pees a emine rena atred Oe 
 MICHAEL D. SCHOFIELD 
 
 
 
 KILLARNEY, 
 
 
 
Es a IP hw a 
 
 
 
THE 
 
 BLEEDING IPHIGENTA ; 
 UNKIND DESERTER; 
 
 AND 
 
 THE SALE AND SETTLEMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 BY 
 
 THE RIGHT REY. NICHOLAS FRENCH, D.D. 
 
 BISHOP OF FERNS. 
 
 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 JAMES DUFFY, 10, WELLINGTON-QUAY. 
 1848, 
 

 
TO 
 
 SIR COLMAN MICHAEL O’LOGHLEN, 
 BART. 
 
 OF DRUMCONORA, IN THE COUNTY OF CLARE, 
 
 I DEDICATE 
 
 THIS EDITION OF THE WORKS OF 
 
 DOCTOR FRENCH, 
 AS 
 
 A SMALL AND INADEQUATE TRIBUTE OF RESPECT 
 
 AND ESTEEM 
 
 FROM HIS AFFECTIONATE FRIEND 
 
 THE EDITOR. 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 Tue editor of this little volume intended 
 bringing out an edition of the works of Dr. 
 FRencH in a large form, and had made ar- 
 rangements with his publisher for that pur- 
 pose; however, the latter gentleman having 
 been requested by influential persons to adopta 
 cheaper, and consequently more general mode 
 of circulation than that previously intended, 
 and the belief that the distinguished author 
 himself, if alive, would have published his 
 works in the same manner, were considera- 
 tions which at once induced the editor to 
 alter his mind and to make these celebrated 
 Tracts a volume of the “ Library of Ireland.” 
 
 This is, perhaps, one of the first attempts 
 that has been made in this country to place 
 reprints of scarce and valuable works, ma- 
 terials of history, within reach of the people ; 
 to introduce and popularize among them a 
 
vi i PREFACE. 
 
 knowledge of these original productions. It 
 may be to the neglect of this, that we can 
 trace our deficiency in good historical litera- 
 ture, not to any natural lack of taste for such 
 _ a literature among us; on the contrary, that 
 taste has ever been fresh and buoyant; other- 
 wise it never could have endured the con- 
 tinued ill-treatment to which it has been 
 subjected. 
 
 History, to be readable, must be graphic; 
 it must be a finished picture of the past; 
 no thoughts, sentiments or ideas, costumes or 
 manners, no more than facts, must be bor- 
 rowed from the present. In reference to the 
 art of composition there is a great analogy 
 between the labours of the historian and 
 those of the painter; the latter wants some- 
 thing more than a mere incident to make a 
 picture—he must take innumerable tints from 
 nature itself; he must be familiar with his 
 materials and then labour to produce harmony 
 and correct design. And so it is with the 
 historian ; he must have something more than 
 a list of battles and a regal obituary before 
 him; he must have all the features and 
 
PREFACE. Vii 
 
 characters of the men and times of which he 
 writes embodied in his narrative; and how 
 can this be effected without a deep and inces- 
 sant study of old original productions, cotem- 
 poraneous with his period, and many of which 
 are scarce or inaccessible? If Leland, War- 
 ner, O'Halloran and others, whose industry 
 is too well proved by their immense quartos, 
 had employed themselves in collecting mate- 
 rials for history rather than in compiling, 
 they would have done more for their country, 
 and its ‘history would not remain to be writ- 
 ten.” If Vallancey had done so, and made 
 his series a “‘ ConLecTANngEA” of this sort, and 
 not, with one solitary exception, * a depository 
 for the most absurd speculation, then his re- 
 putation and motives would be less doubtful 
 than they are, and his vanity never spoken 
 of. Nor is it alone necessary to re-print 
 works of the class of which we speak, they 
 
 * The Law of Tanistry, and its illustrations in the first 
 volume of the “Collectanea,” the only valuable paper 
 in the work, was written by Dr. O’Brien, bishop of 
 Cloyne. See O’Donovan’s ‘Irish Grammar,” introduc- 
 tion, page 58. Perhaps another exception may be ad- 
 
 ded, namely, Sir H. Pier’s description of Westmeath, 
 also in vol. 1 of the ‘* Collectanea.” 
 
Vill PREFACE. 
 
 must be cheap that they may be useful. How 
 can the historical student in Limerick or 
 Galway get access to the “ Veteres Scriptores 
 Rerum Hibernicarum,” of Dr. O’Connor, va- 
 luable as they are? It is impossible to ex- 
 pect it. The use made of a book, as we 
 have just said, will be measured by its price ; 
 and in our own literary experience we have, 
 unfortunately, too many proofs of the truth 
 of this proposition. 
 
 Vallancey’s works and Walker’s bards are 
 the only two books on Irish history that were 
 published in very cheap editions; and sad 
 it is to see, how many a poet and romancer, 
 sculptor and painter, led astray by their de- 
 ceptive contents, has effected little beside a 
 fruitless exercise of genius. Even at the 
 present moment, there are men who draw 
 more material from Walker than from Har-— 
 diman—and who can compare them ?—sim- 
 ply because the writings of the former are 
 more accessible than those of the latter. * 
 
 * A new, cheap, and corrected edition of ‘‘ Hardiman’s 
 
 Minstrelsy” is anxiously looked for; we trust, the res- 
 pected author will speedily prepare one. 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 Unfortunately, authors in these countries, 
 in many instances, think it derogatory to their 
 fame and reputation to bring out their works 
 at first in a cheap and accessible form; and 
 consequently many of them never live to 
 see any effect produced by their writings. 
 How different is the fate of the Continental 
 literary men! Their works are in countless 
 editions ;* their popularity increases, and they 
 live to receive and to enjoy wealth, honour, 
 and the gratitude of their country; while 
 some of ours have to pine in misery and 
 want, and their learning or ability is not ge- 
 
 * The editor of this volume lately made some inquiry 
 as to the relative prices of printing in this country and 
 Belgium ; there is no such difference, as one would sup- 
 pose, judging from the price of books in both countries. 
 There is a great difference, no doubt, in the price of paper, 
 and it may be well to consider how far it would be ad- 
 visable, in these free-trade times, to lessen the burthens 
 upon this article. But, it is neither to the paper or the 
 printing that the great success of the foreign book-trade 
 is to be traced, but to the spirit of the publishers who 
 print long editions and consequently can sell cheap. 
 Curious and interesting results in literary statistics 
 might be arrived at, by a comparison of the editions of 
 Thierry, Thiers, Michelet, and other French historians ; 
 with those of Hallam, &. The writings of the former 
 are in the hands of every Frenchman ; I do not suppose 
 there are five copies of the ‘‘ Middle Ages” of the latter 
 
 a3 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 nerally discovered until they are on the brink 
 of the grave, or, perhaps, mouldering in 
 ashes. 
 
 The growing taste for Archzology and an- 
 tiquities among us, is too intimately connected 
 with what we have been saying, to pass it by 
 in silence. But it isnot so much the increased 
 study of these subjects, valuable though it be 
 that we look to with pleasure, as to the puri 
 Jjication of taste, and the desire manifested 
 at every opportunity to correct former errors, 
 or excesses. ‘This purification is most grati- 
 ‘fying, and must, in a great measure, be traced 
 to the writings of a distinguished man, Mr. 
 George Petrie, to‘whom this country is deeply 
 and increasingly indebted. And again, here 
 
 to be found through the popular Reading Rooms of Ire- 
 land ; true, that it isin the eighth edition and sells for 
 £1 4s., but, if its price was 12s. it would now be in its 
 twenty-eighth edition and accessible to all, rather than in 
 its eighth. Mr. Knight, of London, has done more than 
 any man in England towards. the publication of cheap 
 and valuable literature. Mr. Chambers has been also 
 usefully employed in the same way, in Scotland; nor 
 shall the fact of this book being one of Mr. Duffy’s pub- 
 lications, prevent me from stating, that the country is 
 deeply indebted to that gentleman for placing instruc- 
 tive and entertaining literature within reach of the very 
 poorest class of an intelligent but impoverished people. , 
 
PREFACE. xi 
 
 is a further illustration of our argument ; for 
 it is not to his learned and unequalled Essays 
 in the generally unread Transactions of the 
 Royal Irish Academy, that these effects are 
 to be traced, but to his unassuming, but much 
 more valuable, because much more accessible 
 contributions to the Dublin Penny Journal ; 
 a book, which has done immeasurable good 
 among the people, and which the present writer 
 is authorised in stating, Doctor Southey 
 valued as a repertory of antiquities and his- 
 tory, higher than any other volume in his 
 varied and extensive library. 
 
 Having been led into these observations 
 upon the publication of historical materials, 
 ‘at much greater length than we intended, it 
 now remains to say a few words about our 
 author. ‘The reader may be disposed to ex- 
 pect a life of Dootor French preceding his 
 works in this little volume; and so it should be, 
 had it not already appeared in the “ Library 
 of Ireland,” from the able pen of Mr. 
 M‘Gee. Whatever facts escaped that gen- 
 tleman’s diligence, and they are few, will 
 
xii PREFACE. 
 
 be found in the Introduction. However, 
 as a substitute for the memoir, the editor has 
 thought it not an unfitting opportunity to 
 give to the public some description of the Irish 
 Colleges of Louvain, principally because the 
 following works were originally printed there. 
 Dr. French has been intimately connected 
 with these illustrious academies, not alone as 
 a student, but as professor, president, and 
 founder; and, further, he spent nearly half 
 his life among the Belgians, and died an 
 officiating Bishop in their Church. Inde- 
 pendently of these reasons, it may be in- 
 teresting to the Irish traveller to have some 
 information about institutions, with which 
 his countrymen were so intimately connected ; 
 and the more so, as the guide books which 
 are put into his hands either make no men- 
 tion of these Colleges at all, or whatever they 
 say is, without a single exception, incorrect 
 or delusive. Even Sir James Emerson Ten- 
 nant, the only Irishman who has written upon 
 Belgium, and a man of decided literary taste, 
 and consequently congenial mind, dismisses 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 the subject with one solitary paragraph in his 
 book upon that country, and even that is 
 incorrect. 
 
 Of «« The Bleeding Iphigenia” and “The 
 Settlement and Sale of Ireland,” some parti- 
 culars will be found in a short prefatory note 
 attached to each. These tracts present a 
 curious picture of the thoughts and times 
 of their author, and, I trust, will be received 
 by the Irish people as the works of a distin- 
 guished prelate of their church, who, for 
 fidelity to his country and his faith, was 
 driven by the most cruel and partial tyranny, 
 as an exile, into a strange, though not 
 inhospitable land; and yet who, by his excel- 
 lence and worth, was enabled to maintain the 
 dignity of his position and the purity of his 
 character, so as to induce the foreigner to in- 
 scribe upon his tomb the truthful and sugges- 
 tive epitaph—<“ Virtus in Augustiis.” 
 
 In our notices of the Irish Colleges we 
 have commenced with the Pastoral or Secu- 
 lar one, not that it was by any means more 
 celebrated than the Franciscan or Dominican 
 houses; for such is not the case; but sim- 
 
XIv. PREFACE. 
 
 ply, because about it are more conveniently 
 grouped some introductory circumstances in 
 reference to the University and city of Lou- 
 vain, of which we desired to speak. It is to 
 be regretted that none of the historians of the 
 University, neither Puteanus, Andreas, Ver- 
 nuleeus, or Christianus 4 Langendock, come 
 down later than 1667; and consequently the 
 details about the Irish institutions, which 
 were not then very long founded, are not as 
 full as one would desire. However, all that 
 is to be found in reference to them in these 
 time-worn volumes, is embodied in the fol- 
 lowing chapters. ‘The editor expected that, 
 in the records of Louvain, which were re- 
 moved to Brussells by the French, in 1797, 
 might be found some interesting papers upon 
 this subject. But, after a diligent search in 
 the ‘Archives du Royaume,” none were 
 found to exist, except a table of the founders, 
 &e., of the “Collegium Pastorale Hiberno- 
 rum.” Possibly, some valuable materials may 
 exist in private libraries; but, even as to the 
 probability of this, the editor cannot vouch. 
 It is to be expected that the following no- 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 tice of these institutions will be—not from 
 any other cause, than their connection with 
 our country—of some little interest. Lou- 
 vain has been too little known, too long for- 
 gotten. And, if the editor shall be enabled, 
 through the medium of this volume, to awake 
 any interest in reference to that city, he will 
 be amply repaid, having done all that he 
 
 hoped for. 
 5. H. Be 
 
ents. Leet 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 
 
 THE IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 COLLEGIUM PASTORALE HIBERNORUM. 
 
 THERE is no country in Europe with which the 
 Irish have been more intimately connected than 
 with Belgium. In every page of its history, 
 ecclesiastical as well as military, we may read 
 of our countrymen as distinguished for piety, 
 bravery, and learning. No doubt, these are facts 
 which must render a visit to that country, to one 
 at all possessed of national feeling, an object of 
 peculiar gratification; however, it is indeed a 
 pleasure by no means confined to an Irishman. 
 The simple and cheerful manner of the people, 
 their habits of thrift and industry, the freshness 
 and vigour of their social and political institutions, 
 are circumstances which cannot fail to please and 
 gratify the traveller, from whatever clime he 
 comes. Indeed, the means of intellectual enjoy- 
 
XVili. IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 ment within reach are so varied and so numerous 
 that it is quite impossible any one should lack. 
 To the historical student, or archzlogist, most 
 of the cities are quite gems of attraction, there 
 is something in their sombre and venerable 
 appearance that is very interesting. As you 
 walk along the narrow streets of a Flemish 
 town your mind refuses to associate with pre- 
 sent things, and turns back at almost every ob- 
 ject to the history and recollections of the past. 
 Upon one side the venerable cathedral rises with 
 its immense steeple—from above, its sonorous 
 bell tolls like a peal of distant thunder, the tick- 
 ing of its huge clock beats loudly upon your ear, 
 and all contribute to bring to your mind the early 
 days of christianity and martyrdom. As you 
 enter, it may be from under a burning sun, sure 
 to enjoy the cool and delicious shade that per- 
 vades the interior of the building, you are struck 
 with the brilliant rays of coloured light glancing 
 from the lofty windows of painted glass, as they 
 fall upon some exquisite picture or statue of the 
 whitest marble, and these also are calculated to 
 eberish the feelings which I ‘endeavour to des- 
 cribe. When, again, you find yourself in the 
 streets, the drum is heard, the little fellow beats 
 lustily before the ‘“ Hotel de Ville,” the soldiers 
 run to their parade, the silent sentinel stands as 
 you approach him, and, listlessly turning on his 
 heel, looks you in the face; but you refuse him 
 even a thought, and remember the time when the 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XixX 
 
 honest burghers met within these walls, (making 
 their rulers tremble in their palaces,) and in rude 
 and loud harangues vowed for liberty or death. 
 ‘There again, the old gates are before you, their 
 huge grotesque hinges covered with rusty ara- 
 besque, reminding you not of modern warfare, 
 but of the matchlock and grenade. Such are 
 the objects and the associations that crowd upon 
 you as you enter a Flemish town. 
 In any of these interesting particulars Louvain 
 is not defictent; but, for the scholar there is a 
 deeper, a further interest. The University and 
 Colleges of this town were for centuries the most 
 renowned ; from out it came all that were dis- 
 tinguished in Western Europe. To associate 
 with the memories of these great men, might we 
 say, to make them live again, and as it were to 
 accompany them through their halls and their 
 cloisters, must, indeed, be to any man a pleasure. 
 Upon every side, as you wander through this 
 town, are the scattered remains of its “ colossal 
 University ;” almost every street is the “locale” 
 of one of its fifty Colleges. In one may be seen 
 the handsome porch with fluted columns; over 
 the doorway you can with difficulty read ‘ Col- 
 legium Mylianum,”—your view is interrupted 
 by the Belgian tri-colour which droops gracefully 
 from above, and further by a gilded tablet upon 
 which you see “Tribunal de Police;”’you will 
 say, “‘ tempora mutantur.”.. Another such entrance 
 
xx IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 will quickly meet your eye; above you see the 
 time-worn visage of some sainted patron, under- 
 neath the figure, the word “Brasserie” shines 
 in gilded letters—the place is now a brewery. 
 Again, you hear the tramp of horses, you look 
 curiously into the court-yard, you see a crowd of 
 waggons and diligences ; a small slender steeple 
 rises, in a further corner, from the red tyled 
 roof, and reminds you that the place was once 
 more hallowed ground. ‘These are some of the 
 monumental remains of this great University. 
 
 After entering the town upon the eastern side, 
 a few minutes walk leads you to the “Place du 
 Peuple.” Having turned to the left, and passing 
 the “ Hotel de Swede,” you reach the “ Rue des 
 Orphelins.” This street is about three hundred 
 yards in length and extends down a steep hill; 
 about its centre stood the Irish Pastoral College ; 
 the building is now converted into two or three 
 modern dwellings of red brick, no external trace 
 remains to remind one of its former occupants. 
 There was a large archway, or entrance, of cut 
 stone, with “Collegium Hibernum” over head, but 
 this has been removed for years. Upon making 
 inquiry, we found, that in the back part of the 
 building there were some mural monuments ; and, 
 having entered, the proprietors kindly led us into 
 their little gardens, and pointed at two stones, 
 fixed rather high in the walls, with inscriptions, 
 which were as follows :— 
 
TRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Xxi 
 
 EXCELLENTISSIMUS D. JOSEPHUS 
 SPINELLUS. ORIUNDUS EX MAR 
 CHIONIBUS TUSCALDL® ET PRINCI 
 PIBUS. S. ARCHANGELI IN REGNO 
 NEAPOLITANO. ABBAS S, CATHARI 
 NZ. NECNON. APOSTILICUS BELGY. 
 INTERNUNTIUS POSUIT DIE 
 27 JANY ANNI 1723. 
 
 EXCEL. D. IGNATIUS. BUSCA 
 ARCHIEPS EMESENUS 
 PATRITIUS MEDIOLANENSIS 
 ABBAS. S. PETRI ET COLACERI 
 NECNON APOSTILICUS 
 BELGY ETC. NUNTIUS 
 POSUIT 
 DIE 27. JANII. 1781. 
 
 These little monuments were erected to com- 
 memorate the visitations of the Pope’s Nuncios 
 in the years 1723 and 1781. No other relique 
 is to be found upon the premises—not a vestige 
 that could remind one of our countrymen or their 
 labours. At the bottom of the street there is 
 a field, of about three or four acres in extent, 
 with a small laundry attached; it formed a part of 
 the College grounds, and we were informed that 
 its rents are yet received by the “ Recteur Mag- 
 nifique” of the present University. 
 
 Before we allude to the Irish College any 
 further, it may be well to say a few words of the 
 great institution with which it was incorporated. 
 John, the fourth duke of Brabant, being anxious 
 to found a University in his dominions, fixed 
 upon Brussells as the site ; however, the magis- 
 
Xxii IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 trates and inhabitants were unwilling to accede 
 to the proposal of their prince, fearing, as they 
 said, the “danger of introducing a crowd of 
 tumultuous youths into their populous city.” * 
 The people of Louvain were better minded, and 
 petitioned that the offered boon should be con- 
 ferred upon them, and accordingly it was so. 
 William de Neefs was sent to consult the sove- 
 reign Pontiff upon the subject, and succeeded 
 in procuring the papal bulls of the 9th of De- 
 cember, 1425. By this document, Martin V. 
 authorised the dean and chapter of the Church 
 of St. Peter, the magistrates, commonality, &c., 
 of Louvain, to open an “étude generale” in all 
 faculties, except that’ of theology; and at the 
 same time conferred upon it all the liberties, im- 
 munities, and privileges, as enjoyed by the Uni- 
 versities of Vienna, Leipzig, Padua, and Mers- 
 bourg, from the Holy See. Armed with this 
 authority, Edmund de Dynter, the secretary of 
 John, attended at Louvain to open the College, 
 which was done upon the 23d of August, 1426 ; 
 and the public lectures: commenced upon the Ist. 
 of September following.t The first professors 
 were from Paris and Cologne; and, as a curious 
 picture of the times, it may be remarked that one 
 of these gentlemen, Jean de Groesbecke, received 
 
 * ‘* Histoire de l’Instruction Publique, par Theodore 
 Juste, secrétaire de la commission centrale d’instruction, 
 en Belgique ;” page 69. 
 
 Tt Chronique des Ducs de Brabant. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXit 
 
 five large measures of Rhenish wine, asa “ pot 
 de vin du marché,” before he undertook. his 
 duties in the professorship of law. 
 _ The course of study was completed in 1431, 
 _by the establishment of a faculty of theology by 
 _ Eugene IV., at the solicitation of Philip le Bon; 
 and soon after we find the university occupying 
 a first place as a school of theology, and sending 
 its representatives to the council of Basle, and 
 subsequently, in 1551, to the memorable council 
 of Trent. 
 In the following century the university rose to 
 a great degree of prosperity, not alone supplant- 
 ing its rivals, such as the academy of Dole 
 created by Philip le Bon, and another which was 
 erected at Douai* in 1559, but even equalling in 
 celebrity the University of Paris itself. The 
 cause of this remarkable growth may be traced 
 not alone to the excellency and learning of the 
 professors, but to the great privileges and im- 
 munities that were conceded to them and their 
 students. They were exempt from all civic au- 
 thority ; the Recteur Magnifique was as powerful 
 as a prince; kings, dukes, and nobles, vied with 
 each other in making grants and founding col- 
 leges and professorships ; so that, in two centuries 
 
 * This town, the university of which has been the 
 alma mater of so many Irishmen, belonged to the Bel- 
 gians, until the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, May 2, 1668, 
 a together with Lille, &c. &c., it was yielded to 
 
 rance. 
 
XXiV IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 from the foundation, there were no less than fifty 
 separate establishments, with their halls and 
 teachers, &c. These may be classed under five 
 different heads, namely, the theological schools, 
 those of jurisprudence, medicine, mixed or ge- 
 neral education, and the schools of the different 
 religious orders.* 
 
 The tyranny of some of the Spanish Lieu- 
 tenants, under whose dominion the country was 
 at this time, and the consequent discontent and 
 troubles, tended, about the year 1573, to retard 
 the prosperity of which we have been speaking. 
 This was increased by the foundation of a rival 
 in the University of Leyden, on the Sth of 
 January, 1575; this latter institution became the 
 great pillar of the reformation, and boasting of 
 such men as Grotius and Scaliger, soon appeared 
 for a while to equal that of Louvain; however, 
 after the peace of Ghent, the Archduke Albert 
 and his consort Isabella Clara Eugenia, being 
 entrusted with the government of Brabant, these 
 difficulties began to subside. 
 
 Among the most distinguished in the university 
 at this time, when as yet there was no Irish college 
 founded, was our countryman Peter Lombard ; he 
 had been elected primus in the school of Arts, 
 in the year 1575, and upon the kalends of Sep- 
 tember, 1594, was promoted to the degree of 
 
 * Nicolai Vernulei; Academia Lovaniensis, editio 2 da. 
 cap. 7, 8. et. 9. 
 
ERISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. ‘XXV 
 
 Doctor ;* he was subsequently head of the cathe- 
 dral church of Cambray, and finally Archbishop 
 of Armagh and primate of Ireland. Dermot 
 Hurley another Irishman, was one of the alumni 
 of the university a little later; he also became a 
 bishop, and suffered martyrdom.t 
 , Albert and Isabella, of whom we have already. 
 spoken, having now taken the university under 
 their special care, attended the course of lectures 
 delivered in 1599 by Justus Lipsius; and peace 
 having been concluded (1609) between Spain and 
 the United Provinces, the court of Rome, join- 
 ing the above illustrious personages, proceeded. 
 to re-organise the university, depriving the Rec- 
 teur Magnifique of his criminal jurisdiction,{ con- 
 ferring at the same time more suitable. privi- 
 leges; and once more the institution rose to its, 
 former grandeur. 
 . The fame of this University had even now 
 reached the distant city of Limerick ; and one of 
 its citizens, Matthew Theige,§ attracted by the 
 love of learning which was ever a passion with 
 the Irish, reached Louvain. He took his de- 
 grees as A.M. in 1622. John Sinigh|| of Cork 
 was chosen primus in his class two years after- 
 wards ; but of these we shall hereafter speak. _ 
 Eugene Mathew, being at this time Archbishop 
 
 * Fasti academici Lovaniensis, p. 130. 
 t Idem, p. 214. 
 Histoire de L’instruction Publique, p, 95. 
 § Fasti ica ate p. 143. | Idem. p. 144. 
 
XXV1 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. i 
 
 of Dublin, and knowing what his countrymen 
 were suffering, more especially those of the eccle- 
 siastical order, having seen that, by the magic 
 touch of English law, the exercise of conscience 
 had become the deepest crime, and love of 
 Treland the foulest treason, represented these 
 sad events to Urban VIII., and pressed upon 
 the sacred College the necessity of providing a 
 seminary, with a view of preparing missionaries 
 for the church in Ireland. The cardinals at once 
 entered into his views, and accordingly it was set- 
 tled that a college should be founded in Louvain ; 
 and by the Pope’s bull of the 14th of December, 
 1624, the preliminaries were all arranged.— 
 Urban himself having endowed it with a consi- 
 derable grant, a house was purchased, and the 
 college was opened ; the course of education was 
 rhetoric, philosophy, and theology, and the arch- 
 bishop himself established a bourse for the bene- 
 fit of the students from his diocese. 
 
 Nicholas Aylmer* was elected the first presi- 
 
 * In a catalogue of the books of Charles Major, canon 
 of Ghent, and professor in the University of Erford, 
 whose library was sold at Ghent in 1772, I find a book 
 written by Aylmer, ‘‘ Descriptio Hibernia,” Louvain, 
 1650. Ihave never seen the book, and, I believe, from 
 inquiries made, that it never found its way into these 
 kingdoms. It was sold for a fewcentimes. The Inz- 
 tium et exitus Geraldinorum, by Dominick O’Daly, a 
 Rosario, was sold at the same sale for something under 
 ten pence; it now brings as many pounds. It is to be 
 regretted that there is no public institution in Ireland 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXVil 
 
 dent; and the Collegium Pastorale Hibernorum 
 was soon one of the most flourishing in the uni- 
 versity. 
 
 We have now approached the time when 
 Nicholas French, the subsequently well-known 
 Bishop of Ferns, joined the university of Lou- 
 
 vain. Born in the county of Wexford* in 
 the year 1604, he was one of the first students 
 that entered the Irish secular college, over which 
 his zeal, ability, and learning enabled him to 
 preside as president. 
 
 However, these prosperous days of the Uni- 
 versity of Louvain were not without their trou- 
 bles ; a cloud was gathering in the distant, which 
 threatened the destruction of this honoured seat 
 of learning. Upon the death of the Infanta Isa- 
 bella, which happened upon the Ist of December, 
 1633, the Dutch again resolved to attempt the 
 subjugation of Belgium. A treaty, offensive and 
 
 whose librarian devotes attention to the collecting books 
 of this class. English collectors purchase them freely, 
 and we cannot help, in this respect, censuring our too 
 obvious neglect of a national duty. 
 
 * Through the kindness of Mr. Francis Codd of Bally- 
 tory we are enabled to identify the birth-place of Doctor 
 French. A MS. genealogy of the Rossiter family, with 
 whom the Doctor was maternally connected, and which 
 was placed at the disposal of the Editor, as well as the 
 tradition of the neighbourhood, fix the locale at the re- 
 sidence of the gentleman to whom we are indebted for 
 the information. 
 
 + Chroniques De St. Bavon a Gand, p. 53. 
 
XXVili IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 defensive, was entered into between that power 
 and France, and their combined army of 50,000 
 
 
 
 infantry and 11,000 cavalry, with a large park of | 
 artillery, entered the field. The Prince of 
 Orange, on account of his intimate knowledge of | 
 
 the country, was appointed commander-in-chief 5 
 under him served Marshals Chattillon and De 
 Brezé. Having beaten some few Spaniards in 
 the neighbourhood of Namur, this immense force 
 
 reached Tirlemont, and immediately attacked it. . 
 So small a town was sure to make but little stand | 
 
 before such an army, and, consequently, heralds 
 were sent to the Prince of Orange, offering to 
 
 surrender upon condition that the lives of its in- . 
 
 habitants (nothing more was demanded) should 
 be protected. While this truce was carrying 
 on, the besieged left the ramparts; and the 
 
 enemy, taking advantage of the temporary inac- 
 tivity, rushed in and occupied the town. The : 
 
 atrocities that followed are unequalled in the 
 annals of war. The churches were burned, the 
 ecclesiastics murdered at the altars, females, 
 
 young and old, were torn by the hair in the con- . 
 
 vents, (where they fled for shelter,) and in the 
 streets before their husbands, their brothers, and 
 their priests. For three days those dreadful scenes 
 continued ; nor did death itself check the rage 
 of the soldiery, for the very dead, bathed in 
 blood, continued to be the object of insult and 
 brutality. Upon the. third day the confederate 
 armies marched on, and upon the 20th of June, 
 
 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Xx1X 
 
 1635, proposed to pass the Dyle; having now 
 entered the heart of Brabant, all the country 
 between Brussells and Malines suffered alike 
 ferocities. 
 
 The inhabitants of Louvain now trembled at 
 their approach, and as a brilliant sun rose upon 
 the feast of the Baptist, it discovered to their 
 affrighted view this ferocious army—flushed with 
 all the pride and strength of continued conquest. 
 ' The French occupied the country about the 
 Porte de Brussells. Chatillon was at the con- 
 vent of Zerbank ; the division of Brezé occupied 
 the farms of Diependael and Meilleraye; the artil- 
 lery were drawn up at the ‘‘ Chateau de Haverle,” 
 and the devoted city appeared without escape. 
 
 It may be well here to describe the situation of 
 Louvain. It is surrounded upon three sides by a 
 hilly undulating country, forming itself into lines 
 like a series of waves, the closest of which is 
 about half-a-quarter of a mile from the ramparts; 
 these are low in comparison to the rising ground 
 outside, and form but a weak, if any, defence. 
 The natural features that we thus describe, gave 
 an enemy fearful odds; from any point their ar- 
 tillery could shower its balls upon the city, and 
 yet could be protected from sortie by the easy 
 movements of the cavalry outside. The guns 
 upon the ramparts could but badly reply to their 
 assailants, and the only mode of defence the 
 citizens could look to was, to storm the enemy’s 
 
 b3 
 
Xxx IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 position, to beat them off; and, then, what could | 
 
 a few regiments avail against 60,000 fighting 
 men ? 
 
 Perhaps the reader may be disposed to think 
 that the details of this celebrated siege should 
 
 not find a place in a work devoted rather to eccle- : 
 
 siastical than to military history; however, it 
 forms so striking an event in the annals of the 
 
 university, and besides our countrymen bore so | 
 
 distinguished a part in this great achievement, 
 
 that we trust the digression, if it be-one, will be 
 
 excused. * 
 
 In this dreadful emergency the “ Laivahiateal . 
 
 prepared for their defence ; their entire garrison 
 consisted but of four regiments, or about 4,000 
 
 men ; one of these was exclusively Irish, and but | 
 recently formed, t and commanded by Thomas : 
 Preston, the afterwards well known leader of the | 
 confederate Catholics, and distinguished, as the : 
 
 Belgium writer says, “among his countrymen 
 
 * And further it may be remarked that, we have no 
 
 account of the siege of Louvain, or the cotemporaneous : 
 campaigns in the Low Countries, accessible to the gene- 
 ral reader, although our countrymen bore a distin- » 
 guished part in these events. Mr. O’Conor in his : 
 
 ‘¢ Military Memoir of the Irish,” p. 68, says:—‘‘ From 
 
 1609 to 1653, I have not been able to trace them in any | 
 
 foreign service.” A considerable portion of this blank, 
 
 { 
 
 
 
 
 
 that he alludes to, is occupied by Preston and his brie 
 gade, and will make a new and interesting chapter for 
 
 the future military historian of the Irish nation. 
 tT ‘‘ Relation Raisonné du Siege de Louvain,” p. 6. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXXi 
 
 by birth, and among the Belgians by deeds of 
 valour and renown.” ‘Two Walloon regiments 
 and one German formed the remainder. The 
 students and domestics of the university formed 
 themselves into three cohorts. The theological 
 students forming the first; those of the other fa- 
 culties formed the second; and the servants com- 
 posed the third.* Francis Jean de Robles, the 
 ** Conservateur des Privileges,” placed himself at 
 their head. The citizens enrolled themselves 
 into five more cohorts. ‘The defence appeared, 
 really, little more than a forlorn-hope, yet the 
 defenders burned with enthusiasm, and took their 
 posts as marked out by the drawing of lots; and 
 all were commanded by an old veteran, Anthony 
 de Grobbendrock, in the 73rd year of his age. 
 The French having thrown up their out-works 
 and approaches, had now reached the very “ Porte 
 de Brussells,” where the Irish were stationed. 
 They laboured with unceasing activity, and were 
 only prevented from entering by the repeated 
 sorties of Preston and his followers. At sun-set 
 on the 26th, this brave commander examined well 
 the position of the enemy, and having collected 
 about ninety of the élite of his men, and twelve 
 sergeants, he addressed them thus: “It is in 
 vain, my countrymen, that we hold these gates 
 and entrenchments, unless we present an effica- 
 cious barrier to the enemy, who now approach us 
 
 * « Histoire de Louvain, par G. J. C. Piot,” p. 308. 
 
XXX IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 by subterraneous passages, like caves; let us 
 drive him from his retreats, unless we wish to be 
 driven from here, and upbraided for cowardice 
 in permitting his so near approach. Have you 
 less courage than he, or will you hesitate to come 
 and try, while he fears not toapproach? Don’t 
 believe that he is more formidable because he is 
 surrounded by earth; he is but the better ex- 
 posed to your blows, and the more he trusts in 
 his shelter, the more easily is he broken to pieces ; 
 his security but assures our victory. Pour upon 
 him with as much bravery as celerity, and prove 
 by his defeat how sacred in your eyes is the vow 
 of a soldier. As for nie, I shall watch upon the 
 heights of the walls, least the very “coup de 
 main” which we now prepare should be carried 
 against ourselves by an attack from the other 
 side. I will observe the movements of the 
 enemy; but I will be the witness of your cou- 
 rage ;—yes, in the midst of the men who now 
 surround me.”* 
 
 Preston had scarcely concluded this spirited 
 harangue when his troops rushed upon the enemy. 
 The trenches in which they were at work were 
 filled with their own blood, and in the exploit the 
 Irish lost but two men. The following night 
 Preston made another sortie in which his son be- 
 haved with great bravery. ‘The French, thus 
 harassed in their labours, determined to come to 
 
 * «* Relation du Siege,” p. 9. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXXII 
 
 the attack more openly. Trusting in their num- 
 bers, they forsook their trenches and covert at- 
 tacks, and. openly battered the walls of the city. 
 The. Jesuits, who were acting as a corps of pio- 
 neers, had thrown up a demi lune* near where 
 the Irish were stationed. The enemy endea- 
 voured to carry this by storm; they found the 
 defence more vigorous than their attack, and that 
 pickaxes were as much to be dreaded as the: 
 sword. No less than three regiments were led on 
 to the attack. The Irish were for a moment 
 overpowered by a more numerous force. How- 
 ever, a body of Germans came to their assistance, 
 and,{with the Jesuits, returned to the combat, 
 and drove back the enemy with considerable 
 slaughter. 
 
 The Dutch were, meanwhile, endeavouring to 
 effect an entrance or gain advantage at another 
 side of the city. Colonel Eynhont, who com- 
 manded the German regiment, which was in the 
 garrison, seeing that if the enemy occupied the 
 ** Montagne du Cynge,” arising ground which was 
 neat, they could batter the city with considerable 
 effect—determined to prevent this evil. Having 
 collected some of his men, he pointed out the 
 danger, and called upon them to do as the Irish 
 had done the night before. ‘Let us teach,” said 
 he, “the enemy, as well as the citizens, that 
 Germans are as brave as Irish.” And at night- 
 
 * «Histoire de Louvain,” p. 309. 
 
XXXIV IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 fall out they sallied to their work. Before break 
 of day the hill was properly fortified and manned, 
 in fact, had become a part of the city defences, 
 and out of the power of the attacking enemy. 
 The siege having now continued some days 
 with unabated vigour, the garrison determined 
 upon a grand sortie. Upon the evening of the 
 29th of June, 250 chosen men—Irish, German, 
 and Walloons—crept out at different gates and 
 met beneath a large tower, called “ Vestooren 
 Kost,” and built upon the walls néar the gates of 
 Malines, Vilvorde, and Brussells. This was ex- 
 ceedingly serviceable, for from the top could be 
 seen the movements of the enemy plainly. It of 
 course became an object of attack, and three bat- 
 teries had been playing upon it without material 
 damage. ‘The commander-in-chief was now above, 
 and the brave and devoted little band lay crouched 
 beneath in breathless anxiety. Preston was at 
 the head of his men “with naked arms and drawn 
 sword”.* The time had now arrived. A small bit 
 of paper was let fall from the tower as a signal of at- 
 tack; and they rushed upon the enemy. Numbers 
 fell before them—the ramparts were covered with 
 the dead. They pursued the enemy; until his 
 cavalry was brought up to check their onslaught, 
 the students and the citizens came up, upon the 
 other side, to the succour of their friends, and it 
 ended in one of the most brilliant exploits ever 
 
 * ‘* Relation du Siege,” p. 14. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXXV 
 
 accomplished. The French asked a truce for 
 four hours to bury their dead, it was granted, 
 while the little brigade were in safety within the 
 ‘walls; the hostilities were not again renewed 
 that night, the outposts were within a few feet 
 of each other, they were tired of slaughter, and 
 needed some temporary repose. 
 
 At break of day the fire was again renewed; 
 the enemy’s loss was so great that carts were em- 
 ployed continually in removing the dead. Upon 
 this day some German forces had come to the 
 assistance of the besieged. The Prince of 
 Orange now having entirely failed in his attempt, 
 was maddened with mortification and despair. He 
 summoned the city to surrender, and vowed that 
 he would treat it as he did Tirlemont, if the de- 
 fence was further protracted. Upon a rampart 
 near him he mounted red flags, a signal that 
 no quarter was to be given; such a step was 
 sure but to excite the besieged. A body of the 
 Trish rushed out to tear down these insulting 
 standards. And having gained the fort where 
 they proudly floated, not a man or gun was 
 to be found ; the enemy had fled. And thus the 
 siege which had commenced upon the 24th of 
 June under such disadvantages, was ended upon 
 July 4th by the disorderly retreat of the be- 
 siegers. 
 
 Of course this great victory was sure to excite 
 emotions of the deepest gratitude toward the 
 hand of Providence which had thus protected the 
 
XXXVi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN.- 
 
 city, and accordingly all the inhabitants met upon 
 the following Sunday to celebrate with solemn 
 rites their miraculous delivery. After grand 
 mass had been chanted at the church of St. Peter, 
 the procession was opened toward one o'clock by 
 the Capuchins marching first, followed by the 
 other mendicant orders. The Recollects marched 
 next in two lines, the one Belgians, and the other 
 Trish, for there was now .a convent for Irish as 
 well as Belgian friars of this order at Lou- 
 vain, and of which we will speak in the next 
 chapter; upon former occasions the inmates of 
 each house kept their respective places in what- 
 ever processions had hitherto been formed, but 
 upon this occasion the Belgians wished to mani- 
 fest the most cordial affection and gratitude to- 
 ward the Irish for their fidelity and courage upon 
 this memorable occasion, not alone in “ military 
 uniform,” but also, in “ the habit of St. Francis.”* 
 The different heads of the University and Col- 
 leges, and also those of the city followed in the 
 procession after the Religieux, and formed an im- 
 mense cortege, which, after proceeding through 
 the town, returned to St. Peter’s, and there again 
 a further religious ceremony was performed. Af- 
 ter this the inhabitants separated, and departing, 
 to the different quarters of the town, concluded 
 the festival with the most unbounded rejoicings. 
 . A little after this siege, Edmund Reilly, who 
 
 * Relation du Siege, p. 27. 
 
@ 
 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXXvVii 
 
 was a native of Dublin, and rather advanced in 
 years, (having beena parish priest in his own coun- 
 try), arrived at Louvain, for the purpose of studying 
 moral divinity under the Jesuits. Having taken up 
 his residence in the Irish pastoral college, he sub- 
 sequently became president, not leaving it until 
 1641, when, returning to Ireland with recommen- 
 datory letters to Thomas Fleming, Archbishop 
 of Dublin, he was made by that prelate Vicar- 
 General of his diocese,*and was also one of many, 
 who, from the presidency or professor’s chair at 
 Louvain, reached episcopal dignity, having been 
 subsequently elected Archbishop of Armagh, and 
 primate of Ireland. 
 
 The news of the difficulties which just now be- 
 set his countrymen, having reached Nicholas 
 French, who was in his collége at Louvain, induced 
 him to determine immediately upon returning to 
 Treland to assist them with his counsel;} and hav- 
 ing been appointed parish priest of Wexford, he 
 became of such repute both for “ elocution, beha- 
 viour, prudence and integrity,”{ that he was cho- 
 sen one of the representatives of that town in the 
 assembly of the confederate Catholics at Kil- 
 kenny. Mathew Theige, of whom we have before 
 spoken, was about the same time chosen Professor 
 of Greek in thecollege of Busleiden,and having ri- 
 
 * Walsh’s History of the Irish Remonstrance, p. 608, 
 + Chroniques de St. Bavon, p. 53. 
 ¢ Walsh’s Remonstrance, p. 613. 
 
 c 
 
¥ 
 
 XXXVIli IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 sen to further honours, was at last chosen presi-~. 
 dent of the Irish Pastoral College. He after- 
 
 wards bequeathed to the institution a sum of 
 
 money for the benefit of students, who were natives 
 
 of the city of Limerick. Upon the left hand side, 
 
 and a little behind the altar of St. Peter’s may be 
 
 seen a handsome tomb-stone which marks his 
 
 grave; it is inlaid with white marble, but the 
 
 epitaph is almost obliterated by the tramp of per- 
 
 sons visiting the cathedral. A few lines are yet 
 discernible, enough to indicate the name and 
 
 birth-place of the individual whose death it com- 
 
 memorates. 
 
 MATHAUS THEIGE 
 
 * * * * 
 * * * * 
 LIMERICENSIS. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 It does not appear that John Sinnigh whom 
 we have before mentioned, in connection with 
 Mathew Theige, was ever a member of the Irish 
 College; he became “ Rector Semestris” of the Uni- 
 versity, an appointment of considerablehonour, and 
 only enjoyed by the most distinguished. In the year 
 1667, Walter Enos was president, and as neither 
 the Fasti Academici of Andreas, nor the second 
 édition of Vernulzus come any farther than this 
 period, we are unable to give the names of his 
 successors in the presidency. Any thing in re- | 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. XXXiX 
 
 ference to the University, from this last date, 
 must be collected from the general history of the 
 city, and it is to be regretted that even this is so 
 occupied with details of the wars of the time, that 
 little or nothing in reference to the colleges can 
 even there be found ; it might, perhaps, have been 
 possible, to weave the table containing a list of the 
 Founders, &c. of the Irish College, which is given 
 at the end of this chapter, into something like a 
 narrative; however, it was thought it would be more 
 acceptable to the reader entire as it was found. 
 _ It is needless here to repeat the events which 
 drove Doctor French once more to return to Lou- 
 vain ; suffice it to say, that he was received as ina 
 place which had been in youth to him a second coun- 
 try.* It is supposed that it was during this se- 
 cond visit he became president of the Irish Col- 
 lege ; subsequently he took up his residence at 
 Ghent, and was appointed Coadjutor Bishop to 
 M. d’Allamont, who treated him with the affection 
 of abrother. He died in the latter city upon the 
 28th of August, 1678, at the advanced age of 74, 
 and was buried at the foot of the grand altar in 
 the parish church of St. Nicholas. A slab of 
 the purest marble, and decorated with the car- 
 dinal’s hat, armorial bearings, &c. in honour of his 
 memory, has the following laudatory but truthful 
 inscription : 
 
 *Chroniques de St. Bayon, p. 53. 
 
xl IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 VIRTUS IN AUGUSTIIS 
 D. Oo. M. 
 SISTE, VIATOR, AUDI, LEGE, LUGE, 
 HIC JACET 
 ILLUSTRISSIMUS AC REVERENDISSIMUS PRESUL 
 NICOLAUS FRENCH 
 FERNENSIUM IN HIBERNIA EPISCOPUS HUMILIS: 
 SACRE CAPELLE PONTIFICIZ COMES ASSISTENS: 
 SUPREMI CONCILII REGNI HYBERNIZ CONSILIARIUS, 
 AB EODEM AD INNOCENTIUM X. PAP CUM AUTHORI- 
 TATE DEPUTATUS: 
 ILLUSTRISSIMORUM AC REVERENDISSIMORUM 
 EPISCOPORUM S. JACOBI IN GALLICIA; 
 PARISIENSIS IN GALLIA, AC DEMUM GANDENSIS IN 
 FLANDRIA 
 COADJUTOR INDEFESSUS: 
 HERESIARCHARUM, AC HERETICORUM TAM VERBO, 
 QUAM CALAMO PROFLIGATOR ACERRIMUS, 
 COLLEGII PASTORALIS HYBERNORUM LOVANIL ALUM- 
 NUS, MAGISTER, PRESES, BENEFACTOR 
 FUNDATA IBIDEM BURSA 180. FLOR ANNUE 
 IN PERPETUUM PRO CAPACIORIBUS - 
 INGENIIS: 
 
 TANDEM EXULATUS SUI A DILECTIS, PATRIA, 
 EPISCOPATU ET GREGE OB FIDEM ANNO 205. 
 PRESUL EMERITUS EMENSIS PRO ECCLESIA DEI 
 INNUMERIS PERICULIS AC PERSECUTIONIBUS 
 CUNCTIS SEMPER GRATUS, OMNIBUS SPECTABILIS, 
 NON SINE MAGNO PATRIE SUZ PREJUDICIO, 
 BONORUMQUE, SUSPIRIIS AC LACYRMIS 
 HOC MARMORE TEGITUR, QUI VERE FUIT 
 ANIMO PONTIFEX, VERBO ANGELUS VITA SACERDOS, 
 OBIIT GANDAVI IN METROPOLI FLANDRIZ: 
 ETATIS 74., EPISCOPATUS ANNO 30. 
 INCARNATIONIS DOMINICEH 1678. MENSIS AUGUSTI 23 
 REQUIESCAT IN PACE. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. xli 
 
 His funeral oration was, upon the 19th of July 
 following, pronounced by Thomas Stapleton, who 
 was also an Irishman, and one of the most distin- 
 guished scholars at Louvain; upon several occa- 
 sions he was elected to the greatest academical 
 dignity that could be conferred, namely, “Recteur 
 Magnifique” of the University. This latter indi- 
 vidual was a native of Fethard in the county 
 Tipperary, and the grandson of Thomas, lord of 
 Thurlesbeg, Knockane, Neveagh, and Karrighine 
 in the same county; his mother was Eleanor 
 Meagher, and, strange to say, his grandmother’s 
 name was Meagher also, being Honora Meagher 
 of Barnagne.* Doctor Stapleton died in the 
 Jrish Pastoral College, upon the 14th of August, 
 1694; he granted by his will a large sum to this 
 institution, having founded no less than seven 
 bourses for Irish students with some limitations 
 in favour of his kindred, &c. &e., although pre- 
 sident of the “ Collegium Mylianum,” which con- 
 sequently might have expected his favour. 
 
 His friends erected a very handsome monu- 
 ment to his memory, which may be seen at the 
 left hand side as you enter the church of St. Pe- 
 ter. A large slab of black marble is inserted in 
 the wall bearing an epitaph. Over head is a 
 finely executed. bust in white marble, two Jarge 
 allegorical figures stand at either side, and a dra- 
 pery falls gracefully from above, contrasting ef- 
 
 * Chroniques de S. Bavon, Vol. ii. 7. 
 
xl IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 fectively with the black slab which bears the in- 
 scription which runs thus: 
 
 D. O. M. 
 ET MEMORIA 
 VIRI CLARISS. D. THOM STAPLETONI, 
 FIDARDIENSIS IBERNI PRESBYTERI 
 JURIS UTRIUSQUE DOCTORIS 
 ET 
 S. CANONUM PROFESSORIS ORDINARII, 
 HUJUS ECCLESIZ CANONICI SENIORIS, 
 AC COLLEGII MYLIANI PR2ESIDIS, 
 ACADEML#® VICIBUS DENIS 
 RECTORIS MAGNIFICI, 
 HIC SEPULTI ’ 
 HZREDES AC EXECUTORES “ 
 TESTAMENTI ET PIZ FUNDATIONIS EJUS, 
 POSUERUNT. 
 OBIIT SEPTUAGENARIO MAJOR, 
 XIX. KAL. SEPTEMB. CIO. I0C. XCIV. 
 REQUIESCAT IN PACE. AMEN. 
 
 Toward the close of the 17th century, clouds 
 appeared to darken too thickly over the Univer- 
 sity and Colleges of Louvain. The ambition of 
 Louis XIV. led him into many attempts for the 
 conquest of the Low Countries; the city of 
 which we are speaking was several times threat- 
 ened by French armies, the University doors 
 
 were thrown open, and the distracted students ~ 
 
 driven to work at the fortification and defences. 
 These troubles increased upon the death of Charles 
 If. in the year 1700; the war of the succes- 
 sion then commenced ; the Count d’ Anjou the son 
 of Louis having been placed upon the throne of 
 Spain, the occupation of Flanders and Brabant 
 was an event sure to follow; Louvain was taken by 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. xii 
 
 the French, and the river Dyle flowing through the 
 city was made a line of numerous defences. The 
 University and its fifty colleges, the chapels and 
 convents were hastily turned into magazines and 
 stores filled with provisions. England, Germany, 
 Prussia, Denmark, and Holland confederated to 
 beat down this usurpation; the French were 
 beaten by Marlborough upon the plain of Ra- 
 millies ; the people of Louvain declared against 
 them also, and in favour of Charles III.; and thus 
 they were finally beaten out of the country. 
 
 In gratitude to the Lovanistes, whose spirited 
 conduct upon this late occasion, had a very ani- 
 mating effect upon the other citizens, and inhabi- 
 tants of the country, Charles presented them 
 with a golden key, which is preserved among 
 them to the present day as a valued relique. 
 
 The commencement of the reign of Maria 
 Therese was the signal for further aggression 
 upon the part of the French. Louvain and other 
 cities fell into their hands, and continued so un- 
 til the year of 1749. From this period the coun- 
 try enjoyed some repose, and the empress conci- 
 liated the feelings and affections of her people. 
 
 Many relatives of Thomas Stapleton, were from 
 time to time professsors and students at Louvain ; 
 there were some of his own name, besides others 
 maternally connected. His nephew William 
 Smith, also from Tipperary, was a licentiate in 
 Law, and died in 1702; he is buried in the cha- 
 pel of St. Livin. Another relative, Mr. John 
 

 
 &liv IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 Kempt, was president of the Irish College in 
 1756. About this period there were many claim- 
 ants, and consequently disputes, in reference to 
 Doctor Stapleton’s bequests. Members of his own, 
 and the Power, Meagher, and Ryan families 
 all thought themselves entitled to the privileges 
 conferred upon his kindred. 
 - In the “ Archives du Royaume,” at Brussells, 
 there are quantities of papers in the Latin, 
 French, and Flemish languages, being statements, 
 petitions, pedigrees, &c., that were laid before 
 J. B. Marchant, and the other visitors, appointed 
 to look after the Stapleton foundations, and some 
 of them addressed to Maria Therese herself. 
 Nothing of interest to the general reader, is to 
 be found among them, and but one English do- 
 cument; which is here given; it is a letter ad- 
 dressed to the President of the Irish College, by 
 one of the members of that institution, after his 
 arrival in Ireland. It presents an interesting 
 picture of what the Roman Catholic clergy suf- 
 fered in this country at so late a period, and the 
 happy and contented spirit with which they bore 
 the many privations to which they were subjected. 
 Upon the back is the following superscrip- 
 tion :— 
 
 ‘ To Mr. Kent, worthy President of the Irish College at 
 Louvain, Brabant, Flanders.” 
 Most Dear AND WorTHY PRESIDENT, 
 I fear my long silence has given you some uneasiness, 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. sly 
 
 my long passage and an ardent desire of throughly sa- 
 tisfieing your Reverence upon the commission you were 
 pleased to charge me with; have hitherto robbed me of 
 the pleasure of acquainting you of my safe arrival. 
 
 I left the Briel the 10th of 7 ber, and made the har- 
 bour of Corke without the least interruption the 26th of 
 said month, for contrary winds obliged us often to visit 
 both sides of the channel, particularly between the 
 Isle of White and Havre de Grace. My books were 
 seized at Cove, and sent to the Custom-house to be over- 
 halled. I pleaded for ‘em personally, and recovered 
 em with the compliment of sending them by a porter, 
 at their expenses, to my lodging. My pocket was so 
 bare that I had not the 10 pence to write from Corke ; 
 and my family affairs were so deranged, that I required 
 time to equipp myself for the journey to Carrigg. My 
 first visit was to the Bishop; he ordered a universal 
 change in my apparel, a new suit must be made, a vest- 
 ment bought, and all utensils must be in readiness be- 
 fore I could be emploid, and even dreaded my dress 
 would betray me to the resentment of the government. 
 I wrote, in the interim, a letter of apology to Mr. Con- 
 way and Mr. Hallinane, and received an obliging 
 answer to each; the former tells me that the Vicar 
 Capitular desired a part of the emoluments of St. 
 John’s-Gate should be sequestered to revert to the suc- 
 ceeding Bishop who he presumes will be parish priest of 
 said parish, but that he refused him. 
 
 I lately visited the Leatenant in the county of Kil- 
 kenny, and in the road called on Lector O’Connor at 
 Clougheane, who assured me that Sexton refused to 
 answer Lector Dwyer’s invitation, and prefers his con- 
 
 c2 
 

 
 xlvi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 dition in Waterford to the triennial broils of the cross: 
 I dropped the compliments of the Mrs. Burks, near 
 Clonmel, at Nelly Kent’s house, a mannerly and well- 
 educated woman, and prayed her to send their parents 
 an account of his condition. I pleaded much for 
 Martin, but in vain, for I was assured the blunt father 
 will not remit him a farthing. 
 
 I paid my respects to Doctor Creagh, in Carrigg; he 
 received me most politely ; invited me to a dinner, and 
 gave me faculties for his diocess; told me further, that 
 he lately received a letter from you, and that if peace 
 was concluded he would see you next spring. 
 
 Doctor Power’s mother treated me most liberally at 
 
 her house to an evening bowl, and enjoyed there the 
 
 company of blundering Kenelly who is become as odious 
 to the folks of that town as he was to the crew of St. 
 Antony. 
 
 I had the honour to see your sister, and discoursed 
 her and her husband a considerable time; she is little 
 obliged to Doctor Creagh for his officious news in writing 
 to you about her marriage, and greatly admires why 
 you don’t answer Mr. Power’s letter of Clinstown, as 
 you are not pleased to favour herself with one, she fears 
 her marriage has offended you, and, indeed, I think that 
 she, an only sister, is worthy at least of your corre 
 spondence, and that the husband is a prudent, indus- 
 trious man; they are a fond couple, and keep the outs 
 side very decently. She has person, language, and 
 education becoming a sister of your Reverence, and 
 does not want other good qualities worthy of your 
 attention. 
 
 I gave Mr. Stapleton your letter. He has not forsaken 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. xlvii 
 
 the mammon of iniquity, neither has he publicly ab- 
 jured his principles as you were informed. I strove to 
 reconcile him, but he had his excuses ; his opinion of the 
 genealogy ; that he saw Winifrida Meagher of Rodestown, 
 and that consequently she could not be grand-aunt to 
 Doctor Stapleton ; further, that the family of Rodestown 
 was nota branch of the Doctor’s family. The St. John’s 
 assured me upon honour and conscience, that Ryan’s 
 doings (tho’ he wished him well) were no better than 
 patched work and imposition in the highest degree; and 
 that the Leautenant was much blamed by Tom Hen- 
 nesy for encouraging Ryan as he thought. 
 
 Father Power of Feddins died lately. Lector Farrell’s 
 life is dispaired off. Squire Wise has greatly reformed 
 Lector M‘Carthy ; he gave him a suit of clothes, and 
 desired him make his house his own. Doctor Creagh 
 told me that Mr. Aheron parted for Brabant, otherwise 
 I would cross the Craggy Mountains to execute the 
 commission of my special friend, Doctor Brown, tho’ 
 now I do not despond of seeing his good brother often. 
 
 As to my own condition, I am promoted, without 
 previous examen, to the care of souls in the pleasant 
 district of Middletown, among a peaceable, reasonable, 
 good people ; and his Lordship was kind enough to pro- 
 cure me good lodgings pro tempore. I have but the 
 dues of a coadjutor, tho’ I serve the entire district, as 
 my principal is eld and of great bulk, and the walk is so 
 cool, and the country so agreeable, that I do not find 
 myself much hardshipped. His Lordship, indeed, pro- 
 fesses vast friendship for you, and esteems very much 
 your correspondence. He told me that he sent Mr. 
 Clery his dismissorials, and constituted yourself Vicar- 
 
xlviii. IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. | 
 
 General, with full power to give his subjects, residing 
 with your Reverence, faculties when you thought proper. 
 I beg, Sir, you'll be pleased to thank him for my pro- 
 motion, as I believe it is at present the first place in his 
 gift. Mr. Clery may know that I was to see his mother. 
 I prevailed upon ’em to send him nine pounds; they 
 were not very forward to relieve him, till I explained 
 his wants, and assured ’em that he was priested last 
 7 ber. Mr. Lonergan’s father is very ill of the dropsey, 
 and lives with his brother. I discoursed Doctor Power 
 about Will, and praised him highly to the Bishop, who 
 is much presented in his favour since his acquaintance 
 with him in Flanders; but the Doctor advanced nothing 
 about his preferment, on the contrary, he told me he 
 had no urgent necessity for help as yet. Iam impatient 
 to hear from my pair of philosophers. Pray, let me 
 know their promotion, and how it stands with Doctor 
 Brown, and not to forget Mr. Wise. Pardon, Dear 
 Sir, the fault, if any I have committed; and, be as- 
 sured that I shall eagerly snatch: at any occasion to 
 convince your Reverence of the esteem with which I am, 
 Reverend Sir, 
 
 Your obliged, humble, and 
 Most obedient Servant, 
 J. CANGLEY. 
 
 D.S. Mr. Lonergan, Mr. Clery, and my brother may 
 expect, by next post, news from their friends. 
 
 My address is at James Barry, gentleman, at Middle- 
 town. 
 
 Mr. Morison salutes you most respectfully. 
 
 Middletown, 9 ber, 1759. 
 
 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. xlix 
 
 Joseph the Second, who was now Emperor, 
 and had succeeded Maria Therese, was by no 
 means as fortunate as his predecessor. His intro- 
 duction to the Lovanistes was accompanied by a 
 supercilious rudeness,* which was by no means 
 calculated to conciliate citizens, who, upon many 
 occasions were the recipients of royal condescen- 
 sions. 
 
 His measures in reference to the educational 
 and religious institutions of the country are well 
 known. One of the first acts of his reign, was to 
 interfere with the privileges of this university. 
 Several convents were suppressed, or their rights 
 interfered with or curtailed. This, of course, 
 was opposed by the heads of the church, and the 
 country became excited. Pamphlets and songs, 
 the ever sure heralds of organic or constitu- 
 tional changes among a people, appeared in 
 numbers ; and, together with even sermons them- 
  selves,f roused the “ Patriotes” in defence of their 
 _ religion, and brought about a revolution. 
 | The unhappy author of these disasters, died in 
 1790, and was succeeded by his brothers, Leopold 
 and Francis, the former having lived but two years. 
 But our sketch is now drawing to a close. The 
 demon of the French Revolution had got loose. 
 The Austrians were beaten at Jenappe ; and the 
 French general, Demourier, occupied Louvain. 
 However the University yet lived among the wreck 
 
 * Histoire de Louvain, p. 354. + Ibid. p. 340. 
 
1 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 which appeared crumbling about it; the “ Lo- 
 vanistes” resisted some measures imposed by their 
 conquerors ; and the French, having met with 
 some reverses, evacuated Belgium. The country 
 appeared now to breathe freely, but only for a mo- 
 ment. Pichegru and Jourdan were again on the 
 frontier; they quickly occupied the country, and it 
 became a part of the French Republic in 1795. 
 Upon the 25th of October, 1797, the halls, col- 
 leges, &c., after a time-honoured reign of over 
 three hundred years, were suppressed ; their pro- 
 fessors and students scattered, and their property 
 confiscated. For months the road to Brussells 
 was covered with huge military waggons, crowded 
 with the most rare exotic, and hot-house plants, for 
 Louvain was ever celebrated for botanical pro- 
 ductions ; the most costly and elaborate chemical 
 apparatus were crowded one upon another, and 
 broken to pieces before they went upon their - 
 journey. Scarce and valuable missals, church 
 ornaments, illuminated MSS. &c. and books, were 
 heaped in piles upon the carriages and were all 
 carried away under the unbridled escort of a re- 
 volutionary army. A very few of these valua- 
 ble treasures survived their removal, or reached 
 their intended destination. Their destruction, 
 rather than preservation, was the object. The 
 conquerors appear to have been successful, and 
 thus terminates the history of this celebrated 
 University. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. li 
 
 The following Table presents a list of the Founders; 
 &e., of the Irish Pastoral College of Louvain, and was 
 prepared by order of the Austrian government, in 1785, 
 with reference to some of the changes which Joseph II. 
 was at that time effecting in the educational institutions 
 of Belgium. The original is to be found in the ‘‘ Archives 
 du Royaume” of Brussells. P. Macve, Licentiate in 
 Theology, was President and Recteur of the College, at 
 the time of this inquiry. 
 
 Matuew, Archbishop of Dublin, in 1624 founded a 
 bourse of 2000 florins, which produced a yearly revenue 
 of 48 florins, for natives of his diocese, being students 
 in Theology and Philosophy; the collation was in the 
 Archbishop of Dublin, Edward Purcell was in the en- 
 joyment of this from 1784 up to the time of the visita- 
 tion. The Archbishop founded a second bourse of 2,871 
 florins, the same year, producing about 100 florins yearly 
 for his next of kin, in the first instance, and secondly 
 for natives of the diocese of Clogher. Charles Mac 
 Kenna held this since 1780. The presentation was in 
 the gift of the Bishop of Clogher. ° 
 
 James NorME., in 1653, granted 998 florins for stu- 
 dents in Philosophy, Theology, Humanity, Law and 
 _ Medicine. The Visitors and President of the College 
 _ had the presentation ; and, the grant was to be held by the 
 founders next of kin in the first instance, and then a 
 _ preference, in the following order, was to be given to 
 natives of Clonmel, Lismore, Munster, and Ireland.— 
 Edward Cantillon enjoyed this since 1784. 
 
 Hvuen Maoricy, in 1680, granted 2,373 florins for 
 students in the same departments as the last, and in the 
 _ gift of the same persons; to be enjoyed by his next of 
 kin in the first instance, and then in default, by natives 
 of Galway, Connaught, Ireland, and lastly, Buygenhout, 
 in Flanders. Patrick Rouland enjoyed this since 1784. 
 
 Rocer Norrinenam, in 1692, granted 1000 florins 
 
hi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 for the same studies as last, excepting Humanity and 
 Law; and this was also in the gift of the same persons, 
 with the Archbishop of Dublin, to be enjoyed by his 
 next of kin, to the fourth degree; then by natives of 
 Dublin, Leinster, and the parish of St. Nicholas at 
 Ghent. Charles Finn held this since 1783. 
 
 Martuew Tueice, in 1652, gave 5,702 florins for 
 students in Philosophy and Theology, to be presented 
 by the Visitors and President, to be held by the kindred 
 of the founder, then by natives of Limerick, or in de- 
 fault by natives of Ireland. Held by Patrick Cleary 
 and Edward Cantillon since 1780 and 1784. 
 
 NicHoias FRencuH, in 1683, granted 600 florins for 
 students in Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Theology. The 
 presentation was in the Bishop of Ferns and the Presi- 
 dent of the College; his next of kin had the preference, 
 then natives of the diocese of Ferns, and in default, 
 natives of Ireland. E. Ennis enjoyed it since 1781. 
 
 THomas Hurtey, in 1697, granted 3,200 florins for 
 students in Philosophy, Theology, Humanity, Law, and 
 Medicine. The presentation was in the President and 
 Visitors of the College, to be held first by his next of 
 kin, then natives of Limerick, Tipperary, Munster, and 
 in default, the natives of Ireland. Held by Thomas 
 Hurley since 1783. 
 
 ARNOLD ConoLiy, in 1715, granted 2383 florins 
 for students in Philosophy and Theology, the presentation 
 being in the President of the College, and to be held 
 first by the next of kin of the founder, and then by 
 ‘natives of the diocese of Clogher, held by Charles Mac- 
 kenna since 1780. 
 
 Paut Rocueg, P.P. of Wexford, as the executor of 
 his uncle, David Roche, P. P. of Forth, in 1727, granted 
 6008 florins for students in Humanity, Philosophy, 
 Theology, and the Arts, to be enjoyed by his next of 
 kin, to the third degree, and then in order, by natives 
 of theBarony of Forth, Wexford, and diocese of Ferns. 
 The presentation was in the President of the College, 
 
“IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lit 
 
 and P. P. of Wexford, provided he was a native of 
 Wexford, and in case he was not, then, in his place, the 
 oldest curate in the Barony of Forth, with two citizens 
 of Wexford. Charles O’Brien and Mathew Cood held 
 this since 1783. ; 
 
 Raymonp Macratu, M.D., in exercitu cesari sue 
 majestatis, in 1780, granted 9402 florins for students in 
 Humanity, Philosophy, Theology, and Medicine, to 
 be enjoyed by the next of kin of the founder. J. Mac- 
 cabe and H. Maccabe enjoyed this from 1775 and 1779, 
 respectively. 
 
 Epmonp Trouy, merchant of Antwerp, in 1783, 
 granted 4585 florins for students in Humanity, and all 
 other studies. ‘The Visitors and President of the College 
 were the presentors ; and next of kin, and in default na- 
 tives of Tipperary were to be elected. William Britt 
 enjoyed this since 1782. 
 
 He LEN Durenan, in 1770, granted 7848 florins for 
 students in Poetry, Rhetoric, Philosophy, Medicine, 
 Theology, and public disputation. The Presentation 
 was in the Archbishop of Cashel, the Bishop of Water- 
 
 ‘ford, the Parish Priest of Clonmel, Mr. Mac Carthy, 
 ‘and the oldest heir male of the founder. J. Dogherty 
 -and Daniel Mac Carthy enjoyed this since 1777 and 1784, 
 respectively. 
 
 Tuomas Tyrrew, in 1771, granted 4800 florins for 
 students in Rhetoric, Philosophy, Theology, and public 
 disputation. The presentation was to be in the next of 
 kin; this individual was, in 1785, G. F. Brown; the pri- 
 viled persons were the next of kin to the sixth degree, 
 and in default, natives of Westmeath or Ireland. Patrick 
 Clinch held this since 1783. 
 
 CotomBA Morgan, a citizen of Dublin, in 1777, 
 granted 7044 florins for students in Philosophy and 
 Theology; and also for two priests, natives of Dublin, 
 with an obligation to say one Mass daily for the founder. 
 The presentation was in the Archbishop of Dublin. 
 
liv IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 Lan Ryan and Edward Purcell enjoyed this since 
 781. 
 
 J. Kent, in 1781, granted 7007 florins for students 
 in all departments to be held by his kindred to the fourth 
 degree, and then by natives of Lismore and Waterford. 
 The presentation was in the Archbishop of Waterford 
 and the visitors and president of the College. Mathew 
 Power enjoyed this since 1784. 
 
 * O’BRIEN, in 1769, granted 217 florins for Irish 
 students in Philosophy and Theology; and 225 florins 
 to an Irish priest to say Mass daily in the College Chapel. 
 The Bishop of Cloyne and President of the College were 
 the presentors. Patrick Ryan and Philip Daniel Mac 
 Carthy held this since 1782 and 1784, respectively. 
 
 T. SuLiivan, in 1699, granted 732 florins for Irish 
 students in Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Theology, for 
 his relations of the secend degree, provided they were 
 born in Ireland. The presentation was in two Doctors 
 of Theology chosen by the Rector in ‘‘ Strict Faculty.” 
 John Fitzgerald and M. Sullivan enjoyed this since 1780, 
 M. Sullivan since 1782, and Daniel Magrath since 
 1784. 
 
 FLORENCE SULLIVAN, in 1732, granted 1098 florins 
 for students in Philosophy, ‘Theology, Law, and Medi- 
 cine, a preference to be given his kindred to the third 
 degree, then to the O’Sullivans of Kerry, the Mac 
 Carthys of Kerry, or natives of Kerry, Cashel, or 
 Ulster. The eldest Doctor in Theology, the President 
 of the College, and the eldest Visitor were the Pre- 
 sentors. 
 
 Independent of the above grant, the College was en- 
 dowed by Urban VIII., by a M. Shinkel, and by 
 Mathew Prosser, a merchant of Bruges, and native of 
 Waterford, with sums making altogether about 8000 
 florins, besides the bequest of Thomas Stapleton, which 
 provided for seven students in various departments, and 
 to which we have already alluded. 
 
 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lv 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE IRISH FRANCISCAN COLLEGE OF ST. ANTHONY 
 OF PADUA. 
 
 THE IRISH DOMINICAN COLLEGE OF ST. THOMAS 
 AQUINAS. 
 
 Arter leaving the “Rue des Orphelins” and 
 the site of the Irish Pastoral College, we entered 
 the “ Grand Place,” where the “Hotel de Ville” 
 is situated, close to the Church of St. Peter. 
 Although perhaps impatient to pass on, and view 
 the scenes more immediately connected with your 
 countrymen, the gorgeous beauty of this match- 
 less structure, will arrest you for a while. It 
 would be impossible to describe, much less ex- 
 aggerate, its beauty. The front appears at a dis- 
 tance a little confused ; the immense quantity of 
 minute decoration produces this effect—it looks 
 like a piece of the richest lace. However, it 
 will bear the closest inspection, every window, 
 every stone and angle is beautifully carved, the 
 fruit of incessant labour and most correct design. 
 
 After leaving this, the finest specimen of Gothic 
 architecture in Europe, you enter the “Vieux 
 Marché.” At the end of the street, there is a 
 
lvi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 large building yet occupied as a school, and now 
 held by the Josephites; it was in it that Mr. 
 O’Connell received part of his education, and 
 the towns-people speak as if the honourable 
 gentleman was not forgotten there. Proceed- 
 ing a little further in the same direction, you 
 descend the “ Marché aux Pores,” and at the bot- 
 tom of the hill, where the market ends, you may 
 perceive a small porch or entrance, not sutli- 
 ciently large to admit a carriage, yet larger than 
 an ordinary doorway. It is the entrance to what 
 ‘yet remains of the most celebrated of the Irish 
 Colleges of Louvain, dedicated to St. Anthony 
 of Padua, and originally founded for Irish Friars 
 Minor, of the order of St. Francis of the Strict 
 Observance. 
 
 The little porch that we have described, is 
 surrounded by a narrow band of cut stone. The 
 following inscription is engraved upon the key- 
 stone of the arch :— 
 
 COLLEGIUM 
 ST. ANTONII DE PADUA 
 1775. 
 
 This date merely records the erection of the en- 
 trance, for the College was founded near two 
 centuries before. 
 
 The outer door opens at a touch, and you enter 
 a little garden about ten yards in length; a nar- 
 row walk leads to another gate about the same 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lvii 
 
 dimensions, and upon either side is a row of 
 cedar and acassia. We rung the bell, and a 
 “Frere de Charité,” (one of the present inmates), 
 dressed in black serge, the habit of his order, 
 partially opened the door. Astonished, perhaps, 
 at our intrusion, he was about closing it impa- 
 tiently ; however, the moment he heard that we 
 were strangers, a new thought seemed to cross 
 his mind, and the door opened to its greatest 
 width. With downcast head he silently led us 
 into the small waiting-room, and then bowing 
 most profoundly, quickly departed. 
 In the little entrance hall, close by the door 
 upon the western side, a small stone of greyish 
 marble is inserted in the white-washed wall; 
 upon it are inscribed the following lines, they 
 are in commemoration of laying the founda- 
 tion stone of the College upon the 7th of May, 
 1617 :-— 
 
 IN HONOREM 
 D.O. M. 
 
 SERENISSIMI PRINIPES 
 ALBERTUS ET ISABELLA, 
 ARCHIDUCES AUSTRIZ 
 DUCES BURGUNDIA, 
 PRINCIPES BELGARUM 
 ECCLESIZ HUJUS ANTONIO DE PADUA 
 SACRZ LAPIDEM 
 ANGULAREM 
 FRATRIBUS MINORIBUS 
 HIBERNIS POSUERUNT 
 VII IDUS MAII © I0C XVII. 
 
 
 
lviti IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 We had not remained more that a few minutes 
 in the waiting-room, when another of the Bre- 
 thren entered, no sooner had we mentioned the 
 object of our mission, than he invited us to a 
 full inspection of the buildings, and we proceeded 
 to the chapel. 
 
 This isa long and narrow building, forming 
 the northern wing of the college. The ceil- 
 ing is lofty and arched. A small organ rests 
 over the door as you enter, and before you at 
 the end a plain altar. The walls and ceilings aré 
 as white as snow, and without any ornament, 
 except a few small paintings at either side. The 
 railing of the altar crosses the building, and 
 close by this, upon the left-hand side, may be 
 seen a small stone inserted in the wall, and about 
 seven feet from the ground. Upon it are engraven 
 the following lines, in letters deeply cut and 
 gilded :— 
 
 Tleac R™ P.F. Florentio Conrie Conacien. ord. Min. R. obser. 
 archiepo’ Tuamen. Prox. Hibx. quondam. M. N. R 
 piet. docta. Pruda. max. etere. memix. design™® 
 quo solicitante. pro resturada. in Hib. Fide. orthod? 
 Hoe. St. Ant. a Padua Coll™ munificin? Phil 3. Hisp. Regis 
 fundamentum est an. Christi . ioc. vi 
 Laboribus yastis fidei et patrie ergo fractus 
 Pie obiit in conv. St. Fran. Madriti. anno o. ioc. xxix 
 xiv. Kal. Dec etat Ixix. archiepts xxi 
 Huj°? coll. P. P. anno o. ioc. liv quo ejus ossa 
 ex Hisp* Translata et Hic memortalitatis premi™ expectat. 
 
 grati posuere. 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lix 
 
 Close by the little gateway, which opens into 
 the enclosure before the altar, a large stone forms 
 part of the flooring, at one end of it a shield of 
 white marble is carefully inlaid—the tracing of 
 armorial bearing, may yet be distinguished; but 
 even these will be speedily effaced from the con- 
 stant walking; round the border of the stone are 
 two bands of white marble, and in the centre an 
 inscription in very large letter also inlaid and of 
 the same material. 
 
 D,O. M. 
 
 HIC JACET UT VOLUIT 
 ILLMUS. AC REN. D.F.R. 
 DOMINICUS DE BURGO. 
 NOBILIS FAMILIA. 
 EX. S. ORD. PRED. 
 EPUS ELFINENSIS 
 IN HIBERNICA. 
 
 QUI PRO DEO AC REGE 
 SUO PLURIMA PASSUS. 
 PROFUGUS OBIIT 
 IN HOC COLLEGIO LOV 
 ST. ANTONII. DE PAD 
 FRAT. MIN. HIB. 
 
 DIE Ist. ANNI 1704 mT 75 
 Ril.Pw At 
 
 Close to the end of this, there is another slab, 
 ‘somewhat larger, perhaps about seven feet in 
 length ; upon it is an epitaph with names sure to 
 awake both sympathy and interest. 
 
Ix IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 D.O. M. 
 
 ExmMa. DP. ROSA DOCHARTY 
 DYNASTAR. INISONIZ FILIA ET SOROR. 
 ALTI. SANGUINIS DEC. MOR. TEMPERA. 
 ET SPLENDIDIS CONJUGIIS AUXIT. 
 PRIMMA NUPTA INCLYTO HEROI 
 D. CAFFARO O’DONNELL ' 
 TIRCONALLIZ PRINCIPIS GERMANO i 
 DEIN EXCM0 D, EUGENIO O’NEIL 
 CATHOLICI IN ULTONIA EXERCITUS 
 ARCHISTRATEGO UTRAMQUE FORTUNAM 
 EXPERTA ET MISERIAM RATA 
 CG@LUM STUDIIT BENEFACTIS MERERI 
 SEPTUAY MAJOR DENATA 
 BRUXELLIS 10. NON. ANNO MDCLX. 
 SUO CUM PRIMOGENITO HUGONE 
 O’DONELLO PR&HSTOLATUR. HIC 
 CARNIS RESUREM. 
 
 The remainder of the church we carefully ex- 
 amined without discovering any more inscrip- 
 tions. The floor appears to have been recently 
 repaired, the small marble tiling having been 
 reset. With these the flooring is entirely laid 
 down, with the exception of a broad way leading 
 from the door towards the altar, and in which 
 may be found the monument of which I have 
 been speaking. 
 
 While engaged in the little chapel, the Supe- 
 rior waited upon us, having remained until we 
 had finished. He then led us to his apartment, 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Ixi 
 
 rather a small room, with a flooring of red brick. 
 The furniture consists of a table and a few 
 chairs ; a solitary canary appeared to be his sole 
 companion, it fluttered almost to death at our 
 approach, so unused to a stranger’s visit. A few 
 seriptural prints are hung about the room. After 
 resting for some minutes, our attention was di- 
 rected to a picture over the door which we had 
 entered. It is a portrait of St. Patrick, of rather 
 rude execution; underneath was painted the fol- 
 lowing line :— 
 
 “* St. Patricius Hibernie Sanctorum insule apostolus et 
 patronus.” 
 
 Upon the right hand corner overhead, may also 
 be seen, as follows :— 
 
 ““G. D. Patricius O’Muledy, in honorem divini St. P3- 
 tricii hance dedit effigiem.” 
 
 There is scarcely a town in this country that 
 has not some monument recording the bravery 
 of the Irish people. At Ghent-there is an epitaph 
 to Charles O’Muledy, descended, as it says, from 
 “illustrious ancestors; he was by birth a soldier.” 
 In the little church which we are describing, close 
 to the door, there rests the remains of an exiled 
 hero. The inscription is as follows; wounded in 
 the battle-field, he came to Louvain, to breathe 
 his last among his countrymen :— 
 
 d 
 
lx IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 D. O. M. 
 
 HIC UT VOLUIT JACET 
 PRE NOBILIS DOMINUS 
 DOMINICUS LYNCH EX NOBILI 
 LYNCEORNUM GALVIENSIS. 
 FAMILIA HIBERNI®, LEGIONIS 
 DE LALLY VICE COLONELLUS 
 QUI PLURIMIS PRO PRINCIPE 
 CAROLO STUART IN SCOTIA 
 PERACTIS ET HONORIBUS 
 POSTEA VULNERATUS IN PRELIVM 
 LAFFELENTENSI DIE 21ST JULY 1747. 
 OBYT LOVANY DIE 28TH 
 AUGUSTI EJUSDEM ANNI 
 RET e; 
 
 The apartment of the Superior, with the en- 
 trance hall, forms the western wing of the con- 
 vent. The entire building is composed of three 
 of these wings, forming the sides of a rectangle, 
 with a court-yard in the centre, enclosed by a 
 wall at the eastern side. The northern and 
 southern wings are.more extensive than the wes- 
 tern ; asmall corridor extends all round the court- 
 yard forming a convenient passage in wet weather; 
 this is also laid down in small marble tiles. In 
 the corridor adjoining the apartment of the 
 superior, there are a few portraits of Franciscan 
 Friars, and a large picture of St. Anthony con- 
 versing with some of the same order; upon the 
 
 
 
‘IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. I xiii 
 
 lower corner of this picture the following lines are 
 painted :— 
 
 ‘‘F, BONTa DE BURGO GUARD™ FIERI FECIT 
 IN HONOREM SUI PATRONI ANNO 1693.” 
 
 The “Frere de Charité” lately purchased this 
 relique for about £8, and thus once more it is 
 restored to its original destination; it would be 
 well indeed if they were enabled to gather more 
 objects of a like interest; but still better if the 
 convent were restored to its original owners, 
 namely, Irish Friars of the order of St. Francis. 
 
 As we were engaged viewing these pictures, 
 we heard rather an animated discussion in the 
 court-yard outside. For some minutes we were 
 inattentive; however, the noise having rather 
 increased, we began to think, how came such 
 converse within these lonely walls? Upon looking 
 out we saw two or three lads sitting upon stools 
 busily employed in making shoes, others stood by 
 and joined eagerly in conversation ; half a dozen 
 of the brothers were also in the group. Supposing 
 that it was some ordinary‘work that was being 
 done, we turned away to our own occupation ; the 
 discussion became yet more animated, the words 
 ** Francais,” “Belges,” and ‘‘La Liberté,” struck 
 our ear with loud and passionate emphasis. We 
 looked out again, and the brothers called us over. 
 
 There we found the Professor General of the 
 order in Belgium seatedamongthem. The lads who 
 

 
 
 
 Ixiv IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 were so busily employed were the scholars of the 
 convent ; they were acting or reciting a little 
 piece in preparation for the approaching ex- 
 aminations. Nothing could at all surpass the 
 spirit with which they acted their respective 
 parts; the witty expressions were so pointedly 
 delivered, so naturally and yet so spiritedly, that 
 the gravity of the monks was several times com- 
 pletely overcome, and they burst out in roars of 
 the loudest laughter. The school here consists 
 of several hundred scholars, although there are 
 only eight of the brotherhood in the convent ; 
 and if the advancement and perfection in the 
 other departments, be at all equal to what we had 
 seen, they may indeed be truly proud of their 
 pious labours. 
 
 Upon the small tiles in the corridors which we 
 have been above describing, the following inscrip- 
 tions are yet traceable. Some of them cannot be 
 read without considerable trouble, and we regret 
 to say that in a few years they will be entirely 
 effaced. Some of these inscriptions are upon stones 
 about two feet in length and eighteen inches 
 wide, the remainder*upon stones about: a foot 
 square ; they are as follows :— 
 
 HIC RECQUIESCIT 
 FRANCISCUS 
 DE BOOLCHER 
 OBYT. 30. MARTY 
 1706. 
 
 R. I. P. 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lxy 
 
 + 
 R. A. P. 
 
 % ok BAS 
 O’DONNELL, JUB. 
 MISSIONEMERITUS. 
 PROVI®- HIBER. c * * *¥ 
 OLIM MINISTRAVIT 
 OB. 3 APR. 1714. 
 Bo-1.;Be 
 
 te 
 Ve ASP: 
 
 FRAN TULLY 
 Ss. THEO. L. R 
 EMERITUS ETC 
 
 OB. 15. MARTY 
 
 1715. 
 R. I. P. 
 
 * % * pETRUS MURPHY 
 PER PLURES ANNOS 
 2 Ee Sy Hs Ts 
 SEMEL GUARD 
 VIR. ILLUS, DOCTUS 
 Ere *))* 7 sus 
 DE HOC COLLEGIO 
 OPTIM MERITUS 
 OBYT ANNO * * 
 DIE 5 JANRY 1730 
 Ride: 
 
 d 2 
 
Ixyi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 Vis: AuPe 
 JACOBUS CAHASSY 
 VIR VERE PIUS SUA 
 REGUL EXACTITSSIMUS 
 CULTOR. S@PIUS COLLEGY 
 PRZSES ET VICARIUS 
 24 AN. JUVENUM INSTRUCTOR 
 OBYT 14 X BRIS 1732 AN. 
 JETATIS. SUE 76. 
 R. I. P. 
 
 
 
 Re Pe 
 BONAVENTURA O’DONNELLUS 
 T. L. JUB. HUJUS COLL. LOVANY 
 
 * * * *% 
 * * * * 
 * * * * 
 
 DOCTUS. PATIENS. DISCIP 
 PLINZ MONASTICEH PRO 
 
 
 
 MOTOR. * * = 
 * * * * 
 * a2 OBYT DIE 
 28 AUST. 1754 
 ReATAwS 
 D. O. M. 
 
 HIC JACET V. P. SIMON 
 O’REILLY PHIL® LY, 
 BIBLIOTHECUS. ARCHIVISTA, 
 OCTAVIES OBLIT 26 8. BRIS 
 1773 ANNO MTATIS SUB 
 31 RELIG. PROFS’ 17 
 ‘Roi. P. 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF 1OUVAIN, Ixvii 
 
 JACOBUS MANNIN 
 OBIIT 15. 1776 
 PRESES 
 35 SACERDOTIS. 
 
 HIC JACET. US PT JACOBUS 
 GORMAN. PHIL? LECTOR 
 *..% . TUS. OBIIT, IN. FLORE 
 
 JUVENTUTIS DIE 19 
 APRILIS 1781. ETATIS 
 ANNO 29. RELIG 
 PRO. 10. 
 
 R. I. P. 
 
 
 
 D. O. M. 
 
 HIC JACET y. Pr FRANS 
 STUART BIBLIRTHS 
 ARCHIVISTA QUEM 
 IN JUVENTUTIS FLORE 
 RAPUIT INVIDA MORS 
 DIE 22. 7 BRIS 1783 
 ETATIS SU 27. RELIC 
 PROFS 8. SACERDOTIS * * 
 US bh oe 
 
 The reader has now got every trace of his 
 countrymen that can be found in the College of 
 St. Anthony; not another line remains which 
 can remind him that Irishmen once peopled 
 these venerable walls. Perhaps, in our anxiety 
 to describe these mementos and the interior of 
 the building with something like accuracy, we 
 
Ixvill IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 have overlooked the external appearance. This is 
 not very striking, the high wall that surrounds 
 the little yard which separates it from the street 
 breaks and interrupts the view; however it can 
 be seen to better advantage from the court yard 
 in the middle of the building, or perhaps from 
 the garden side, and in point of architecture it 
 differs little from the generality of Flemish 
 buildings ; high walls of red brick, and almost 
 upright red tiled roofs are their chief characteris- 
 tics, and in these the college is not deficient ; they 
 look very picturesque, when at all relieved 
 by timber—the green foliage contracting with 
 the colour of the brick, and the high gable push- 
 ing itself up among the lofty trees. The most 
 pleasing spot about the college, whether in re- 
 ference to the view, or otherwise, is the garden ; 
 and the superior having politely waited our con- 
 venience now invited us to enter. 
 
 It contains about an acre and a half of land, 
 and is tastefully laid out in squares, full of the 
 finest fruit and vegetables; the red currants were 
 particularly fine, grown upon the standard trees ; 
 one square was ‘entirely filled with the richest 
 dahlias I ever saw grown in pots, and each pot 
 plunged in a larger one full of liquid manure, 
 The river Dyle surrounds the garden upon two 
 sides. The old ‘ boucherie” of the convent is now 
 occupied asa garden house, from it the convent 
 is seen to great advantage, with its lofty walls 
 covered with luxuriant vines; at the eastern 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. lxix 
 
 end, and separated from the garden, are the re- 
 mains of the old printing house, it is the only 
 part of the establishment not in possession of the 
 present proprietors, and is now occupied as a 
 ware-house. 
 
 While sloping along the walks of this interest- 
 ing spot, and thinking of the days when Conry 
 and O’Clery, Ward and Hickey, were here 
 busily employed, the brotherhood joined us in 
 the garden ; we seated ourselves under a chesnut 
 tree, the superior was anxious to know whether 
 the different religious orders in Ireland wore any 
 particular dress, and appeared astonished when 
 told that even the secular priests did not do so. 
 After having remained some time with the “Freres 
 de Charité,” we wished them good by, and departed 
 perfectly satisfied with our visit, and under many 
 obligations to them for the civility and kindness 
 with which they treated a perfect stranger. 
 
 Having now described all that remained of this 
 college, the reader may be disposed to know some- 
 thing of its history. I regret, that there are no 
 materials extant abroad, as far as I can discover, 
 which would enable one to put together anything 
 like a consecutive narrative upon the subject. 
 ‘There are no records to be found at Louvain, in 
 reference to the College of Anthony, nor in the 
 Archives of Brussells, where we anxiously hoped 
 that they should be found. However, the rea- 
 der is not to suppose that materials are altogether 
 
 wanting for this purpose ; such is not the case. 
 
Ixx IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 The different publications that emanated from the 
 members of the college during the 17th century, 
 -and the lives of the authors themselves are sub- 
 jects of great interest. From this it will be seen 
 that no college in Europe produced more within 
 the same period, than that of St. Anthony; and 
 if we remember that at the same time the Irish 
 Pastoral College of Louvain, engrossed within 
 its walls numbers of distinguished scholars, our 
 countrymen, as did also the Irish College of the 
 Dominicans; then, indeed, it will be seen, that 
 if the labours of. all be taken together, they cer- 
 tainly remain unequalled by any contemporaneous 
 collegiate institutions that we know of, and re- 
 main a proud and lasting monument of the learn- 
 ing and zeal of the Irish Nation. 
 
 From the inscriptions we have before given, it 
 may be seen that the College of St. Anthony was 
 founded in the year 1609; the necessary funds 
 were supplied through the liberality of Philip the 
 Third, king of Spain and the Indies, and by the 
 exertions of the illustrious Florence Conry, 
 subsequently Archbishop of Tuam. It does not 
 appear where the brotherhod resided in the. city 
 of Louvain, until the year 1617, when upon the 
 7th of May, Prince Albert of the Belgians and his 
 Princess Isabella Clara Eugenia, laid the foun- 
 dation stone of the present edifice. The fame 
 of Conry both for piety and learning, was sure 
 to make his college a point of attraction, for the 
 most celebrated Irish scholars, of the order of 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. ‘Ixxi 
 
 the strict observants, and consequently many of 
 them speedily gathered about him, and the 
 schools acquired both fame and reputation. One 
 of the most distinguished of Father Conry’s 
 assistants in this undertaking was Hugh Cagh- 
 wall, who was also raised from the guardianship’s 
 and professor’s chair of his college, to the dignity 
 of archbishop and primate, having succeeded 
 Peter Lombard in the see of Armagh. Bona- 
 venture Hussey, a native of Ulster, and a man 
 “in great esteen, for his singular skill in the 
 language and history of Ireland,” was elected 
 first guardian or president of the college. It is 
 to his labour perhaps, with the assistance of the 
 Fathers Conry and Mac Caghwall, that we are 
 indebted for the first book printed in the Irish 
 character. 
 
 These distinguished men, though at a distance 
 from their country, were present with her in 
 sympathy and hope; they longed to cherish and 
 to foster their language, one of the great elements 
 of a nation, and through its medium to speak words 
 of comfort or instruction, from a foreign yet a 
 friendly shore. In the year 1608, a small cate- 
 chism in the Irish character and language, and 
 written by Bonaventura Hussey, was printed at 
 Louvain; a second-edition of the same work ap- 
 peared in Antwerp 1611. “The Mirror of a 
 Christian Life,” from the pen of Conry, appeared 
 in 1616, and Mac Caghwall’s ‘“ Mirror of Peni- 
 tence,” was published likewise at Louvain, in 
 
 
 
Ixxil TRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 1628. In the year 1617, Anthony Hickey, a 
 native of the county Clare, was guardian of the 
 college; upon the 17th of March, in the same 
 year, Patrick Fleming joined the community, and 
 after having spent some time at’ Louvain, pro- 
 ceeded to Rome, and upon his way thither was 
 met at Paris by his’ countryman’ Hugh Ward. 
 To this accidental meeting, may be traced some 
 very celebrated works upon Irish ecclesiastical 
 and general history. We allude to the ““ Acta 
 Sanctorum Veteris et Majoris Scotiz seu 
 Hibernie,” by John Colgan, and the Annals of 
 Donegal, of Michael O’Clery. 
 
 Father Fleming, having pressed upon Hugh 
 Ward the importance of collecting materials for 
 the history of the Irish saints, proceeded upon his 
 journey into Italy ; every thing that could be col- 
 lected in that country he transmitted to his friend, 
 and afterwards, returning to Louvain, became a 
 professor in the college. Ward having then dis- 
 patched one of the brotherhood, Michael O’Clery, 
 into Ireland, with a view of gathering the accessi- 
 ble materials in that country, proceeded to arrange 
 all that came to hand: © During fifteen years 
 Michael O’Clery was diligently and unceasingly 
 occupied in his labours. For a period of this time 
 Florence Gray, a native of Thomond, was guardian 
 of the College, and perhaps to him may be traced 
 some of the details of St. Senaan* that after- 
 
 *. * This Saint, was Patron of a great portion of Thomond 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN, Ixxili 
 
 wards appeared in the “ Acta Sanctorum.” How- 
 ever, before the collections was completed, or 
 before any portion of ‘them was printed, Hugh 
 Ward died in the year 1635. 
 
 Upon the death of Ward this great work ap- 
 pears to be suspended for some time. However, 
 another of the brotherhood, John Colgan, a 
 native of Donegal, having found the materials 
 to his hand, arranged and committed to the Press 
 these volumes of which we have spoken. The 
 second is dedicated to Thomas Fleming, one of 
 the Confederate Bishops, and who had been in 
 early life Guardian and Professor of this College. 
 We need scarcely remind the reader of the fame 
 of this work; the editor was classed with Bol- 
 landus of the Jesuits, the most eminent divines 
 praised it for learning and ability, and poets 
 wrote in praise of the author. 
 
 QUI CUPIT HIBERNIE REGIONIS NOSCERE GENTEM, 
 ET CELEBRES TELLUS QUOS TULIT ILLA PATRES 
 ’ QUID BREVIS USURAM FALLACEM CONTERIT ZVI 
 
 SOLLICITA VOLUENS MENTE MANUQUE LIBROS 
 COLGANI caLamMus PLURES COLLIMAT IN UNUM 
 SELECTUM EX MULTIS SUFFICIT ILLUD OPUS. - 
 
 Inthe year 1667 there were about sixty students. 
 
 in the college. Among them were two sons of 
 
 counts, two viscounts, and four barons, with many 
 
 others of distinguished families. Four mission- 
 € 
 
Ixxiy IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 aries, whose labours are proverbial, were sent from 
 this College into Scotland—Cornelius Ward, Paul 
 O’Neil, Patrick Hegerty, and Patrick Brady. 
 Edmond Cane, also of this College, suffered mar- 
 tyrdom. * 
 
 While Mishacl O’Clery was employed as we 
 have seen—many documents upon the general 
 history of Ireland of course presented them- 
 selves, and induced him to undertake, with some 
 little assistance from others of his order, the 
 herculean task of collating and compiling a body 
 of annals upon the general history of the country. 
 These he carefully transcribed, and this is the 
 MS. generally called the “Annals of the Four 
 Masters,” and which is now in course of publica- 
 tion. 
 
 Some time after the death of Colgan, which 
 happened about the year 1658, Edmond Curry, 
 a distinguished orator of this College, was 
 thrown into prison, and at last suffered as a 
 martyr. Thomas Geraldine and O’Cahan, men 
 remarkable for their learning, piety, and elo- 
 quence, suffered a like fate. In the year 1667, 
 the Venerable Father Bernard Fallon was guar- 
 dian. Father Francis Kennedy was a Jubilato 
 professor ; and, together with Bonaventura Kevin, 
 presided over the School of Theology. Bona- 
 ventura Kelly and Francis Fegan, presided over 
 the Philosophical department. Upon the 8th of 
 May, in that year, they celebrated the jubilee 
 
 * Academia Lovaniensis, 135. 
 
 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Ixxv 
 
 year of their foundation. They could, in the 
 short space of fifty years, boast of having sent 
 from among them, fifteen missionaries who suf- 
 fered martyrdom. Three Archbishops—four 
 Bishops—one of whom was Betius Egan’ of 
 Elfin, whose name we have not before mentioned ; 
 two Diefinitor-Generals; eight provincial Mi- 
 nisters; as many as fourteen Guardians and 
 Lecturers in Sacred and Scholastic learning ; 
 twelve Jubilate Lecturers in Theology ; and no 
 less than one hundred and sixty other Lecturers in 
 Theology, Philosophy, besides Preachers and 
 Missionaries. This proud catalogue is proved from 
 the letter of the Reverend Father Anthony 
 Docharty, written in 1664. * 
 From that year, there exists nothing, that I 
 could find, which would enable me to say any- 
 thing further upon the history of the colleges. 
 From the inscription upon the tomb-stones which 
 Lhave given, the reader may collect a broken 
 list of the guardians and’ professors, up to the 
 year 1783. I would wish, indeed, these few 
 monuments were likely to be spared, as some little 
 record of the past, but unfortunately such will 
 not be the case, unless some pious pilgrim, some 
 Old Mortality will bend his steps towards Louvain. 
 From the present occupants every facility may be 
 expected, and, perhaps, it may not be too much 
 to hope, that so desirable an object could be com- 
 
 * Academia Lovaniensis, 136; . < 
 

 
 lxxvi IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 pleted, and the inscriptions rescued for centuries 
 to come. 
 
 The reasons which hindered our detailing the 
 history of the Irish Pastoral Colleges, through 
 the close of the seventeenth and the beginning of 
 the eighteenth centuries, here again obstruct our 
 narrative. The wars and tumults which affected 
 the one, of course affected the other. In many of 
 these scenes, the convents of the religious orders 
 appeared to be the special object of attack, and 
 against them was directed the violence of the 
 soldiery. But this was not all they had to 
 suffer ; by an edict of Joseph the 2nd, 1782, that 
 of St. Anthony was very much curtailed,* and 
 “a Visitator” appointed over it; however, the 
 Brethren appear to have been left their convent, 
 and their suppression not yet entirely completed. 
 
 The low situation of the town, and the proxi- 
 mity of the convent to the Dyle, rendered the 
 overflowing of that river in the year 1784 a dis- 
 astrous event to the Franciscans. All their 
 cattle, wood and property, of every kind was 
 destroyed. In the midst of this deluge our coun- 
 trymen did not forget their heroism and cha- 
 rity. Two of the brotherhood seeing a boat vainly 
 endeavouring to carry assistance to some unfor- 
 tunate being, on the verge of destruction, were 
 attracted by their cries, and hastening to the spot 
 they plunged into the water, and were the 
 
 * Staes. t. 19. p. 308. Historie de Louvain, p. 300. 
 
 
 

 
 IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Ixxvli 
 
 means of rescuing the sufferer from a watery 
 grave. But deeper and more trying calamity than 
 any they had yet suffered was approaching—the 
 French, as we have seen, possessed the town in 
 1796—the convent was dismantled, its little pro- 
 perty was confiscated, their church was desecrated, 
 and finally their premises were sold ; subsequently 
 it passed into the family of Mr. Vanhandenrode, 
 and the present occupants the ‘‘Frere de Charité,” 
 purchased it from that gentleman, in the year 
 1832. We have now finished this notice of St. 
 
 Anthony of Padua, the most celebrated whether 
 _as a seat of learning, or as a school of theology, 
 | of any of the Irish colleges of Louvain. 
 
 We must now turn our steps towards the Irish 
 Dominican College, the last we have to visit. A 
 long narrow street leads from the “Hotel de 
 Ville” towards the Brussell’s gate. It crosses the 
 river Dyle, and the battlements of the bridge are 
 -partly made of large stones, which have been 
 sacrilegiously removed from some old cemetery, 
 as they are covered with epitaphs in the Flemish 
 language. Soon after crossing this river, you 
 meet with a church situated in a little “place” and 
 surrounded with large poplar trees. Its open door 
 will invite your entrance. As you pass up to- 
 wards the altar, on the right hand side, your 
 attention will be directed towards a stone inserted 
 in the flooring ; beneath it are buried the remains 
 of another of your countrymen, a dignitary of 
 this church. His epitaph is as follows :— 
 
 e3 
 
Ixxvili ISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 HIC JACET v. 
 ADM. R. EXIMIUS AC 
 AMPLISS. D. AC M. R, FLORENTUS 
 O’SULLIVAN KIERIENSIS 
 HIBERNUS S. T. D. REGIUS 
 INSIGNIS ECCLESIE COLLEGIATE 
 ST. JACOBUS. CANONICUS ET 
 DECANUS ECCLESIEZ INCASIENSIS 
 ET APPENDICUM ARCHIDIACONUS 
 ET OFFICCIALIS ARCHIDIECESIS 
 MECHLIENSIS JUDEX 
 SYNODALIS COLLEGII 
 HIBERNORUM PRESES ET 
 BENEFACTOR OBIIT 
 19 aut 17381 
 Rene p, 
 MODESTIA VICTRIX. 
 
 After leaving this church, you reach, in a few 
 minutes, a wall extending about twenty yards 
 in length and somewhere about twelve feet high, 
 and in it are eight or nine recesses about four 
 feet asunder, something like doorways that had 
 been filled up. At the end is a porch, rather 
 large, and built of cut stone, the wall being of 
 brick, After passing this and going on a few 
 paces, you turn round a corner to the right, and 
 along the wall. leading up a narrow little street, 
 formerly known as “ Rue Dominican Irlandais.” 
 
 What we have now described were formerly the 
 surrounding “ battimens” of the Irish Dominican 
 College. While standing there, a gentleman join- 
 ed us, and after some conversation invited us to 
 enter, telling us that he was the present proprietor, 
 
IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. Ixxix 
 
 and a banker of the city. We found the interior 
 laid out as a fruit and vegetable garden; in one 
 corner are some vaults or caves, and these are 
 the only indication that large buildings once occu- 
 pied the place. Beds of rich salad now grow luxu- 
 riantly, where our countrymen once held their 
 habitation. A few large trees about the garden 
 must, from their age, have been planted by the 
 Dominicans. But, with these exceptions, nothing 
 remains of olden times; not a single engraved 
 stone of any description is to be found there. As 
 to the history of this house we have little to say. 
 The Irish Dominicans first came to Louvain, so 
 early as 1608, when Thaddeus O’Duan was the 
 head of their establishment in that city; after- 
 wards they removed to an old church of the 
 Jesuits, near the “ Castrum Casaris,” where 
 under Dominick “ Roche de Cruce”’ they had their 
 residence for some years; Philip IV. endowing 
 them with one thousand florins. Father Burke, 
 of Galway, and Dominick O’Daly, a Rosario, 
 were professors in this college. Finally, the bro- 
 thers removed to the building of which we have 
 been speaking. D. H. Gregory, and Henry and 
 William Joyce, having assisted them in erecting 
 anew church in 1659,* which was dedicated to St. 
 Thomas Aquinas. “The studies in this college 
 were philosophy and theology, and the inmates 
 
 * Historia Sacra et Profana. Archiepiscopis Mechlini- 
 ensis apud tempora. 
 

 
 Ixxx IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN: 
 
 spent their time engaged in these occupations, or 
 in prayer and meditation.” The authorities be- 
 fore us speak no further of their history. The 
 “« Hibernia Dominicana” of De Burgo, is the book 
 we would point at as a source of further in- 
 formation upon the subject; its name is familiar 
 to most of our readers. We are now about to 
 close our notices of these ancient institutions, the 
 limits of our book rather obliged us to compress 
 than extend our observations ; rude and unfinished 
 as they are, we trust they may induce others to 
 follow up the subject, and to give a fresh and 
 life-like picture of what we have hastily sketched, 
 and thus add an important and most interesting 
 chapter to a book much wanting among us, 
 namely, a complete and accurate ecclesiastical 
 history of Ireland. - 
 
 ERRATA. 
 Page xiii. liné 20, for Aagustiis, read Angustiis. 
 ))  XXNilii. line 23, for neat read near. 
 
 
 
THE BLEEDING IPHIGENIA. 
 

 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 
 
 “Tue Bleeding Iphigenia,” of Doctor French 
 has long been known as a book of uncommon 
 rarity, and has been eagerly sought after by 
 
 book collectors. Whenever it, or the “Sale and 
 
 Settlement of Ireland” have appeared at an 
 auction-room, crowds of bidders have attended, 
 and the contents of this little volume, in the 
 reader’s hands, have sold for no less a sum than 
 £40. 
 
 For a considerable time the Bleeding Iphige- 
 nia had even escaped the diligent search of the 
 Right Hon. Mr. Grenville, whose anxiety to 
 
 procure works, of this class, is so well known, 
 
 and whose library, especially in Irish history 
 and literature, is quite unequalled. The copy in 
 the possession of that gentleman, has the follow- 
 ing MS. note inserted. “For the last thirty 
 “years I had in vain endeavoured to procure 
 “this book, so rare that I knew it only by its 
 “title, but had never seen a single copy; it was 
 
 “purchased by Mr. Heber while on the conti- 
 
 “nent, and was sold with other of his books 
 
 “abroad, ultimately coming to me at a very 
 “ heavy price.” 
 

 
 84 
 
 This little book, as may be seen by the title 
 page, originally appeared at Louvain, in the 
 year 1674, and is now for the first time published 
 in this country. It is placed first in this collec- 
 
 tion, principally because it is more general and © 
 
 prefatory in its character than the others. In- 
 deed, the author himself calls it a Preface to a 
 work unfinished, and it is believed that it was 
 intended as such, for the “Doleful fall of Andrew 
 Sall;” however, it did. not appear with this 
 book, nor for many years after its publication. _ 
 
 The editor has not ventured to alter the ortho- 
 
 graphy in any of these reprints, confident that . 
 
 doing so would lessen their character as types of 
 the originals. It may be difficult to account for 
 the variance between the orthography in the 
 “Bleeding Iphigenia,” arid that in the “ Sale and 
 Settlement,” unless it is to be attributed -merely 
 to the printers; however, this difficulty the 
 Editor must leave to the solution of others. 
 
 The phraseology to be found in these publi- 
 cations is very quaint, and. characteristic of the 
 times, and must be of value to any one desirous 
 
 
 
 of sketching, in dialogue or otherwise, literary | 
 
 portraiture of Irish character in the seventeenth 
 
 century, a matter which appears to have been 
 very much overlooked, by the historians who have 
 endeavoured to picture to us, the scenes or cha- 
 
 racters of that, perhaps one of the most eventful — 
 
 periods of Ireland’s History. 
 
BLEEDING IPHIGENIA; 
 
 oR, 
 ie 
 iF 
 
 AN EXCELLENT PREFACE 
 
 ,OF A WORK! UNFINISHED. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR'S FRIEND, 
 | 
 
 f 
 
 WITH THE REASONS OF PUBLISHING IT. 
 
 LOVAIN: 
 
 PRINTED IN THE YEAR MDCLXXIV. 
 

 
THE 
 
 BLEEDING 
 IPHIGENIA 
 
 OR 
 
 An excellent Preface of a Work unfi- 
 nished , published by the Authors 
 -frind, with the Reasons of 
 publishing it. 
 
 Tue picture of Iphigenia (one of the rarest 
 peeces of antiquity) goeing to be sacrifised 
 for appeasing the anger of Diana, offended 
 with her Father King Agamemnon for killing 
 a stage consecrated to that Goddess , made 
 Timanthes* the Author thereof very famous. 
 
 
 
 * The classical reader need not be reminded that 
 Timanthes was a celebrated Grecian painter, the con- 
 porary of Philip of Macedon, who lived about 40, 
 
 TGR 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 Hee placed in lively cullors , round about 
 this faire Princes, her Kinsmen, Frinds , 
 Allyes , and suite in great Consternation , 
 all drown’d in lamentations and teares ; but 
 the gallant Lady (nothing in nature ap- 
 pear’d more comely) smiled , bearing in her 
 countenance a Majesty , and contempt of 
 death : soe charming was the art of this 
 picture, that few could view it without 
 teares. 
 
 Courteous Reader, the Author of this 
 Preface hath drawne another Iphigenia of the 
 body of a noble, ancient Catholic Nation 
 cla’d all in redd Robes , not to bee now of- 
 fered up as victim; but already sacrifie’d , 
 not to a profane Deity, but to the living’ 
 God for holy Religion : look but on this our 
 bleeding Iphigenia , and I dare say you will 
 lament her Tragedy. 
 
 1. In the first place the Author sets 
 downe his owne feare and care about long 
 Eternity (which should be the chiefest care 
 of a Christian) confessing with griefe and 
 compunction of hart, that hee had walk’d 
 in daunger , even to the age of 71 years , 
 and at length found himselfe touch’t with 
 that dreadful theme: Aut peenitendum aut 
 ardendum. That is: Hither we must doe 
 pennance , or burne. ‘This drove him toa 
 
3 
 
 resolution of laying aside all wordly entan- 
 - glements , and conversations , for obtaining 
 the Kingdome of heaven and taking order 
 with the house of his Soule , for that he was 
 sure to dye , and could not live longe. 
 
 2. Hee expresses a Godly anger against 
 his frmd Sall* an Apostata. Sancte Irascitur 
 quit pro Deo TIrascitur. That is: Hee is 
 justly Angry , that is angry for God’s Cause. 
 
 3. Hee delivers in sencible Language the 
 slavery, ruine , and destruction of his deare 
 Country. 
 
 
 
 * <«« Andrew Sall, the individual above alluded to, 
 was born at Cashel, in the county of Tipperary. In 
 1639, he removed to Spain where he became a Jesuit, 
 and was afterwards appointed a professor of moral divi. 
 nity in the College of the Jesuits at Salamanca: about 
 the year 1673 he returned to Ireland, and was consti- 
 tuted superior of the mission of the Jesuits in that 
 country—having, soon after, unhappily abandoned his 
 faith, he embraced, or rather pretended to embrace 
 Protestantism, and took up his residence in Trinity 
 College. Here he praca and as a further reward for 
 his defection, he was soon after nominated domestic 
 chaplain to Charles II., and enriched with the prebend 
 of Swords, the rectory of Ardmulchan, and the chan- 
 torship of Cashel. He died in Dublin, about the year 
 1682, and was buried in the Cathedral of St. Patrick.”— 
 Brenan’s Ecclesiastical History, vol. 2, p. 280. For Sall’s 
 works, see Ware’s Writers, by Harris, vol. 2, p. 189. 
 Doctor French’s answers tosome of these will be found 
 enumerated among his writings, a list of which 
 given at the close of the Introduction to this volume. 
 
4 
 
 - 4. Hee presents to the view of our gra- 
 tious King Charles the second a Catholick 
 People , his faithfull subjects wounded by 
 theeves , and left halfe dead , like the mise- 
 rable man, that went from Hierusalem to 
 Lerico ; desiring his Majesty with prayres , 
 and teares to com neare and binde up the 
 wounds of the afflicted, powring in Oyle 
 and Wine, as did the Godly Semaritane. 
 His Language to the King is with submissive 
 duty , and yet with a Priestly freedome 
 Tudging with Saint Ambrose. Negque impe- 
 riale est libertatem dicendi denegare , neque 
 Sacerdotale , quod sentiat , non dicere. That 
 is: It is neyther Kingly to deny the free- 
 dome of speaking , nor Priestly , not to speake 
 what hee thinks. 
 
 5. Hee names in particulare certain Capi- 
 tall, Implacable blooddy Enemyes of his 
 Country , and gives them the Caracters , 
 they deserve : and to justify this , says with 
 Tertuliane , In hostem Patrie , omnis homo 
 miles est. 'Thatis: Every man is a Souldier 
 against the enemy of his Country. 
 
 The subject of his writing was to reprove 
 Sall a Jesuit of the Fourth Vow , for ab- 
 juring the Catholick Faith , and leaving his 
 holy Order : In the work hee proceeded to 
 8. or 9. Chapters, and went noe further ; 
 
5 
 
 but 1 hope some zealous Jstraelite will build 
 upon the foundation hee hath laid, a hand- 
 some structure. 
 
 You will perhaps inquire who hee is that 
 began , and did not finish a good work ; hee 
 is a learned worthy Priest, of whome, all 
 that know him, will say, (his modesty may 
 not be offended with the trueth’s I utter) 
 hee hath been all his life tyme, sincere in 
 all his writings, ways, and conversation ; 
 (Hee is truly one of those can say with 
 Seneca: Quod sentimus loquimur, & quod 
 loquimur sentimus. 'Thatis: I thinke what I 
 speake , and speake what I thinke.) Ever 
 Loyall to his Prince , faithfull to his Coun- 
 try , and true to his frind ; and soe hearty a 
 lover of peace, with all kinde of men; that 
 he never ingag’d in any contention, but 
 what was pious for defending Religion , and 
 the Jurisdection of the holy Sea: in quar- 
 - rells of this nature hee was still fervent , and 
 feared noe man , and used to say with great 
 Ambrose in such incdunters. Nemini facio 
 imjuriam , si omnibus Deum prefero. That 
 is: I injure no man by preferring God before 
 all. 
 
 Having considered with attention this 
 sound Preface, and finding the contents sol- 
 
6 
 
 lid, well ordered, and such as may be useful 
 
 to my poore Country , I thought it my duty’ 
 
 to make all publick to the World; hoping that 
 pious Christians beholding the grievous 
 wounds wee have received for God, and 
 Religion , from the Enemys of both, will 
 open the bowells of mercy to us soe sorely 
 oppressed. 
 
 I conclude with a word or two to my deare 
 Countrymen , recommending seriously to 
 them all , at home and a broad, to humble 
 themselves under the Iudgments of God , 
 and powre forth theire harts like Water 
 upon the Earth , in contrition , teares , and 
 prayres ; which is the only way left for ass- 
 waging the anger of God, come upon us, 
 for our owne sinns , and those of our Fore- 
 fathers ; Initium salutis (saith holy Hierome) 
 est nostra intelligere § flere peccata. 'Vhat 
 is: To understand and deplore our sinnes ts 
 the beginning of Salvation ; and because a 
 disease deeply rooted (as ours) needs a strong 
 and long cure , it is fitting wee calle to mind 
 that saying of Saint Ambrose. Grandi 
 plage , alta, § problixa est opus medicina ; 
 and apply the same. 
 
 I beseech you, gentle Reader, pray to 
 God for my afflicted Country , and for the 
 
 
 
rf 
 
 Catholic Religion therin persecuted , that it 
 be not wholly extinguished , and soe com- 
 mending you to the tuition of the Almighty , 
 1 remaine 
 
 Your humble servant in 
 
 Christ Iesus 
 
 N, N. 
 

 
 AMICUS ANONIMUS 
 ad 
 AUTHOREM ANONIMUM. 
 
 Qvam bene Magnates stringis: tibi dicere 
 verum 
 
 Innatum est: aliis dissimurare placet. 
 
 Fallacias Mundi, Scriptor venerande , nec 
 artes ; i 
 
 Tu curas, ut Mundum falsa docere pro- 
 bes. 
 
 
 
/ 
 
 THE 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO 
 
 THE STUDIOUS READER. - 
 
 AFrreRr a toylsome peregrination for the space of 
 full seaventy years in this Babilon of confusion 
 and miseryes, (wherein men are soe strangely 
 tormoyl’d , that the pleasures they enjoy , often 
 become theire greatest torments.) I began at 
 length with a sencible care to consider of Long 
 Eternity, purposing, to lay aside all false con- 
 tentment , deceiving illusions, and prophaine 
 conversations, heavy Chains I haue carry’d to 
 long with small pleasure, and great feare , and 
 although I found great danger in carrying them, 
 B 3 
 
10 PREFACE. 
 
 yet I had not courage enough to shake them of 
 for good and all. Veretrahebam catenam meam 
 (to use S. Augustins Language) solwi timens. 
 
 My declining age forewarning mee the down- 
 fall of my decaying body would be soon , and per- 
 haps suddaine, bid mee prepare for a surer, and 
 a more durable habitation; and it seemed to mee 
 my Guardian Angell whispered to my disquieted 
 soule even the same words the Prophet Isaie ut- 
 tered to King Ezechias when dangerously sick. 
 “Thus saith our Lord: take order with thy 
 house, for thou shalt dye, and shall not live.’— 
 Isa. Cap. 38. 
 
 This inevitable alarme of dying raysing a high 
 storme within mee, I concluded without further 
 fluctuation to spend the short remnant of tyme I 
 have to live, in pennance, Holy contemplation, 
 prayers , and Mortification for schanselling with 
 teares (if God would be soe pleased) the sinns 
 and vanitys of my former life. 
 
 I had hardly begun to settle my minde in this 
 divine meditation , when behold a printed paper 
 from London came to hand, of a publick abjura- 
 tion of the Roman Catholic faith made by Andrew 
 Sall a Jesuit of the fourth Vow. This paper in- 
 deed gave mee a great heaviness of hart, for I 
 loved the man dearly for his amiable nature, and 
 excellent parts, and esteemed him both a pious 
 person and Learned, and soe did all that knew 
 him, but I see wee were all deceiv’d in him. 
 However this suddaine change of him made mee 
 
PREFACE. 11 
 
 say with sad attention those words of Saint Paul. 
 “ Hee that thinketh himselfe to stand, let him 
 take heed least hee fall."—(1 Cor. Cap. 10.) 
 For God knowes I noe way feared this man 
 would have falen into herisy. 
 
 As I was Reading with great attention Sall’s 
 Abjuration I call’d to minde that “great read 
 Dragon, whose tayle drew the third part of the 
 starrs of heaven, and cast them to the earth. 
 (Apoe. Cap. 12.) And then said to my selfe, 
 the tayle of an infernall beast had cast this Sall 
 to the Earth out of a little heaven: (The state of 
 Religion) wherin for a tyme hee shined like a 
 small starr in vertue , and learning. 
 
 After deserting the Societey of Jesus and run- 
 ning away with infamy and shame, out of the 
 whole House of God I could not Endure hin, 
 and therfore resolved to give him a sharp repre- 
 hension: at which if hee shall repine, and fall 
 into Choller for my indevouring to doe him 
 good, I shall hould that for an ill Symptome of 
 his disease gui corripientem Eum contemnit (saith 
 Solomon) non sequetur Eum Sanitas. Some sick 
 men there are, that now and then think them- 
 selves sound and well, when they are most sick , 
 all those can not abide the sight of a Doctor, 
 which is a Kinde of madness: if Sall be one of 
 those , his Cure will be the harder; however for 
 Charity-sake, and for the ancient amity wee, 
 had, I will employ all paynes , and dilligence for’ 
 healing him‘, but the cure must come from above » 
 

 
 12 PREFACE. 
 
 ‘Ab illo medico in celis, qui spargit medicamente in 
 terris.* Farre it is (God knowes) from my minde 
 
 to add affliction to his afilictions, sufficiat Diei- 
 
 malitia sua: nec unquam fuit mea consuetudo lacerato 
 animo dicere vitia amicorum , talem Zelum (ut cum 
 S. Augustino Loquar) semper sensui magis impetum 
 punientis, quam caritatem corrigentis. ‘The same 
 saint tells mee how to handle Sall. Dilige (saith 
 hee) & dic quod voles. 
 
 But what shall I doe to a man, that hath 
 stained his soule with the spott of herisy? with 
 what waters shall I wash him for wyping away 
 the staine , with those of Siloc , que fluunt cum si- 
 lentio , or those of Rasin que transeunt cum tumul- 
 tu? (Isa. Cap. 8.) The last seem the more na- 
 turall for purifying him though my inclination is 
 more for the soft running waters of Siloe. 
 
 Had Sall’s sinn beene noe more than a slipp of 
 Ignorance, or frailty, wee could have covered 
 him with a Mantle of Charity ; but the abomina- 
 ble abjuration of faith being a sinn of a high na- 
 ture, and full of Impiety against God, against 
 Christ and his unspotted spouse, against Charity 
 and the Holy Ghost, I can not. be silent, but 
 must openly rebuke his wickedness, and main- 
 taine truth against him before all the world: can 
 I see a man deare to mee, vaunting and soe des- 
 peratly defying the Hostes of the living God, and 
 say nothing! that cannot be: Silence here were 
 
 * Dictum S. Ambrosy. 
 
PREFACE. 13 
 
 a great sinne being-the true tyme of taking up 
 David’s Sling and stone and throwing at this 
 Gyant dominering and vaporing against the camp 
 of Israell. Iam not to powre oyle upon the head 
 of such a sinner, flattery will not cure him, I 
 must then in charity chide him and Exprobrat 
 his deserting the Catholick faith ; and if hee is 
 wise and penitent, he will say with repenting 
 David. “The just shall rebuke me in mercy, 
 and shall reprehend me: but let not the oyle of a 
 sinner fatte my head.”—Psul. 140. 
 
 After lamenting Sall’s woeful perversion, I 
 begin to think of my deare Contry’s affliction , 
 and with feare, and amazement to inquire the 
 ground and cause of persecution there and in 
 England. 
 
 Nothing was less feared (I am confident) by 
 the Catholicks of both Kingdoms then a tempest 
 of this nature to come upon them, lying safe (as 
 they conceived) under the wings of soe great 
 and mercyfull a Monarck, as Charles the se- 
 cond, a King of pardons. How then say men 
 came this about ? how could soe clement a King 
 be induced to afflict soe loyall a people, as the 
 Catholics of England, and Ireland? I see noe 
 Mistery in this business, all is cleare: theire 
 affliction , and cause therof is well knowne over 
 all Europ, and is (as I may say) even the same 
 with that of innocent Daniell whose Loyall fide- 
 lity to Cyrus King of Babylon , was so cleare , 
 as his malignant Enemys said expressly of him , 
 
14 PREFACE. 
 
 wee shall not find against this Daniell any occa- 
 sion unless perhaps in the Law of his God; the 
 Crime then against Daniell and all the Jews was 
 theire Religion: upon this ground the Coun- 
 sellers and great men of the Kingdome gott 
 the King to sett forth an Edict against the 
 Jewes for professing theire Religion, and by 
 this means Daniell was cast into the lake of the 
 Lyons by a King that lov’d him. The King 
 lov’d Daniell but hee feared the great men , who 
 pressed the Law to be executed against Daniell , 
 and this feare more strong in the King then 
 love, made poore Daniell Companion to the 
 Lyons. : 
 
 Your Religion noble Contry-men, your Re- 
 ligion is the sole Cryme, for which you suffer 
 (Blessed for ever be the name of God for this) 
 your Religion hath stirred up this tempest , which 
 ought not to terrifye you over much , seeing the 
 Apostles our first Captains and Leaders in this 
 holy cause , those darlings of God, endured hard 
 things for Religion: Prisons, whippings, con- 
 tumilies , and all sorts of vexations were to them 
 delights , and consolations: they after “ being 
 scurged went from the sight of the Councell re- 
 joycing, because they were accounted worthy to 
 suffer reproach for the name of Jesus.—Act Api. 
 Cap. 5. 
 
 Doe not therefore feare all that men can doe 
 against you, while with teares and patience you 
 march under the purple Standart of Crucify’d 
 
PREFACE. 15 
 
 Jesus, for in the end, the day , and victory will 
 be yours: feare not the power of men in this 
 glorious tryall, there be more with you, then 
 against you, (Legions of Angells though you 
 see them not) those heavenly hostes are pitching 
 ' theire tents round about you. Hee that Led the 
 Children of Israell out of Egypt in wonders 
 through the redd Sea, never wants power to de- 
 liver yout waite for his good tyme, for hee will 
 come. 
 
 A Table of sage Counsells, that hung by the 
 bed of Ptolomeus Arsacides King of Egypt, (by 
 him Religiously observed all the tyme of his 
 raigne ,) was delivered by a Priest of the Idols 
 to the wise Emperour Marcus Aurelius, whoe 
 dying gave it to his sonn with this short speech. 
 My sonn leaving you Emperour of many King- 
 doms , I presume you will with that great power 
 be feared of all, and if you wil faithfully Keep 
 the Godly Counsells in this Table, you shall be 
 infalibly beloved of all. 
 
 as 
 
 THE TABLE OF COUNSELLS. 
 
 1. I never deny’d (said the vertuous King 
 Ptolomeus) justice to a poore man, for being 
 poore ; nor pardoned a rich man for being rich. 
 
 2. I never loved a rich wicked man; nor 
 hated a poore just man. 
 
16 PREFACE. 
 
 3. Inever granted favours to men for affec- 
 
 tion ; nor distroy’d men to satisfy my passion. 
 
 4. Inever deny’d Justice to any demanding 
 
 Justice ; nor mercy to the afflicted and mise- 
 
 rable. 
 
 5. I never passed by Evill without punishing 
 it ; nor good without rewarding it. 
 
 6. I never did Evill to any Man out of Malice; 
 nor villany for avarice. 
 
 7. Iwas never without feare in prosperity ; 
 nor without courage in adversity. 
 
 8. My dore was never open to a flatterer; 
 nor my eafe to a murmering detractor. 
 
 9. J indeavoured still to make myselfe be- 
 loved of the good ; and feared of the Evill. 
 
 10. Lever favoured the poore that were: able 
 
 to doe little for themselves; and I was evermore 
 
 favoured by the Gods , that were able to do much 
 for all. 
 
 Those rare Counsells should be exposed in the 
 houses of Kings and all publick places to the 
 view of men, to be knowne of all in theire re- 
 spective dignitys and callings: and it would be 
 a pious and noble action , if our gratious souve- 
 raigne would be pleased to consider seriously 
 with himselfe, how farre these just and Laudable 
 
 Counsells have been regarded during the tyme of — 
 
 his raigne , especially in conferring of estates and 
 lands trom one part of his subjects, to another 
 part of them contrary to all due course of Law, 
 
PREFACE. 17 
 
 and without hearing of the partys oppressed, 
 which hath been procured to be don by the un- 
 due information , and perswation of certaine of 
 his Councellers, and Ministers of State, and 
 chiefly of the Chancellor the Earl of Clarindon. 
 
 If his Majesty shall doe this grace, and jus- 
 tice to his Catholick subjects of Ireland, thou- 
 sands of Widow’s and Orphans will be eased and 
 relieved , who now sitt downe in great poverty, 
 Lamenting extreamly their Lands, Houses ‘and 
 all they had wrongfully taken from them, and 
 this day possessed and injoy’d by those invaders. 
 
 God bindes all Kings, and Judges by this’ 
 commandement: ‘Thou shalt not doe that which 
 is uniust nor Judg uniustly , Consider not the 
 person of a poore man neither honour thou the 
 countenance of him that is mighty. Judg justly 
 to thy Neighbour.” —(Levit. Cap. 19.) God alsoe 
 forbids to give away one subjects bread to ano- 
 ther ; reason, vertue, and the lawes of God, 
 Nature and Nations are the rules that ought to 
 guid all Princes and Magistrats in the govern- 
 ment of the people under them. Did not God 
 himselfe complaine of Evell Iudges in this Kinde: 
 “ How is the faithful Cittie, full of Judgment , 
 becom a harlott? Justice hath dwelled in it, 
 but now man-killers. The Princes are unfaith- 
 ful, Companions of thieves; al love guifts, fol- 
 low rewards. They Indge not for the pupil: 
 and the widowes cause goeth not in to them.” 
 (Isa.Cap. 1.) And againe our Lord saith. “‘ They 
 
18 PREFACE. 
 
 are made grosse and fatt: and have transgressed 
 
 my words most wickedly. The cause of the widow ~ 
 they have not Iudged; the cause of the pupil they — 
 
 have not directed , and the Iudgment of the Poore 
 
 they have not Iudged. Shall I not vissite upon © 
 these things, saith our Lord? or upon such a — 
 
 Nation shall not my soule take revenge ?”— 
 (Jerem. Cap. 5.) Certainly it is against Gods 
 just Judgment to omitt such things, and 
 crimes unpunished. There are thousands of dis- 
 tressed Catholick Pupils , and wedowes (his Ma- 
 
 jesty cannot chuse but know it) that have not got 
 
 
 
 Tustice ; whose cause and complaint had noe En- — 
 trance into his Courtes; they.cried out for Justice, — 
 and were not heard ; they Cry’d for mercy, and | 
 
 found it not; and such as live of those oppressed — 
 
 soules are still crying to heaven, and the King for 
 remedy ; Poore desolate and dejected , they are 
 waiting at the doore of the Kings pallace and noe 
 regard is had of their teares, prayres, and petitions. 
 
 Wee are indeed becom the reproach of all 
 Nations round about us, by the craft and ini- 
 quity of States men, that have poysened the 
 Fountaine of Justice, It is said of some of those 
 that theire vices have farre exceeded theire ver- 
 tues , and that in all theire proceedings against 
 our Nation, there was found in them noe truth, 
 noe integrity , noe Religion , noe shame ; but an 
 insatiable covetousness , and a flameing ambition 
 of making themselves great and powerfull: and 
 are not such men say you able to poysen the 
 
ij 
 
 PREFACE. 19 
 
 Fountaine of Iustice (and mercy toe) in a King- 
 dome. 
 
 _ This sore oppression, and our necessitys every 
 day growing greater, forceth us to implore Ius- 
 tice and mercy, and to minde the King of what 
 
 the Apostle saith to a King. ‘Non enim sine 
 
 causa gladium portat..—(Ad Rom. Capt. 13.) 
 If the Law of God will alow of soe many thou- 
 Sands of innocents to be destroy’d, is a maxim, 
 that toucheth much his Royall Wisdome , and to 
 be distroy’d and sacrificed to augment the estates 
 of men, that were great and rich enough before : 
 can Justice suffer this? can the mercifull brest 
 of a Clement King endure to see soe many sad 
 
 spectacles of woes, and miserys without all re- 
 
 lief? will not God at long running look downe, 
 
 and examin these cruell procedings? It hath 
 
 been a principal care , and study of some states- 
 
 men neare the King, to oppress and overthrow 
 
 the Catholicks of Ireland , and at the same tyme 
 to perswade his Majesty, that wee ought to be 
 destroy’d by Iustice and Law. 
 
 Theire Malice they have evidenced in theire 
 
 language, and viperous writings. Of this stuff 
 
 you have enough in the Earle of Orerys answer 
 to Peter Welsh his letter to the then Marquis 
 now Duke of Ormond desiring a just and mer- 
 cifull regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland: 
 what could be more rationall than such a de- 
 mand? yet Orery must quarrell with the con- 
 tents of said letter, and belch out poyson against 
 

 
 
 
 20 PREFACE. 
 
 
 
 the whole Nation and theire Religion. To this 
 answer P. W. replyed and solidly confuted Orery: 
 lett the indifferent Reader after deliberation 
 Iudge of which side truth, sollid reason, and — 
 learning is in the writings of both. 
 
 It vexed Orery above all measure that P. W. | 
 advanced these two propositions. 1. That the 
 worst of the Irish Papists were no Regicids. 2. } 
 That the Irish Papists fought against such men, 
 when England, Scotland, and the Protestants of | 
 Ireland deserted the Royall cause. 
 
 To the first Orery makes this pittifull answer, 
 “That the Irish Papists are no Regicids; let it — 
 be considered , that the Doctrin of Regicids is 
 common in Romish schools, and the practice in 
 their courts.” This is a false Calumny, tell us | 
 Orery in what Romish University or School is | 
 this Doctrine Common ? in what Catholick Court 
 is this practice? you can not tell us, and there- 
 fore you are convinced of Calumniating Catholick — 
 Schools, and Courts, which is no Creditt for 
 
 ou. . 
 if In the mean time wee demaund Orery in what — 
 School was the Doctrin had, by which Crum- 
 well and the rabble of blooddy Rebells murthered 
 the good King Charles the first, in the School 
 of Geneve or Rome? Speak freely your minde, 
 and tell us on what side were you when the king | 
 was murthered, of Crumwells party or the | 
 Kings? of Crumwells party you were then , and 
 had you been then in London likely (this is the 
 
PREFACE. 21 
 
 opinion of many) you had been a high man in 
 that blooddy jury ; and after that Kings death 
 noe man desired more (as was generally spoken 
 of you) to King Crumwell, and unKing our 
 present Soveraigne that you. 
 
 To P. W. his second proposition you answer 
 thus: “That to touch the annoynting, is virtu- 
 ally to touch the annoynted, take away the rega- 
 lia, and in effect you take away the King.” 
 Orery all this is true, but what Hlation make you 
 of this? who I pray are those that touched the 
 annoyntings, and the annoynted, the Catholicks 
 of Ireland; or Crumwells party ? (whose faith- 
 full Ianniser you have been.) The annoyntings 
 you have touch’d formally, all the Regalia, the 
 
 Kings Cittys, Townes, Forts, Militia, and for 
 
 addition to your treason you made open warre 
 against the Crowne and King, (it was Crumwell 
 and you all touched then the annoynted virtually) 
 and here you stayd not, but touched the annoynted 
 formally , when you put him to death by an un- 
 heard and most blooddy solemnity , and as it were 
 by Iustice or course of law, an asacinate, that 
 hath contaminated the glory of the English Na- 
 tion , though the best and most of the Peers and 
 good people of England abhorr’d it. Your an- 
 Swer to this second proposition you conclude 
 thus: “Had the Devill had leave to touch Iobs 
 person , hee would not have spar’d him, when 
 he touched all that was his.” You say right 
 Orery ; but what say you to this; that you and 
 
ae. PREFACE. 
 
 your Companions after touching all that was the 
 Kings, having touched his sacred person, and 
 Barbarously killed him. See and reckon among 
 your selves, what Kinde of Divells you were 
 
 then, and if you have not gon a stepp farther | 
 
 against your owne King, then the Divell did 
 against Iob. 
 
 Orery you might take us for men of short 
 
 memory, if we should forgett, how you by way 
 of rallery said of 54. Catholick Gentlemen No- 
 minees, that were to be restored , (and made ac- 
 count they should be soe) to theire chief houses, 
 and 2000. Akers of ground, that it was intended 
 by the act, they should be only Nominees, No- 
 mine restorable, but not re. You have play’d 
 the Prophett Orery (though you spake in a leer- 
 ing way) for as yett none of them have been re- 
 stored, (as wee are informed) nor likely shall; 
 yett at that tyme you abused the Kings goodness 
 
 and credulity , assuring his Majesty, there was a — 
 
 sufficient stock of reprisalls to satisfy all. 
 
 
 
 After taking some paines, in reading over the — 
 
 hott (papering) contention between the Earl of 
 Orery, and Father Peter Welsh Frier Minor 
 Lector of Divinity, I found Orery’s answer to 
 P. W. his letter to the then Marquis now Duke 
 of Ormond, to be an Eloquent, Pollished, 
 
 Elaborated piece, but full of Cavills, artifice, | 
 
 fallacies , untruths, and sophistry ; all his study 
 and paynes tend to render the Catholicks of Ire- 
 
 land odious , and infamous , and theire peace of 
 

 
 PREFACE. 23 
 
 1648. voyd: (Rem non benam facis Orere, ul- 
 tra vires tuas est negotium) hee showes in his 
 writings a bitter soule, and great pride and pre- 
 sumption , (I owe not soe much to his degree as 
 to spare telling him truth , nor want I confidence 
 to defend truth, and my Country , against a per- 
 son of higher quality than hee is.) Never came 
 in my way an Author, that writes of a whole 
 Nation, and theire Religion, less Christianly , 
 less nobly , and less truly; and for his paynes 
 hee is worthy of the praise S. Augustin gives to 
 such a man, as this: Ingentum in malo vene- 
 num in auro. 
 
 - Upon a Bull of Vrbanus 8. to the confederate 
 Catholicks of Ireland, Anno 1643. hee makes 
 a mocking malicious coment. This Bull imports 
 noe more than an exhortation to the Catholicks 
 to free themselves from the oppressions, and 
 grivous Injuries , theire fellow subjects the Pro- 
 testants did them , who had designed to pull them 
 up roote and bransh, (as was evidently made ap- 
 peare) hee alsoe praised the Catholicks for indea- 
 vouring to defend themselves, and theire Reli- 
 gion, and gave them Indulgences in so just and 
 good a quarrell ; his Holliness speaks not a word 
 in all against the King, nor obedience due to 
 the King; Richard Belings esquire Agent to 
 that Pope from the confederate Catholicks hath 
 atested , that his Holliness commaunded him to 
 tell his Children the Catholick Confederats, that 
 hee would have them in defending themselves , 
 
24 PREFACE. 
 
 and Religion, to continue constantly obedient to 
 theire King , and after his Holliness sent an ex- 
 cellent and pious letter to the suprem Councell | 
 of the confederate Catholicks, of which I shall | 
 speak more hierafter. Will not the world rather 
 believe his Holliness owne Letters , and the Mes- 
 senger wee sent him, in declaring his sence in 
 the aforesaid Bull, then Orery the Popes enemy? 
 What I pray is contained in that Bull, that an 
 honest man can reprehend? would Orery have © 
 the Pope be soe madd, as to forbid his Children 
 to defend themselves and Religion against him, 
 and his Companions ? 
 
 Good God how this man doth abuse this Popes 
 pious and good meaning expressed in foresaid 
 Bull, which Orery tells the world was a Che- 
 rishing of the Catholicks in Rebellion , as if our 
 taking up armes for our necessary defence of 
 lives, and Religion against the Protestants our 
 fellow subjects could haue been a rebellion, as 
 hee would faine perswade his reader, and that 
 the Popes aforesaid Bull was a Cherishing of 
 the Catholicks in a Rebellion: to which purpose 
 hee speaks thus: “If the Popes power over the 
 Irish be soe great, theire obedience to the King 
 must be little :” as if the Religion of the Catho- 
 licks had an inconsistency with their duty and 
 obedience to the King, which is most false. The 
 Popes power over the people is in spiritualibus ; 
 the Kings power in temporalibus ; and thuse | 
 powers doe wel agree (as is evidently knowne 
 
 
 

 
 PREFACE. 25 
 
 over all the world) in the power of Catholick 
 Princes over theire subjects, and in the Popes 
 power over the same people ; those powers, and 
 Jurisdictions in Catholick tymes in England did 
 hot Clash, nor doe they now in theire nature, 
 the Catholick people paying theire duty to both ; 
 it is true the Luminare Majus (the Pope) Ca- 
 _tholicks venerate more, then Luminare minus 
 (the King) because Luminare Majus hath the 
 greater light and influence ; yet they doe not 
 therfore omitt to pay due veneration to the King, 
 Orery brings noe proofe, or sound argument, 
 to prove what hee assumed, (that the Pope’s Bull 
 was sent for Cherishing a Rebellion ,) but his 
 _ owne authority, which with us hath little creditt , 
 and will soe with any, that shall know his ways 
 and dealings. 
 __ I pray Orery to make this reflection, whether 
 there have ever been in the world more execra- 
 ble and blooddy Rebells then himselfe and Com- 
 panions, who had noe dependence upon the 
 Pope, but quite contemed his authority, and 
 his person hated, Hee will not (I hope) say the 
 Pope Cherish’d theire Rebellion. 
 
 The Man hath much strained his brains in im- 
 pugning the mentioned Bull; and as if hee had 
 done a great bussiness, says thus of the Irish 
 Catholicks: “If they succeed, heaven and Ire- 
 land is theirs; if they aceecd not, heaven is 
 theirs.” Orery by the quarrell, wee ‘intended to 
 hold what of Ireland was ours, against invaders ; 
 
 c ‘ 
 
26 PREFACE. 
 
 who can blame us for this? and fighting for Re- 
 ligion, wee had a good claime to heaven; and 
 though wee succeeded not in fighting , our claime 
 to heaven is still good by our faith and good 
 works; this claime all our Enemys, with the 
 Protestant Parlaments of England, and Ireland 
 are not able to take from us. Orery and all of 
 his bands and Combination hath dealt with us as 
 the Divill did with Iob; the Divill touch’t all 
 that was Job’s, except his life; Orery and his 
 people have touched all that was ours except our 
 soules, which we hope in his Devine mercy God 
 will preserve for his owne Worship and glory, 
 soe as wee have still title to say, “ heaven is 
 ours :” but hee and his cannot say for themselves , 
 ‘heaven is ours,” until they shall change , theire 
 Religion into a true faith , doe good worcks, and 
 restore what they haue uniustly taken from us. 
 
 I will here sett downe a few of Orerys propos- 
 sitions, let the reader after perusing them, 
 Iudge of them. 
 
 In his answer to P. W. his Letter to the Mar- 
 quis of Ormond hee calls the Irish Nation a 
 ‘beast,” “the Country a very pest-house,” and the 
 Religion of the Catholicks something that pinns 
 them upon the sleeve of the Pope. Was ever 
 such a diffinition given of Religion? S. Paul 
 defines faith thus. Est jides sperendarum sub- 
 stantia rerum, argumentum non apparentium. (Ad 
 
 
 

 
 PREFACE. 27 
 
 Hebr. Cap. 11.) The Apostle speaks nothing 
 here of pinning, or of the Popes sleeve. Orery 
 this kind of scoffing rallery in holy things is 
 ignoble , and better becoming Comedians than 
 Counsellors, We owe the Pope and his sacred 
 Dignity due obedience, which wee will with 
 Gods blessing Religiously pay all our lives, 
 fremant , frendeant , rumpantur invidia Oreri & mille 
 impij nugatores : and this obedience did neuer take 
 away , obedience due to our King, nor ever will. 
 Who but a beast would call a noble and ancient 
 Nation a beast? sum will tell him he kicks 
 against the whole Nation , because hee is a beast, 
 highly pampered , and fed with honours, lands , 
 and Riches. Did ever any call the faire Country 
 of Ireland a Pest-house but this man? why came 
 soe many poore indigent men out of England this 
 age into this Pest-house to make theire fortunes ? 
 why came his Father thither (likely hee hath 
 herd , in what state, and plight his Father then 
 was) hee found himselfe very well for many 
 yeares in this Pest-house. 
 
 In his answer to P. W. hee speaks these Godly 
 words: “Let it not seem strange or hard, at 
 least to P. W. and his Country-men, if a con- 
 tinued Series of Covenant-breaches, rapines, 
 Murthers, Massacres, Cruelties, perfidies , 
 treasons , and Rebellions, exercised against the 
 Crowne, and Protestant Religion , raise jealous- 
 sies in the harts of all Judicious Protestants.” 
 

 
 28 PREFACE. 
 
 Is not this a pious gloss of a Geneua Presby- 
 terian upon a wicked theme? doth not hee show 
 the spleen , and rancour of a cankered hart, in 
 this high tone , and storme of Language against 
 a whole Catholick Nation? Orery it is great 
 Callumnie , that the body of the confederat Ca- 
 tholicks exercised , Rapins , Murthers and thosé 
 other abominations , or acted any thing against 
 King and Crowne. To the contrary in theire 
 oath of association you will finde an express 
 branch of defending the Crowne, King, and 
 Royall Family. We are not accountable for 
 what Murthers, some of the common people at 
 the first rising in the North, committed against 
 poore Protestants , with the taking away of theire 
 cattel and goods; which wee pittied with all our 
 harts; the body of the Catholicks were not, as 
 yet com into the quarrell (but awhile after were 
 forced to take Arms to avoyed theire owne De- 
 struction which could not be otherwise avoyded) 
 and since taking Arms they have done all a long 
 what the laws of a just -warr allow’d. _But when 
 you have your selfe commaunded a part of the 
 Parlaments Rebellious Army have you contained 
 your common soldiers from Murthering, and 
 Robbing the innocent common people ? wee found 
 the contrary by experience. 
 
 Orery Pagina 28. of his answer to P. W. plays | 
 the Hypocrite with a great show of holiness. — 
 “‘ However (saith hee) the once suduced Protes- 
 
PREFACE, 29 
 
 tants of Ireland are willing to take shame to 
 _ themselves , and give glory to God in confessing 
 their guilt such , (though not by causing, yet by 
 complying with the late usurpation , though to a 
 good end) that they redily acknowledg, they 
 owe theire lives and estates to his Majesty’s grace 
 and Indulgence.” This is humble and dutifull 
 language, and such as should be spoken toa 
 King, but all is spoken to a King coming home 
 with tryumph, and entring, into Ireusalem with 
 Osanna in excelsis, Benedictus qui venit in 
 Nomine Domini: But to this Kings Father, a 
 King and the Fountaine of Iustice, as well as 
 the Royal Sonne, sorely afflicted what were the 
 Salutations, and cry’s of Orerys Companions ? 
 Tolle , Tolle, Crucifige : some men have witt to 
 change theire dialect of speaking according to the 
 change of tymes, and fortune, Orery is said to 
 be one of these. 
 
 I pray you heare the scurrill impudency of 
 this people in tyme of theire Rebellion , sending 
 in a derisory manner Hue and cry after his 
 Majesty, when they could not light on his Royall 
 person. 
 
 . “Tfany man can bring any tale, or tydings of a 
 
 wilfull King, who had gon a stray these foure 
 
 yeares from his Parlament, with a guilty: Con- 
 
 science , bloody hands, a hart full of brooken 
 
 vowes , and protestations: if these marcks be not 
 C3, 
 
PREFACE. 30 
 
 sufficient, there is another in the* Mouth, for 
 bid him speak and you will soone know him: 
 then give notice to Britanicus , and you shall be 
 well payd for your paines. God save the Par- 
 lament.” In Merc. Britanicus. 
 
 Who may not doubt but these kinde of men 
 * are those crept in unawarrs , who (as the Apostle 
 Iude tells us) despise dominion , and speak evil 
 of dignities:” did not the same Apostle foretell, 
 “that there should be such mockers in the last 
 tyme , whoe should walke after theire owne un- 
 godly Lustes.”—lude Epis. 
 
 I hope Orery will not say the great Rebells, 
 the Irish Catholics (such hee would haue them 
 be) did ever revile afflicted Majesty in such a 
 scofling way : truly they did not , but at all tymes, 
 and upon all occations in their Pulpitts, theire 
 congregations, and Publick assemblyes they 
 spake of the King with all veneration, and Com- 
 passion. 
 
 - Now his Majesty coming home in prosperity, 
 those mockers of his Father are all becom purify’d 
 Musellmans and speake nothing but Magnalia of 
 the King. For all this, there are thousands of 
 good true Protestants, Royallists in England 
 that still feare, those new penitents , for abusing 
 Royal Autority (or at least faigne themselves 
 
 * Bos in Lingua. 
 

 
 PREFACE. 31 
 
 soe to be) would be glad to heare once more that 
 millitary word “as you: were,” and if this shall 
 
 com about, the King will not have soe dutiful 
 
 language from them. 
 
 That Orery says hee and other Protestants 
 complyed with the usurpation to a good end, is 
 a strange expression , hee needs explaine himselfe, 
 They invaded all the regalia, that is, they took 
 away the Kings Navy , Forts, Townes, Militia , 
 and in the end they Murther’d the King him- 
 selfe. Does Orery call this a good end of com- 
 
 plying with the usurpation. 
 
 The truth is, Orery and his companions in 
 
 _ Ireland came home, when they could noe longer 
 
 stand of ; the King may thank General Muncks 
 ingenious stratagem for theire coming in, theire 
 
 intention and ways were well knowne. Now the 
 Kings worke being done by Munck with all 
 
 wished success (soe as those in Ireland had no 
 power to hinder it) then Orery and the rest 
 thought fitt to cry out “let the King live ;” and as 
 hee and his trusty comrades syding with the usur- 
 pation , had government and places of trust and 
 profitt (they then alt danced to Crumwells pype) 
 Soe now they court the King returning home, 
 “and show themselves great penitents, taking 
 Shame td themselves of their guilt and giving 
 glory to God.” Is not this a great glory to God, 
 to confess a rebellion , they could noe more deny , 
 then wee can deny its day when the Sonne is 
 shining and scorching the earth. ‘That which 
 
32 PREFACE. 
 
 much troubles Orery, is, that the Irish Ca- 
 tholicks doe not acknowledge themselves guilty 
 of a rebellion with him, and give glory to God 
 that way, but they being , not guilty of such re= — 
 bellion and treason against the Crowne answer 
 with S. Augustine, Prestat magis innocentem 
 esse quam ponitentem. 
 
 Orery ingag’d (as aboue was said) in a horrid © 
 rebellion, if hee could make the Catholicks con- 
 fess themselves to have been Rebells, if this hee 
 could compass , hee wonld indeed triumph, and 
 say in a leering way: behold the Irish Catho- 
 licks Confess they have been rebells as well as 
 wee; but wee have obtain’d pardon, which was 
 denyed them, and have gott theire estates and 
 lands to boot; let them now walk through out 
 the world like poor and naked rebells. 
 
 But of our side some will say, that at the 
 tyme Orery and his people had pardon, and the 
 Catholicks not: “ Non erat Rex Iupiter omnibus 
 idem.” And that his Majesty’s censure in the 
 case between us was that the Poet speaks of. 
 “ Dat veniam coruis, vexat censura columbas.” 
 Certainly his Majesty , in our, and your case, 
 Orery , hath not walk’t according to Plato his 
 excellent rule: “‘ Non infelix sed malus semper 
 caStigandus est , ut fiat melior.” (Plato. legum 
 2 lib.) Not the unlucky, but the wicked man, 
 is allways to be Chastysed, that hee may be 
 amended. The Royall Iudgment went quite 
 another way, for the unfortunate Irish Catho- 
 
PREFACE. By3) 
 
 licks were severly punished, and the wicked 
 Crumwelian people have bin pardoned, and re- 
 warded with the estates of the Irish Catholicks. 
 Kingdoms abroad can hardly believe matters 
 were soe carryed. Likely these people are now 
 contented, having theire hearts desire in this 
 world , soe as they may say with out feare “ Ire- 
 land is ours.” But theire memory will perish, and 
 themselves, or theire posterity will be distroy’d 
 by as wicked men as themselves that destroy’d 
 us. Solomon sayd well: ‘“ The memory of the 
 just is with praises: the name of the Impious 
 shall rott.” (Prov. Cap. 10.) I will give Orery 
 and his frinds a good counsell out of the wise 
 man: “ Stuppa collecta Synagoga potentium , et 
 consumatio illorum Stamina ignis.” ‘ The sig- 
 nagog of sinners is as tow gathered together , and 
 theire consummation a flame of fire.”——EKceeles. 
 Cap. 21. 
 This Man for wounding Catholicks makes 
 arrows of all wood, and frequently brings out 
 this expression of the King against them. ‘Wee 
 doe extreamly detest the odious Rebellion, which 
 the recusants of Ireland have without ground or 
 eullour raised against us, our Crowne, and 
 Dignity.” Hee further says: “These words of 
 the King were not spoken in a corner but under 
 the great seal, and were worthy to be written 
 with a beame of the sonne.” All this is but an 
 exaggeration to render us more odious. But will 
 Orery tell us, with what Beame would hee have 
 

 
 34 PREFACE. 
 
 the blooddy Rebellion of Crumwell, of himselfe 
 and the rest written ? if there be any brighter 
 then that of the sonne wee are to seek out 
 for it. 
 
 Orery knows well there is noe fouler staine} 
 (except Heresy which is a spirituall Rebellion) 
 then that of Rebellion , and therefore leaves noe 
 
 ’ I 
 stone unmou’d to make our warre such: the 
 
 name is execrable and ignominious, and the 
 marks of reproach inflicted upon Rebells, are 
 full of disgrace. The Civilians speak much of 
 them , as thus. 
 
 * Rebellis , incurrit , ipso jure poenam mortis. 
 
 “ Rebellis , perdit ipso jure dominium bonorum. 
 
 * Rebellis, potest a quo libet impune occidi. 
 
 * Rebelli , nec jus reddi debet. ; 
 
 * Rebelles, Subdisi, tanquam pirate et la- 
 trones tractari solebant. 
 
 * Rebellium domus solo equari debent & sale 
 spargi. 
 
 “ Rebellium legati possunt occidi. 
 
 * Rebelles perdunt privilegia, & pro mortuis — 
 
 habentur, non habent Civitatum beneficiat , non 
 jus azili, neque servanda est eiis fides. 
 ** Rebeles non debent in Iudicium citari, sed 
 
 celeri vindicta puniri; et Rebellionis factum 
 
 fufficit absque sententia declaratoria.” 
 
 Seeing Rebells are soe odious and execrable 
 persons, Orery is to make in this place a dubble 
 
PREFACE. 35 
 
 reflection ; the first, how infamous and wicked 
 men they have been, whose guilt was a con- 
 fessed Rebellion ; secondly they are for ever to 
 praise the King’s Clemency, who pardoned soe 
 wicked a Crime. 
 
 The Iudgment of Civilians, of Rebells being 
 as above specified noe greater injury can be done 
 to the Irish Catholicks who have beene still Loy- 
 all to the King, then to tell the world, theire 
 just warre was a Rebellion. 
 
 _ However it imports not much, that our enemys 
 eall us soe, for an Enemys testimony against 
 another Enemy, is of small force: my possitive 
 denyall of what hee affirmes is a justification 
 good enough ; if hee brings not against me , Tabu- 
 las, testes, and great Evidences, hee does nothing. 
 
 My present subject of writing is not to Iustify 
 the Irish Warre of 1641. which, I heare, is 
 already don by a learned pen; yet something I 
 may say for confuting Orery’s ill affected Iudg- 
 ment of us and our quarrell. 
 
 That a defensive warre can be raised without 
 the consent and Authority of any Prince isa 
 common Doctrin of Divines, Canonistes, and 
 Civilians ; and that it may some time extend it- 
 selfe in effect to the nature of an offensive warre. 
 This Doctrine is warranted by the Law of Na- 
 ture , (a more binding law then are the possitive 
 law’s of men, (which if repugne to that of na- 
 ture are noe law’s ;) for by this law, a man can 
 defend himselfe against violence without recur- 
 
36 PREFACE. 
 
 ring to the Prince. The Law of God is alsoe for 
 the like defence. “Si effringens vir domum sive 
 effodiens fuerit inventus, & accepto vulnere mor- 
 
 tutus fuerit, percussor nonecrit reus sanguinis.” 
 “Tf the thiefe be found breaking up the house or 
 undermining, and receiving a wound dye, the | 
 
 stricker shall not be guilty of blood.” (Exod. 
 Cap. 22.) By this divine precept, as alsoe by 
 the law of Nature, it is clear and evident a pri- 
 vate man may Kill another in defence of his 
 houshold goods. ‘Sed multo magis (says S. 
 Thomas) Liettum est defendere propriam vitam, 
 quam propriam domum.” ‘That is to say “‘it is 
 much more lawfull for a man to defend his life 
 than his house.” (S. To. 24.2 @. g. 6. A. 7.) 
 Ergo if aman Kills another in defence of his 
 own life, hee shall not be guilty of Murther: 
 which case is to be understood, that hee intends 
 not to Kill t?other man but in defence of his owne 
 life ; and though some hould ; the man defending 
 himselfe may not intend the Killing of that other 
 man, but only the preservation of his owne life , 
 yet the more common opinion is, hee can, and 
 any other thing else that tends, to the preserva- 
 tion of life. 
 
 The sacred Canons also subscribe to this Doc- 
 trin in this Dialect. “ Sine principis authoritate 
 per aliquod particulare bellum Licitum est alicui 
 injuriam repellere.” ‘That is “ It is lawful with- 
 out the authority of the Prince, for any man by 
 a particular Warre to repel Injuries.” (De grafys 
 
PREFACE. 37 
 
 ex cap. significasti, desce: 36. M. 35.) If you 
 question by what Authority is such a warre legi- 
 timated , answer is given out of the Cannons. 
 Authoritate Juris: which warranteth all men 
 ‘to prosecute their right , and defend themselves ; 
 See the Divines.* 
 By the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland, if a 
 _ private man Kills another se defendendo , hee is 
 quitt , because the action is Judged lawfull, and 
 yet to Legitimate such an act the Princes Au- 
 _ thorify intervenes not, the reason is evident, 
 “because: “ Jd licitum est jure naturali, Divino, 
 et Civili , et Canonico:” “ By the Law of Nature, 
 Devine, Civill, and Cannon, itis lawful by force, 
 to repell force.” Azor. 3 a. part lib. 2. cap. 1. 
 It is here to be observed that this inculpable 
 defence hath soe large an extent, that it reach- 
 eth to the defence not only of every privat 
 man’s life, but alsoe of his goods, Chastity, 
 honour, if such things can not be otherways 
 preserved. Soe 8S. Thomas. (In 2 a. 2 @. q. 64. 
 a.7.) Now if such defense is lawfull for privat 
 Men, how much more for a Commonwealth or 
 Nation? “ Bonum enim eommune excellentius 
 universalius at subende Divinius est.” “For 
 that a Common good is more excellent, more 
 universal, and somtymes more Devine then a 
 
 *In2a.22. q. 40. & q. 64. and the interpriters of 
 holy writt in Rom. 13, % 
 D 
 
38 PREFACE; 
 
 ‘private good.” (Bannez. In 2 a. 2 @ g. 40. a. 1. 
 dub. 2. con. 1.) And if it be lawfull to wage warre 
 upon such inferiour motives, as is the preservation , 
 or recovery of temporall goods, honour and the 
 Jike, how much more lawfull is it to manage 
 warre upon that supreme motive of defending, 
 and perserving, the Catholick faith, without 
 which there is noe salvation. 
 
 This was the Judgment the pious and valiant 
 Machabees made of the warre they undertook , 
 and nobly persued for theire Religion and Laws, 
 which they preferd before theire wives and Chil- 
 dren, and all temporall' things most deare unto 
 them. The ‘“ Machabees being exhorted with 
 the words of Judas exceeding good, &c. they re- 
 solved to fight and to encounter manfully: be- 
 cause the holy Citty, and the Temple were in 
 danger. For there was less care for theire wives , 
 and Children, and alsoe for theire Bretheren, 
 and Kindsmen:; but the greatest and principal 
 feare was for the Holiness of the Temple.” Ma. 
 1, 2. cap. 15. f 
 
 How farre a defensive warre may extend , the 
 Schoolmen tell us, and say that by accident, it 
 may be somtyms lawful for the Common wealth 
 to doe , and offer all such Damages and Evill, as 
 may be done and offered in a just offensive warre. 
 “‘ Aliquando (saith Bannez) contingere potest , ut 
 liceat illis, inferre hostibus omnia illa mala, que 
 possunt in bello justo aggresivo.” “It may happen 
 somtyms, to bee lawfull for those ingaged in a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PREFACE, 39 
 
 defensive warr, to do all Evills and Damages 
 which can be offered or don in a just offensive 
 warre.”—(2a. 2@, g. 40, a. 1, d. 10, con. 1.)— 
 Which happeneth when the aggressors are publick 
 Enemys, and when there is noe recourse to the 
 Prince , and that those defending themselves can 
 noe otherwise avoyd the violence offered by the 
 assailants. 
 - ‘This was truly the case of the confederate 
 Catholicks as will clearly appeare to such as will 
 be pleased to examin it. Moreover the case then 
 Stood soe with his Majesty that hee was not able 
 _ to'redress the injuries don us, nor did our Ene- 
 mys then obay his commaunds, (I mean a little 
 after the warre begunn) but the Parliament , that 
 
 _ fell from the King. 
 
 For the better and clearer understanding the 
 
 _ nature of a defensive Warr, those therin ingaged 
 
 hould not themselves passively , but actively , soe 
 doe the words repell or beat back signify: if the 
 
 _ end it be lawfull, then are the necessary means to 
 
 eompasse that end also lawfull: if the defence of 
 
 on’s selfe be lawfull, then is the Killing of the 
 
 invader (without which the life of the invaded 
 
 cannot be preserved) Lawfull , soe as to kill is in- 
 volved in the act of defence , and the lawfullness 
 of the one infers the lawfullness of the other. 
 _ “ Si vis (saith the civill Law) fiat persone, tune 
 | licitum est se defendere, & defendendo percutere, 
 imo etiam occidere , si aliter non potest quis eva- 
 dere manus ejus.” “Tf violence is don toa person, 
 
 
 
40 PREFACE. 
 
 it is then lawful for him to defend himselfe, and 
 defending himselfe to strick , and alsoe to.kill, if 
 hee cannot: otherwise. escape the hands of his 
 Enemys. Thus stood the case with the Irish 
 Catholicks , that they must have kill’d, or have 
 beene killed.”—-(§§. ad L. Aquill. L. scientiam 
 §§. gui cum agiter.) Yeasoe great is the Iustice 
 of a defensive Warr , that devines teach , it is law- 
 full “for the Sonne to defend ‘himselfe against — 
 his Father, the Wife against her husband, the | 
 servant against his Master, the Subject against 
 his Superiour , and the vassall against his Prince 
 or King.” Soe Azor: Nempe. “ Licttum esse 
 Filio contra Patrem, uxori contra Maritum , 
 subdito contra Superiorem, vassallo contra prin= 
 cipem sive Regem se defendere.” —(Instit. Moral. 
 p. 3, 1. 3, gq. 6.) If it be lawfull for the Subject 
 or vassal in a just cause to defend himselfe 
 against the Prince , it much be lawfull to defend 
 himselfe against his fellow subject. 
 
 Here I meet with an objection in which our 
 adversarys put great force. The Irish Catholicks 
 (say they) were the first aggressors. The objec- 
 tion is easily answered, as thus. It is a Com- 
 mon Doctrin of the Devines, that it is lawful to 
 prevent an Kvill that can not be otherways 
 avoyded then by preventing it, H. G. I see you 
 take your Pistoll in your hand cocking it to 
 shoote at mee, in that case it is lawful for mee to 
 discharge my pistoll and kill you, otherwise I 
 should be kill’d by you: will any law punish me 
 
PREFACE, 4} 
 
 for killing you soe, would the law of God or na- 
 ture have mee stay my hand untill Lam kill’d by 
 you. Tannerus a good Devine teacheth soe. 
 
  « Licitum est etiam previnire injustum agresso- 
 
 rem, si alia via commode defensionis non supe- 
 tat, & is jam aliqualiter est in culpe, sive in pro- 
 posito aggressionis injuste versetur.” “It is law- 
 full to prevent an uniust invader, if there is noe 
 other way of defence , and that actually the inva- 
 der is in fault or in a purpose of an uniust inva- 
 tion”—(q. 6, n. 7, de Iustitia et Iure.) Becanus 
 doth declare (examining this question) “an ali- 
 quando liceat invasorem prevenire et illum ocei- 
 dere antequam nos actu invadat?” hee answers: 
 “ Licere in his casibus , primo, si accedat ad in- 
 gadendum , nec evadere possum, nisi illum pre- 
 veniam: Secundo, si nondum accedat, tamen 
 instructus sit invadendum, nee possum effugere 
 nisi priveniam.” ‘Whether somtyms it is lawfull 
 for us to prevent the invader, and Kill him, 
 afore he actually invad’s us? hee answers that it 
 is, in these cases: first if he coms to invade mee, 
 and that I cannot escape but by preventing; se- 
 condly if hee does not as yet invade mee , but is 
 ready and prepared for that invation , and that I 
 eannot avoyd him but by preventing: in this 
 ease if I kill him I doe it me defenkendo, and 
 consequently (though I struck first) I am the de- 
 fender, and hee the aggressor.” Sotus Navar 
 Corduba Covar: and many houlds this Doctrin , 
 and Navar gives this example , of a Married man 
 
42. PREFACE.» 
 
 who has a dagger under his pillow, to kill his wife 
 withall, which shee discovering and knowing 
 may prevent by killing her husband, if there is 
 noe other remedy; the reason is, though actu- 
 ally hee has not done the execution, however hee 
 is in a radiness to perform it , for which end hee 
 
 kept her soe boulted up, and invironed, as shee. 
 
 cannot otherwise escape. 
 This was truly the case of the confederate Ca- 
 
 tholicks at the beginning of the Warr, they were | 
 
 boulted up in an Iland, as that woeman in the. 
 Chamber; there was noe doore open for them, 
 then by preventing the Presbiterians blooddy de- 
 signe ; if this they had not done, there had been 
 an end of them all. 
 
 Richard Bealings Esquire to Vrbanus 8s; 
 from the body of Irish Catholicks , and the Lord. 
 Bishop of Fernes , and Sir Nicholas Plunket sent 
 to Innocentius X. did not tell those Popes they 
 come from a body of Rebells, but from a people 
 Catholick the King of England’s subjects, and 
 for such they were respected, and vissited by the 
 greatest Princes and Cardinalls in the Citty: and 
 foure of the gravest Cardinalls were deputed by 
 Pope Innocentius to heare the two last, as Ca- 
 poni, Spada, Carassa, and Pansirolli Cardinall. 
 Secretari, and the afforsaid Bishop and Noble 
 Gentlemen , were esteemed over all the Citty for 
 good Catholicks, good subjects, and able men ; 
 and with other instructions received commaunds 
 from theire Holliness to the people of Ireland , to. 
 
 
 
PREFACE. 43 
 
 continue constant in the Catholick Religion , and 
 Loyalty to theire King. 
 - Thus much I thought fitt to say by way of di- 
 gression for Lustifying our warr that it was noe 
 Rebellion , and that this argument of Orery , the 
 King call’d the warr of the Irish Catholicks a 
 Rebellion , ergo it is a Rebellion doth not hould. 
 It is true, itis a received maxim that the King 
 can wrong noe man. The Reason is, because 
 the King is the Fountain of Iustice , and must be: 
 supposed not to have a will to wrong or offend any 
 of his people. But there is noe maxim that the 
 King may not be informed by Evil men or Coun- 
 sells, to the Distruction of his people, which 
 hath been often done by Statesmen, and Coun- 
 sellors, who seek after theire owne interest more 
 then the preservation of the people, which is and 
 ought to be the Kings principal care: in this 
 Kinde the Lords Iustices in Ireland, Persons 
 and Burlase with a malignant part of the Kings 
 Counsellors in the yeare 1641. informed his Ma- 
 jesty that the Catholicks of Ireland without dis- 
 crimination had entered into a Rebellion, when 
 only some discontented men began a Revolution 
 in the North , and those (as was generally spoken) 
 men of small Estates, and broken fortunes, the 
 Lords and Gentlemen of the other three Pro- 
 vinces . and all the Catholick townes , and Corpo- 
 rations having not taken arms, until forced there- 
 unto for the necessary defence of their Estates, 
 and Religion, (as above hath been said.) I doe 
 
44 PREFACE. 
 
 not heere accuse , or excuse the first rysing in the 
 North, but I confidently affirme, the Nobles, 
 and Catholick Gentlemen in the other three Pro- 
 vinces (and some of those in the North to, that: 
 did not joyn with the first Rysing in that Pro- 
 vince) and all the Catholick Townes, and Cor- 
 porations, lived in soe happy a state and soe 
 opulent and rich, that they would never abett a 
 Revolution for gaining other Mens estates ; it is 
 alsoe well Knowne, that all those have bin still 
 faithful to the Crowne , and theire Fathers before 
 them, as was well try’d in the Warrs of Desmon, 
 Tyron , and other smaller Revolutions. Thus it 
 happend , that his Majesty grounded his opinion 
 upon the information of foresaid Parsons Bur- 
 Jays , and a malignant part of the Counsell , cor- 
 rupt men, (who after fell from the King and ad- 
 hered to the Kings Enemys, the Rebellious Par- 
 lament.) _ Those represented the body of the 
 Irish Catholick Rebells ; and the King deceived , 
 and deluded by this information, call’d us Re- 
 bells , and our just warr a Rebellion, and to this 
 day wee were not heard to speak for ourselves, 
 and being unheard, ought to be reputed. inno- 
 cent. It is to be observed, that the first flame 
 of the rising in the North, had been soon 
 quenched , had Parsons and those of the Councell 
 given a Commission to the Marquis of Ormond 
 now Duke, to raise five thousand men , as hee de- 
 manded for that effect , with him had gon alonge 
 the Catholick Nobility and Gentlemen, and soe 
 

 
 PREBACE. 45 
 
 they had made a speedy work of it: But the 
 plott of those Crooked Ministers of State was to 
 involve all the Catholicks in the Business, and 
 thereby to finde a Cullor of confiscating theire 
 Estates. 
 
 » Orery stays not here, but puffed up with his 
 great. Fortune and a gall in Pupe tells the world 
 in a supersilious manner. That the birds of the 
 ayre, noe, nor the flyes contributed less to his 
 Majesty’s restrauration, then the Roman Catho- 
 licks in Ireland. Orery this is to much, this © 
 great contempt of the Catholicks, coms from a 
 great pride in you, and what you say is very 
 false, for the harty prayres of the Catholicks 
 (though with steel they could contribute nothing, 
 being then unarmed, and closed up in prisons 
 by you and your Companions,) have more con- 
 tributed to the Kings restrauration then birds 
 and fly’s that want reason could. 
 
 - Are wee bound to suffer this and other great 
 contumelies from a man soe lowly discended , as 
 to tell us, “the whole Nation is a beast, our 
 Country a Pest-house and our Religion som- 
 thing that pinns us upon the Popes sleeve?” Shall 
 wee endure all this from a man that hath bin 
 esteemed one of Crumwells spyes, (to be a spy, 
 _ is an infamous office) Orery if you are an English- 
 man (as you would have your selfe to be, and 
 likewise the Duke of Ormond) it is true the 
 Duke was born in England, and of an English 
 Lady (som say, had hee bin born in Ireland, 
 
 D3 
 

 
 
 
 46 ' PREFACE. 
 
 hee had been Kinder to the Nation and favoured 
 them more than hee did upon the last settlement) 
 but his Forefathers have all of them beene borne 
 in Ireland about four hundred and sixty years, 
 and the house had the Creation of Earle in King 
 Edward the third’s tyme Anno: Domini 1332. 
 Orery you cannot say soe much for your selfe in 
 the ranck of Nobility but be what you will, 
 English or Irish , I will tell you what an English 
 Gentlemen writes of you, (I have myselfe seen 
 the man) disguised under the name of William 
 Allen, in a most excellent piece, stiled “ Killing 
 is noe Murther”, speaking therein of the quality’s 
 of a tyrant applying all to Crumwell, of the fift 
 quality hee speaks thus, In all places they have 
 their spyes, and delators that is, they have 
 Fleetwoods ; theire Broughalls, theire S. Iohns, 
 (besides innumerable small spyes) to appeare dis- 
 contented, and not to side with them; that: 
 under that guise , they may get trust, and make 
 discoverys. Orery in Crumwells tyme was Lord, 
 Broughalls. . 
 
 This noble Man hath used still against us , his 
 sword and penn; but the latter hath made the 
 deeper Wound, if men credit his writings ; 
 cannot hee live contented with a good patrimony , 
 his Father provided for him, and a great lump 
 of Catholicks lands the King conferr’d upon him, 
 at once with the place of Lord President of the 
 faire and goodly Province of Munster (a dignity 
 his Fathers Child did little think to obtaine , 
 
PREFACE. 47. 
 
 and a reward his perfidity against the Crowne 
 did not meritt) cannot all these great Honours, 
 Estates , and Riches satisfy the Man, unless hee 
 see’s innocent Mzrdocheus hang’d on a high 
 gibbet? The goodness of God (wee hope) will 
 not allow, what hee desires , the extirpation of a 
 Nation. 
 
 Noble minds ordinarily esteem the place where 
 they , or theire parents have gain’d a great 
 Fortune and Settlement: Orery’s Father (it is 
 well knowne) from a low state came to one of 
 the greatest Estates in the three Kingdoms , hee 
 was neither Sword-man, nor Gown-man, nor 
 favoritt in Court, and yet purchased a prodi- 
 gious estate, came to the Dignity of an Earl, 
 High treasurer, of the Kingdom of Ireland, 
 matcht two of his Daughters, one to great 
 Geraldin Earl of Killdare (first Earl of Ireland) 
 another to the Lord Barry Viscount of Barre- 
 more; hee used for his Motto in this his great 
 prosperity. “Gods providence is my inheritance ,” 
 a Christian , and modest one, which for all that 
 signifyed hee had nothing left him by his parents. 
 These things I utter not by way of reproach, 
 for wee are all the Children of Adam, but to 
 minde Orery a little of the low and small nest, 
 in which his Father was hatched, that hee 
 should not soe farr forgett himselfe, as to con- 
 temne and trample under foote a whole Nation, 
 _ wherein are soe many ancient and Noble Fami- 
 lyes: and let him give me leave to tell him, it 
 
48 PREFACE. 
 
 is a great and an unwary Impertinancy for 
 guilty and contaminated men to reproach the 
 Innocent. 
 
 Hee that says much, or displeaseth others, 
 must hear something will displease himselfe , as 
 alsoe hee that goes armed against. many, expects 
 many armed against him. In tyme of usurpa- 
 tion those that commanded were very insolent ; 
 it was then indeed men could say of England, 
 what was said of Athens: that. there only small 
 theeves were hang’d, but the great ones were 
 free, and condemn’d the rest; wee hope it is 
 not soe in England: however Orery for one man 
 hath had the good Fortune. to escape in all 
 tymes , and on all sides , and to have a good post 
 and place in Every government. It is commonly 
 said, that against a mischief, badd parents doe 
 to theire Children , theire is noe other cure than 
 patience, but Orery being noe Parent, but an 
 Enemy to our Nation, is not to be borne: with, 
 and it is more reasonable his owne confusion 
 should be his cure, than our patience. The 
 Catholicks of Ireland , look upon him as a great 
 beast makeing a prey of all that’s weaker, and 
 really hee hath soe dealt with us, wherfore we 
 may deal with him in the same way according 
 to our strength, and if he is soe strong and in 
 court soe much favoured as wee may not have 
 him cited to make answer, the Court will give 
 us leave to expose his vertues or vices as wee 
 
 finde them written by others. In what I have 
 
PREFACE. 49 
 
 writt, I have done my duty, in strycking him 
 that Stryck’s my Country, for as Tertulean says. 
 ** In hostem Patrie emnis homo miles est.” 
 
 - Iwill here take my leave of Count Orery, 
 minding him of what P.W. in his little Book 
 stiled the Irish Cullours foulded, printed at 
 London Anno Domini 1662. in pag 20. thereof 
 he speaks of Orery to the Duke of Ormond as 
 followeth. 
 
 “For indeed my Lord he appears to mee all 
 along his writings, of the number of those , who 
 see heaven, and all the hopes of the other life, 
 as Mathematicians make us behold in a darke 
 Chamber , what soever passeth abroad , through 
 a little Crany , in such a manner, that all things 
 wee see, appeare like shaddows and landsckip’s 
 turned topsceturvy. Verily, I take this Gentle- 
 men to be abased soe by himselfe. And that 
 after hee hath stopped up all the windows and 
 accesses to heavenly Ray’s, he hath made a 
 little hole for the Moone, and all the blessings 
 of the other life have seemed very slender to his 
 distrustfull spiritt: and that hee hath put on a 
 Resolution to make a Fortune at what price 
 soever, and to build on earth like Caine, after 
 hee hath almost renounced the hopes of heaven.” 
 If Orery be such a man as P.W. discribes him ; 
 if he hath not a trembling in the head, as old 
 Cain the Murtherer had, hee cannot Chuse but 
 have a trembling and great heavinesse at the 
 hart. 
 
50 PREFACE. 
 
 After ending with Orery I finde a nother 
 Kinde of snake in the grass latet anguis in herba 
 full of poison, this man concels his name , 
 wherefore I Know not (for hee needed not feare 
 to write any thing against the Catholicks, when 
 all things runn against them.) Likely his fancy 
 was to throw the Stone, and hide his hand. 
 Hee writt at London Anno 1664. a book full of 
 vennime with this title, Hore Sub cesive. In 
 pag. 83. “hee affirmeth that Charles the second 
 is not obliged in the least by any Law of God or 
 man, of warr or Nations to Keep any one parti- 
 cle of the Irish Articles made or granted by 
 King Charles his Father in the yeare 1648. to 
 this purpose hee setts downe formally these 
 words in pag 81. King Charles the second , May 
 Lure Belli & Gentium ,-& lege talioins , without 
 breatch of faith or Articles (not excepting those 
 of 1648. soe much insisted on, and soe mightily 
 pleaded for by P.W. by that just Law (soe often 
 used, and prescribed by God himselfe) take the 
 lives, and fortunes of all bloodd-thirsty Popish 
 Rebells , and theire confederates , and associates. 
 
 This Godly man doth not cite in what Code or 
 Book this Law often used and prescribed by God 
 himselfe is to be had , nor can hee , nor doth hee 
 give any other reason or proofe for his assertion 
 then his own authority ; which can be of noe val- 
 lue with any pious man. I appeal to all the noble- 
 men and the worthy Protestant People of Eng- 
 land if this is not rather the proposition of a 
 
4 
 
 PREFACE. 51 
 
 Murtherer then of a Christian Gentleman , This 
 mans Book (Hore Subcessive) P.W. did learn- 
 edly confute in an Appendix hee added to his 
 reply to Orerys answer , and soe confounded him , 
 that hee neuer writt word after in his owne de- 
 fence. I remitt the Reader to whathee shall 
 finde in said Appendix of this Matter, and after 
 reading all let him ludge as hee shall finde fitting 
 and reasonable. 
 
 Can wee forgit to list in the number of our 
 Enemys the Earle of Clarendon Chancellor of 
 England, (hee deserves to head the first ranck 
 of them) a man of Ruine and Distruction , a Pest 
 to Catholicks , and Ireland. ‘ Was not this Cla- 
 rendon, this blooddy and covetous Statesman 
 heard oft to say with a fierce countenance and 
 passionate tone, the Irish deserve to be extir- 
 pated, and then hee would after his usual man- 
 ner come out with a great oath, and swear they 
 shall be extirpated. Good God what a heathin- 
 ish Expression is this in the Mouth of a Christian 
 Statesman , a Chancellor of Engelland.”* (Is not 
 a Christian King well Counselled in having 
 near him for Chiefe Minister of State such a 
 blooddy man voyd of all Justice and mercy.) 
 But did this Athist (soe great an Enemy to God- 
 liness can not be a Christian) think that God, 
 
 * Out of the Narrative of the Earl of Clarindons Set- 
 tlement and Sale of Ireland. 
 

 
 §2. PREFACE. 
 
 that hath appointed an Angell for the Guard. of 
 Every individuall person , would take no care to 
 perserve the body of an intyre Nation, but let 
 them all be destroy’d to satisfy the mind and an- 
 ger of a blooddy man. 
 
 Clarendon was in this bussiness like that. As- 
 tronomer, or Philosopher, who look’t upon: the 
 starrs , and fell into a well before his feet: hee 
 had then designed in his owne minde the ruine 
 of the Catholicks of Ireland , and very soon after , 
 hee stole out of England, with a Guilty Con- 
 science and Baggs of Gold in great feare, and 
 left, behind him his stately buildings, places of 
 pleasure, great Riches, and the veneration of 
 many that adored this man like an Idoll, (the 
 glory of the man is gon away like smooke and 
 his name rotten, and hated in England) and 
 flying into France , walked over some Provinces 
 of that Kingdome in trembling, like another 
 Cain before any settlement of himselfe. Justum 
 O Domine est Iudicium. tuum. And wee are 
 poor soules as yet living as wee can, and hope- 
 ing for Gods mercy. 
 
 Lam here to advertise my Reader of an abomi- 
 nable ingagement agree’d upon in the tyme of 
 usurpation against the Royall Family ; the con- 
 tents will teach you how good frinds they, were 
 to the King that conceived this ingagement P. W. 
 hath this oath page 74. of his reply to Orery’s 
 answer, and aptly terms it one of the oathes 
 taken by the Saints themselves the fautors of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PREFACE. 53 
 
 Crumwells Tyranny, and the wellwishers of his 
 Kings-ship. Which runneth thus: 
 
 . “J. A. B. doe hereby declare that I renounce 
 the pretended title of Charles Stuart, and the 
 whole line of King Iames, and of every other 
 person pretending to the Goverment of the Na- 
 tions of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the 
 Dominions , and Territorys thereunto belonging , 
 and that I will by the grace and assistance of the 
 Allmighty, be true and faithfull to this Common 
 Wealth against any King, single Pergon, and 
 House of Peers, and Every of them, and here 
 unto I subscribe my name.” 
 
 Can any oath be more horrid, or can any 
 written wickedness ascend higher? and conse- 
 quently can any mercy be greater then the par- 
 don his Majesty hath granted to the men that 
 hartily took this oath ? 
 
 “This ingagment was forced upon the Irish 
 Catholicks in soe high a Nature, that those who 
 would not take it, were debarred not only from 
 the benefitt of Law, but alsoe expos’d to an in- 
 evitable danger of death , the Soldiers of Crum- 
 wells Army, being command by publick Pro- 
 elamation, to kill any man. they met on the 
 high-way , who carryed not a Certificate about 
 him of having taken that ingagment: Commands 
 which were Cruelly executed on silly Pesants , 
 

 
 
 
 54 PREFACE. 
 
 who out of Ignorance, or want of care having 
 left theire ticketts at home, were Barbarously. 
 Murthered by the mercyless Souldiers.” * 
 
 Make now a serious reflextion upon said in- 
 gagement out of the same Authors. “It is very 
 remarkable, ( saith hee) that they who devised 
 this engagment, who hartily subscribed, and 
 forced others to take it, shall not be questioned , 
 or held Criminall, and that those, who never 
 saw it, before it was administrated to them, 
 who abhor’d it in theire harts, and were forc’t to 
 signe it to avoyd a blooddy, and violent death , 
 shall be declared nocents and an irecoverable 
 Sentence of Loosing theire estates given against 
 them , and theire estates so forfeited , to be con- 
 firm’d on those very persons, who compell’d the 
 proprietors to that forfeitur. Obstupescite Celi 
 super hoc & porte ejus desolamini vehementer.” 
 
 I defy all the Annals, and the Histories of 
 Tartars, Turcks, Scithians, or of what Peeple 
 soever to producejsoe horrible an injustice as this, 
 or a more wicked, and Barbarous pranck of 
 knavery , then those our Enemys have contrived. 
 
 King Charles our Soveraigne your Royall 
 Authority in England maintains the Peer in his 
 splendor and Dignity, the Commoner in his 
 birth-right and liberty, you protect the weak 
 from the oppression of the mighty, secure the 
 
 * Out of Clarendons Settlement and Sale of Ireland 
 pag. 8.. 
 
PREFACE: 55 
 
 _ Nobility from the insolence of the people, and 
 by this Equall, and impartiall Iustice is indif- 
 ferrently distributed to all the inhabitants of that: 
 great and flourishing Realme: And at the same 
 tyme use is made of the same Royall Authority 
 in your Kingdom of Ireland , to condemne inno- 
 cents, before they are heard’; to destroy soe 
 many hundred Widdow’s and Orphans; to con- 
 firme soe many unlawfull usurped possessions ; 
 to violate the public faith, to punish vertue, 
 to countenance vice, to hold loyalty a Crime, 
 and treason worthy of reward. 
 
 These are verities not to be doubted of in our 
 days, wee feel them by sore tryall: but after- 
 ages will hardly admitt them, and it must be a 
 very difficult matter to perswade those now, that 
 have not been eye-witnesses , Hint the fact ever 
 happened. 
 
 Now things being carryed in this nature. let 
 your Majesty seriously consider, of whome shall 
 God take account of our Distruction , of those 
 wicked states-men who abused your Authority ; 
 or of your Royall Person, for not bringing those 
 men (after our humble and publick prayres and 
 petitions to your Majesty for redress) to the test 
 and tryall of Iustice for having opprest us. 
 
 Consider Great King the prayer of King David 
 to God : 
 
 “O God give the Iudgment to the King. 
 
 “ And the Iustice to the Sonne of the King.. 
 

 
 56 PREFACE. 
 
 Why soe King David ? 
 “To Iudge (saith David) thy people in Ius- 
 tice, and thy poore in Iudgment.”—Psal. 71. 
 
 The Royall Prophet here gives the reason , 
 wherfore the power of Iudging, and Sword of 
 Justice is given to a King: to witt, that hee 
 Iudge the people in Iustice, and the Poor in 
 TIudgment. Which was not done ; soe complains ; 
 the Widdow’s and Orphans in Ireland perishing 
 in poverty and famin, and the world abroad is 
 in amazement, that this was not done, “ Won- 
 ders (they say) were done after his Majesty’s 
 restrauration, Rebells made honest men, and 
 honest men made Rebells by the Kings Royall 
 pleasure,” and all this brought about, by the 
 cunning and wickedness of certaine Statesmen , 
 wherby the King was cheated. and betrayd, 
 the innocent People ruin’d and impious States- 
 men enricht and magnify’d. Soe that the Poore 
 Catholeck People have nothing left them, but 
 to cry to thee O Lord. 
 
 “ Tibi derelictus est pauper Orphano tu eris 
 adjutor. 
 
 _ * Contere Brachium peccatoris § maligni.” 
 
 “ To thee is the poore left, to the Orphan thou 
 
 wilt be a helper. 
 
 ‘Break the arme of the sinner and Inaligwan ts 3 
 —Pesal. nonus, 
 
 Our Eyes and harts O God are turn’d upon 
 
PREFACE. 57 
 
 thee , seeing men have abandon’d us; O Lord 
 when will the day come of our Happiness ? when 
 shall wee with thankfullness say to all the world. 
 “ Our Lord hath heard the desire of the Poore , 
 and Iudged for the people, and the humble.” 
 
 Kings are more oblig’d to commiserat the cala- 
 mity’s of the afflicted then privat men, because 
 they are the Fathers of the people: Iob a holy 
 Prince in the land of. Hus (some hold hee was 
 an absolute King) did this. Heare him speak 
 King Charls. 
 
 “IT was an eye to the blind, and a foot to the 
 lame. 
 
 “T was the Father of the Poore ; 
 
 “JT brake the Iawes of the wicked man, and 
 out of his teeth I took away the prey.”—Job. 
 Cap. 29. 
 
 This it is the poore Catholicks most need to have 
 done for them, that the Royall hand will break 
 the jawes of wicked men, and take the prey out 
 of theire teeth. 
 
 Tob says further 
 
 “The eare hearing counted mee blessed, for 
 that I had delivered the poore man crying out, 
 and the people that had noe helpe. 
 
 “The blessing of him that was ready to per- 
 rish came upon mee, and I comforted the hart 
 ef the Widdow. 
 
 There are thousands of these weddows and 
 
 
 
58 PREFACE. 
 
 people crying out , comfort theire harts for they 
 are perrishing , and let it be done (as God would 
 have it to be done) by your Majesty, that the 
 blessings of the poore may fall upon you as they 
 did upon Iob, and all the blessings of heaven. 
 But why great King (give mee pardon for 
 Speaking to you) why have wee, your Catholick 
 subjects of Ireland been neglected , even to ruine 
 and Distruction; what did your Majesty see in 
 us , that could render us incapable of the pardon 
 granted to the Rebells in Generall? if our rising 
 in arms (which was against our fellow-subjects, 
 for our owne defence, and not against the Crowne 
 hath bin Iudged a Rebellion by your Royall Fa- 
 ther and your self, I hope you will hould us farre 
 smaller Rebells then those that made open warre 
 against the Crowne and your Majesty’s, and in 
 fine Murther’d your Father ; why then are they 
 pardon’d , and wee not? but in case our Revo- 
 lution hath bin Iudged a Rebellion (and in case 
 it had bine truly soe) upon the peace made and 
 concluded Anno 1648. (The Marquis of Ormond 
 having bin your Royall Fathers Commissioner to 
 that effect.) Wee had an act of Oblivion from 
 your Father of blessed Memory for all that had 
 passed, and after confirmed by your Majesty: 
 this act of Oblivion had wyp’t away the Rebel- 
 lion, ergo it can not rise , againe in Iudgment 
 against us, nor can wee be punished for a Crime 
 already forgiven: this being soe, why are wee 
 east of , why left under a staine of Rebellion , 
 
PREFACE, 59 
 
 the true Rebells being forgiven ? why being In- 
 nocent doe wee suffer this contumely ? why are 
 wee strucken downe as dead men by your Royall 
 Hand, Lands, Houses, Estates and all wee had, 
 being conferr’d on men , which have noe right to 
 them, our Enemy’s, and one tyme your owne: 
 they pretend noe claime to our Estates and li- 
 vings, noe pack’t, stipulation or convieance: 
 by your Majesty’s pleasure only (thats theire sole 
 tytle) they hold all, and wee have lost all, By 
 what Law are wee thus treated, and destroy’d, 
 by that of God, or Nature, or Nations? all 
 done against us, is against all those Lawes, and 
 against the Law of England, to, a good Law, 
 by which noe man is to be deprived of his lands 
 and goods, but by a due course of Law, the 
 benefitt of this Law was denied us. 
 
 Wither then shall wee turne, what are wee 
 able to doe for our selves: the Father is not able 
 to helpe the Child, nor the Child the Father, 
 Mothers are weeping over their little ones lan- 
 guishing in want and hunger. 
 
 If wee are Innocent, (the Act of Oblivion 
 hath made us soe, though wee had bin guilty be- 
 fore) why are wee cast out of our houses, des- 
 poyl’d of our Lands, and Estates, that our Fore- 
 fathers have possessed soe many ages? If wee 
 have committed any Crime or treason against the 
 Crowne, your Royall Father, or your selfe (that 
 was not remitted) it were a greater mercy, to 
 hasten us into the other world, by a short and 
 
 
 
50 PREFACE. 
 
 violent death , then to condemne us to a lingering 
 one, to be consumed, in coldness, hungar, and 
 nakedness , and a shamefull slavery at home and 
 in all the Regions of Europ. 
 
 Your Majesty hath been pleased to tell pub- 
 lickly the Peers, and People of England, “That 
 wee abroad have followed your Majesty from 
 Kingdom , to Kingdom, and that with all cheer- 
 fullness and obedience ; that wee received and 
 submitted to your Royall Orders , and betook our 
 Selves to what service your Majesty directed, at 
 that tyme most convenient, and behoof full to 
 your Majesty, though attended with inconve- 
 niences enough to our selves, and your Majesty 
 Tudged this our demeaniour very worthy of Pro- 
 tection , Iustice and favour.” Your Kingly Lan- 
 guage the 27. July 1660. to the House of Peers 
 touching the Act of Indemnity, was this: “I 
 hope I need say nothing of Irelande and that they 
 alone shall not want the benefitt of my mercy : 
 they have shew’d much affection to mee a broad , 
 and you will have a care of my honour, and 
 what I have promised to them.” 
 
 These veritys uttered by your Majesty are 
 owned. by our greatest Enemys; for such, and 
 that wee ‘sacrifised ourselves and all wee had 
 faithfully , and hartily in your Majestys service. 
 
 Let me demaund here , where then have been 
 
 Braghall, Coot, Cloathworthy, and others ‘of 
 
 that band, those Grandees your Majesty hath 
 
 | 
 

 
 PREFACE. 61 
 
 been pleased to honour with great titles ; the two 
 first were made Earls of Orery , and Montrath 
 and the, last (Cloathworthy , that Knowne plun- 
 derer of the Queens Chappell, and summersett 
 House an infamous man) created viscount Mas- 
 saren? where I say againe , have these men been 
 in the dark days of your Callamitys, and adver- 
 
 sitys ? what were,they then doeing. 
 
 _ They were then stiffly struggling against your 
 Crowne and person, and Laying about them with 
 maine indeavours , that the Royall Family of the 
 Stuarts should never returne to theire owne Do- 
 minions; (to which purpose they contrived the 
 forementioned horrid ingagement.) In those ~ 
 days they stiled your Majesty only Charles Stu- 
 art, to call you King was a treason among them. 
 And what is don in the end? 
 
 After all theire villanys, contempt of. Royall 
 Family, open Rebellion and warr against the 
 Crowne, and after putting the good King to 
 death; after our fidelity, obedience, and, harty 
 affection to your Majesty, and after your owne 
 Kingly Testimonys, and expressions of the same: 
 the matter hath been strangly carryed.. How? 
 
 The knowne Rebells had your Majestys par- 
 don, they. were magnify’d, had places of trust 
 and profitt in the common wealth, and to boot 
 they carryed away our Houses, Lands, and 
 Estates, by your Majestys Graunt under the 
 great Seal. O tempora! O mores! O Lace- 
 
 E ; 
 
62 . PREFACE. 
 
 - ratam Lustitiam!. And what is our lott, and 
 share of this Tragicall play, after your Royall 
 promises of all favour and Protection ? wee are 
 left naked and desolate , crying to God as those 
 of Ierusalem did distroyed by theire Enemys. 
 
 _ “Remember O Lord what is fallne unto us, 
 behold and regard our reproath: Our inheritance 
 is turned to Aliens, and our Houses to strangers, 
 Wee are Pupills without Fathers, the joy of 
 our hart hath failed, our quire is turned to 
 mourning.” —Jerm. Thren. cap. 5. 
 
 This is our deplorable state: what your Ma- 
 jesty will doe with us, or for us, is only knowne 
 to God and your selfe , and we are to pray that 
 God will be pleased to incline your hart to such 
 a resolution, as may bring us some comfort, 
 which wee much need; ‘“ Cor Regis in manu 
 Domini, quocunque voluerit , inclinubit illud.” 
 
 Give freedom great King to a poore Priest, 
 to speak truth to your Majesty; it is noe new 
 thing that good Priests speak to Kings , and God 
 himselfe saith, hee will curse the blessings of 
 those Priestes, that will not speak truth, and 
 give glory to his holy Name; And the Prophet 
 Malachias tells your Majesty , that regard is to 
 be had of what the Priest says. ‘‘ For the lipps 
 of the Priest” (saith that Prophet) “shall Keep 
 Knowledg , and the Law they shall require out 
 of his Mouth: because hee is the Angell of the 
 Lord of hostes.”—(Malac. Cap, 2.) The truth I 
 
PREFACE. 63 
 
 presume to speak to you my King with all sub- 
 mission and sincerity is this. That your Majesty 
 hath great cause to feare the heavy “Iudgments 
 of God” for soe many thousands of Widdows and 
 Orphans perrishing for want in the view of the 
 world, by that fatall sentence called the bill of 
 Settlement. Iob tells us God hath, and doth 
 somtyme punnish Kings. “ Balteum Regum 
 dissoluit , & cinget fune renes eorum.” ‘He Loos- 
 seth the Belt of Kings, and girdeth theire reynes 
 with a cord.”—Job. Cap. 12. 
 
 He Loosed the Belt from your Fathers side 
 and girded his Reynes with a cord of sore aftlic- 
 tion: and yet hee was esteemed a sober, just, 
 chast King. 
 
 God, is a God of Iustice holding an Iron Rod 
 in his hand stretched over the heads of all Kings, 
 Emperours, and Popes, and tells them. “ Po- 
 tentes, Potenter tormenta patientur.’ Ezechias, 
 the holy King , when the Prophet told him hee 
 should dy , turning his face to the Temple said. 
 ** Quis est qui sic humiliat sublimes reges terre 2 
 Examen my Soveraigne, and ponder well the 
 words of that good King, and how hee was 
 frighted , hearing from the Prophet that he should 
 dy. Dy you must great King, when that shall 
 be God alone knowes, Et post mortem sequiter 
 Luditium. Those men that abused your Author- 
 ity on Earth will make noe answer for you; your 
 selfe must before that Tribunall , receive (as the 
 
64 PREFACE. 
 
 meanest of your subjects) according to what you 
 have done in this life. Many men use to speak 
 to Kings. Omnia placentia. But those will be 
 found in the end flatterers ; and false Prophets ; 
 Ispeake to your Majesty (asa Priest of God 
 should speak, ) naked truth, & sic liberavi ani- 
 mam meam. Your Majesty will doe well to sitt 
 down, and deeply Meditate upon this weighty 
 poynt, and theme, of eternall Damnation or sal- 
 vation. 
 
 Having exposed to my Soveraigne our cala- 
 mity’s, ruine and miserys, and offered humble 
 prayers, for ease and mercy. I now turne my 
 speech to you ‘my most deare and honourable 
 Countrimen , for your sake I have spoken noe 
 way minding redress, for what I my selve have 
 lost , which was somthing. 
 
 If Iustice shall be don you, and cause of joy 
 come from the Kings good pleasure and determi- 
 nation , prays God and the King for that Happi- 
 _ness, and pray to God for his long and prospe- 
 ‘rous Reigne. But if this shall not be done (God 
 permitting things to goe on as they doe, either 
 for punishing ours, and our Fathers sinns , or 
 for trying our patience in this World.) Let his 
 holy Name be ever blessed : beare patiently your 
 poverty, and you shall finde poverty a great 
 blessing : S. Iohn Chrisostome compares ‘it with 
 Martyrdome. Egestas (saith the Saint) ‘ bene 
 tollerata facit Martirium.” J do not think there 
 

 
 PREFACE. 65 
 
 can hardly be any found in the world, that have 
 come to a greater distress, and poverty, then 
 that you endure, suffer all willingly for God’s 
 sake and you are sure of a Crowne: mind often 
 that excellent sentence of S. Augustin. “ Seculi 
 homines, infeliciter felices sunt, Martyres au- 
 tem feliciter infelices erant.” “The men of this 
 world, are unhappily happy, but the Martyrs 
 have been happily unhappy.” 
 
 - This is your case, or very like it, soe as in 
 your nakedness, your are happier, then those 
 that have all that was yours, living in pleasurs , 
 and plenty , Let this alsoe be some comfort to 
 you, that you have but lost, those things you 
 could not long hould, nor shall the present pos- 
 sessors long enjoy them. Though they think 
 theire fortuns in that Land surely settled; they 
 are but Pilgrims in the way as you are, and 
 must part as you shall (and with more greef, and 
 feare , for having more then you have) and then 
 they shall know and feel Gods Ludgment for 
 what they have done to you. 
 
 In all your afflictions, I shall pray and con- 
 
 jure you, to demean your selves like good Chris- 
 tians, paying faithfully to God his due, and to 
 the King his; to the King Fidelity and Obe- 
 dience in Cwvilibus, and that for Conscience 
 sake; to God Veneration and highest Wor- 
 ship, which can not be performed without 
 professing a true Religion, the same you are of: 
 E3 
 
 
 
 
 
66 PREFACE. 
 
 wherefore let noe worldly preferments , or co- 
 modity’s, that men can conferr on you; nor 
 punishments they can inflict, shake your Reli- 
 gion, but hould the same constantly in all tem- 
 pests and Storms » for of it depends eternall sal- 
 vation. 
 
 And to speaks at the present tyme of your 
 great afflictions, imitate 1 pray you, the three 
 Isralites cast into the furnase of Babilon, and 
 you shall finde, as they did, an Angell to com- 
 fort you. They in the fyre blessed the name of 
 God, when Azarias standing in the flame said. 
 
 _ Blessed art thou O Lord, the God of our 
 Fathers, and laudable and glorious i is thy name 
 for ever , because thou art just in all things which 
 thou hast don to us, and all thy works are true 
 and thy ways righteous , and thy Tudgments true , 
 for wee have sinned ; and don unj justly ; revolt- 
 ing from thee , and now wee follow in all our 
 harts , and Yoate thee, and seek thy face, con- 
 found us not, but doe with us according thy 
 meekness , and according to the multitude of thy 
 mercy deliver us in thy mervells , and give glory 
 to thy name O Lord.”—Dan. Cap. 3. 
 
 None of you have suffered soe much as inno- 
 cent Iob, sethim before your Eyes, invironed 
 with the messingers of all his disasters. One of 
 them said to him. The Sabeans tooke away the 
 Oxes and Asses, and Killed thy servants, A 
 nother said, a fyre from heaven struck thy 
 
 | 
 
* 
 PREFACE. 67 
 
 sheep, and thy servants , and consum’d them all. 
 The third; The Chaldeans made three troups 
 and invaded the Cammels. ‘The last told him. 
 A vehement winde came from the Country of the 
 desert , and shook the foure Corners of the House , 
 wherin thy Children were feasting, and falling 
 oppressed them, and they are all dead. Iob 
 hearing all this sad newes, blamed not the Sa 
 
 beans, Chaldeans, fire from heaven, or winde 
 coming from the Country of the Desert, nor did 
 soe much as mention them. 
 
 ‘But heerose up, and faling on the eround, adored, 
 and said: Naked I came out of my Mother’s 
 wombe, and naked shall I return thither, our 
 Lord gave, our Lord hath taken away as it 
 pleased our Lord, soe it. is done, the name of 
 our Lord be blessed.” (Job. Cap. "1 .) Bless you 
 likewise the name of our Lord for all that. hath 
 befalen you, offering all up purely to his holy 
 will. 
 
 One thing my honoured deare Country-men 
 I seriously commend to your pious Considera- 
 tion, the. ensuing weighty golden sentence of S. 
 Cyprian. 
 
 “ Deus unus est (saith hee) Christus unus est , 
 & una Ecclesia, & Cathedra una, supra Petrum 
 Domini voci fundata: aliud Altare constitui, aut 
 sacerdotium novum fiert preter unum Altare & unum 
 Sacerdotium , non potest. Quisquis alibi collegerit , 
 spargit. Adutiertint est , impium est, sacrilegum 
 
68 PREFACE. 
 
 est , quodcunque humano furore Instituitur , ut dis- 
 positio Divina violetur.”—(S. Cyprianus Epist. 
 40.) Let the words of this most holy Bishop 
 and Martyre goe to the hart of every one of 
 
 ou. 
 
 ‘ This one God hath created you. This one 
 Christ hath redeemed you. This one Church 
 hath baptized you and imbued you with the 
 Elements of faith, and Christian Rules of living 
 well: This one and holy Chare (of Peter) hath 
 governed you, and all the Christian world in 
 verity , and sanctity all a long from the Apostles 
 tyme. There is but one Altar, and one Priest- 
 hood (and this only is the Roman, Catholick 
 Church :) hee that gathereth out of this congre- 
 gation, disperseth. This Church only hath 
 Keyes of heaven, and true Commission to save 
 soules: any power on Earth, that seeks to pull 
 downe this Altar, to Abolish this Priesthood , 
 to distroy this Church , is Impious, Adulterous , 
 Prophane, and Sacrilegious. The holy Doctour 
 gives another Devine Counsel to his people. 
 “Nemo vos fratres errare a Domini viis faciat ; 
 Nemo filious Ecclesia de Ecclesia tollat : pereant 
 sibi soli qui perire voluerint.”. That is to say, 
 let noe man bring you into error from the pathes 
 of our Lord; let none take out of the Church, 
 Children of the Church; those that have a 
 minde to perrish and be lost, let them be lost 
 alone. Let Egan (a lost dissolute Fryer that 
 lately fell) and this Sall, and all such prophane 
 
 
 

 
 PREFACE. 69 
 
 men, that will not remaine in Gods House let 
 them perish alone, seeing they will have it soe: 
 doe not you follow theire evill example, Impiety 
 and maddness, but wisely stay within the Ribbs 
 of the Ark, the holy Roman Catholick Church 
 (Ad quam teste Cypriano) perfidia non habet 
 accessum, And out of which great Augustin 
 assures us there is noe hopes of salvation:) And 
 be constantly, and Religiously obedient to the 
 Apostolick Sea, and to the man, that stands 
 upon the Rock Clement the X. conspicuous for 
 his Zeal and Piety, on earth the prime Lord of 
 the House of God, with full power to guide and 
 governe all soules in the way of salvation. 
 
 Praying God of his infinit goodness to graunt 
 you in your great afflictions fortitude ; patience , 
 and comfort: to his holy Protection I commend 
 hartely you and my self, this 23th, December , 
 1674. 
 

 
A 
 NARRATIVE OF THE EARL OF CLARENDON’S 
 SETTLEMENT AND SALE 
 
 OF 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
o 
 
 iF adebiinny: 
 rie, = 
 
 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 Tue “Settlement and Sale of Ireland” is con- 
 sidered one of the most racy and vigorous of 
 Dr. French’s productions. It is a narrative of the 
 events, which led to the most unjust and arbitrary 
 usurpations, being confirmed and legalized by an 
 act. of parliament, bearing date 27th Sept. 1662. 
 
 Carte, upon the authority of Sir R. Southwell, 
 attributes it to the pen of Peter Talbot,* but there 
 isnot a doubt that he was mistaken, and that 
 the true author was the Bishop of Ferns. It 
 was originally published, at Louvain, and is not 
 better known, unless as a literary rarity, than the 
 Bleeding Iphigenia; although this is difficult to 
 _beaceounted for, as it was reprinted under the 
 | following lengthy title :— 
 
 “ Iniquity Displayed, or the Settlement of 
 “ Treland, commonly called the Act of Settle- 
 “ ment, made after the restoration of King Charles 
 “IL, laid open. Wherein, against all the rules 
 “ of Christian religion, common justice and true 
 “ policy, against the solid security of the®Crown, 
 “the peace and happiness of the English Mo- 
 “narchy, andagainst the’ golden rule of doing 
 “as men would be done by, Publick ‘Faith is 
 “violated, Honour and Equity trampled upon, 
 “ Loyal Proprietors stript of their native rights 
 “and inheritance, in favour of Cromwelian re- 
 
 _ * Carte’s Ormond, vol. ii. 384, 
 E 
 
74 
 
 “ bels, regicides, and others. Sent in a letter by 
 “a gentleman in this country in 1667-8, and 
 “now reprinted with some additions, by N. 
 “ French, 1704.” 
 
 This reprint is as scarce as the original, 
 and from a MS. note, in a copy of the latter 
 which the editor has seen, it appears that it was 
 “scattered” in Dublin some time about the same 
 period; but was perhaps gathered up by the 
 official authorities with equal activity. The 
 late Mr. James Weale, a gentleman remarkable 
 for his knowledge of the Irish authors and their 
 writings, is the editor’s authority for stating that 
 it was published in Latin, French and Italian; 
 (he had seen copies in these languages,) and its 
 author had it also published at Seville with other 
 of his works in the Spanish language, “about tbe 
 time of the treaty of the Pyrenees,” being assisted 
 in these labours by the Professor of the Irish Col- 
 leges of that city. As a matter of course this pub- 
 lication was considered highly offensive and spoken 
 of as libellous, by the friends of the Duke of Or- 
 mond and Clarendon. Some of these attempted to 
 
 _ refute its statements, and an anonymous publica- 
 
 tion appeared in 1688, written by “a person of 
 honour,” under the title of State of Ireland 
 with a Vindication of the Act of Settlement, Sc. 
 However, the deed itself requires somewhat an 
 abler justification to defend it from the argu- 
 ments of Dr. French, than the production of this 
 “person of honour” whomsoever he may be. 
 
A 
 
 NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EARL OF CLARENDON’S 
 
 SETTLEMENT AND SALE 
 
 OF 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 Whereby the Just English Adventurer is much preju- 
 diced , the Ancient Proprietor destroyed , and Publick 
 Faith violated ; to the great discredit of the English 
 Church and Government, (if not recalled and made 
 void) as being against the Principles of Christianity , 
 and true Protestancy. 
 
 WRITTEN IN A LETTER BY A GENTLEMAN IN THE 
 COUNTRY, TO A NOBLEMAN AT COURT. 
 
 LOVAIN, 
 PRINTED IN THE YEAR MDCLXVIIL. 
 
A 
 
 LETTER. 
 
 My Lorp, 
 
 I wave, in obedience to your Lordships Com- 
 mands , set down in brief, the sad and deplorable 
 state of the Irish Nation, and the apparent 
 Injustice, and inequality used in the present 
 Settlement of that Kingdom; which, in my 
 opinion, (as I formerly told your Lordship) 
 hath chiefly occasioned the heavy Judgments of 
 God, which our English Nation hath sensibly 
 felt these two years last past, and it is to be 
 feared, our Sufferings are not yet at an end, if 
 we do not take a speedy course to humble our 
 selves, and appease the wrath of his Divine 
 Majesty, who may punish us farther, with as 
 much Justice, as we have (contrary to all 
 Justice) hitherto oppressed the Irish. 
 

 
 78 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 It cannot be denied, but that the Roman 
 Catholicks of Ireland have infinitely suffered , 
 during the late usurped Governments ; but they 
 have done it cheerfully , and perhaps not without 
 some comfort ; having had all that time, as Com- . 
 panions in Suffering, not only some of the 
 Nobility and Gentry of England and Scotland , 
 but the King himself, and all the Royal Family ; 
 Ferre quam Sortem patiuntur omnes Nemo 
 recusat. But now, since his Majesties happy 
 Restauration , and during the universal Jubilee 
 of Joy over all the Brittish Monarchy, that the 
 Irish alone should be forced to mourn, being 
 condemned toa perpetual Sufferance, far sur- 
 passing those they formerly endured under the 
 Government of Cromwel; is a Calamity rather 
 to be deplored than exprest. And yet I find 
 very few of our Nation any way touched with a 
 compassion of the miseries sustained by those 
 their Neighbours, and that the Irish are not 
 only vigorously persecuted by their Constant 
 enemies , but that they are wholly abandoned by 
 their former Friends (I mean their fellow-suf- 
 ferers for the same Cause) who do not now 
 concern themselves in their Sufferings. This 
 consideration alone, together with the zeal I 
 have always had for Justice , and the commisera- 
 tion which Nature imprints in every man, are 
 the motives (next to your Lordships commands) 
 which induce me to undertake this subject. I 
 shall therefore , by setting down matter of fact, 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 79 
 
 and by examining the title of the present posses- 
 sours, as also of the ancient proprietours, dis- 
 cover the wicked artifices hitherto practised , to 
 deprive the Irish Nation , not only of the benefit 
 of his Majesties Mercies, but also of his Justice. 
 
 Broghil and Coot having by several Emissaries 
 sent into England, felt the pulse of the English 
 Nation, and finding the people generally inclined 
 to concur with the loyal and successful endea- 
 vours of the Lord General Monk, in order to 
 the Restauration of his Sacred Majesty, con- 
 voqued a convention in Dublin, of persons newly 
 interested in that Kingdom, to consult upon the 
 best and safest course that might be taken to 
 prevent the restoring of the Irish Cavaliers to 
 those estates which the Conventionists and their 
 partizans enjoyed by the Usurpers bounty, and 
 which they had great reason to believe , would 
 be immediately restored to the ancient proprie- 
 tours upon his Majesties re-establishment. In 
 order to this resolution, it was agreed upon, 
 that all the Gentlemen of Ireland should be com- 
 mitted to close prison, to render them incapable 
 of contributing to his Majesties Restauration, in 
 case his Majesty should choose to pursue his 
 Royal Right by dint of Sword, rather than to 
 condescend to such disadvantagious conditions , 
 as the Conventionists did hope, and were fully 
 perswaded would be imposed upon him by the 
 Parliament of England. It was also concluded , 
 that a man of parts and Faction among the 
 

 
 80 THE SETTLEMENT AND | 
 
 Presbyterian party, should be employed into 
 England , to prepossess the people there, with 
 the dangers and inconveniencies which the re- 
 storing of the Irish Natives to their ancient 
 Estates, would infallibly bring upon the new 
 English interest in that Kingdom. In pursuance 
 _to these resolutions, all the Prisons in Ireland 
 were filled with the Nobility and Gentry of that 
 Nation , whom no imbecillity of age, nor indis- 
 position of body could excuse, nor any offered 
 security answer for: Sir John Clotworthy, a 
 man famous for plundring Somerset House, 
 murdering the Kings Subjects, and committing 
 many other Treasons and horrid Crimes, was 
 dispatched into England. This person, who was 
 always accounted as violent against the Irish, as 
 he was known to be seditious , and ill-affected to 
 Monarchy; no sooner arrived in London, than 
 he filled the peoples ears with such dreadful 
 stories of a new Insurrection in Ireland , (whereof 
 counterfeited Letters were read on the Ex- 
 change, and several copies dispersed over all the 
 corners of the City) that his Majesty was scarce 
 warm in his Fathers Throne, when both Houses 
 of Parliament (grounding their belief on Clot- 
 worthy’s assertion) presented unto him a Procla- 
 mation, to be signed against the Irish Papists, 
 who were said to be actually in Rebellion, 
 murdering his Majesties Protestant Subjects, 
 violently intruding into other mens possessions , 
 with many other Characters of Infamy, ren- 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 81 
 
 dering them odious to all Nations. This Pro- 
 clamation was published in London , on the 
 third day of June 1660. notwithstanding that it 
 was very well known at that time, that there was 
 not an Irish man in arms in any part of Ireland. 
 Clotworthy , encouraged with the good success 
 of his first essay, and strengthned by a new 
 landed recruit of Convention Agents (among 
 whom Broghil himself made one) having ob- 
 served that a general Act of Indemnity was 
 ready to be passed to all his Majesties Subjects , 
 and fearing that the Irish (if concluded therein) 
 would be consequently restorable to their estates ; 
 presented a Proviso against them, to be inserted 
 in that Act; but this Proviso seemed so un- 
 reasonable to both Houses (especially after that 
 his Majesty had made a speech to them for com- 
 prehending the Irish in his general and Gracious 
 Pardon) that they were fully resolved to extend 
 the Act of Oblivion to the Irish Papists, as well 
 as to the rest of his Majesties Subjects. But the 
 Conventionists, after some conference with the 
 _ Duke of Ormond ,* (to whom , as ’tis said,) with 
 what truth I know not (they offer’d that great 
 Estate, and vast summs of money which are 
 conferred upon him by the Acts of Settlement) 
 * The Duke of Ormond hath added as much to his own 
 ancient estate, by the new settlement of Ireland, as 
 would have satisfied all the claims of the just Adven- 
 turers. And Anglesey and Kingston little less. 
 
 See a small paper upon this subject at the end of this 
 Tract.—Ep. 
 
 Es 
 
Dem MR ae ary me Re Sr gear eae Nyce anne ea 
 
 82 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 wrought so upon his Grace, that in the House 
 of Lords he made a speech against comprehend- 
 ing the Irish Papists in the Act of Oblivion , 
 saying , that the King had taken that matter into 
 his own hands , notwithstanding that his Majesty 
 had but few dayes before clearly declared himself 
 for their being comprehended in his general 
 Pardon; so that it was carryed against them, 
 to the great astonishment of all persons of honour 
 and conscience, that were informed of the cor- 
 rupt wayes whereby they were excluded. 
 Neither, my Lord, was the exclusion of the 
 Trish out of the Act of Oblivion , so satisfactory 
 to the Convention Agents, if all other passages 
 to his Majesties further graces and favours were 
 not shut up against them: and in order there- 
 unto, they prevailed with the first Minister of 
 State (whom they had gained to their side, by 
 what coloured Arguments he knows best himself) 
 to recall the Commission of Lord Deputy, which 
 was formerly given to the Lord Roberts , a per- 
 son of known Honour and integrity; the Con- 
 ventionists having observed that his Lordship 
 was not to be won, upon any account to forward 
 their design. This grand obstacle being removed 
 out of the way, Broghil , Anglesey , Clotworthy , 
 and Mervin, (with the assistance of Steel, Ro- 
 berts, and Petit,) after three months labour, 
 brought forth that monstrous issue of their brain , 
 which was exposed to the world under the name 
 & title of His Majesties most Gracious Declara- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 83 
 
 tion for the Settlement of Ireland.” This was 
 their Master-piece , and hath been ever since the 
 ground work of all subsequent Acts which were 
 established for the farther Settlement of that 
 Nation. 
 
 The first branch of the Declaration confirms 
 the Adventurer in his Possession , the second se- 
 cures the Souldier in his Debenture, the 
 third satisfies the 49 men, the fourth assures 
 unto the transplanted Irish the Land decreed 
 unto them in the Province of Conaught, and 
 County of Clare; the fifth makes mention of 
 those Irish Officers who served his Majesty in 
 Flanders , as also the Generality of the Nation 
 who pretend to Articles. My Lord, Is not this 
 a blessed Declaration , which provides in so large 
 a manner for so many different interests; a De- 
 claration that satisfies the Natives, and yet dis- 
 possesseth none of the Cromwellists. 
 
 To understand it well, we must amount a lit- 
 tle higher , and call to our remembrance how the 
 Rump Parliament divided the spoils of the con- 
 quered Nation, in the year 1653. Ten Coun- 
 ties were allotted to the Adventurers, twelve 
 conferred on Cromwell’s Souldiers, and three of 
 the barren Counties given by way of Charity to 
 the transplanted Irish; these, by computation, 
 make up 25 Counties , the remaining seven (for 
 Ireland contains in all but 32 Counties) together 
 with all the Cities and Corporations of that 
 Kingdom , were reserved for the Commonwealth. 
 
84 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 Now this Declaration confirms the Adventurers , 
 Souldiers , and transplanted Irish in their pre- 
 sent possessions, and moreover, it assignes to 
 several other uses, the seven remaining Coun- 
 ties , and all the great Towns of Ireland, which 
 were not disposed of by the Commonwealth: one 
 of the Counties being designed to supply the de- 
 ficiency of the Adventurers lots; another, to 
 satisfie the Incumbrances on the Lands already 
 laid out to Adventurers and Souldiers; the third 
 to reprize such as were removed from the Lord 
 Duke of Ormonde’s Estate, and the other four 
 Counties , with all the Cities and Corporations 
 of the whole Kingdom, (a pretty grant) being 
 assigned to the Protestant Officers who served 
 his Majesty in Ireland at any time before the 
 year 1649. After this solemn division and dis- 
 tribution made of every house, and every Acre 
 of Land, over all the Kingdom of Ireland, some 
 500 Trish Gentlemen (who served his Majesty i in 
 Flanders) are named in the Declaration, to be 
 forthwith restored to their ancient Estates; but 
 not, until Lands of equal value, worth and pur- 
 chase , are first found out to reprize the Adven- 
 turers, Souldiers, and the rest now in Posses- 
 sion; a work no more nor less feasible than the 
 creating of another Ireland. 
 My Lord, this Declaration was published « on | 
 the 30th ty November 1660. and at the same 
 time Broghil. created Earl of Orery, and Sir 
 Charles Coot made Earl of Montrath; were 
 

 
 SALE OF IRELAND. 85 
 
 joyned in Commission ‘with the Lord Chancel- 
 lour Eustace , as his Majesties Lords Justices of 
 that Kingdom; Sir John Clotworthy (who was 
 also created Lord Viscount Massereene) Sir 
 Audly Mervin, and some others of the Conven- 
 tion-Agents, stayed at Court, to draw up pri- 
 vate instructions for the better executing his 
 Majesties Declaration: And because Innocents ‘ 
 viz. such as never offended his Majesty , or his 
 Royal Father , were the only people to be restored 
 without previous reprisals, the Conventionists 
 made it their grand work so to qualifie an inno- 
 cent, that it should be Morally impossible to find 
 any such in rerum natura, virum innocentem 
 quis inveniet ? Eleven qualifications were or- 
 dered for their tryal, and those so rigid and se- 
 vere, that Clotworthy and his Companions (who 
 had the wording of them) did verily believe 
 there could not be a man found in all Ireland 
 that should pass untoucht through so many pikes: 
 for , not only the inoffensive persons, who never 
 took arms, who never entered into the Confede- 
 racy with the rest of their Countrymen, if they 
 did but pay them the least contribution out of 
 their Estates, if they did but reside in the Irish 
 quarters, although in their own houses, not only 
 these, I say , were declared to be no Innocents , 
 
 but such as lived all the Warr time in England, 
 
 such as were with his Majesty at Oxford, and 
 served in his Army, if they received any rent 
 
86 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 from their Tenants in Ireland , were by virtue of 
 one of the eleven qualifications, to be held for 
 Nocents. 
 
 But among all the other qualifications , that of 
 taking an Engagement (which was administered 
 unto all his Majesties Subjects in the three 
 Kingdoms) was a very Notable one; This En- 
 gagement was forced upon the Irish in so high a 
 nature, that those who would not take it, were | 
 debarred , not only from the benefit of the Law, 
 but also exposed to an inevitable danger of death , 
 the Souldiers of Cromwels Army being com- 
 manded by Publick Proclamation, to kill any 
 man they met on the high way, who carried not 
 a certificate about him , of having taken that En- 
 gagement ; commands, which were cruelly ex- 
 ecuted on silly Pesants, who, out of Ignorance, 
 or want of care, having left their Tickets at 
 home, were barbarously murdered by the merci- 
 less Souldiers: My Lord, it is very remarkable , 
 that they who devised this Engagement, who 
 heartily subscribed unto it, and forced others to 
 take it, shall not be questioned or held criminal ; 
 and that those who never saw it, before it was 
 ministered unto them, who abhorred it in their 
 hearts, and were forced to sign it, to avoid a 
 bloudy and violent death, shall be declared no- 
 cents , and an irrevocable sentence of losing their 
 Estates given against them, and the Estates so 
 forfeited , to be conferred on those very persons 
 
 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 87 
 
 who compelled the Proprietors to that Forfeiture. 
 By this qualification alone , a man may judge of 
 the rest. 
 
 To crown this grand work of Settling Ireland, 
 the Conventionists (having worded the Declara- 
 tion and instructions to their own advantage) 
 prevailed with their great Patron, to have them- 
 selves named the only Commissioners to put in 
 execution his Majesties Declaration for the Set- 
 tlement of Ireland. This unusual, and perhaps 
 never before heard of course of Justice, (one of 
 the Parties being made Judge of the Case) ap- 
 peared so ugly and terrible to the Irish, that 
 many of them could hardly be perswaded to be- 
 lieve, that his Sacred Majesty was restored to 
 the peaceable and free possession of his Crown 
 and Kingdoms, seeing the very same persons 
 who tyrannized over them during Oliver’s Reign , 
 were now, not only confirmed in their former 
 charges, and advanced to places of greater trust ; 
 but also newly commissioned with an unlimited 
 power, to give a final and decisive sentence of 
 all the Titles and pretensions of the unfortunate 
 Natives. This preposterous way of proceeding , 
 having not only incensed the interested Irish , but 
 also scandalized all the moderate men of Eng- 
 land , another course was judged fit to be taken, 
 less [shameful in appearance, but in effect the 
 very same: The New Court of Claims was an- 
 nulled , and the Lords Justices were ordered to 
 
 
 

 
 88 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 call a Parliament, which met on the 8th day of 
 May 1661. The Lower House of this Parlia- 
 ment was all composed of Cromwellists , and but 
 very few of the Irish Peers were admitted to sit 
 in the House of Lords, under pretence of for- 
 mer Indictments. This Parliament made the 
 first Act of Settlement, which they entitled, an 
 Act for explaining his Majesties Declaration for 
 the Settlement of Ireland. This Act decides all 
 the doubtful expressions of the declaration in fa- 
 vour of the Cromwellists, & to the disadvantage 
 of the Natives, it allows only a Twelve months 
 time for the tryal of Innocents; but those Irish 
 Gentlemen who served his Majesty abroad, to- 
 gether with the generality of the Nation pre- 
 tending to Articles, (half a score persons only 
 excepted , who were particularly provided for) 
 are for ever debarred by this Act, to recover 
 their estates without previous reprizals, which is 
 a thing not to be had in nature. 
 
 My Lord, I cannot omit minding your Lord- 
 ship of a remarkable expression in the Preface 
 of this Act, “that the Irish Rebels were conquered 
 by his Majesties Protestant Subjects , in his Ma- 
 jesties absence.” These Irish Rebels when they 
 were conquered, fought under the command of 
 the Lord Duke of Ormond, his Majesties Lord’ 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, and afterwards under the 
 command of the Lord Marquess of Clanvicard , 
 his Majesties Lord Deputy for that Kingdom ; 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 89 
 
 and those Protestant Subjects who conquered 
 them, were called, Cromwell , Ireton, Jones, 
 Reynolds , Broghil, Coot, Venables, Hewson , 
 Axtel, &c. who vigorously pursued the Irish 
 Rebels, for no other Reason, but that they con- 
 stantly denyed the authority of the pretended 
 Commonwealth , and unalterably adhered to the 
 interest of Charles Stewart, (for so his Majes- 
 ties now Protestant Subjects were wont, in that 
 time of Conquest, to call our Gracious Sove- 
 reign) but now a dayes they sing another note , 
 and speak quite another language ; having esta- 
 blished for a fundamental Law , ‘that the Irish 
 Rebels were conquered by his Majesties Protes- 
 tant Subjects in his Majesties absence.” This 
 being passed, and the Royal assent given to it, 
 Sir Richard Rainsford, and the rest of the Com- 
 missioners appointed by his Majesty to decide the 
 claims of the Ivish, in pursuance of this Act, 
 landed in Dublin, about the ...... of ......1662, 
 and having some time to study the Act, they 
 plainly understood , that none of the unfortunate 
 Natives could be restored to their estates » but the 
 ten persons who had particular Proviso’s inserted 
 therein , and such others as would prove their 
 innocence in open Court. The Commissioners 
 began their first. Session on the ...... day of Fe- 
 bruary and the Court continued until the...... of 
 
 of near upon a thousand Irish were heard, 
 whereof the one half was declared Innocents , 
 
90 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 notwithstanding all the rigid qualifications against, 
 them.* ‘The time limited for adjudging innocents! 
 being expired, Sir Richard Rainsford (a most? 
 just and upright man) would proceed no far-) 
 ther, expecting an enlargement of time to hear? 
 out ‘he rest , who were 7000 in number, and’ 
 who had as much Reason to pretend a title to theit™ 
 estates, (until they were heard, and condemned)’ 
 as those who were already judged; for every mam 
 is to be held innocent until he be convicted , and 
 specially those who durst venture upon so severe 
 a tryal; for, that part of the Nation (which was 
 involved in the War) did not pretend to inno- 
 cence , but claimed the benefit of Articles. But 
 this enlargement of time being flatly denied by 
 the first Minister of State, the Court of Claims 
 was at an end, the interessed party made Judges 
 by Clarendon , ’ and indifferent men not admitted, 
 and the Parliament prepared an Additional Bill 
 of Settlement ,f which came into England in i‘ 
 Month of May 1664. 
 
 By this additional Act it is decreed , that no 
 benefit of innocency , or Articles, shall be al- 
 lowed from henceforth, to any of the Irish Na- 
 tives. The words of the text, pag. 8. 1. 22. 
 
 y 
 * In the Province of Vlster, but 3 of the Natives ree 
 stored , viz. My Lord of Antrim, Sir Henry Oneil, and 
 one more of an inconsiderable Estate. In the Province 
 of Conaught, but 4, viz. the Earl of Clanricard, Lord 
 of Mayo, Coll. Iohn Kelly , and Coll. Moor. ‘4 
 t Which the Natives call the Black Bill. - 
 
SALE OF IRELAND, Gt 
 
 ave these: “And it is hereby declared, that 
 no person or persons, who by the qualifica- 
 tions in the said former Act, hath not been ad- 
 judged innocent, shall at any time hereafter be 
 reputed innocent, so as to claim any lands or 
 tenements hereby vested ; or be admitted to have 
 any benefit or allowance of any future adjudica- 
 tions of innocence, or any benefit of Articles 
 whatsoever.” 
 
 _ To salve this grand breach of Public Faith , 
 the Law of God, and Nations, and to give some 
 colour of Justice , to an action which is evidently 
 repugnant to Magna Charta, and the Funda- 
 mental Laws of England, (to condemn so many 
 thousands before they are heard) it is ordered by 
 the same Act, that some fifty four persons of 
 the Nobility and Gentry of Ireland , (who likely 
 deserved his Majesties particular favour, and 
 whose Names are specified in the Act) shall be 
 restored unto their several and respective princi- 
 pal Seats, and unto 2000 acres of Land there- 
 unto adjoyning ; provided alwayes , that the Ad- 
 venturers , Souldiers, and 49 men who are to be 
 removed , shall be first satisfied , by some other 
 forfeited Lands, in equal value, worth, and 
 purchase ; The transplanted Irish are purposely 
 left by this Act upon very doubtful termes, that 
 in case of necessity (if the stock of reprizals 
 should fall short) their present possessions might 
 serve to reprize the Adventurers, Souldiers, 49 
 men , and Grantees already removed by the re- 
 stored innocents, and the ten Proviso-men in 
 
92 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the former Act, or to be removed by, the 
 nominees, and some three or four persons more 
 particularly provided for in this additional Acti 
 The 49 men are expressly forbidden by thi 
 Act, to set or let by way of Lease, or 
 otherwise , any part of their Lots within the 
 walled Towns and Corporations, or at a certain’ | 
 distance thereunto, to any Irish Papists, under 
 the penalty of loosing what is let, and forfeiting, . 
 as much more. There i is a general Clause in the” 
 Act, that all Clauses and Provisos therein con-— 
 tained , which admit any doubtful expression 
 shall he alwayes construed to the advantage and 
 favour of the English Protestants, and several 
 other Provisions are made, all tending to ih 
 designed extirpation of the Natives. sf 
 
 This destructive Act, after many long con-— 
 sultations, wherein the mes Minister of. State 
 did alwayes employ the utmost of his uncontrouled_ 
 power, to countenance the Cromwellian party, 
 and the Kings Sollicitor General (who had the” 
 penning of the Act, made use of his Rhetorick 
 and Knowledge in the Law, to plead in their be- 
 half, the favour of the one ‘being easily gained, 
 at the rate of several vast summs of ready mony, 
 and the promise of an estate of 6000 J. a year” 
 for his son; and the pains of the other, ee i 
 modestly rewarded by a small fee of 8000 i sterl.) 
 this Act, I say, so well supported , was Signed — 
 and Sealed. at Salisbury on the 25th of July 
 1665. (notwithstanding all the opposition given 
 thereunto) and this in a time when the hand of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. | 93 
 
 God visibly appeared in the great Mortality , 
 which then began to increase in the City of Lon- 
 don; and when I heard many moderate men say, 
 “We are justly punished by God, for the injus- 
 tice done to the Irish.” It is now more than two 
 years since the Act went over into Ireland » and 
 the 54 Nominees who were to be restored (as 
 they verily believed) to their chief houses, and 
 2000 acres of land, have not yet got, the pos- 
 Session of a cottage, or of one acre of ground ; 
 which agrees very well with Orory’s rallery lately 
 expressed ; “ That it was intended by the Act, 
 that they should be only Nominees » nomine re- 
 storable, but not re, for that was never intended ;” 
 and yet the same Orory assured the King , that 
 
 _ there was a sufficient stock of reprisals to satisfie 
 
 all interests. 
 
 My Lord, this is the true state, in brief, of 
 the Irish Case, as to matter of Fact, since the 
 first day of his Majesties most happy Restaura- 
 tion, to this instant. Let us now examin matter 
 of Right , and see what title the several interests 
 
 | obstructing the re-establishment of the Irish can 
 justly pretend, to the estates of the distressed 
 Natives. These different interests can be re- 
 duced to four principal ones; the first is that of 
 the Adventurers, the second of the Souldiers ; 
 the third of the 49 men , and the fourth of the 
 
 Tantees ; we will begin with the Adventurers. 
 _ These are certain Inhabitants of London who 
 i the year 1641. pretended to venture their mo- 
 
 ( 
 
94 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 nies to reduce the Rebels in Ireland , (but in- 
 tended, as afterwards appeared, to destroy the 
 King) upon the assurance of getting such a quat- 
 tity of the Rebels Lands, in proportion to the 
 summs they laid out , and in pursuance of an Act 
 of our English Parliament, which then passed 
 to that effect. By which Act, it is ordered, 
 that the money so laid out, should be employed 
 for the service of Ireland; and that, (after the 
 Rebels were declared by both Houses to be wholly 
 conquered) a commission should issue forth under 
 the Great Seal of England, to make a strict im- 
 quiry through all the Counties of Ireland, of 
 Estates forfeited by the Rebellion , to be disposed 
 of for the satisfaction of the Adventurers. Nei- 
 ther of these conditions were hitherto observed; 
 for the mony laid out, was all, (or at least, for 
 the greatest part) employed to buy arms and am- 
 munition to fight against his Majesty in England. 
 The Rebels were never yet declared by both 
 Houses of Parliament to have been conquered, 
 nor any Commission issued forth under the Great 
 Seal of England, to enquire after Forfeitures: 
 It is true, that the remaining Members of the 
 House of Commons, made an Ordinance in the 
 year 1652. (without the concurrence of the House 
 of Lords) that the Rebels were wholly conquered; 
 and consequently assigned ten Counties to the 
 Adventurers, without issuing forth any. Commis- 
 sion under the Great Seal of England , to examin 
 whether the lands therein contained were for 
 
 > : 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 95 
 
 feited or no. Of these ten Counties, the Ad- 
 -venturers of the doubling Ordinance (who were 
 -to have for their respective summs laid out, dou- 
 ble the quantity of land assigned to the first Ad- 
 jyenturers) have got a large proportion, because 
 {their mony was given to the Long Parliament in 
 the year 1644. when they were in actual Rebel- 
 jlion against his Majesty. 
 
 The late King understood very well the nullity 
 of this Act having never made mention of the 
 Adventures interest in all the Treaties of Peace 
 
 which passed between his Majesty and the con- 
 federats in Ireland; which certainly , so just a 
 Prince as Charles the first was known to be, 
 would never have done, if he had conceived him- 
 self any way obliged by that Act to provide for 
 them. But supposing that the Act of decimo 
 -septimo Caroli in the behalf of the London Ad- 
 _venturers , had not been defective ; can those of 
 the doubling Ordinance expect any benefit by 
 that Law? Can the first Adventurers, whose 
 moneys were disposed to other uses than the re- 
 lief of the Protestants in Ireland, pretend any 
 advantage by that Act? nay, can those few per- 
 ‘Sons of the first rank (whom we call the just 
 -Adventurers, and whose moneys were really 
 employed in the Irish War) lawfully enjoy the 
 ‘AMrish Land, until the Rebels be declared by the 
 two Houses of Parliament to be wholly con- 
 -quered ; until a Commission issues forth under 
 the Great Seal of England to examine who are 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 96 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 Rebels, and who are Innocents; and until, after” 
 performing those essential formalities required 
 by the Act, they receive by a just and legal way 
 of proceeding , their respective proportions of the © 
 forfeited Estates ? A 
 The first Minister of State (a Lawyer by his. 
 first profession) cannot be ignorant of these veri= 
 . ties; specially when he perswades his Royal | 
 Master to speak after this manner, in his Decla-_ 
 ration for the Settlement of Ireland > pag. Tam 
 “Therefore in the first place, in order to a 
 settlement of that interest claimed by the Ade) 
 venturers, although the present Estates and 
 Possessions they enjoy, if they were examined 
 by the strict letter of the Law, would prove 
 very defective and invalid, as being no wayes) 
 pursuant to those Acts of Parliament t upon which 
 they pretend to be founded, but rather seem 10 
 be a structure upon their subsequent assent , both 
 to different mediums and ends, than the obser= 
 vance of those ; yet we being alwayes more read y 
 to consult,” &e. Can any thing be spoken moré 
 
 
 
 Title by the Act of 17. Car.? and could the su: 
 pream Judge of the Court of Equity give a more 
 unjust sentence , than to say, ernie thi s 
 
 The. matter in dispute is no less than the land A 
 ten Counties, the parties pretending are the Irish 
 Proprietors, ‘andthe London Adventurers : thes 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 97 
 
 first enjoyed it for so manyages , they have their 
 Patents and Evidences to show for it, and they 
 Jost it at length upon the account of Loyalty, fight- 
 ing for the Kings Interest against the murderers 
 of his Royal Father: the last (as’tis acknowledged 
 by the words of the Text) have no other title but 
 what they derive from the Ordinance of an 
 usurped Government, for having disbursed vast 
 sums of money to countenance Rebellion, to pull 
 down Monarchy, and put up a pretended Com- 
 monwealth. And yet the Land is adjudged for 
 them, and confirmed to them and their heirs for 
 ever. : 
 
 The second main interest obstructing the re- 
 storation of the Irish, is that of Cromwel’s Soul- 
 diers, who are not mentioned in the Act of 17 
 Caroli ; neither indeed do they pretend any other 
 Title to their Estates, but that of the Sword x 
 which they have alwayes employed against the 
 last King , and his present Majesty, enjoying as 
 a Salary for their service, all the Irish Estates 
 in twelve Counties. I do not think any man 
 will be so impudent as to justifie this prodigious 
 Title ; I ‘am sure their greatest Patrons never 
 durst say they were just, but they said very 
 often , it was convenient to confirm them in pos- 
 Session of other mens Land. And perhaps we 
 shall not find many other States-men (among the. 
 followers of the Gospel) who will allow of a con- 
 Veniency so apparent against Justice; ruat Ce- 
 
 G 
 
98 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 lum & fiat justitia, is a motto which better 
 becomes a Lord Chancellour , then, let us not do ; 
 what is just , but what is convenient. 
 
 It is indeed a most wonderful conveniency to 
 dispossess the ancient Proprietour who fought 
 for the King , and give his Estate to a Fanatiqui ue 
 Souldier who fought for Cromwell. 
 
 To support this pretended Conveniency , the 
 first Minister of State made use of a strong Ar 
 gument, derived from the great power of the 
 Cromwellists in Ireland; and thus he makes it” 
 out: 
 
 -The English Army i is very considerable now: 
 in Ireland, they have Swords in their hands, 
 and they are in possession of all the great 
 Towns, and strong holds in that Kingdom, it is 
 not therefore safe to irritat them; Nay, there is 
 an absolute Necessity (as the case stands) to con- 
 firm them in their present possessions; for we 
 must not do what is just, but what is convenient 
 These words were often delivered in Counsel, 
 as so many Oracles, and perhaps the great 
 Statesman did not seriously reflect , whether the 
 same argument might not serve as well to con- 
 firm all the Cromwellists in England, in their 
 unlawful acquisitions of the Crown and Chureh= 
 Lands, and so many Cavaliers Estates , whereof 
 they were dispossessed upon his Majesties Restau- 
 ration , without any great noise, and less danger; 
 and yet they were then very considerable: they 
 
 
 

 
 SALE OF IRELAND. 99 
 
 had Swords in their hands , and they were in pos- 
 session of all the strong holds of the Kingdom, &e. 
 
 My Lord, I have been all over the Kingdom 
 of Ireland, "and assure your Lordship , that the 
 ‘old Inhabitants and Natives of Ireland, are ten 
 for one, and far the more considerable party ; 
 ‘but large summs have made that corrupt Minister 
 ‘say any thing that seemed advantagious to sup- 
 port that other Interest: I am confident , my 
 ‘Lord, admitting them as considerable as he 
 would have them, it cannot be half so formida- 
 ‘ble, as the power of that party was in England 
 ‘when the King came in. These were all dis- 
 banded in less than 6 months time , and now ’tis 
 more than seven years, that a Fanatique Army 
 is maintained in Ireland without any necessity’, 
 which, occasions that his Majesty receives no 
 ‘Revenue out of that vast and fertil Kingdom; 
 ‘Nay , he is obliged to send yearly a considerable 
 ‘sum of mony out of England, for the mainte- 
 nance of that Army: for my part I cannot un- 
 derstand how the King might safely reduce the 
 English Army, and that it should be dangerous 
 for him to disband the Irish Forces, who were 
 ‘not half so numerous, nor so much to be feared 
 as those in England. If the want of money 
 hindred their disbanding at once with their bre- 
 thren in England and Scotland ; might not they 
 be reduced by degrees, and by Regiments, in 
 eight years time? I think it is-sufficiently evi- 
 denced that the Cromwellian Party in Ireland 
 
 
 
100 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 hath no more power than what his Majesty 
 hitherto is pleased to grant them, by the advice 
 of his first Minister, who upholds that Fanatique 
 Army for his own sordid, if not wicked end 
 Let that Favourite that perswades his Master | 
 tolerate Injustice and Oppression, upon th 
 account of a Servile Fear, have a care that h 
 be not one day convinced either of malice or ig- 
 norance. Rea est qui posuit metus, § dira mala 
 pectoris, quem non ambitio popularis, § nui 
 guam stabilis favor Vulgi precipitis movet. — 
 The third grand interest, and the most de- 
 structive to the Natives, is that-of the Protestant 
 Officers , who served his Majesty (or the Parlia- 
 ment) in Ireland, before the year 1649. whose 
 arrears have been cast up, and stated, to the 
 vast sum of eighteen hundred thousand pounds 
 sterl. in satisfaction whereof, the best’ part of @ 
 whole Kingdom (which certainly i is worth many 
 millions) is conferred upon them. They are en 
 titled to all the Natives estates in four great 
 Counties, to all the Cities, Corporations, and 
 walled Towns of Ireland , to all the Land situated 
 within a mile to the San, and to the River ' 
 Shanon in the Province of Conaught, and County 
 of Clare, to all the Debts, Leases , Mortgages, 
 and Reversions of the Irish ; for not only the 
 real estates, but also all other pretensions ane 
 titles of the unhappy Natives are forfeited: 
 lest all this should come short to content thi in- 
 satiable Party, the last Act allows them ome 
 

 
 SALE OF IRELAND. 101 
 
 hundred thousand pounds out of the two half 
 years rent from Adventurers, Souldiers, and 
 Testored Irish. Though the Roman Catholick 
 Officers have alwayes faithfully adhered to the 
 Kings Interest , and never deserted his servicé 
 {as all, or most of these Protestant Officers in 
 Treland have done, when the Usurper prevailed) 
 yet their being Papists disables them from any 
 Satisfaction for their service , which was a qua- 
 lification not imposed on the Catholicks in Eng- 
 land, &c. But since the Cessation of Arms 
 concluded i in the year 1643, there was no more 
 fighting between his Majesties Protestants, and 
 Roman Catholick Subjects, which makes a great 
 difference between their Loyalty in point of merit, 
 and that of our Cavaliers in England, who, out 
 of a generous resolution , without any necessity , 
 ‘or consideration of private interest, did freely 
 embrace his Majesties quarrel, siding alwaies 
 with the best, although weakest party , which 
 they maintained , for the space of six years, at 
 their own charges, with the loss of so many 
 thousand brave lives, who were all sacrificed as 
 unspotted Victimes on the altar of Loyalty. How 
 comes it then to pass, that a handful of Irish 
 Protestants should be allowed 1,800,0002. for 
 two years service, and that our English Royal- 
 lists , who are a hundred times more numerous, 
 ‘continued thrice longer in serving the King, and 
 whose pure Loyalty was never tainted with the 
 mixture of any treachery, or private interest., 
 G3 
 
102 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 should get amongst them all, without distinction 
 of Nation or Religion , but 70,000/. to be dis- 
 tributed among the needy Cavaliers, (who had 
 neither Estates of their own, nor any Publick 
 charges or employments) to keep them from 
 starving? Upon what account should the Off 
 cers of four or five Garrisons in Ireland, that 
 plundered ten times more than their pay oa 
 to, enjoy four large Counties, and all the onl 
 Towns and Corporations of a Kingdom, whilst 
 the whole body of the Royalists in England aré 
 so much slighted, that there is not one Parish m 
 the Country, nor one street in any City, com 
 ferred upon them? Will not the Irish 49 7 
 allow us, that Prince Rupert, the Duke 0 
 Neweastle, Montross, Bristol , Barkley, Mid 
 dleton, Rochester, Gerard, and several other 
 Noblemen of England and Scotland, deserve # 
 have their arrears stated and satisfied , as wel 
 as the Grandees of Ireland? Is there any col 
 veniency , (for I am sure there can be no Justice) 
 
 _to provide for the one and not for the other? I 
 
 cannot be said that his Majesty is obliged by thé 
 Act of 17. Car. by his Declaration from Breda, 
 or any other Covenant to recompence in so large 
 a manner, the mercenary service of his Prote* 
 tant Officers in Ireland, without any regard t@ 
 be had for the innumerable Sufferings , and pre 
 sent want of so many Indigent Cavaliers in Eng 
 land, who have not. bread to eat, nor a house 0 
 lye in, and scarce a rag to cover their Nakedness 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND, 103 
 
 To give some colour to this apparent partiality , 
 the first Minister of State is forced to betake 
 himself to his last refuge, telling , as for a final 
 reason, That the Protestant English interest 
 cannot be maintained in Ireland, without extir- 
 pating the Natives. And therefore, that the 
 Counties and Corporations undisposed of by the 
 Commonwealth, must not be restored to the 
 Natives upon any account. The preservation of 
 this Interest is now become ultima ratio, and 
 the non plus ultra to all political debates; and 
 seeing the Learned Gownman will needs esta- 
 blish it for a first principle , not to be denied , it 
 is not amiss to consider more attentively this 
 Idol, that occasions so much impiety. As for 
 the Protestant Interest , I must confess’, his Ma- 
 jesty is bound to maintain it in all his Kingdoms 
 and Dominions , as far forth as the Glory of God 
 quires, and the Law of Nations, and the several 
 constitutions of particular places will admit. 
 Certainly, no man (though never so zealous) 
 will say, that his Majesty was obliged, when 
 he held the Town of Dunkirk in Flanders, to 
 extirpate the ancient Inhabitants, and place new 
 | English Colonies in their Room, for the preser- 
 vation of a Protestant Interest. True Religion 
 was ever yet planted by preaching and good ex- 
 ample , not by violence and oppression : an unjust 
 intrusion into the neighbours estate, is not the 
 right way to convert the ancient proprietours, 
 
104 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 who will hardly be induced to embrace a Reli- 
 gion , whose Professours have done them so much 
 injustice: and as to the present Settlement of 
 Ireland, it is apparent to the world, that the 
 confiscation of Estates, and not the conversion | 
 
 Souls, is the only thing aimed at. If by th 
 
 English Interest we understand the present Pos 
 session of the London. Adventurers, and of 
 Cromwels Souldiers , there is no doubt it is m 
 consistent with the restoration of the Irish; 
 neither can the new English Title to Land be 
 ‘well maintained, without destroying the old 
 Title of the Natives ; even as the interest of the 
 late Commonwealth was incompatible with Mo- 
 narchie ,-and Cromwels Protectorship was incon- 
 sistent with the Kings Government. But, if by the 
 English Interest we understand (as we ought to 
 do) the interest of the Crown and Cavaliers of 
 England , I see no reason why it might not be pre 
 served in Ireland for 500 years to come) as We 
 as it was preserved there for 500 years past, with- 
 out extirpating the Natives. Why could not the 
 English Interest be maintained in Ireland, with 
 out extirpation ; as well as the Spanish i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 per 
 re 
 
 ‘is preserved in Naples and Flanders ; the French 
 interest in Rossilignion and Alsace; the Sweedish 
 interest in Breme and Pomerland ; the Dani 
 interest in Norway; the Austrian interest i 
 
 Hungary; the Venetian interest in Dalmatia; 
 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 . 
 | 
 
 and the Ottoman interest over. all Greece ; and | 
 
 - 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 105 
 
 so many other Christian Provinces, without dis- 
 possessing the ancient Inhabitants of their Pa- 
 trimonies and Birth-right? Forts, Cittadels, 
 Armies, and Garrisons, Punishment and re- 
 ward, were hitherto held the only lawful means 
 for Christian Princes to maintain their Authority, 
 and secure their Interest: such an extirpation 
 Was never yet practised by any Prince that fol- 
 lowed the law of the Gospel. 
 But, supposing that the preservation of an Eng- 
 lish interest were so sacred a thing, that it may be 
 held lawful in that regard to extirpate the old in- 
 habitants of Ireland , who have received from the 
 hand of God that portion of Earth for their inhe- 
 ritance , upon what colour of Title can our rigid 
 Statesman design the extirpation of so many Fa- 
 Milies in Ireland, of the English race and extrac- 
 ‘tion’, lineally descended from the best Families in 
 England, and those ancient English Colonies who 
 first brought over that interest into Ireland , and 
 maintained it there for so manyages? If this 
 Cannibal English interest , gives no better quar- 
 _ ter to the children of English in Ireland, what can 
 Btrangers expect? Nay, what assurance can be 
 had for the posterity of those very Adventurers 
 and Souldiers, that after an age or two they shall 
 not be likewise devoured, or displaced to make 
 room for a new swarm of English Planters, upon 
 the account of securing a new English interest : 
 and those new Colonies also within an age after, 
 
 
 
106 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 shall be extirpated upon the same score; for, 
 the children of those who were planted in 
 Ireland, about the beginning of King James 
 his Reign, are now destroyed, for the better 
 security of an English interest, as well as the 
 posterity of the first English, who invaded 
 that Country in the dayes of King Henry the 
 second; so that to the Worlds end, if we fol 
 low this Rule, we shall never be able to sé 
 eure the English interest in the Kingdom of 
 Ireland. a 
 The Grantees are the fourth and last in order, 
 that obstruct the restoration of the Irish Natives: 
 Their Title is soon examined , being only founded 
 on the Kings free Grant; for it cannot be said 
 that his Majesty was bound by any former obli- 
 gation, or pretended conveniency , to conferr on 
 his Courtiers and Favourites the Land of other 
 people. Can there be any conveniency (not 10 
 speak of Justice) that the Kings only Brother, 
 and heir apparent to three Crowns, should enjoy 
 so many thousands a year in Ireland, of poor 
 Gentlemens estates, whereof some had the ho 
 nour to serve under his command in foreigh 
 Countries? And is it fit to expose his Royal 
 Highness and his Princely posterity to the many 
 inconveniences, and heavy Judgments which 
 commonly follow illegal and unjust acquisitions? 
 It is a remarkable passage, that Miles Corbet 
 and other Regicides who went over into Ireland, 
 
“SALE OF IRELAND. ” 107 
 
 got a large proportion of Irish land, for no other 
 service, but the execrable Sentence of Death 
 which they gave against our late Sovereign , and 
 that the Duke of York should now enjoy all that 
 Land, by no other Title but that of the Regi- 
 eides. The Land was given them by a Tyrant, 
 for murthering the King, let the world judge of 
 the goodness of their Title ; certainly whosoever 
 comes to inherit them, can have no better. I 
 shall make‘no mention here of so many Courtiers 
 of a lesser sphere, who have got vast estates in 
 Treland , by his Majesties free gift, and whom 
 the first Ministers of State have purposely in- 
 teressed in that Kingdom , to engage them against 
 the Natives ; whereby the restoration of the Irish 
 is rendred impossible, and the satisfaction of 
 Adventurers and Souldiers already dispossed by 
 the decrees of the last Court of Claims, is much 
 obstructed , so many fresh grants exhausting the 
 stock of reprisals. 
 
 - My Lord, I have hitherto set down in brief 
 the hard usage extended to the Irish since his 
 Majesties re-establishment, and examined the 
 Title of the several interests obstructing their 
 restoration. Now it remains to say somewhat of 
 the undoubted right, and indisputable claim of 
 the Natives, to those Estates which by Crom- 
 wels Decree, and his Majesties confirmation,- 
 are kept from them. 
 
 . Iwill not take upon me to justifie their first: 
 
* 
 
 108 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 
 
 rising , (although I have seen a Treatise in Latin — 
 proving the lawfulness, or rather the necessity, — 
 of that war on their side, having begun it in — 
 their own defence , to prevent the general ruin 
 and destruction designed against the Kingdom 
 and themselves, by the Presbyterian party both 
 in England and Scotland) I shall not excuse any ¥ 
 Subjects presuming to take Arms, upon any ac- _ 
 count or pretence whatsoever , without the Au- 
 thority of their Prince; I will only say, that by 
 their Insurrection (how bloudy and barbarous 
 Soever some are pleased to print and paint it) 
 four hundred English could not be found mur-_ 
 dered in Ireland, as appeareth by the Proceed=— 
 ings (and Records yet extant in Dublin) of the 
 usurped Power's severe enquiry , and their Court 
 of Justice, that for want of men did hang wo- — 
 men, not only without legal proof, but without 
 any probability that they could or would be guilty 
 of killing Souldiers , or innocent English. The 
 Irish insurrection , I say, hath not been accom- 
 panied with that insolence and malice in the be-" 
 ginning , nor with those sad and dismal effects in 
 the end, which other Rebellions have been guilty 
 of , and some Pamphlets have charged the Irish 
 
 with. They were scarce 22 months in Arms, 
 when they yielded to a cessation, upon the first _ 
 notice given of his Majesties pleasure , although” 
 they had then the upper hand of their Enemies ;_ 
 and it was known the Protestant. party could not 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 109 
 
 be well preserved without it. This cessation 
 was enlarged from time to time, until a final 
 peace was solemnly concluded in the City of Kil- 
 keny, in the year of our Lord 1648. by, and 
 between the Lord Duke of Ormond, his Majes- 
 ties Commissioner , in behalf of his Majesty ; and 
 the General Assembly of the Confederate Ca- 
 tholicks of Ireland, in behalf of the said Con- 
 federate Catholicks. ‘This peace was no sooner 
 published, than all the Garrisons, Forts, Cita- 
 dels, Strong holds, and Magazins of the Ivish, 
 were put under the Command of the Kings Lieu- 
 tenant; all the Nobility, Gentry, and Magis- 
 trates, both in Cities and Country submitted to 
 his Government. And though the English Re- 
 bels have been ever since very successful in all 
 their attempts, yet the Irish, notwithstanding 
 they were offered any conditions by the Usurper, 
 held out, with an undaunted Courage, until the 
 last Town, and the last Fortress was lost, and 
 until they received express Orders from his Ma- 
 jesty to yield to the times, and to make the best 
 conditions they could for their own preservation, 
 It is remarkable, that this peace was concluded 
 in a time, when the Irish Nation was in a most 
 flourishing condition, having Armies in the 
 field, and most of the Cities and great Towns 
 in their possessions, and more than three parts 
 of the Kingdom under their command, when 
 they were courted by the Parliament of Eng- 
 
 H 
 

 
 110 THE 8ETTLEMENT AND 
 
 land, and sollicited by some neighbouring Po- 
 tentates, and when by espousing his Majesties 
 quarrel, (who was then destitute of all humane. 
 support) they were to draw on their Country all ~ 
 the united Force and Power of the Victorious Re- — 
 bels in England and Scotland, and consequently. 
 expose themselves and their Posterity to the dan- 
 ger of an unevitable ruine and destruction. d 
 
 I know their Adversaries have practised all 
 the artifice that Malice could invent, to perswade — 
 the world , that his Majesty is no way obliged to © 
 make good that peace which was concluded by — 
 the Authority of his Royal Father , and solemnly 
 confirmed by himself. Those Articles, they say, 
 were forced from his Majesty by the Irish Con- 
 federates , who ought to loose the benefit of all 
 his Majesties gracious concessions, having ba- 
 nished the Lord Duke of Ormond, his Majes- 
 ties Lieutenant, out of Ireland. It is easily 
 proved, that the King was forced to take the 
 Solemn League and Covenant, when he was en- 
 vironed by the Presbyterian Army in Scotland: ~ 
 but I do not understand how it can be made out, 
 that the Confederates of Ireland were able to 
 extort that peace from his Majesty, who was 
 then in France. It will seem very ridiculous to 
 say , that the Lord Marquess of Antrim, and the 
 Lord Muskry (employed by the Confederate Ca- 
 tholicks, to solicit, in a most humble manner, 
 for those articles which only contain a pardon for 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. EPL 
 
 the past, and the liberty of free-born Subjects 
 for the future) should come to Paris with a train 
 sufficient to force a Sovereign Prince, lodged in 
 the Louvre, who was Cousin German to his most 
 Christian Majesty. The other Assertion, that 
 the Lord Duke of Ormond was banished out of 
 Treland by the Confederates , is very false ; His 
 Lordship being driven out of the Provinces of 
 Limster and Munster, by the power of Crom- 
 wel’s Army, and forced to retire to the Province 
 of Connaught, from whence he took shipping 
 for France , to inform the Queens Majesty of the 
 sad condition of that Kingdom, and to implore 
 some succour from abroad, which (if timely ob- 
 tained) might probably give a stop to Cromwels 
 conquest, and render him unable to bring his 
 victorious forces out of Ireland, and defeat his 
 Majesty at Worcester , His Lordship having ap- 
 pointed the Lord Marquess of Clanricard to 
 Command in his absence, as the Kings Deputy, 
 (to whom the Nation shewed all due obedience 
 and submission) is a manifest argument that his 
 Lordship was not banished out of the Kingdom 
 by the Confederate Catholicks; for whom he 
 hamed , a Commander in his own absence: nei- 
 ther can it reflect upon the generality of the Na- 
 tion , what was decreed by some Prelats convened 
 in Jamestown, whose unseasonable zeal was soon 
 after condemned, and protested against by a gene- 
 Fal assembly held in Loghreagh, of the Clergy, 
 

 
 
 
 Lis THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 Nobility, and Gentry of the whole Kingdom: — 
 and the advantagious proposals then made by — 
 Cromwel’s Agents, were generously rejected by ~ 
 that Assembly, the Nation having unanimously ~ 
 resolved to rise or fall with the Kings interest. 
 But what need we any other evidence to prove © 
 that the Irish did not generally violate the arti- — 
 cles of that peace , then his Majesties own words, 
 in the Preamble of his Declaration for the Set- 
 tlement of Ireland. “And therefore we could — 
 not but hold our self obliged to perform what we © 
 owe by that peace to those who had honestly and 
 faithfully performed what they had promised to 
 us,” &c. 
 
 The Irish being at last over powered at home, — 
 though they lost their country , they did not fail 
 in their Loyalty, most of their young Nobility 
 and Gentry having followed his Majesty into fo- 
 reign Countries, and resorted from all parts to 
 side with those Princes who favoured his interest ; _ 
 when the King was in France, they quitted the © 
 Spanish service , and when he came to Flanders, ~ 
 they abandoned the French service, and flocked — 
 in great numbers about his Royal Person , having — 
 made up in short time, a handsome body of an — 
 Army , which rendred his Majesty considerable — 
 to his Friends abroad, and dreadful to his Ene- 
 mies at home. These are verities that none dares — 
 impugn, seeing the King himself is most gra- 
 ciously pleased to own them in his Declaration. 
 
“SALE OF IRELAND, 113 
 
 
 
 « And in the first place , we did, and must alwaies 
 remember the great affection a considerable part 
 of that Nation expressed to us during the time of 
 our being beyond the seas , when with all cheer- 
 fulness and obedience they received and submit- 
 ted to our Orders, and betook themselves to that 
 service which we directed, as most convenient 
 and behooveful at that time to us, thoughattended 
 
 with inconveniency enough to themselves: which 
 
 ’ demeanour of theirs, cannot but be thought very 
 
 worthy of our Protection, Justice, and Favour.” 
 _. My Lord, Is it not a sad case that the Irish 
 Nation who sacrificed their lives, their estates 
 and fortunes, and all the interest they had in 
 their Country for the Kings service, who fol- 
 
 lowed his Majesty abroad, and stuck to him in 
 his banishment, when he was abandoned almost 
 dy all the rest of his Subjects in the three King- 
 
 domes, should now be in a far worse condition , 
 
 _ than they were reduced unto, during the Usurp- 
 
 ver’s Reign? For then their estates were kept 
 
 from them by violence, and the unresistable 
 power of Cromwel’s Army, but now they seem 
 to be legally adjudged against them by two Acts 
 of Parliament. They were then in hopes that 
 God would one day re-establish his Sacred Ma- 
 jesty in a peaceable and entire possession of his 
 Crown and Kingdoms, and consequently restore 
 to them their ancient Patrimonies , which they 
 lost upon the account of his interest: but now., 
 
114 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 they behold his Majesty seated in the glorious 
 Throne of his Ancestors, and themselves out of 
 all hope of ever enjoying their estates, which are 
 conferred on their (and his Majesties) enemies , 
 by a final sentence pronounced against them ; 
 and (which surpasseth all the misery that can be 
 imagined) they are eternally condemned by a 
 Messias, in whom they hoped for redemption, 
 
 and for whose sake they sacrificed their lives ,- 
 
 lost their fortunes , quitted their Country , and 
 forsook all that was dear to them in this World; 
 and this done by the corruption and covetousness 
 of two or three persons, whereof one was the 
 first Minister. 
 The extraordinary merit of this Nation in his 
 Majesties service , was fresh in his Majesties me- 
 
 mory when he spake after this manner to the 
 
 House of Peers , on the 27 July 1660. touching 
 the Act of Indempnity : “I hope, I need say no- 
 thing of Ireland, and that they alone shall not 
 be without the benefit of my Mercy: they have 
 shewed much affection to me abroad, and you 
 will have a care of my honour, and what I have 
 promised to them.” 
 
 My Lord, To pass by Honour and Gratitude , 
 (which some States-men little value) how shall 
 we excuse the Injustice of these proceedings ? 
 Suppose the peace concluded in the year 1648. 
 was invalid, and that his Majesty received no 
 service abroad from any of the Irish Nation , can 
 
 a ee 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 115 
 
 he in Justice condemn 7000 Innocents, (before 
 they are heard) inoffensive persons, who never 
 offended his Royal Father, nor himself; let us 
 suppose farther, that an innocent person could 
 ‘not be found in all Ireland , that every individual 
 of that Nation were an obstinate Rebel from the 
 “beginning , and that none of them ever deserved 
 the least favour from his Majesty in point of Con- 
 science, Honour, or Gratitude, can our prime 
 Minister and his adherents say, that so many 
 thousand Widows and Orphans (though never so 
 criminal) are not fit objects of his Majesties 
 Compassion and Clemency ? 
 
 That Kings are the Anointed of the Lord, and 
 his Lieutenants on Earth, is an infallible truth 
 received among Christians; and as they derive 
 their power immediately from God, so they 
 ought to imitate him in their actions. But of all 
 the Divine Attributes , his Mercy, as it is above 
 all the rest of his Works, Misericordia ejus 
 supra omnia opera ejus , so is it that alone which 
 Princes are most concerned to follow. It is by 
 this heavenly Virtue, that good Kings have been 
 alwayes distinguished from Tyrants, and that 
 they appeared totheir Subjects as the very Images 
 of ‘Divinity. I do not think that the English 
 Crown was ever worn by a Prince more Benign 
 and Merciful than Charles the Second, I am 
 confident, there is no King now living on Earth, 
 who hath given a larger testimony of his natural 
 
116 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 propensity and inclination that way. How great 
 then must be the guilt of those Ministers of State 
 that cunningly obstructed the effects of the bounty 
 and clemency of so good and gracious a Prince 
 towards an innocent People; and perhaps not the 
 least deserving of his Subjects? Their gettings 
 by the Bills of Settlement spoiles their plea , and 
 pretence for the promotion of protestancy. It 
 will seem a Paradox to posterity , that the Irish 
 Nation, which in all insurrections hath been 
 pardoned , and preserved by the Royal Bounty 
 of Kings, meerly English should now be con- 
 demned to an eternal extirpation by a King of 
 old Irish extraction (lineally descended from Fer- 
 gusius a Prince of the Royal bloud of Ireland) 
 who of all the Kings that ever reigned in Eng- 
 land, was most obliged to the Irish Nation, and 
 that during the Reign of Charles the Second, 
 (the most merciful Prince that ever wore a 
 Crown) so many thousand innocents should be 
 exempted from a hearing, and others from a Ge- 
 neral Pardon , which by a mercy wholly extraor- 
 dinary , doth extend to some of the very Regi- 
 cides. 
 
 These are verities not to be doubted of in our 
 dayes, which after ages will hardly admit, see- 
 ing the like was never before recorded in Annals, 
 or mentioned in any History: for, since the 
 Creation of Adam to this day (and perhaps our 
 posterity to the Worlds end, may be as far to 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 117% 
 
 seek) we cannot produce another example of the 
 like measure extended to a Christian people , 
 under the Government of a most Christian 
 Prince. The most bloudy Tyrants of former 
 ages, even those Monsters of Nature, who 
 seemed to be born for no other end, than the 
 desolation of Mankind , did never extirpate their 
 old Friends, to make room for their reconciled 
 Enemies: so that it must be a very difficult 
 matter to perswade those who are not eye- 
 witnesses of the Fact, that the Royal authority 
 of our Gracious King, which here in England 
 maintains the Peer in his Splendour and Dignity , 
 the Commoner in his Birth-right and Liberty , 
 which protects the Weak from the oppression of 
 the Mighty , secures the Nobility from the inso- 
 lence of the People, and by which Equal and 
 Impartial Justice is indifferently distributed to 
 all the Inhabitants of this Great and Flourish- 
 ing Realm ; should be at the same time made use 
 of in his Kingdom of Ireland , to condemn Inno- 
 cents before they are heard, to destroy so many 
 thousand Widows and Orphans, to confirm un- 
 lawful and usurped Possessions, to violate the 
 Publick Faith , to punish Virtue , to countenance 
 Vice, to hold Loyalty a Crime, and Treason 
 worthy of Reward. The bloudy and covetous 
 States-man who chiefly occasioned all this dis- 
 order, was very often heard to say , with a fierce 
 countenance, and passionate tone, the Irish de- 
 H 3 
 

 
 118 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 serve to be extirpated, and then he would (after ‘ 
 
 his usual manner) come out with a great Oath, ~ 
 and swear , they shall be all extirpated, root and | 
 brance. Good God, what a Heathen expression | 
 is this in the mouth of a Christian, who is ex-~ 
 presly commanded to love his Enemies? Does 
 he think that the Divine Providence, which 
 orders the growth of Herbs, the fall of Leaves, — 
 and appoints an Angel for the guard of every 
 
 ‘individual person , takes no care to preserve an — 
 
 entire body of a Nation ? and that it shall be in — 
 the power of one man to destroy the work of God 
 at his pleasure; of such a man that could not 7 
 prevent his own disgrace, nor avoid the many — 
 
 other inconveniencies which are like to fall upon ~ 
 
 him ? 
 
 This proud Haman, who, joyntly with some — 
 
 few others, to get money for themselves, and 
 estates for their children, contrived the general 
 extirpation of the whole Irish race , but “before 
 he could fully compass his wicked Design (I must 
 
 confess he went very near to do it, and if God — 
 
 had given him a longer continuance of power, 
 
 he would undoubtedly make good his word) was — 
 forced, for his own safety, and the preservation 
 
 _ of his life, to quit his fine House, forsake his 
 . Family, and bid his Country farewel, and to 
 travel in his old age, in the dead of Winter, 
 through so many dangers at Sea, and incom- 
 modities by Land, to seek for some shelter 
 
me, 
 
 SALE OF IRELAND. 119 
 
 abroad , seeing he could not be secure at home. 
 
 ‘Justus es, Domine, & justum judicium tuum. 
 
 “He is gone with all his Greatness, and the mi- 
 “series of the poor Irish do still continue; how- 
 ~ ever they are yet in being, and live in hope that 
 ~~ the fall of their mortal Enemy may be a begin- 
 
 “ning of their Rise, and that his Majesty will 
 
 now seriously reflect upon the unparallel’d usage 
 hitherto extended to that Nation, who are de- 
 prived of the benefit of Law, Justice, and 
 Publick Faith: the cryes and tears of more than 
 
 ‘a hundred thousand Widows and Orphans, being 
 
 worthy his Majesties Princely consideration. And 
 certainly, there can be no great difficulty met 
 
 ~ with to disannul two illegal Acts, which are 
 
 evidently repugnant, not only to the Law of 
 God and Nature, contrary to common reason , 
 
 (and consequently void in themselves) but also 
 
 to all sound Policy and reason of State; for that 
 the true interest of England (as relating to 
 Ireland) consists in raising the Irish as a Bul- 
 wark, or balance, against our English and 
 Scotch Presbyterians. The Irish Papists agreed 
 so well, and lived so peaceably with our English 
 Prelatiques, during all the Reign of King James, 
 and seventeen years of King Charles the first , 
 
 that they seemed to be of one mind in all mat- 
 
 ters: and when the Presbyterian practises and 
 Convenant began to disturb these Kingdoms , the 
 Papists and Prelatiques in Ireland (as well as in 
 
120 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 England) joyned their hearts and hands against 
 Presbytery for the King. The great Earl of 
 Strafford judged it was a true Protestant Cavalier 
 interest , to raise an Army of Papists in Ireland, 
 thereby to keep in awe the Presbyterians of 
 Scotland and England: and indeed the Presby- 
 terian designs could never have had been com- 
 passed, if the King had not been forced to dis- 
 band thesame Army. Then the Earl (now Duke 
 of Ormond) thought it was the true English and 
 Cavalier Interest, to joyn in Parliament with 
 
 Bo at gal a st 
 
 
 
 the Roman Catholick Nobility and Gentry of — 
 
 Ireland , against the Presbyterian Lords Justices 
 and their Faction; and therefore joyntly with 
 them, resolved to secure their persons, and 
 seize upon the Castle and Magazin of Dublin, 
 for his Majesty; but this their design was 
 quashed by an inconsiderate attempt of some 
 Northern Gentlemen , which occasioned the late 
 Rebellion , and encouraged the Presbyterian 
 Lords Justices to force the King’s Loyal Sub- 
 jects into desperate courses: but no sooner weré 
 the Presbyterian Lords Justices deposed, and 
 imprisoned by the King’s commands, but the 
 Roman Catholicks returned to their duty , first 
 by a cessation, next by a submissive peace, de- 
 livering the whole Kingdom unto the Duke of 
 Ormond , and joyning with the Cavalier Party 
 against the King’s Enemies, and so continued 
 until both were over powered by Cromwel. 
 
 —— se 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 121 
 
 Another reason why understanding men judge 
 the Irish ought to be preserved, and their in- 
 terest preferred before that of Cromwel’s Crea- 
 tures, is, that the English of Ireland are not 
 able to defend themselves against the Scots in 
 that Country; if the Irish be Neuters. The 
 Scots are a people so numerous, so needy, and 
 so near unto Ireland, so cunning, close, and 
 confederated in a common Interest , that some of 
 our States-men apprehend, they may soon pos- 
 sess themselves of that whole Island , they being 
 at this present, not only Masters of Vister, but 
 spread over the other Provinces, and very well 
 armed. Now, if dispair should dictate to the 
 destroyed Irish, that it is their conveniency to 
 joyn with the Scots against the English that pos- 
 
 _ sess their Estates , without question the English 
 Interest will be lost in Ireland. It is better 
 therefore that the Irish Nation be gained by re- 
 storing them to their own (such only excepted as 
 had a hand in murdering English) than that a 
 few Presbyterian and Phanatique upstarts be 
 made great by other men’s Estates, and the 
 whole Kingdom indangered to be wrested out of 
 our hands, and separated from the Crown of 
 England. 
 
 Yon see, my Lord, that there seems to be as 
 little conveniency as conscience in my Lord Cla- 
 rendon’s, and his covetous partners settlement 
 of Ireland; yet I must confess this domestick 
 

 
 122 THE SETTLEMENT AND 
 
 affair agreeth well with his Policy in foreign 
 Negotiations. Until his time the States-men of 
 Europe (particularly the English) made it their 
 business to keep the scales equal between France 
 and Spain, least either of those two Potentates 
 might aspire unto an Universal Monarchy; But 
 the Earl of Clarendon made it his business to 
 utterly destroy Spain, and exalt the French 
 King to such a height of power, that in a short 
 time he might be Master of the Netherlands , 
 and find no opposition in his way into England ; 
 and indeed had not our Kings conduct and cou- 
 rage been extraordinary, in closing up a new 
 Defensive League so seasonably , and in conclu- 
 ding a Peace between Spain and Portugal, no 
 part of Europe that is worth the Coveting , could 
 be free from the French command. I hope, that 
 as God hath inspired his Majesty to prevent by 
 this League and Peace, the danger which cor- 
 rupt Ministers drew upon us, so he will move him 
 to establish a lasting Peace in his Dominions, 
 by a just repeal of the Trish Act of Settlement ; 
 and thereby quash all the designs against Eng- 
 land, that France, or any Foreigner may en- 
 deavour to ground upon the discontents of a 
 destroyed, and desperate people. 
 
 Now, my Lord, that you have had this ac- 
 count, of the transactions in Ireland since his 
 Majesties Restauration, it were an act worthy 
 
 
 
 pF FL RT COE OPE La ins! 
 
 
 
 your Lordship (being a Leading Member in the ~ 
 
 
 
 
 
SALE OF IRELAND. 123 
 
 House of Peers in England, and much relied 
 upon in the House of Commons) to make it your 
 request to his Majesty , that the business of Ire- 
 land may receive one Publick hearing, and all 
 parties concerned appear by their agents, which 
 if your Lordship prevail to get done, if the Set- 
 tlement, as it is now established, be deemed 
 just, will be happy for the Possessours, and 
 take away all the Calumnies that the Irish do 
 over all the world cast on the Managers of that 
 Settlement; but if it appear not to be a just 
 Settlement, then Justice in so high a degree will 
 become the King, and his Highest Court, and 
 will evidence the truth or nullitie of what hath 
 been here offered to your Lordship, by , 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lordships most Faithful 
 
 and most Humble Servant 
 
 FON: 
 
a ies ee 
 
 te 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Lands granted to the Duke of Ormonde by the Act of 
 
 Settlement and Court of Claims. 
 p. 182. 
 
 so 
 
 CounrIEs. LAnps. 
 Gallway Moate, &. . . 
 ‘ Rathcoffy, &e. ; 
 mee) Kitrush, &. 
 ~ Meath Dunboyne, &c. . 
 
 Babin Momence &e. 
 Carrigbegg, &e. 
 } Keon &e. 
 
 Kileorle, &e. . 
 Balliceally, &e. . 
 
 Kinure, &e. . 
 Waterford 
 
 Catherlogh 
 
 | Smith’stown* & 
 
 " New-Church, 
 
 Kilkenny Rathana, &e. . 
 Rathardmoore . 
 Tubrid, &e. 
 {Ballynoran . 
 
 | Myler’s-town 
 
 Tipperary 4 Hussey’s-town . 
 | Fleming’s-town. 
 | Moore-town, &e. 
 
 Balligowen, alias 
 
 
 
 Carte’s Ormon. 2 vol. 
 
 OLD PROPRIETORS. 
 
 . Mr. Kelly 
 
 . Mr. Nicholas Wogan 
 . Morris Fitzgerald 
 
 . Lord Dunboyne 
 
 . George Blackney 
 
 . Patrick Walsh 
 
 . James Butler 
 
 . Ulicke Wall 
 
 . Edm. Birne 
 
 . Gerald Nolan 
 
 Walter Walsh 
 
 . Mr. Archer 
 
 . Pierce Shortall 
 
 . Robert Shortall 
 
 . Pierce Butler 
 
 . John White 
 
 . Edward Butler 
 
 . Edmond Prendergast 
 . David Walsh 
 
 * Smith’s-town contained 834 acres, and New-Church 116 acres, two 
 Yood and eight pole, and was granted by the Duke to Robert Walsh 
 and his heirs male, for the rent of £5. a year. 
 
126 
 
 <—~ 
 
 
 
 CounrTiEs. Lanps. OLD PROPRIETORS. 
 Borrinduffe, &e. . Nicholas Whyte 
 
 | Rathloose, &c. . . Thomas Whyte 
 | Knocklosty, &c.. . Theo. Butler 
 Batheastin . . . Tho. Butler 
 James-town. . .Solomon Whyte 
 Orchard’s-town. . Edmond Bray 
 Loghlohery . . . Morris Keating 
 Deregrath, &c.. . Richard Keating 
 Boytonrath . . . Edmond Butler 
 Castle-Moyle, &c. . Walter Butler 
 Shanbally Duffe’ . Pierce Butler 
 Ballinree . . . Walter Butler " 
 Rathconne . ._ . Sir Richard Everard ~ 
 Brechindowne, Thomas Butler j 
 
 &e. James Butler 
 Miler’s-town. . . Walter Hackett 
 Tipperary | Ballihomucke . . Richard Birmingham — 
 ; Tyllocaslane. . . Piers Butler ; 
 ; Ballinadlea . . . William Butler 
 Balliowen, &. . . Simon Salt 
 Bulliknocke. . . Redmond Magrath ° 
 Cloran . . . . Robert Shee 
 Miltown . . . Lord Dunboyne 
 Tullaghmaine, &e. Richard Comin 
 Coolenagon. . . Edmond Hogan 
 Toburbryen . - . Dan. Ryan 
 Lislin Franca . . W. Burks 
 Moinarde . . .Edm. Heyden 
 Archer’s-town . . James Archer 
 Cloghmartin. . .James Butler 
 Tullomain James . Lord Skerryn 
 ‘Moynetemple . . Edmond Heyden 
 Boresoleigh .  . . Richard Bourke 
 \ W. Kennedy 
 ? Philip Glissan. 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 f Ballinneny . 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 : Pi te . 
 
 OF 
 
 NICHOLAS FRENCH, D.D. 
 
 ) BISHOP: OF FERNS. 
 Ty gees Yael seo” nod we 
 
 MST Sh 
 
 
 
 
 7 ont 
 
 Pz WALSH'S sISTORY 
 NE IRISH REMONSTRANCE, 
 1674. 
 
 
 

 
 NOTE. 
 
 The following letters, as the reader will collect 
 
 from their perusal, were written by Doctor 
 
 French at different times, between the years 
 1662 and 1666. 
 
 The love of Ireland, which ever influenced © 
 this prelate, had induced him to leave the peace- — 
 ful retirement of his college at Louvain, as we © 
 have already seen, that he might be present with — 
 
 his countrymen in times of trouble and of peril. 
 
 When these letters were written he was an ~ 
 exile, but an honoured one; and although in the 
 
 enjoyment of much, that he could not hope for 
 
 at home, yet he was dissatisfied, because absent — 
 
 from the object of his love and thought. With 
 
 the hope of prevailing upon the Duke of Ormond, © 
 
 
 
 
 
 who was then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to — 
 
 sanction his return to this country, he opened 
 a correspondence with Peter Walsh, the histo- 
 rian of the Remonstrance, but it was of no avail; 
 the Doctor, no doubt, “was a good man, a good 
 priest, and a good bishop,” as Ormond admitted, 
 but he was a patriot and ‘had an intellect,” 
 
 which appeared in the Duke’s eyes rather a dan- — 
 
 gerous compound, and likely to do more than 
 
 contravene his other virtues, consequently he was — 
 
 obliged to continue abroad. Many of the Doctor’s 
 writings contain much personal allusion to this 
 minister, very easily accounted for by the unjust 
 treatment he received, simply because he was 
 true to his country and his creed. 
 

 
 LETTERS. 
 
 
 
 The Roman-Catholick Bishop of Fern’s Letter 
 from St. Jago, 18 Junii, 1662. To the Reve- 
 rend James Cusack, Doctor of Divinity , at 
 _ London.” 
 
 _ Sir, 
 
 By the four last Letters I had from you (to which 
 Thave heretofore answered) you demand from 
 me two things, to wit, an approbation of a Pro- 
 4estation signed by L. B. of Dromore, your self , 
 and other Divines of our Nation in that City, 
 and that I would give you a power to sign a Pro- 
 curatorium Father Peter Walsh hath from the 
 Clergy of Ireland, whereunto Edmund Reilly , 
 Antony Geoghegan, James Dempsey, and 
 others, have consented, as you write to me. 
 ‘To the same I also willingly consent, and do 
 hereby impower you sign in my name the said 
 Procuratorium, but with this limitation , the said 
 Father Walsh shall do nothing for me, nor in 
 my name, touching the above mentioned Pro- 
 ‘testation, until he shall receive my own express 
 sense and answer. The Protestation seems a 
 

 
 130 LETTERS. 
 
 Rock to the Divines of our Nation in this King- 7 
 dom, and they wonder ye there made so easie a © 
 work of it: yet, of your good intentions in illo © 
 facto, most of them rest well satisfied , persuad-”_ 
 ing themselves there was a necessity of unde-) 
 ceiving the Prince, and clearing our Clergy” 
 from black Calumnies ; but they differ from you™ 
 in the judgment of the matter, and lawfulness — 
 of the said Protestation. Briefly, the opinion of — 
 the Divines here, as well as of our Nation, as ~ 
 others, is quod sit potestas in summo Pontifice — 
 puniendt omnes mortales ratione delicti, which they — 
 aver to be St. Thomas his opinion, & speciatim in 
 cap. decimo de Institutione Principis. ‘This, say 
 they , is the power Jnnocentius III. meant, when _ 
 intermedling between the Kings of France and 
 England (nimirum quando ad illum Rex Angile’ 
 detulit Regem Gallie) he said non intendimus > 
 judicare de feudo , sed decernere de peccato , cujus : 
 ad nos pertinet sine dubitatione censura, quam in) 
 quemlibet exercere possumus , § debemus. For fur- _ 
 ther proof of this power, they produce Trans- 
 lationem Imperii, and affirm this power of the — 
 Pope hath taken prescription for many Ages — 
 which they declare out of several Historians. — 
 Many of them will not be persuaded that ye have 
 a probable opinion for your doings. But I have 
 (as I think) manifestly shewed out of the little — 
 Book you saw with me, called Strena Catholica, — 
 that the learned School of Paris holds the same _ 
 opinion you relie upon in the signature of your 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 oe 
 
 
 
LETTERS. 131 
 
 Protestation. This being so, it could not be 
 denied (I conceived it so) but the opinion was 
 probable, that had for it the authority of so fa- 
 mous a School, quia probabilitas opinionis de- 
 sumenda est ex principiis extrinsecis. After a 
 view of what I pointed out in the said Book, 
 some of them held that the said opinion had lost 
 ‘Its probability by what Paulus V. declared in 
 duobus Brevibus contra juramentum fidelitatis 
 Regis Anglie , tanquam continens multa que 
 saluti & fidet adversantur. Now your protesta- 
 tion being the said in substance, cum isto jura- 
 mento fidelitatis , that Declaration of Paulus 
 Quintus, is against your Protestation, as 
 well as against the said Oath. What shall 
 I’ say more? the Schoolmen of France and 
 Spain (if I rightly understand them) dis- 
 agree as much about the lawfulness, and matter 
 of the Protestation, as both the Nations do in 
 their humors. For my part, I confess learned 
 Suarez his Arguments and Reasons, in defensione 
 fidet, adversus errores Secte Anglicane, & precipue 
 gue ab eo dicuntur in lib. tertio de primatu Pontificis, — 
 & lib. 6. de juramento fidelitatis Regis Anglie , are 
 of great strength and force. Yet for all that I 
 am ready , and heartily willing to yield my Prince 
 all obedience and fidelity , all honest Bishops and 
 Priests have done to their Princes in all ages 
 and times, keeping ever to that old and sound 
 rule of Tertullian , nimirum, sic colere Imperato- 
 ren, quomodos Christianis licet , & ille expedit ; and 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 132 LETTERS. 
 
 I abhor and detest from my heart that impious, — 
 and heretical Doctrine of John Wickliff, to wit, — 
 That a Prince, if he rule ill, or fall into mortal — 
 sin, is no longer Prince; but that his Subjects — 
 may rise against him, and punish him at their 
 pleasures. Is it not a wonder the Kings Bishops 
 do not pull this Hypocrite out of their Calendar 
 of Saints (where Fox placed him in red Letters — 
 for a Martyr, though he dyed upon his Bed) for 
 being Author of so pestiferious a Doctrine? I 
 also abhor the impious dogma of the great Rabin — 
 of Geneva, teaching, That Princes Laws bind 
 not Subjects to obedience in Conscience, but 
 only for external, and temporal respect , whereby 
 this precious Doctor of the Protestants sets the — 
 People loose for a Rebellion, when they shall — 
 please and find an occasion, expresly against 
 
 St. Paul’s doctrine, cap. 13. ad Rom. Ideo neces- 
 
 sitate Subditi estote non solum propter iram sed etiam — 
 propter conscientiam. ‘This is the man so much 
 esteemed by the Protestant Divines of England, — 
 who notwithstanding, dared pronounce that dan- ~ 
 gerous position for Princes in his expounding — 
 the Prophet Daniel, Abdicant se (saith he) ter-_ 
 rent Principes dum insurgunt contra Deum ; 
 ¢mo indigni sunt qui censeantur in hominum 
 numero. Potius ergo conspuere oportet in illo- 
 rum capita, quam illis parere, ubi sic proters— 
 viunt, & velint spoliare Deum suo jure. The 
 world. may see, how civil a man this delicate 
 Prophet using this fine phrase, conspure oportet 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 LETTERS. 133 
 
 in principum capita, and is not this a learned 
 Homily to teach Subjects obedience? but if a 
 Man ask Calvin who shall be judge between God 
 and Kings, an insurgunt in Deum & spoliant 
 tum jure suo, he will allow of no Judge in this 
 high matter but himself all one, and conse- 
 
 quently when he shall so please, will stir the 
 
 people to a rebellion against their King, and de- 
 pose, or make Him away as they list, because 
 Calvin told them, spoliavit Deum jure suo, 
 which is a sad lesson for Kings. 
 
 _ A late Letter from France, tells , that Tuam, 
 and the rest of my Brethren there, have con- 
 Sented to subscribe your Protestation. Believe 
 me, they would not do so here, nor dare do it , 
 for many reasons I think not fit to commit to 
 this Paper, but you may believe it isso, $ hoc 
 sapienti sat est, sc. For the rest were onely 
 Private business , and salutes to Friends. After 
 
 _ Which , he subscribes thus : 
 
 My dear Companion, 
 Your ever true Friend to serve you, 
 * Nico: FERnen. 
 
 A> 
 
 
 
 “ His Letter to my self from the said place, dated 
 / 19 Sept. 1665.” 
 
 _ Reverenp Fatuer Watsu, 
 
 Tarrer goeth the submissive Letter, that lay 
 Upon my hands hard upon Twenty months 
 I 
 

 
 134 ‘LETTERS. 
 
 waiting for a secure conveyance. The Contents 
 thereof are, I conceive, reasonable, and suffli- 
 cient to give his Grace the contentment I desire. 
 I am able to say no more against my self, then 
 
 said Letter doth express, without belying my : 
 Conscience, and betraying my Fame, which I ~ 
 presume his Grace would not have me do. Upon 
 
 this affair, that is, of so tender a concernment , 
 I make this Discourse. Or the Letter will give 
 
 clear satisfaction, or it will not. If the first, L 
 shall be much joyed, and do my best to be there ~ 
 soon, depending with all confidence upon his 7 
 Graces clemency and protection (as by your ~ 
 Letter you have insinuated I well may) of me, ~ 
 
 and mine, whereof my upright dealing and de- 
 meanour will still keep me capable , exercising 
 secretly and warily my Function, and giving by 
 Gods blessing no kind of occasion of disturbing 
 the peace of the Countrey, or offending the 
 
 State and Government; and so shall all do, — 
 
 upon whom I shall: have influence ; and if any 
 change or revolution shall happen in the Land 
 (it may happen so, though I have no ground at 
 
 
 
 present for divining such a matter) his Excellency ~ 
 will find me as truly as any of the Kings own ~ 
 
 Bishops. I bring not with me the spirit of Dis- : 
 
 sention or Ambition, I aim not at Honour, or 
 worldly Commodities (for I enjoy more here for 
 
 subsisting me, than I can do there,) that I seek — 
 
 after (God is my witness) is onely and solely my 
 
 
 
 dear Lambs and Flock (their fleece and milk are. ) 
 

 
 LETTERS. 125 
 
 in another hand, if he will content himself with 
 both , and seek not to vex me, I will be patient 
 with the lack of both) and to give a right ac- 
 count to my God of a sacred depositum, the 
 charge of Souls committed by him to my trust 
 and: care. Which Commission can hardly be 
 discharged by me without some toleration and 
 liberty. Both I may in some measure enjoy, 
 Supported by his Grace’s protection against sur- 
 mises, murmurations, calumnies, and many 
 vapours of that kind which will be elevated from 
 the envy of men, that will hate me more for 
 being the man I am, than for my enmity against 
 the Commonwealth. Such men I foresee will 
 seek to black my innocency , and in such an ar- 
 ticle I hope his Graces benignity will be a refuge 
 tome. ‘Truly if a person of my mind, who in- 
 “tends not; abzre in consilio impiorum , neque in 
 wia peccatorum flare , & pondere & mensura Deo 
 quod Dei est reddere, & Cesaris Cesari: if 
 Such an one may not pass his days unafflicted , I 
 ‘May well say that is a Lamb of misery. 
 » But let us suppose the worst (which I hope 
 ‘will not happen) to wit, that his Excellency by 
 my Letter, and clear intention, will not be sa- 
 tisfied; if so; I shall truly hold my fortune 
 hard, having suffered so much, and so sharp 
 “afflictions and reproaches in Rome, Spain, and 
 Flanders, upon the score of being taken for a 
 great friend and servitor of his, and (that I may 
 

 
 136 LETTERS. 
 
 use the language of those vexed me) a principal 
 
 Leader in the Anti-catholick Ormonian Faction. 
 
 Collige ex ungue leonim, by the confession of ~ 
 Father Patrick Hacquet. But one thing (which — 
 
 is more home) I will say to you, which I never 
 said before (in verbo Sacerdotis verum dico) I 
 have done his Grace a certain good turn that 
 claims and merits (I dare boldly aver it) a greater 
 recompence than what I now demand from him, 
 or ever shall. If that with the contents of my 
 
 Letter, and the good intents also I bear to heart, — 
 
 shall not be able to pacifie his jealousie and an- 
 
 ger, I will say my luck is harder than that of © 
 many others, that have offended him, and less — 
 
 served him. 
 But if it shall come to that extremity, what 
 is to be done? I seek advice from you that is a 
 
 Priest and Missioner, whether I am to stay 
 
 where I am, or adventure unto that Countrey ? 
 In my opinion it would be the resolution of a 
 languishing spirit, if the fear of men in such an 
 article, would be able to deter a Bishop from 
 doing the work of God, and attending his flock. 
 
 
 
 You know Kings themselves have no power to — 
 hinder those divine Functions. If I am put to — 
 
 it in this matter, I conceive my best answer 
 
 will be that of the Apostles, obedire oportet Deo — 
 magis quam hominibus. If St. Paul said, ve — 
 
 enim mihi est si non Evangelizavero (he said so, 
 qnia ei incumbebat necessitas Evangelizandi) what 
 
LETTERS. 137 
 
 ‘shall I be able to say for my self in the last day, 
 if I shall in this short day of life, leave off this 
 Divine duty for the fear of men? how shall I 
 escape that anger of God? what priviledge can 
 T pretend to, the Apostle had not? I going 
 into that land with the Spirit of peace and meek- 
 fess for attending the saving Souls in all humi- 
 lity and charity , intending to give all due obe- 
 dience to my Prince in Civilibus, and to all 
 those he shall appoint to govern under him ; and 
 to pay each one the Tribute due unto him; cui 
 timorem timorem , cui honorem honorem; and in all 
 my functions and proceedings, so to carry my 
 _ Self, as none shall have just cause to complain 
 of me; and I confidently hope, God will give 
 _ Mme grace and power to perform all I here pro- 
 mise. 
 _*» Of this long: Letter, which will, I fear, 
 _ weary you in the perusing, as it did me in the 
 penning, you may impart to his Grace what 
 you think fitting, who may not as I conceive , 
 be offended with any branch thereof. I conclude 
 all with that noble saying of an ancient Sage, 
 _Nocens veretur legem, innocens fortunam. 1 
 may fear the last, being confident no just Law 
 will ever do me harm. My great freedom, is 
 an evident argument of my confidence in you, 
 which indeed is great ; for my opinion of you is 
 better, and far more benign than that of many 
 others, &e. 
 The rest were onely private business, and sa- 
 
 
 

 
 138 ‘LETTERS. 
 
 
 
 lutes to Friends. After which, he subscribes 
 thus : 
 f Reverend Father, 
 Your true Friend, | 
 And affectionate Servant, 
 Nico: Ferneny — 
 St. James’s in Galicia, a 
 
 19 Sept. 1665. 
 
 
 
 “* His submissive Letter from the same place, but — 
 dated Sept. 22, the same year to his Grace the 
 Duke of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant General and 
 General Governor of Ireland.” . 
 
 May IT PLEASE your GRACE, 
 
 
 
 A Frrenp from them parts advised me to write — 
 a Submissive humble Letter, begging pardon 
 of your Grace, and that after such a Letter ‘ 
 nothing would remain to obstruct my going home; — 
 and your Graces Protecting me hereafter. 4 
 Your noble inclination , and desire of making © 
 Peace even with those have offended you, is so _ 
 manifest, as I presume your Grace is of Seneca’s _ 
 mind, who said, Penitens, est fere innocens; — 
 being then in my self truly penitent for any — 
 thing coming from me, that hath, or could — 
 have displeased your Grace, I have made a fair _ 
 step to be innocent in your Consideration, and — 
 I truly make account my luck is good, that am — 
 to appease an anger, that of it self begins to be — 
 pleased. I do not say this with intent to tickle, 
 
 
 
LETTERS. 139 
 
 or flatter your Graces ears: for this is not my 
 Custom, who have (as is well known to all that 
 know me) offended men more by freely speaking 
 truth, then pleased them by flattering them. I 
 will say one’thing more (perhaps in some mens 
 judgment insolent) that displeasing your Grace I 
 am in less danger, then offending a man of a 
 low condition , that should have any power to 
 avenge himself of me. The reason is evident, 
 because the low man, Dum cuncta timet cuncta 
 _ferit: But the anger of great Men is like a 
 Thunder and Lightning , that bringing more 
 _ fear than destruction. 
 To come nearer the Point, as a Christian, I 
 _ may not deny a rational satisfaction even to the 
 meanest person injured by me. Leaving that 
 so, the question is, What is the Crime I should 
 seek Pardon for, how great, and when com- 
 mitted against your Grace ? for what hath passed 
 _ before the Peace (if not Murther , or some black 
 doings, of which I am no way guilty) the Act 
 | of Oblivion, giveth me, and all, a freedom and 
 ‘safety. Since the Peace I have faithfully ob- 
 served the Articles thereof, and never betrayed 
 the common Interest. There is not any man 
 living can accuse me that way. But the doings 
 of Jamestown are objected as Treasonable, a 
 breach of the pacification, and an attempt of 
 } pulling down Kingly Authority. I was then 
 upon a common bottom: and can truly say for 
 one, and all of us, that we no way intended to 
 
 
 

 
 140 LETTERS. 
 
 
 
 
 
 despise your Person, or Dignity, or act any q 
 thing against Kingly Authority, or the Interest . 
 of the Nation. The message the Bishop of Dro= — 
 more, and Dr. Kelly Dean of Tuam, brought 
 from the Prelats to your Excellency, maketh 
 this manifest. In what a lamentable condition 
 the Kingdom was then , how little thereof, those 
 faithful to the King had; being driven all of us 
 into a corner of one Province, how unlike we 
 were to recover what was lost, or defend what 
 we held, no man knoweth better than -your 
 Grace. The King was also then in the hands of | 
 the Scottish Presbiterians, deadly enemies to 
 the Catholicks of Ireland, 80 as there was no © 
 access to his Majesty. In the opinion of all, ~ 
 there was need of a speedy cure for the Nation 
 in danger, or all was given for lost. The Pre-= 
 lats that met at Jamestown had sume Months — 
 before in the Congregation of Clonmacnois (as) — 
 your Grace knoweth well) co-operated to the — 
 best of their power with your Excellency , and ; 
 made Ordinances for keeping the People in — 
 obedience under His Majesty, and in Union ' 
 
 
 
 with one another under your Government, for 
 there was fear the Enemy then Powerful, would 
 debauch them from their duty. Our thoughts i ing 
 Jamestown were the same we had in Clonmac- — 
 nois, and all of us aimed-at the safety of all in- — 
 terests, and represented , as we then conceived — 
 to your Excellency the right expedient of settling — 
 all things the best way the times did then permit. — 
 
LETTERS. 141 
 
 If we have not hit the remedy, we had a good, 
 mind to do it without any mans prejudice. Let 
 therefore the World deal with us (that walked 
 bona fide) as they do with Physicians, who are 
 not punished for missing the Cure, when they 
 have done their best endeavours; and let those 
 that are pleased to condemn the Fact, at least 
 excuse our intentions, which excuseth us before 
 God. For these, and other reasons I can alledge, 
 Tam, as I conceive, able to clear my self from 
 blame: (certain Iam, I had not the mind of 
 incurring blame) if questioned before an indiffe- 
 rent, and well informed Judge; unquestioned 
 Icannot be justly Condemned. If I shall say 
 about the doings of Jamestown, other then what 
 Isaid , which is the true dictamen of my Soul, 
 T shall belye my self, and betray my fame; 
 which is a sin before God. Yet for all this, I 
 had rather in this particular, and all other of 
 this kind , depend upon his Majesties Clemency , 
 and your Graces benignity, than mine inno- 
 cency. 
 
 My fault (I will not be so great an Hypocrite 
 as to excuse it) committed against your Grace 
 was a culpable Passion of speaking and writing 
 severely of some of some of your doings after 
 the Peace. And for this, none hath been more 
 angry with me than my self, none more afflicted: 
 for malice against your Person, Dignity , or any 
 your Interest, I am, and have been ever free. 
 How this Scintilla of misunderstanding between 
 

 
 142 LETTERS. 
 
 your Grace, and me, was first inkindled, and 
 what: persons , suspitions , and mistakes gave 
 growth thereunto, it skilleth not to speak in thi 8 
 place. But, I take God to witness , 1 nevems 
 writ a line until much provoked by the doings: of 
 some people. More than I have said against m 
 self, no man is justly able to say. 
 
 Now if Augustus Cesar a Pagan, did hearti 
 pardon Lucius Cinna, who resolved to kill him 
 at the Altar, offering Sacrifice ; will not your 
 Grace, a Christian, freely forgive me for @ 
 Passion of Nature (that is my only offence) far” 
 different in blackness from Cynna’s murtheriagl 
 mind. a 
 
 My Lord, a great Mind becometh a great Fors 
 tune, and a great Clemency is the companion and 
 greatest honour of both. As your grace hath 
 the’two first, let the pardon I demand granted, 
 tell me you have the last, and give me leave to” 
 speak freely to your Grace in Seneca’s Language} 
 that to a great man many punishments are as dis- 
 honourable , as many funerals to a Physician. 
 
 Having ingeniously confessed all I can say” 
 against my self, I have reason to expect your 
 Grace’s Pardon and Protection , which I pray” 
 may be signitied unto me by some one of you 
 trusty Secretaries , that I may know the waters 
 of your anger are fallen. 
 
 My Lord, where I am, I am well looked 
 upon, and enjoy a subsistence competent and 
 decent for quality ; whereas going home, I have 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
LETTERS. 143 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 nothing before me for relieving me, my Church 
 and Lands being transferred to another hand, 
 most of all my friends are dead and gone, a few 
 worthy Gentlemen allied to me (who have a 
 willingness to subsist me) live themselves in po- 
 verty, andin great fear they will not be re- 
 stored to their own. Notwithstanding all those 
 incommodities, if my weak forces (for I am 
 afflicted with many sharp pangs of infirmity) will 
 Serve me, and that I may enjoy your Grace’s 
 Protection for discharging a trust God put upon 
 me, I am resolved to set forward. Were it not 
 for this reason of duty to God, and love to my 
 Flock ; your Grace may confidently believe, my 
 exile would be more pleasing than my Countrey. 
 God prosper and protect your Grace (for which 
 I have now for some years heartily prayed) so 
 wishing , with a submissive kiss of your hand, 
 Ae (My Lord) 
 Your Graces most Obedient 
 Humble Servant, 
 Nico: FEeRnensis, 
 St. James in Gallicia, 
 Sept. 22, 1665. 
 
ne as 
 
 ee 
 
 
 

 
 i 
 
 \) 
 ti 
 
 Sa ee 
 
 Sa 
 
 2S Sa Se 
 
 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORICAL WORKS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT REV. NICHOLAS FRENCH D.D. 
 
 BISHOP OF FERNS, &c. &e. 
 NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME COLLECTED. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING NOTICES, HISTORICAL AND 
 DESCRIPTIVE, OF THE IRISH COLLEGES OF LOUVAIN. 
 
 Vion i i. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 THE VNKINDE DESERTOR 
 
 OF 
 
 LOYALL MEN AND TRUE FRINDS. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY JAMES DUFFY, 
 10,, WELLINGTON-QUAY. 
 LONDON : SIMPKIN, MARSHALL AND CO, 
 STATIONERS’ HALL COURT. 
 
 1846. 
 
 per Te 
 

 
 Printed by T CoLpwELt, 50, Capel-street, Dublin: 
 
 Us SELLA, i 4 
 
 
 
 
 
EDITOR’S PREFACE. 
 
 Tue narrative of a contemporary writer no doubt 
 presents the most valuable material for the stu- 
 dent who wishes to use History as “ Philosophy 
 teaching by example ;” it not alone preserves the 
 minute events, so often overlooked by a subse- 
 quent historian, but it gives them with a colouring 
 and freshness which often helps to make them 
 still more valuable and instructive. In the pages 
 Of these productions, we not alone find the deeds 
 themselves but the very thoughts and motives of 
 the actors; and thus the scenes pass before the 
 | mind, leaving their impressions, and enabling us 
 to approximate that certainty of conclusion which 
 
 can never be arrived at except by a contemporary 
 ee a 
 
 | 
 , 
 
t 
 
 iv PREFACE. 
 
 
 
 Of this class of Irish Historical Literature, to 
 which we allude, and which is, unfortunately, very 
 limited among us, perhaps there is no more valu- 
 able specimen than Tue Unxinpr DeserTor, 
 being a narrative of the events occurring in a most 
 interesting and suggestive period of Irish history, 
 written by a most eminent man, Nicholas Freneb, 
 the master-spirit of the times. We could very wil 
 lingly comment upon the contents of these pages, 
 but such is not our present purpose ; we confess we 
 are one of those that would prefer to see the reader 
 draw his own conclusions from the ‘ examples” 0! 
 experience which history affords, than to see him 
 rest fora moment upon the opinion of another, 
 truthful though it be. We wish to see a student 
 learn a lesson for himself, that he might apply 
 his wisdom to the opportunities that present them- 
 selves ; and surely, in the political crisis that su 
 rounds us, Ireland can ill afford to lose the help 
 or sympathy of even the weakest of her childrem. 
 Having thus far premised, we must, for these’ 
 reasons, commit this “little book,” without fur 
 ther observation, to the reader, with the hope that 
 
 he may read it with a purpose, and profit by 
 the perusal. 
 
 Like all Doctor French’s works, “ The Un 
 kinde Desertor” is very scarce ; the copy whi¢ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PREFACE. Vv 
 
 was sold at the celebrated sale of Mr. Townley 
 brought thirty guineas. In the printed catalogue 
 of the Right Hon. Mr. Grenville, the Bibliotheca 
 Grenvilliana, vol. i., p. 258, and in the Manual 
 of the French writer, Brunet, as well as in all 
 other works upon Bibliography, it is treated of as 
 a Book of great rarity; and, notwithstanding 
 this, it is now placed within the reach of the 
 Irish student, of every class, at a price contrast- 
 ing oddly with what he may read of in these 
 authorities. 
 
 In the Introduction to these Volumes, the Edi- 
 tor, while treating of the Siege of Louvain, has 
 alleged that the occurrence took place in 1635 ; 
 Dr. French, in speaking upon the same subject, 
 in this Volume, page 106, states that it happened 
 in 1634. The Editor's authorities are, Relatio du 
 Siege Louvain, 1835, passim, Strafforde’s Letters, 
 vol. i., 440, where may be seen a letter from Pres- 
 ton, in reference to this siege. These, together with 
 the fact of the Centenary Festival of the citizens 
 of Louvain having been held in 1835, and not in 
 1834, establish, beyond doubt, that the event took 
 place in 1635. Even Vernulcur, to whom Dr. 
 French refers as his authority, confirms the view 
 which the Editor has taken. In page 84, vol. i., 
 the editor has also stated, that it was ‘“ believed” 
 
 2 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 the “ Bleeding Iphigenia” was intended as a 
 Preface for the ‘“ Dolefull Fall of- Andrew 
 
 Sall.” This belief was the result of a conversa- — 
 
 tion with Dr. Todd upon the subject, and that 
 
 gentleman has since been kind enough to confirm — 
 
 the impression which the editor formed at the — 
 
 time. There remains no longer a doubt upon 
 
 the matter, and to Dr. Todd is alone due the 
 
 merit of this discovery. 
 
 
 
 
 
THE 
 
 VNKINDE 
 DESERTOR 
 
 OF 
 
 LOYALL MEN 
 
 TRUE FRINDS. 
 
 “Tn the land of the holy hee hath don wicked things, and hee shall 
 Not sec the glory of our Lord.”"—Jsai. cap. 26. vers. 10. 
 
 SUPERLORUM PERMISSU, ANNO 1676. 
 

 
THE CONTENTS OF THIS LITTLE 
 B ; 
 
 2 
 
 And first those of the Preface, which (in the 
 original) contains 19. pag. (we may re- 
 mark the paging in this table is altered to 
 suit the present edition, in other respects it 
 
 2s an accurate reprint. ) 
 
 First. Page. 
 The Author banished for Religion and 
 Loyalty : 5 
 
 The Land possessed by Philistine, and the 
 Arck Captive. 
 Catholicks beaten with satya and with 
 
 scorpions. 6 
 An Irish Bishops answer to Cardinal Se- 
 cretary i) 
 
 Charles Duke mT; Tine hee that siffere 
 fairest, ad rem Catholenien in Hyber- 
 nia restituendam. His Highness ad- 
 vanced thirty thousand pistols in the 
 Trish quarrell : 8 
 Greatness of the house of Gui i 9 
 Our Kings Counsell at Paris, would not 
 have Irland recovered by a Catholick 
 
 Prince i 10 
 The Dukes answer f our Kings new ‘Cuil 
 missioners ll 
 
 Bloody barbarous Lawes ‘of Crumwelians 
 against Catholicks : ‘ : oe 
 

 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 A horrible ingagement of Crumwelians 
 against the familie of Stuarts 
 
 When Crumwell took in citties and oe 
 Ormond showed nothing of fortitude or 
 counsell. 
 
 Ormond the forwardest of the Kings Coun- 
 cel at Paris, in doeing mischief to the Ca- 
 tholicks, 
 
 His Friendship to Catholicks like a ‘kinde 
 of Drugges hott in the mouth, and cold 
 in operation. 
 
 With Clarindon all was vendible, and with 
 Ormond all was lawfull, that was not un- 
 profitable 
 
 A wise fable of the Fox ee great bramt- 
 ble 
 
 Ormond a bramble always scratching Ca- 
 tholicks. 
 
 Ormond a hard harted man, and wa 
 cable enemy to Catholicks 5 
 
 A_ high figg-tree bearing leaves of vanity, 
 and noe fruicte, sucking the sapp of the 
 
 earth, and starving all the plants round 
 
 a bout him 
 Little books in defence of Catholicks Be 
 the Nation, as a narrative of Clarin- 
 dons settlement and sale of Ireland, “ the 
 bleeding Iphigenia, &c.” : ; : 
 Clarindon and Ormond, two monsters of 
 
 avarice and cruelty il» : ‘ 
 
 14 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 

 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Great Cyrus his Judgment, what man a 
 King should bee... 
 
 An excellent oath taken by the Kings of 
 
 the Mexicans. 
 
 20 
 
 The Contents of the'work it self as followeth. 
 
 1 CHAP. Long silence Catholicks had 
 with Ormond, a prejudice to the Nation 
 
 The Bishops of Irland and Clergie men, 
 “ Canes muti non volentes Latrare” : 
 
 Ormond poysoned the hart of the people 
 (the King) with its Counsell 
 
 2 CHAP. A search of Ormonds motives 
 for deserting Catholicks, and aoe to 
 Crumwellians 
 
 3 CHAP. The Catholicks upon making 
 a cessation with Ormond gave thirty 
 thousand and eight hundred pound ster- 
 ling, an argument of harty loyalty 
 
 4 CHAP. Glamorgans peace made voyd, 
 with the Kings declaration; the Catho- 
 lies thereby deluded : : 
 
 5 CHAP. The rejection of the peace of 
 1646, with Ormond fully justifyed : 
 
 The same was void for want of authority 
 of Ormonds part at the tyme of contract- 
 ing 
 
 How the committie of treaty for the gee 
 demeaned themselves . . 
 
 21 
 23 
 
 28 
 
 28 
 
 35 
 
 . 38,43 
 
 44 
 
 49 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Committie of treaty ina Laberinth 
 
 6 CHAP. Opinion of two famous Laeyers 
 upon Glamorgans peace, and that of Or- 
 mond 
 
 Result of the Waterford’ ‘congregation upon 
 the peace of 1646 
 
 A Letter of the Congtegation to the late 
 Suprem Counsell . : 
 
 Ormonds suddaine departure from Kil 
 kennie 
 
 Ormond uncivilly called all the Bishops anid 
 Clergie a stinking crew : 
 
 7 CHAP. Calumnies and aspérsions cast 
 by Father Peter Walsh upon the congre- 
 gation of Jamestone 
 
 Rattes, by an instinct of nature, forsake 
 vessels that are to be Drown’d 
 
 Those Ormond trusted in Limerick proved 
 knaves, and those that stuck to the Cler- 
 gie proved true to the King. Ierton, that 
 
 murthered the King’s Father, murthered ' 
 
 alsoe- the Kings friends in that Cittie, and 
 spared those of Ormonds faction . : 
 
 Those betrayed that Cittie were of Or- 
 mond’s faction _ 
 
 The Letter of Congregation Gta amestoné 
 to Ormond . 
 
 8 CHAP. Peter Walsh, his letter to Or- 
 mond . 
 
 The words of the Earl 1 Clancarty dyeing, t to 
 Ormond 
 
 69 
 12 
 
id 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 9 CHAP. Ormond’s wrongfull invations 
 of Catholick estates. : : : 
 
 The King can for justice but not for con- 
 venience, takeaway the life and estats of a 
 subject , ‘ 
 
 Lawes are made that justice may be don to ; 
 
 men, and princes are obliged to administer 
 justice according to law : . 
 A Rebellion once pardoned, cannot be pu- 
 nished. A Grant made by the King of 
 another man’s estate against the law of 
 nature, and of the land is voyd. 
 Clarindon sold the Irish Nation, and Or- 
 mond betrayed them in trust . : 
 The Fryars dreame, that Ormond hath been 
 a Joseph and Saviour to the Catholicks : 
 hee was in deed the ruin, and looser of his 
 bretheren, country, and all the people 
 Joseph fedd the Egyptians in the tyme of 
 famine, Ormond starved thousands of the 
 Irish , ; 2 : : . : 
 Mercy was Joseph’s chiefest vertue ; Or- 
 mond’s sinn to forgive noe man : 
 10 CHAP. Ormond’s infamous letter ot 
 Orrery . 4 : , . ; : 
 11 CHAP. A paraphras upon that let- 
 ter’. . . ° : . 
 Cynias good counsel to Pirhus of Epire 
 12 CHAP. Ormonds good fortune in exile 
 himselfe being gratious with the King, 
 andhis Ladye at the same time respected 
 by Crumwell ; ; 6 (eens 
 
 89 
 
 92 
 
 92 
 
 93 
 
 96 
 
 97 
 
 98 
 99 
 100 
 
 102 
 112 
 
 115 
 
‘ malig bd 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 His Ladys good prayers to the King against 
 widowes and Orphans, to have Harry 
 Cromwells son favourd 
 
 13 CHAP. The moderation and sobriety 
 of ancient Heroes very commendable 
 
 Noe house in Rome would receive gold 
 from Cyneas Perhus Ambassador 
 
 120 
 121 
 126 
 
 14 CHAP. Sir Thomas Moores integrity 126, 127 
 
 What rewards had Horatius Cochles and 
 Cajus Mutius from the Senat for pre- 
 serving and saving the Cittie and peo- 
 ple of Rome : 
 
 What reward had George Lane a low man 
 for his service 
 
 15 CHAP. What reward had Ormond 
 for his attending on the King in ae of 
 his exile ‘ t . 
 
 The queries 
 
 And the queries 
 
 Ormond received in gifts, and grants 
 above six hundred and sixty thousand 
 pound sterling 
 
 The Frayer gave Ormond good Documents, 
 and hee kept none of them 
 
 Peter Walsh as blinde in his understanding 
 as Harpastes in her bodily sight 
 
 16 CHAP. A Relation of. particular In- 
 juries Ormond hath don the Catholicks 
 of Ireland 
 
 Hee let fall the venimous ‘Apple of renee 
 a mong them; before that, they were 
 
 ‘cor unum amina una” : : 
 
 134 
 136 
 137 
 138 
 140 
 146 
 
 148 
 
 149 
 
 151 
 
 152 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Ormond frinds in the Goverment and Coun- 
 sel of the Confederate Catholicks 153, 
 
 The King’s Letter to Ormond from Oxford 
 to make peace with the Catholicks 
 
 Hee yielded up the Castle of Dublin sword 
 and all, notwithstanding the Queen and 
 Princes orders to him to the ee by 
 Mr. Wintergrant 
 
 Said Wintergrants message to Ormond 
 from Queen and Prince, and his instruc- 
 tions publick and privat : . 158, 
 
 Relation of Wintergrants negotiation 
 
 The Kings letter to Ormond : ; 
 
 Ormonds words to Wintergrant to what 
 Rebels hee would deliver. the Castle of 
 Dublin if necessity should force him to 
 give it up 
 
 Consequently Ormonds discourse with him- 
 selfe resolving to give up the Castle of 
 Dublin to the Parlament and not to the 
 Catholicks 
 
 17 CHAP. The accommodation sent by ) 
 
 the Confederate Catholicks to Ormond, 
 and rejected by him and the reasons 
 given for such rejection. 
 
 How and by whome were the Catholicks of 
 Irland excluded from the benefitt of ge- 
 neral pardon ; ; 
 
 Substance of the vast bill of settlement. 
 
 A short ponderation upon the branches of 
 that bill . ; : ; : 
 
 154 
 
 156 
 
 158 
 
 159 
 160 
 162 
 
 164 
 
 173 
 
 182 
 
 185 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 18 CHAP. Who used most artifice and 
 perfidie against the Catholicks of Irland, 
 Clarindon sold them a way for Gold, Or- 
 rery and his companions payd the gold, 
 and Ormond in trust deceived them . 182 
 
 20 CHAP. The Author speaks to Ormond | 
 alone, and tells him the house of Ormond 
 bred magnanimous Lyons, and what 
 kinde of Lyon hee is himselfe, and how 
 hee hath made the house of Ormond an 
 infamous denn. and couch of Rapine. 
 Hee tells him further the speech of Sir 
 Ralph Fan dying by the practises of the 
 Duke of Northumberland 193 
 
 21 CHAP. The Author seriously advises 
 Ormond to think of longe Eternitie, and 
 especially desires him to ‘consider well the 
 passages of the Prophet Isaz in the third 
 and thirty-eight chapter. And a sen- 
 tence of Job in the 21 chapter, and con- 
 cludes this little book with a_harty 
 prayer for the Duke and himselfe . 196 
 
 
 
ee 
 
 THE PREFACE. 
 
 — eee 
 
 Banisnep for Religion, and Loyalty to my 
 Prince (in the yeare 1652.) by Cromwelians then 
 bearing sway, (wee were som fifteen of vs ship’t 
 in one bottom) landing in Britaine in France, I 
 tooke my way to this Province not farre from 
 Narbon, where I had frinds having liu’d there 
 before: And heer I have been about 24. yeares 
 very solitary, seeing rarly any of my Countri- 
 men. Thus farre from Labans house and noys, 
 I finde great tranquility and ease of minde in 
 Magdalens silent contemplation. 
 
 When I have been forced a way, the Land 
 was possessed by Philistym, they had the Arck 
 
 captive, and vnder them my country was turned 
 
 to a Babylon of sinn & vyce: Nothing was to 
 be seen in the Streets of this Cittie but oppres- 
 sion of the Iust, iniquity, rage, and fury against 
 Roman piety ; the Altars falne downe, and the 
 Priestes bitterly persecuted, some of them con- 
 suming a way in prisons, som cast into exile, 
 and others chased in wods and mountains, like 
 wyld beasts, all of them charged with two great 
 
 B 
 
 
 

 
 6 PREFACE. 
 
 
 
 crymes: To be Catholick Priestes, and Loyall 
 to theire king. All the Catholicks true to God 
 
 and Prince, transplanted into a corner of the 
 
 Kingdom. And this calamity they suffered with — 
 the rest, that Royall authority was layd a sid, © 
 and a Dagon sett vp (The tyranny of the vsurp- 
 
 ing Parlament) and reverenced. 
 
 This was the face then of that inchanted Iland: 
 and they say things are noe way amended (as to 
 Catholick natives) since the kings going home, 
 that change having noe ways bettered theire for- 
 tunes , but that theire calamities and miseries (soe 
 it is written from many hand’s) are dayly in- 
 creased, soe aS men beaten with Scourges in 
 Crumwell’s tyme, cry out they are now beaten 
 with Scorpions. 
 
 Often have I lamented all a lone for my deare 
 Countrys desolation , and found my greefe incon- 
 solable, because I saw noe end of their suffer- 
 ings: Somtym it came to my minde, that if a 
 sincere relation of our hard servitude and eX- 
 tremities were given to Catholic ,Princes with 
 humble prayers , this would doe vs good; but a 
 gaine when I called to minde that this had beet 
 don allready , and that able and noble personages 
 had said these things in significant language, 
 and that they had in “all Courts but cold and de= 
 laying answers, I dispair’d of all releefe that 
 way. One of our Bishops having been in Rome 
 Anno 1652. Ad visitanda limina “Apostolica, had 
 conferrence with the then Cardinal Secretary | 
 
 i 
 

 
 PREFACE. t 
 (after Alexander Septimus) his Eminency said 
 to the Bishop, it was a sensible greefe to his 
 Holynesse to see his Children of Irland a con- 
 stant people in Catholick Religion soe sorly 
 afflicted , and cast downe, and holy faith allmost 
 extinguished , and that there was noe way possi- 
 ble to releeve them; the Prelate reply’d our 
 wound is now indeed soe wide and feastered, as 
 -isvery hard to heal it, but when it was fresh , 
 hot soe wide, and as yet curable, our Nation 
 found no Samaritan that would power oyle and 
 wine into it. 
 
 One thing I shall say; worthy to be written 
 in Characters of gold, that a Catholick Prince 
 driven out of his owne Dominions , was hee that 
 offered fairest Ad rem Catholicorum in Hibernia 
 restituendam ; Charles P. M. late Duke of Loraine 
 a Cesar in fortitude and Resolution, one of the 
 greatest Captaines Europ had seen for som ages, 
 a Prince, that by longe experience of crosses 
 and Calamities made the world know, Quod sci- 
 verit fortia agere , & fortia pati. 
 
 To this Duke were sent from Irland Anno 
 1651. Stilo veteri a Bishop & a Chevalier of high 
 quality from the Clergy ; and from the then Vis- 
 toy or Lord Deputy and the people a Viscount 
 and two noble Chevaliers , all able men and fitt 
 to manage soe important a business, as that was. 
 The Duke received them with all afability, and 
 after a deliberation , and debate of som monthes , 
 they proceeded to an agreement very advan- 
 

 
 8 PREFACE. 
 
 tagious to Catholick Religion, the king, and 
 Nation; the sum of this capitulation was, that 
 his highness vndertook to warr vpon the Rebel- 
 ling Parlament , to pay the Army and to furnish 
 Cannon and all war-like Amunition vntill the | 
 Kingdom were recovered; and those vndertook 
 in behalfe of the Nation to reimbours his high- 
 ness, and to give him for Caution som towness 
 his Highness medled not at all with the civill 
 goverment of the Kingdom, but only with the 
 Militia, and was ingag’d to restore the Cat 
 tionary townes, his disboursments being payd 
 The Duke advanced twenty thousand pistols i 
 ready mony, six thousand therof went over 
 with his Envoy the Abbot of S. Catharin , whoe 
 tooke vp fourteen thousand more of the Mar 
 chants in Irland, which som was payd them i 
 Antwerp by the Dukes order. 
 
 His Highness sent over two little vessels with 
 Amunition and Armes, which arrived , and two 
 other little vessels were taken vpon the Coast of 
 Britanie: The whole came to som thirty thousand 
 pistols ; and was not this a Princly and magnili 
 cent liberality of a Duke then out of his owne 
 Country? But let noe man wonder at this, it 
 being naturall to the great Dukes of Loraine to 
 fight Battles for holy Religion, and the house of 
 God in all extremities ; and what other can be 
 expected from Princes descending from Godefry 
 king of Hierusalem? I should fill a vollume, ! 
 I should speak at large of his warlike feats and | 
 

 
 PREFACE. 9 
 
 vallour , let the day and Battle of Nortingham 
 alone speak, wherein were slaine 18000 Swedes ; 
 to his vallour and conduct was attributed a great 
 share of this victory : Vuo verbo in all encounters, 
 hee play’d a souldiers part as well as that of a 
 Captaine ; Et licet fuerit maximus Imperio militari, 
 fuit tamen major exemplo fortitudinis. ‘This di- 
 gression, and mention of his high exploits and 
 fortitude, is a gratitude due from mee to his 
 highness, who hath been a patron and father to 
 my Countrimen in theire exile; and confident I 
 am God will poure blessings aboundantly vpon 
 his gallant Childe Prince de Vaudemont, and 
 noe less on his Nephew present Duke Charles of 
 Loraine a Prince of great expectation, and on 
 the whole family a most glorious house, that 
 hath evermore defended and protected the Ca-. 
 tholick Church. 
 
 To speak of the greatness, antiquity, and 
 splendor of the house of Loraine is but to hold a 
 candle to the sunne; All Europ knowes the 
 puissance and piety of the house of Guise (a 
 branch of Loraine) which gave a Queen to 
 Scottland Mary second wife to King Iames the 
 fifth .. mother to Queen Mary of Scotts (put to 
 death in England by Cruell Elizabeth) great 
 Grandmother to King Charles the second, by 
 her right hee is true Heire and King of the 
 three Kingdoms. ‘There are other noble Fami- 
 ‘lies in France, as D’lbouf, Maine , Ioyes, Har- 
 
‘ 
 We 
 | 
 
 cour, and many more, golden streames flowing 
 from theire fountaine the house of Guise, (as 
 that from Loraine) those houses have alsoe given 
 most Excellent Heroes and Captains, all of them | 
 
 i0 PREFACE. 
 
 ever true to the holy Church,,and Loyall to 
 theire Princes , the most Christian Kings. 
 Soone after the a forsaid Capitulation was 
 perfected , our King arriving at Paris , (after the 
 defeat and Roote of his army at Worcester) the 
 Duke demanded his Royall assent to the agree- 
 ment hee had made with his Catholick subjects: 
 the King heervpon cald together his counsel, 
 (Ormond was one of them) for giving answer; 
 they Iudged it noe way expedient, that the 
 King should agree to what had past between the 
 Duke and his subjects at Brussells; Which 
 seemed strange to all that heard it, seeing noe 
 Prince in Europ took part with our King, but 
 the Duke a lone. It seems this Counsell, (all 
 compos’d of Protestants) would not have Inland 
 recovered by a Catholick Prince , they could by 
 noe meanes agree with two Articles of the Cap! 
 tulation, the one; that the Duke had beet 
 accepted by those contracted with him , for Pro- 
 tector Royall of the Nation, they were less 
 troubled that Crumwell, who had murthered oné 
 King, and forced a nother (the Present King) 
 out of his Dominions, should take all, then 4 
 most antient Catholick Duke and his Majesty 
 kinsman should bee stiled Royal Protector of the 
 
 | 
 
PREFACE. ll 
 
 Catholicks of Irland, wheras soon after Crumwell 
 was over all Europ called Protector of the three 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 The other displeasing Article was, that his 
 Highness engag’d himselfe to restore Catholick 
 Religion in Irland in its splendor, and soe 
 Catholick was the Duke, as hee chiefly took in 
 hand our quarrell for making good this Article. 
 
 The Capitulation (from which wee hoped for 
 preservation) being blasted in this Kinde, his 
 Majestey Employed two Envoyes to the Duke, 
 an English Protestant Lord, and Sr. Henry de 
 Visque his Majesties then Resident in Brussell , 
 with those the King returnd the Duke thanks by 
 a Kinde letter for his care of his intrest, and de- 
 sired him to treat with these new men; who 
 were curteously received by his Highness; but 
 at the second conference hee told them hee did 
 not know what matter of Capitulation could pass 
 between him and theire master, who had not at 
 that tyme in his owne possession as much as one 
 Citty , wal’d-towne ,* fort, or Port in his three 
 Kingdoms; yet not withstanding if his Majesty 
 would bee pleas’d to consent to the Articles hee 
 had perfected with the aforesaid Catholick com- 
 missioners , hee would perform all of his part ; 
 which answer being not accepted by the Kings 
 counsell, the Duke by a handsom manifest soon 
 after, discharg’d his owne honour from all blame 
 and Imputation touching the forementioned Ca- 
 pitulation and agreement. 
 

 
 12 PREFACE. 
 
 Be pleased my civill reader to consider the de- 
 plorable and sadd condition of the Catholicks of 
 Trland at that tyme. Theire spirituall fathers, 
 the Bishops, and theire Lower Pastors and the 
 Religious men assisting them in the vyn-yard, 
 were many of them sent into exile , (in one yeare 
 fourteen Bishops) the Noblemen and all the Ca- 
 tholick gentry haled violently out of theire owne 
 houses, and lands, and shutt vp in a corner of @ 
 Province (naked and disarmed) either to be all 
 murthered in one day , (there was a consultation 
 
 of officers to that purpose, but they agree’d not, 
 
 God would not have soe many Innocents Massa- 
 cred at one tyme) or to perish in many days in 
 famin, miseries, and servitude as many of them 
 _ ended afterwards : The lawes prescrib’d to them, 
 
 were cruell and Barbarous ; if any of them went 
 
 to a sea-port or to any other Province without 
 express order and licence, it was lawfull to kill 
 them whersoever they were found; to keep 4 
 Musquett , sword , or any other weapon , or pow- 
 der in a Catholicks house , was present death ; 10 
 receive or harbor a priest , was alsoe death ; and 
 there was another thing as yet more bloody. 
 They framed an ingagement to be taken by all 
 sorts of men ypon oath, to obey the Parlament, 
 and renounce the King and the family of the 
 Stuarts for ever, and all took a ticket of having 
 
 taken that ingagement , and poor men, that had 
 
 not theire tickets about them, were killd vp? 
 the high way by the souldiers for not having 13 
 
 
 
PREFACE. 13 
 
 these were the execrable Lawes the Catholicks 
 then liu’d vnder. The Lord of Ormond had go- 
 verned the Catholicks as the Kings Lord Lieute- 
 nant about those tymes, but when Crumwell 
 came over, and like a lightning passed through 
 the Land, taking in Provinces, wall’d Townes, 
 and Cittys ; hee never appear’d , never fought the 
 Enemy , nor releeved any place beseeged ; (truly 
 wee found nothing in him of Counsell or forti- 
 tude) and when all was lost but two Townes and 
 one Province, (which were soon after taken) hee 
 past into France, and left the Catholicks to the 
 butchery. 
 
 The counsell by this means destroy’d the con- 
 tract. And were not these Counsellors well 
 affected to Catholicks, that vpon a serious 
 deliberation would not have the Catholicks pre- 
 served, and protected by a Catholick Prince , 
 but left to the mercy of Crumwell a bloody 
 tyrant? The forwardest of all in doeing this 
 Mischief was Ormond ; this was the Kindness to 
 vs of that man ever fatall to Catholicks. 
 
 An Italian gave to a great person, whose 
 qualitys hee knew well, this Character, Inimicus 
 gravissimus , & amicus levissimus. Which may be 
 well apply’d to Ormond in relation to Catholicks ; 
 his anger to them was still inplacable, and his 
 Kindness sleight and vneertaine , his frindship , 
 was a Court frindship, much like those druggs 
 of Apothicaries, that are hott in the mouth, 
 and cold in operation; what good and faire 
 
 B 3 
 

 
 14 PREFACE. 
 
 words did this Nobleman give to the Catholicks 
 of Irland when hee came from the Queen and 
 Prince in the yeare 1648. To conclude a peace 
 with them ? the words in his mouth then, were 
 hott and comfortable, but when they came to 
 operation , they were indeed but rotten druggs. 
 
 After this feat hee had don in Paris, (the 
 casting a way the Duke of Loraines Protection) 
 hee was with the King in the low countrys, and 
 there hee dissembled and tampered with the 
 good plaine Irish , and gave them good words 
 and frindly promises of doing them great good, 
 if God restor’d the King ; the King was restored , 
 and Ormond turn’d his sailes and playd another 
 game, and stuck close to Clarindon , that studied 
 our Ruin, hee then made a stepp further, and 
 closed in great Kindness with Orery and _ the 
 Crumwelians; the Catholicks claiming theire 
 owne landes and estates produced good Evi- 
 dences, Iustice and theire Innocency; (but 
 those were of little value with Ormond, and 
 Clarindon ;) Orery with his band of Crumwelians — 
 show'd gold and pretious gifts, and those proved 
 strong Evidences: Ormond then fell of clearly 
 from vs, and injured vs without all feare, and 
 commonly where there is noe feare of revenge, 
 ill given men have noe conscience or feare of 
 offending others ; with Clarindon all things were 
 vendible, and with Ormond all was lawfull, that 
 was not vuprofitable. 
 
 I present you with a wise fable, and I think 
 
 i 
 
PREFACE. 15 
 
 to my purpose. Alsop says. Heu mihi (inquit 
 vulpes rubo) confugi ad te tanquam ad auxilia- 
 torem, sed tu pejus me tractasti : heus tu (inquit 
 rubus) errasti, que me apprehendere voluisti , 
 qui omnes apprehendere soleo. “ A lass (said 
 the fox to the great bramble) I come flying to 
 the as to a shelter and frind: but thou hast 
 handled mee worss then I was before: but the 
 bramble said, a lass poor fox thou art a stray in 
 taking gripe of mee, for thou knowest I scratch 
 all that Handels mee.” 
 
 _ My courteous reader, that Ormond hath all- 
 _ ways been a great bramble cruelly scratching and 
 tormenting the Catholicks of Irland, this little 
 booke , I put in your hand, will show evidently. 
 I have spent some houres of Leasure, God was 
 pleas’d to afford mee about this little worke, 
 . wherin I set downe sincerly the malice, craft, 
 | Iuglings, and slights, of those, that have con- 
 triu’d our ruine ; noe man will appeare vpon the 
 stage soe often and frequently as Ormond, in 
 acting his part in our Tragedy ; this is the best 
 account I can give to my Countrimen of my longe 
 silence in my solitude. 
 
 I know my owne weakness , and the slowness 
 of my tallent , but I had tyme at will for helping 
 this ; the sneile coms to the topp of thie hill in her 
 due tyme, as well as the Eagle, and with tyme 
 and straw (as they vse to: speake) men ripen 
 medlers, and soe doe men theire affaires with 
 leasure and meanes, and who will doe a thing well, 
 must have patience to tarry till it may be well 
 
 
 

 
 16 PREFACE. ‘ 
 
 don; I had patience and leasure enough, and at 
 length I have brought my designe to an end, 
 whether it be well dene or noe, I leave to the 
 judgment of the impartiall reader. I gave notice 
 of what was don to a Doctor of devinity, a 
 person of Emminent Learning, and to other 
 frinds in Paris, they vrg’d mee with stronge 
 lynes, to print all was don without delay: I 
 alsoe writt to a venerable Prelate then living in 
 Flanders, whose judgment I much esteemed, 
 and the inviolable Amity between vs of a bove 
 45 yeares; hee quite beyond my expectation 
 disswaded the printing, and gave reasons that 
 seemed sound , hee would not blame those pressed 
 mee to the printing, nor judge ill of theire in- 
 tentions, but was of opinion, they had not 
 rightly considered the more substantiall circum- 
 stances of the matter, and sayd, deare frind 
 my advice in this point is. Festina Lente, hee 
 suggested that regard should be had of Ormonds 
 noble Catholick Ancestors, and specially of his 
 Grand-father Walter Earle of Ormond, and of 
 his owne pious parents, and of his Brother Mr. 
 Richard Butler a Chavaliere of great devotion, 
 and yet valliant in the face of his Enemy, and 
 of his sisters, all of them vertuous Catholick 
 Ladys ; hee knew them all, and was well knowne 
 to some of them: certainly I did not think this 
 very reuerend church-man had been soe kind 
 to Ormond , his letter hee ended with these lynes 
 
 My worthy frind , I beseech you bee as kinde 
 to Ormond , as the overseer of the vyn-yard was 
 
PREFACE. 17 
 
 to the figgtree in his charge, who, (when the 
 Lord of the vyn-yard finding noe fruict in the tree 
 as hee expected sayd in anger Succide ergo illam 
 $c. “Cut downe this vnprofitable tree, why 
 doth it stand heer and ocupy the ground for 
 nothing ?”) Answered (grieving the tree should 
 be fallne ,) ‘‘ I pray let the tree alone for a nother 
 yeare , vntill I shall digg about it, and dung it, 
 if it shall happily yield fruite, if not you shall 
 cutt it downe.” What can wee tell (sayd my 
 frind) if Ormond may not as yet yield fruicte, 
 and comfort all those hee hath afflicted. Have 
 therefore patience with him fora while, even 
 for the vertue & piety of his very noble Catholick 
 fore-fathers. 
 
 I yielded to this venerable persons Iudgment , 
 and suspended the printing from the yeare 1668. 
 to this 1676. Waiting still what Ormond would 
 doe , and if hee would relent , and becom frindly to 
 his Country ; but all this tyme nothing is done: 
 The great Lord of the vyn-yard findes noe 
 Charity in him, hee is allways the same, a 
 hard harted-man, and our vnplacable enemy. 
 Hee is still a high fig-tree, bearing great leaves 
 of vanity, (but noe fruicte) sucking vp the fatt 
 and sapp of the earth, and therby starving all 
 the plants round about him, thousands of wi- 
 dowes, Orphans & Innocent soules: hee kept, 
 the heat of the sune from vs all, (the kings 
 mercy ,) hee barred all Iustice to be don vs, and 
 the generall pardon to be extended to vs, 
 (wee only have been excepted and excluded 
 

 
 “| 
 
 from that Grace by this Noble mans cunning 
 cruelty.) Wee have dig’d about him to longe, 
 and spent our dung in vaine , Ormond will yield 
 noe fruicte ; (hee is a Babilon will not be cured.) 
 God hath borne longe with his doeing evill, hee 
 hath longe held his peace, but hee will not hold 
 his peace still; hee will in the end cutt downe 
 in his anger this high sterrill tree , vnworthy to 
 stand any longer vpon earth ; and for his sin and 
 cruelty against his country and nation, will 
 likely pull downe his house and generation, which 
 wee noe way desire. 
 
 I make heer a sincere protestation before God 
 and men, that I contend not against this Noble- 
 mans person or dignity, I honour his noble Ca- 
 tholick house , and soe much care I have of his 
 soule., as I am ready to shed my blood for doing 
 him good that way; my minde therefore is, to 
 deliver his artifices , perfidie , revenging minde, 
 and rankor against my Nation, which I will doe 
 plainly and faithfully, without art and passion, 
 thinking in my minde it will redound to Gods 
 glory to vex this Childe of pride, that hath 
 vexed and persecuted soe longe, and soe sharply 
 thousands of Gods humble Children, and brought 
 them to distruction. I put an end to this preface 
 letting fly an arrow at Ormond (a sharp-ended 
 one) out of the Prophets Quiver ,* “In the land 
 of the holy hee hath done wicked things, and 
 hee shall not see the glory of our Lord.” 
 
 18 PREFACE. 
 
 + * Tsai. cap. 26. 
 
ee 
 
 19 
 
 The Advertisment, of a true patriot to the 
 Reader. 
 
 My father (well knowne in the country hee liud 
 in) was pleased to send.mee a broad Anno 1637, 
 (three yeares before the Irish warr) to be bred 
 
 _ Yp in vertue and learning, and I made by Gods 
 
 blessing that progress in my studies, as I came 
 to a convenient fortune, which I am to Enjoy 
 all my life: soe as I never intend to returne to 
 my country , and yet I cannot in nature but love 
 the people , and hartily lament their woes, ca- 
 lamitys, vnsuportable servitude. Demaunding 
 from those exiled the present state of the Nation , 
 they all told mee, ther was nothing to be seen at 
 home , but Luctus & pavor , men, woemen , in- 
 fants , widowes, and orphans, all squallid , na- 
 ked, languishing and even dying with famine ; 
 Proh dolor : denigrata est super carbones facies eorum 
 & non sunt cogniti in plateis, adhesit cutis ossibus 
 eorum. And all this tyme I saw none would 
 Speake the horrid injurys the Nation suffered. 
 At length I saw a-small book bearing this title. 
 “A narrative of the settlement and sale of the 
 Kingdom of Ireland by the Earle of Clarindon 
 printed Anno 1660.” There came out Anno 1674. 
 a little treatis stiled. “ The Bleeding Iphigenia,” 
 an excellent piece, chiefly against Clarindon & 
 Orrery our capitall Enemys. But this last dis- 
 
 course called “ ‘The Vnkind Desertor of Loyall 
 
 
 
20 
 
 men & true frinds,” (The Author I have 
 never seen nor knowne) proving clearly Ormond 
 to have been the greatest Enemie the Nation ever 
 had, (all men say the same) is the most excellent 
 thing of all I saw, sound and well ordered, full 
 of trueth , strong in sence, & containing faire 
 & Christian documents; by which the author 
 hath for ever oblig’d the whole Nation. This 
 man tells the King freely , that suffering himselfe 
 to be deluded by ministers of Ill meaning, 
 (chiefly Clarindon & Ormond) they took the oper- 
 tunity like two whales & monsters of Avarice 
 & crulety to devour his faithfull subjects ; wher- 
 fore hee pittifully complaines, that justice was 
 not don to the oppressed. 
 
 Even with Pagans the opinion of sanctity and 
 Justice in theire King was great. Magnus 
 Cyrus non censebat convenire cuiquam jmperium, 
 gui non melior esset etjs, quibus imperarit. Mewica- 
 norum autem mos erat ,*qui quoties regem aliquem 
 novum inaugurarent , Iusjurandum ab illo postulabant, 
 quod Lustitiam esset administraturus , non oppressurus 
 
 subditos ; futurus in bello fortis ac strenuus ; curatu- 
 
 rusque denique, vt sol cursum suum ac splendorem re- 
 tineret , nubes. largirentur pluvias , fluvij manarent 
 aguis; & terra suos proferret fructus. And a 
 nother Author says. Annus bonus non tam de 
 
 
 
 bonis fructibus, quam de justé regnantibus est. 
 existimandus. God grant toall Christian Kings 
 
 to rule with Iustice & peace, Amen. 
 
THE 
 FIRST CHAPTER. 
 
 The long silence the Irish Catholicks had 
 with Ormond ( Since the king’s 
 comminge in) did redound 
 much to theyr 
 losse. 
 
 To know when to speak, and when to be 
 silent, is a commendable virtue: Salomon the 
 wisest of men, taught this lesson to men in thes 
 words. Tempus est tacendi , and tempus loquendi 
 he began with tempus tacendi, and his reason 
 was, quia veritas (inquit legis lator) primo tacendo 
 discitur , postea docendo predicatur , truth is first 
 learned by silence, next published by teaching. 
 Socrates that famous Grecian, sapientissimus ho- 
 minum pronunced by the Oracle, did much 
 commend Silence vnto his disciples, and with 
 great reason, in as much as there is greater 
 wisdom, and lesse danger in being silent, 
 then in speaking ; wherefore Symonides one of 
 the wisest men of his owne time, was often 
 
22 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 heard to say, loqutum me esse dolui sepée , tacuisse 
 nunquam, “often have I repented to have spoaken, 
 never for having held my peace ;” notwithstand- 
 ing all thes great encomis of Silence , celebrated 
 by soe many wise Sages in all tymes, neverthe- 
 lesse a long and vnseasonable Silence, is, and 
 may be as blameable, as the other is recom- 
 mendable. 
 
 To be Silent and hould my peace when an 
 open injurie is don to my Religion , countrie and 
 Parents, is neither wisdom pietie, nor vertue 
 to be commended; this is, and hath been (as! 
 perceave) the long Silence the Catholicks of 
 Irland, had with the Lord Duke of Ormond 
 giving him both time and leasure, to worke 
 theyr ruine and downfall, without preventing 
 the same (in a just forme and seasonable time) by 
 theyr instant adresses, to the king, councel, o 
 any else. 
 
 We have kept a longer Silence (to our great 
 detriment) then Pythagoras his schollars have 
 don, theyr Silence was limited to five yeares 
 only , before theyr publick Tentamens in schoole, 
 for the performance of which Magister divit, 
 was sufficient to them; but we, poore soules: 
 have been silent neer now vpon thirteen yeares, 
 suffering with all patience the open wrongs; 
 
 
 
 and manifest Detriments this Noble-man have 
 
 don vs, soe that vnder the notion of a friend, 
 we discovered him at long-running to be ou 
 open enemie. 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 23 
 
 The same Ormond’s speech (soone after the 
 kings happie restauration) to Orrery , Month- 
 rath , Clothworthy , Mervin, and such others 
 of that fortunat tribe , have been in this nature, 
 Omnes bestia agri venite ad devorandum (nempe 
 Iberniam,) Vniverse bestie saltus. “ All yee beasts 
 of the field come to devoure (he means Irland) 
 All yee beasts of the forrest.” What were we 
 doing? Where have we been? Or what be- 
 came of our senses at that time when Ormond 
 convoked thos men to devoure vs? We were 
 all of vs in a deepe Silence, much like men in a 
 fatal lethargie, soe as the words of the same 
 prophet may be properly said of us Speculatores 
 ejus (id est Ibernie) ceci omnes , nescierunt Vniversi , 
 canes muti non valentes latrare, videntes vana , dor- 
 mientes, & amantes somnia, ‘‘her watch-men all 
 blind haue been ignorant ; dumb doggs not able 
 to bark seeynge vain things , sleeping and loving 
 dreams :” truly wee were all much like bewitched 
 people, dotinge upon a*man, that loued us not, 
 and like men dreaming vain dreams; our Bishops, 
 and churchmen (lett these venerable persons 
 giue me leave to speake my sentiment) our 
 Bishops I say, and Cleargymen, were but canes 
 muti non valentes latrare. I did not see, nor 
 heare of any in that numerous congregation (a 
 monghst whom there haue been several learned 
 and wise men) that haue written any thinge 
 to this purpose, in characterizing (as they 
 should haue don) this great man, and his craftie 
 
24 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 designes to the publick ruine, exceptinge one of 
 the divines (that then attended upon the Kecle- 
 siastical congregation of whom mention was 
 made in our preface) who composed a substantial , 
 and solid peece replenished with uncontroulable 
 reasons, justifijng, the just rejection of that 
 peace , made and agreed, in the kingdom’s be- 
 halfe (by certain Commissioners) with Ormond 
 in the yeare 1646. this rejection of that peace 
 Ormond takes for petra scandali, and as a dis- 
 honour (forsooth) to his person, soe that, from 
 that day to this houre he hath been, and is still 
 an open enemie to the Bishops of Irland and 
 Cleargy; this divine that I speak off, did in a 
 sober and modest stile plainly set foorth what 
 Ormond did intend, and said nothinge in all that 
 peece but what was just and reasonable as now 
 more clearly we see; this worke came to my 
 hands, and haue perused it with much attention, 
 out of weh I haue collected partly some light for 
 my furtherance in this present tractat, and now 
 behould the Bishops (at that time exiled in this 
 Kingdom, to whose Iudgment he submitted that 
 worke) would not haue this wel-studied peece to 
 to see either presse , or light , in soe much, that 
 those elucubrations, and labours were set a side 
 and rendered uselesse and fruitlesse to the 
 Nation. 
 
 I doubt not but the prelats. intended wel, 
 though otherwise fell out , for they were still in 
 a charitable hope and expectation that Ormond 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 25 
 
 in time would Relent, and doe the nation good, 
 but they , and millions besides theyr Lordships , 
 haue been mistaken in Ormond, whose indigna- 
 tion more and more daylie increasing (not satis- 
 fied in the extremities of our woes and calamities) 
 seems rather to rejoyce in the continuation of 
 our afflictions , and annihilation of our persons , 
 then to giue any signe of relentment or hopes of 
 any good; a glorie without honnour. 
 
 Never did any Magician charme with spels , 
 or philters any sort of men, more then this 
 Ormond did that harmelesse people , by what art, 
 or fascination is to me unknowne. 
 
 In London soe wounderfull was the veneration 
 my Countre-men had to this great man’s person, 
 and soe great was theyr zeale to please , and loath 
 in the least to displease him , as even when some 
 begun to apprehend feares and jelousies of sini- 
 strous proceedings , perceaving things not to goe 
 as they expected, yet not with standing they 
 scarce durst mutter theyr to well grounded feares 
 and suspitions each unto an other, and this con- 
 tinued for a long time, every man was, sicut 
 mutus non aperiens os suum in the cause of Re- 
 ligion and countrie, though they haue seen évi- 
 dently his daylie heapinge of injuries upon the 
 nation: nay some were soe starck blind, and 
 slumbred upon this fatal Duke, as even after he 
 possessed wroungfully theyr estates and fortunes , 
 they were construing all to the best, and sup- 
 posing some deep misterie of pietie inthe man, 
 
26 ‘ (HE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 and yet could giue noe reason for such theyr vain 
 conjectures and hopes; some in theyr priuat dis- 
 courses (as if they were deluded by fiends and 
 specters) wid imagin some future good Ormond 
 would doe the nation, this epidemical dimnis and 
 stupiditie attached the judgment and braines soe 
 firmly of many, that several of them could not 
 be persuaded but Ormond would as yet giue them 
 a day of rejoycement and happiness; I haue 
 been much amazed, and noe lesse perplexst , after 
 seeyng and hearing some of theyr silly and sim- 
 ple expressions, pronunced in theyr privat con- 
 fabulations in London, and letters from that 
 cittie to thes parts much to this effect, “‘ Ormond” 
 (said one) “will never betray us, he’il never 
 shrinke from us, he is our owne, his intentions 
 are good ;” an other said: “Ormond is to Noble 
 to doe soe base an Act, it is not his Kinde to 
 doe unworthie things, ‘his father and Mother,” 
 (quoth the third man) “ were constant true Ca- 
 tholicks ,” (that is indeed true) “was not I be- 
 seech you, his grand-father” (said the fourth 
 man) ‘ Walter earle of Ormond, for his devotion 
 stiled Walter of the beads and rosarie? will the 
 child of soe good, soe godly, and vertuous pro- 
 genitours, deceave the confidence, wee his coun- 
 tremen doe place in him? noe, it cannot be; 
 happie are we that he is soe great with his Ma- 
 jestie , for though he seems at present some what 
 could towards us, and to shake hands with Orrery 
 
 
 
 and the rest of the Cromwelian faction, yet his | f 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER,. oT 
 
 hart howeuer is with us , and for us, he may for 
 atime favour theyr wayes , but to stick for good 
 and all to such men, rebellious enimies to the 
 King, and to him selfe, is a thing I can not be- 
 eeue, for you must know that Ormond is a wise 
 man , a great politician , you shall see in time how 
 handsomly he will wind himselfe out of theyr 
 clawes.” 
 
 These and such like idle Sermocinations was 
 theyr discourse, but alack! thes wise men did 
 but flatter them selyes and the time with such 
 frivolous thoughts and conjectures, grounding 
 the fundation of theyr future prosperitie in Or- 
 Mond’s affection to the nation, and his special 
 Care of theyr preservation, which was in good 
 farnest but to raise theyr building upon a funda- 
 
 tion of sands, or as I may say to build castels 
 in the ayre; but sero sapiunt Phryges, the web is 
 dispelled that couered ouer our eyes, we can, 
 fandem , see something, and much like thos that 
 Tested long under the Iuniper tree (whose sha- 
 dow is both noxious and grivous to nature) when 
 they a wake, feele a violent head-ach 3 soe we, 
 auing slept and slumbred long (without due care 
 to our owne preservation) under the noxious sha- 
 dow of Ormond’s apparent affections, at last ex- 
 Perected, hauing opned our eyes , we find our 
 head, heart , and whole body in a far worse dis- 
 femper then they that laid under the Iuniper 
 tee ; our feauer is mounted to a hectical height , 
 Partly by our owne carelessness , and cheefly by 
 the improper administration of our physitian 
 
28 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Ormond, who instead of salutiferous potions, 
 deluded us with poyson ; This Noble man haue 
 poysoned (as I may say) the heart of us all (I 
 mean of his Majestie) with toxical councels , and 
 fallacious informations against us, soe as this 
 poyson possessing the vitals, we are faintinge 
 and must of need perish, if the antidot cordials 
 of his Majestie’s goodness, in whom, next to 
 God as the fontaine of mercy and justice, we 
 place all trust and hope, will not affoord us life 
 and comfort, which antidot cordials haue been 
 hitherto (as is evidently Knowne) unjustly de- 
 tained from us, by the suggestions of Ormond 
 and Clarindon. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 A diligent Search off the motifs and reasons, 
 induced Ormond to forsake (since the 
 hings restauration ) the Catholicks 
 of Irland, and to stick to the 
 Cromwelians. 
 
 i 
 
 Ba 
 w 
 
 | 
 | 
 
 We are now to search out the motifs induced _ 
 
 Ormond abandon the Catholicks, and cause 
 
 moved him to this suddain separation ; whethe? 
 by ill chance, the Catholicks plotted against his 
 
 life, person, libertie, or fortunes? or whethet 
 
 they with-drew first from him, or haue given any 
 
 occasion or offence sufficient to compel him 10 — 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 29 
 
 such a repentinous mutation ? or whether it was 
 the king’s interest (for the better settlement of 
 that kingdom under the crowne) made him fasten 
 hands with them new men , and forsake the old 
 Stead-fast friends ? 
 
 ' There is noe man will beleeue that soe noble 
 4 person, soe compleat a states-man , soe much 
 esteemed in court and cittie for gallantrie, and 
 honour, a man soe much cried up for his inte- 
 gritie, and good nature , to be the paramount of 
 thousaud , as all his frinds (in the beginning of 
 his power) gaue out of him, then when he be- 
 gun to haue dealing with the confederate Catho- 
 licks; there is not a man » I say would beleeue 
 that a person of such unparalelled parts, would 
 deflect soe nastilie in that nature from them with- 
 
 ' Out some efficatious ground, and reason. 
 This unexpected catastrophe, as it suggested 
 Matter of admiration to all sort of people , soe it 
 _ hath struken even dumb his neerest relations , 
 and thes his friends, that most dearely respected 
 im, in soe much as they durst not speake one 
 Woord in deffence of this his instabilitie ; I am 
 Confident his grace wanted not such persons , his 
 Close sticklers, men skil’d both in the english and 
 lattin letters (which formerly with heat and zeale 
 Were in a readiness to maintaine , by hooke, or 
 &rooke , with apparent and seeming ratiocinations 
 his Sinistrous doeyings, faults, and faylings) now 
 inthis matter they dare not appeare to justifie 
 | %Tunning away from the camp of Israel; to 
 
 c 
 
 ard 
 
30 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
 the Phylistin’s field, from the association and 
 amitie of honourable and honestly true men (the 
 kings good subjects, and his owne steadfast 
 frinds) to a Cromwelian faction , that heald out 
 soe long in bloudy rebellion against the crowne 
 and royal family ; even Father Waylsh himselfé 
 (who beyound all mortals Sacrifices himselfe to 
 Ormond , and who have written soe much of that 
 Noble mans constancie , vertues , and superemi- 
 nent talents) sits now mute, and silent, he sayes 
 nothing , gives not a word in vindication of his 
 great patron’s defection from his friends, alli — 
 ances , and countriemen ; I perceave the fathers 
 mind and the cause of his silence in this matter, 
 he knowes it is hard for him, invita Minerva, 
 pessima existente causa to lay hand to his pen. 
 His Grace , the duke himselfe is sensible, there 
 are several inducing and obliginge reasons, for 
 continuing his affection (if he had been soe 
 pleased) and association with the Catholicks of 
 Irland; as may be, the antiquitie, greatness, 
 and Catholick pietie of his familie, and renowned 
 Ancestours for soe many hundred yeares in that 
 Kingdom of Irland, his vast patrimonie, the 
 Noble houses of two Viscounts, three Barrons; 
 and great number of rich, and worthie families 
 of Knights , and Esquires descended lineally from 
 his pedigree, that his Noble brother Mr. Richard 
 Buttler, his vertuous sisters, gallant Ladies; 
 were borne in that land, and have theyr estates 
 and beeing therin, add to this the alliance 0 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 3t 
 
 several other peers of the land to his familie ; all 
 which are undeniable and strong inducements , 
 powerfull to move, and bind such a person KOE 
 any other to love the Catholicks of Irland and 
 closely fasten unto them, in all theyr just con- 
 ‘cernments, and undertakings. 
 
 _ In this place I would faine Know, what had 
 Orrery , Monthrath , and the rest of that crue to 
 
 doe with the house of Ormond? did there by 
 
 good lucke intervene at any time tuixt theyr 
 families and his, any concatenation of mar- 
 Tiages ? any relation of consanguinitie ? any 
 firme connection of unstained friendship? not 
 that euer or I could heare off; but all to the 
 Contrarie , well Knowne they were his deadly 
 enemies , and stared with an envious eye vpon 
 his Lustre and Splendour, who like unto a 
 Procerous Cedar they perceaved did overtopp 
 them selves. ¢ 
 
 His Grace (I suppose) will not say he deserted 
 the Catholicks (whose loyaltie to the crowne of 
 England have been sufficiently Knowne, even to 
 the very rebells themselves) to joyne in friend- 
 Ship, with these freash men (but stale rebells) 
 for better advancing and securing his Majesties 
 interest ? certainly a man of my lord’s Tudgement 
 
 (as I am confident) wid blush to pretend any 
 
 | 
 
 Such excuse, or to say soe: my lord of right 
 
 should a gon with more moderation in soe waightie 
 4 matter, and nicely ponder (before pacting 
 friendship with them) whether or noe (they that 
 
 Ae 
 

 
 eee 
 
 32 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 have been for soe many yeares , fyrie and sworne 
 
 enemies to the King and crowne) would at long 
 
 triall prove worthie “of his amitie , or of any other 
 man’s else , that had been still faithful and loyall 
 
 to the King and crowne; this my lord neglected 
 
 to have don, but rather, by his repentinous con-> 
 junction of friendship with those well approved 
 
 and trustie ministers of Cromwel, gave occasion 
 
 to several wise men to suspect, and thinke that 
 
 Ormond did not much in heart averse Cromwel, 
 
 nor dislike of his proceedings, and that which 
 
 we doe wonder at, is, that all this while we could 
 
 not see , nor heare by mouth or pen any apologie 
 
 from this good duke, that may give the world 
 
 satisfaction for his soe doeing. 
 
 In my opinion his Grace had good reason to 
 be silent in this matter , and to conceale from the 
 eyes, and eares of eas the cunning motifs , 
 slights, and arcana’s that pusshed him on: for to 
 manifest his reasons , were manifestare errores t- 
 excusabiles suos. Seeing then that heerin my 
 lord duke is pleased to be silent; I hope his 
 Grace will give the looser leave to speake , and 
 discover to “the world the reasons deduced his 
 Grace from the right roade of vertue , justice, 
 pietie, and honnour, (deserting his trustie old 
 friends) to kint vnexpected new sudden friend- 
 ship, with his old enemies; it is to well Knowné 
 to our woe-full experience; he made the worst 
 use a christian noble man could have don, of the 
 power he had from his majestie, in order to the 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 33 
 
 Catholick interest of Irland striving ; constantly 
 and musing how to subvert , and suppress equitie 
 and justice to our destruction, which have been 
 the cheefest ground induced him to this associa- 
 tion, with the Cromweligns, that at once, and 
 along with them he may plunder our houses, 
 fortunes , and estates ; and soe really it fell out, 
 for of all men he had the fattest, fayrest, and 
 greatest share. 
 
 The greatness of his person cannot terrifie me 
 from apearing for my countrie, and countrie- 
 men, nor from speaking clearly, freely, and 
 plainly the truth, if in case I shall speake, or 
 write any thinge ungroundedly I shall desire 
 some of his learned sticklers take the paynes to 
 answer for him, and confute me, if he can; (we 
 know his lordship hath more Hierelings, para- 
 sits, and flaterers, then true friends, and I 
 beleeve ‘his Grace will find my. saying to be 
 true, affore he dyes; for it will be but the just 
 judgment of God, that he, who deserted his 
 honest and true friends , should be deserted by 
 all; I could hartily wish in the meane time he 
 had in him these true vertues, that would both 
 merit , and deserve true friends. 
 
 For compassing what I haue taken in hand, 
 the right doore and ingresse to my discourse, 
 must be a true and naked relation of Ormonds 
 dealings and transactions , with the Catholicks of 
 Irland since the first vnfortunat day they Knew 
 him; this will make the reader Know what 
 
 c 3 
 
Bsc) 0] 
 
 34 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 manner of man he was, and is, whether of ver- 
 tue , or vice, love or hatred to the Catholicks of 
 Irland ; all weh I wil endevour Succintly , with 
 candid veritie (soe save me God) to performe, 
 crauing from my beneyolous reader the patience 
 off perusing all with attention, and to Suspend 
 his Iudgment till Fully instructed of all that 
 past. 
 
 It is not my present intent to stand vpon ius- 
 tifying the revolution and warr of that Kingdom, 
 begun the yeare 1641. to which they were for- 
 cibly compelled ; I haue understood that matter 
 is performed alaredy and soundlie to the pur- 
 pose, by askilfuller quil then myne: my present 
 scope is, and will be, to have the reader Know 
 what Ormond did in that warr, and afther the 
 warr, and soe I dout not but the reader will be 
 able to passe a free and impartiall ludgment vpon 
 his Grace, and me; and next whether his de- 
 sertinge of the Catholicks, and combining with 
 the new men, is or can be Iustifiable and ex-_ 
 cusable : . 
 
 To this therefore effect , the reader may un= 
 derstand, that the now duke, (then Earle) of 
 Ormond, at the beginning of this warr, was 
 leutenant General of the Kings forces under the 
 lords justices, Sr. William Parsons and Sr. John 
 Burlace ; I passe by how he demeaned him selfé 
 in that high post, either shewing enimitie to the 
 Catholicks , or desiring the revolution should be 
 suppressed: (some say he was for the suppress: _ 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 30 
 
 ing off it) let us suppose he did what became a 
 man placed in that office he had, and leave that 
 soe. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Heere is shewen how Ormond was chosen lord 
 lieutenant, and his several cessations 
 made with the confederate Catho- 
 lics, and vast summes of monys 
 receaved to transport over 
 souldiers for his majes- 
 ties ; service. 
 
 Tuts Sr. William Parsons a could, rigid, and 
 Wise-man , but an inveterat enemie to the Catho- . 
 licke religion and Catholicks, at once with Sr. 
 Adam Loftus, Sr. Robert Merideth, Sr. Iohn 
 ‘Temple , and others of the councel became much 
 addicted to the House of commons in England 
 (which house began at that time to contest and 
 be at variance with the King) and in good faith 
 made noe other use of his Majesties power and 
 Sword of Lustice in that Kingdom, then to in- 
 Crease and kendle (rather than quench) the flame 
 of that revolution, which they caled a rebellion : 
 heere you are to observe, that the said lords 
 _Tustices and aboue specified councellours , though 
 they were disloyal and perfidious to the King , 
 yet the false and pernicious relations thes knaves 
 

 
 36 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 gave, and divulged by proclamations of the Irish, 
 that the vniversalitie of the Catholicks of Irland 
 got up into a new rebellion (whereas for one 
 Catholick that was engaged in that revolution, 
 there were thousands in the nation knew nothing 
 off it, even the nobilitie, citties and gentrie of 
 the nation were soe) they were easily beleeved 
 in that theyr false and Malicious aspersion ; soe 
 that his Majestie did noe lesse call and esteeme 
 us rebelles , then the House of commons in Eng- 
 land did; these men’s disaffection to the King, 
 and theyr Treacherie, beyng at lenght disco- 
 vered, his Majestie recalled theyr commissions, 
 and appointed Ormond lord lieutenant of the 
 Kingdom: after his Excellencie was invested 
 with this new commission and power, the par- 
 lament of England more and more growing 
 stroung in hostilitie against the King, and de 
 claring open warr to his Majestie, (which was 
 plain rebellion, not like the painted rebellion of 
 Irland) his Excellency, who had at that time 
 trustie friends in the Councel of the confederat 
 Catholicks, treated with the assembly of said 
 Catholicks , and in their absence, with the fore- 
 said Councel for a Cessation of armes betwee 
 his Partie and theirs; to which the Catholicks 
 did Freely and willingly consent, and to that 
 effect graunted and paied over to my lord Liew 
 tenant thirty thousand and eight hundred pounds” 
 sterling for to transport over into England som@ 
 of the Kings forces, to Suppresse the rebellion 
 
 - 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. ou 
 
 in that Kingdom; this free speedy, and loyall 
 contribution of soe vast a summe of monies, in soe 
 seasonable a time , to furnish and pay the Kings 
 souldiers against the rebells of England, was noe 
 signe of rebellious hearts in the Catholicks. As 
 for what these forces ferried over did there, 
 whether they beat the rebells, or were beaten , 
 is not my subject in hand; I come to my lord of 
 Ormond, who for some yeares continued his 
 capitulations , and treatings with the Catholicks 
 of Irland, and did indeed wijre-draw them to 
 theyr great losse , both to the dishartning of their 
 souldiers, consumption of their treasures, and 
 letting slip great advantages of service; great 
 matters we expected from Ormond, and noe lesse 
 did our Commissioners tell us; that he was ready 
 condescend to our demaunds , and graunt us good 
 things, but in the end litle or nothing was don ; 
 not withstanding all this, any thing that seemed 
 to be with the Kings interest, or for the Kings 
 service did much relish with the Catholicks, and 
 soe desirous and forward we were to make peace 
 with any party the King owned to be his owne, 
 as we omitted to pursue vigorously a good warr, 
 and at long running wee made noe good peace 
 for libertie, Religion, Fortunes, or honour of 
 the Nation. 
 
38 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Glanmorgans peace rendered voide by the 
 Kings, disavowing any authoritie | 
 given to that effect. 
 
 Twice we concluded peace by our Commission- 
 ers, the one off which have been with the Earle 
 of Glanmorgan, and the other with Ormond: and 
 in fin wee had neither peace, nor the assurance 
 
 of a peace; the said Earle of Glanmorgan, . 
 
 shewed us under the privat signet a faire and 
 large commission he had from the King, autho- 
 rizing him to conclude a peace with us, and 10 
 graunt us such favourable concessions for reli- 
 gion, as Ormond the Kings Lieutenant (who 
 also had a commission under the great seale) 
 could not Publickly graunt, or be seen in; this 
 peace made with Glanmorgan became voyd and 
 of noe force, the King disavowing any power 
 given to that effect vnto Glanmorgan : you shall 
 find the Kings disavowing of any such power im 
 
 his booke , commonly caled , Reliquie Sacre Ca 
 
 roling , pag: the 29: in a message given (asit 8 
 
 written) in our court at Oxford the 29 [anu 
 
 1645. to the speaker of the house of Peeres pm 
 tempore , to be communicated to the two house 
 of Parliament at Westminster , and to the com 
 missioners of the Parliament in Scotland. t 
 
 an 
 
 ne 
 i 
 
 \ 
 ss 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 39 
 
 His Majesties message of Ianuary 29, 1645, about 
 Irland, and his Majesties further Con- 
 cessions , and desire of a personal 
 treaty; Oxford. 
 
 C. R. 
 “ His Majestie having receaved information from 
 the lord Leutenant and Councel in Irland, that. 
 the Earle of Glanmorgan hath, without his or 
 their orders or priuitie , entered into a treaty with 
 some Commissioners on the Roman Catholick 
 partie there, and alsoe drawne vp and agreed 
 vnto certain articles with the said Commissioners 
 highly derogatory to his Majesties honour, and 
 royal dignitie, and most prejudicial vnto the 
 Protestant religion and church there in Irland: 
 wherevpon the said Earle of Glanmorgan is ar- 
 rested vpon suspition of high treason, and im- 
 prisoned by the said lord Leutenant and Councel , 
 at the instance and by the impeachment of the 
 lord Digby , who (by reason of his place and 
 former employment in these affaires) doth best 
 know how contrarie that proceeding of the said 
 Earle hath been to his Majesties intentions and 
 directions, what great prejudice it might bring 
 to his affaires , if those proceedings of the Earle 
 ef Glanmorgan should be any way vnderstood 
 to have been done by directions, liking or ap- 
 probation of his Majestie having in his former 
 messages for a personal treaty offered to give con- 
 tentment to his two Houses in the business of 
 Irland, hath now thought fitting , the better to 
 

 
 40 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 shew his clearer intentions, and to give satisfac 
 tion to his two Houses ae Parlament, and the’ 
 rest of his subjects in all his kingdoms, to send 
 his declarations , to his said houses, containing 
 the whole truth ae the business hick is. i 
 
 “That the Earle of Glanmorgan having made — 
 offer vnto his Majestie to raise forces in the 
 Kingdom of Irland, and to conduct them into 
 England for his Majesties service, had a com- — 
 mission to that purpose, and to that purpose, 
 only. 
 
 “ That he had noe commission at all to treat 
 of any thing else, without the privitie, and 
 direction of the lord Leutenant, much lesse to 
 Capitulat any thing concerning religion ; or any | 
 propertie belonging either to Church or Laity 
 
 “ That it clearly appeares by the lord Leute- 
 nants procedings with the said Earle, that he 
 
 -had noe notice at all of what the said Earle had. 
 treated , and pretended to have capitulated with, 
 the Trish , vntill by accident it came to his . 
 knowledge. 
 
 “ And his Majestie doth protest, that vat 
 such time, as he had advertisment, that the 
 person of the said Earle of Glanmorgan was 
 arrested, and restrained (as is aboue said) he , 
 neuer heard, nor had any kind of notice, that 
 the said Earle had entred into any kind of treaty. 
 or capitulation with the Irish commissioners®) 
 much lesse that he had concluded or signed th 
 articles soe destructiue both to Church and State; — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 4] 
 
 and soe repugnant to his Majesties publick pro- 
 ’ fessions , and knowne resolution. 
 
 “‘ And for the further vindication of his Ma- 
 jesties honour and integritie heerin, he doth 
 declare , that he is soe far from considering any 
 thing contained in those papers, or writings 
 framed by the said Earle, and those commis- 
 sioners with whom he treated, as he doth abso- 
 lutely disavow him therein, and both giuen 
 commandements to the lord Leutenant and the 
 Councel there , to proceed against the said Earle , 
 as one , who either out of falseness , presumption , 
 or folly, had soe hazarded the blemishing of his 
 Majesties reputation, with his good subjects, 
 and soe impertinently framed those articles of his 
 owne head, without the consent, privitie or di- 
 rections of his Majestie, or the lord Leute- 
 nant, or any of his Majesties Councel there ; but 
 true it is, that for the necessarie preservation of 
 his Majesties protestant subjects in Irland , whose 
 case was dayly represented vnto him to be soe 
 desperat, his Majestie have given commission 
 to the lord Leutenant to treat and conclude such 
 a peace there, as might be for safty of that 
 Crowne, the preservation of the protestant re- 
 ligion, and noe way derogatory to his owne 
 honour and publick professions.” 
 
 You see plainly by this his Majesties disavow- 
 ing letter of any power given to Glanmorgan, as 
 to the effect of peace to be concluded with the 
 confederat Catholicks, how Glanmorgans peace 
 
 D 
 
42 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 came to nothing, and of noe validitie, though 
 much labour, paines and monnies it cost to the 
 confederat Catholicks; and not without great 
 discredit to the said Earle. As for the peace 
 made with Ormond yeare 1646. (who had the 
 Kings commission vnder the great seale) it had 
 noe. better issue then the former , as shal be made 
 cleare out of the aboue specified divine his writ 
 ings, reasons, arguments, and woords as they 
 are put downe. 
 
 And in as much as the Bishops and Cleargy 
 their opposition to that peace, hath drawne vpon 
 them the implacable anger of Ormond ; pervsillg 
 what I shall write , you shal be able to iudge the 
 reasons given by the Prelats were valid, and 
 themselves honest in their intentions, and vp- 
 right in their proceedings, and that they haue 
 done nothing but what pietie , and the obligation 
 of their pastoral care did require ; consequenlly 
 you will graunt that the dukes anger, and ral 
 cour came by noe offence given by the Bishops; 
 but through his owne heightie mind , whieh i 
 all matters , and in all occasions must rule al 
 domineere, or will have peace, nor quietnes 
 with any man; this matter comprehending mally 
 parts, arguments, and circumstances, I shall 
 forced to bestow more time about it. | 
 
 It fell out soe, that the confederat Catholids 
 appointed certain persons of qualitie as Com 
 missoners of treaty (they appointed others | 
 preparing instructions for those that were to iret ’ 
 
 ’ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. - 43 
 
 whom they named commissioners of instructions) 
 to treat and conclude a peace with Ormond then 
 lord Leutenant ; this done in the yeare 1644. the 
 names of those appointed, were Richard lord 
 viscount of Mongaret, Donogh lord viscount 
 of Musgrie, Sr. Robert Talbot Barronet , 
 Dermot 6 Brien, Patrick Darcy, Geffery 
 Browne, and Iohn Dillon Esquires. After a 
 long debate vpon neare two yeares, a peace was 
 at length concluded between them and his Ex- 
 cellency the lord Leutenant , consisting of thirty 
 articles , which articles (after being perfected , 
 duely and maturely examined by vnderstanding 
 and learned men) were suspected vnsafe for the 
 Chatholicks; this is the subject the mentioned 
 divine handled and soundly Proved, and vpon 
 the same occasion learnedly justified the rejec- 
 tion of that peace out of the arguments, and 
 decrees of the Ecclesiastical congregation. 
 
44 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The rejection of the peace of 1646, made by 
 
 the Bishops and Cleargy at Waterford 
 maintained and justified ; which 
 peace was alsoe voyd for being 
 perfected without autho- 
 ritie of Ormond’s 
 part. 
 
 Tuts author sayes, the Bishops and Cleargy 
 allarmed at the publication of the said peace im 
 Dublin , and Kilkennie , and obedience the Citi- 
 zens and other natives gave therunto , (they saw 
 the Gouvernment was devolved, the supreme 
 Councell of the Nation dissolved, and the forces 
 and armies, and all to be put into the hands of 
 said Ormond lord Lieutenant; the peace (a8 
 above was said) being not secure for the cheefest 
 concernments of the Catholicks) convened and 
 came togither at Waterford (a noble and Catho- 
 lick Cittie) the sixt of August 1646. the zeale of 
 Gods house , and of theyr flocks soe requiring, 
 to consider seriously the contents of the Articles 
 of said peace, and ackordingly to determine, a 
 pietie and the saftye of Religion , and thir flocks 
 would require at their hands. ; 
 
 “The method (said the Author) the Bishops 
 and Cleargy observed in rejecting said Peacey 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 45 
 
 and the order of their consultations, was grave, 
 and yet free, giving every divine licence to argue, 
 discourse, and deliver his opinion .as to the 
 question proposed; the Chancelour of the con- 
 gregation taking in the meane time his notes in 
 writing of every mans sense and sentence of the 
 question ventilated, and after a full debate, repeat- 
 ing vivavoce, the substance of the arguments ; they 
 voted with much tranquilitie a result or conclu- 
 sion , and indeed soe much was said to every of 
 these articles that came vnder debate as nothing 
 was left vnsaid, that could be pertinent.” 
 
 A love Principium was the begining of this 
 Congregation, they publickly sacrificed and 
 prayed with flamming Charitie, and profound 
 humiiltie , demanding from God light and wise- 
 dom in this most important affaire that soe 
 touched holy Religion and his divine worship ; 
 that he would be pleased to give a blessing to 
 their worke there: and for the better guiding 
 their Consciences , they seriously perused. 
 
 First the oath of association (the rule of warr 
 and peace with the confederat Catholicks ,) which 
 could not be contravened by any without perfi- 
 diousness , and impietie. 
 
 2. The model of Gouvernment. 
 
 3. Several remonstrances printed in France , 
 the yeare 1642. Fourthly, our grevances pre- 
 sented at Tryme , March, the 17. 1642. Fifthly , 
 the several acts and protestations made by the 
 Kingdom in open assembly at Kilkennie in the 
 

 
 46 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 months of July and August 1645. for the liberties 
 and splendour of Religion , and for the Churches. 
 _ Sixtly, the 17. propositions exhibited to his Majes 
 
 tie, yeare 1644. Seaventhly , the further addition 
 and propositions after propounded to the lord 
 Marques of Ormond. 
 
 All these things they examened with great de- 
 liberation, and attention, being the rules laid 
 downe by the whole Kingdom for regulating the 
 committie of treaty, as alsoe the committie 
 of instructions for the said treaty , and all others 
 to whom any charge was intrusted. 
 
 They began with the important propositions 
 the committie of treaty for the peace, were to 
 present vnto the Lord Marquez of Ormond Leu- 
 tenant Generael of Irland , for and in behalfe of 
 the confederat Catholicks of Irland, for couclu- 
 ding a peace: those propositions were the cheefe 
 rules they were bound to observe in that treaty. 
 
 1. One proposition was, that the Roman 
 Catholick both Cleargy and Laity haue and 
 enjoy the free and publick exercise of the 
 Roman Catholick Religion throughout that King- 
 
 dom , as it was in the raigne of Henry the 7. oF - 
 
 any other Catholick King his predecessours | 
 Kings of England, and Lords of Irland, had 
 either in England or Irland. 
 
 2. That the secular Roman Cleargy of Irland, 
 viz: Primats, Arch-bishops, Bishops , Ordina- 
 ries, Deans, and Chapters , Archideakens , and 
 other dignitaries , Persons, Vicars, and all other 
 
 : 
 
 i 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 47 
 
 Pastors of the secular Cleargy , and their respec- 
 tive successours, shall have and enjoy all and 
 every of them all manner of jurisdictions, privi- 
 ledges, and immunities in as full and ample 
 manner as the Roman Catholick Cleargy had or 
 enjoyed within this Realme at any time during 
 the raigne of the late King Henry the 7. of 
 England and Lord of Irland, any declaration of 
 law, laws, statute, power or any.authoritie to the 
 contrarie not with standing. 
 
 3. That all laws and statutes made since the 
 dime of King Henry the 8. whereby any restre- 
 inght, penaltie, mulct, or incapacitie, or other 
 restriction what-soever is or may be laid vpon 
 any of the Roman Catholicks, either of the 
 Cleargy, or laity, for such the said exercise 
 of the Roman Catholick Religion within this 
 Kingdom, andof their several functions, jurisdic- 
 tions, and Priviledges, may be repealed , revoked, 
 and declared voyd in the next Parlament by one 
 or more acts of Parlament to be passed therin. 
 
 4, That the Primats , Bishops, Archbishops , 
 Ordinaries , Deans, and Chapters, Archdeakens , 
 Chancelours, Treasurers, Chanters, prevosts , 
 Guardians of Collegial Churches , Prebendaries , 
 and other dignitaries Persons, Vicars, and other 
 Pastors of the Roman Catholick Cleargy and 
 their respective successours shall have, hould, 
 and enjoy all the Churches and church liuings 
 inas large and ample manner as the late Protes- 
 tant Cleargy respectively enjoyed the same in 
 
48 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 the first day of Septem. 1641, togither with all 
 their rights, profits, emoluments, perquisits, 
 liberties to their respective Seas , and Churches 
 belonging as well in all places now in the posses- 
 sion of the confederat Catholicks, as alsoe all 
 other places that shall be recovered by the con-_ 
 federat Catholicks, from the adverse partie 
 within this Kingdom saving to the Roman 
 Catholick Laity, and their respective rights 
 ackording to the lawes of the land. 
 
 The Roman Catholick Regular Cleargy of the 
 Kingdom were to have and hould the Bodyes, — 
 sites , and precincts of their Abbeys, Monaste-_ 
 ries , and churches &c. J 
 
 These foure propositions were sworne by the 
 Confederat Catholicks in a general Assembly to_ 
 be insisted vpon , and obtained vpon any treaty — 
 of peace, otherwise that they would not lay 
 downe their armes while they had power and abi- 
 litie to maintaine the warr. Now said foure Pro- 
 positions or matters (soe sworne to be insisted 
 vpon) were not granted inthe 30 Articles of 
 1646 (as above is cleare and manifest) nor as_ 
 much as presented or vrged, as the Commis- 
 sioners themselves did confess, which seems a 
 breach of trust in those of the Commitie of Treaty, 
 who were obliged to present and vrge said propo- 
 Sitions ; certaine I am that one of the most vn- | 
 derstanding of that Committie tould me, it was — 
 but meere folly to present and offer them, for _ 
 that Ormond was noe way content to consent, — 
 
 ane 
 
 , 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 49 
 
 er give way to them, nor even to Glanmorgan’s 
 concessions it selfe, which were of far lesser im- 
 portance for Religion and Nation , then the above 
 four propositions ; and that for this reason they 
 _ said nothing of foresaid propositions ; nor of Glan- 
 morgan’s concessions vntil after signature of the 
 30 Articles; they then desired Glanmorgan’s 
 concessions should be at once printed and pub- 
 lished with the 30. Articles as contained and com- 
 prised in one of them , to witt, the Article “of his 
 Majesties gratious favour and further conces- 
 sions,’’ (which is as I remember the first Article of 
 all) but my lord of Ormond absolutly denied said 
 concessions of Glanmorgan should be published 
 at once with the 30 Articles, and that he had 
 nothing to doe with Glanmorgan’s treaty or con- 
 cessions. Of the above foure propositions the 
 cheefest things to be vrged and insisted vpon, ac- 
 kording the instructions they had, they sayd no- 
 thing to Ormond. After this followeth a title in 
 hec verba. 
 
 How the commitie of treaty demeaned them- 
 selves in concluding the peace of 
 
 1646 with Ormond. 
 
 Tue Commitie (saith this Divin) confessed, they 
 
 vpon concluding the peace of thirty Articles re- 
 
 leied principally vpon Glanmorgan’s conces- 
 
 sions , as to the libertie and exercise of Religion , 
 
 and as to the establishement and securitie therof, 
 D3 
 
50 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 and they conceaved the benefit of Glanmorgan’s 
 concessions were included in these articles of 
 1646, and made of equal force with them; 
 wheras the benefit of said Glanmorgan’s con- 
 cessions is rather waved and renonced in said 
 Articles of 1646: those Commissioners of Treaty 
 sayes Glanmorgan’s concessions are included 
 vnder these words of the first of the 30 Articles, 
 ‘further concessions granted , or to be granted by 
 his Majestie.” But you are to observe that all 
 a long vpon the debate of the peace of 46. they 
 never made (as above said) as much as mention 
 to my lord of Ormond of Glanmorgan’s conces- 
 sions to be included and to be of equal force with _ 
 the 30. Articles; it is true after signature of said 
 30. Articles they moved his Excellency of Glan- 
 morgan’s concessions , but he tould them plainly 
 he never meant by the Article of further conces- 
 sions , that the Catholicks thereby should have 
 the benefit of Glanmorgan’s concessions. 
 Behould how the greatest matter, that could 
 concerne the Catholicks , (the matter of Religion) 
 was handled by Saenticiio of ‘Treaty , to wit, 
 the foure propositions above mentioned, and 
 Glanmorgan’s concessions , (the basis vpon ‘which 
 the Catholicks relied for Religion , and splendor 
 thereof, immunities , liberties ; Churenes! and 
 church-livings) committed to them to. be insisted 
 vpon ; now in all the time of said treaty , and de 
 bate with his Excellency about the 30. Articles, 
 not one word was spoken of said propositions and 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. bl 
 
 concessions nor at the very time of signature and 
 perfection of the 30. Articles: as ifthey had been 
 of soe litle worth as they merited not to be moved 
 once, being notwithstanding the principal part 
 of their trust. Did they think by silencing them 
 in time of Treaty to steale them vpon my lord of 
 Ormond, he was to wise to be soe gulled, or did 
 they meane by not moving them, to leave them 
 for a seede of a new warr when the King in Par- 
 lament should denie us the benefit of Glanmor- 
 gan’s concessions, and of those other propositions 
 and things, as in my opinion he could rationally 
 doe , they being not articled and agreed vpon in 
 the 30. Articles perfected by Ormond, by vertue 
 of his commission vnder the great seale , and con- 
 sequently not obliging the King as a matter con- 
 tained included , and perfected in the said 30. Ar- 
 ticles ? what answer then can the commitie make 
 for themselves as to the foure propositions and 
 Glanmorgan’s concessions not spoken of in the 
 time of treaty ? how could the benefit of them be 
 obtained in Parlament, when the peace of 46. 
 should be ratifyed and made good to the Nation ? 
 Ormond would denie in open Parlament any con- 
 sent given by him to such concessions or propo- 
 sitions, or that they had been as much as moved 
 to him or proposed upon time of treaty , or per- 
 fecting the 30. Articles ; now it is cleare that in 
 contracts nothing can be claimed, but what is 
 don by the consent of the parties contracting. 
 Heere our Commitie of treaty js in a labirinth 
 

 
 52 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 for obtaining the four propositions and Glan- 
 morgan’s concessions in Parlament, what. they 
 affirme , Ormond stifly denies , (and groundedly) 
 for who will say he consented to concessions or 
 propositions never mentioned or vrged during 
 the treaty , nor at the time of perfecting the 30. 
 Articles? what shall the King determine in this 
 dispute and difference: what other but denie 
 the benefit of said propositions and Glanmorgan’s 
 concessions for not being consented vnto by his 
 commissioner Ormond? what then will the Ca- 
 tholicks of Irland doe ? either they must content 
 themselves with Ormond’s peace of 30. Articles, 
 and goe without the benefit of both the proposi- 
 tions and said concessions (the best and principal 
 ground and securitie for Religion) or else they 
 must make warr with the king for obtaining 
 them , wheras vntill then they have never warred 
 against his Majestie. 
 
 Heere have I given you nakedly the deport 
 ment of the commitie of Treaty, with the na- 
 {ure, substance, and qualitie of that peace of 
 46..altogither vnsecure and unsafe for Catholick 
 religion , and all the interrest of the Nation. 
 
 Now if in case that said Commitie of treaty 
 for concluding of peace swarued from any of the 
 rules and instructions given them (as indeed they 
 have don) what they acted can noe way oblige 
 either the Cleargy or the people to their owné 
 overthrow and destruction ; it were a hard casé 
 for a common wealth, if persons by her im- 
 
 5 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 53 
 
 powered, with trust, and not performing the 
 same trust, could bind the common-wealth to 
 Acts prejudicial and destructive both to their 
 preservation , interrest and libertie, as many of 
 those 30. Articles were to doe. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The opinion of two famous lawyers vpon the 
 peace of Glanmorgan, and that of 
 Ormond , with the final result 
 and vudgement of the Pre- 
 lats after examening the 
 said peace of 30 
 Articles. 
 
 WEE are in this place to see what the Congre- 
 gation did, with their divins. After making a 
 sound ponderation vpon the above foure Propo- 
 sitions, and other Acts and Ordinances of the 
 several assemblys of that Kingdom, they came 
 to a mature examination of the 30. Articles, 
 above mentioned , and for their surer and better 
 vnderstanding of all, made vse of the advise and 
 counsell of the two eminentest, and famous law- 
 yers of the land, who made certaine sound ob- 
 servations vpon that peace and concessions of 
 
54 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Glanmorgan , the substance of those observations 
 is digested into four Articles. 
 
 1. That the Committie of treaty waved the 
 benefit of Glanmorgan’s concessions, by not onely 
 not insisting vpon- them, but not soe much as 
 proposing them, during the treaty with my lord 
 Leutenant, which was contrarie to the trust and 
 charge laid vpon them by the Kingdom. 
 
 2. A publick faith given by the Kingdom to 
 the lord Nuntio and Cleargy to make Glanmor- 
 gan’s concessions, and all conditions for Churches 
 and Religion, as publick, as valid, and of as 
 much force as that of the temporal, was not 
 performed. 
 
 3. That the king did disavow Glanmorgan’s 
 concessions, soe as they became vtterly therby 
 void, for which reasons the Cleargy were to pro- 
 vide for themselves by other wayes. 
 
 4, Vpon the perclosing of those observations , 
 the said lawyers hath this ensueing language. If 
 the case of reference to further concessions, 
 granted in the agreement of said 30. Articles can 
 not extend to what the lord Leutenant publickly 
 disauoued , and as wee vnderstand (on the very 
 perfection of said 30. Articles) he before wit- 
 nesses , expressed , to witt that the said clause of 
 further concessions in his peace was not meant 
 by him to extend to Glanmorgan’s concessions , 
 shall then the securitie of Religion and Churches 
 in all the Kingdom depend on a matter that hath 
 soe many doubts in it ? 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 55 
 
 - Besides if those 30. Articles concluded with 
 Ormond had any matter of moment in them for 
 Religion, before perfection of them, the King 
 reuoked the lord Leutenant’s commission, and 
 by this all goes to ground , for without authoritie 
 he could not perfect articles. ‘This revocation is 
 in print and expresssed in a letter from his Ma- 
 - jestie to the Marquez of Ormond Iune the 11. 
 1646, as followeth : 
 
 Met Re 
 
 “ Right trusty &c. having long with much grief 
 looked vpon the sad condition our Kingdom of 
 Irland hath been in these divers yeares, through 
 the wicked and desperat rebellion there , and the 
 bloudy effects have insued there vpon. Tor the 
 setling where-of wee would have wholy applyed 
 our selves, if the difference betwixt vs and our 
 subjects heere, had not diverted, and with- 
 drawen us, and not having beene able by force 
 (for that respect) to reduce them, wee were ne- 
 cessitated for the present safty of our Protestant 
 subjects there , to give you power and authoritie 
 to treat with them, vpon such pious, honorable , 
 and safe grounds as that our kingdom did then 
 require; but for many reasons to long for a letter 
 wee thinke fit to require you to proceed noe fur- 
 ther in treaty with the rebells, nor to ingage vs 
 upon any condition with them after sight hereof. 
 And having formerly found such reall proofs of 
 your ready obedience to our commands, wee 
 
56 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 doubt not of your care in this wherein our ser- 
 vice and the good of our Protestant subjects in 
 Irland is soe much concerned. from Newcastle 
 Tune the 11. 1646.” 
 
 This letter was receaved by Ormond before 
 perfecting of the 30. Articles, where fore said 
 articles can be of noe force. what remedy then 
 can be had? what healp to make the 30. Arti- 
 cles valid? they said Digby brought some thing 
 in Cypher to incourrage the Lord Leutenant, 
 and what then? shall wee rely upon a cypher, 
 and gett noe better securitie for our Religion, 
 and Churches, for our liues, fortunes and es- 
 tates, then the relying upon a cypher? this were 
 in good earnest to make a peace in Cypher. 
 
 Heere I haue given you the sence of the two 
 famous lawyers upon the 30. Articles; one of 
 those for his abilities was well known to the 
 learnedest juges of England and Irland, was a 
 Counsellor to Ormonds familie, and one that 
 knew as much of the ground and cause of our 
 quarrel and of all that passed in the Assembly , 
 Councel and several commities as any who som- 
 ever in the Kingdom. 
 
 By what is said you see Ormonds commsssion 
 was reuoked before perfecting the said peace of 
 30. Articles (which shall be more expressly made 
 cleare hereafter) and did not Excellencie know- 
 ing this, play fooly with the confederat Catho- 
 licks? what then did he intend by intruding — 
 

 
 ‘THE UNKIND DESERTER. 57 
 
 this peace vpon us ? what other but to cheat and 
 deceave us by getting from us vpon consideration 
 of such a peace (as in effect he did) all our forts, 
 citties, townes, armes, armies, and nauvy vnder 
 his owne command , and by dissoluing our asso- 
 ciation and gouvernement; was not this a hand- 
 som tricke and plott for vndoeing us taking away 
 all our defense for noe other consideration then 
 that of those plaistred articles perfected without 
 any commission , that could and lightly would be 
 disavoued in Parlament by his Majestie , as con- 
 cluded without his authoritie, and consequently 
 wee should gaine noe grace nor pardon by them. 
 
 After the Bishops and other ordinaries , and 
 diuins , had well considered these things, and 
 more particularly the result of the two renowned 
 lawyers , who were especial leading-men in the 
 common-wealth ; after long debate , and learned 
 arguments, great diligence , search and paines, 
 they found it evident, that Religion, estates, 
 lives, liberties , and saftie of the Catholicks , lay 
 open to danger, notwithstanding the 30. articles 
 agreed upon with Ormond by the commitie of 
 treaty (who discharging not the trust laid vpon 
 them by failing to pursue the instructions giuen 
 them, as aboue was said) and finding all the 
 citties, townes, forts Garrisons, armie, ships , 
 magazins, and the strenght of the Catholicks to 
 be rendered vp to the lord Leutenant (as some 
 of them already was) and the supreame Councel 
 had by that time ceded theire authoritie, and 
 
58 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 submitted to the-said peace, which had been (as 
 
 was said) proclaimed and published solemnly by 
 the Kings-at-armes in Dublin and Kilkennie, 
 
 and that the lord Leutenant come from Dublin 
 
 gallantly attended by many hundreds of prime 
 
 Gentlemen, was then at Kilkenny and began to 
 
 gouverne according the articles of the peace} 
 
 the Bishops (I say) and Cleargy naked and with- 
 out any garde other then the protection of God, 
 
 and affection of good Catholicks, after invoking 
 
 the name of the most high, came to a final re- 
 
 sult, which was the insueing decree , which they 
 
 put foorth, and caused to be published to the 
 Catholicks over the Kingdom. 
 
 Per congregationem Ecclesiasticam vtriusque 
 cleri hibernict , in Spirttu Sancto congre- 
 gatam Waterfordie coram Illustris- 
 simo D: Arehiespiscopo, FIR- 
 MANO Nuntio Apostolico 
 extraordinario in 
 Iberniam. 
 
 “ Super questione inter nos orta, & per mul- 
 tos dies exagitata, an perjuri declarandi essent, 
 qui pacem contentam triginta articulis ad nos@ 
 supremo Concilio transmissis, acceptarent, & 
 successiué, an tanquam perjuri forent excom- 
 municandi ? auditis prius singulorum sententiis, 
 & rationibius , lectisque aliquorum sacrz theolo- 
 giz doctorum scriptis, decretum est vnaniml 
 
‘THE UNKIND DESERTER. 59 
 
 consensu, & singulorum votis nemine contradi- 
 cente, quod omnes & singuli confderati Ca- 
 tholici, qui simili paci adherebunt, vel ejus 
 fautoribus consentient , aut alio modo- illam am- 
 plectentur, perjuri absoluté habendi sint, ea 
 precipué de causa, quod in iis articulis nulla 
 facta est mentio Catholice Religionis, ejusque 
 securitatis , nec vila habita ratio conseruationis 
 priuilegiorum Patrie, sicuti juramento legitur 
 promissum-:, sed potius omnia referantur ad arbi- 
 trium Serenissimi Regis, a quo in presenti rerum 
 statu nihil certi potest haberi, & interim subju- 
 ciantur exercitus; arma, & munimenta, ipsum- 
 que supremum Concilium confederatorum Catho- 
 licorum, authoritati & dominio Concilii status 
 suze Majestatis & officialium protestantium, a 
 quibus, vt securi fieremus, juramentum illud 
 suscepimus. Ex quibus & ex pluribus.aliis cau- 
 sis sola nostra conscientia mori, solumque Deum 
 pr oculis habentes, vt notum sit vniversis & 
 singulis tum Ibernis, tum exteris, tali pace nos 
 non dedisse, nec daturos consensum, nisi pro 
 Religione, Rege & patria juxta nostrum jura- 
 mentum secure conditiones apponantur; & vt 
 Greges nostri confederatique omnes Catholici, 
 qui in generalibus comitiis aliquando in hoc 
 Spirituali negotio , velut ad Ecclesiasticum judi- 
 cem vnice spectante , sententiam nostram rogau- 
 erunt, certo sciant quod a nobis determinatum 
 fuerit, vt in eum sensum tanquam pii & fideles 
 Catholici pastoribus suis obedientes concurrant. 
 
' 
 
 60 THE UNKIND DESERTER. | 
 
 Hoe decretum scribi, & vbique locorum anglica& 
 vel etiam Ibernicé lingua publicari jussimus, & 
 manibus ac sigillis nostris firmavimus. Alteram 
 vero quzstionem de Excommunicatione ad prox- 
 imas sessiones referuamus. Datum Watertodie 
 die 12, Aug: anno 1646.” 
 
 “Joannes Baptista Archiespiscopus FIRMA- 
 NVS & Nuntius A postolicus. 
 
 Fr. Thomas Archiepiscopus Dublin: Hibernia 
 Primas. ; 
 
 Thomas Archiepiscopus Casseliensis t 
 
 Fr. Boetius Episcopus Elphin : r 
 
 Toannes Episcopus Loanensis ‘ 
 
 Franciscus Episcopus Aladensis 
 
 Nicolaus Episcopus Fernensis 
 
 Fr. Patricius Episcop. Waterford: & Lismor: _ 
 
 Joannes Clonfertensis kpiscopus : 
 
 Fr. Edmundus Episcopus Lacklin : 
 
 Richardus Adfertensis & Accadem: Episcop : 
 
 Edmundus Episcop: Limericensis 
 
 Emerus Episcop: Clocheren : 
 
 Fr. Iacobus Abbas Benchorensis 
 
 Fr. Patricius Abbas B. M. Dublin 
 
 Fr. Laurentius Abbas de surio, 
 
 Fr. Iacobus Abbas de 8. Cruce , 
 
 Fr. Iacobus Tobin Abbas de Kilcoole , a 
 Robertus vicarius Apostol: Rossen : ub 
 Donaldus Vicarius Funiborensis wa 
 
 Fr. Gregor: Prior Prouinc: Ord: Praedicat: ~ 
 Fr. Dionisius Prior Prouinc:.Erim: S. Augs ©” 
 
 = 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 61 
 
 Edmundus 6 Theige Procur: Illustriss: D. Ar- 
 mach : 
 
 Walterus Vicar: Apost: Tuamens: 
 
 Guilelmus Vicar: Apost: Imolacen : 
 
 Iacobus Vicar: Generael: Kildar: 
 
 Cornelius Vicar: General: Ardensis 
 
 Oliverius Vicar: General: Meden: 
 
 Dominicus Vicar: General: Corcagien : 
 
 Simon Vicar: General: Cluanensis 
 
 Edmundus Vicar: General: Clowensis 
 
 Cornelius Vicar: General: Cluan: 
 
 Robertus Superior Societ: Iesu 
 
 Fr. Antonius Procurator Province: FF: Mino- 
 rum 
 
 Fr. Barnabas Commiss: Gener: Capuci :” 
 
 These are the names of such as sate in the Ec- 
 clesiastical congregation of both the Irish cleargy 
 secular and regular in true spirit of the Holy 
 Ghost conuened at Waterford before the most 
 Illustrious and most Reuerend Archbishop Fir- 
 manus Nuntio Apostolical in Irland. 
 
 The decree is thus Englished : 
 
 *“* As to the question betwixt vs moued, and 
 for many dayes discussed whether such as would 
 accept of that peace contained in the 30. articles, 
 remitted vnto vs from the supreme Councel, are 
 to be declared perjurious, and consequeutly 
 whether as perjurious they are to be excommu- 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 62 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 nicated : wee having first given care to each ones — 
 opinion and sentiment in this matter., as alsoe 
 hauing read the writings of some doctors of Di- 
 uinitie, it is decreed, and by each ones vote in 
 particular (none contradicting) that all and euery 
 one of the confederat Catholicks, that will adhere 
 to such a peace, or consent to the furtherers 
 therof, or in any other manner or way will em- 
 brace the-same, shall be absolutly as perjurious es 
 teemed, cheefly inasmuch, as there is noe mention 
 made in them 30 articles, nor prouision for the 
 Catholick Religion , or safty therof, nor any re 
 spect had for the preservation of the Kingdom's 
 priuileges, as were promised in the oath of as 
 sociation, but to the contrary all remitted and 
 referred to the Kings will and pleasure, from 
 whome (as the case stands at present with his 
 Majestie) noe certainty of things can be had oF 
 expected, yet in the meane time all the armés, 
 armies, fortifications, even the very supreme 
 Councel of the confederat Catholicks are ands 
 to be subjected to the authoritie and rule of his 
 Majesties Councel of State, and protestant of- 
 ficers; from whom that wee may be safe al 
 secure, wee have taken that oath. 
 
 “ Out of which and several other reasons Wee » 
 (moved therunto by our only conscience , havitg 
 God before our eyes) would have it known 
 all, and to each person, and persons as well © 
 the Irish natives, as to forrain nations , that we 
 gave noe consent, nor will any to such a peacey 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER, 63 
 
 if they will not grant vs further, surer and safer 
 conditions for our Religion , our King and Coun- 
 trie according to our oath of association; and to 
 the end our flocks (all the confederat Catholicks) 
 who in their general assemblies required our 
 sentence, in this spiritual matter appertaining 
 to vs onely as Ecclesiastical Iudges, may know 
 for certain what is by vs determined herein , and 
 sa godly and faithfull Catholicks obeying their 
 Pastors, may concurre with vs: wee have or- 
 dered this decree to be written and published 
 each where both in the English and Irish toung. 
 Given under our hands, and sealed with our 
 proper seales. The other question of Excom- 
 munication wee reserve to next sessions. Given 
 at Waterford the 21. of August 1646.” 
 
 This Decree was the principal worke of the 
 Congregation, after which they writ to the 
 Citties and townes in the Catholick quarters, to 
 the Generals of the Armies, and some other 
 principal officers, and to seueral other noble 
 men, warning them of the danger and insecuritie 
 of said peace, adhorting all to concurre and 
 joyne with them in rejecting the same peace, 
 and at the same time they writ the ensueing 
 letter to the lord president and members of the 
 late supreme Councel residing at Kelkennie. 
 
 “‘Right honorable after a serious debate with 
 Mr. Plunket and Mr. Darcy desiring and hoping 
 for a good understanding between vs (whereby 
 the vnion and true peace of the Kingdom. may 
 
64 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 be preserved) wee conceaued and drew up the 
 inclosed declaration and propositions containing 
 our true sense of the late peace, and our iust 
 demands for a sufficient prouision , and securitié 
 for the Catholick Religion, churches, lives, 
 liberties and estates of the confederat Catholicks 
 of this Kingdom , praying we may with all con- 
 venien speed receaue your answers (which if not 
 timely returned , wee shall find our selues obliged 
 
 
 
 in conscience to let our declaration and pro- ; 
 
 positions be made publick) with our best wishes, 
 wee rest. your Honnours louing frinds. Water 
 ford. 24. August 1646. by command of the 
 lord Renuccini Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, 
 Apostolical Nuncio, and of the Ecclesiastica 
 Congregation of both the secular and Regular 
 
 Clergy of Irland. Nicolaus Episcopus dof ernensis 
 Cancellarius Congregationis.” : 
 
 The superscription was. ‘For the _ 
 Honorable the lord Mongarret and the rest of 
 the late supreme Councel. 
 
 The declaration mentioned in the aboue letter 
 (which was printed) doth manifest what past 
 vpon the examination of the peace of 30. Articles, 
 and of the aboue mentioned matters, with oul 
 sense and judgment vpon all, our prayers and 
 fatherly commands to ourflocks over the kingdom, 
 and to the Generals and other officers and soe 
 diers to haue nothing to doe with that peace ; the 
 propositions mentioned in said letter were €3* 
 pedients offered by the Congregation for securing 
 
 i 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 65 
 
 the Catholick Religion, liues liberties and estates 
 of the Catholicks. 
 
 _ One (and that a principal proposition) that 
 Glanmorgans concessions vpon which the comitie 
 of Treaty relyed as to Religion) should be made as 
 valid publick as the 30. articles, and of the same 
 force with them for the benefit and satisfaction 
 of the Catholicks. Ormond, (who was. then in 
 Kelkennie when the mentioned letter was re- 
 ceaued by the supreme Councel) answered he 
 had noe power to consent to such concessions , 
 nor as much as to add any article to the 30. 
 articles , his Commission (by vertue of which he 
 had concluded said 30. articles with them). being 
 expired, yet he promised all the frindly offices 
 that lay in his power, and all mediation with 
 the king for the satisiaction of the Catholicks, 
 which was noe securitie nor satisfaction to the 
 Catholick Prelats. 
 
 The supreme Councel, after receauing the 
 mentioned declaration and propositions, em- 
 ployed Sr. Lucas Dillon knight and Gerrat 
 Finnel Esquire (both of the Councel) with Tho- 
 mas Tirel and Laurence Dudal esquires , adding 
 to them Nicolas Plunket and Patrick Darcy 
 esquires (who were in Waterford before) both 
 members of the Councel, to offer certain pro- 
 
 -posals for satisfying the Bishops, and cleargy , 
 to the end forsaid peace of 30. articles might be 
 vnanimously by them and the rest accepted; 
 these gentlemen were humanly. receaued and 
 
 E 
 
66 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 listened ynto by the lord Nuncio and Bishops of 
 Clonferry and Fernes , (which two were chosen 
 by the congregation to attend on the lord Nuncio 
 in that affaire) after all was heard and considered 
 of, and all they said represented to the Congre- 
 gation, there was nothing of securitie found as 
 to Religion and churches. 
 
 Heere it is to’ be particularly observed , that 
 the Lord Leutenant Ormond vpon a sudden 
 departed from Kelkennie to Dublin like a man 
 possessed by some feare , when Sir Luke and the 
 rest were ypon their way to Waterford, which 
 departure of his prescinded all expectation of 
 giving such securitie and satisfaction as the 
 Bishops and Cleargy expected. Heer upon the 
 Congregation tould Sir Lucas and the rest of 
 the Gentlemen, there was noe other way Te 
 maining for satisfying all good men, then 0 
 summon of new a General Assembly of the con- 
 federat Catholicks, and there and then to have 
 the 30. articles of 46. more nicely examened, 
 and by them to be recepted , or rejected as pleased 
 the prudency of the whole Catholick Assembly. 
 
 This isa candid and ample accoumpt I give 
 you out of the mentioned divin of the propositions 
 and procedings of the Bishops and Cleargy a 
 sembled in Waterford, to the end (that all thei! 
 transactions there and then rightly pondered at 
 vnderstood) they may appeare to the world (3 
 really they are) innocent and Dblamelesse ® 
 acting nothing therin, but what the dictame? — 
 
 
 
a 
 nt 
 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 67 
 
 of their concience led them vnto, touching the 
 30. articles. 
 
 It is by this manifestly known how Ormonds 
 mercenarie pens, and others vpon their sugges- 
 tions (without any search or examination) haue 
 both bitterly spoken and written of these Bishops , 
 and of all the cleargy for putting a side that 
 peace; one of which (and that wrote bitterly) 
 was F. Peeter Wailsh, who censured them 
 grievously for soe doeing, though at the same 
 time, this Congregation sate, this friar was as 
 much against the said 30. articles and Ormond , 
 as another; how he came to Change his mind, 
 and writ for Ormond against the Bishops and 
 Cleargy , I know not, neither to}this day hath he 
 given any ground or reason, nor is able to doe, 
 for that his instabilitie; and if in case he had 
 apparently given, yet noe regard ought to be 
 had by any good and Zealous Catholick , of what 
 he sayes, in as much as he lyes vnder the curse 
 of an excommunication major (as I haue said in 
 the Preface) pronounced against him by a general 
 Chapter of his owne order, against whom he 
 most rebelliously stands out refusing submission 
 to them. 
 
 I hope these things well considered the Bishops 
 and Cleargy assembled in Waterford will loose 
 noe esteeme in the sight of good impartial Chris- 
 tians, but rather be commended for their zeale 
 and fortitude in Gods cause ; wee are not to feare 
 fire nor sword, nor the graetness of men, when 
 

 
 68 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 wee speake for God and his glorie. Loquebar 
 (saith the divin psalmist) de testimonijs tuis m 
 conspectu regum & non confundebar. 
 
 This diuin by me aboue cited protested before 
 God and his Angels, that the Bishops and Cleargy 
 had noe intention to offend Ormond in that pro- 
 ceeding , or to blemish his honnor in the leaste 
 but they were much vnsatisfied with the Comiti, 
 of Treaty, for neglecting and not performing the 
 trust laid vnto their charge; by which protesfa- 
 tion you see the Bishops gave noe cause to Or 
 mond to depart Kelkennie for Dublin, nor as 
 much as thought of his goeing , or suspected in 
 the least that he would be gon, but his owne 
 conscience whyspered various thoughts ~ vnto 
 him: soe that vere trepidabat timore vbi non erat 
 timor. He trembled with feare where there 
 was noe occasion of feare: howeuer since this 
 great man departed for Dublin, he fostered an 
 inveterat odium against the Bishops and Cleargy 
 swearing and protesting he will be avenged of 
 that stinking creuw (soe he is heard to call them); 
 which vnusuall forme of speech to an intire, an 
 of an intire body of Bishops, vertuous, learned; 
 and honorable men, (divers of them being noblie 
 descended.) If this be I say a language beseett 
 ing a noble man of Ormonds qualitie, or rather ) 
 the language of a rash, profane, and insolent 
 person, let any discreet man iudge. 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 69 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Calumnies and aspersions cast by Fa. 
 Wailsh vpon the Congregation of Iames~ 
 towne, and especially that of forcing 
 the Lord Leutenant out of the 
 Kingdom, confuted ; and 
 their proceedings jus- 
 
 tified. 
 
 Four yeares after this Congregation of Water- 
 ford, an other convened in Iamestowne (a litle 
 towne in Conaght) two yeares after the second 
 peace concluded with Ormond in the yeare 1648 , 
 by the vnanimous consent of the Kingdom : 
 Ormond keapt a great stirr with this Congrega- 
 tion, and Fa. Wailsh (who busied himselfe still 
 and always in verifying of Ormonds doeings) 
 must needs write vnhandsomly of that venerable 
 congregation , saying (in his litle printed booke , 
 he calls by the name of “ the more ample accompt. 
 pag: 105) that vnfortunat and fatall Congrega- 
 tion gave a scandal which aspersed them, and 
 aspersed not them, and the whole Irish Cleargy 
 alone , but euen their Communion and Religion 
 in its total extent, specially through these 
 Nations. Further he says, they rendred the 
 Catholicks vncapable of any mercy intended by 
 the King for tender consciences; that great 
 E 3 
 
70 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 argument being (saith he) the Irish rebellion in 
 41, the opposition and reiection of the peace of 
 46, with all the circumstances and consequents 
 of euer since the fatall worke of Waterford Con- 
 gregation : the opposition likewise made by a very 
 considerable part of the Cleargy and people to 
 the peace of 48, and the Cleargy’s rendring it at 
 last fruitless (euen I say after a general reception 
 of , and submission to it) by the declaration made, 
 and censure issued at Iamestowne, and by the 
 indeuours before and afther that last vnfortunat 
 meeting of the Bishops; finally their twice 
 forcing, or at least putting a necessitie on his 
 Majesties Leutenant to depart the Kingdom.” — 
 The diuin (who justifyed the casting away of 
 the peace of 46) answered Wailsh in this kind. 
 £This fa: shewed himselfe presumptuous and 0 
 ‘buissie in censuring the Cedars and ‘Pillars of 
 ‘the Church, to whom he ought to bow his head 
 ‘for reuerence, and would haue done soe, hat 
 ‘he been a true and humble child of S. Francis; 
 ‘all he haue said, or can say, will come to 10> — 
 ‘thing, and his arguments will be found of n0@ — 
 ‘more strenght then a wauering reed, (such a thing — 
 ‘he is) for hauing plaid Iack on both sides ; will he 
 ‘dare say he had more piety then all the Bishops and 
 ‘Oleargy of the Kingdom? more learning then they 
 “all inone body? more loue tothe flocksand people? 
 ‘more fidelitie to the King ? more interrest in the 
 ‘nation ? or had he better knowledge of what past 
 ‘since the making the peace of 48, till the meeting 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER: rea 
 
 _ ‘of Iamestowne, then they all ? what authoritie , 
 “power or comission had he to iudge’the decrees 
 ‘of Bishops and Cleargy? he should rather have 
 ‘listened to Seneca’s advise, si judicas, cognosce , 
 ‘know affore you iudge , he knew not the grounds 
 ‘the Bishops. went vpon, and consequently gaue 
 fan erronious iudgment; there needs noe other 
 ‘reasons , or arguments for convincing him then 
 ‘the view of the acts and Decrees of the said 
 ‘congregation: in calling the congregation fatall 
 and vnfortunat, he shews neither education or 
 breeding towards these two venerable meetings,’ 
 He is erroniously mistaken in saying they gaue 
 cause of scandall to the people; as for the reuo- 
 lution of 41. it hath been justified a holy and 
 lawfull war, by a skilfull and learned pen: the 
 Acts of the Congregation of Iamestowne alsoe 
 haue been made good and maintained by what 
 Thaue writen, and was not yet answered by 
 Fa: Wailsh; the peace of 48 was.not rendred 
 {as he pretends maliciously) fruitlesse by those 
 of Iamestowne, or the people: the Irish Comis- 
 Sioners haue ‘sufficiently proued this in London 
 before his Majestie-and Counsel. Besides the 
 Bishops neuer intermedled in that peace , hauing 
 still esteemed the same as a pretious jewel of the 
 Kingdom dearly bought, and such as euery man 
 desired to performe, it hath been already suffi- 
 ciently proued that: they did not render these 
 Articles fruitlesse ; “but Fa: Wailsh sayes, they 
 rendered them fruitleess by putting a necessitie 
 
72 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 (which is the second proposition objected against 
 them) vpon the Lord Leutenant to part the 
 
 Kingdom, and this wee alsoe denie ; Fa: Wailsh 
 
 will find noe such decree of ours to that purpose: 
 if his Excellency was able to doe any good m 
 the extreme condition wee were in, why did not 
 he stay ? the obligation of being Lord Leutenant 
 would haue him stay, and this was not taken 
 from him, the truth is he was not able by his 
 staying to face the enemie, or defend what as 
 yet was in the King’s possession, and this it if 
 
 made him goe away, ashamed and confounded 
 to have lost vs all wee had in our possession, 
 when he made the peace with vs, and that he 
 saw noe way of regaining the places lost, this 
 
 made him leaue the Gouernment with the Lord 
 
 Marques of Clanricard , when he saw evidently 
 
 all was goeing to wrack; they say it is a secret 
 
 instinet of ratts to leaue houses that are like to 
 
 goe to ruine , or vessells that are to be drowned: 
 this truth we haue found by experience; the 
 Lord Leutenant had a stronger ground for leauing 
 Irland, then the secret instinct of these smal 
 beasts, reason made him euidently know that 
 
 Ivland was to be soon lost , (his coming to vs was” 
 
 
 
 
 
 a great, if not the only cause of this vnrecouel* 
 
 able losse) and that destruction was approaching 
 their doores: shall I make this manifest? First 
 there was noe mony, nor treasure to pay the 
 soldiers , which did not vse to fight without good 
 pay, though our cause for fighting was the best 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. vies; 
 
 in the world, for liues, liberties, fortunes’, 
 estates, and religion; wee had good experience 
 of this, and wee neuer saw in any countrie 
 soldiers soe wel paid ; now cleare it is, there was 
 noe way for paying, ergo noe fighting to be 
 expected ; secondly there was noe amunition of 
 pouder far defending the places wee had, nor 
 for field service ; would men (thinke you) expose 
 themselues as marks to the enemie, expresly to 
 be killed without any defense? Thirdly there 
 was noe revenue, or rents to be had for sup- 
 porting in the future the souldrie, officers , 
 traine of Artillerie , pensions for Commissioners 
 of trust, and other necessarie Commissioners 
 attending the Armie and publick : this truth is 
 -cleare out of the Gentlemen Commissioners at 
 London, to witt, “that there was noe towne or 
 considerable place when his Excellency did 
 depart, in his Majesties hands, but Limerick 
 and. Galway, and the Counties of Galway and 
 Clare, the other parts of Connaght being wast, 
 and the rest of the Kingdom lost ; all which (as 
 they auerre) happened before the proceedings 
 -of that part of the Cleargy mett at Iamestowne , 
 as was said before. Fourthly there was noe ex- 
 pectation of ayde from any part of the world.” 
 In this place I shall desire my Lord of Ormond 
 -or Fa: Wailsh for him to name me any person, 
 Lord, Gentleman, Citizen, marchand or yeo- 
 ‘man, that would giue at that time by way of 
 ‘lone, or gift vnto the publick any thing? what 
 
74 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 hopes then had my Lord Leutenant of any ub- 
 
 stance to maintaine the war? they will say there 
 remained as yet the Citties Limerick and Galway, 
 and in these were many rich men; but let him 
 
 tell me who was able to get these riches; the © 
 
 Lord Bishop of Limerick? noe; the Arch-bishop 
 of Tuam ordinarie of Galway ? noe; the Com- 
 missioners of trust ; nor those , noe nor all the Bi- 
 shops and Clergy of the Kingdom with them ; nor 
 
 my Lord Leutenant himselfe ; in whose face they | 
 
 shut their gates: I confess my Lord Leutenant 
 had his faction in Limerick (though the maior 
 and honnester part were against him) the re- 
 corder Stackpole a rotten fellow , his Creaghs, 
 Whites , Macnemarras and Fenells , all these > did 
 not prouide the least in way of loane or other 
 wise: they painted honnest men in ill colours, 
 and tould his excellency vnder hand, they were 
 to be suspected, and feared; but at last they 
 them selues proued traitours and knaues, and 
 these they would haue suspected , proued honest 
 men, true to God, king and countrie ; tell me 
 (I beseech) who were they, who fouly betrayed 
 Limerick to Irton, after many months noble re 
 sistance, were they of the lord Leutenants fat 
 tion; or of those adhered to the cleargy? they 
 were the lord Leutenants people, the aboue 
 
 named , who betrayed the towne and ploud 0 ; 
 innocents: who were they Irton put to death? 
 they were those adhered to the cleargy and King- 
 dom, Terence O’Brien Bishop of Emilie (the 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 75 
 
 Bishop of the towne escaped narrowly) Sr. 
 Geffery Galloway , Geffery Barron, an ornament 
 to his country; Mr. Dominick Faunin Alder- 
 man, Mr. Thomas Stritch Alderman a right 
 honnest man; Mr. Higgens Doctor in physick, 
 and fa: Laurence Wailsh priest, these were all 
 put to death by Irton: Hugo Neale a man nobly 
 borne , and who stoutly before defended Clonmel , 
 taken prisoner was sent to London, committed 
 to the tower, and had suffered but that he proued 
 himselfe Alien born in Flanders, though of Irish 
 parents: did any Creagh or White or Stackpole 
 &c. dye or suffer that day? noe, but Irton one 
 of the kings great murtherers struck dead those 
 he thought loued the king, what noise then doth 
 this giddy friar keape about Ormonds departing 
 the Kingdom, and must stone to death all the 
 Bishops and cleargy for hauing (as he says, but 
 falsly) forced Ormond away? and if he had 
 stayed, let him tell me, what could he doe more 
 then the marquez of Clanricard haue done, 
 whome he left in trust with the Gouerment? he 
 was not able to doe soe much, and this father, 
 and all the Kingdom knew it, and this indeed 
 made him part the Kingdom: let then any tell 
 me doth not Fa: Wailsh speake against his con- 
 science , when he pretends the Bishops did force 
 the Lord Leutenant away; again let this father 
 tell me would not the people that obeyed his ex- 
 cellency’s orders, commands, and letters at 
 Loaghreagh, and who vexed much for his sake 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 76 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 the Bishops and Cleargy for what was done at 
 Jamestowne , and for having indeauoured to doe 
 them all good: didnot these in that Assemblie — 
 disclaime in, and seeme to detest the proceedings 
 at Iamestowne to pleasure his excellencie 
 meane the major part, but not the sounder part 
 of them) would not these people keepe him, if 
 he had been pleased to stay ? nor did the Prelats 
 intend to cross there the major vote of the As-_ 
 sembly , for all their decrees, and excommunica- 
 tions were made with this limitation, that the 
 Assembly whensoeuer they were pleased to meet, 
 could dispose of all things in order to their owne 
 preseruation; and consequently could of the 
 matter of the Lord Leutenant’s goeing or staying? 
 and would not they who soe adhered to him, 
 stand or fall with his excellency? to fall they 
 were sure had he stayed; and some of them knew 
 he went expresly away that he might not be 
 spectatour of soe great a fall and ruine, as that 
 of a Kingdom. a 
 I confess ingeniously the Bishops and cleargy _ 
 at Iamestowne.wished my lord would goe away, 
 and why? for grudg or spleen to his person? | 
 certainly they had noe such thoughts, but they 
 foresaw the ruine and destruction of the people — 
 could not be auoyded he staying with them , and 
 this before. God was their feare and judgement 
 of him, and there could not be in the world @ 
 more evident. presumption for judging and feat 
 ing, as they did, and for this reason (though not 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. Ti 
 
 certaine his departure would cure the dangerous 
 distemper of the Kingdom) some hopes they had , 
 that the vnion of the People would be greater , 
 and courrage, and more cheerfully contribut to 
 _ their owne preservation ; this was really the in- 
 tention and mind of that congregation , which I 
 knowingly doe speake ; let Fa: Wailsh put in 
 print what propositions or dreames he pleaseth , 
 or build castles in the ayre for excusing Ormond. 
 This well grounded feare of theirs, and the de- 
 sire they had of the Peoples preservation , moved 
 them to write to his Excellencie in an humble 
 manner that he would be pleased to take a viage 
 for France to the Queen and Prince (now King 
 whom God preserve) for to get aydes and suc- 
 cour , and to leave the Goverment in some trusty 
 hand; with this letter they sent the Bishop of 
 Drommore (a great frind of Ormond’s) and Char- 
 les Kelly Dean of Tuame to express their inten- 
 tions to his Excellencie. 
 
 Heere I set you downe the letter and instruc- 
 tions, that you may passe your iudgement on 
 them, and first I giue you this notice that in 
 that graue Congregation was not a woord spoken 
 of his Excellencie other then with respect due 
 to his person, qualite, and greatness, though 
 there were then persons present seuerall Bishops 
 and other Cleargymen turned out of their 
 Churches , and homes, not well knowing which 
 way to tarne themselues, which calamitie befell 
 them in time of his goverment. 
 
 F 
 
=! 
 @2) 
 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 The Letter of Iamestowne Congregation to the Lord 
 Leutenant. 
 
 
 
 “ May it please your excellencie wee receaved 
 your letter of the second currant , wherein to our 
 admiration wee saw some expressions that seems 
 meant for casting the blame vpon vs of the pre- 
 sent sad condition of the Kingdom, which wee 
 hope in good time to answer to the satisfaction of 
 the whole world and Nation, in the meane time 
 wee premit this protestation as wee are Christian 
 Catholik Prelats that wee have don our endea- 
 vours with all earnestnesse and candor for taking 
 away from the harts of all, jealousies, and difli- 
 dences occasioned (as wee conceave) by soe many — 
 disasters that befell the Nation of late, and that 
 in all occasions wee were reddy to accompanieé 
 all your Excellencies designes for preservation of 
 all his Majesties interests in this Kingdom, 
 whose state being for the present desperat , wee 
 thought it fit and our duty to offer vnto your Excel- 
 lency our sense of the one only possibilitie and 
 meanes wee could divise for its preservation, 
 and that by the intervention and expression of 
 my Lord of Drommore and Doctor Kelly dean 
 of Tuame; they will clearly deliver our thoughts, 
 and good intentions as to this effect: wee pray 
 your Excellency to giue full credit to what they 
 shall say in our name in this businesse, which 
 will be still owned as our commands laid on them, 
 
 
 
 
 
 ‘a 
 iis 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 79 
 
 and the expression of the sincere harts of your 
 Excellencies very loving servants ete. . 
 “‘ Tamestowne 10. Aug: 1650.” 
 
 This letter was signed by all the Bishops sit- 
 ting in the Congregation. The instructions that 
 accompanied this letter , were as followeth. 
 
 “‘ First yee are to present vnto his Excellency 
 the uast destructions, and desolations of the 
 Kingdom, the Citties, townes, places, etc. that 
 wee have lost in the space of few months , espe- 
 cially Wexford, Ross, Kilkennie, Clonmel, 
 Cashel, Carrick, the forts of Tiecrohan , Car- 
 low, &c. almost the whole Provinces of Munster 
 and Linster, with the churches and church 
 livings in them, and that the Cittie of Water- 
 foord and the fort of Dunkanan blockt vp by the 
 enemie) noe armie being to releeve them) are in 
 danger to be soone lost, as alsoe the rest of the 
 kingdom not yet lost, which is but this Province 
 of Connaght, and the countie of Clare. 
 
 2. “That the People seeing noe visible armie 
 for their deffence to oppose the enemie , are come 
 to despaire of recovering what is lost, or deffend- 
 ing what wee hould; and inclining (for the safty 
 of their lives and estates) to compound with the 
 Parlament, by which agreement the Kings autho- 
 ritie will be infallibly cast off , the Catholick faith 
 (soe wee feare) with the time exstinguished , and 
 the Nation first enslaved , will perhaps in the end 
 be pluckt vp root and branch. 
 
80 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
 3. “ Yee shall protest before God, Angels and 
 men, in the name and behalfe of the Congrega- 
 tion , that the Prelats of this Kingdom have em- 
 ployed their earnest and best endeavour for re- 
 moving the feares and jealousies of the people, 
 and that they have noe power to doe it, finding 
 the vniversal sense of the people to be, that 
 5 doth waite upon these times. 
 
 “Yee shall present to his Excellency how 
 wee isda noe other human expedient remedie 
 for the preservation of this Nation, and his Ma- 
 jesties interest therein, then the speedy repiare 
 of his Excellency to the Queen and Prince iL 
 France, for preventing the destruction of all, : 
 doe humbly pray he leave the Kings authoritie 
 in the hands of trusty persons to his Majestic, — 4 
 and faithfull to the nation, and to such as the 
 affection and confidence of the people will follow, 
 by which the rage and furie of the enemie may 
 with Gods grace receave some interruption ; wee 
 humbly offer this important matter of safty ot 
 destruction of the Nation, and the Kings ‘inter 
 est to his wisdom and consideration , and yee shall 
 assure his Excellency, wee shall in the meane 7 
 time doe what lyeth in our power to assist the 
 persons intrusted by his Excellencie. 
 
 “ Yee are alsoe to pray his Excellencie will be 
 pleased to give yee an answer within few dayesy 
 for that wee are not in a condition to continue 
 long togither.” 
 
 i aske , if there be any thing in this letter, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 81 
 
 message , or instructions, but what is humain , 
 civil, and with great respect to his Excellencie ? 
 In this nature the Bishops soe demeaned them- 
 selves, even then when the greatest danger of 
 distruction was over them, yea when most of 
 them were destroyed alredy, and reduced to ex- 
 treme pouerty , through the loss of the kingdom 
 in the short time of his goverment. 
 
 I further demand is there any thing in this 
 that fauours of treason or disaffection to his Ma- 
 jestie , or of opposing or destroying of the peace, 
 or of desire to put aside the Kings authoritie 
 . and gouerment ?. was there any thing in all these 
 |) proceedings could offend this noble man? or 
 could any man draw out of this an occasion of 
 carping or reprehending the Prelats ? certainly 
 hoe man, excepting this father, or some other 
 Ormonian flatterer : was it I pray you, soe haigh- 
 nous a crime to desire the Lord Leutenant to take 
 a viadge to the Queen and Prince, for to seeke 
 supplies to support the war, and leaue the Kings 
 authoritie behind him, in hope wee might doe 
 some thing against the enemie in his absence by 
 _ these intrusted by him, in as much as he him- 
 selfe did nothing all that time, but lost vs all 
 wee had as likewise what was gained from the 
 enemie in the begining of his owne Goverment ? 
 great Generals have been displaced for want of 
 success , though valorous soever; this have been 
 don in the Roman and Atthenian commonwealths 
 the most florishing in the world. 
 
82 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 An ancient old woman came to Philip king of 
 Macedon in presence of all his Grandes, beseech- 
 ing his Majestie to give eare to her complaints, 
 and doe her justice, the king replyed, he had 
 noe leasure to attend her, at which answer the 
 bould poore woman said in presence of them all, 
 igitur né sis Rex ? what are you King for, but to 
 doe vs iustice? if you will not heare me lay 
 downe your crowne, which you got to doe me 
 iustice ; immediatly this great king stood vp, gaue 
 her audience, did her iustice: would it not, I 
 pray , well become my lord of Ormond to listen 
 to the iust and reasonable request of soe many 
 Bishops, spiritual fathers of the people , while 
 they humbly prayed him to take in hand a viadge? 
 certainly I am confident that the great Manarehs 
 of Spaine and France would give eare to what 
 soe many Bishops would say, and take it much 
 to their serious consideration , and I doubt not 
 but our owne King would have don it, thou 
 of a different religion. 
 
 It hath been easd by some of his owne fr iends, 
 that he himselfe desired to take such a viadge in 
 hand , but in as much as the Bishops desired him, 
 he went backe from his owne resolution , what 
 the reason is I know not, if not to crosse theif 
 desire. 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 83 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL. 
 
 Lhe true Lealousies of the Irish Catholicks 
 at London, that Ormond was to desert 
 them , well set forth by F. Wailsh 
 in a letter to Ormond, with 
 certain observations made 
 vpon the same letter. 
 
 Now we come to the jealousies and feares of the 
 Catholick nobilitie and Gentrie in London, yeare 
 1660. well set forth in a letter from F. Wailsh 
 vnto Ormond, who, not-with standing all the 
 vest did feare , yet the F. did not, nor as much 
 as suspect of Ormonds disaffection and realtie to 
 his countrie, and Catholick frinds, wherefore 
 Ormond may say to him, what our Saviour said 
 to the Centurian, Mat. c. 8. Non inveni tantam 
 Jjidem in Isracl. Here I give you the fathers letter. 
 
 A letter from Peeter Wailsh to the marquez 
 now duke of Ormond and second time. lord 
 leutenant of Irland , desiring a Lust and ' 
 mercifull regard may be had of the 
 Roman Catholichs of Irland , 
 written Octob: 1660. 
 
 “Since [ had the honour of speaking last to your 
 Excellencie , I reflected (by reason of several dis- 
 
84 ' ‘THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 courses had this week with persons of qualitie) 
 on the dayly increase of the feares and jealousies 
 of my countriemen, which is the reason that 
 insteed of waiting vpon you this morning about 
 priuat concernments, (as I intended) I chose 
 rather out of my vnalterable affection to your 
 selfe, to give first this paper, and therin my 
 thoughts , and my desires relating to the publick, — 
 that is, to yourselfe, to his Maiestie, and his 
 Kingdom of Irland. 
 
 “My lord I thought fit to tell you that consi- 
 dering the general feare seized alreddy almost on — 
 all the Nobilitie, and Gentry, and others here 
 of that nation, and reflecting on the vast differ-— 
 ence t’wixt my owne beleefe and theirs , it seemes 
 vnto me I behould in vs all (particularly who 
 have relied for soe many yeares on your vertue) 
 some-what fulfilled not vnlike the misterious ex- 
 tinction of all the lights to one in the ceremonie _ 
 of Tenebrae in holy weeke : for my lord I observe 
 in the generalitie of the Catholicks of Irland 
 here, even (I say) of those, who have been soe 
 long your constant beleevers, your passionat 
 frinds, a dimness and darkness seazing theif 
 judgment, even your fastest sticklers heretofore, 
 loosing at present their expectation of your future 
 appearance for them, and hopes of their delivery 
 by you at any time evermore: some through ig- 
 norance of states affaires , and intrigues obstruct 
 ing as yet; others through inconsideration of 
 these wayes to you knowne , much wiser, though 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 85 
 
 slower then folly and rashness could chalke out : 
 and some-out of prejudice, or an euil will, 
 which blinds them, and makes them abuse the 
 timorousness and credulity of all they can to 
 lessen your esteeme and your dependence, all 
 they are able. 
 
 “My lord, these thoughts, which more and 
 more troubled me dayly , because I have dayly 
 new occasions to reflect on them, and therefore 
 would noe longer but give them your Excellency 
 even in this method and writing, that they may 
 take the deeper impression, as very much con- 
 cerning you, since your one welfare, and the 
 kings and peoples, (in my jugment) very much 
 depend on a good esteeme of soe great a minister 
 as your great deserts have made you. 
 
 “ But with all my lord I will give your Excel- 
 lency my most earnest and most harty desire , 
 that you delay noe longer then shall be necessary 
 to eleare these clouds of darkness, and cleare 
 them in this present conjuncture by an effectuall 
 demonstration of the justice and favour you in- 
 tend the Catholicks in your Articles of 48. when 
 they soe freely put themselves, and their power 
 into your hands.” 
 
 Father Wailsh your letter is well penn’d ex- 
 pressing excellently the general feare that seazed 
 vpon all the Catholics of our nation in London; 
 a truer expression could not be. ‘I observe ,” 
 you say, “in the generality of Irland here, even 
 I say of those, who have beene soe long as well 
 
 F 2 
 
 
 
your constant beleevers , as your stedfast frinds 
 a dimness &c.” And for the better persuading 
 him to shew his vertue and affection to his Cw 
 tholick friends , you tell him , “ his own welfare, 
 the kings &e. did much depend on a great esteeme 
 of soe great a minister as his great deserts have 
 made him:” Nothing can be said in reason to 
 moue a gallant man more then what you have 
 said. In the end of your letter you presse him 
 closely to doe the Catholicks justice by vertue 
 of the Articles of 48. saying “when they put 
 themselves and their power into your hands 508 
 freely.” 
 
 Certainly good fat had Ormond loved you si 
 the Catholicks of Irland (those you name his 
 fastest frinds and sticklers) as much as you and 
 they loved him, would he have given a good 
 answer to your rational lines, but you tell 
 nothing of his answer , if good or bad ; if it were 
 good, I am sure you would have published it 
 amongst the rest of his great vertues, soe a 
 your silence in this: argues noe good answer? 
 all you prayers good fa: to Ormond are in vaine; 
 you have cast your seed in a barren land, Hoe 
 est supra Petram, and your prayers withered and 
 shrank. 
 
 Had Ormond been a worthy man and lover of 
 his country, he had dispersed those clouds o 
 darkness as you desired him, taking away those 
 feares of his true frinds by appearing for the 
 
 nation as behoved a just man, and as he was 
 
 86 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER: 87 
 
 bound by vertue of the articles of 48. himselfe 
 being the kings commissioner vpon concluding 
 that peace. These are the affections and dutyes 
 required at his hands by the Catholicks. 
 
 Doth his greatness (thinke you) give him a 
 Privilege that the Catholicks should love him, 
 and he hate them; that men nobly borne and 
 many other worthy persons should for soe many 
 years rely vpon him putting great trust in him, 
 and he in the end should betray them in the 
 greatest concernment they had in the world ? if 
 he hath in this done like a true Christian or 
 gallant nobleman head of soe ancient a family, 
 judge you and all others ? 
 
 You speake after of Ceremonies and Tenebre , 
 all wee had from Ormond were but Tenebrae and 
 Darkness, nor did your glorious light in the 
 Triangle ever shine propitious to the Catholicks : 
 his trusty frinds and sticklers have too long re- 
 lyed vpon a reed of Egypt, a reed without stay 
 or vertue, such as your Ormond was and is, 
 Such in London of our Nation (as you say) that 
 feared he would prove, as he shewed himselfe , 
 I see were wiser then you, that trusted soe much 
 in him, and could not be persuaded he would 
 play booty in the end and abandon the Catho- 
 licks , their feare was grounded in good reason , 
 and your confidence in him was vaine, and you 
 remaine still deceaved in that your confidence ; 
 oh! would to God the Catholicks had feared him 
 in good time, if soe, Ormond had never come tu 
 
88 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 the power of annoying them, or to loose them; 
 but Sero sapiunt phryges: he deceaved the person 
 most trusted in him, and did beleeve (as you doe) 
 that he would prove the deliverer of his country; 
 I meane the Earle of Clancarty (then lord viscont 
 Musgry) his brother in law, who seemed sore 
 vexed in his dying bed for having placed trust 
 in Ormond, (an errour destructive to his Nation) 
 and tould his Excellency (then was the time not 
 to dissemble) the heauyest feare that possessed 
 his soule goeing vnto an other world was for 
 confiding soe much in him, who deceaved them 
 all, and lost his poore country and countrymen. 
 
 Jt is plain truth (and F. Wailsh you know it 
 to be soe) the great opinion very many of the 
 
 assembly had of the sound jugement of my lord 
 Clancarty (speaking nothing of his high descent 
 
 an fortune) made many of the nobles and gentry 
 follow him , and in the end they all found them- 
 selves deluded. i 
 
 You know well that young Musgry (Clancarty 
 his heire) who was Colonell in France, a stout 
 and valiant person, one of the hopefullest men 
 of his Nation , (who was killed in the first war at 
 sea against the Hollanders) could never indure 
 his vnele Ormond after seeing his simistrous 
 wayes , his cunning artifices, and his deserting 
 the Catholicks soe fouly. 
 
 You have indeed F: earnestly prayed Ormond 
 
 
 
 and conjured him to appeare for the Nation, and — 
 
 to obtaine for them the benefit of the Articles of 
 
 chad 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 89 
 
 the peace of 48. (which he himselfe was bound 
 in honnor and conscience to doe) and you con- 
 stantly expected their delivery by him; and 
 when shall that be thinke you? even then, 
 when the Tews shall see their. Messias long 
 waited for. 
 
 Honnest friar, Ormond hath deceaved you, 
 and tooke a course to increase and secure his 
 owne fortunes, he collogued with your country- 
 men; and in the end stuck to that side, that 
 preyed and robbed them of their estates, and 
 amongst all he had the greatest share, as is well 
 knowne to all; yet not a woord of this in your 
 writings, of the high elogies you give of his 
 wisedom , vertue , and most pretious qualities that 
 can adorne a states-man. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 In this Chapter is clearly set downe Ormonds 
 wrongfull invasion and possession of se- 
 veral Irish Catholich gentlemens es- 
 tates , well expressed in the case 
 of Sr. Robert Lynch knight 
 
 and Barronet. 
 
 Oxmonp hath invaded against conscience justice 
 and honour the estates of hundreds of poore in- 
 
90 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 nocent Catholicks: I beseech you, what title or 
 right had his Grace to the estate of Sr. Robert — 
 Lynch knight? (whom I doe instance for a — 
 thousand more, not for any acquaintance with 
 him) what right I say had he to this knight’s es- 
 tate? vpon what accompt did he invade the islands 
 of Aaron this gentleman’s inheritance and had his 
 son Richard created earle of that place and es 
 tate: it is manifestly known that Dominium 
 perfectum & plenum of ‘said estate was in Sr 
 Robert Lynch and his heires, and yet my lord 
 tooke those lands from him, quo titulo quo jure 
 is the question ; deffend F. Wailsh if you can in 
 this place your great patron; ipsa sunderesis 
 tould Ormond, that he was doeing wrong and 
 robbery the lands appertaning to Sr. Robert, 
 that judicium naturale quo (as S. Basil speakes) ab 
 tniquis, bona facile discernere possumus, clearly 
 convinced Ormond that he was doeing a robbery; 
 that law of nature, quod tibi non vis fieri alteri né 
 feceris , that light of which holy David speakes, 
 signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui domine ; all 
 those sacred lawes cryed out the depriving of Sr. 
 Robert Lynch of his estate, was factum contra 
 legem dei weternam: all those lights of God and 
 nature Gondemnes this fact, soe that finis operts 
 & jinis operantis , objectum circnmstantie ; § omnia 
 que agebat Ormonius erant contra legem Dei; what 
 then can he say or plead for himselfe? or you 
 for him? he cannot alleage that he acquired that 
 Dominium by any pact, stipulation, donation, pet* 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 91 
 
 mutation or prescription; what then will men say 
 in this case ? noe other then that Ormonds inva- 
 ding that gentleman’s lands was apertum lairatinium. 
 Likely you may tell me the King made a grant 
 to Ormond of the said knights estate; you know 
 well that in lege nature noe human power can 
 dispense , and it is certaine that the law of na- 
 ture doth bind all kind of men, and that none 
 can pretend exemption from the force of that 
 law , the impression thereof being a light made 
 in every man’s haert, soe that this law binds as 
 well the prince as the lowest man: legi nature 
 _ (saith Lactantius) nec preerogari fas est, nec derogare 
 ex hoc aliquid licet , neque tota abrogari potest , nec 
 vero aut per senatum, aut per populum hac lege libe- 
 rari possumus: shall I say more? probable it is 
 that God himselfe cannot dispense in the law of 
 nature, take S. Thomas his authority for it: 
 quia id sapientie divine omnino repugnat, 
 proindeque fiert non potest 1. 2. quest. 100 ar. 
 8. § ratio est (saith the saint) quia lex naturalis 
 nihil aliud est, vt docet S. Aug: quam ipsius 
 eterne legis & incommutabilis rationis ipsius 
 divine sapientie in mentibus hominum facta 
 _transcriptio. Now it is evidently cleare a man’s 
 life , liberty , fame, lands, estates and fortunes 
 are his owne by the law of nature, and that by 
 force of the same law gui suis potest se defendo 
 ‘sua, vini vi repellere ; and soe could Sr. Robert 
 against Ormond invading his estate had he beene; 
 able to doe soe. 
 
92 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 But you will say the lands and estates of sub-— 
 jects forfeited to the king for treason , rebellion, 
 and other like crimes by way of attaindeur may 
 be disposed of by the king: I grant that, but 
 this authority for taking away from such men 
 their lands and estates, the prince hath from — 
 the law of nature, which doth not protect any 
 privat man to doe against the publick good, 
 wherefore the commonwealth can take away the — 
 life of a man and his estate, (though both are 
 his by the law of nature) when he transgresses — 
 against the prince or publick good; to whom by ~ 
 pact or law of nature he should obey: this the ~ 
 prince can doe for justice sake , but not for con-~ 
 venience, or at his will and pleasure ; for the 
 bonds prescribed to the jurisdiction of a prince, — 
 are justice, law, and reason, and not to doe his — 
 owne pleasure. Now I would know from you 
 what crime hath Sr. Robert committed ? was he — 
 convinced of any crime against the king before — 
 any bench of justice ? what hath he done? who 
 charged him? the law of England (a good law) — 
 sayes noe man can be condemned but by course — 
 of law, that is the subjeets birth-right, and to 
 that effect are lawes made, that justice may 
 be don to all men: princes are obliged in con-— 
 science to administer justice ackording to the 
 law. 
 
 I demand againe, what hath Sr. Robert Lysdl ib 
 don? you will say he was ingaged in the Irish ~ 
 rebellion, (for soe you still call that just war, — 
 
 Se 
 
 & 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 93 
 
 which you could never as yet prove nor never 
 shall) but grant it hath been a rebellion, Sr. 
 Robert Lynch, as all the confederat Catholicks, 
 had an act of oblivion from the king, in the 
 “peace of 48. ergo your rebellion was pardonned , 
 ergo Sr. Robert Lynch cannot loose his estate 
 for that , nor hath he since that time entred into 
 _a new rebellion , or committed any act of trea- 
 son ; Ormond cannot say he broake the Articles 
 of peace of 48. for he still observed them, and 
 adhered to the gouverment and to |Ormond, 
 and had nothing to doe with the congregation of 
 Iamestowne whose acts were by Ormond es- 
 teemed or reputed treasonable: tell me then 
 what right had Ormond to that noble gentle- 
 man’s estate ? you see the King’s grant (if any 
 he gave) being against the law of nature and the 
 law of the land is voyd, and cannot excuse Or- 
 mond’s conscience, and if the king by a wrong 
 information , had granted one man’s estate to an 
 other, that other cannot prescribe, quia num- 
 quam erat in bona fide, and consequently in 
 conscience he is bound to restore the said estate, 
 because he houlds it mala fide: and the prince 
 himselfe ‘rightly informed is obliged in con- 
 science to have the estate restored to the right 
 owner. 
 
 But now let us returne to the other part of 
 the F ; letter , wherin he vseth a Christian free- 
 dom of minding the king and Ormond how dan- 
 gerous a thing is the violation of publick faith , 
 
94 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 ‘and how such transgressors have beene severly 
 punished in all ages; but above all he brings 
 downe a formidable example of publick faith 
 broken with the Gabionites, and how King 
 David for appeasing the great famin, and the 
 anger of God come vpon the people, delivered 
 to said Gabionites seaven children and nephews 
 of Saul, who crucifyed them alive upon a mon- 
 taine to expiat this publick horrid sin even in 
 the face of sun. Lib. 2. Reg. c. 21. he ends his 
 letter to Ormond thus: : 
 
 “My lord I conclude here but with my harty 
 wishes , that in the house , and at the Counsells 
 of our great king, your Excellency may both 
 appeere , and prove your selfe hereafter , what 
 you are in part already, an other Ioseph , that 
 by the best advises you may preserve the best of 
 Princes and all his people of soe many different 
 nations of the British monarchy ; may it be s0e 
 my lord and may the Catholicks of Irland im 
 particular owne you a great deliverance ; asl 
 can not but confidently expect from you in due 
 time , for my light in the triangle cannot be eX- 
 tinguished. But my lord may not innocent Ben- 
 jamen alone, nor frindly Ruben onely , but even 
 Symeon and Levi, and their complices against 
 you heretofore have cause to blesse God for you 
 here after; may they all find in effect , that you 
 have the bowells of Toseph to forgive and com- 
 passionat them, and his power to deliver them, 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 95 
 
 and his faith to beleeve that God permitted their 
 evil against you even in forcing you twice away 
 
 from them ,.of purpose to preserve you for their 
 
 good, and that you might returne even this 
 second time their great deliverer. Propitious 
 heaven and your owne good Genius (my lord) 
 second my wishes, and may your faith-full be- 
 leever see with his owne eyes the full accom- 
 plishment; that he may employ all his dayes 
 after , and all his labours in consecrating to pos- 
 terity your name, with this Elogium of Ioseph , 
 the saviour of his brethren, and of his country , 
 and of all the People, and these are the harty 
 
 - wishes of my lord 
 
 “your Excellencies most humble 
 “and most devoted servant P. W.” 
 
 _ Here is a glorious perclose of that famous let- 
 ter ; good God what a faire flourish wee have here 
 of magnificent woords, and even nothing but 
 woords, vowes, and dreaming wishes, that will 
 
 take effect at once with the Velleities of the 
 
 damned soules of hell: first he insinuats the great 
 wisedom of Ormond in the house and counsells 
 of the king, and would make vs beleeve he will 
 appeare like an other loseph, and by the best 
 of advises preserve the best of Princes our gra- 
 tious king and all his people of soe many diffe- 
 rent nations of the Brittish monarchy soe as 
 the very Brittish crowne is againe like to suffer 
 an other fatal knock , if Ormond’s divine coun- 
 

 
 96 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 sells and advises doe not. prevent it; what man 
 can read these magnalia without gearing at this 
 fryar’s folly? he then says, may the Catholicks of — 
 Irland in particular owe you a great diliverance, 
 as I can not but confidently exspect from you im 
 good time, for my light in the triangle can not 
 be extinguished. Certainly the man have been 
 in a pleasant humour and some jouiall exstasie 
 when he wrote these things; but I see the spirit 
 of prophesie forsooke this friar long agoe, and 
 nothing (1 am sorry for it) fell out according his 
 prognostication , for Ormond did quite deceave 
 him in his hopes, and astrean predictions, and 
 his false light in the triangle (if ever it was im 
 the triangle) is shamefully put out ; for the peo- 
 ple of Irland in stead of this hopefull deliveranceé 
 owe to Ormond their downfall and vtter destruc — 
 tion. He then speaks of beloved Benjamen 
 of frindly Ruben, as likewise of Symeon and 
 Levi and their complices against Ioseph giving 
 therby to vnderstand that the Catholicks sould 
 Ormond as Ioseph’s brethren sould him to the 
 Egyptians , which is as great a lye as could be 
 framed by a diabolick mind , wheras Ormond, if 
 he did not sell the nation (as Clarendon the 
 Chanchelour did) he hath at leastwise betrayed 
 them in trust; pray good F: name the maq- 
 chand to whome wee sould your Ormond ? tell the 
 price wee had for selling him? name the country 
 he was transported vnto. i 
 Now he comes to the bowells of Ioseph in Or 
 
 i 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 97 
 
 mond, O the mercifull bowells of Ormondin com- 
 passionating his countrymen! It is true he had 
 great power to doe vs good , but turned that pow- 
 er to destruction, carryed away by a spirit of 
 rancor and revenge: wheras you say wee forced 
 Ormond away out of the country, it isa sham- 
 full lye; but he himselfe withdrew, in as much 
 as he could doe noe good to the countrie (as 
 above said) next you tell us he will become the 
 great deliverer of his countrie: O the great de- 
 - liverer Ormond of his countrie and countriemen ! 
 of the Catholicks of Irland , noble Ormond ! that 
 brought. them out of chaines and bondage, that 
 defended them faith-fully against Orery , Mont- 
 rath , and the rest of that rabelment of rebells 
 when they had'a contest before king and coun- 
 sel; that consoled them in their extremities , 
 delivered them from hunger and famin , that re- 
 presented to the king their loyalty and affection , 
 and made good to them the Articles of 48. O 
 _ wonderfull deliverer of the nation Ormond! The 
 lying friar perclosed his letter with this great elo- 
 gium and prayer: That Ormond may prove a 
 Toseph and saviour of his brethren, and of his 
 Countrie and of all the people. 
 
 Change your stile idle and vaine friar, writ 
 truth once in your life, and tell the world that 
 thy Ormond hath not been a Loseph , nor saviour , 
 but the ruine, looser, and’ destroyer of his bre- 
 thren , and countrie and of all the people. You 
 may as wel prove crueltie to be mercy, Helio- 
 

 
 
 
 98 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 gabalus was a Cato Vticensis, or a Photion of 
 Athens , and that Messalina wife to Claudius was 
 a vestal nun , as that Ormond was a Toseph to the 
 Trish. 4 
 Let who please compare Ormond with Ioseph, 
 and then judge this friar apostatizing from all 
 pietie and his order , a lyar in calling Ormond a 
 Toseph. a 
 Joseph in Putiphar’s house was faithfull to his 
 
 maister, contenent and vertuous; Ioseph in 
 prison was patient , obedient to Gods will, and be- _ 
 loved of all; Ioseph in the court and governe= | 
 ment of Egypt was wise, just, humble, and in 
 noe way proud or arrogant ; if Ormond hath those _ 
 vertues , let those that know him tell vs. Ioseph 
 was of soe great wisedom and Providence, as he 
 prevented seaven yeares famine by gathering 
 corne in time of plenty, and selling it in time of 
 scarcity and hunger to the people, thereby pre- 
 serving them all from starving , wherefore Phard_ 
 called Ioseph the saviour of the world : surely the’ 
 friar cannot stile Ormond saviour of Irland or of 
 the Irish in this sense; he preserved none of 
 them from famin , but starved thousands of them, 
 by taking away their lands, estates and bread? 
 this his crvel tyrannie and oppression of the poore- 
 makes them strick the gates of heaven with 
 grones and sighes and cryes, they all say aloud 
 Q Ormond cruel man ! “ thou hast taken away the’ 
 pleadge of thy brethren without cause, and the 
 naked thou hast spoiled of cloathes , widdowes thot! 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 99 
 
 hast sent away emptie , and the armes of pupills 
 thou hast broken in peeces.”” Tob. c. 22. 
 
 Those are flatering friar the workes of mercy 
 | Ormond thy Ioseph have done the Catholicks of 
 Irland; that is the tenderness of his mercifull 
 bowells towards them, those are the effects of his 
 great affection and care of them; and all this 
 being soe, speake fa: Wailsh truth and shame 
 the divel , what hath thy Ormond to doe with Io- 
 seph ? thy Ormond (I say) a man, (of whome it 
 is generally spoken and beleeved) could never 
 forgive any thing that looked like an offence , or 
 injurie done him, wheras mercy was the great- 
 est vertue in Ioseph, and his remitting and for- 
 Siving the injuries done him by his brethren who 
 sold him over to the Egyptians. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Evident proofes of Ormonds deserting the 
 Catholichs cheefly drawen out of his 
 owne letter to Orery. 
 
 From the feares of the Catholicks of our nation 
 in. London, that Ormond was to desert them, 
 ‘4nd their good cause, let us pass to cleere argu- 
 ments fully convincing that noble man of this his 
 mind and determination to abandon said Catho- 
 licks and joyne with Orery and the rest of that. 
 tribe, as really he did. 
 

 
 100 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 God said to the Prophet Ezechiel. “Son of man 
 digge the wall , and when I had dige’d the wall 
 there appeared one doore and he saith to me, 
 goe in and see the most wicked abominations, 
 which they doe here.” Iam nowcomming to digg 
 the wall, where you shall see the abominations 
 Ormond was doeing even about the time the cre 
 dulous friar wrote him the above letter ; what 1 
 am to say here will appeare evidently by Or 
 mond’s owne letter to Orery, which is in this 
 forme. A 
 
 aed 
 Ormond’s letter to Orery. i! 
 
 } 
 
 “My Lord agreable to the particular frien 
 ship I desire to have inviolably with your Lom- 
 ship, that upon occasion , the King’s naming me 
 to the gouvernement of Irland, I should have 
 writen particularly to you, but I held it not so 
 particularly necessarie, because I vnderstood ® 
 principal condition is that noe change should be 
 made in that, hoever it may make me more @ 
 less able to serve you, soe that I presume on the 
 old foot , and lay asside all ceremonies : [hope Jol 
 will find, that since I had some title to make it 
 my business , the maine dispaches in order to the 
 setlement of that Kingdom, have not gon 
 slower then before, which with some thrifty 
 terations hath past his Majesties approbation in 
 full counsel, and will speedyly be transmitted, 
 and if it be possible the great act of setlement 
 With it, that with the retrenchements, the sed 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 101 
 
 fitie as well of their possessions , as of a constant 
 payement, of what is left of pay, may be secured 
 vnto them ; I assure you noe diligense nor meanes 
 shall be wanting or omitted on my side to hasten 
 both to you. I thank your lIdsp. for General 
 Preston’s pious oath, I neaver saw it before , but 
 the fruits of it, and of an other perjurie soone af- 
 ter I found ; and in truth found nothing but di- 
 rect treachery and disobedience from the gene- 
 ralitie of that people, governed by the worst spi- 
 ritual guides, that ever lead a poore people to 
 destruction , but they doe, and it is just they 
 should , find the smart of it: I have a designe to 
 make that smart where it is reason it should, it 
 is to execute the act in all the fundation of it, 
 which must be immoveable by way of plantation , 
 and transplatation (I meane of the Irish) for it 
 must be laid as a ground, that noe adventurer or 
 soldier shall be removed from his lott, by which 
 all the ends of satisfaction and security , I think 
 will be mett; which my conceptions are in the 
 | hands of your frind , and tells me he liketh them 
 | well; when they are brought to forme you shall 
 have them sent you. Iam yours &c. Ormond. 
 hs 
 
 
 
 Bs oe 
 ls 
 
192 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 A paraphrase vpon the misterious meanin) 
 of this letter. ie 
 In this letter a blind man may parceaue the 
 vreat affection Ormond beares to the Cromwé 
 lians , and his longing desire to see them paid and 
 satisfyed of all their challenge and demands} 
 more could not be desired by them , then whatis 
 promised by Ormonds letter (the 12. Counties 
 Irland that Cromwel and the then parlament ak 
 lotted them) the same affection and care he hase 
 of the adventurers of London , as deeply in 1 
 bellion as the rest Vnderstood here ; “ for it must 
 be (said Ormond) laid as a ground, that noe al 
 venturer nor soldier shall be remoued from his 
 lott , by which all the ends of satisfaction ands 
 curitie, I thinke will be mett ; which my concep 
 tions are in the hands of your frind, and tells m 
 he likes them well:” this frind he meanes 1s Ul 
 rendon, who sold away Irland and the Cathe 
 licks of Irland; Ormonds conceptions ran vp? 
 the satisfaction and securitie of the Cromwelials 
 that they should not be remoued from their Jott; 
 neither the adventurers ; in manner that by #8 
 frindly distribution , there was nothing left to the 
 Catholicks, for what the Cromwelians and ade 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 103 
 
 venturers possessed , were 22. countyes of thirty 
 two in all Irland. 
 
 If Cromwel were but aliue againe , and hauing 
 an act of grace from his majestie for himselfe , 
 he could not demand nor desire more for his close 
 Sticklers, then what Ormond assures them of. 
 Good friar trouble your braines noe more with 
 these Strained letters of yours vnto Ormond as 
 for favour to the Catholicks , conclusum est.con- 
 ‘tra ipsos: all is disposed of, and to the very re- 
 bells, your Ormond have stopt his eares to your 
 flattering eloquence, and left nothing to the 
 poore innocent Catholicks , an eternal staine and 
 blemish to his name and family: and this he was 
 plotting (to your confusion friar be this spoken) 
 this he was plotting I say , even then, and at the 
 same time you strained your witt to pen him that 
 learned letter: it is much, that for the confi- 
 ‘dence he placed in you his prone Orator, and af- 
 fection he bore to his noble brother in law Clan- 
 carry, and Kindness to his gallant nephew 
 young Musgry, that he concealed all these his 
 hidden stratagems from you all, even from his 
 intimat ould frind Mr. Beling. 
 
 _ This letter is replenished with tender love and 
 affection to Orery, “my lord (said Ormond) agre- 
 ‘able to the particular frindship I desire to have 
 inviolably with your lordship :” what a sudden al- 
 teration (if they be sincerely spoken) is this, a 
 ‘noble man held still to be a royalist, to become 
 soe vnexpectedly a fautor of Cromwelians, a 
 

 
 104 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 speedyly be transmitted , and if it be possible the 
 great act of setlement with it” &c. Ormonds bir 
 siness here (which he made his maine worke) was 
 to vndermine and destroy the Irish intrest his se 
 tlement,, (as hee means) is to see all disposed of to 
 the Cromwelians, Aduenturers and Souldiets, 
 not forgetting himselfe, and some others, ® 
 treacherous to Ireland, as hee himselfe, ot Or 
 rery ; heere you may take notice of his godly 
 conscience in hauing a speciall care to os 
 
 constant payment (of what is vnpayd,) secute 
 for the vngodly crew: tell me Ormond, Sauiol! 
 and Toseph of your Countremen, what is a 
 meaning by a constant payment to those sf 
 fought soe vigorously against the Crowne a 
 Royall Bloud? is this the Crownes interes!’ 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 105 
 
 _ will you haue reconciled enemies constantly in 
 pay, and seruice? is this loyalty or loue to the 
 King, to turne out true, and faithfull men to 
 | the Crowne, and confirme bloudy Traytours in 
 theyr place? How many be there, that won- 
 ders as well abroad as at home, his Maiestie 
 takes noe notice of these proceedings ? certainly 
 there can be no great argument of loue to the 
 King, in forsaking his constant and faithfull 
 subjects & making new frindship with his ap- 
 proued enemies , thy affection to Orrery & others 
 doe sound some misterious pollicie, as men of 
 weake capacitie cannot reach ynto, howeuer, 
 there be those, that say that the roote of all this 
 proceeds from an vnsatiable desire of (auri sacra 
 fames) and willingness to be reuenged on the 
 poore catholicks of the Nation. 
 
 He then thanks Orrery in his letter for an 
 oath hee sent him that General Preston made , 
 and sayes hee never saw it before, but found 
 the fruits of it, and of another perjurie soone 
 after. I need-not in this place make mention of 
 _the ancient and noble familie of General Pres- 
 ton (Viscount of Taro) cadett to the most noble 
 house of Gormanstowne the eldest and first house 
 of viscounts in Irland, a familie allwayes true 
 and faithfull to the crowne, and of great pietie 
 and deserts ; that the said Generall ever show’d 
 hemselfe a gallant and valiant man in all dan- 
 gers, is well knowne, and though Ormond and 
 Orrery both have been Commaunders of Ar- 
 
 G3 
 
 
 
106 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 mies, the first under his Majeste, and the other 
 under Cromwel, I can scarce beleeve either of 
 them , gained (by , or in any expidition) as much 
 honour and applause as Preston had at the seege 
 of Lovain (where beseged by the French in the 
 year 1634.) by a sallie made in the head of 300, 
 of his owne regiment, vpon St. Peters day early 
 in the morning , breaking vpon the French quat- 
 ters , routing and killing all opposed or resisted 
 him , to the losse of 200 and eightie French soul 
 diers, returning victorious sound and safe with- 
 out loosing a man, and was received with triumph 
 and joy of all the people of Lovain, which no 
 ble exploit of his is celebrated by the famousest 
 writers of those dayes , as Vernulceus and Pu 
 teanus. There was in General Preston a nother 
 thing of greater prayse than all this, true Vertue 
 and pietie, being a man that feared God, and 
 loathed to doe against his commandments, s0€ 
 that it is a calumnie to call him perjured; but 
 if Orrery and Ormond shall be admitted to judge 
 honest upright people, many will be by them 
 censured as noble Preston is, for perfidious, alt 
 perjured men: but pray why may not Preston 
 and others say to this Ormond, “ Quis te consit 
 iuit Judiceme” I will conclude with Genera 
 Preston, for whom I doe say , that his life bems 
 sifted out from his childhood, he will not l® 
 found to have done any base or vile action. 
 Here Ormond is not resolved to stopp, Du 
 passes on further and sayes to his new mouldéet 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 107 
 
 Friend Orrery: “and in truth I found nothing 
 but direct treacherie and disobedience from the 
 generalitie of that People :” it is true “ Quod ex 
 _ abundantia cordis os loquitur ,” in this place; but 
 _ I would have his ‘grace know (in a frindly man- 
 _ ner I speak) that there is nere a Butler a live, 
 nor have been in times past, noe, nor of the 
 Geraldines nor Bourkes (families renowned as 
 any of the Butlers) nor even of the old princely 
 _ bloud of that nation , as your o Brian, o Nealls, 
 o Mourchoes, o Donnells, Macharties, o Con- 
 nors, &c., whose word or testimonie would be 
 _ esteemed , as to the blemishing of the generalitie 
 of a nation, to make them treacherous and per- 
 fidious: Father Walsh harken and take notice 
 of this splendid attestation your great Mecnas 
 Ormond gives of the Catholick people of Irland , 
 that in truth hee found nothing but direct Trea- 
 cherie and disobedience from the generalitie of 
 that people: what man soe impudent, would 
 mantain soe notorious a reproach and infamie 
 cast vpon a sound body of men, a whole nation 
 faithfull and loyall ever and all wayes to the 
 King: in this place good Father I discover that 
 (notwithstanding your intimacy with Ormond) it 
 doth not stopp him from giving you, the lie, 
 who in severall places of your writings doe prove 
 the generalitie of the Nation (though you write 
 against some particulars) to have been loyall and 
 faithfull to the King , now Ormond doth blemish 
 the generalitie of the Nation by the fore-men- 
 
108 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 tioned spott , hee turnes to the Bishops, Pastors, 
 and Fathers of the people, and tells his loving 
 Orrery, the people were governed by the worst 
 spiritual guids, that ever lead a poor people te 
 destruction , and sayes further , they doe it, and 
 it is fitt they should find the smart of it, and that 
 hee hath a designe to make the smart when itis 
 most reason it should be. 
 
 Heere my Lord Duke usurps a great presum- 
 tion in saying the Bishopps were dismall guides 
 to the people: he is far mistaken in his false 
 Suppositions, the Bishops were not they ,that 
 misguided the people, & lead them a stray, he 
 is mistaken I say again. Vox populi sayes it 18 
 he, and he alone (Ormond I mean) that. lead 
 them blind fould, deluded , and trapan’d them to 
 theyr destruction , downefall and ruine , Seazing 
 vpon all they had, Fortune, Libertie, and Es- 
 tates , with the rest of his complices, and not the 
 Bishops. 
 
 This good Duke seems to have a strange anti- 
 pathie to these venerable Bishops, for each 
 where he affronts them , (an argument of an ig- 
 nominious minde) hee wil have noe peace with 
 them. Though his Grace a while after the 
 Kings restauration was created Duke , and Lord 
 Steward of the Kings house, and Lord Leute 
 nant of Irland, and one of his Majesties privie 
 counsel in England and Earle of Brecknocke (in 
 Wales) created , that he might sit in the Parla- 
 ment of England; to be short hee attainted t0 
 
 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 109 
 
 that hight of favour, with our good King, as 
 none in the three Kingdoms did reach vnto ; yet 
 all this signified little or nothing to him, till he 
 had seen those Catholicke Bishops (allredy much 
 afflicted) trampled under his feet , theyre suffer- 
 ings could not appease his wrath, theyre inno- 
 cencie could not satisfie his conscience , nor theyre 
 integritie rectifie his erronious judgement; but 
 must needs write to his beloved Orrery , his new 
 friend, saying “that these Bishopps were the 
 worst spirituall guids that ever lead a poor peo- 
 ple to destruction.” This is Ormond’s testimonie 
 to,the King of the good Bishops; he sayd thev 
 _ were Traytours and disaffected to his Majestie 
 and crowne, (and sayes the same still) all this to 
 kindle his Majesties indignation against them , 
 and by that way to see himselfe revenged of an 
 injurie (hee imagined) don him by those of th-- 
 congregation of Waterford and Iamestown, of 
 which wee have sayd enough above. 
 
 Saint Paul himselfe (diuine trumpet of the 
 word of God,)though hee suffered cheerfully 
 and innocently many reproaches, contumelies , 
 and imprisonments for Gods cause and sake, 
 yet hee would not have his fame to be taken 
 away or stain’d Bonum est enim (saith the 
 Apostle) mihi magis mori quam ut Gloriam meam 
 Quis evacuet ; Saint Ierome, in Imitation of 
 Saint Paul, sayes Ad Silentiam: Apostolici et 
 Exempli, et Precepti est, ut Habéamus rationem 
 non conscientie tantum, sed etiam fame ; Finally 
 

 
 110 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Saint Augustin Sermone tertio de vita Clericorum, 
 
 hath these words, tenete quod dixi atque distin 
 , q q 
 gute, due res sunt , Conscientia , et fame , Consei- 
 
 entia Necessaria est tibi, fama Proximo tuo, qui 
 
 Jidens Conscientie sn@ , negligit famam suam crude- 
 lis est. ‘The Bishops being innocent are to follow 
 Saint Paules Example, to defend theire fame 
 against Ormond, and greater man than hee, 
 
 and theire Innocency , Piety , and knowne in 
 
 tegrity will throughly defend them. My opinion 
 is that Ormonds vnquietness coms from the hight 
 of his spirit: for that the appetite of ambitious 
 
 men is commonly soe inordinate, & theire 
 
 will soe unbridled, they cannot. indure to see 
 themselves thwarted in the least, or crossed, 
 soe that, though they possess never soe much 
 contentment in all things , yet if in the least they 
 finde themselves opposed, all the rest seems 
 
 noysome unto them; an Example of which wee 
 
 have in Holy Scripture, (in the book of Hester,) 
 
 of Aman. who abounding in wealth and honour, 
 
 Pleasures, and glories, seeing that Mardochaus 
 
 the poore Iew, let him pass without doing him — 
 
 any reverence , (which Mardocheus did out of 
 feare of offending God, knowing well Aman 
 was a deadly enemie to God, and to the Jewes :) 
 was soe vexed therwith, that hee assembled his 
 
 wife , Children, and frinds , having told them of 
 
 all his Glories and Familiarity with the King 
 
 Assuerus, and how hee alone was inuited a long 
 
 with the King, to Queen Hesters banquet, hee 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. lil 
 
 said: ana for all I have this pompe , magnificence 
 and Glorié, I think I have nothing , as long as 
 I see Mardocheus sitting before the Kings doore , 
 and performing mee noe reverence (Even soe 
 Ormond, having all Glory, and prosperity , 
 yett thinks hee hath nothing , while the Catholick 
 Bishops (that offended him not) doe not pros- 
 trate themselves at his feet , and submitt to his 
 blindly transported Iudgment.) Then Zares 
 Amans wife and his frinds answered him, 
 saying , commaund a beame to be raised of sixty 
 cubits high, and speak to the King on the 
 morning, that Mardocheus may be hanged 
 thereon, and soe thou shall goe Ioyfull and 
 merily to the feast, but all went quite to the 
 contrary , and to Amans expectation , and to the 
 ‘expectation of all his frinds; the Gibbet raised 
 by Aman, for Mardocheus, was turned to 
 Amans owne destruction. 
 That hee (as I said before) for his great ambi- 
 tion , accompanied with a revenging minde , can 
 have but little ease or rest; The Prophet says , 
 Impius quasi mare servens, quod quiescere non 
 potest “ The wicked man is like a swelling Sea, 
 which cannot-rest ;*” there can be noe greater 
 executioners or torments to the minde of man , 
 then ambition, enuy, and anger, this made Horace 
 ‘say, Invidia siculi non invenere tyranni tormentum 
 majus. The tyrants of Cicilie never found a 
 greater torment then enuy. 
 Isa. cap 57. 
 

 
 112 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Seneca tells us the ambitious man receiveth 
 not soe much econtentement by seeing many 
 pehinde him, as discontent by seeing any before 
 him ; there are many great men in this age sick 
 of this disease, such as cannot know when they 
 are well, and though great they be, will striue 
 still to be greater, soe that they can at noe tyme 
 be at ease or at quietness , much like that Italiam, — 
 who. being ‘well, must needs take phisick, and 
 dyed thereof, vpon whose sepulchre this Ep 
 taphe was engraved, I was well, and would be — 
 better, I tooke phisick, and came to the 
 phereter. . isa 
 
 Plutarch expresseth naturally this unquietness 
 of ambitious mindes in Pyrrhus King of Epirob, — 
 who having greatly enlarged his Dominions with — 
 the conquest of the great Kingdom of Macedo: 
 nia, began alsoe to designe with himselfe t 
 conquest of Italy, and having Communic 
 his deliberation with his great couselour Cint 
 hee. demaunded his advice, whertoe Cineas 
 answered, that hee greatly desired to = 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 what hee meant to doe when hee had. conquered 
 Italy ? Sir quoth Pyrrhus, the Kingdom 
 Cisilie is then neere at hand, and deserveth 
 be had in consideration , as well for the fertilit} 
 as for the riches , and power of the Iland. Well 
 quoth Cineas , and when you have gotten Cid 
 ly, what will you then doe? Quoth Pyrrh 
 Africk is not farre of, where there are di 
 goodly Kingdoms, which partly by the fam 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 113 
 
 _ my former conquests, and partly by the valour 
 of my souldiers, may easily be subdued. I grant 
 it quoth Cineas, but when all Africk is yours, 
 what mean you then todoe? When Pyrrhus 
 saw that hee urged him still with that question ; 
 _ then quoth Pyrrhus, thou and I will be merry, 
 and make good cheer; whereunto Cineas re- 
 plyed , if this shall be the end of your adven- 
 tures and labours, what hindereth you from 
 -doeing the same now, will not your Kingdoms 
 of Epyras and Macedonia suffice you to be 
 merry, and make good cheere? and if you had 
 Italy , Cicily, Africk , and all the world, could 
 you and I be merrier than wee are, or make better 
 eheere than wee doe? will you therfore venter 
 your Kingdoms, Person, Life, Honour, and 
 all you have to purchase that which you have 
 already? Thus said wise Cineas to Pyrrhus, 
 'reprehending his Immoderate ambition, who 
 knew not when he was well, neither yet what 
 hee would have, seeing hee desired noe more 
 then that which hee had alleready , which in the 
 end cost him deare; for following his owne 
 ambition, and unbriddled appetite, to amplify 
 his Dominions; as hee gott much, soe he lost 
 much being able to conserve nothing any tyme, 
 and at length having entred the towne of Ay- 
 ros by force , hee was killed with a brick batt 
 throwne down by a woeman from the top of a 
 house ; heere you see the wretched end of Pyrr- 
 hus his ambition. 
 H 
 
Ta a 
 
 114 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 » Had Ormond such a counsellour by him, as 
 Cineas was, & heard unto him, hee had lickly 
 been happier then he is at present, such a 
 counsellour I mean as would say unto him 
 intrepidly , when hee tooke the course of strip- 
 ping honest gentlemen of theire estates; my 
 Lord I would desire to know what you resolve 
 to doe , when you have by hooke and _ crooke in- 
 grossed the lands, and inheritances of Innocent 
 persons , poore widowes and Orphans unto 
 your selfe; when you have obtained all, is the 
 thing you ayme at, only to make good cheere, 
 and be merry? if this be your designe , you need 
 not trouble yourselfe soe much , nor expose your 
 conscience to danger, nor your honour to such 
 an Ignominous shame and infamy , (which shall 
 endure to all ages) in taking away that which is 
 not your owne? farre better content your selfe a8 
 you are, and feast upon that great patrimony 
 your Predecessors left , cannot that estate which 
 maintained them honourably (without damaging 
 any other) maintaine and content you? but 1 
 see this is an evill familiar, those exalted to the 
 height of greatness and favour in the Princes 
 eye have noe counsellours that will speak freely 
 the truth, as worthy Cineas did to Pyrrhus; 
 few are neere Kings and Princes, can say that 
 which Seneca requires to be said by just upright 
 men, Loguimur quod Sentimus, et Sentimus 
 quod Loguimur, “this is a thing wanting Mm 
 Court ,” Homo qui dicat vesitatem , which Seneca 
 
 i 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 1 es! 
 
 excellently expressed to his frind , Lucilius, thus 
 Monstrabo tibi cuius rei impia Laborant magna 
 fastigia, quod omnia possidentibus , desit unum 
 Scilicet qui verum decit ; “They live not in 
 courts and the houses of Kings that will severly 
 speake, and sincerely the trueth,’ what man 
 can without teares behold soe many great per- 
 sonages, even Christians in this age, that live, 
 and doe farre wickeder things, then Gentils or 
 Pagans have don, or does, which had more 
 respect and regard to theire Idols (in whome 
 they apprehended some dietie) then those to the 
 true and liuing God. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 If Ormonds attendance, and service 
 upon the King in his banishment, 
 met with sufficient recom- 
 pence and reward. 
 
 Tis querie you may take to be something ex- 
 travagant , such another as if one had. doubted 
 whether it be day , even when the sun shines, 
 and is scorching of the earth , putting men into 
 such heat and sweat, as they must of all neces- 
 sity put of theire cloathes; however this querie 
 is quickly resolved, by calculating the yearly 
 
116 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
 rents Ormond had before the warre , and confer- 
 ring the same with this his present estate, in 
 
 doeing of this the work is don, and your ques- 
 
 tion resolved ; what rent say you had hee Imme- 
 diatly before the warre ? 7000. pound sterling 
 noe more ? in as much, as that vast estate of his. 
 was engaged to men in long Leases, Morgaged,. 
 and incumbred with Annuitys; what then is his 
 present rent and estate? neare vpon eighty 
 thousand pound starling annuall rent (and I 
 doubt whether any subject in Europe have the 
 like estate, som say hee hath more,) but how 
 coms it that a man, that came home naked and 
 bare after soe many yeares toe and froe in the 
 world, (as severall other noble men in poverty 
 and need) came so suddainely by such vast acqui- 
 sitions? This is quickly answered; all was 
 made over to him by the kings grant, as for Ex- 
 ample , Six Corporations , (which his Ancestours 
 never had) all the estates of his house leased, 
 soe that the leasors are constrained to begg, hee 
 had alsoe conferred vpon him the estates and 
 lands of many honest faithfull subjects ; all this 
 and more bestowed vpon him by his Majestyes 
 free grant ; now see you whether his. service and 
 attendance vpon his Majesty, be plentifully re- 
 quited or noe? My Sentiment of Ormonds ac- 
 quisitions I delivered in the case of Sir Robert 
 Lynch as a bove, now whether the King hath 
 duly and legally bestowed other mens estates 
 vpon his Grace, is left to every mans thought, 
 
 a 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 117 
 
 to think what hee will; however I am of this 
 opinion , that (all being well considered by his 
 Majesty , and this portentous liberality to that 
 noble man, well examined ,) his Majesty will 
 finde but little content or joy therin, nay to the 
 contrary , his Royal hart will be in an ocean of 
 unquietness , seeing soe many deserving families 
 numberless widdowes , Innocents and orphans, 
 deprived of theire propper right, forced both at 
 home and abroad to unspeakable wants, con- 
 sumed by hunger, vermin, and miseries, and 
 all this, to raise up the greatness of one man’s 
 familie, that was great enough of it selfe ; If the 
 Law of God or nature will allow of soe many 
 thousand Innocents to perish and be destroyd , 
 by depriving them of theire rights and lively- 
 hood, is a maxim that toucheth “much his Royall 
 wisdome, for it is written, that God will have a 
 care of the widdowes and Putiierléss , and in due 
 tyme will chastise and oppress the oppressors of 
 those ; thousands of Innocents are sacrificed in 
 this our age, to increase the estate of one man, 
 can Lustice suffer this? can the mercifull breast 
 of a mercifull King endure to see soe many speck- 
 tacles of woes and miseries without reliefe ? will 
 not God at long running looke downe vpon these 
 vnlawfull proceedings? certainly hee will, and 
 to the confusion of the possessors. 
 But Let us grant the parents of those Innocent 
 creatures ran into a Rebellion , (as Ormond, Cla- 
 rindon, and others falsly suggested to the King) 
 
118 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 have the little babes, (not borne at that tyme) 
 been rebells? What have they don against the 
 Crowne? Must they all suffer and perish for 
 theire Parents crimes? (crimes only imputed to 
 them, but never proved ;) God himselfe sayes, 
 Filius non portabit iniquitatem patrie, “The childe 
 shall not beare the iniquity of his Father ;” but 
 Ormond says the contrary , let them suffer and 
 perish for the errours of theire Parents, soe 
 that I may be thereby both great and wealthy ;_ 
 Iustitia Tusti (sayes the Holy Ghost) super eum , 
 et impietas impij super eum, ‘The Lustice of the 
 Tust fall vpon him, and the Impiety of the Im- 
 pious vpon him ;” the quite contrary is in this 
 case , for the Iust have. not found Iustice, nor 
 mercy , the Innocent children (of the supposed 
 rebells) are punished as Impious, left naked and 
 to noe mercy. Saint Ierome his saying is not 
 regarded in this place, Nec virtutes , nec vitia pa- 
 rentum liberis Imputentur , “ Let not the virtues, 
 or vices of the parents be imposed to the Chil- 
 dren ;” there is a God above all , when hee comes 
 to examine those open injustices, Clarindon 
 Ormond and others and the rest (instruments of 
 the ruine of soe many thousand honest families) 
 will not appeare, all will be made more cleare to 
 theire confusion ; but wee must leave the Inno- 
 cent to God , who though he is pleased to Chas- 
 tise them with the Rod of his anger (out of his 
 secret and just Iudgments , the which wee must 
 adore) yet the cruelty of those afilicters , (who 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 119 
 
 plunged as in an ocean of Calamaties) will not 
 escape his seveare sentence and Iustice. What 
 a ridiculous conceipt is it, of some of Ormonds 
 flatterers, who tell the World, Ormond waited 
 on the King out of meer affection , and therby 
 lost his estate and fortunes at home: truly noe 
 man hath bine wiser (if it be wisdome to deuest 
 and robb honest men of theire estates) then Or- 
 mond in his acquisitions, which as the world 
 sees, are great, but the malediction of God doth 
 follow things unjustly acquired, and likely the 
 bread hee now eates dipped in the teares of wid- 
 dowes , and blood of the Innocent doth not taste 
 sweetly : 
 
 I could not heare of any had the fortune that 
 Ormond had in the time of the Kings exile, hee 
 was still near the King, knew all his Arcana, had 
 the comfort and honour to suffer with his King, 
 (a sufficient recompense for all his attendance) 
 and at the same tyme his Lady (a wise woeman) 
 was honoured and comforted by Crumwell; and 
 her children much carressed by his children, soe 
 gratious was this Lady in Crumwells tyme, and 
 in his eyes, that shee obtained three thousand 
 pound or more for her joynter per-annum; who 
 more inward with the King then Ormond ? who 
 more respected by Crumwell then the Lady of 
 Ormond ? and shee well requited Crumwells 
 kindness, to his relations, cheefly to his sonne 
 Harry, upon the Kings restauration, who ob- 
 tained upon her knees from the King (as we 
 
120 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 have been informed) that Harry Crumwell might 
 enjoy the estats given him in Ireland by his Fa- 
 ther in the tyme of his Protectorship, among 
 other lands hee had that of Mr. Sedgrave of Kil- 
 leylan a good and ancient familie, which estate 
 he sold to one Sir Patrick Moledy knight , who 
 possesseth it to this day, and the relict of said 
 Sedgraves Mistres Jane Nottingham (a good and 
 vertuous Lady) lives very poorly and in a sad 
 condition with her children, without joynter or 
 relief; and soe my Lady Dutches of Ormonds 
 
 solicitations for Harry Crumwell, weare for the 
 
 childe of him that murthered the Kings Father 
 
 and against a poor widow and her babes, a widow 
 
 whose Father and Kindred were ever faithfull to 
 
 the crowne , and were not these think ye Godly,’ 
 and misterious prayers and intercessions. 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 121 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How the frugality , and laudable husbandry 
 of the Ancient Renowned Heroes, did 
 content it selfe, and have bine 
 satisfyed with small rewards 
 given them, for their 
 rare services by the 
 common wealth. 
 
 Great reason, that deserving men should be 
 looked upon, and requited according to the ser- 
 vice don to their country or Prince ; this custome 
 hath been exercised in the best, and most flou- 
 rishing common wealths of Rome, Athens, Car- 
 thage , and Lacedimonia , who reflecting vpon the 
 deserts of theire people, and services don the 
 common wealth at home and a broad, did by 
 statutes express eternize theire names, and fami- 
 lies vnto posterity , as alsoe by gifts and rewards; 
 And these (soe collated) munificencies , were by 
 distinct names called, as some, by the name of 
 Adorea, martial praise, another was called 
 * Corona Aurea”, a gold crowne, Navalis a sea 
 fight crowne, soe Castrensis , and Obsidionalis , 
 a field and siege crowne , &c., now and then they 
 gave your Hostas Deauratas gilded speres, and 
 H 3 
 
ee Ware, Po TNee Wet a 
 
 122 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 some times they gave certaine akers of ground 
 and measures of corne, more or less as they de- 
 served , and such measures were called Hemina, 
 which in phisicall measure is not three gallons: 
 heere it is to be noted how great Heroes, and 
 champions anciently were recompenced: for 
 theire extraordinary services don to the (common- 
 wealth) with small presents , and , well contented 
 were they with the same, soe great have been 
 theire frugal husbandry , and parcemonie in all 
 theire life, that hardly wee can give credit to what 
 historians write of theire wonderfull moderation 
 in their publicke expenses, of Pompes, feast- 
 ings, and showes; Great men were sober in 
 those ages. ‘Titus Livius, tells us Quintus Cin- 
 cinatus was carried from the plough, to the dig- 
 nity of a dictator; which warre being ended, 
 hee returned chearfully to the plough againe; 
 hee relates alsoe how the Ambassadors of the 
 Samnites found Curius Dentatus, another Dic- 
 tator , making ready, and cleansing of rootes for 
 his supper, and even at that tyme, hee says; 
 there were noe more in all the Roman Armies of 
 waiting men (such as wee call calones) but two? 
 Marcus Anthonius , not hee (that fatall man to 
 Cicero, and to the Common-wealth,) but a nother 
 Chosen Consull of a great Armie design’d in t0- 
 Spaigne, had but eight servants, soe Carbo in 
 the same dignity placed, (as wee read) had but 
 seven} what shall I say of Cato the senior , whe 
 in the same Imployment , power and commissivl 
 
 é 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 123 
 
 for Spaigne , had but three; however this Cato 
 named the censor (though contented wisely with 
 such a small retennue) was Captaine Generall in 
 theire Armie , a famous oratour, and a prudent 
 counselour reputed by the Common-wealth, (in 
 the Common-wealth,) and by all Rome for his 
 sober life , was called a good father to his chil- 
 dren, a good husband to his wife, a frugall 
 housekeper, and a man (a great praise in those 
 days) well skill’d in the plough. 
 
 Epaminondas a famous Captaine , Protectour , 
 and flower of the Thebans , who fought soe many 
 battaills valiantly , nevertheless it is written, hee 
 
 had but one sute of Cloathes, which, when re- 
 quired reparation , hee was forced to keep house , 
 till mended and brought unto him; This Epami- 
 nondas I speak of, dyed soe poore, as not soe 
 much in his house could be had, as to pay his 
 funeralls, which was performed by the Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 What need I speak in this place of Phocion , 
 Socrates, and Iphaltes, Miracles of nature , and 
 wisest of Athens? ‘This Phocion, who fought 
 26. battaills, victorious allways, and triumphant 
 over his enimies , yet a greater dispiser of riches , 
 honours, and titles, (as histories doe testify ,) 
 refused one hundred talents, sent unto him by 
 Alexander the great as a Present, demaunding 
 of those brought the Present , what was Alexan- 
 ders meaning in sending to him alone, and only, 
 that Present, they replyed, for as much as hee 
 
124 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 takes you to be the only man of honour, and 
 merit amongst the Athenians: to this hee an- 
 swered briefly, why then let Alexander leave 
 mee soe during my life, which is a thing I can- 
 not be, if I receive and accept of his talents of 
 gould; vpon the same Phocion, Alexander of- 
 fered to bestow severall Citties , but hee answered 
 the Messenger, goe, returne, and tell thy Mas 
 ter Alexander , that I took him to bee of soe no- 
 ble a spiritt , as he would doe nothing that might 
 render himselfe and mee in famous, which is like . 
 to follow if I accept of his gift, for hee will be 
 esteemed a bryber, and I taken for a corrupt 
 man, and traitour, to my country. in this place 
 I could make mention of Cato Iunior, Glory of — 
 Rome, a man did hate to flatter any body, this — 
 Cato brauely opposed Pompeius the great in som 
 things, and denyed him is daughter in Mariage, 
 saying I will not give my Daughter in hostage to 
 Pompeius , for feare that hee himselfe , (by that 
 action) should be against the Common-wealth: 
 yet after Iulius Cesar became Tyrant, this Cato 
 rancked himselfe on Pompeius his side , soe much 
 was this Cato addicted to poverty, and all sort 
 of hard suffrings, that it is written of him, and 
 of Phocion , that they went a great part of the 
 yeare bare foot , and bare headed. 
 
 These prophane examples of those Heroick 
 Champions, I have brought heer expressly to — 
 the great confusion of our Christian dissolut 
 great personages, that they may see how these 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 125 
 
 rare vertues shined, and were Imbraced by Pa- 
 gans, which they abhor to exercise, or have 
 seen in themselves, Frugality , Humility , honest 
 and discret poverty, zeal to theire Country, 
 contempt of wealth and honours, moderation in 
 theire pomps, showes, and, feastings. These 
 are the vertues, and the weapons with which 
 those ancient Heroes kept theire common-wealth 
 in peace and Concord, Glory, Wealth, and 
 Prosperity ; with these I say they have eternised 
 theire fame to future ages, not with Pride, Am- 
 bition , Extortion, Emulation, Deceits, Vaine 
 Assentations, Gluttonies, and the like vices 
 familiare to Christian personages. 
 
 Certainly there is nothing procures in a Com- 
 mon Wealth sooner, Envy , & Discord , betwixt 
 person and person, then to see som very rich, 
 and others very poore, (equality among fellow 
 subjects is a pretious pearle in a Common- 
 wealth) for Commonly wealth puts men up to 
 such a height of pride, as to contemne and dis- 
 ‘spise other beneath them , and they soe dispised, 
 can not but beare enuy, and hatred to those 
 dispises them. Omne pomum habet suum vermem , 
 veru autem diuitiarum superbia est, every apple 
 have its owne worme, the worme of wealth is 
 pride; This age wee live in is mounted“o the 
 height of ambition and pride , wee are all going , 
 or would faine goe beyond our reach, pride in 
 our eyes, and pride in our thoughts, pride and 
 ambition in all our actions, now a days forsooth 
 
126 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 to set forth an Ambassadour, wee must have a 
 whole legion of servants in theire retenue, asif 
 
 his embassy could beare noe force otherwise un-— 
 less the wealth of a Common-wealth must be 
 exhausted to support those Extravagancies, Rete- 
 
 nues, and needless traynes: wheras honest 
 Cato the Consull (a greater man then they for 
 dignity) contented himselfe with three servants 
 
 The Historian Justinus gives us a rare exam- 
 
 ple of this. After a peace had bene concluded 
 
 between the Romans and King Pyrrhus, Cineas_ 
 
 was sent by him to the Romans for better con- 
 
 firming that agreement. Ad pacem confirmandam — 
 
 Cineas Roma cum ingentibus a Pyrrhus donis mis- 
 
 sus neminem, cuius domus muneribus pateret, 
 
 nvenit, ‘That is “ For better confirming a peace 
 with the Romans Cineas being sent to Rome 
 with great presents found noe house open to re-_ 
 
 ceive those guifts.” O rare contempt of gould 
 and guifts in Rome that in soe vast a citty noe 
 
 house was found, would receive guifts , noe doore- 
 open to Cineas with his gould, alas there is noe 
 such citty now in rerum natura: it was Impossl-_ 
 
 ble such a citty as Rome was then could be taken 
 or betrayed. We have in England a rare ex- 
 ample of integrity in Sir Thomas More Chan- 
 cellorsof that kingdom, a Lady presented him 
 
 a cupp of gold, a while after a sentence was 
 
 given for her in a just cause. Sir Thomas re- 
 ceived the same; and much commended the 
 
 workmanship and -value thereof, and then had 
 
 Ae 
 
 
 
 u 
 = 
 ‘ 
 7 
 : 
 iF 
 iy 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. were 3 2.7 
 
 it filled with Spanish wine, and drank to the 
 Lady, saying, Madam you gave mee a cupp of 
 gold fil?d with good wine and hee dismiss’d her. 
 O when shall England see again such a Chan- 
 cellor! certainly Chancellor Hyde was not such 
 a man. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Rewards given by the Common-wealth 
 of Rome unto two noble Romans Hora- 
 tius Cocles and Caius Musius for 
 theire rare services don to 
 thetre country. 
 
 Tue right order is to begin with the exployts 
 of the two noble Romans, and after to come un- 
 to the rewards and remunerations given them 
 for theire stupendious service; Titus Livius the 
 fluentest of historians, Lzbro Secundo Romane 
 Historie setts forth these gallant mens services 
 in this nature; having Porsena King of Etru- 
 rians beseiged Rome (saith Livius) non unquam 
 alias ante talis terror Senatum invasit , adeo valida 
 tum clusina erat, magumque Porsena nomen, nec 
 hostes modo timebut sed suos met cives, ne Romana 
 ‘plebs metu perculsa receptis in urbem regibus, vel — 
 cum servitute pacem acciperet; “Att noe tyme 
 
128 THE UNKIND DESERTER, 
 
 have such feare ceased the Senat, soe strong a 
 thing then Clusina was, and the great name of 
 Porsena, which did not only feare the enemies 
 but even their owne cittizens, for apprehention — 
 the people of Rome strucken with feare of 
 king’s againe received into the Citty , and would — 
 accept of a peace with slavery.” 
 Porsena made warre with the Romans, to 
 have proud Tarquin theire king admitted once — 
 againe, whome the same people banished a way — 
 with all that race, for the foul rape of chast — 
 Lucretie and other Tyrannies, at this tyme ~ 
 there was a woodden bridg that crossed over the © 
 River Tyber supported by many pyles fastened — 
 in the ground, through this bridge Porsena’s ” 
 men thought it easy to make theire way into the ~ 
 citty , Horatius Cocles a noble Roman, (a man ~ 
 worthy of perpetual prayses) had the keeping of 
 this bridg, when he saw all his men fall back 
 and retyre , hee obtested and prayed them by all” 
 that is, or can be deare to the Gods Immortal, 
 and by ‘the sacred liberty they were fighting for, — 
 to stick to him, and defend the bridge, other-— 
 wise that the enemies would quickly master the 
 bridge, and disperss themselves in the capitale, — 
 and hart of Rome, insulting over the Circum- — 
 script Fathers , killing and putting all to the © 
 sword, men women and children, hee Further © 
 desired and would have them stay , at least to” 
 cast and breake downe the bridge by all possi- 
 ble meanes, and that hee himselfe in the mean” 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 129 
 
 tyme would putt a stopp to the Enemies , rushing 
 in upon them; this would not doe, they must 
 away, two only of the number remaining by 
 him; “ Duos tamen (saith Livius) cum eo pudor 
 tenuit , ambos claros genere factisque S. P. La- 
 crium,ac, T. Hermantium. The rest at length 
 by great entreaty fell upon breaking the bridge , 
 and while they were in that work, he pray’d 
 those two worthy men to goe back unto theire 
 Fellows, and hee alone stood looking vpon the 
 Etrurians with flaming eyes, daring them to 
 com, and try battail with him , upbraiding them 
 with the name of slaves to Tyrants, that came 
 to inuade the Roman liberty ; the Army stood 
 amazed , beholding this unspeakable wonder , to 
 see one man daring a whole Army, having made 
 a loud cry , they let fly theire darts at him, the 
 which this gallant Roman receiued undaunted 
 with his shield, drawing neare they endevoured 
 to fling him downe from the Bridge, but the 
 Romans having brooken downe the Bridge by 
 this tyme, gave great outcryes of joy; at this 
 Horace being armed leapt into the river, (Saying) 
 Tiberine pater , te Sancte precor hec arma et hune 
 militem propitio flumine accipias , notwithstanding 
 the store of darts they flung at him in the river, 
 hee gott a way safe, Swimming over to his owne 
 people, who was very Ioyfully received: The 
 Historian concludes , Rem ausus est plus fame habi- 
 turam, ad posteros quam fidei ; ‘ee attempted 
 that a thing is to have more fame by posterity , 
 
130 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 then Creditt ;” In the mean tyme Porsena not-~ 
 withstanding that this attempt of the Bridge had — 
 noe success, kept his close siege to the Citty, in” 
 manner that they were in evident danger to be’ it 
 at long running, overcome by his Army ; ; Heer 
 Succeeded ‘a noble action, a gallant man Caius» 
 Mutius by name appeared ‘to free the Citty from 
 this Feare , a resolute young Gentleman ; fer ‘vent 
 in afection to his Country, as Cochles was e 
 Cajus Mutius his designe was to kill Porsena,” 
 the great enemy of Rome; resolving in his” 
 minde this great enterprise, hee came to the” 
 Senate and said, Zransire tiberim patres , & intrare 
 st possim, castra Hostium volo, non preda né 
 populationum invicem ultor, majus si dij Iuvant m’ 
 animo est Facinus ; “ Fathers conscript, my Trée= 
 solution is to pass over Tiber, and soe rush into 
 the enemies Camp, not to plunder , or to doe- 
 any devastation, For, if the Gods will but help” 
 mee, I have a greater matter in my minde;” Of 
 these expressions the Senatours approved much,* 
 hee departed , and soon came into theire Campe, 
 having a knife or dagger under his coat to kill” 
 Porsena , and having approached the place the’ 
 King was, it fell out, that it was a pay-dey” 
 
 with the Souldiers, drawing neare hee killed a” 
 Commissioner or ‘Secretary neare the King - 
 thinking him to be the King, and sve gott a 
 way, making place for himselfe with his sworde! 
 brandishing before him, till at last overlaid by” 
 the multitude, hee was taken , and brought” 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 131 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 before the King , being questioned who hee was, 
 and from whence hee came, hee answered more 
 like unto a man to be feared, then a man in 
 feare ; saying to the King, Romanus sum ciuis , 
 C. musium vocant , hostis hostem occidere volui, nec 
 ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad cedem, et 
 facere , et pati fortia Romanum est ; “ A Cittizen of 
 Rome I am, by name C. mucius, I thought as an 
 enemy, to Kill an enemy, neither is my hart 
 ybackwarder to dye, then it hath bine forward. to 
 Kill you , to doe, and suffer strong things is the 
 part of a Roman.” At which undaunted Ex- 
 Pressions the King amaized and troubled , com- 
 Maunded to inuiron him round about with fyre , 
 but the Couragious young man putting his right 
 hand in the fyre, and there holding it, as not 
 feeling the fyre , (said generously ,) Hin tibi !. ut 
 Sentias quam vile corpus sit is, qui magnam 
 |Gloriam vident ; “Behold! that you may know 
 how vile is the body to those who sees great 
 glory ;” The King astonished at the hand bur- 
 Ning without any regard of payne, leap’t out of 
 his chaire and commaunded the young man to be 
 removed from. the Altar, and then said to him 
 these Kingly words, Tu vero abi in te majus , 
 quam in me hostilia ausus, juberem macte 
 wirtute esse , si pro mea patria ista virtus staret , 
 nunc jure belli liberum te, intactum, inviola- 
 tumque dimitto: tum Musius, quasi remune- 
 ‘rans meritum ; quandoquidem inquit est apud 
 te virtutt honos , ut beneficio tuleris a me, quod 
 
132 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 minis nequistt.  Trecenti conjuravimus prin- 
 cipes Inventutis Romana , ut in te hac via gras- 
 saremur, mea prima sors fut, cetert, ut 
 cuique ceciderit , primo, quo ad te opportunum 
 fortuna dederit ; suo quisque tempore aderunt, 
 “ Be you gon, more Cruel to your selfe then to 
 mee, I would wish you to be of good courage, 
 if that vertue had been for my Country , by the 
 Law of warre, I now dismiss you untouched, 
 unviolated ,” to whome Mutius said, as if to 
 recompence the favour don, in as much as. you 
 regard vallour, and vertue , you gett that fold 
 mee by the benefitt you doe, which you could, 
 not by threats. 300 Of the Chiefest youths of, 
 Rome , wee have conspired to invade you in this, 
 nature , It fell out I should be the first, the rest 
 each one in his owne turne, as it will fall out 
 will performe theire duty, Matuis being sent t0_ 
 the Romans (after this was called Sccevola, for 
 the burnings and woundings of his right hand). 
 Porsenna seeing his life was saved by chance. 
 that time, and that there were as yet 200, and 
 ninty-nine more of the Primest of Roman youth, 
 designed to the same expedition ; of his owne 
 accord hee offered the Romans a-peace, am 
 vpon honourable conditions one of them being, 
 (that which they desired above all) that hee) 
 would have noe more to doe with Tarquin, ne 
 his people ; Alio (said the King) Hinc sew bello, 
 opus est, sew quiete exilio querant locum, 
 nequid meam vobiscum pacem destineat , dicta, 
 Sacta meliora adjecit. 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 133 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - Could there be more or nobler services don for 
 a mans country , then these Horatius Cochles and 
 ¢. Mutius attempted ? it is not easy to be desided, 
 Which of these two showed greatest vallour and 
 affection to Rome; Cochles hee alone fought a. 
 Whole Army and freed the Senate, the people, 
 from Massacres, and Rome from being taken 5. 
 Mutius terrifyed King Porsenna , contemned the 
 force of fyre and removed the siege by his strange 
 éxample of fortitude vpon most honourable con- 
 ditions for the Romans; Oh two Glorious Cham- 
 a of Rome! O Immortal Heroes! O Patriots 
 aming with charity and affection! when shall 
 We finde in this age such unspeakable services ? 
 Now as to the rewards given them. 
 “What rewards think you had Horace, and 
 Séevola given them: as to Horace (as Livius 
 Says Grata erga tantam virtutem Civitas fuit , sta- 
 tua in comittis posita: “The Citty was kinde and 
 Gratfull towards such meritts and vertues , then 
 was by order an image errected in the Senate 
 house for him ;” I must confess that was honour- 
 ably don, but what more? . What other recom- 
 ce and remuneration have they given? Agri 
 van vno die Circumaravit datum, “ As much 
 ground as hee could in one day plough ;” what 
 haye they lotted for Mutius? Patres (sayd Li- 
 vius) Caio Mutio virtutis causa , trans tiberem agrum 
 dono dedere ; “to Mutius the senate for his rare 
 Virtues hath given beyond the River Tiber a 
 Platt of ground as a gift, Qui postea Mutia prata 
 

 
 134 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 appellata ,” which’ afterwards was called by the 
 name of the Mutian Green; Heere you may see. 
 the recompence given to these incomparable men 
 was but a few akers of ground, with which their 
 sobriety remained satisfied, having don all they 
 did out of affection to their country , not for selfé” 
 end or hope of remuneration. 
 
 Having spoken of the rewards given by Rome 
 to Horatius Cochles , and to Mutius for unparal 
 leld services and attending upon the King in time - 
 of his exile; I dare say , in the first place, there 
 is none of the adorers of Ormonds vertues, (not 
 one) will presume to say, that the greatest of all 
 his services hee did the King, came; it coul 
 com neare, those of the foresaid Romans; ye 
 if wee compare both their remunerations 0 
 gether , theires will appeare like a graine of sandy 
 compared with Mons Olympus, as for the lands 
 given him, hundred thousand of akers, is the 
 meanest gift of all; but what doe I speake of 
 Ormond , Lord of a most ancient family of Earles_ 
 of above 300 years. (The first Earle of that fa 
 mily Iohn Butler by name, was created in the 
 Raigne of Edward the third , anno. 1328.) Whet 
 George Lane his recompences are mounted to a 
 vnreasonable measure, 2 man inferior to thou: 
 sands, both for his birth and service to te 
 King , Ormond’s secretary now Sir George Lane 
 this Lane , by the King’s grant of other mens 
 tates enjoys many thousand akers of ground, fat 
 more than Cochles , or Mutius , the deliverens of 
 
 ‘ 
 
 | i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 135 
 
 Rome had, thisnew knight had confered upon him 
 the estates of two worshipfull esquires that of Mr. 
 Thomas Wading of Waterford , and that of Mr. 
 Philip Hore of Kilshalchan ; the seate of Kilbarry 
 neare Waterford, hee hath from the former , a deli- 
 cious place , with the whole estate vpon a thousand 
 pound a yeare, and Kilshalcon within seven miles 
 of Dublin, a faire seat with the livings of eight 
 hundred pound yearly, these gentlemens chil- 
 dren (which were many in number) by this mu- 
 nificencie, are to shift for themselves in great 
 misery, the Lord knowes in what condition they 
 
 are in, and this befalls them and several others , 
 - that George Lane should be gratifyed (an un- 
 
 knowne man). For writing for Ormond, hee 
 
 has conferred vpon him, other estates, in all 
 
 neare vpon foure thousand pound annuall rent 
 (this wee are informed) brave rewards for a Se~ 
 ceretary ; I dare confidently say stout and valiant 
 Collonells , Officers, and Gentlemen of quality , 
 which firmly adhered to the King, Fought 
 stoutly for him , and lost both life in the bed of 
 honour, and estates in his service, have not, 
 nor any of theires, in recompence received the 
 least provision, reward, or comfort: in this I 
 may say that George Lane, his penn hath been 
 more Fortunate and profitable to him , then these 
 noble gentlemens swords have been unto them: 
 a sad incourragement, and cold satisfaction to 
 worthy Royalists to see this little Lane and such 
 like night-sprung-musheroms to have suckt the 
 

 
 136 THE UNKIND. DESERTER. 
 
 Fattness of the earth from farre better plants 
 then themselves, and perhaps the hands of ag 
 
 low men as themselves, will be ready to pluck 
 them up root and branch , when the season shall 
 
 serue, to cleare the Land of such weeds; by 
 
 what meanes this will com to pass I am quite Ig- 
 
 norant, but I think the Lustice of God will make 
 
 way for it, and take, not only from George Lane, _ 
 and men of that ranck , but even from Ormond, — 
 and the greatest of them all, the conferred es- — 
 tates of honest men, for seldom the blessing of — 
 
 God doth accompany unjust plunderers and rob- 
 
 bers. And it is the opinion of severall true 
 
 harted subjects to his Majesty, that things are 
 
 not like to prosper with himselfe , untill this be 
 
 don. 
 
 
 
 But I heare sum body say, Ormond hath don — 
 the King great service, though he hath not pre-e — 
 served the Monarchie of Brittaine , as Cochlesand — 
 Mutius did that of Rome, and that his affection — 
 to King and Country have been as great as 
 theires to the Senat, and common wealth of — 
 Rome , occation being only wanting: as For his — 
 affection to King and Crowne, I beleeve hee had — 
 as much as another noble man, (but to his Coun- 
 try , where hee hath his estate and lands hee had ~ 
 none at all.) If affection to the King can draw — 
 rewards, and Remunerations, there be thousands - 
 loved the King , and the intrest of the Crowne of 
 England as much as Ormond ever did, and ap- 
 peared undoubtedly in all occations , against the — 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 137 
 
 Kings enemys, nevertheless thousands of them 
 never had an Aker of ground, nor a Cottage to 
 shelter themselves in, in frosty weather, in re- 
 compensation of such affection: therfore I doe 
 heire conclude that Ormond was happily Fortu- 
 nate in his affections to the King , and Crowne , 
 and others were not, having obtained those Ex- 
 traordinary rewards from his Royall Majesty, 
 which in the insuing Chapter I doe resolve more 
 amply to discover , and speak of. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The ‘Reni tee the Duke of Ormond 
 had from the King after his 
 Restauration. 
 
 TueEsE remunerations will bee found soe great, 
 that you must needs confess Ormond was not 
 Loyall gratis ; neither doe I in any way doubt 
 but there bee som Bassa’s of the great Turck , 
 and some of the chiefest of them would come and 
 serve our King, and serve him Loyally for soe 
 incredible a recompence as Ormond had; Let us 
 now speak of the quantity and quality thereof 
 according to the best notice wee have received. 
 Wee have said above his Annuall rents before: 
 the warre was but seven thousand pound starling 
 (his ancient estate being then incumbred with 
 
138 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Annuitys, and Leases, which otherwise was 
 worth forty thousand pound starling per annum) 
 and at present it is vpon Eighty thousand, now 
 the first part of his new great revennues is the 
 Kings grant of all those lands of his owne estate 
 which were leased, and morgaged; the rest 
 were grants of other mens Estates, and other 
 gifts of his Majesty: for auoyding the trouble of 
 searching after all his particulare gettings , (many 
 there are without doubt unknowne to mee( I will 
 here put downe certaine Queres in number 29. 
 Out of which, hee, that will, may take notice 
 of these Immense recompences given him. 
 
 Queries touching the Present Condition 
 of his Majesties Kingdom 
 of Ireland. 
 
 1. Whether it be not demonstrable by search 
 made into the Records of his Majestys Auditor 
 General of Ireland, that had his Majestys Re- 
 venue of that Kingdome been well managed, 
 there had been money enough to answer the ne- 
 cessary Charge of that Kingdome ? , 
 
 2. Whether upon search made of his Majestys — 
 Exchequer in England, there doth not appear © 
 upward of two hundred thousand pounds sent out — 
 of England into Ireland since the Duke of Or-— 
 monds last Government there ? 
 
 3. Whether there doth not appear that there 
 were twenty-four subsidies amounting to three 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 139 
 
 hundred and sixty thousand pounds Assessed by 
 the late Parlament of Ireland ? 
 
 4, Whether there was not fifty thousand pounds 
 advanced out of the soldiers and Adventurers 
 rents? 
 
 5. Whether the aforesaid summs thus extraor- 
 dinarily raised, do not amount to above six hun- 
 dred thousand pounds ? 
 
 6. Whether the aforesaid extraordinary summs 
 would not discharge near Four Years of his Ma- 
 jesties Establishment both in the Civil and Mar- 
 tial List , Indepeudently of the Revenue of that 
 Kingdom? 
 
 7. Though the aforesaid summs extraordinarily 
 raised would have paid near Four Years Estab- 
 lishment , yet whether the Martial and Civil Lists 
 be not a Year and half in arrear ? 
 
 8. Whether his Majestyes Ordinary, certain 
 and casual Revenue, which if well managed, 
 might have fully paid his Majesties necessary 
 Charge, whether vpon the aforesaid Principles 
 it is not demonstrable, that the said revenue 
 hath not discharged more than one year and a 
 halfs Establishment in six years time ? 
 
 9. Whether it be not demonstrable then , that 
 there hath been more than Four years and a half 
 Revenue embessed in six years time: and whe- 
 ther the chief Governor be not more Faulty in 
 this great miscarriag; then the Earle of An- 
 
 glesy. 
 
140 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 iS Queres in Relation to the Lord 
 Duke of Ormond. 
 
 1. Whether by sale of offices , as Lord Steward 
 and receits out of his Majesties Exchequer of 
 England, the Lord Duke of Ormond hath not 
 raised upwards of 30000£? 
 
 2. Whether he did not receive by one Act of 
 Parliament of Ireland as a gift , 30000£ ? 
 
 3. Whether it doth not appear by the Records. 
 of his Majesties Treasurie in Ireland, that his 
 Grace did receive 12000£. Before his being last 
 Leutenant ? 
 
 4. Whether he did not receive 12000£ per 
 annum as Lord Leutenant’, which was a Moyetie 
 more than any Lord Leutenant received ; and 
 that Moyetie amounts in six years to 36000£? 
 
 5. Whether it doth not appear that his Grace 
 hath released by the Act of Settlement 60000£ : 
 due to honest men and good subjects, vpon his 
 estate before the rebellion ? 
 
 6. Whether his Grace hath not received 
 30000£ out of Soldiers and Adventurers lands , 
 which he invaded and entered upon without any 
 Title , as appears by the Records of the court of. 
 -claymes in Ireland which hath decreed the Lands 
 from him ? : 
 
 7. Whether by the Act of Explanation he hath 
 not got the Citty of Kilkenny, and six other 
 corporat Townes , together with their Lands and — 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 141 
 
 Liberties , valued by himselfe and his friends of 
 the Councell but at 60000£. though they are well 
 worth 12000£? 
 
 8. Whether he did not obtain by special war- 
 rant from his Majestie 72000£ out of the Soldiers 
 and Adventurers half year Revenue ? 
 
 9. Whether there is not confirmed to him 
 50000£ more by the Explanatory Act, for 
 waving a grant which he got by the Act of Set- 
 tlement ? 
 
 10. Whether he had not got as many Gentle- 
 mens estates, upon the pretence of enjoying all 
 Lands that he could prove (by witnesses) to have 
 paid him any chiefrey, as is worth at least, 
 150000£ and whether also, he hath not ob- 
 tained that for the said Lands, no quitt Rent 
 be paid to the King, which grant at 3d. an acre 
 per annum amounts to 26000£ ? 
 
 11. Whether he hath not arbitrarily layd vpon 
 the inhabitants of the City of Dublin 8000£ per. 
 annum, amounting (for these six years past of 
 his Government) to 48000£ ? 
 
 12. Whether he hath not against the Funda- 
 mental Laws and Magna Charta, inclosed divers 
 parcells of Land belonging to the Kings good 
 subjects without their consent, to the value of 
 1500£ per annum at the very gates of Dublin, 
 to the great prejudice of that citty and the coun- 
 try ; the profit of which Land and Park, he hath. 
 bestowed upon the Lord of Dungannon and Co- 
 lonel Cook ? 
 
 13 
 
142 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 13. Whether it be credible, that his Grace is 
 vealous for the English and Protestant interest , 
 seeing it is not possible for the Soldiers and Ad- 
 venturers to be reprized according to his Majes- 
 ties gracious Declaration ; when his Grace hath 
 swallowed up in gifts and grants the best part of 
 the Stock of Reprizalls , and hath made or per- 
 mitted such Embeslements of his Majesties re- 
 venue, and applyed the Royal authority , wholly 
 to gain vast advantages to himself, and whether 
 by preferring his own private gains and grants, 
 before the Publique good and the Iust right of 
 the Adventurers and Soldiers , he hath not un- . 
 settled the Kingdom of Treland , and unsatisfied 
 the two main interests of Protestants (the Sol- 
 diers and Adventurers) to such a degree, that it ~ 
 it is to be feared , it will be a continual charge © 
 to England , to keep to the rules of the Acts of - . 
 Settlement ‘and Explanation so destroyed and 
 desperate a people: and whether all this expence , 
 trouble and danger , for preserving the Duke of 
 Ormond and his Family (that it is as much Irish as 
 any can be) in other mens Inheritances , and 
 Rights , be the interest of England or agreable 
 to the Maxims of sound Policy ot of Christian i 
 piety ? 
 
 14. Whether such of his Majesties Protestant — 
 Subjects of Ireland, as have escaped the Duke — 
 of Ormonds Proviso have not Tust srounds to — 
 fear that if the same Duke of Onwond should > } 
 continue in his Gouverment, and press, as Now ¥ 
 
 vs 
 
 Seat 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 143 
 
 he doth, the Payment of 1000001. they will not 
 be in a condition to live, or to pay his Majesties 
 quit Rents, and the necessary charges of the 
 Kingdom ? i 
 
 15. Whether after the Prohibition of trans- 
 porting Cattle, and so much oppression , by the 
 Lord Lieutenat and his Creatures, it be possible 
 For his Majesties empoverished Subjects of 
 Ireland, to pay the 3000001. assessed by the 
 Explanatery Act, whereof the First 100000 1. is 
 for his Grace ? 
 
 16. Whether his Grace had not a Great regard 
 For his Majesties service , when he lately pressed 
 the King and Councel to call a Parliament in 
 Ireland, For imposing new Taxes vpon that 
 miserable people, and For confirming all his 
 own new acquisitions, whereby the Soldiers , 
 Adventurers and Nominees are defrauded of his 
 Majesties intended Favours, and the English 
 interest utterly destroyed ? 
 
 17. Whether the Duke of Ormonds gifts and 
 grandis amount not unto 630000 1. and whether 
 this Summe would not have satisfied all the 
 English interest of Ireland, and have settled the 
 Protestants an well meriting Natives of that 
 Kingdome in peace; whereas now his Majesty 
 and all Christendom is troubled with their 
 Clamours against the breach of Publique Faith ; 
 and all this stirr, destruction of the people , and 
 discredit of the Government, to humour one. 
 particular man , whose merit is not so extraordi- 
 

 
 144 . THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 nary , as his management hath been vnsuccesful. — 
 
 18. Whether not only some of the Nobility of — 
 Ireland but very many of the Nobility , Knights — 
 and Gentry of England have not lost greater 
 revenues , and richer moveables for being Cava- — 
 liers, then the Duke of Ormond, whose Estate — 
 was much incumbered , and his rents before the 
 rebellion exceeding not 70001. per Annum, and — 
 during the Warr, got more by his Government 
 of Ireland, and giving up Dublin, then he could 
 if he were in possession of his Estate : ? ‘ 
 
 19. Whether such as endeavoured to conceale 
 these miscarriages and miseries of the Kingdom 
 of Ireland From his Majesties and the “Pare 
 haments knowledg, and yet strive to have t 
 Duke of Ormonds distructive Government co 
 tinue , deserve not to be questioned by the Pa 
 lament, as betrayers of the Publique good, a 
 of the Lawes and Liberties of England ? 
 
 20. Whether it be fit, that the “Government of 
 Treland should continue so long in one person, 
 as it hath in the Duke of Ormond, though 
 were not an Irish man, and all his relations 
 were not Papists , and very great Enemies of t 
 English and Protestant interest ? ; 
 
 What man can apprehend or read _ these 
 incredible -gettings, and recompenses (give 
 Ormond) without amaizment? By the nine first 
 Queries you see his grace is as yet countable for 
 many thousands , of thousands of the two hundy iy 
 thousand pound, sent out of England into Ire 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 145 
 
 land, since his last government there; and of 
 the three hundred and sixty thousand pounds 
 assessed by the Parlament of Ireland; and fifty 
 thousand pound advanced out of the Soldiers and 
 Adventerours Rents: and that notwithstanding 
 those vast Summs , the Marshall , and Civil listes 
 were a yeare and halfe in arrears; Let his 
 Majesty call him to question, or Forgive him, 
 both is in his Royall breast to doe; in the 20. 
 Queries in relation to the Lord Duke of Ormond 
 himselfe , you will finde that hee received in all, 
 as in gifts, and grants, that amounted to six 
 hundred and sixty thousand pound starling: if 
 this wonderful and strange masse of treasures be 
 not sufficent Recompence and reward, Let the 
 reader judge; For this amounts (according to 
 Marchants rating a Tunn of gould) to sixty three 
 tunns of gould; one Tunn of gould only makes 
 a great noyse, and surely is a vast somm of 
 monys; what then shall we say of sixty three 
 Tunns ? we finde in the Chronicles of England 
 that thirty thousand markes, or Forty thousand , 
 to have been a Queens Dote in Marriage , Elleo- 
 ner Daughter to King Edward the second, mar- 
 ried to the Earle of Gelders. (after made Duke) 
 had but fifteen thousand pound portion , Queen 
 Isabell Dowager to said Edward the second and 
 mother to Edward the third (most Glorious of 
 English Kings daughter and Heire to Philip the 
 Faire of France) had allowed her by her son 
 but a thousand pound joynter a yeare, several 
 
146 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 such passages wee may finde in the Cronicles of © 
 England , and others ; yet the Duke of Ormond, 
 as is to be seen in the 12. Querie of those in 
 Relation to Ormond, granted the profits of a 
 rent of one thousand five hundred pounds a yeare 
 (the parke hee hath neare to the Gates of Dub- 
 lin ,) to the Lord of, Dungannon, and to Colonel — 
 Cooke a Kingly Liberality. . 
 
 If Father Wailsh or any other will say , that 
 these Queries are Idle, Frivolous, needles 
 and of noe regard, I would aske of the same, 
 and know whether matters of Fact, and Pro- 
 positiones sensu note (as are the Estates and 
 lands of other men, and the Corporations now 
 actually in Ormonds possession, things th 
 cannot be hidden from the Eyes of men) a 
 Idle , needless, and Frivolous dreames and F 
 bles? noe, but Foule and unhandsomethin 
 against justice, honour, trust committed unto 
 him, and Goverment of that Kingdome of Ire 
 land, conferred by his Majesty upon Ormond. — 
 
 If his grace or any for him, can answer the 
 sayd Queries, why is hee, or they soe long 
 mute and silent ? they strick home to the quick, 
 they render his integrity suspected , they wound 
 his Fame and honour; certainly if there we 
 any way to answer them, and to prove them 
 False, Father Wailsh had long before now 
 spoken Loudly to the world; If Ormonds im 
 tegrity and vertues be Calumniated by. thes? 
 Queries ; I wonder there is nothing said in DB 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 147 
 
 vindication ; none appears for him; but what ? 
 ina matter that cannot be defended, it is but 
 wisdom to be silent ; the whole Country knowes , 
 that Father Wailsh, of all men is most concerned 
 to appeare for Ormond, and vindicate his in- 
 tegrity the best hee can, having in his several 
 writings described him for a vertuous , upright , 
 just , judicous , and most rare statesman , now is 
 the tyme good Friar to prove this, you see to 
 what puzle hee is brought vnto, by these 
 Queries ? you see how guilty he is on all sides ? 
 stretch him now your hand if you can, and bring 
 him of clearly and unspottédly from all these 
 blemishes, that staynes his person soe deeply , 
 now in the tyme, I say, to prove him to the 
 world, what you gave in paper of him, and 
 make us all sensible that hee is deservning of 
 those Epitihites , you are pleased to confere upon 
 him, in the little book called the “ Irish colours 
 Foulded ,” you have put downe a Faire method , 
 and good documents I must confess , for finding 
 of Ormond in the charge of Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland , when you bid him by all meanes beware 
 of the man of sin (meaning Orrery) who would 
 have his grace buoy up our interest wholy , that 
 is the stronger, and more prevalent of Orrery 
 and his complices; and sink utterly the other 
 interest; that of the Catholicks, against all 
 devine and humaine Lawes; many rediculous 
 things of this nature hath this Fryar said about 
 his Ormond , and this was one: but Ormond con- 
 

 
 148 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 trary to his desire and Counsell buoyed up Orre- f 
 ry’s interest , and sunk the Interest of the innocent — 
 party , because it was the weakest; For which 
 hee had a notable share of the grants , and estates 
 hee now enjoyeth. 
 I see good Father you are very unfortunate in 
 your conceipts of Ormond; who grants nothing — 
 of these things you demanded; I have a mind 
 to produce in this place, other lynes of this 
 Fryars (unto Ormoud) out of the same Fouldet 
 Colours; My Lord (Quoth hee) “I shall minde 
 your Grace of what you know your selfe all- 
 ready, that you shall behould under your Govern= 
 ment a very great number of simple poore Inno- 
 cents and most afflicted creatures , if any such be 
 in the world, and that you think that God hath 
 Principally, created you , and hithertoe preservee 
 you amidst soe many dangers , and now at 
 inspires our gratious King to send you for them 
 and therefore that your greatest care must be 
 open to them your breast with an amorous come 
 passion, extend to them the bowels of you 
 Charity, streatch to them affectionatly y 
 helpfull hands, take theire requests, lend ¢ 
 to theire cryes, and cause theire affaires to 
 speedily dispatched, not drawing them along # 
 delays, which may devour them, strengthen youl 
 Arme against those that oppressed them , redeet 
 the prey out of the lyons throate, and 
 Harpi’s talons. By these expressions one wo 
 have thought Ormond to be a man, like.to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 149 
 
 great things, but here wee have much smooke, 
 and noe fyre, faire blossoms, and noe Fruite , 
 excellent documents given, and yet nothing done; 
 take the paynes Father to goe up and downe 
 Ireland, and heare afflicted Innocent people, 
 and make a list) of those, to whome Ormond in 
 tyme of his Government ‘“ Opened his hart with 
 an amorous compassion , to whome hee did extend 
 the bowells of his charity , to whome hee did 
 streatch out his helpfull hands, those whom hee 
 preserved out of the Lyons throat, or the Har- 
 pies Talon.” You will com to short of your 
 vaticinations, and hopes, nothing like this , but 
 rather hee was the Lyon prey’d on them, and 
 did noe Iustice to the Orphans as you desired , 
 Nor wipe away the teares of a forelorne widow , 
 hee steeped not in oyle the yoake of a people, 
 which lived on gale and wormwood, and whoe 
 sighed under unsupportable necessityes, Hee 
 hath don nothing in his Goverment for the ease 
 of that people, but along with Orrery and the 
 rest pild, and puld them of all: truly good 
 Father you seem to mee a man much inchanted , 
 and indeed to be ina state of blyndness as to 
 your understanding , that Harpaste was in her 
 corporall sight, of whome Seneca, Epist: gquin- 
 quagessima ad lucilium writes in this forme , Har- 
 pastem uxoris mea fatuam scis hereditarium donum 
 in domo mea, remansisse, hec fatua subito desyt 
 videre , incredibilem tibi narro rem, sed veram , ne- 
 seit esse se cecam, subinde padagogam suam rogat 
 K 
 
150 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 ut migret, ait domum tenebrosam esse; ‘ Har- 
 pastes , you know, the changling of my wife is a 
 Hereditary legacy in my house, this changling 
 suddainly lost her sight, I tell you an incredi- 
 ble thing , but true; shee doth not beleeve that 
 shee is blinde , now and then shee desires of her 
 guide to remoue from thence, shee says the 
 house is darke and obscure.” 
 
 I am much of opinion Father Walsh , that this 
 is your condition, in relation to what you say, 
 or write of Ormonds affaires, and person; and 
 soe I take my leave in this place of both , leaving 
 you in your manyfold blindnesse in as much, as 
 you will not see; and leaving your Ormond to 
 the Fruition of these vast recompences, or a8 
 rather I should say , Robberys of poore orphans 
 and widowes, which will have noe good end; 
 soe much be said of his recompences, received, 
 and rewards; in the next Chapter I shall give a 
 distinct , and the briefest accompt I can of the 
 manifest Iniurys hee hath don to his Country, 
 and Countrimen. . 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 161 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 A Relation of some particular Iniuries 
 the Duke of Ormond hath don 
 his Countrymen. 
 
 His subuerting our union with 
 Vlyssean practizes. 
 
 Nort withstanding all the trust and confidence 
 the generality of that people placed in Ormond , 
 both great and small, yet little affection did hee 
 show to his country, or Countrymen ; the first 
 Injury and stratagemme have bine to worke a di- 
 uition amongst them, hee was the man let fall 
 the venemous apple of discord in the middle of 
 that vnited body, theire vnion , (the basis of all 
 prosperity) continuing, noe power, noe enemy 
 was able to prevaile against them , this union was 
 our onlyest bulwark, and would prove (if not 
 subuerted ,) Formidable to our Enemys at home, 
 and a broad: that Commonwealth doth prosper , 
 whose Cittizens are of one accord; Concordia 
 res parue crescunt , discordia res magne dila- 
 buntur. Ormond his chief Imagination hath bin 
 to take away this vnion, this life of our confe- 
 deracie ; what people , common-wealth, or nation 
 more knitt in mutuall Charity ,) at the first be- 
 ginning of the warre) then wee? ‘The Bishops, 
 
152 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Clergie , Noblemen , Gentry , townes and Cittys, 
 and the common people looked all one way, all 
 possessed with the same flame of Religious zeal 
 to preserve , and recover our libertys , Country; 
 and religion , all were Cor unum, et anima vna, 
 whilst Parsons , and Burlace did gouerne in Dub- 
 lin, and soe had wee still continued if Ormond 
 had not been chosen Lord Lieutenant ; by whose 
 influence upon the people all was lost , subverted, 
 and supplanted. 7 
 If you demand how could Ormond destroy this 
 vnion, and would his relations , even and dearest 
 frinds, which tooke the oath of association, be- _ 
 com perjurious and perfidious for Ormonds sake?’ 
 Would they forsake the sacred confederacy , and 
 the best quarel in the world for his respect? I 
 doe not meane to say, this affected him most 
 were, perfidious and perjurious to this country, 
 yea I hold his relations and friends to have been 
 good Catholicks , how then say you could Or- 
 mond debauch them from theyre union and con- — 
 federacie? his Excellencie, you must under- 
 stand , had a great number of his relations among 
 us, and many more persons of good quality , that 
 had nothing to do with him, held him for aman — 
 of great integritie and affection to his countrie, — 
 and took him fora man of virtue, justice, and — 
 sound judgment, a man that had power to doe — 
 us good, and a good willingness thereunto, and — 
 hoped that he would represent unto the king our — 
 oppressions and burdens under cruel statesmen, — 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 153 
 
 that destroyed and enslaved the subjects by their 
 sleights and cunning artifices , and in fine that he 
 would prove the deliverer of this conceipt , which 
 proved but a dreame ; conferred all mens affections 
 vpon him, receaving and embracing all the rea- 
 sons, and such sentiments as he pleased to in- 
 fuse unto them, and ordered all theyre course 
 (in all wisdom, as they thought) by his ways and 
 dictamen, by this meanes were undermined our 
 union, and our guard destroyed, Ormond’s per- 
 suasions in Court and countie, his reasons were 
 esteemed the best and wisest; his friends and 
 Faction cry Ormond is a wise man, he loves our 
 interest, understands our cause rightly; this 
 publicke confidence well knowne, hath been no 
 small meanes for him to deceaye his Friends, 
 and they deceaved the Generalitie , possessing 
 them with such and such imaginations, till at 
 last we grew in good earnest could in our pro- 
 ceedings ; dissentions sprung up, and our union 
 (the life, and strength of our countrie) dissolved 
 and broaken , desolation and destruction run over 
 all places, and we then began to disagree in our 
 consultations and debates about the publick ; ja- 
 lousies invaded our assemblies, difference rose 
 between such and such Families, between noble 
 men Gentrie, and even amoung the Bishops and 
 cleargy , some speaking high of the British in- 
 terest, others of the interest of religion, and 
 countrie: in the concusion we come to be reg- 
 num irre divisum: in the meane time Ormond, 
 
154 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 who acted his part so idly, said to his counsel, 
 and complices, Devisum est cor Catholicorum, 
 Jaminterribunt myworke is done , they are broken, 
 they are at variance one with another , they pros- 
 per no more, That you may more plainly see 
 the influence this great man had over the con- 
 federate Catholicks in the supreme counsel, who 
 gouverned all (consisting of 12) you may know 
 he had usually six of that number, for his trusty 
 friends, the first was Richard Lord Viscount 
 Mongaret (at the beginning of the warr, and for 
 a great while President of the Counsel) this Lord 
 was Brother to Ormond’s grandmother, the se- 
 cond was donough Lord Viscount Musgrue (after 
 Earle of Clancartie) who married’ Ormond’s el- 
 dest sister, Mr. Richard Bealing’s secretarie to 
 the counsel and a member thereof, married to 
 said Viscount Mountgaret’s Daughter, Mr. Ga- 
 rat Fenel Doctor physick, intimeat domestick 
 counselour to Ormond for some yeares, Mr. Pa- 
 trick Darcy a Famous lawyer, counsells in law 
 to the house Ormond. Mr. Gefferry Browne a 
 sound and good lawyer, and Sir Lucas Dillon 
 Knighte an able personage, both much addicted 
 to Ormond’s wayes esteeming them the best: as 
 for the Lord of Mountgaret , he was a plain simple 
 
 man, but the other five were substantial Peeces — 
 as the land could afford, Ormond was theire de- — 
 light. darling, and joy, and though they had — 
 witt sufficient to understand his ways, and pon= — 
 der his evill designes, this they have not don, 
 
 Pe ey a ae 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 155 
 
 but rather gave him full scope to worke what hee 
 pleas’d , out of thefore-spoken confidence placed 
 in him; by this meanes these wise-men were de- 
 ceived, deluded and inueagled away, and wee 
 with them ; our repentance is to late, and with- 
 out remedy , and wee finde our error Fatall and 
 irrecoverable, and wee have lived to see Or- 
 mond close with our deadly enemys, and him- 
 selfe the greatest enemy of them all. Sed sero Sa- 
 ptunt phriges. 
 
 This Lethean cupp ministered by Ormond 
 unto us, the confederates , stupifyed out wit soe 
 much, as wee could neither understand nor per- 
 ceive one another, wee became much like to 
 the confusion of Babell, when one sought for 
 stone, the other gave him sand, and when sand , 
 hee brought him stones, 
 
 But the first stepp to our confusion was treaties 
 of cessations, by those conferrences hee deceived 
 our people, who went still vpon the opinion of 
 his affection, he spunn us out with new devices, 
 and delays, and in the Intrim wee omitted the 
 opertunity of doeing service, wayting dayly for 
 apeace, for Ormond had brought us to that fools 
 paradice, as we neglected our owne preserva- 
 tion ; great matters hee promised to our commit- 
 tie of treaty , a good peace, the which when wee 
 had , was worth nothing , as formerly said , where 
 I advertised you how the Committie of treaty 
 failed to performe the instructions given them, 
 and to conclude noe peace without insisting on 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
156 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 them, but cleare sighted men, that trusted not 
 in Ormond as those men did, found those articles ; 
 to be a plaistered bussiness, as a boue said. If — 
 Ormond had power from the King to grant better 
 Articles, then thé thirty: Articles; will not your 
 understanding be convinced , that hee playd fouly 
 with the confederate Catholicks, and that his in- 
 tention was not frindly nor honest, and that his 
 only designe hath bine to deceive us? his Ma- 
 jesty in a letter to Ormond december the fiftienth 
 1644. Oxford , hath these words. 
 
 * Ormond. 
 
 . “Jam sorry to finde from Colonell Barry the sad 
 condition of your particular fortune , for which I 
 cannot find soe good and speedy remedie as the 
 peace of Irland , it being likewise to redresse most 
 necessary affaires heere, wherefore I command 
 you to dispatch it out of hand, for the doeing of 
 which , I hope my publick dispatch will give you 
 sufficient instructions and power” &e. Some what 
 lower downe he hath thes Words, “and to show 
 this is more then words, I doe hierby promise 
 them, and command you to see it don, that the 
 penal statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not 
 be put in execution” &c. and concluds the letter 
 thus , “soe recommending to your care the speedy — 
 dispatch of the peace of Irland and my necessary 
 supplie from thence, as I wrot you in my last — 
 privat letter, I rest.’ Of an other letter to the _ 
 Marques of Ormond, Feb: 1644. Oxford are these _ 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 1a 
 
 words. “ And now again I can not but mention 
 vnto you the necessitie of hastning of the Irish 
 peace , for which I hope: you are allredy suffi- 
 ciently furnished from me of materialls; but in 
 case peace cannot be had vpon those tearmes you 
 must not by any meanes fall to a new rupture 
 with them but continue the cessation , according 
 to a postscript in a letter by Iack Barrys, a cop- 
 pie of which dispatch I. Heere with send you, 
 soe I rest.” 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 “In case vpon particular mens fancies, the Irish 
 peace should not be procured , vpon powers I have 
 alredy given you, I have thought good to give 
 you this further order (which I hope will prove 
 needlesse) to seeke to renew the cessation for a 
 yeare , for which you shall promise the Irish (if 
 you can have it noe cheaper) to joyne with them 
 against the Scot and Insiquin” &c. Those Letters 
 are to be seen in the Kings book stiled Reliquie 
 sacre Caroline. By thes lines you see how 
 clearly his Majestie insisted vpon a peace with 
 the Irish, and fayled not to that effect to send 
 Ormond materials sufficient to satisfie the Irish 
 Catholicks , having heard theyr complaints and 
 theyr reasonable articles, for they demanded no 
 other then the libertie of theyr religion , benefit of 
 theyr estates and priviledges, yet Ormond in his 
 peace of 30. Articles granted not thes things, nor was 
 K 3 
 
158 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 it in his thought to joyne with us against the Scot 
 and Insiquin the Kings professed enemies, who 
 owned for theyr master the vsurping power , and 
 parlement of England, and there were reports 
 grounded vpon very good presumptions , that he 
 sent some of his forces to asist the Scots in the 
 North against us. 
 
 - * We come now toa third and maine agrivance 
 and injurie done the confederat Catholicks , which 
 was the yealding up of Dublin castel, sword and 
 all to the Parliament, not withstanding that the 
 Queen and Prince sent from Paris a gentleman 
 expresly instructed to his excellencie , to prevent 
 the giving up of these places to the Kings ene- 
 mies and rather to close up a peace with the Ca- 
 tholicks ( the only way then appearing for setling 
 the Kings affaires ) this action hath been one of 
 the vglyest things Ormond ever did, to render 
 therfore my reader fully capable of this perfi- 
 dious proceeding, I shall be obliged to enlarge 
 my selfe therevpon, this will be made cleare out 
 of a discource of the Iorney that the Agent sent 
 from the Qucen and Prince ( Mr. Wintergrant @ 
 Catholick Gentleman ) made himselfe , who came 
 to Ormonde with his letters and instructions ‘be- _ 
 fore he had given up the castell of Dublin; (the 
 cittie was rendered before to the parliament ) the — 
 cheefest part of the discource runs thus: “his 
 Majestie being a prisoner at homby, and all ne- — 
 gotiation for his deliverance and restablishment — 
 
 3’ Injury. ; 
 
 j 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 159 
 
 rendered frvitless , it was thought fitt by the 
 Queen and Prince of wales with theyre counsel, 
 that some body should be sent to Ireland with let- 
 ters and instructions to my Lord of Ormond for 
 settleing of a peace in that Kingdome,” for that 
 purpose said Mr. Wintergrant was chosen, and 
 accordingly receaved certain instructions sent by 
 the Queen, all these instructions tended to the 
 settlement of peace between the confederat Ca- 
 tholicks and the King’s partie, as appeareth by the 
 express words of the second instruction: “ ye 
 shall inform the said Lord Lieutenant how sensi- 
 ble we and the Prince are, of the presenttroubles, 
 of the kingdom, as well in consideration of the 
 King’s affayres in generall, as Particularly out 
 of the apprehension of the great and imminent 
 danger that may thereby happen to those which 
 yet remain under the obedience of him the said 
 Lord Lieutenant, and how desirous we and the 
 Prince are to contribut all that is in our power 
 to reconsile the things in question between the 
 said Lord Lieutenant and the confederate Ca- 
 tholicks of Irland, whereby all of them may be 
 firmely United under the authoritie of our dear- 
 est Lordethe King and thereby enabled to defend 
 themselves against the common enemie, and sea- 
 sonably assist the King in his other dominions : 
 he also brought letters to the Lord Nuncio and 
 Romain clergy and to several noble men , and to 
 certaine corporations and citties to be first shewed 
 to Ormond and as he pleased to be delivered or 
 
q 
 
 not delivered, all was left to Ormonds breast, 
 and this Mr. Wintergrant was to pursue all his 
 instructions in such manner as the Lord Lieute- 
 nant shall thinke fitt, and in all other things ye 
 shall saith the instruction governe yourselfe ac- 
 cording to the advice and orders of the said Lord — 
 Lieutenant,” In the sixet instruction are these 
 words; “ If he the said Lord Lieutenant shall 
 direct ye to repayre to the Lord Nuncio, Assem- 
 bly, Clergy, or supreme counsel of the Irish 
 nation, or to the General assembly now met at 
 Kilkennie, ye shall vpon all occasions, when — 
 your discretion shall think fitt, publish a vow and 
 declare the great inclination which we and the 
 Prince have to contribut effectually all that “shall 
 be proper for us and him, to the speedy conclud- 
 ing a happy peace in Irland.” 
 
 These were one sort of instructions I received 
 saith Mr. Wintergrant , which were not to be kept 
 soe privat but that they were in some cases com- 
 municable , but these that follow not soe: 
 
 160 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Privat Instructions. 
 
 “You shall deliver to the Lord Lieutgnant of 
 Ireland fourtien blanks now given to your posses 
 sion by us, and the Prince, two whereof were 
 joyntly signed by us, and the Prince, six others — 
 signed by us alone, and the other six by the — 
 Prince alone. — 
 
 “You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant that — 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 161 
 
 wee and the Prince doe authoriez and apoint him 
 to fill up all the said blanks in such manner , and 
 to such purpose , and with such contents, as hee 
 shall think most proper for the service of our 
 dearest Lord the King in his Irish affaires, and 
 ye shall assure him the said Lord Lieuteuant that 
 as wee and the Prince repose this trust and con- 
 fidence in him, that hee shall make use of them 
 as he shall think fitt , for the advancement of the 
 peace in Ireland ; soe will both of us at all tymes 
 avow, and justify those instruments soe to be 
 filled up by him as our owne acts, and as don by 
 our owne particular directions, and command ; 
 you shall more particularly acquaint the Lord 
 Lieutenant from us, and the Prince, that if in the 
 treaty of peace , or inthe conclusion thereof, hee 
 desires to be assisted with any further authority 
 grounded upon any letters sent to him from the 
 kinge or otherwise in our power, then we desire 
 him the said Lord Lieutenant to fill up his blanks 
 signed by us, or the Prince with such authority 
 from us, or from us and the Prince , or from the 
 Prince only in such manner as hee shall finde most 
 proper , and conducing to such a peace. 
 
 “You shall likewise particularly acquaint him 
 the Lord Lieutenant, that if hee shall finde it 
 proper for the advancement of the peace there, 
 that your selfe, or your selfe with any others 
 now in Ireland should in our name, and autho- 
 rised by us, repair to the assembly-General now 
 held at Kilkennie, or the supreme counsel of the 
 
162 THE UNKIND’ DESERTER. 
 
 Trish , or to any other body or persons with the 
 overtures of a treaty or any particular, in order 
 to, concerning or conducing to the same; our 
 desire is, and we hereby authorise him the said 
 Lord Lieutenant'accordingly that hee should fillup 
 one or more of the said blancks, signed by us in 
 the nature of a commission letter, or instructions 
 with such authority from vs, and in such manner 
 as hee shall think fitt , and that hee would accor- 
 dingly insert the name of such person or persons 
 as hee shall think fitt to be joyned with you in 
 this Imployment from vs. 
 
 “ These particulars you are to communicate to — 
 
 none but the Lord Digby , and Lord Clanrikard, 
 unless the Lord Luetenant shall think fit to give 
 you other orders concerning the same. 
 
 ' “Then followeth the Princes approbation of 
 all the instructions of both sortes , with his com- 
 maund to put them in execution in these words. 
 
 Charles Prince. 
 
 ““ Wee have perused and doe fully approve 
 of your instructions bearing date herwith, and 
 Signed by our Royal Mother; and doe appoint 
 and authorize you soe far as you shall finde vs 
 named therin to put the same in execution.” 
 
 Charles Prince. 
 
 _ “ Wee have perused , and doe fully approve of 
 
 
 
 Se ee ee a oe ag 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 163 
 
 your private instructions bearing date herwith, 
 Signed by our Royall Mother, and hierby ap- 
 point and authorise you soe farre as you shall 
 finde vs named therin to put the same in exe- 
 eution.” 
 
 - ‘ With these instructions and many letters not 
 only to my Lord Lieutenant Lord’ Clanrikard , 
 and Lord Digby; but alsoe from the Queen to 
 the Nuncio and Cleargie, to O Nelle and Pres- 
 ton, with all the considerable persons then a 
 mongst the Irish, I parted from Paris a bout the 
 16. of march 1647. in Companie of my Lord 
 Crafford &e. 
 
 “From Nantes I landed at Waterford the 
 6th. or 7th. of Aprill, and yet so vnluckely 
 as the assembly at Kilkennie had brooke vp 
 that night at ten of the Clock, which they 
 would not have done had they first heard of my 
 landing, for soe Mr. Barron, (whoe hath been 
 an Agent hier in France for the confederat Irish) 
 and to whome I sent a post soe soonas I was in 
 waterford, writt back to mee; indeed I was 
 very unfortunat for the Assembly had both 
 power and meanes, to doe or undoe , what they 
 had don in order. to a treaty, which the su- 
 preme Counsell limited within bounds by the 
 Assembly , afterwards had not. 
 
 “ Being com to Kilkennie I was by Mr. Bar- 
 ron brought to the Counsell, to whome ( after 
 they had caused mee to sitt in a Chaire not farre 
 from my Lord of Antrim theire President nor 
 
164 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 woold they heare mee till I had done soe ) I de- 
 livered the cause of my coming thither, which 
 was the Queen and the Prince his desire of 
 peace in that Kingdom, and for the Queen shee 
 was not only moved unto it for the Kings in- 
 trest., but alsoe by a zeale to the Catholick Re- 
 ligion and good of the People. 
 
 “The day I came to Dublin I was that night 
 brought to my Lord of Ormond, to whome I 
 delivered such letters as were for him, and then 
 said, that hee was sure those letters expressed 
 civilitys from the Queen and Prince ; much bet- 
 ter then I could; and that therfore I had no- 
 thing more now to say untill I had such instruc- 
 tions disiphered as I had, which were many, 
 and would take vp som good tyme, and by which 
 his Lordship would finde the confidence her Ma- 
 jesty and the Prince had in him, which was soe 
 great, as noe reports could shake, though wee 
 had weekly newes, of his treaty with the Par- 
 lament for delivery of those places under his com- 
 maund , to which his Lordship replyed , that con- 
 fidence shall never deceive them, and that hee 
 who had ventured himselfe , his wife, and all his 
 Children in the Kings service, would make noe 
 sample of venturing or casting away one scruple 
 when there shall be cause, (this hee spook be- 
 cause oné of his sons was then hostage with the 
 Parlament ,) yet if there be necessity hee should 
 give up those places: under his commaund, hee 
 would rather give them to the English Rebells, 
 
 Se Tee 
 
 
 
 ys oe Satan 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 165 
 
 then to the Irish Rebells, of which opinion hee 
 . thought every good Englishman was; to this I 
 replyed nothing.” 
 
 Ormond having seen and perused these pre- 
 mises, and now spooken of instructions, I de- 
 maund in this place, what his grace can aleage 
 for himselfe, that can excuse his backwardness 
 in satisfying the resonable and just demaunds of 
 the confederat Catholicks? Hee cannot say hee 
 wanted power and authority for concluding a 
 peace with them, seeing hee might insert in the 
 papers of 14 blancks what conditions, what Ar- 
 ticles hee pleased himselfe, the Queen and 
 Prince being resolved To owne and justify the 
 same as theire Royall act and deed; Further, hee 
 had from his Majesty a great latitude of power, 
 to compass such a peace as the Queen and Prince 
 (then) desired , (notwithstanding the rejection of 
 the peace, of 46, as is to be seen, by the Kings 
 Letter to Ormond Februarii 27th 1647. in these 
 words, page 258, of Reliquie Caroline, 
 
 Ormond. 
 
 The impossibility of preserving my Protestant 
 subjects in Irland, by a continuation of warr, 
 having moved me to give you the power and di- 
 rections ; which I have formerly done for the 
 concluding of a peace there , and the same prov- 
 ing dayly much more Evident, that alone were | 
 reason Enough for mee , to enlarge your powers, 
 and to make any commands in the point more 
 
166 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 positive, but besides these considerations, being — 
 now manifest that the English rebells have (as © 
 farre as in them lyes) given the command of Ir- 
 land to the Scotts, that theire ayme .is at a total — 
 subversion of Religion and real Power, and that — 
 nothing less will content them or purchase peace. — 
 Heer I think my self bound in conscience, not 
 to let slip the meanes of settling that Kingdom — 
 (if it may be) fully under my obedience, never 
 to loose that assistance, which I may hope from 4 
 
 my Irish subjects for such samples as in a less — 
 
 pressing condition might reasonably be struck at _ 
 
 by mee for theire satisfaction; I doe therefore — 
 command you to conclude a peace, with the 
 Irish, whatever it cost , soe that my Protestantsub-— 
 jects there may be secured , and my regal authority _ 
 preserved ; but for all this you aretomake for mee 
 the best bargain you can, and not discover your 
 enlargment of power, till ye needs must, and 
 though I leave the management of this great 
 matter, and necessary worke intirely unto you, 
 yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspen- 
 sion of Poyning’s act for such bills as shall be 
 agreed upon between ye there, and the pre- 
 sent taking away the penal laws against Papists, 
 by a law will doe it; I shall not think it a hard 
 bargaine , soe that freely and rigorously they en- 
 gage themselves in any assistance against my 
 rebells of England and Scotland , for which n 
 conditions can be hard, not being “against co 
 science or honour.” + 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER, 167 
 
 Can there be any thing clearer then these ex- 
 pressions? can there be a larger commission 
 given, or a. more streighter commaund layd on 
 Ormond for compassing speedily a peace with 
 the Irish Catholicks, then what is repeated heer ? 
 can Ormond pretend hee wanted power to con- 
 clude a peace, or the King a willingness to have 
 it done; his Majestyes intentions , desires, and 
 solicitations to that effect, are vrged in these 
 words, ‘‘ what ever it cost soe my Protestant sub- 
 jects may be secure, and Royal authority ;” there 
 is nothing soe certaine (securing Catholicks Re- 
 ligion) then that wee desired, and vnanimously 
 minded to secure the Kings intrest and preroga- 
 tive and to help him to our power, and not to 
 molest or trouble any of his Protestant subjects, 
 if not provoked by themselues therevnto; take 
 notice in this place of his royall assent , to a Sus- 
 pension of Poynings act for such bills as should 
 be agreed vpon betwixt Ormond and us, and the 
 takeing away the penal Lawes against us, neither 
 did hee think it a hard bargin “soe wee freely 
 and vigorously engaged our selves in his Royall 
 service against his Rebells of England and Scot- 
 land ,” and says, “noe conditions can be to hard , 
 soe this be don , and that in performing it nothing 
 is against conscience , and honour ;” heer you may 
 observe the distinction his Majesty makes at that 
 tyme betwixt his Catholick subjects of Irland, 
 and those his Protestant Rebells of England , and 
 Scotland, his Majesty , (whose intrest it was, 
 
168 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 and the only Iudge of that fact, to aprove, or 
 disaprove us as such,) gave each according his — 
 desert , calling us his Irish subjects, and those — 
 of England and Scotland his Rebels , yet Ormond — 
 in his conference with Mr. Wintergrant , calls us 
 otherwise , (euen Rebels as those of England and 
 Scotland were ,) adding therevnto that if there 
 were necessity to give vp those places vuder his” 
 command , vnto any of the three nations, hee 
 would rather make them over to his English re- 
 bels then to his Majestys faithfull Irish subjects 5 
 of which opinion hee thought every good Eng- 
 lishman was: to which expression, Mr. Winter- — 
 grant (a Roman Catholick and a person who had | 
 a better opinion of theire conscience, then Or- 
 mond) replyed nothing. 4 
 
 By the prefated expressions of Ormond, you 
 see how hee declared himselfe for an Enelish- : 
 man, and being the Kings Lieutenant in that 
 Kingdome , hee showed himselfe only exteriourly 
 for the King , but interiourly a right Parlamen-— 
 tier, as by his severall open disobediences and 
 distructive delays to the King, Queen, and 
 Princes orders and instructions, (as to the hast- 
 ning “of the Irish peace) is manifested; such a 
 one in effect I must confess, his darling Orre 
 would have him to be, by all attributes , of Re-/ 
 ligion , breeding, person, speech, dispossitions , 
 by his Lady and children, and predecessors” 
 (though Irish , and well skild in the Irish speech oy 
 and of 480. yeares and. more standing in that 
 
 ch 
 ins 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 169 
 
 country) would to God Orrery had gotten his 
 wish in this, and that his Ormond had been of 
 two sydes an Englishman, and that our Coun- 
 try , and Countrymen had never knowne Or- 
 mond, Orrery, or Orrerys father: were it soe, 
 things had gone far better with vs, and with the 
 country ; you see how this Statsman makes noe 
 difference between the’ confederate Catholicks, 
 and the Rebells of Scotland, and England , whoe 
 got vp in actuall Armes against the King, who 
 bought and sould him & had him close Pri- 
 soner at the same tyme , these words were spoken 
 by Ormond: can Ormond produce such an oath 
 of association (made, and agreed vpon by the 
 Parliamentary party) to maintaine the Kings pre- 
 rogatives , rights , person and Royall interest, as 
 wee have made and set forth vnto the world ? 
 vpon all occations , and in all places , even in the 
 lowest ebb of his Majestys affaires, wee spoke 
 with veneration and respect of his sacred person, 
 when they in pulpits, streets, banks, and 
 theaters , in their privat meetings ana Counsels 
 disdainfully violated his sacred person , and per- 
 sued him even in theire new books, as you may 
 see in the Heu! and Cry! of Mercutius Britan- 
 icus., ridiculously set forth in this forme. 
 
 “Tf any man can bring tale and tydings of a 
 wilfull King , which hath, wilfully gon a stray 
 from his Parliment with a guilty conscience, 
 bloody hands, hart full of broaken vowes, and 
 

 
 
 170 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 protestations , if these marks be not sufficient, — 
 there is another in the mouth, for bid him speak — 
 and you will soon know him , then giue notice to 
 Britanicus , and you shall be well payd for your 
 paines; God saue the Parliment.” im 
 These and such like scurrilous disrespects, to 
 his Royall person would be theire quotidian pas- 
 time , yet our good Ormond was pleased to list _ 
 vs in the ranke and cathalogue of those redicu- 
 lous “prophaine Rebells. His Vncle, and his 
 Brother-in-law , the two prefated Viscounts , and — 
 the rest of his affected frinds, would hardly bee 
 lieve (had an Angel affirmed it) that Ormond 
 would harbour soe hard a thought of the confer 
 derate Catholicks, whom hee knew full well in ‘ 
 his hart to be good, faithfull, and zealous sub- 
 jects. Now notwithstanding all these instruc-_ 
 tions, and the Kings letter before mentioned, — 
 with all the instances Mr. Wintergrant could : 
 make , (which were done witha great deal of care _ 
 and judgment) notwithstanding the accommoda- _ 
 tion (which Ishall insert heere) sent by the confede- 
 rate Catholicks to Ormond , notwithstanding all — 
 this I say , hee yeilded up to the Kings enemys — 
 the Castle of Dublin, the sword, and all, in : 
 which and by which action, hee discovered his : 
 hatred to the confederate Catholicks , his affection — 
 to the Parliament, his disrespect, and manifest : 
 disobedience to the Kings orders and commands, — 
 and to those of the Queen and Prince, Neither 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 171 
 
 wanted Ormond (as some men did think) his 
 hidden reasons that moved him to neglect soe 
 much, and sleight the Royall authority. 
 
 His Logick made him discourse thus secretly 
 with himselfe : the King is prisoner to his Par- 
 liament, and noe hopes left for his redemption, 
 hee is like to perish there; the Queen alsoe and 
 the young Prince they are exiled , what can they 
 doe? They are not able to help themselves, 
 much less to procure any forraigne assistance for 
 his Majesty: the Parliment of England, with 
 Crumwell have drawne all England to their owne 
 side with Scotland, and a great part of Irland, 
 as the large province of Ulster, where the Scot 
 insulted , and that part of Munster, where Inse- 
 quin with his Army remained under obedience 
 of the Parliment: my best way then will be 
 ~ (quoth Ormond) to play my owne game the best, 
 and make good use of the tymes; I will therefore 
 appeare exteriourly for his Majesty, and yet 
 oblige the Parliment in yielding up to them the 
 Castle of Dublin, with the Kings sword and all 
 the faire county of Dublin, rather than keep it 
 and take part with the Irish , (and this I will doe 
 notwithstanding the Queen and Princes orders 
 and commands to the contrary) for I may well 
 feare , the Irish Catholicks and I (though joyned 
 with them) will be at long running mastered by 
 the Parliment ; who will be mindfull of mee in 
 due tyme for soe necessary and frindly an action. 
 And truly it fell out so, for though they showed 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 172 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 noe personal favour to Ormond, they showed © 
 great kindness to his Lady allowing her three © 
 thousand pound starling for her joynter (as above | 
 said) and Crumwells children were not less frindly _ 
 to her children, and all this kindness hath been | 
 done them , by all liklyhood in recompensation of ~ 
 Ormonds giving up the cittie , castle , and county — 
 of Dublin to the Parliment.’ 
 
 Projects of Policy are deep and secret, and 
 likly this act of Ormond was the Policy and wis- 
 dom the Lord Digby meant , when hee sayd to 
 Mr. Wintergrant, that the Lord of Ormond was — 
 wiser, then to unite with the Irish Catholicks. — 
 But in the meane tyme what became of his Loy-a 
 alty? Of his great zeal to his Majestys inte-— 
 rest? Of his obedience to the Royall commands, ~ 
 and to the orders, and instructions of the Queen — 
 and Prince? Herein the King was sleighted, — 
 the Queen and Prince put by, who as they held ~ 
 the preserving of Dublin, the castle therof and 
 country about it, to be the Kings great interest; — 
 and beneficiall for his Majesty, soe alsoe they 
 did think the delivering up of all to the Parli- 
 ment would prove a very great loss , and destruc: 
 tion to his Royall intrest ; for preventing of which 
 loss , and mischief, orders, commands, instruc- 
 tions , and all power were sent from Queen and 
 Prince by Mr. Wintergrant to perclose a peace 
 with the confederate Catholicks at what price 
 soever. ‘ 
 If the neglect committed herein by Ormond 
 
 ; 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 178 
 
 (sleiguting the Royal powers and authority, a 
 clear argument of disobedience to him, in both) 
 hath redounded to the utter overthrow of the Ca- 
 tholicks , and Kingdom, and consequently of his 
 Majesty’ intrest therin; you my reader may 
 judge , or any other Impartiall Iudgment ? 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The accommodation sent by the confederat 
 Catholicks to Ormond Lord Lieutenant 
 for preserving of the Cittie , and 
 Castle of Dublin with the lands 
 about it , rejected by him, 
 and the reasons given 
 by him for such 
 
 rejection. 
 
 Genritz Reader, heer before I give you the 
 accommodation presented, and offered by the 
 Confederate Catholicks, vnto Ormond, I think 
 it necessary to give you first, the sound obser- 
 vation of an vnderstanding and discreet Member 
 (made vpon the same accommodation) of the said 
 confederate Counsell of Catholicks, which shall 
 serve you asa guiding light to the clearer vnder- 
 standing how the matter was carried on, which 
 _ was word to word as followeth. p 
 
 That the late Articles of pacification con- 
 
 L 
 
174 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 cluded with the Lord Marquis of Ormond Anno 
 1646. Being rejected by the generall assembly — 
 with an vnanimous consent, by reason the Lord 
 Marquis of Ormond did not grant those condi- 
 tions vnto which hee was authorized by his — 
 Majesty , and for that the King ;was brought — 
 vnto a condition incapable at present to performe 
 any thing that was granted, and for that there — 
 was noe security in them for Religion or Nation, 
 and the insecurity not com to the knowledg of 
 the confederats , vntill after the late pacification 
 was published ; the late generall assembly in the 
 begining of March last, Imployed Mr. Giffery 
 Barron som tyme before Imployed in France, 
 and Mr. Gerrald Fennell, both persons of great 
 trust, vnto the said Marquis with the inclosed 
 heads or Overtures of an accommodation to con-— 
 tinue vntill his Majesty were in a free condition - 
 to grant honourable and safe conditions vnto the 
 confederats , and the said Marquis after receiv-— 
 ing the said Overtures by vertue of a letter of 
 Credence from the said Mr. Barron and Mr 
 Fennell returned answer to the assembly , that 
 hee would send his answers by messengers of his _ 
 owne, first giving great hopes vnto those In- 
 ployed by the assembly, that hee would never” 
 Toyne with the Parliment. 
 “The assembly expecting this answer for one. 
 and twenty days received it not to the hazard, 
 and very great charge of the Kingdom; his. 
 Lordship in the interim treated with the Par 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. Li 
 
 liment Commissioners, and the assembly fully 
 possessed with a beliefe that his Lordship would 
 never conclude with the Parliment, a few days 
 before the adjournment sent Theobald Butler 
 Major of Hors in the Catholick Army to his 
 Lordship, to know the cause which might retard 
 or stay his Lordships answer soe long, and soe 
 much expected; at whose coming thither the 
 said Marquis (having as it seemes concluded 
 with the Parliment, delivered hostages vnto 
 theire Commissioners, Viz. his sonne the Lord 
 Richard Butler, and the Lord Dyllon, the 
 Earle of Roscomon a considerable Peere , and 
 native of this Kingdom, Collonell Arthur Chis- 
 chester sonne and haire of the Lord Viscount 
 Chischester, and Sr. James Ware Knight, ‘a 
 person of consideration with him, and of the 
 Privie Counsell) hier vpon the said Lord Mar- 
 quis tould the said Major Butler, that hee would 
 never propound anything to the confederate 
 Catholicks that was in theire power to deny 
 him.” . 
 
 The Assembly receiving this answer soe much 
 tending to the Kings disservice , by which the 
 hopes of an accommodation was frustrated , they 
 being solemnly sworne to endeavour an accommo- 
 dation with him, (which were consistent with 
 Loyalty and Catholick Religion) on the fourth 
 currant adjourn’d it selfe vntill the 12’th of 
 November next; soone after Monsieur Tallone , 
 and Monsieur Munnery Residents to the King of 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 176 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 France arrived heer, and being with vs at the — 
 Counsell declared that most of theire bussiness — 
 hither was to solicit an accommodation tending 
 Chiefly to the preservation of the Catholick Reli: 
 gion , and wee did on all occations declare our wil- _ 
 lingness and rediness to effectuate the same, and — 
 after severall Iourneys made by the said Mon- 
 sieur Tallone to Dublin, wee did condescend 
 to enlarge the Cessation at first agreed vpon to 
 the 17°th of April, which was performed. And 
 after condescended , that in case good and par- _ 
 ticulare hopes were demonstrated unto us, wee _ 
 would out of zeal to our liege Lord the King, — 
 and in our.great expectation of the interposition _ 
 by them promised of the Crowne of France, — 
 embrace a Cessation for six monthes, soe that in 
 the interval the Lord Marquis would accept noe — 
 Parliment forces into any of the Garrisons under — 
 his command, and give good assurance for his | 
 performance therein ; whereupon Monsieur Tal- — 
 lone repaired to Dublin, and brought unto us his ‘i 
 Lordships absolute denyall of Cessation for more 4 
 than three weekes , unto which wee could not — 
 condescend , in regard wee had just and pregnant — 
 courses of feares , that the said Lord Marquis did 
 but seek that short Cessation in expectation of — 
 forces from the Parliment , (whereof we had well — 
 grounded intelligence from London and other- — 
 wise ;) and his Lordship having during the treaty 
 With us received men from the Parliment into 
 Dublin, and others his Garrisons, and wee 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. birgr 
 
 having understood that his Lordships reason for 
 not granting a Cessation for the six monthes 
 propounded , was that thereby all hopes of his 
 agreement with the Parliment had bin taken 
 away, and that then of necessity hee must throw 
 himselfe on our party, before hee could fairly 
 fall of from the Parliment, which , whether hee 
 can doe or noe, the delivery of the hostages and 
 theire quality , and the forces by him allready 
 received , and the dayly expectation hee hath of 
 more, and the late propositions by him sent to 
 the Parliment (which if assented unto by the 
 Parliment , hee declared himselfe to stick unto 
 them) being considered it may be easily judged 
 wherein the Impediment to an accommodation 
 lyeth. 
 
 Adding to the premises for the more clear 
 understanding of our real desires to entertaine an 
 accommodation with the Lord Marquis of Ormond, 
 for preserving and continuing the places under 
 his Majestys obedience, which his Lordship 
 holdeth , that since our propositions sent him, to 
 put his Lordship in minde of an accommodation , 
 hee did neither by message or otherwise autho- 
 rise any to treat further with us there upon, but 
 utterly sleighted that treaty , by which wee had 
 noe encouragement given us to listen to a ces- 
 sation, which in itselfe was noe way profitable 
 to the affaires of the Confederate Catholicks, for 
 the reasons affore-said , other then in order to 
 the hopes wee might have of an accommodation , 
 
 L 3 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 178 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 the coppy of which propossitions is hierwith — 
 sent. R 
 
 Besides the motives afforesaid , wee have it ‘ 
 by assured and certaine intelligence, that the y 
 Lord Marquis of Ormond hath already con- — 
 cluded with the Parliment, and hath upon con- 
 fidence of prevailing for a short cessation with 
 us , assured them that hee would hould what hee 
 enjoyeth untill the month of May, expecting 4 
 then the Parliment of England theire Supplys. 
 
 Overtures for an accommodation delivered by 
 Doctor Gerrald Fennell, and Geffrie 
 Barron Esquires from the Generall 
 assembly of the Confederate 
 Catholicks to the Lord 
 Marquess of Ormond 
 in March 1647. 
 
 1. That each party should continue theire re- 
 spective government independant of each other, 
 within such quarters, as by the accommodation ] 
 shall be agreed on, until a peace. 
 
 2. That both should joyne in a warre, both 
 by sea and land against the Enemys of his Ma- 
 jesty, and this Nation, and that neither party 
 shall make Peace, Cessation or other Agree- 
 ment, or entertaine any Commerce or Trafick ” 
 with the said Enemys without the consent of | 
 each other untill a peace. - i 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER, 179 
 
 3. That Dublin and other Garrisons in your 
 Lordships quarters may be secured against the 
 said Enemie. 
 
 4, That the Confederat Catholicks within the 
 quarters, that by this accommodation shall be 
 agreed upon to be left to your Lordship , shall be 
 secured of the free enjoying of their Religion , 
 lives, Estates , and libertys. 
 
 5. The like for all other Catholics in the said 
 quarters. 
 
 6. That your Lordship shall permitt none to 
 live within your quarters, but such as will swear 
 to the performance and accommodation. 
 
 7. That your Lordship shall enjoy the profitts 
 of your Estates in the quarters of the Confede- 
 rate Catholicks , paying such contributions out of 
 it, as the said Confederats shall doe out of 
 theires. 
 
 8. That the Confederats will contribut to the 
 maintenance of your Lordships Charge , by rea- 
 son of your place in a Competent way. 
 
 Could there be any accommodation thought 
 on, more profitable to the King, more conside- 
 rable to the Queen and Prince his expectation, 
 and more advantagious to Ormond himselfe , 
 (who therby had the rents of a great part of his 
 Estate , of that I meane, that laid within the 
 Catholick quarters) then this? Let any indiffe- 
 rent conscientious man tell mee if any thing could 
 be more Loyall, or laying forth our great affee- 
 tion to cur King in the distressed state hee then. 
 
180 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 was-in, then this? Heer you have Ormonds — 
 answer to said accommodation , sent by Mr. Win- — 
 tergrant vnto the supreme Counsell the 10’th of — 
 may 1647. 
 
 The answers were as followeth. 
 
 The two first propositions are such , as apeare 
 fitter. to be treated in a League offensive and de- 
 fensive between neighbouring Princes , then be- 
 tween his Majestys governour of a Kingdom, 
 and his subjects of the same declined from theire 
 obedience , with whome it is inconsistent with his 
 Majestys Lieutenant to ioyne otherwise , then by 
 their returne to theire obedience , and submission 
 to his Majestys Authority. 
 
 2. To, the third. When they are thus re- 
 turned to theire obedience , and have submitted 
 to his Majestys authority , it will then be season- 
 able, to consider of securing the Garrisons. 
 
 3. The fiue other propositions are such as may 
 be fitt to be considered in case of a sessation, 
 which, when they shall propose vnto vs, wee 
 shall take it into our consideration, and give 
 such answers thervnto as shall be reasonable. 
 
 You see the nature and condition of this an- 
 swer. Ormond would not com to any accommo- 
 dation with the Confederate Catholicks, because 
 they were (as hee saith) declined from theire ~ 
 obedience , vntill they had returned againe to 
 theire former obedience and submission to his, 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 181 
 
 Majestys Authority; yet the very same tyme the 
 same Ormond treated publickly of a peace with 
 the Parliment party (a peace is of a higher na- 
 ture then an accommodation) open and knowne 
 Rebels to the King , and who had his Majesty at 
 the very same tyme theire close prisoner, and 
 not only treated with those rebels , but even 
 yielded up to them the Cittie of Dublin, the Cas- 
 tle , sword, and all appertaining thervnto. 
 
 Ormond gave to the confederate Catholicks 
 and their propositions of an accommodation the 
 answer, hee should have given the Parliment 
 party , hee should have said to their commission- 
 ers (with whome hee then treated) that it was not 
 consistent with his Majestys Lieutenant to treat 
 with them, untill they had set his Majesty at 
 full liberty , laid downe Armes, restored to the 
 King his Townes, Forts, and Navy, acknow- 
 ledging theire obedience and sworne aleagence 
 unto him. This hee did not, but perclosd oe 
 peace with them as above was said. If this his 
 acting , (when hee could have preserved the 
 Kings Cittie and intrest from his enemys by an 
 accommodation with the Confederate Catholicks, 
 as the King had commaunded, and the Queen and 
 Prince ordered by theire express instructions sent 
 to him by Mr. Wintergrant) can be excused from 
 treason , let any indifferent man judge. 
 
 Soe much I thought fitt to mention of Mr. 
 Wintergrant his Imployment, of the Queen and 
 Princes orders and instructions for concluding a 
 
182 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 peace with Irish Catholicks, and of the Kings ex- — 
 press commaunds toOrmond to the same purpose, — 
 of the diligencé of Monsieur la Munnerie, and 
 Monsieur Tallone to that effect in the name of — 
 the French King theire Master, as alsoe of the 
 
 Articles of the aforesaid accommodation most — 
 advantagious to the Kings intrest offered by his — 
 subjects the Confederate Catholicks. . 
 
 Put all these together my gentle reader, and 
 then judge if Ormond hath not showed himselfe — 
 (transacting with the Parliment) disobedient to — 
 the Kings commaunds , and to those of the Queen 
 and Prince, an Enemie to the Catholicks of Ir-— 
 land, and a frind to the usurping Parliment. 
 
 I now pass to a great and irreparable injury 
 don to the whole Nation by his Grace (a grace- 
 less action) the excluding of all the Catholicks of — 
 Irland from the benefitt of the general pardon and 
 indemnity , granted to all his other subjects, of 
 what Religion soever. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 How , and by whome , were the Catholicks im 
 of Irland excluded from the benefit 
 of generall pardon. 
 
 Cerraine it is, that the King intended the par- 
 don and act of Indemnity as well for the Catholicks — 
 
 a a a ee ee 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 183 
 
 of Irland, as for those of England, and the 
 rest of his subjects, which is made cleare and evi- 
 dent by his Majestys speech in favour of the 
 Irish Catholicks, in the house of Peeres » duly 
 27th 1660. “TI hope (said the King) I need not 
 put you in minde of Irland, and that they alone 
 shall not be without the benefit of my mercy , 
 they have showne much affection to mee a broad, 
 and you will have a care of my honour , and what 
 I have promised to them. 
 
 Could the Kings intention of the benefitt of 
 pardon and his mercy to the Irish Catholicks be 
 spooken in more cleare and noble expressions ? 
 but this Ormond (to his Eternall infamy be it 
 said) hath cruelly opposed, in propounding a 
 wicked and cunning proviso in the house of 
 Peeres, which theire Lordships thought would 
 have satisfyd us, and soe have just past it by: 
 by this perfidious fraud of Ormond, wee have 
 been exempted from the benefitt of the Indem- 
 nity. This is the grace Ormond (Peter Walsh 
 his saviour of the Irish Nation) hath don us, 
 for which the mallediction of -God will likely 
 fall upon him and his posterity. 
 
 After being excluded from the generall par- 
 ' don, Ormond, Clarindon, Orrery , Cloathwor- 
 thy, and the rest of that holy Synagog put 
 theire heads together for drawing up a Bill of 
 Settlement of the Kingdoms of Irland, (soe 
 powerfull they weare in cheating’ his Majesty as 
 hee gave them his ordinance for conceiving said 
 
184 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 Bill of Settlement, and their owne Secretary — 
 had the penning of it.) By the artifice of those © 
 reat men, and force of that Bill wee have lost — 
 For ever our Lands, Estates, and the liberty of — 
 free born subjects. This Bill is of an Immens — 
 Bulck, fraght with faire Language and barba- — 
 rous contents and proceedings. (They call it — 
 the Kings most gratious Declaration for the — 
 Settlement of Irland:) This monstrous Bulck — 
 with all its substance therin, hath bine reduced 
 into few heads by a learned Laeyer as fol- © 
 loweith. q 
 
 The substance and sens of the vast bill of 
 settlement . 
 
 1. By the late act of Parliment made for the — 
 settlement of Irland, all that might pretend to — 
 be free from the guilt of the late Commotion are — 
 concluded from being heard, and theire estates — 
 disposed for the most part, to such of the English — 
 as served the Vsurper Cromwell against his late — 
 and now Majesty. 
 
 2. Those, who submitted to the peace con- — 
 cluded by his late Majestys Authority in the — 
 yeare 1648, are by the said act debarred from — 
 
 the benefitt of the articles concluded in, and by — 
 
 the same peace, and the publick faith then given 
 denyed them, as hath bine already decree’d. } 
 
 3. Innocents are secluded from being restored — 
 to theire houses in Corporations , a few excepted, — 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 185 
 
 whoe were restored to their houses by his Ma- 
 jestyes Letters. 
 
 4. Catholicks are not suffered to have theire 
 freedom in Corporations , or liberty of traficke. 
 
 5. The Lords and other Catholicks , whoe had 
 presentations of benefices, are secluded from the 
 benefit of theire said Privileges , except they be- 
 com Protestants. 
 
 6. All the Nobility and gentry , that submitted 
 to said Peace of 48. and put themselves to vast 
 charges and expences in raising troopes , and Re- 
 giments of Horse and foote, to serve his Majesty 
 against the Usurper, have lost their Estates, and 
 their Lands settled upon those, who made the 
 Vsurpers quarrell theire owne , and fought vnder 
 him against the King and his Catholic subjects of 
 Irland ; and not only that , but are alsoe excluded 
 from all Imployments in the Kings service, or 
 Common wealth, except they renounce theire 
 Faith. 
 
 By these meanes they are brought to great dis- 
 tress , want of Creditt , Livelyhood , and reliefe , 
 Nil nisi vota supersunt. 
 
 A short Ponderation upon these Branches. 
 
 1. Never was pronounced from the begining of 
 Christianity , to this day, a more ynjust and 
 wicked sentence against Christians then have been 
 by this act, which beares the name of the Kings 
 most gratious Declaration , for the settlement of 
 ‘Irland. M 
 
 
 
186 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 2. What can there be more cruell, more. vn- 
 just , more impious, then to hinder one to answer 
 for himselfe , and prove himselfe Innocent ; what 
 more against the law of nature? What can there 
 be more iniquous, and unworthy of kingly piety , 
 then to conferre the loyall subjects Estates vpon 
 open knowne Rebells? What more sacred then 
 publick Faith? What more infamous then the 
 violation of the same? For which in all tymes, 
 dreadfull punishments have befalne the Viola- 
 tours. 
 
 3. Can there be any thing more Barbarous and 
 against Iustice , then to turne an Innocent out of 
 his owne house and right inheritance ? 
 
 4. The Christians in Constantinople , and other 
 the Dominions of the Turck ; are dealt with farre 
 better , and with more moderation then the Ca- 
 tholicks of Irland, whome those Statsmen have 
 excluded from all Commerce; which the very 
 Turcks doe grant vnto theire Christians. 
 
 5. Men. must renounce theire Religion, the 
 Basis of salvation , or loose theire Advousins, a 
 cruell Impious Tye vpon .Catholick patrons , but 
 each of them will answer, Non Hmam tanti pe- 
 mitere. 
 
 6. Heer you see Rebellion rewarded , and Loy- 
 alty punished , a preposterous and monstrous 
 kinde of Iustice ; Behold O bountifull God this 
 theire portentous and Impious iniquity. Now I 
 
 see afflicted Countrimen you may ramble up and — 
 
 downe the world, and loudly raise your voyce 
 
 7 
 ’ 
 
 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 187 
 
 and say Spectaculum facti sumus mundo & 
 Angelis , & hominibus. “ Wee are made a spec- 
 tacle to the world, to Angels, and to men.” 
 Could there be more formal Iniquity , then to de- 
 vest Innocent true subjects of theire estates and 
 liberty , and conferre the same upon those fought 
 against the King and Crowne? was it not a pre- 
 tious knavery of these Statsmen , to perswade the 
 King to such Impiety as this? _ 
 
 What shall I think or say of these Statsmen , 
 contrivers of this great wickedness? Even that 
 which Salvianus the good Bishop of Missilia , 
 said of the Lieutenants and Prefects of the Pro- 
 vinces , Magistratus , (quoth hee ) Et Provineia- 
 rum prefecti Statuunt non furandum, et agunt ipsi 
 latrocinie , puniunt rapinam cum ipsi sint Mazximi 
 raptores ; puniunt expoliatores domorum , cum ipsi 
 suit expoliatores provinciarum ; tantimo as adoptus 
 honor dat beneficii , ut semper habeant jus latroci- 
 nandt. 
 
 “The rulers and commaunders of Cittys and 
 Provinces, ordainesa law that nonesha.l‘steal, and 
 yet they themselves play the theefe ; they punish ra- 
 pine, and yet they themselves are great snatchers ; 
 they punish plunderers of houses, & themselves are 
 the robbers and plunderersof intyre provinces; for 
 this they have of benefitt by the honour obtained, 
 that they can always robb and plunder with au- 
 thority. This have bine the liberty our praefated 
 Statsman have assumed to themselves , and with- 
 out question theire malice must be deeply pol- 
 lished, when they could perswade, deceive and 
 
188 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 delude a King stiled (the King of merey and — 
 pardons) togive his Royall assent and approbation — 
 to the forementioned Act of Settlement , an un- 
 speakable , and an unheard Justice, Pregentes — 
 viperarum quis domonstravit vobis fugere a ven- — 
 tura Joa facite ergo fructum dignum peniten- — 
 tie.” Matth. cap. 3. v. 8. “ Ye breed of vipers — 
 who hath shewed you to fly from the wrath to — 
 come , yeild therefore fruict—worthy of penance.” 
 I am hiere compelled to cry with the Prophet 
 Jeremy with teares and sighs to God. ‘“ Remem- 
 ber O Lord what is falne. to us, behold and re- 
 gard our reproach , our inheritance is turned to 
 aliens, our houses to strangers.” Lament. cap. 5. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Artifice and Perfidie ? 
 
 . It is by this made evident, that all of them — 
 used much cunning and cruelty in compassing the — 
 worke of Catholick Irelands destruction ; but 
 Ormond hath surpassed them all ; take my reason, 
 
 Orrery , Cloathworthy, and all of the holy — 
 Cromwelian crew have don noe less or more then — 
 wee expected from them, when they should be — 
 able to do us a mischief ; at longerunning they had — 
 power to doe it; and they have egrediously don ~ 
 
 ; 
 Of all these Usurpers who hath used most 
 : 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 189 
 
 it, and boasting in that sinn, they tell us, they 
 have in our Tragedy acted their owne part, that 
 of enemys; and wee must confess they have not 
 deceived us in. trust, haveing never trusted them. 
 
 Clarindon hath been but a stranger to our na- 
 tion , wee first knew this crooked man in his, and 
 our exile, and though we have don him good ser- 
 vice, hee was evermore our Enemy, and pay’d 
 benefitts don him with Injurys, as men of his 
 nature use to doe ; in a word hee was a man (as all 
 that knew him will say) would for gold sell away 
 the sonne of God himselfe , and for gold he hath 
 sold us and justice. 
 
 But Ormond the greatest Nobleman now of our 
 Nation , in whome all the Nobility in generall, 
 and the generality of the people repos’d (a spe- 
 ciall confidence hath betrayed that trust, a black 
 staine of infamy upon a great Peere descended 
 from soe Catholick and Noble Ancestors). Hee 
 hath not proved (as wee expected) a pillare and 
 prop to his Nation , but a brused rotten Reed of 
 Egypt, deserting us in tyme of tryall, and joyn- 
 ing with all our Enemys, that thirsted after our 
 lives and possessions. It is true , we are not our 
 selves without some blame in the ruins of our For- 
 tunes and Country, our sinne in our unadvised 
 trust in Ormond , which’ made the way.easy for 
 him to deceive us ; wee have not bine wary, and 
 mischief entreth at the open gates of security, 
 Ormond came upon us in that kinde; wee had 
 most of us frindly harts for him, and we tooke his 
 
 M 2 
 
 
 
190 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 hart to be such to us. Per maximam amicitiam } 
 maxima fallendi copia. (Salust. Jugurth.) In 
 fine wee have bine lost, because wee did not 
 feare his crafty ways and dealings: but let him 
 consider well , what annalls and posterity will say 
 of him for having betrayd us in this nature; 
 certainly hee hath don more unworthily than if” 
 hee had oppressed us by open violence: Quia— 
 JSraus fediors quam aperta violentia. 
 After this feate of distruction don upon us, 
 at which nations abroad are amaized , and abhort 
 the actors, (and wonder much our King that — 
 spake soe much good of us Jn facie solis , gave us 
 up sacrifices to our Enemys without all protec- 
 tion of our Innocency) what doe these gallant 
 Usurpers? Doe they relent, or doe they feare 
 the revenging hand of God? it seemes noe: but 
 that they rather looke like men left only to make 
 up the number of those the Holy Ghost speaks of | 
 “*Cum (said they) and let vs enjoy the good 
 things that are, let vs fill our selves with pre-_ 
 tious wine and Oyntments, and let not the 
 flower of the tyme pass vs, let vs Crowne our — 
 selves with Roses before they wither; Every 
 where let vs leave signes of joy, because this 18 
 our portion, and lott ; let vs opress the pooré 
 Just man, and not spare the Widow , but let out 
 strength be the law of Iustice, for that which 8 
 weake is found vnprofitable.” Have not I beseech 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * Wisdome the 2. Chap. 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 191 
 
 you the doeings of those oppressed the afflicted 
 Innocent Irish, been the very same doeings of 
 those the Holy Ghost speakes of, living and 
 pampering themselves in great feastings , sensu-' 
 ality, pomps, vanitys, pride, and pleasures? 
 They. seem by theire life and manners to be 
 Athists , ( of that Tribe many these days liue in 
 Courts ) and if they are realy soe, they will En- 
 joy the purchases they have made by Robbery , 
 without any vnquietness of minde, for. what 
 should they feare , that owne noe God or puis- 
 sance to punnish, and reward, sin and vertue. 
 But if they truly beleeve in God, it is Impos- 
 sible they can Enjoy wrongfully the Lands and 
 livings of the Innocent, that perrish for want 
 of them , without som disquietness of Conscience, 
 and apprehensions of the Iust Ludgments of God 
 to fall upon them. Those men cannot want some 
 of Caine’s feares, who after having killed his 
 brother Abel had never quietness or rest of minde, 
 but was still tormented with seuerall feares in 
 hart and tremblings in his head, soe that this 
 unfortunate bloody man terrefy’d and frighted at 
 his owne action, ecry’d out a low’d to God. 
 Licce Hijcis me hodie a facie terra, & a facie tua 
 abscondar , Et ero vagus & profugus in terra, om- 
 nisigitur, qui me invenerit, occidet me. “ Loe 
 then doth cast mee out this day from the face of 
 the earth, and from thy face shal I be hid; and 
 shall be a vagabond, and fugitive on earth, 
 every one therefore that findetb mee. shali kil] 
 
192 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 mee. The spilling of Innocent Abels blood made 
 him feare all would kill him, and therefore all- 
 ways trembling, he feared men, and fled from 
 men, and though the Lord have putt a marke 
 on Caine, that whosoever found him, should — 
 not kill him, (a trembling in his head as many 
 hold ) Caine was allways frighted, and soe dis- 
 tracted, as to hold that trembling of his head, 
 for a signe given by God that hee should be kill- 
 ed. You see by this how great is the feare and 
 frightning of a guilty Conscience. And can 
 these men live without being frightned after kil- 
 ling soe many Innocent Abels by nakedness , ver- 
 min, famin, and all kinde of miserys, having 
 taken from them all they had in the world. There 
 have been many opulent persons and of great 
 quallity, Yea and som of them Peeres and Lords 
 of the Realme have bin lodg’d in small smooking 
 Hutts and Cabins, and as I may well say buried 
 there, and starued to death with their wives and 
 Children. Can the Cruell Robbers of these men 
 live without the feare of Gods anger? If they 
 have not a trembling in the head as Caine had, 
 likely they will have a trembling in their harts. 
 
 
 
 | 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 193 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 The Author speaks to Ormond a lone. 
 
 Bur my Lord that I may returne to your Grace 
 (whose house I have ever honoured,) and spend 
 a few words with you alone. Amongst Birds and 
 Beasts ( you know full well) som are Noble, and 
 som Ignoble; Lyons begett Lyons, and Eagels 
 ingender Eagels; your ancient house hath given 
 of both Lyons, and Eagels. Your Noble pro- 
 genitors , nobly minded did worthy things, and 
 performed ‘great matters, the poorest neigh- 
 bour liv’d safly neare them, possessing quietly 
 what was his owne, they succoured the dis- 
 tressed, and farre it was from them to oppress 
 the weakest ; but have been a propp to such as 
 could not stand by themselves ; and for such 
 worthy doings , the afection and blessing of those 
 releeved by them, and supported by them in 
 theire right and just causes, have followed your 
 Ancestors: But my Lord the world speakes 
 otherwise of your Grace, that being extolled to 
 the title of Duke (that your house had not be- 
 fore ) you digenerate from the true piety and 
 greatness of your brave Ancestors, for the na- 
 tives ouer all the Kingdome complaine that your 
 power is Imploy’d to the oppression of all, wher- 
 fore they all cry out, can not the Duke of Or- 
 mM 3 
 
194 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 monds greatness stand without our fall and 
 ruin, Is it possible my Lord that this title of 
 greatness is soe much increased in you, and that 
 of vertue deminished ? 
 
 My Lord the Lyons of your house (I meane 
 
 the noble Earles) did praye openly and fairly, but 
 
 your game is of a new forme; you are & 
 Lyon of a nother nature, then was one of the 
 greatest Earles) of your house (by name black 
 Thomas Granfather to your Lady) a person 
 highly esteemed by Queen Elizabeth, King 
 James and the Counsells of England and Irland, 
 and of the people of both Kingdoms, hee made 
 
 noe purchases by distroying the natives of the ‘d 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kingdom, as yours are, yet hee was both a happy — 
 
 and glorious Karle, hospiciously noble, and had 
 many depending of his bounty and good nature, 
 who made noe small fortune by him. 
 
 Nahum the Prophet, if you will take the 
 paynes to read him, will tell you what kind of Lyon 
 
 ou are; “ where is (saith hee) the habitation of — 
 Ny 
 
 Lyons? and the pasture of Lyons whelpes ? The 
 Lyon hath caught (saith hee) sufficiently for his 
 whelpes, and hath killed for his Lyoness, and 
 hath filled his Denns with forage and his couch 
 
 with Ravening,” O, Ormond, Ormond thou hast — 
 
 caught “sufficiently for thy whelps, thou hast 
 filled thy Dens with praye, and thy couch 
 “with Ravening, thou hast made the noble 
 house of Ormond an infamous Denn and couch 
 of Rapine ; thy whelps are made fatt with praye 
 and booty upon thy neighbours: 
 
 _ 
 

 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 195 
 
 My Lord, there is a nother Prophet speakes 
 to your Grace , and to Orrery and the rest of the 
 usurpers , in words able to make you tremble : 
 ‘“* Woe to him” (said Habacue “cap. 2.) that ga- 
 thereth naughty Avarice to his house that his nest 
 may be on high, and thinketh hee is delivered 
 out of the hand of Evil, thou hast thought con- 
 fusion to the house, thou hast eutt in sunder 
 many people, and thy soule hath sinned , because 
 the stone out of the wall shall cry, and the 
 Timber that is between the Juncturs of the 
 buildings, shall answer, wo to him that buildeth 
 a citty in blouds, and prepareth a citty in Ini- 
 quitys.” A dreadful expression. 
 
 Have not you my Lord and the rest of your 
 Complices cutt insinder many familys; most of 
 them er this consumed with hunger and Miserys 
 are gon into the other world, and for such of 
 them that live as yet, they are miserably perish- 
 ing at home and abroad, will not the blood 
 of those be layd at your doore? Your ambition 
 have built nestes in a high place from the reache 
 of human hands, but not from the hand of God, 
 who with the breathe of Indignation will caste 
 them all downe in his good tyme; yee have 
 houses and magnificent palaces for your posterity 
 in Blouds, and the stone out of the wall shall cry 
 out against you, and the Timber between the 
 Junctures of your buildings shall answer , “ Woe 
 to them that builded cittys in bloud prepared 
 houses in Iniquitys;” God in a moment (though 
 
 
 
196 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 
 
 
 at present yee glory and tryumph in your great- 
 ness and pleasures) can fill your houses with dis- 
 solations , mournings, Ignominy, death, feare, 
 and trembling: And perhaps will doe it, when 
 you least think of it. 
 
 When Sr. Ralph Fan was condemned to dye 
 by the practices of the Duke of Northumberland, 
 and brought to the place of Execution, in pro- 
 testation of his Innocency , spook only these two 
 words, “My blood shall be the Dukes bolster as 
 longe as hee shall live.” . 
 
 My Lord you may have (I feare) many of these — 
 uneasy bolsters: cast therefore an eye upon the — 
 other world (whilst God mercifully gives you 
 tyme to doe it ,) and take that care now for your- — 
 selfe, that noe other will, once you are gon, 
 and persuade your selfe , that without this care 
 all is lost and gon for all eternity. 
 
 ed 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Ormond seriously advised to think of longe — 
 Eternity. . 
 
 My Lord, God did forbid the Hebrues to min- 
 gel honey in the oblations , but commaunded them 
 to use salt in every sacrifice, “what sacrifice 
 soever thou offerest, thou shalt season it with — 
 salt, neither shalt thou take a way the salt of 
 
 a 
 
a 
 
 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 197 
 
 the Covenant of the God from thy sacrifice. In 
 every oblation thou shalt offer salt.” What mis- 
 tery doth this signify to banish honey from the sa- 
 crifice and make use of salt? Why salt in 
 sacrifice and not honey? This is to tell us that 
 sweet things deceive vs, and that flatterers be- 
 tray vs, but sharp things cure vs, and mortify 
 the body and minde when wee are to Sacrifice 
 both to God, and that wee are to heare patiently 
 and willingly those, that speak trueth without 
 assentation , and with the salt of sencerity. * God 
 himselfe sayd, ‘My people they that the blessed , 
 the same deceive thee.” But a lass it is now in 
 fashion that Princes and great men are deceived ‘ 
 because those about them will not speak a trueth r 
 that theire Masters will not willingly heare. It 
 is a great question with mee, if any one of your 
 numerous family, or of all those that depend 
 vpon you, and gaine much by you, or of all 
 those, that seem to be your frinds, will say to 
 your Grace the language and words of the Pro- 
 phet Isai. {Our Lord shall com to Iudgment 
 with the Antients of his people , and his Princes ; 
 for you have destroyed the vynyard, and the 
 spoyle of the poore isin your house. Why doe 
 you consume my people, and gryn’d the faces of 
 the poore , saith our Lord the God of Hostes?” I 
 doe not think any of them hath spooken to your 
 Grace in this kinde, though they know well the 
 
 * Isai, cap. 3... t Isai, cap. 3. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
198 THE UNKIND DESERTER. 
 
 spoyle of the poore is in your house , ana that you 
 and many more powerfull men have Grynded the 
 
 faces of the poore and destroy’d and consum’d — 
 
 them; wherfore you and they have reason to 
 
 
 
 feare , that God will soon com to Iudgment with — 
 
 you, vnless you will tymly prevent it. 
 
 Wise men should chase away from them flat- 
 terers, as wee doe swallowes for making nests of 
 dung in our dwellings. My Lord flatter not your 
 selfe with the great contentments of this world 
 you Enjoy, -vast revenues, great pomp, Copi- 
 ous Retenue, the veneration and low bowing of 
 the people vnto you, Gorgious, atyre, magnifi- 
 cent feastings, all your Iolitys and pleasures; 
 they will all pass a way like smook, and that 
 soon, for they say you begin to be old: those 
 that tells your Grace these things can make you 
 happy , doe but delude you, and you can carry 
 away of all noe more then a winding sheet: 1 
 were therfore wisely don to forsake tymly 
 those things, that will forsake, and vndoe 
 vs. And I think truly it would be a great bles- 
 
 sing to a person of your greatness and Imploy- — 
 
 ments, that God would strick you with som great 
 affliction and Cross, for it is not easy for those 
 to be wise and holy, whoe see nothing round 
 about them but prosperity , delights, the aplause 
 of men, and all sort of pleasures and sensualitys, 
 
 and that noe man tells them they are in danger — 
 Alexander the great, in the height of his Glory — 
 
 and victorys suffered men.to call him the sonne 
 of Lupiter (it was not Enough for his ambition 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 199 
 
 to be the sonne of Phillip of Massedon a wise 
 and great King) but wounded with an Arrow in 
 the siege of a Citty hee said to his courtiers and 
 flatterers round about him, * Zece omnes jurant me 
 esse filium Iovis: sed vulnus hoc me esse homi- 
 num clamat. “ Behold all sweare I am the 
 sonne of Iupiter: but this wound proclaimes mee 
 to be a man.” Vexation makes ys know Gods 
 greatness and our owne weakness. 
 
 When the people of Israel murmoured sediti- 
 ously against Moyses and Aaron for want of 
 water, God commaunded them both to take the 
 Rodd, and stricke a Rock therwith; and it 
 should give them water. All the tyme Moyses 
 held the Rodd lifted over the Rock and did not 
 stricke, there came noe water, but the Rock 
 being twice strucken with the Rod water flow’d 
 out aboundantly, and the people and theire 
 Cattle did drinck plentifully.. The hart of a man 
 is a hard Rock, and will yield noe water of com- 
 punction vntill strucken by the hand of God, but 
 when man is smartingly afflicted in his fortunes i 
 or health, then hee can weep, and know God i! 
 and himselfe; it were therfore wholsome and 
 good for your Lordship to receive a great vex- | 
 ation, cross, and contradiction in this world , 
 and soe I confess it should be to mee, that have 
 nothing of contentations and worldly pleasures as 
 you have. | 
 
 
 
 
 
 *Senec, Epist. 45. 4 
 
 Af 
 
200 THE UNKIND DESERTER, 
 
 Remember my good Lord in what a trembling 
 was Ezechias, when the Prophet said to him. 
 * “Take order with thy house for thou shalt dye, 
 
 and thou shalt not live.” Then Ezechias though a _ 
 
 holy King in feare cry’d out. Quis est hic, qui 
 sie humiliat sublimes reges terre 2? God hath all- 
 ready given your grace, a sensible and gratious 
 a-larum , when those desperate Ruffians set vpon 
 you by night and wounded you, haling and 
 abusing you most ignominiously; God in his 
 mercy brought you of from those bloudy men and 
 would not permitt you to be murthered by them, 
 but gave you time to doe penance and dispose 
 your selfe well for the house of death; you can 
 never thank his divine goodness enough for his 
 deliverance ; make good use my Lord of this 
 great mercy in duly preparing your selfe for the 
 next world. Wee goe to bedd sound and well, 
 and yet we are not certaine to live till the morn- 
 ing following, many were found dead in theire 
 bedd that parted the night before merrily and 
 sound from theire frinds; it may bee your case 
 my Lord as well as theirs, and mine alsoe, and 
 
 O Eternity! O Eternity! how little art thou in 
 the harts of men! O fyre burning for all Eter- 
 nity how little art thou feared ! 
 
 My Lord I present to your Grace a short but 
 
 horrible Meditation of Eternity, as this. Ifthe 
 
 * Tsai, cap. 38. 
 
 
 
 to what eternity wee shall com God alone knowes: * 
 
THE UNKIND DESERTER. 201 
 
 damned soules could be persuaded that after a 
 hundred thousand millions of yeares theire tor- 
 ments should have an end, that very perswation 
 alone would be a great comfort to them, for then 
 theire sufferings (albeit very longe) at length 
 would com to an end, but otherwise they are 
 perswaded , and assured the revolution of theire 
 paines and flames shall never have an end; (this 
 makes them dispaire and blaspheme the good- 
 ness of God.) If this wee beleeve not , where is 
 our faith) And if wee beleeve it where is our 
 Judgment and hart? What madness is it to 
 neglect soe Important a matter as the Eternall 
 salvation of our soule ? (without this a thousand 
 worlds are worth nothing) this is the great mat- 
 ter of state, on which wee ought to bestow day and 
 night , all care and deliberation, what rest can wee 
 take by night or by day when this wee sleight ? 
 Harken as yet my Lord (with this I make 
 an end) to the fearfull words afflicted Jobe 
 spake to those came to visit him, “ Why. then 
 (quoth this Holy man) Doe the Impious live ? 
 Are they advanced, and strengthened with 
 riches? theire seed continueth before them, a 
 multitude of Kinsmen and Nephews in theire 
 sight, theire houses be secure and peaceable, 
 and the Rod of God is not upon them” (Job. 21) 
 but did Job make an end hier? noe, but a little 
 after hee says. “Where is the house of the 
 Prince? and where are the Tabernacles of the 
 Impious? Ask any of the way-faring men, and 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 202 THE UNKIND DESERTER: 
 
 you shall understand , that hee knoweth the self- 
 same things, because the wicked man is Kept 
 unto the day of perdition , and hee shall be led 
 to the day of fury.” My Lord, I say, ponder 
 well in your minde these dreadfull speeches of 
 holy and patient Job, and prepare your selfe in 
 tyme (I conjoure you) against this day of fury 
 and perdition. 
 
 O Great and gracious God Grant to mee, and 
 this Noble-man, (grant I begg by the pretious 
 Bloud and Sacred wounds of thy deare sonne 
 Jesus) that wee may in Humility , in Teares, and 
 true contrition of hart returne to thee, whose 
 greatness , and goodness we have soe often and 
 grivously offended, (our great misery falls pros- 
 trate at the feet of thy great mercy.) . Grant to 
 us I beseech thee going out of this miserable and 
 wicked world a Happy, and Holy houre, and _ 
 that when the Vaile of the Temple shall be 
 lifted up, wee may see you face to face for all 
 Eternity. Amen. : 
 
 THE END. 
 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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