common Reason, to demonstrate that he could have no such intentions ; but even in that, people seem industriously to have studvd to calumniate him, by alledging facts as opposite to truth as light from Darkness, and these not people living at a Distance from the Scene of Action : but actualy upon the Spot, and acquainted with the Privacy of his rout. These Circumstances alone ought to be Sufficient to vindi- cate him in this particular, nor can the wisest of his Enemys pretend even a specious reason for a person in the weak Con- dition he was then in to undertake so fatiguing a Journey exposd to all the little rascaly Barbarians Morroding partys, then dispersd over the Country, when he had it in his power to have surrenderd himself at Fort Augustus, Fort William, or to General Campbell ; neither of which were many miles from the place from whence he sett out. But allowing of the reason they offer against his taking this Step, as it would have seemd a too barefaced and palpable a peice of Vilainy, yet to a person that had intended to act the part, they would have the World beleive he proposed, such Cobweb delicacys would have appeared as nothing ; nor is it to be imagind that he would have taken the Rout of Tweedale, a Country where for some Generations no Troops had been quarterd, and from whence (save himself) no man of any 1 Hay of Kestalrig. Cf. Itinerary, p. 41. AFTER CULLODEN 267 Consideration had appeard in arms, had he had the smalest Intention of being made a Prisoner. As it may perhaps be more proper to delay any further observations of this nature untill I have told you the Story as it realy was, I shall now endeavour to relate it, as minutly as my memory will allow me, having made it my business to enquire into the truth of the Account he gave me, from some who sculked in the Country long after the Battle : but of this you can easily inform yourself at these who were alongst with him, and who I am told are still living. I mean Lochiel, his Brother the Doctor, Mr. M c l— d, S r Steuart Threpland, 1 Major Kennedy, and others. And as you are Ignorant of what happend after our defeat, it may not be disagreeable to give you a Cursory Account of his proceedings from that date. You may remember upon the Fleets appearing near to Inverness, and the Troops being ordered to evacuate that place, his friends were of opinion that it was necessary to remove him thence, in case of a Descent being made to insult the Town. In Consequence of this resolution, he was next morning carried upon a litter to Foyers, a Gentlemans house, about half way from Inverness to Fort Augustus, upon the Side of the Lake, where he lay the day following, and in the Evening, being anxious to know if any Action had happend, these that were in Company, afraid least the news of a defeat might alarm him, and occasion the return of his fever, gave him to understand that, the P — ce not being joind by the detachd Partys from his Army, had retired across the River of Nairn to a Strong ground where the Enemy s horse could not act. This gave him great Satisfaction, as he had taken the Liberty, before his removal from Inverness, to send repeated Messages to his Master, begging him not to risque a Battle till his army was compleat ; And should he be too hard pressM by the Enemy, to retire to the ground above men- tioned, where he might feight upon his own terms. Thus satisfied that all was well, he continued there till 1 Third Baronet of Fingask, M.D., President Royal College of Physicians, 1766 to 1770, Edinburgh, died 1805. 268 JOHxN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [PART III. next morning, when he was told it was judgd proper to carry him accross the Lake, which, tho it seemd a little Strange imagining the Army intire, he nevertheless consented to, with- out inquiring particularly into the reasons ; and being carried to Mrs. Grant of Glenmorristons house after he had got a little rest, Doctor Cameron acquainted him with the Disaster of the preceeding day. Numbers of people having fled from the field of Battle by that road, it was thought not improbable that partys would soon follow, upon which Account he was removd two Miles higher up the Glen that Evening, and the day following to the head of the Country : where, having staid that night, was met next morning by M C D — Id of Barrisdale with his Regiment, and the M c gregors from the County of Ross. The latter of these Regiments transported him to Fort Augustus, where he desired to be carried, never doubting but that a Rendevous had been appointed, either there, or at Ruthven, where he was of opinion a Stand might be made, to prevent the advance of the Enemy for some time, if not to keep the high grounds and act upon the defensive the whole Summer ; but being carried to Mr. M C D — Ids of Lochgarys 1 house, he was there informd by one of the D — ke of P — ths Aid de Camps,* that near to three thousand men (including the M c phersons who had not been in the Action) were dispersed by the D — kes and L — d Go : M — ys orders ; that the D — ke was to be that night at Invergary, and that every one was doing the best they could for their own Safty. Quite vexed to think that no attempt had been made to draw together the remains of the Army ; and that tho late, it was not yet impossible, he desired to meet with the D — ke of P — th next day at a place two miles above Invergary ; where, finding his Grace quite wore out with fatigue, and no notion that there was a possibility of retreiving their affairs, most of the Cheifs being then amissing, he resolved to continue his * Mr. Warren. 1 Donald Macdonald of Lochgarry escaped with the Prince, and died in France. His mother was a Cameron of Lochiel. He had a commission in Lord Loudon's regiment before the '45. AFTER CULLODEN 269 journey to Locheils Country, and there wait for Accounts of the P — ce. He was that night carried to Cluns, and from thence next day to Achnacarry, and the morning following to Glenmely, where he was no sooner arrived, than Accounts were brought that Locheil had reach d his own house ; which occasiond an universal joy, his death being generaly reported all over the Country. About two hours afterwards he arrivd with Stuart of Ardsheal 1 and some others, where, after consulting for some time, it was determind to attempt raising a body of good men, and with them to keep the hills, till such time as they could be satisfied that the French either was, or was not, in earnest to suport them ; and that this might be the more effectually executed, it was agreed to give Intelligence of it to the Several Commanders still in being, and to procure a meeting some few days after to agree upon the time and manner. Having remaind at this place for two nights, he was, together with Locheil, carried up Loch Arkike, to a place calld Callich, where the third day after it was judgd proper to cross the Lake, and take up their residence in a Wood where they had some little hutts erected for the purpose. Here they had Intelligence of the P — ce being upon the Coast, in the Country of Arrisaige, upon which Mr. M — y proposd to send to him to receive his orders, and to re- monstrate against his leaving the Country, which it was said he was then advised to. Doctor Cameron was accordingly dispatchd, but upon his arrival could not procure Access, Mr. H — y, 2 to whom he aplyd first, telling him that he could not see him, and soon after, that if he would acquaint him with his message, he would endeavour to deliver it, but Mr. Cameron giving him to understand that his Instructions was to Com- municate his Message to none but the P — ce himself, and that he thought it a little strange that his place of abode should be keept a Secret from him, especialy coming from his Brother, and Mr. M — y hinting their dissent to his scheme of leaving the Country, Mr. H — y told him that he was already gone, 1 Charles Stewart of Ardsheal remained in hiding in Scotland till Sept. 1746, when he escaped to France. 2 Hay of Restalrig. 270 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. which the other not seeming to beleive, and still insisting to know where he was, H[a]y offerd to send one to know what was become of him. The person sent having staid but a very short time, which plainly demonstrated that he could not have been at the Coast, before he had an opportunity of delivering his message, H[a]y mett him at some distance, and talkd to him, which made the Doctor naturaly suspect that he was instructing him what to say ; as the man assurd him that he was Saild some hours before. The uneasiness which the Doctors report occasiond upon his return, is easier to be imagind than expressd, and Mr. M[urra]y, unwilling to think that any person about his Master could advise him to so rash a Step, hopefull that he was still upon the mainland, wrote a threatning letter to Mr. H[a]y, insisting that the bearer, Mr. M c l[eo]d, should have Immediate Access, but before the Gentleman had reachd half way on his Journey, he met H[a]y coming to Locharkike, who assurd him that the P[rin]ce was actualy gone, with which answer he returnd, and further, that Sir Tho s Sheridan, then in Glen- dichory, 1 proposd being in the Wood that night, and H[a]y in the morning. Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. Mackl[eo]d, Mr. H[a]y, and Mr. M[urra]y, and others being together, and Accounts at the same time brought of the arrival of two French ships, with money, Arms, and Amunition, the P[rin]ce being gone was much regreted, not only as it would tend to procrastinate the assembling of the Troops proposd, but that he should have lost so fair an opportunity of returning to France ; if thought advisable. H[a]y took occasion from this, and on Account of the letter before mentiond, to have been wrote by Mr. M[urra]y, to vindicate himself by declaring in the most Solemn manner, that he was intirly Innocent of advising his Master to leave the Country, and that he was actualy gone before Doctor Camerons arrival, which nevertheless was very much doubted by all present, not only from prior Circumstances, but as it generaly happens Glende^aary. i ; 4 6] AFTER CULLODEN 271 to most people who endeavour to clear themselves by Volun- tary Oaths and Imprecations ; a method the truth never requires : but what seemd above all to confirm people in their opinion, was his own over fondness to be gone, which he witnessed in the strongest manner by an extream uneasiness during: the short time he staid. Whilest other people present seemd without any hesitation to resolve to lay hold of the present opportunity, Mr. Cameron of Locheil retired into a little hutt with Mr. M[urra]y, where he expressd his unwillingness to desert his Clan in the unhappy Situation they were then in, as Inconsistent with his honour and their Intrest ; and observing that as them two had gone all along hand in hand during the whole affair, he hoped he would not now leave him, but begd they might share the same fate together. This Mr. M[urra]y readily consented to, unable to refuse the desire of a person for whom he had such a regard, and with whom he had lived so many years in the stricktest Intimacy. This, together with his own opinion that the P[rin]ces retreat was ill advised, made him think it his duty, as being the person there next to him in Intrest with the Clans, to en- deavour at supporting the Party as much as their then Situation would allow. Upon this he took occasion to represent to the Gentlemen present, that it was his opinion that the errors already com- mitted ought if possible to be retreivd ; which he thought was alone to be done by raising a body of men Sufficient to protect the Country, and to keep on foot during that Summer untill they should see whither or not the Succours promised from France was realy intended ; and as he had been a Chief Instrument to ingage numbers to join, who he did not doubt were still willing to appear, he thought it would be dis- honourable in him to desert them, for which reason he was determind not to lay hold on that oppertunity, to quite the Country, notwithstanding his present Condition (being then scarce able to stand upon his legs) renderd his Safty very precarious. Having taken this resolution, ever watchfull of his Masters Safty, he proposed that one of the Ships should sail for the 272 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. Isle of Uest, where it was said the P[rin]ce was gone, and failing to find him there, to proceed to the Orkneys, where it was not doubted he would go, in case he did not either find a Ship, or Sutable Conveniency in the above mentiond Island, and that Mr. M c l[eo]d should be sent aboard the Ship with proper In- structions to persuade him to return ; if not, it would still furnish him with a more immediate and better oppertunity of going to France, then he could otherwise find in these Seas. S r Thomas Sheridan very readily offerd to stay provided he could be of any Service; but as the Inconveniency flowing from his Age and infirmitys, must have counterballanced his Advice, it was thought more advisable for him to repair to France, where a favourable representation of their affairs would be of greater advantage, than any Service he was capable of doing them in their present Situation. It may be perhaps needless to mention to you how generously Major Kennedy 1 proceeded, who, notwithstanding the example he had, not only of the Surrender of his Brother Officers after the Battle of Culloden but the Sanction of L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummond] and others, who were then ready to go without making the least Inquiry into the Situation of affairs, or so much as asking if their Stay could be of any Service, declared his willingness to become a partaker with Locheil and others of what ever difficulty s, dangers, or hardships might ensue ; but least it might not have reachd your ears, I imagind it would not only be agreeable to you, but judgd it a piece of Justice not to be denyd him. It was imagind that from the report made to the Comodore and Officers aboard of the French Vessels, that they would be unwilling to land the money, finding the P[rin]ce was gone, and the Army dispersed, especialy as there was none on the Coast with Sutable Authority to receive it ; to prevent which, there being little or no money in the Country, it was judgd absolutly necessary that Mr. M[urra]y should repair thither to procure it ; as without that, it would be impossible to raise any body of men or keep them together. Doctor Cameron, with Major Kennedy, sett out that night to acquaint the Officers to whom 1 Cf. Lyon in Mourning, vol. i. pp. 85, 86, 87. Major Kennedy was Lochiel's uncle. 1/4-6] AFTER CULLODEN 273 the money was intrusted, that he was then on his road to receive it, and he accordingly sett out next morning, tho supported on horsehack, but being taken ill by the way was obliged to sleep that night in Glendichery. Being a little recoverd next morning he continued his journey, and early the day following arrived at Kepoch, oppo- site to the Bay where the Ships then lay, some short time before the action was over with the three British men of War who had attacked them. Upon his arrival he was informd that so soon as the French observed the English bearing down upon them, they had landed the money consisting of Thirty-five thousand Louis d'ors in Six Casks, which had been deposited in a Wood : fear of a Descent in case the English had got the better, and that in the Confusion and hurry they were in, one of the Casks was a missing. The English Ships having mett with a Severe drubbing, were obliged to make the best of their way to refitt, upon which Mr. M[urra]y, seeing that the danger from that Quarter was over, and in case of any further Acci- dent of the like nature, orderd the remaining five . Casks to be brought to the house where he was quarterd. The Difficulty of procuring Silver made him apply to Sir Thomas Sheridan to know what was become of all the Spanish money, who telling him that there was still to the Value of Six or Seven hundred pound in M c D[ona]ld the Bankers possession, desired he might send for it, which he did. In the Evening, whilst a Court Martial was sitting for the Tryal of two men suspected to have stole the Cask, it was discovered to him where it was, and returnd next morning with the loss of one bagg of money only ; the Authors by description guessd at, and the Sum upon examination found to be about Seven or eight hundred Louis d'ors. The Comodore being determind to sail next morning, there went on board the D[u]ke of P[er]th, then in a dying Condi- tion, his Brother Lord John, the L[or]d E[lch]o, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. L[oc]kh[ar]t of C[ar]nw[a]th Younger, Mr. H[a]y, with Several others, who with a fair wind were out of Sight in a few hours. Mr. M[urra]y being given to understand that Mr. M c D[ona]ld of Barrisdale, C[la]nr[ona]ld the Younger, with some others, s 274 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part ill. now that the P — ce was gone and an end apparently put to all Affairs, seemd to think that the money ought to be divided amongst them by way of an equivalent for their losses. To prevent this he sent for them, and told them in a friendly manner that as he was sensible that they had been irregularly paid, from the beginning of March, he w ould take it upon him not only to pay their arrears, 1 but allow half a Lewis d'ore for each wounded man, and a Consideration for the Widows ; not doubting but his Master would aprove of it : desiring them to make out their Accompts and at the same time telling them that he intended to carry it further into the Country, esteem- ing it unsafe to leave it upon the Coast ; and begging they might meet in Loch Arkike, some days afterwards, to consert a method how to raise the Country. Having settled affairs in this manner he sent off the money under Doctor Camerons care, and followed himself some hours afterwards, in Company with Mr. M c l — d, Major Kennedy and others. Tho from the promises he had made to Barrisdale and Clanronald, they appeard to be satisfyd, yet upon his arrival in the Island of Lochmorror, he learnt that some of Clan- ronald's Emissarys had endeavourd to prevent its being carried any further, but that Doctor Cameron, partly by threats and flattery, had prevaild. From thence in two days he reachd Locheil, preparing for the Rendevous where they went two days afterwards, at a place calld Mortleg, about three Miles down the lake, and were mett by Lord L — t, with whom it was concerted what was to be proposd next day in the meeting; his Lordship at the same time taking Occasion to apologise for his Clans not having acted with that Vigour and unanimity the others had done ; but tho his excuses were in themselves frivolous, and consisted more in telling a parcel of Old Stories, and vaunting himself of a Loyalty which his Actions gave him no tittle to, yet the uncougth flattery, of which he was so much master, and the privaliged Custom which he had ashumd to himself, for so many years, of being the Oracle of the Country ; got so far the better of most of his 1 Compare Murray's Account of Charge and Discharge printed by Chambers as an Appendix to the History of the Rebellion. 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 275 hearers, that tho they were Conscious to themselves, of the falsity of what he said, yet it had no other Effect then to induce them blindly to beleive, that in his Superior wisdom and knowledge, did he speak, he was able to vindicate his proceedings ; but that his Silence flowd from prudence, or some other cause above their Comprehention, so that he seldom or never had incurrd any other reflection, than that of being a strange and unaccountable man. His reflections upon past errors were not looked upon as the natural result of a Cool reflection, and a Judgement founded upon Consequences, but a Superior knowledge with the Experi- ence of many years, nor did that ever extend itself the just length it ought, by showing that none but himself was to blame for not having taken that Command upon him, and thereby have prevented the blunders of others. The day following Gordon of Glenbucket, Colonel Roy Stuart, Clanronald, Lochgarry, Barrisdale, Scotus Younger, Cap 1 Macknab — M c Donal, Nephew to Kepoch, and others being present in Consequence of what had passd the night before, his Lordship, after being desired to favour the meeting with his Sentiments upon their present Situation, and the part most advisable for them to Act ; declard in a Sett Speech the honour the meeting had done him, the Loyalty and Sufferings of himself and family, with his present unhappy Situation, being obliged to fly his Country ; then shewing how little reason any person there present had to expect forgive- ness for what they had done, and how much it consisted with their honour to stand it out to the last, he proposed to get such a body of men together as would enable them to protect the Country, and to free themselves and their familys from the insults of the Enemy, untill such time as they could pro- cure terms, or had a final answer from abroad ; regreting at the same [time] that his age and infirmitys would not permitt him to Share either of the honour or danger of the field ; but pro- mising that his Son should bring them four hundred Frasers as his Quota. As the Scheme had been already agreed upon amongst a few, and none there Ignorant of what was intended in general, an unanimous aprobation was expressd and the Numbers that 276 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part hi. every one was to bring fiVd upon, when, notwithstanding what his Lordship had before promisd, yet when the 400 Frasers came to be named, he refusd ingaging for his Son, and put it upon Locheil, who immediatly complyd, nor would he accept of the Sum aloted for his Sons men, desiring it might be given to one he calld his Steward. This appearing to Mr. M — y in a very odd Light, and as evading the comming under obligations, without consulting any upon the head, he determind to try whither his Conjecture was Just, by the following method. He proposd that as the Army then to be raisd were to be under the Strickest Discipline and with as little expence as possible, some alterations might be made from the Constitu- tion of the former, and that an obligation should be signd by the persons there present, not to desert one another, which being consented to, and dictated by him, Lovit refusal to sign upon some trifling pretence ; which confirming him in his former opinion he likewise declind, saying that as he could bring no force into the field, his Subscription was unnecessary ; having already put his hand to a most Solemn engagement not to desert the Standard without the Consent of the Majority of the Army, which had notwithstanding been done by many without any previous agreement upon the head. Many difficultys occurd as to provisions and transporting their ammunition, all which M — y obviated by ingaging to provide Cattle for their Mentainance ; and to have a Sufficient number of horses at the head of Lochshiel to carry the ammunition, provided Clanronald would agree to have it brought thither from his Country, where it then was ; which after great persuasion he was prevaild upon to promise against a certain day : After which the meeting broke up. The Several members returning to their respective homes, and he with Locheil to the hutt they had erected on the oposite Side of the lake. The Randevouse having been appointed ten days after at a place called Glenmely, upon the South Side of Loch Arkike, three miles above Locheils house ; every body was then emplovd in raising their men to be able to keep the Apointment. Mr. M — y in the Interim went to Glendicherry, 1 where his wife then 1 Glendessary. 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 277 was, and in Consequence of Loeheils and other Gentlemens opinions with whom he was in Company, advised her to write letters to Lord Albemarl, 1 Lord Cathcart, 2 and Colonel James Kennedy, representing her Situation (being then bigg with Child), to beg a pass to carry her to the Low Country. This she was with great difficulty prevaild upon to do, and as it was impossible at that time to find a person to carry them to Inverness, Mr. M — y advised her to send them to Fort William, with a letter to Capt. Scot beging he would take the trouble to forward them. He at the same time went to wait of L — d L — t, who was then Quarterd on the oposite Side of the Glen, with a View to know whither he had punctually performd his promise in sending to his Son as he had agreed upon at the meeting, but finding that he had not, he represented to him the bad Con- sequences of a Delay, shewing him not only how detrimental his Sons not joyning must prove, but at the same time that it would give a handle to the party to suspect that he was not Sincere in their Interest. To which his Lordship answerd in his own evasive manner, and promised that his Steward should be gone next day, calling at the same time for his Secretary and making him write a letter to his son in Mr. M — ys name, relating the purport of what had passd in the meeting, and incouraging him by all possible arguments to get the 400 men promisd and join with Lochgary as was agreed upon. This procedure of his Lordship, tho a further proof that he declind stating himself a party in the business, was neverthe- less agreed to by Mr. M — y, desirous at any rate to have a body in the field to keep up the Spirits of the party ; and shew the world that the affair was not over. In Conversation his Lordship took occasion to observe that notwithstanding the Misfortunes that had happen d, could Mr. M — y and he get over to France, it would be much in their power, by the Representation they should make, to procure Sufficient 1 William Anne Keppel, second earl, died 1754, succeeded Cumberland as Commander-in-chief in Scotland in July 1746. Cf. Itinerary, p. 59. 2 Ninth Baron, born at Edinburgh 1721, a.d.c. to Duke of Cumberland at Fontenoy, Commissioner to General Assembly 1755-63, 1773-76, Ambassador to Russia 1768-1771, died 1776. 278 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. Assistance to restore things at least to their former Situation, and complaind that the order he had requird to impower him to seize upon the person of Mr. Forbes of Culloden had not been granted in the terms he demanded, viz., dead or alive. From which he endeavourd to show how easy it would have been to accomplish his death, and thereby have prevented the Junction of Mcl — d with the other Northern Clans ; who had done so much hurt to the P — ces affairs : And that pro- vided the order had been in these terms, the attempt upon his house would not have provd abortive : but as they had not Sufficient power, they were obliged to make a shamefull retreat inconsistant with the honour of his Clan. 1 A great deal more of this nature passd, with the most proper methods to be taken at the randevous, and the Strongest assurances that the person and letter should be conveyd to his Son next day, upon which he took his leave, and retired to Locheil then in the wood, bussied in procuring a meeting of his Clan against the time appointed. Mr. M — y did not till now receive an answer to the Letter he had wrote to Mr. M C D — Id 2 for the money, which I wish with all my heart I could send you a Copy of, it being of so extraordinary a Nature. He told him in substance that he had then only about one hundred and odd pounds, a Sum inferior to what he had spent in the P — ce's Service, and was therefore determind to keep it, but if he would send him gold to the Value, he should have it. Then telling him that if he had managed the P — ces money better, there would not have been such a Scarcety of it, that he had cook'd a fine Amelot, and should now be glad to see what method he would fall upon to make a better, with a great deal more such Scurolous Stuff ; and, as if that had not been Sufficient, uses some of the most unbecoming expressions, with unjust and false reflections against the P — ce ! as if he had been Author of the ruin of himself and Army. 1 This passage is quoted by Chambers, History of the Rebellion, p. 325. Chambers saw the Murray MSS. when they were in the possession of Mr. W. H. Murray of the Edinburgh Theatre, the father of the present owner. 2 i.e. /Eneas, the banker. See ante, p. 273. 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 279 You may beleive this letter, in which there was not one word of truth, fiYd Mr. M — y not a little, but being resolved not to take any Step of himself, he read it to the Gentlemen there present ; who advised him to take no Notice of it, but to look upon it as a thing below him, and as the produce of a frantick brain, calculated with a View to excuse his keeping the money. But as he did not know what use such a fellow might be Capable of making of his Silence, he desired M c Donalds brother, who came next day, to let him know that he had received his letter, but did not think fit to answer it. I thought it not amiss to let you know this, in case of its ever having reached Your ears, and which, Locheil, Sir Stewart Thripland, and Major Kennedy, when you have occasion to see them, will inform you of. The time agreed upon for the Randevous being found too short, it was delayd for a week longer, and in the Interim fifteen thousand Lewis d'ors were buried in three several parcels in the wood, it being judgd Improper to carry so large a sum about with them ; and now the day appointed being come when he with Locheil and the other Gentlemen repaird to the place, they did not find above 200 Camerons and a few M'leans with 120 Macdonalds under Barrisdale, so difficult was it to persuade the Country people, that the only method to procure their own and their familys Safetys, was to keep together in a body. Having staid there two days expecting a reinforcement of the Camerons, and Macdonalds under Barrisdale, with the Frasers, and Lochgary, with whom it was determind to march to Braelochabar, to join with the Macdonalds of Kepoch and the Mackfersons ; to their great Surprise as many deserted as came in. The Master of Lovat was never so much as heard of ; Macdonald of Lochgary brought about 100 in place of 400 he had engaged for, and having only staid a few hours while his men were musterd, and himself paid part of the arrears due his Regiment, he returnd the same Evening to the oposite Side of the Lake. I am unwilling to tire you out with particular Stories, but as this is in my humble opinion a piece of History worthy observation, I cannot prevail with myself to pass it over in 280 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part III. Silence. You must know that Lochgarys behaviour from the time of the Battle of Culloden untill the time of their meeting at Mortleg demonstrated such a Coldness and Indifferency to the Intrest of the party, that those of most penetration imagind he had nothing in view, save that of making his own peace. Tho his seeming keenness at this time seemd to have intirely dissipated it. Having retired from Glenmely because of his Cattle that were grazing in the oposite Glen, about two miles distant from Locheils house, where it was proposed to march on the morrow, it appeard not only feasible but lending greatly to the advantage of the whole ; he having engaged to send Centinels to Clunes upon the Side of Loch Lochy, and over the Hills to Glengary, whereby to procure timeous advertise- ment in case of troops marching from Fort Augustus by either of these roads ; and engaged that the next day, when it was agreed upon to march to Achnacary, he would send Intelligence of the Enemy by noon. He was no sooner gone than Barris- dale came to Mr. M — y, inquiring of him how his departure came to be agreed to, being certain that it was all design, and that was he once gone, they should never see him more. Not- withstanding that Mr. M — y was sensible of the Enmity that subsisted betwixt them two, and of the plausable Scheme that Lochgary had proposd, yet from what Barrisdale had said, he was willing to prevent a Separation, least it should be a means to prevail with Barrisdale to make his peace ; being known to study his own Interest above every other Consideration. With this View he immediatly repaird to Locheil, and together with Barrisdale represented to him the doubts and Difficultys that ocurrd : from whence it was agreed to send Cameron of Clunes 1 alongest with Barrisdale in pursute of Lochgary, to attempt his Stay, but before they could overtake him some of his people had already crossd the Lake, and he resolved to continue his march ; they returnd with the most ample promises from him of performing the engagements he had laid himself under ; which, by the Sequel, you will plainly see how he performd, and from thence be able to judge how 1 The Camerons of Clunes were a branch of the Earracht family. AFTER CULLODEN 281 far the Conjecture of his Cousin Barrisdale was Just or not. As to my own particular I cannot help thinking, according to the Old Maxim, a Theif is aptest to catch a Theif. Notwithstanding the almost total dissapointments which the Gentleman there present had meet with, there being in all not 400 men compleat ! whereas there ought to have been at least 1300, Barrisdale having engaged for 300, Lochgary for 400, Clanronald for 200, &c, yet Barrisdale had not above 120, and Locheil not half of the Number he proposed, with a few M c Leans, Clanronald intirely disapointing them, not only to his Quota of men, but the Amunition he had engaged for. To transport which M — y had bought up the horses and sent them to the place appointed : Yet overlooking all these Difficultys as Circumstances to be regretted, but not to turn them from the Execution of the project already concerted ; it was determind to march the day following to Achnicary, there to wait for a Junction with Lochgary, and the arrival of some of Locheils followers under the Command of Mr. Cameron of Dungallon, 1 then upon their road, from the Countys of Swenart and Ardnamurchan. In Consequence of this Resolution they mov'd about noon from Glenmely, and in their march was mett by a person who desired to speak with Barrisdale. Mr. M — y, who was alongst with him, judging from the hour of the day, and the promise made by Lochgary the night before, that this must be the person intrusted with the Intelligence, desired to know of Barrisdale, the news he had received : to which he was answerd, that it was only a message from Lochgary desiring to meet him that night at a place calld Kenmure, two miles from thence on the oposite Side of the Lake ; but not a word of Intelli- gence concerning the Enemy, nor no Intimation that he intended to join according to promise. This you may beleive gave Mr. M — y a good deal of uneasy- nes, being a strong foundation to suspect treachery either committed or intended : but tho he knew the mutual hatred that subsisted between the two fornamd partys, yet he would 1 Archibald Cameron of Dungallon was Lcchiel's uncle by marriage, having married Isabel, daughter of Sir Ewen. 282 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part hi. neither seem to doubt or reflect ; fear of giving a handle to the other to quarrel and follow the foot steps of his Cousin. Barrisdale declaring himself discontented with the others procedure, and saying that as he was certain he could have nothing of Consequence to intimate, for which he refusd to meet him, and would continue his march to Achnachary, made him in some small degree easy. But soon after his arrival there, having dispatchd two Several persons, one to Glen , where Lochgary said he would be, and the other to Climes, where he had promised to post Centinals to observe the Enemys motion on that Side ; both of them soon returnd, with assurances that there was no persons to be found in either place ; he seemd certain of the Treachry he had only before suspected, and made no Scruple to declare his opinion to Locheil and the others present ; yet as they were all unwilling to think that a man who seemd so hearty in the affair, could be Cappable of so bare faced and palpable a peice of Villany, it was conjectured that to obtain more certain Intelligence of the Enemys Motions, he was marched further into the Country. The day following, Barrisdale took occasion to say that it was necessary for him to return into Knoydart, as well to look after his own affairs, which he had left in great Confusion, as to bring out the rest of his men, which the short time before alowd him had renderd impossible ; that he would make all haste imaginable thither, as like ways on his return : and in the Interim would leave his Son to command his Corps. Tho this Conduct of itself seemd very suspicious, yet, when joind to the absence and failure of his Cousin Lochgary, together with the message sent him the day before, you will easily suppose the Conjectures that were formd by one and all ; tho seemingly neglected as a thing of no Consequence, his Son and men being to remain : so his reasons and Excuses being held as Valid, he took his leave, proposing to be that night thirteen Miles off. A small number of LocheiPs people arrived in the Evening, with an account that the rest were on their march under Dungallon, and some hours afterwards a Spanish and French Officer who had landed some days before in Loch Cruen from on board a Ship in which there were a number of Officers, 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 283 who upon hearing the Melancholy Situation that things were then in, returnd to France ; but these two Gentlemen con- tinued their rout, on account of a large pacquet of Letters they were chargd with, containing dispatches for the P — ce, the Marquis De Guille, and others. Being disapointed of the Intelligence promisd by Lochgary, and uncertain of the motions or Situation of the Enemy, Mr. M — y procurd three of the Camerons, well acquainted with the Country, to go that afternoon towards Fort Augustus, with Instructions to keep the Hills, and so soon as they descried them, to send back one of their Number with a particular Account of their Situation, and another to follow him in the morning, or so soon as they should observe them to make any motion. Having carried the Six Casks with him one half filld with Stones, so as to give no Jelousy to the other Clans of his having more Confidence in the Camerons than they, which they might have suspected had he declard its being deposite in their Country. Yet now esteeming it unecessary to carry so large a Sum for the pay of the few men they had, and risquing the intire loss of it in case of any Sinister Accident, he made 12,000 * Lewis d'ors be hurried near to the foot of the Lake, reserving only about 5000 for all necessary expences. Things being now put upon the best footing their Circum- stances would allow, they determind next day to cross the River of Lochy and march to Braelochabar, to join with the M c donalds of Kepoch, and from thence to Badenough, to meet the M c fersons ; but in the morning, about four o Clock, whilst they were all a sleep, one of the Scouts dispatchd the night before, brought intelligence that the Enemy was then in motion, but whither to Fort William, or against them, he could not say, having lost Sight of them before they passd later finely some miles short of the Road leading to Achnacary. Two days before they marchd from Glenmely, some letters were brought to Locheil, intercepted on the road to Fort * N.B. — This Sum was burried by D r Cameron and Mr. Alex r M c leod in two parcels in the wood about a mile from Locheil's house at the foot of Loch Arkike. 284 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part IIL William, intimating that part of the Army would soon march thither, and amongest others a letter to Cap 1 Car Scot, signd Robert Napier, Aid de camp, intended, as was supposd, to serve for an answer to the three letters which Mrs. M — y had been prevailed upon to write, as I mentiond before, which containd in Substance that no pass would be granted her, and if She was afraid of Stragling partys, she might deliver her Self up at Fort William : Concluding that if His Majesty was pleasd to pardon her treason, the Law would not pass over her robery of Mr. Hope. This letter, than which never such another was writ to a Lady, especially in her Condition, gave them too just an idea of the Enemys generosity to expect the least Clemency, and the Author being easly guest at, the Gentleman who Subscribd, being known to have too much humanity to do it of himself, Intelligence was immediatly sent her of the favour She had to expect, with directions to keep as private as possible. Reflecting then upon the Con- tents of the letters they had intercepted, the Intelligence brought them did not occasion any great Alarm, beleiving it to be a detachment marching to Fort William to join the forces under General Campbel, then expected from Appin. But in less than two hours afterwards a Second gave notice that they were upon the road to Achnechary, at no great distance from the River of Lochy. Upon this, orders were given for the whole body to march, and, if able, to obstruct their passage of the River ; if not, to retire by the Southside of Loch Ark ike to Glenmely. When they came in Sight of the Enemy, than upon the banks of the River, they found them so numerous, both in Highlanders and regular Troops, that to oppose their passage would have been in Vain ; And therefore retird to the foot of the Loch, where Young Barrisdale insisted upon marching by the Northside, which obliged the whole party to follow rather than separate, and upon their arrival at the head of it, to the great Surprise of some, they found Barrisdale awaiting their Coming, which plainly demonstrated, that if he had ever been possessd of a real Intention to act up to his engagements, he would not have deserted them at that time ; his reasons for leaving them appearing by his stay there to be a mere faint, 1746] AFTER CULLODEN 285 and gave grounds to suspect that if not in Intelligence with the Enemy, he had been with his Cousin Lochgary, who it then was obvious had betrayd them, never having sent the Smalest Accounts of the Enemys Motions, notwithstanding they had marchd above 500 men under Munroe of Cullcairn, through the heart of Glengarys Country, and by the road where he promised to be posted. From which it is plain, that had not Mr. M — y sent out these Scouts the night before, they must have been surrounded and taken before they were aware, the party under Culcairn having been so near as to pursue them for some miles, and made one or two Prisoners, amongst Whom was an Uncle of Cameron of Caillarts, 1 since transported to the west Indies. They had not been long at the head of the Lake, when they had the Melancholy and dismal prospect of the whole Country on fire, and considering the Strength of the party sent against them, it was determind to disperse, looking upon the small body of men they had as unsufficient to defend them, and served only to discover their Rout. Whilest every one was consulting what Corner of the Country would be the most proper where to conceal them- selves, Mr. M — y was told by Locheil that he had that moment received a message from the P — ce, acquainting him with his being in the Isle of Uist, where he had not yet been able to procure a Vessell, and desiring to know if he could provide one upon that Coast. Another Gentleman at the same time brought certain Accounts by letters from that Country that the L — d of M c l — d had been wrote to by one of his Presbiterian preachers, of the P — ces being there, which made Mr. M — y naturaly conjecture that from M c l — ds former treachery and the orders he had given to his people not to grant him protection, he would in all probability be taken. To prevent this, he determind to go to him and endeavour to bring him to the main Land ; So after intimating his design to Locheil, of which he approved, he spoke with the two Gentlemen who 1 Allan Cameron of Callart fought at Culloden, taken prisoner, tried at West- minster, and found guilty. 286 JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTOX [part hi. had brought the message, and apointed to meet with them the Night following, upon the Coast where their boat Lay : but being taken ill upon the road, it was the Second dav in the Evening before he arrived, where the Gentlemen did not come till the morning after. It being upon reflection judged improper for him to go as unable to Travel, and not having the Language, he would soon be found to be a Stranger, and might thereby occasion his Masters being discovered ; In which he having acquiesd, wrote him a letter acquainting him with the Intelligence he had got, the danger he apprehended he run in being taken in that Island, and beging him to come over upon the receipt of it, which letter he read to Major Kennedy, then in Company with him, and having agreed with the Two Gentlemen that if the P — ce was willing, they should immediatly return with him ; if not, at any rate one of themselves to meet him, or send a letter against the munday Se'night following, to a Gentlemans house about three miles from the Coast, to acquaint him what was become of the P — ce. This they agreed to, telling him at the same time that it was not impossible but the P — ce might be gone from the Island before their return ; for when they were coming away there was a meal Ship on the Coast, which a Gentleman * of the Country was endeavouring to engage to carry him off, and then represented that his money was run short, and demanded a Suply, to which Mr. M — y answerd, that he was surprized they had not mentiond that when at the head of Locharkike ; where it was in his power to have given them any Sum they could demand ; but that now he had none alongest with him save a little for Common necessarvs on the road. This Story I thought proper to mention, as it has been Maliciouslv alleged by some, that he refused to supplv his Master when it was in his power, though at the same time Mr. M c 'Donald, the Gentleman who demanded it, did him Justice in that particular whilest prisoner in London. You must likewise observe that the P — ce had then been but a * M c d[ona]ld of Buisdale. 1 74 6] AFTER CULLODEN 287 short time away, and carried above a thousand Guineas alongest with him, which it was not natural to imagine he could have so soon expended ; So that had I been in Mr. M — ys case (with this difference only of having a Sum of money about me), I should not have been very ready to have sent it, first, on Account of the uncertainty they themselves appeard to be in of meeting with the P — ce, in case the Ship which they mentiond had been procurd ; Secondly, on Account of the money he had carried along with him, and being uncertain how far they had realy got orders to make such a demand, having nothing in writting to shew for it : and lastly, not easy to judge how far, in the Circumstances things were then in, a fair Account would have been made of it ; not by this that I mean to doubt of the Gentlemens honesty, but that I am of opinion a person cannot err in being over Cautious with people whose Characters he is a Stranger to, as here was the Case. A great deal more might be said upon this head but that I think it intirely needless to trouble you ; the fact was that Mr. M — y had no money, so could not send it. This one particular I must observe to you, that when Oneil was taken he had 500 gueneas about him, which shews that the P — ce was far from having expended the Sum he had carried with him : how that Gentleman will answer for re- serving so large a proportion of his Masters purse for his own use is more than I shall pretend to divine. He was a little God amongest the wise heads here ; perhaps you have him in high esteem with you. It is a true Saying that it is safer for one man to steal a horse than for an other to look over the Hedge. After taking leave of these Gentlemen, he was lett to under- stand that the person * in whose house he had sleept that night, observing a Small Trunk in which was some plate be- longing to General Stapleton, which Major Kennedy carried alongest with them, both for use and Safety ; imagining from the weight that it containd money, and being angry that his arrears had not been paid, offerd to seize it, but was pre- vented by the person who Mr. M — y left in the house to * Allan More M c hemish. JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON [part hi. take care of it. This necessarly brought Mr. M — y to an Explanation to prevent any further attempts of that Nature whitest in Clanronalds Country, who being himself than pre- sent, he told the Gentlemen that he had some time before paid Clanronald, not only all the Arrears he had demanded, but about 40 Lewis d'ors at half a Lewis d'or a man, according to a list he had given in of his wounded, so that if he had not Justice done him, it was his Chiefs fault, not his, and that he ought to apply to him there present for redress. This particular you may think I might have passd over in Silence, and indeed I inclind to have done it as a Trifling Incident ; but that I am well informd that not only Clanronald himself denied his having received it, and pocketed the money to the prejudice of his Regiment, but to my certain knowledge the Old Ladv, his Mother, when in London, took frequent occasion to complain of Mr. M — y as having wrongd her Son, who, 'She alledged. never received a half penny due to him. That night he and his Company sleept upon the Coast in a little house belonging to Bishop M c donald, and the Night following at the Ferry on the River Sheil, from whence they went next morning to Glenhurick, with a View to get intelli- gence of Locheil, and having learnt that he was at a Farm about Seven miles from thence upon the Side of Loch Sheil, he went to him, and returnd the same night to Glenhurick, where, being informd that General Campbell was expected at Strontian, and probably some partys might advance thither that night or early in the morning, he went two miles higher up the Country, where he met with his wife and Mrs. Cameron, who had left Strontian a little before the Troops landed. He staid here till early next morning ; after proposing a method of procuring a boat to carry Mrs. M — y to Ireland, and giving part of the money he had that day brought with him from Locheil, to such who he thought had most occasion for it : * he set out in Company with Major Kennedy for the * N.B. — He gave a hundred Lewis d'ors to Cameron of Dun